^p
JOHN CABOT
THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH-AMERICA
SEBASTIAN HIS SON
JOHN CABOT
THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH-AMERICA
AND SEBASTIAN HIS SON
A CHAPTER OF THE MARITIME HISTORY OF
ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS
1496-1557
BY HENRY HARRISSE
LONDON : 4 TRAFALGAR SQUARE, CHARING CROSS
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN STEVENS
1896
TO
THE REV. JOHN JOHNSON, D.D., LL.D.
OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA
THIS WORK IS DEDICATED BY HIS OLDEST
AND MOST FAITHFUL FRIEND
HENRY HARRISSE
102235
INTRODUCTION.
On ne doit aux marts que la vdritt.
IN the year 1497, a Venetian citizen, called Giovanni
Caboto, having obtained letters-patent from Henry
VII. the year previous for a voyage of discovery,
crossed the Atlantic Ocean, and, under the British
Hag, discovered the continent of North America.
In 1498, he fitted out in Bristol a new expedition,
and again sailed westward ; but scarcely anything
further is known of that enterprise.
Caboto had a son named Sebastian, born in Venice,
who lived in England not less than sixteen years,
and then removed to Spain, where in 1518 Charles
V. appointed him Pilot-Major. This office he held
for thirty years.
In 1526, Sebastian was authorized to take com
mand of a Spanish expedition intended for " Tharsis
and Ophir," but which, instead, went to La Plata,
and proved disastrous.
After his return to Seville, he was invited, in 1 547,
by the counsellors of Edward VI. to England, and
again settled in that country. Seven years after
wards, he prepared the expeditions of Willoughby
viii INTROD UCTION.
and Chancelor, and of Stephen Bu trough, in search
of a North- East Passage to Cathay.
He finally died in London, after 1557, at a very
advanced age, in complete obscurity. He is now
held by many to have been one of the greatest
navigators and cosmographers that ever lived, nay,
4i the author of the maritime strength of England,
who opened the way to those improvements which
have rendered the English so great, so eminent, so
flourishing a people."
To set forth a true history of these two men,
based exclusively upon authentic documents, is the
object of the following pages.
PARIS, November 1895.
CONTENTS.
PART I.
CHAP. PAGE
I. JOHN CAKOT NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH, . I
II. WAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE? . . Io
III. JOHN CABOT CA1.T.ED A GENOESE, ! 4
IV. SEBASTIAN CABOT S AGE AND NATIONALITY. NOT AN
ENGLISHMAN, ...... 27
V. JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND, . .36
VI. JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS, .... 42
VII. THE DOCUMENTARY PROOFS FOR JOHN CABOT S EXPEDITION, 48
VIII. JOHN CABOT S FIRST EXPEDITION, ... 50
IX. THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOT S FIRST EXPEDITION, . . 56
X. JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL, . . 63
XI. JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL, . . 69
XII. A FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT, . . 85
XIII. SEBASTIAN CABOT S SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY, . qf>
XIV. IS THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE? . . 109
XV. THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT, . 115
XVI. JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION, . . 126
XVII. ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT, . 142
PART II.
I. SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN, . . . .149
II. SEBASTIAN CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517, . 157
HI. PROTEST OF THE LIVERIES OF LONDON AGAINST EMPLOYING
SEBASTIAN CABOT, ... . l68
x CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE
IV. SEBASTIAN CABOT S TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES WITH VENICE, 174
V. THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS, .... 185
VI. THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA, . . . 2OI
VII. SEBASTIAN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN, . . 22~J
VIII. SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN, . 256
IX. SEBASTIAN CABOT IS ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. . 264
X. SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE, . . . 270
XI. THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. (A) HIS
CARTOGRAPHICAL WORKS, . . 28 1
XII. THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. (R) HIS
ALLEGED DISCOVERIES IN MAGNETICS, . . 289
XIII. THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. (c) HIS FIRST
METHOD FOR FINDING THE LONGITUDE AT SEA, . . 296
XIV. THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. (n) HIS
SECOND METHOD FOR TAKING THE LONGITUDE, . . 30!
XV. THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. (E) HIS
NAUTICAL THEORIES AND SAILING DIRECTIONS. . . 309
XVI. SEBASTIAN CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND, . . 318
XVII. SEBASTIAN CABOT S EMPLOYMENT IN ENGLAND, . 328
XVIII. ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CATHAY, . . 336
XIX. ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CATHAY BY THE NORTH-EAST, . 342
XX. SEBASTIAN CABOT S ALLEGED INFLUENCE, . . 360
XXI. LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT S LIFE, . . 364
XXII. THE END OF CABOT S CAREER, . . 372
(A) HIS PORTRAIT, ... . 374
(B) HIS* ALLEGED KNIGHTHOOD, . . 376
(C) HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN, 378
(D) HIS BROTHERS, . . . 380
(E) HIS ALLEGED DESCENDANTS, . 381
CONTENTS. xi
PART III.
PAGES
SYLLABUS OF THE ORIGINAL CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS, FROM
1476 TO 1557, WHICH REFER TO THE CABOTS, TO THEIR
LIVES, AND TO THEIR VOYAGES, .... 385-469
ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ISLARIO OF SANTA CRUZ, . . 409-4! I
RECORDS OF THE CRIMINAL PROSECUTIONS AGAINST SEBASTIAN
CABOT, ... . . . 415-427
CABOT S PLANISPHERES OF 1544 AND 1549, . . . 432-448
SPANISH TEXT OF CABOT S TREATISES ON MAGNETICS AND
NAVIGATION, ... . 454-4^6
INDEX, ..... 471
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
SECTION OF CABOT S PLANISPHERE OF 1544 (A), . . 94-95
PART OF THE FRENCH PORTOLANO COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT
FOR HIS ALLEGED NORTH-WEST DISCOVERIES (B), . . 94~95
FIRST VOYAGE OF JOHN CABOT, 1497, .... IIO-III
THE NORTH-EAST COAST IN THE MAP OF LA COSA, . . 136-137
SECOND VOYAGE OF JOHN CABOT (1498-99 ?), . . . 140-141
RIBEIRO S MAP SHOWING THE COAST RANGED BY SEBASTIAN
CABOT IN HIS VOYAGE TO LA PLATA, JUNE I526-MARCH 1527, 2O2-2O3
CABOT S BASIN OF THE LA PLATA (A), .... 262-263
THE REAL BASIN OF THE LA PLATA (B), .... 262-263
NEWFOUNDLAND ACCORDING TO SEBASTIAN CABOT (A), . . 286-287
NEWFOUNDLAND IN MODERN MAPS (B), .... 286-287
FACSIMILE OF AUTOGRAPH LETTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT, . 428-429
PART FIRST.
CHAPTER I.
JOHN CABOT NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH.
IT is still a mooted question with certain writers
whether John Cabot, the discoverer of the
American Continent, was by birth a Venetian or a
Genoese.
Henry VII. calls him in 1496 and 1498 " Civis
Venetiarum : Venetian citizen," and "Venetian."
In the same years, when speaking of him, Lorenzo
Pasqualigo, a native of Venice, uses the expression :
" Nostro Venetiano : Our Venetian [countryman] " ;
and Raimondo di Soncino, the Milanese ambassador,
that of " uno populare Venetiano : a Venetian
plebeian." Finally, he calls himself, in a petition
addressed to the King of England, March 5th, 1496,
" John Kabotto, citezen of Venes." 1
In the 1 5th century, the term " Venetian citizen"
applied to three descriptions of individuals, viz. : (a)
a native of the city of Venice ; (6) one born within
the limits of the " Duchy," or Dogado, that is, the
original territory of the Republic ; and (c) a foreigner
1 For those various designations, see 99 ; Annuario scientifico for 1865,
RYMER, Fcedera, 1745, vol. v, part Milano, 1866, p. 100 ; Cornelio
iv, p. 89 ; BIDDLE, A Memoir of DESIMONI, Intorno a Giovani Caboto,
Sebastian Cabot, Philadelphia, 1831, Geneva, 1881, 8vo, p. 47. In the
8vo, p. 76 ; RAWDON BROWN, Rag- course of the present work, when
guagli Sulla vita e opere di Marin quoting, we shall spell the name strictly
Sanuto t Venet, 1837, 8vo, vol. i, p. as it is in the document cited.
A
2 JOHN CABOT
by birth who had been naturalized. John Cabot
belonged to the latter class.
Here is the text of the decree by which the Senate
of Venice, by a unanimous vote, on the 28th of March
1476, conferred on him the full naturalization, in con
sequence of a (constant) residence of fifteen years in
that city ; dating, therefore, from 1461.
" 1476, die 28 Martii. Quod fiat privilegium civilitatis de intus
et extra loani Caboto per habitationem annorum XV, iuxta
consuetum.
De parte, 149
De non, o
Non sinceri, o.
1476, 28th day of March. That a privilege of citizenship within
and without be entered in favour of John Caboto, as usual, in con
sequence of a residence of fifteen years.
Ayes, 149
Noes, o
Neutrals, o." 1
This, of course, establishes the fact that John
Cabot was not a Venetian citizen by birth ; other
wise it is plain that he would have been under no
necessity to become naturalized. But does it also
prove that he was born beyond the limits of the Re
public of Venice ?
No satisfactory reply can be made to that question
without first examining what were the naturalization
laws enacted in Venice before the i6th century. 2
On the nth of December I298, 3 the Venetian
1 State archives in Venice, Senato 1795, vol. iv, vol. i, p. 330, 395 ;
Terra, 1473-1477, folio 109. Infra, ROMANIN, Storia docutnentata di
Syllabus, doc. I. The latter word in Venezia, Venezia, 1855, 8vo, v l- iv,
every cise refers to our own appendix, p. 469, quotes regarding the Venetian
2 Vettor SANDI, Principj di Storia naturalization, the registers of the
Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Great Council called Magnus and
Venezia s 1755 ; 4to, vols. ii and iii ; Capricornus, which comprise the years
Cristoforo TENTORI, Saggio sulla 1299-1308. We presume that for the
Storia civile, politico,, ecdesiastica . . . subsequent laws and decrees, the
della Repubblica di Venezia, Venezia, Spiritus (1325-1349), the Leona (1384
1785-1790, 8vo, vol. i, dissert, iv ; -1415), and Ursa (1415-1454), should
Giambattista GALLICCIOLI, Delle be consulted.
Memorie Vewte antiche, Venezia, 3 GALLICCIOLI, loc. cit.
NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH. 3
population was divided into two classes, viz.: the
nobility, and the common people. These classes,
so far as national rights were concerned, formed
again separate orders, consisting of (a) the natives
of the city of Venice, (b) those of the laguna islands,
or Duchy, and (c) the natives of the annexed towns
and provinces.
At first, noblemen alone were citizens ; but the
term must be taken in the sense of a full citizenship,
for we find even in those remote times citizens de
jure, who, although plebeians, enjoyed civic rights of a
patrician character. The only condition imposed on
each was that of being a legitimate child born in
Venice, whose father was himself the son of a citizen
who had never obtained his living by manual
labour. 1
Those classes of Venetians, however, did not
long retain their exclusive privileges, for in 1305 a
law conferred the citizenship on every individual
born in lawful wedlock, who had been a resident of
Venice for twenty-five consecutive years. 2
In 1348, when the plague had swept off a very
large portion of the population, every foreigner who
was married and had resided in the city with his
family for two years, acquired the right to be made
a citizen. 3 This extreme liberality caused strangers
to flock into Venice from every quarter, and the
number of applicants became so great that the
Government, fearing lest the old inhabitants should
be overwhelmed by this influx, passed a law extend
ing the period of domicile to fifteen years. 4
On the 7th of May 1391, for reasons which we
have been unable to ascertain, but which may be
ascribed to a diminution of the population in conse-
1 Marco FERRO, Dizionario del vol. ii, p. 813; TENTORI, op. /.,
Diritto Comune e Veneto, Venezia, vol. i, p. 102.
1779, 410, vol. iii, p. 189. 3 SANDI, vol. ii, p. 814.
2 SANDI, op. /., lib. iv, cap. 5, 4 Ibidem, p. 815.
4 JOHN CABOT
quence of the Genoese war, and the spirit of terri
torial extension which animated the Republic after
the treaty of Turin, the rulers again resorted to
extremely liberal measures. Anyone who removed
to Venice with his family had only to cause his
name to be recorded in the registers of the Pro-
veditor to acquire immediately civic rights ; at least
de intm, that is, rights to be exercised only within
the territory of the Republic. 1
Such excessive generosity soon resulted in the
same evils as in 1348, for the applications became
more numerous than ever. But as the Proveditor
was obliged to accept every demand, with no option
as regards granting citizenship, the right to confer it
was transferred to a special college, composed of at
least one hundred and fifty members, 2 clothed with
discretionary powers, as we presume.
Venice having been again greatly depopulated by
epidemics, the Senate, on the 7th of July 1407, issued
a general decree extending the right of citizenship to
any stranger married to a Venetian woman, and
coming to reside in the city. 3 We infer that once
more such a great facility, which dispensed with the
condition of previous residence, resulted after a while
in detrimental effects. However, it is not till sixty-
five years later that we find modifications introduced
in the law. On the nth of August 1472, the Doge
Nicola Trono decreed that in future a residence of
at least, fifteen consecutive years and payment of all
State taxes during that time, should be first required ; 4
but nothing was said relative to marrying a Venetian
woman.
The reader must bear in mind that these naturaliza-
1 FERRO, art. Cittadinenza. A. Avog., MS. ; TENTORI, vol. i, p.
2 SANDI, lib. iv, chapt. 5, vol. ii, 108 ; CECCHETTI, // Doge di Venezia,
p. 815. Venezia, 1864, 8vo, p. 246.
3 SANDI, lib. vi. cap. 2, vol. iii, 4 Infra, Syllabus, doc. 2, which
p. 345, on the authority of the book contains the entire text of the decree.
NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH. 5
tion laws applied only to aliens, or natives of the
annexed provinces. The inhabitants born in the
metropolis, or within the Duchy, never ceased to
enjoy the full nationality conferred on that class of
residents by a special decree issued in 1313, and of
which we shall speak hereafter.
The citizenship was of two kinds, viz.: de intus
and de extra, relating respectively to privileges
within and without the dominions of the Republic.
These two sorts of privileges were frequently com
bined in the same individual, who was then a citizen
de intus et extra. And as the citizenship de extra
comprised the enjoyment of all the commercial rights
which Venice possessed in foreign lands, together
with the privilege of sailing under the flag of St.
Mark, dependent, after 1472, so far as naturalized
citizens were concerned, only on giving security to
the State, applicants who were traders or seamen
naturally sought to complete their naturalization by
becoming citizens de extra as well as de intus.
In addition to the entry in the Senatorial
register quoted at the beginning of the present
chapter, we possess a list of seventeen naturaliza
tions de intus et extra, recorded in the Book of
Privileges. John Cabot figures the thirteenth in
the roll, as follows :
" Simile privilegium factum fuit Joanni Caboto sub duce supra-
scripto 1476: The like privilege has been granted to John
Caboto, under the above-mentioned Doge, in I476." 1
The privileges alluded to are set forth in the
decree of Doge Trono, rendered the 1 1 th of August
1472, which precedes the list of naturalized citizens
already cited, and is entitled : " Privilegium Civi-
litatis de intus et extra per habitationem annorum
XV. : Privilege of Citizenship within and without
1 Ibidem.
6 JOHN CABOT
granted in consequence of a residence of fifteen
years." The motive is to be derived from the
following clause :
" Quod quicumque annis XV vel inde supra, Venetiis continue
habitasset; factiones et onera nostri dominij ipso tempore subeundo,
a modo civis et Venetus nostri esset ; Venetiarum Citadinatus et
privilegio et alijs beneficiis, libertatibus et immunitatibus, quibus alij
Veneti et cives nostri utuntur et gaudent perpetuo et ubilibet con-
gauderet : That whosoever has inhabited Venice for fifteen years
or more, and during that time fulfilled the duties and supported the
charges of our Seigniory as if he had been a citizen and one of our
own Venetians, shall enjoy perpetually and everywhere, the privilege
of Venetian citizenship, and the other liberties and immunities
enjoyed and used by the other Venetians countrymen of ours." 1
It is evident, on the face of this document, that
the decree was rendered in favour of individuals
who were not Venetians, or " countrymen of Vene
tians." This is made further apparent by referring
to the list itself. The applicants whose origin is
stated in the decrees, all come from places which
never belonged to Venice, such as Milan, Balabio,
Lodi, Novara, nor even to the original dominions,
such as Brescia and Bergamo.
We also note in the list that the last seven
names are not followed by an indication of original
nationality. John Cabot s is among these. The
omission is simply due to the negligence of some
clerk of the Ducal Chancery, who engrossed the list,
in as succinct a form as possible, a long time after
the decrees were rendered ; for it covers twenty-
eight years, and not only omits important particulars,
but likewise exhibits great chronological confusion.
We notice, for instance, that the term : " Sub duce
suprascripto " in Cabot s case, is made to refer to
Doge Giovanni Mocenigo, whilst it was under the
rule of Andrea Vendramin that he acquired the
Venetian naturalization.
1 Ibidem.
NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH. 7
The peculiar organization of the Venetian Re
public makes it incumbent on us to examine the
question of nationality under one more aspect.
It cannot be doubted that in the 1 5th century, which
is the epoch of the greatest prosperity of Venice,
the State only extended a right of protection to its
annexed, or conquered, towns and territories. The
natives of Padua, Verona, Bergamo, Brescia, Ravenna,
&c., &c., could not assume the title of " Venetian
citizens," although those cities actually formed parts
of the Republic of Venice. Even the laguna islands,
which were the nucleus of the rising republic in the
7th century, had, for many years previous, been
deprived of Venetian civic rights.
The 1 5th century was for Venice a period of great
territorial conquests : Vicenza, Verona, Padoua, in
1410, the Frioul in 1420, Dalmatia in 1426, Ravenna
in 1441, Cremona in 1448, &c., &c. Now, we see
in the roll above cited a native of Brescia, and one
of Bergamo, which cities were annexed to Venice
in 1428. This shows that a man born in the
conquered towns or provinces was, in 1476, a
Venetian, but not a Venetian citizen, which title he
could acquire only after having been naturalized
individually. And, as the place from which John
Cabot came originally when he applied for citizen
ship in Venice is unfortunately omitted from the
abstract of the decree, critics can presume, prima facie,
that he may have been brought into life in one of the
numerous Venetian localities the natives of which,
at that time, were not Venetian citizens born.
This view of the case has not been considered by
the patriotic Venetian writers who claim John Cabot.
They simply allege that he was born in Venice.
This, so far as the city is concerned, we have shown
to be absolutely untenable. Of late years, others
have put forward the original dominion of the
8 JOHN CABOT
Republic as the region of his birth. Here again the
pretension is inadmissible.
In 1313, a law conferred on all resident natives of
the Dogado the full naturalization, that is, de intus et
extra. The two highest authorities in the old
Venetian Jurisprudence, Vettor Sandi and Cristoforo
Tentori, are positive. They state the fact in these
words :
"Nell anno stesso [1313] dilatatasi la prerogativa all antico
Dogado Veneziano, si decreto Cittadino dell una e 1 altra classe chi
nato dentro il tratto da Grado sino a Cavarzere abitasse con ferma
stazione in quelle terre : In the same year [1313] the prerogative
of the old Venetian Duchy was enlarged, by granting the citizen
ship of both classes to any one born within the space extending
from Grado J to Cavarzere, 2 with a fixed residence in that region." 3
Particular attention should be paid to this decree,
because those who reluctantly concede that John
Cabot was not born within the city of Venice, hope
nevertheless to gratify national vanity in naming as
his birth-place Chioggia, one of the laguna islands,
which would make him a Venetian in the general
sense of the term. This selection is particularly
unfortunate.
Reverting to the decree of 1313, which, so far as
known, has never been abrogated, we reply that
Chioggia belonged to the original dominion, or
Duchy. " Esse Dogado," says Sandi, "comprendeva
12 principal! Isole . . . erano Chioggia, o Fossa
Clodia maggiore, e minore." Consequently, if
John Cabot had first seen the light in Chioggia, he
would not have been obliged to ask the Senate in
1476 to grant naturalization, since the natives of that
1 Grado is a town situate at the 3 SANDI, vol. ii, p. 814, and
northern entrance of the Gulf of TENTORI, Saggio, vol. i. p. 103.
Trieste. 4 SANDI, lib. iv, art. v, vol. ii, p,
2 Cavarzere is another town, situate 530.
on both banks of the Adige, twelve
miles from Chioggia.
NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH.
island, for more than one hundred and fifty years, had
been full Venetian citizens by birth !
At all events, there is no proof whatever that he
was a Chioggian. The assertion is based exclusively
upon two lines inserted in a sort of keepsake written
at the close of the last century, and unsupported by
proof of any kind, viz.: " Caboto Veneziano nativo
di Chioggia ha scoperto la America settentrionale
per gli inglesi." 1 It may be true as regards Sebas
tian; 2 but if John Cabot is meant, such a bare
statement, made three hundred and fifty years after
the event, is, of course, worthless, even when
bolstered up with the allegation that in Pelestrina,
and in Chioggia, there were families of the name of
Capotto, Giabuto and cha Botto. For that matter
there were many individuals bearing a similar name
in other parts of Italy, in Gaeta, 3 as well as in Savona,
Porto Maurizio, and various localities, particularly
of Liguria, 4 which, as we shall now proceed to show,
rests its claims on more defensible grounds than
either Chioggia or Venice itself.
1 Cited by BULLO, La Vera Palria 3 MURATORI, Antiquitales italica.
di Nicolo de* Conti e di Giovanni inedii cevi, 1741, vol. iv, dissert, xlix,
CabotO) Chioggia, 4to, p. xxii. col. 395-6.
2 Castello, however, is the place 4 G. DONEAUD, / Caboto di Porto
in Venetia mentioned as having given Maurizio, in La Provincia, No. of
birth to Sebastian Cabot. Minerva, November iQth, 1881, in that Porto
No. of February 1763, quoted by Mr. Maurizio newspaper.
BULLO.
CHAPTER II.
WAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE ?
WE have shown that John Cabot was only
an adopted citizen of Venice. It is
necessary now to ascertain his birth-place.
Several writers presume that he was born at
Castiglione, a place near Chiavari, in Liguria, be
cause Raimondo di Soncino relates that : " Messer
Zoanne Caboto ha donato una isola ad un suo barbero
da castione Genovese : Mr. John Caboto has given
an island to a barber of his from the Genoese
Castiglione." 1 The fact that John Cabot made a
present of an island to his barber (surgeon ?), who
was a Genoese, is scarcely sufficient to prove that he
also belonged to that nationality, inasmuch as he
made at the same time a similar present to another
of his companions, who was " Borgogne : from
Burgundy." There are better reasons to show John
Cabot to have been a Genoese by birth.
So early as January 2ist, 1496, Dr. Puebla, the
ambassador of Ferdinand and Isabella to England,
informs them of the efforts of an individual " like
Columbus," who was endeavouring to fit out an
expedition to discover transatlantic lands. His
letter is lost, but we possess the reply of the Spanish
monarchs, which contains the following passage :
" You tell us that a man like Columbus has come to
1 Dispatch of December i8th, 1497. text to draw a distinction between the
Jean et Stbastien Cabot y doc. x, p. 325. Castiglione in Liguria, and several
The expression "Castione Genovese," places of the same name in Lombardy
is evidently intended in the original and Tuscany.
WAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE? 11
England for the purpose of proposing an undertaking
of the same kind to the English King." 1 The words
" uno como Colon " so clearly suggest those used by
Puebla two years afterwards : " otro Genoves como
Colon," that we may suppose an ellipse in Their
Majesties answer, and that Puebla s letter contained
a similar reference to Cabot s nationality. Be that
as it may, if his later dispatch of 1498 omits to give
the name of the navigator, it states explicitly that
he was a Genoese, in these words : " Cinco naos
armadas con otro genoves como Colon : five ships
equipped with another Genoese like Columbus."
However, the petition of March 5th, together
with the letters patent of April 5th, 1496, and
February 3rd, 1498^ show that John Cabot is meant.
Pedro de Ayala, Puebla s adjunct in the embassy,
also writes as follows :
" I have seen the map drawn by the discoverer, who is another
Genoese like Columbus . . . For the last seven years the Bristol
people fit out ships to go in search of the Brazil Island and of
the Seven Cities, according to the notions of that Genoese." 3
Let us now examine the English historians of the
first half of the i6th century.
Neither Richard Arnold, 4 Edward Halle, 5 John
Hardyng, 6 John Harpsfield, 7 nor any other historical
writer of the time in England, says a single word
concerning either Columbus, Vespuccius, or any of
the two Cabots. With the exception of a manuscript
chronicle which we shall cite hereafter, it is only in
the year 1559, in connection with the expedition of
1 Dispatch of March 28th, 1496, op. 5 HALLE, usque 1559, MS. of the
V., doc. v, p. 315. British Museum, Cott. Vit. cix.
2 DESIMONI, Intorno, pp. 47, 48, 6 HARDYNG, usque 1542 (continua-
49, 56. BIDDLE, Memoir, p. 76 ; tion by GRAFTON), London, 1543 (?),
Jean et Sebastien Cabot, docs, iii, iv, 4to.
xi, pp. 312, 313, 327. 7 Chronicon Johannis Harpesfeldi a
*Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xiii, diluvio ad annum 1559- Cotton MS.
p. 329. Vitell. cix. George LILLY, Francof,
4 ARNOLD, usque 1520, London, 1565, 410, and Arthur KELTON, usque,
s.a., serf 1520, fol. i546,London,i547,in-i6,arealsosilent.
12 WAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE ?
Willoughby and Chancelor (1553), which probably
would have been also left unnoticed but for the tragic
death of its noble chief, that English historians begin
to insert brief details about transatlantic voyages. 1
Judging from the letters patent which we have
just cited, the manuscript chronicle belonging to the
collection of Robert Cotton, 2 and the Cabotian plani
sphere of 1544, which hung up in Whitehall, the
documents of that period, which take notice of the
official nationality of John Cabot, call him a Venetian.
Yet, the first English chronicles or histories which
make mention of the discovery of the North- East
Coast of America, all declare that Sebastian Cabot
was the son of a Genoese.
For instance. In the third edition of the Epitome
of Thomas Lanquet, published in 1559, we read as
follows : " Sebastian Caboto, borne at Bristow, but
a Genoways sonne." 1 It is the first time that such
an assertion occurs in an English book.
In Richard Grafton s Chronicle, printed ten years
after Lanquet s, there is the following passage :
" About this time (1553) there were three noble ships set forth and
furnished for the great aduenture of the vnknowne voyage into the
East, by the North Seas. The great doer and encourager of which
voyage was Sebastian Gaboto an Englishe man, borne at Bristow,
but was the sonne of a Genoway." 4
A similar statement can be read in all the editions
of the Chronicles of Ralph Holinshed, 5 and in those
1 Richard GRAFTON, however, in Caxton, or Wynken de Worde, 1509,
his edition of 1550 of HALLE S 410. (Bibliot. Americ. Vetitst., Addit.,
Chronicle (vol. ii, fo. 158), gives a No. 33, pp. 44-45.)
few lines to the expedition suggested 2 Infra, chapter vii.
by Robert THORNE, and which John 3 LANQUET, An Epitome of cron-
RUT led to the North- West in ides, 1559, 4to, sub an no 1552.
1527. 4 GRAFTON, A Chronicle at large ,
The first allusion to the discovery of and meere History of the Affayres of
the New World to be found in a book England, London, 1569, fol., and in
printed in England, is in the transla- ELLIS edition, vol. ii, p. 532.
tion made by Henry WATSON after 6 HOLINSHED, TJie Chronicle of
the French version of Sebastian England, London, 1577, fol., vol. ii,
BRANDT S Stultifera navts, London, p. 1714.
WAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE ? 13
of John Stow s Annals. In the latter, however, the
wording is different ;
" This yeare one Sebastian Gabato a genoas sonne borne in
Bristow professing himselfe to be experte in knowledge of the
circute of the worlde and Ilandes of the same." 1
Here are, therefore, six writers who separately
declare in express terms, or impliedly, that John
Cabot was a Genoese by birth. It is important,
nevertheless, to ascertain whether Dr. Puebla, Pedro
de Ayala, the continuator of Lanquet, as well as
Richard Grafton, Ralph Holinshed, and honest John
Stow, have not perchance derived their information
on that point from the same source ; because those
six opinions would be then equal to one only. We
must also ascertain whether the statements were
borrowed from personages who by their position,
their facilities for being well informed, the time and
the country in which they lived, are entitled to faith
and credit.
1 STOW, The Chronicle of England, Christ, 1580, Lond., 1580, 4to, p.
from Brute unto the present yeare of 872.
CHAPTER III.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
RUY Gonzales de Puebla was a doctor of laws,
whom Ferdinand and Isabella sent to Henry
VII. in 1488 to negotiate the marriage of Catherine
of Aragon with Arthur, Prince of Wales. He came
to England a second time, about 1494, as Spanish
Ambassador, and represented not only Castile and
Aragon but also the Pope and the Emperor until
1509, when he died.
Puebla was venal, and so mean, that for the sake of
cheap lodgings he lived in a disreputable house. 1 His
official position, and intercourse with Court people,
which he rendered frequent, as much to be enter
tained at dinner as to obtain news, 2 enabled him to
be well-informed. He also frequented the numerous
Genoese who were settled in London. In fact, his
intimacy with them was too great ; since by paying
him bribes, which at times amounted to so much as
500 crowns, they secured his influence to be relieved
of fines imposed by the English government. The
corruption was such that commissioners were sent
from Spain in 1498 to investigate the charges brought
against him."
o
1 " He has been living for three years 2 "Once Henry asked his courtiers
already in the house of a mason who if they knew the reason why DE
made money by keeping disreputable PUEBLA was coming. They answered,
women under his roof." Petition of To eat, and the king laughed."
the Spanish merchants in London, " Report of LONDONO," op. cit., Nos.
and letter from Dr. BRETON, in the 204, 207.
Spanish Calendar of BERGENROTH, 3 Ibidem, No. 206, p. 165.
vol. i, Nos. 206, 206, p. 1 66.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 15
This intercourse with people from Genoa, many
of whom we must suppose to have known John
Cabot personally, as in those days the Italians
residing in London often met in Lombard Street,
and also the probability that Puebla himself saw
him at the Court in 1496 and 1498 when applying
for letters patent, are considerations which add great
weight to the expression " a Genoese," used by
Puebla in reference to John Cabot.
Pedro de Ayala first went to Scotland as am
bassador to the Court of James IV., and afterwards
to London, as adjunct to Puebla, until 1500. Ferdi
nand of Aragon then sent him to the Emperor at
Bruges, whence he returned to his native country in
the spring of 1506, via England. 1
Ayala differed greatly from Puebla. He was a
gentleman of high birth, and, although belonging to
the Church, as apostolic protonotary, was of a pugna
cious, haughty, and prodigal disposition, withal, a very
skilful diplomatist, who had the greatest contempt
for his chief, Puebla, whose company he avoided.
Instead, he lived in the intimacy of Raimondo cli
Soncino, the ambassador of Ludovic the Moor, who
then held Genoa as a fief of the French crown.
He even corresponded directly with that prince,
and, to use an expression of the time, " was not less
in the service of the Duke of Milan than Raimondo
himself." 2
At the Milanese Embassy, he had frequent inter-
1 He is the "Peter Hyalas " of latter for the Line of Demarcation or
HALLE, GRAFTON, and HOLINSHED, Partition, after COLUMBUS had de-
and the"Elias" of BACON (Hist, of parted on his second voyage. This
Henry VII.,\>. 174), who negotiated prompted the witty remark of the King
the truce between JAMES IV. and of Portugal : "My cousin s embassy
HENRY VII. in 1497. He is also the lacks both head and feet ;" referring
Pedro DE AYALA whom FERDINAND to the weak intellect of CARVAJAL, and
and ISABELLA sent as ambassador with the lameness of AYALA. BARROS,
Garci LOPEZ DE CARVAJAL in the Decad. i, fo. 57.
autumn of 1493, to JOAO II., concern- 2 RAWDON BROWN, Calendar, vol.
ing the modifications proposed by the i, Nos. 780, 783.
16 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
course with the distinguished Genoese who occupied
such high positions at the Court of England that
several of them were entrusted by Henry VII. with
diplomatic missions to the Pope and to the King of
France. There were among them men like Agostino,
Antonio, Benedetto and Francesco Spinola,the King s
physician Zoane Battista de Tabia, Cipriano de
Fornari, &c., &C. 1 It was the time of the disco
veries accomplished by their countryman Christopher
Columbus. His voyages across the ocean were
doubtless a frequent subject of conversation with
those enterprising Italians. Ayala, himself, certainly
took great interest in the subject, as he had been one
of the two commissioners sent by Ferdinand and
Isabella to Joao II., the King of Portugal, in the
autumn of 1493, regarding the Line of Demarcation
fixed by the Papal Bull of May 4th. 2 We are
authorised, therefore, to think that when Ayala thrice
called John Cabot " a Genoese," 3 his information was
derived from the men of that nationality whom he
met so often, and is, consequently, entitled to credit.
The statements of the English historians of the
1 6th century relative to the same question require
also to be examined in detail.
The Epitome of Chronicles published in 1559, is
only the continuation of the chronicle of Thomas
Lanquet or Lanquette extended to the reign of
Elizabeth. The second part, in which is to be found
the passage concerning Sebastian Cabot, is ascribed
to Bishop Cooper, as the title reads : " Secondly, to
the reigne of our soueraigne lord king Edward the
sixt, by Thomas Cooper."
Cooper does not seem to have resided elsewhere
than at Oxford, where he practised medicine, 4 before
1 Ibidem^ Nos. 785, 787. 4 At the age of twenty-four years.
2 Supra, p. 15, note i. Wm. NICHOLSON, The English His-
3 Dispatch of July 25th, 1498. Jean torical Library, 1696, 8vo, vol. i,
et Stb. Cabot, doc. xiii, p. 329. p. 188.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 17
Elizabeth ascended the throne, in 1558. He was
not made a bishop till 1570. Born about 1517,
and living until 1594, he may have met Sebastian
at the Court during the last eight or nine years
of the latter s life, which were spent within the
city of London.
But it is necessary at the outset to ascertain
whether Thomas Cooper was really the author of
the expression : "a Genoways sonne," applied to
Sebastian Cabot.
The first edition of Lanquet s Chronicle, pub
lished in 1549, does not contain, of course, any
allusion to an event of the year 1553.
The second edition, which was printed in 1554,
we have failed to find in any library.
The third edition appeared in 1559, and is the
one from which we have borrowed the previously
quoted statement concerning the nationality of
Sebastian Cabot s father. The title states that the
third part is " to the reigne of our soueraigne Ladye
Quene Elizabeth, by Robert Crowley," and it bears
the imprint "Londini. In aedibus Thomae Marshe" ;
but we read in the colophon : " Imprinted at London
by William Seres." The reader should bear in
mind these three names, Crowley, Marshe and Seres
(or Ceres).
The fourth edition is of 1560, and the fifth of 1565.
Both of these were certainly edited by Thomas
Cooper. The reference contains only the words
"one Sebastian Gaboto," without any allusion to
the birth-place of his father. Further, in the
" Admonicion," on the verso of the title-page,
Cooper protests against the edition of 1559 in
energetic terms :
" Wherein as I saw some thynges of myne lefte out, and many
thynges of others annexed . . . greatly blame their vnhonest
dealynge, and protest that the Edicion of this chronicle set foorth
B
18 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
by Marshe and Ceres in the yere of Christe 1559, is none of
myne." 1
The edition of 1559 is therefore a mere counterfeit,
and as the words "a Genoways sonne" are not in any
of the editions which Cooper recognises as his own,
the designation is an interpolation of the compiler
who edited the publication of Marsh and Ceres, that
is, Robert Crowley.
Crole or Crowley was at once printer, bookseller,
poet, controversialist and preacher. After receiving
his education at Oxford, 2 he settled in London
towards the close of the reign of Henry VIII. and
became one of the most zealous reformers of his day
and country. As he did not die till 1588, Crowley
may have known Sebastian Cabot personally, since
they both lived in the same city from at least 1551
until 1554, when Crowley went to Frankfort return
ing to England only on the death of Queen Mary,
in 1558.
Richard Grafton s Chronicle is in reality that of
Edward Hall or Halle, remodelled and augmented.
But as Halle s Chronicle in its original printed
form 3 only dealt with the reign of Henry VIII.,
while the continuation, found, it is said, among
Halle s papers, only came down to the year 1532,
and as moreover, he died in 1548, it is evident that
the details about Cabot sub anno 1553, given by
Grafton, were not borrowed from Halle.
Grafton was the appointed printer of Edward VI.,
who notwithstanding his youth, wrote a great deal.
Having already enjoyed that privilege while as yet
Edward was but Prince of Wales, in 1545, Grafton
continued to hold it to the young monarch s death
in 1553. We are unable to say whether this
1 Thomas LANQUET, An Epitome London, 1819, 4to, vol. iv, p. 324.
of Chronicles ; COOPER S editions of 3 The Union of the two noble and
1560 and 1565, 4to. illnstre famelies of Lancastre and
2 AMES, Typographical Antiquities , Yorke ; London, 1548, fol.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 19
circumstance brought Grafton into contact with
Cabot, whom we know to have frequented the
Court of that King, where he even delivered
lectures on Cosmography. But the sentence in
question, such as Grafton gives it in 1569,* resembles
too much that in the third edition of Lanquet s
Chronicle, although inserted sub anno 1552, instead
of 1553, not to have been borrowed from Crowley.
We know scarcely anything of the life of Ralph
Holinshed, but for the present inquiry this is of no
importance, as what we read about Cabot in his
Chronicle is copied literally from Crowley, or from
Grafton.
Crowley, Grafton and Holinshed therefore con
stitute but one authority ; yet we should recollect
that the first two, and probably the third, were con
temporaries of Sebastian Cabot, and lived in London,
where he himself then resided. 2 It is certain that
under the circumstances they would not have repre
sented him to be the son of a Genoese, if they had
ever heard that he was the son of a Venetian born.
We now come to John Stow, and must ascertain
whether he also borrowed his statement from the
same source.
The life of that learned antiquary is really touching.
He was a poor tailor, who worked at his trade until
the age of forty. 3 Being then impelled by an
innate taste for historical studies, he quitted the
shears and the needle to make researches into the
English archives. He travelled long distances afoot,
to investigate documents preserved in churches,
colleges and monasteries, and collected, compared,
copied and annotated a mass of texts, with a skill
1 Jean et Sgbast. Cabot, doc. xxxvii s. a. , 4to ; in the Epistle dedicatory.
B, p. 364. 3 There is, however, a Summon* of
2 A very necessarie Booke concerning Rnglyshe Chronicles, London, 1561,
Navigation ... by J. TAISNIERUS, I2mo, written when he was but thirty-
translated by RICHARD EDEN ; Lond., five years old.
20 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
and devotion truly admirable. Finally, when at the
age of eighty the zealous and patriotic " searcher and
preserver of antiquities," as Hakluyt justly calls him,
was no longer able to work, James the First, as a
reward for the services which he had rendered to
national history, authorized him, by letters patent of
May 8th, 1603, to beg his bread under the porch of
all the churches in the kingdom. He died two years
afterwards, April 5th, I6O5. 1
Stow speaks of Sebastian Cabot three times. We
shall take these in their reverse order.
The third time is on the occasion of the disastrous
expedition of 1553, in which Willoughby and all his
companions were frozen to death. There is an
account of that terrible event in the Chronicles
of Lanquet, Grafton and Holinshed ; but S tow s
betrays a different source of information. He gives,
for instance, the precise date, viz. : May 2Oth of the
seventh year of the reign of Edward VI., but omits
the name of the unfortunate navigator, as well as the
sequel of the voyage. We also notice a circumstance
which the other Chronicles of the time have failed
to report, viz. : that the expedition was fitted out at
the cost of merchants, who each subscribed ^25,
and that among the principal promoters were Sir
George Barnes and Sir William Garrard. Unfor
tunately, Stow speaks of our Cabot only as " one
Sebastian Cabotte," without mentioning either his
nationality or that of his father. Our reason for
quoting Stow at this point is simply to show that
he was not a blind follower of his predecessors, and
that he possessed independent information regarding
Sebastian Cabot.
The second time he refers to him is with refer
ence to the three savages from the New World
1 Life of John Stow, in the edition of 1720, of his Survey of London^ fol.,
vol. i.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 21
who were exhibited in London in I5O2. 1 In this
instance Stow again omits to state the nationality
of Sebastian s father, doubtless because he has
already given the information in a passage referred
to in a marginal note. This brings us to the first
mention, and there our hero is described as " one
Sebastian Gabato a genoas sonne." It is in Stow s
brief account of the transatlantic voyage in the
course of which the continent of North America was
discovered. 2 No authority is cited for the assertion,
but we can easily ascend to its source by comparing
the account with that of Hakluyt. It will be seen
from the following extracts that both are unquestion
ably derived from the same original.
STOW HAKLUYT
(in 1580). (in 1582).
"This yeare one . . . pro- "This yeere the King (by
fessing himselfe to be experte means of .... which made
in knowledge of the circuite of himselfe very expert and cunn-
the worlde and Ilandes of the ing in knoweledge of the circuite
same, as by his charts and other of the worlde, and Ilandes of
reasonable demonstrations he the same as by a Garde, and
shewed, caused the King to other demonstrations reasonable
man and victual a shippe at hee shewed) caused to man and
Bristow to search for an Ilande victuall a shippe at Bristowe, to
which he knewe to be replen- search for an Ilande, whiche he
ished with rich commodities said hee knewe well was riche
." and replenished with riche com
modities . . ." 3
The similarity continues to the end of the descrip
tion, which Hakluyt frankly states "to have been
taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabyan s
Chronicle, not hitherto printed, whiche is in the
custodie of Mr. John Stowe." 4 On his part,
Stow acknowledges possessing " a continuation by
Fabyan himself, as late as the third year of Henry
* Jean et Sgbast. Cabot, doc. xiv, Jean et Stbastien Cabot, loc. cit.,
p. 330. and doc. vi C, p. 318.
2 Ibidem, doc. vi B, p. 317. 4 Ibidem.
22 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
VIII." 1 There is no doubt therefore that S tow s
description of the voyage of 1497 was derived from
Fabyan.
The fact that no such account is to be found in
any of the manuscripts or editions of Fabyan s
Chronicle which have come down to us 2 is no proof
to the contrary. The first edition of Fabyan was
published four years after his death, in 1516, and it
extends no later than the reign of Richard III. The
additions to the second edition, published in 1533,
and which reach to the year 1509, are only brief
notes, which cannot even be said to come from
Fabyan s MSS. And yet this author certainly left a
continuation, of which, however, his posthumous
publishers, Pynson and Rastell, have not been
aware. That continuation covered the entire reign
of Henry VII., since Stow says it reached to the
third year of the reign of Henry VIII., and it
consequently embraced the period of Cabot s first
transatlantic voyages, as well as a description of
the same. This is further shown by the other
statement (above cited) relative to three savages
brought from the New World in 1502, which is
also given as having been taken from Fabyan s
Chronicle, although it is not to be found in any
known text of his work.
Now, if Stow s declaration that Sebastian Cabot
was the son of a Genoese comes originally from
Fabyan, as must be admitted a priori, it is entitled
to credit. Not that Fabyan, notwithstanding his
efforts to reconcile the various accounts of historians,
possessed great critical acumen ; but as he was born
1 Harleian MSS. 538, quoted by part which interests us. The copy of
BIDDLE, p. 299. FABYAN in the Reading Room of the
2 Chronicle, London, 1516, 1533, British Museum contains the following
1542, 1559, fol. ELLIS has consulted MS. annotation: "A third MS. in
for his 1811 edition two MSS., but the Holkham Library." We have
they were incomplete as regards the vainly endeavoured to discover it.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 23
in London, and lived in that city to the time of his
death in 1512, having held the important offices of
sheriff and alderman, the latter of which he still
filled in 1502, he must have been in a position to
obtain reliable information concerning matters of
importance to trade and navigation, such as were
unquestionably the granting of the letters patent of
1496 and the successful voyage of John Cabot in
1497. He must then have known personally the
fortunate navigator, to whom, in London, on account
of his great discovery " vast honors were paid, and
after whom the English ran like wild people."
Besides, Fabyan was a draper by trade, and, on
account of the celebrated Genoa and Savona cloths
and plushes which were then largely imported into
England, doubtless had commercial intercourse with
the Ligurian merchants residing in London, and
may thus have acquired from them information
relative to John Cabot s original nationality.
Withal, the matter is not yet absolutely clear. In
the quotation given above the reader may have
noticed a certain blank in the extracts alike of Stow
and Hakluyt. This line of argument required us to
leave out a few words, which must be now replaced.
They are :
STOW (1580). HAKLUYT (1582).
" One Sebastian Gabato a "by meanes of a Venetian."
genoas sonne."
The difference is great, and the more noticeable
that both Stow and Hakluyt took their text from
the same manuscript Fabyan. An interpolation has
certainly been made by one of them.
It must be said that Hakluyt did not always
follow original texts faithfully. Without accepting
1 PASQUALIGO S Letter ; Jean et S4b. Cabot, doc. viii, p. 322,
24 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
all the criticisms levelled at him by Biddle 1 concern
ing extracts from Gomara, Ramusio and Willes,
inserted in the Principall Navigations, the inac
curacy of which must be in part ascribed to Richard
Eden, there is one which we think well-founded. It
is that which concerns the three savages from the
New World already referred to as exhibited in
London in I5O2. 2 This circumstance is related by
Hakluyt and by Stow, in both instances as having
been borrowed from Fabyan. According to Stow,
the exhibition took place "18 Hen. VII. A.D. 1502. " 3
Hakluyt in his Divers Voyages published in 1582,
had given almost the same date : "in the xvii yeere
of his [Henry VII th s] raigne." 4 Being anxious,
afterwards, to make the exhibition coincide with
Cabot s voyage of 1498, he changed, in his edition
f I 599-i6oo, the date of 1502 into that of "the
fourteenth yere of Henry VII th s raigne;" which
covers the period from August 2ist, 1498 until
August 2ist, 1499. We have just seen also that
in 1582, he says, again in quoting Fabyan: " by
meanes of a Venetian." Yet, eighteen years after
wards, he alters his text, so as to make it read : "by
meanes of one John Cabot, a Venetian," continuing
nevertheless, to give the fact as coming from
Fabyan. Hakluyt therefore may be charged with
manipulating sometimes the authors whom he
quotes.
As to John Stow, we must frankly admit that
he is also liable to the charge of having foisted
several words into the cited passage derived from
Fabyan. True it is that we do not possess the
latter s original text, but the critic can trace it to
1 EIDDLE, pp. 13, 21, 34, 53. See * Jean et Sdbastien Cabot, doc. xiv,
TYTLER S excellent vindication of p. 330.
HAKLUYT, Progress of Discovery, 4 HAKLUYT, Divers voyages, in the
Edinb., 1823, pp. 417-444. Hakluyt Society s reprint, p. 23.
2 STOW, Chron. , Lond., 1580, p. 875.
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 25
its prototype, viz. : the Cottonian MS. entitled
Cronicon regum Anglice et series maiorum et vice
comitum Civitatis London ab anno primo Henrici
tertium ad annum primum Hen. 8 vi , which begins
as follows :
" This yere the Kyng at the besy request and supplicacion of a
Straunger venisian, which by a Cceart made by hym self expert in
knowyng of the world. . . ." x
Hakluyt s first account (1582) is certainly more in
accordance with the above text than is that of Stow,
and as he expressly states that he took it from the
copy of Fabyan then in the possession of Stow,
we are bound to infer that Stow s copy of Fabyan
did not contain the words : " Sebastian Gabato a
genoas sonne," and that these are an interpolation
made by Stow himself.
We have been unable to ascertain where he
obtained his information on this point. True it is
that Crowley, thirty years before him, had already
stated that Sebastian Cabot was "a Genoways
sonne," which statement was repeated by Grafton in
1569, and by Holinshed in 1577, and the chronicles
of those authors cannot have remained unknown
to Stow. Withal, our impression is that if he had
borrowed the statement from them, we should find
it, not in his account of the voyage of 1497, but in
his description of Willoughby s expedition, exactly
as those historians have it, and with the same
details.
Further, however paradoxical it may seem at
first sight, we are inclined to believe that in Stow s
opinion, the Cabot who discovered the continent of
North America, and the Cabot who " encouraged "
the enterprise of Willoughby fifty-six years after
wards, had nothing in common, not even the name.
1 Jean et Stb. Cabot, doc. vi, p. 316.
26 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE.
Under the years 1498 and 1502, he calls the navi
gator " Gabato " ; under the year 1553, " Cabotte"
When speaking of Gabato in 1502, in order to show
that he is the same individual mentioned previously,
Stow omits the adjective a before the name and
adds in the marginal note : "before named in anno
1498." Now, there is no such reference, although
greatly needed, when he speaks of the principal
promoter of Willoughby s expedition, whom he
simply designates as " one Sebastian Cabotte," as
if the man had never before played any part in
the events related in his chronicle, and without
knowing, apparently, where he came from.
It is not impossible, therefore, that Stow may
have borrowed his information relative to the
original nationality of Sebastian Cabot s father, from
some old document, and not from the same source
as Crowley, or from Crowley himself.
At all events, it has been shown that until the
day when the Doge Andrea Vendramin said to
John Cabot, according to the consecrated formula :
" te nostrum creamus : We create thee one of us,"
John Cabot had only been in Venice, a " forestiere,"
or alien in the full sense of the term. Further, the
documents prove that after he removed to England,
diplomatists and historians believed him to have
come originally from Genoa, and called his son
Sebastian " a Genoways sonne," whilst no proof to
the contrary has yet been adduced by anyone.
CHAPTER IV.
SEBASTIAN CABOT s AGE AND NATIONALITY.
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN.
A number of English writers state that Sebastian
JL\ Cabot was born in England, at Bristol. 1 This
assertion requires to be thoroughly examined.
John Cabot was married to a Venetian woman,
who followed him to England, apparently in one of
those galleys which Venice sent regularly to the
principal ports of Great Britain. On the 2yth of
August 1497, she was living at Bristol with her
children. 2 Lorenzo Pasqualigo, in the only mention
which has reached us of John Cabot s wife, and
Sebastian s mother, simply says : " so moier venitiana
e con so fioli a Bristo." 3 We do not even know
what was her maiden or her Christian name. 4 The
probability is that she died at the close of the i5th
century, since, when Sebastian Cabot alleged, as a
pretext for going to Venice, that he had to prosecute
a claim relating to his mother s jointure, Peter
1 LANQUET (i.e. CROWLEY), GRAF- Lendas de India, Lisboa, 1858-62,
TON, HOLINSHED, STOW, &c. &c. 4to, vol. iii, p. 109.
That belief was certainly based upon 2 RAWDON BROWN, Calendar, vol. i,
EDEN S marginal note (mentioned No. 752 ; BULLO, Vera Patria, p. 61.
below), which must have inspired * JeanetStb. Cabot, doc. viii, p. 322.
them with the more confidence that 4 John Cabot s wife seems to have
it emanated from Cabot himself. had a sister, whose name is also un-
Gaspar CORREA, who lived in the ameda vostra e molto vecchia," says
times of Cabot, says he was a Basque : the Ragusian when writing to Sebastian
"N este anno de. 527 partio de Cabot. Jean et S&astien Cabot ; doc.
SevillahumBastiaoGabato, biscayno;" xxxi, p. 353.
28 SEBASTIAN CABOT S AGE AND NATIONALITY.
Vannes wrote to the Privy Council, on the i2th of
September 1551 : " this matter is above fifty years
old." 1
It will be remembered that in the nth year of
the reign of Henry VII., John Cabot and his three
sons requested a grant of letters patent for a voyage
of discovery. 2 These were granted on March
5th, 1496, and it is from them that we learn the
names of Cabot s three sons, " Lewes, Sebestyan
and Sancto."
If we follow the order in which the grantees are
mentioned in the letters patent, Sebastian was the
second son ; but we have yet to ascertain his age
and the place of his birth.
The grant is to John Cabot personally, and to
his sons, but he does not receive it at the same
time as guardian for them, or any of them. On
the contrary, the individual character of the grantees
is preserved absolutely, as the letters patent are to
each separately, their heirs and deputies :
" Dilectis nobis Johanni Cabotto civi Venetiarum, ac Lodovico,
Sebastiano et Sancto, filiis dicti Johannis, et eorum ac cujus libet
eorum haeredibus et deputatis : to our welbeloued John Cabot,
citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanctus, sonnes of the
said John, and to the heires of them, and euery of them, and their
deputies."
Apparently, John Cabot s three sons were therefore
in March 1496 all of full age. True it is that Henry
VII. asserted high prerogatives, and perhaps infancy
or minority would not have been a bar under his
reign to the vesting of a royal grant in an infant or
minor, leaving the question of disability to arise
when it was sought to enforce some liability against
the alleged infant, or when some question was
started as to the exercise by him of authority pur-
1 Jean tt Stbast. Cabot-, doc. xxxvi, 2 RYMER, Fccdera, vol. v, part iv,
p. 362. p. 89 ; DESIMONI, Inlo>-no ) doc. vi.
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 29
porting to be given to the minor by the grant of
letters patent. Yet any one at all familiar with
the history of English jurisprudence will concede
that, even under the first Tudor, powers such as the
making of contracts with third parties, and the
right to take and equip ships in British ports, to ;
bind crews, and enjoy the privileges of exclusive
resort and traffic, all of which could be vitiated on
the ground of infancy, would scarcely have been
granted to any one who was not obviously of full
age. Nor is it likely that powers so extensive as
to give authority to subdue, occupy and possess
foreign regions, and to exercise jurisdiction over
them in the name of the King of England, could i
also have been given to minors. The counsellors of I
the Crown, we think, would have required proofs of
majority, if the least doubt had arisen in their mind !
on that most important point.
This objection involves the question of majority.
If we interpret it in the sense of the English common
law, Sebastian Cabot, on the 5th of March 1496,
had attained at least the age of twenty-two since
his younger brother Sanctus was then, necessarily,
not less than twenty-one years old. Sebastian there
fore was born before March 1474. If, on the other
hand, we view the question from the standpoint of
the civil law which prevailed at Venice, Sebastian s
birth occurred at the latest in 1470.
The place of his birth can also be ascertained,
both by implication and from trustworthy reports.
If we are to believe certain English biographers,
Sebastian Cabot s native place was in England, on
the banks of the Frome or Avon. This assertion
rests almost exclusively upon a statement made by
Sebastian Cabot himself, which, however, as we
shall hereafter show, carries but little weight.
Richard Eden, in a marginal note appended to his
30 SEBASTIAN CABOTS AGE AND NATIONALITY.
translation of Peter Martyr s Decades, makes the
following statement :
"Sebastian Cabote tould me that he was borne in Brystowe,
and that at iiii. yeare ould he was carried with his father to Venice,
and so returned agayne into England with his father after certayne
years, whereby he was thought to have been born in Venice." l
Reverting to the decree by which the Senate of
Venice conferred the Venetian nationality on John
Cabot, we must recall the fact that the privilege was
granted in consequence of a constant residence of
fifteen years in Venice. And as the act is dated
March 28th, 1476, whilst the letters patent of Henry
VII. bear date March 5th, 1496, Sebastian Cabot
was not only already in existence when his father
obtained the Venetian nationality, but he must have
then been not less than two, or six years old. That
is, he was begotten whilst John Cabot yet awaited
within the limits of the Republic, to all appearances
in the city itself, the prescribed period when an alien
could be invested with the rights and privileges of a
Venetian citizen. Sebastian Cabot therefore was
born in Venice.
If, in reply, misguided English patriotic writers
bring forward the statement of Cabot to Eden, " that
at iiii yeare ould he was carried with his father to
Venice," they must admit one of two consequences,
either of which is damaging to their case.
The first is that if John Cabot s wife went to
England only after her husband was made a Venetian
citizen, March 28th, 1476, and then gave birth to
Sebastian, in that case he cannot have been older
than nineteen when Henry VII. granted him the
letters patent of April 5th, 1496. Our argument
derived from incapacity on account of lack of age,
preserves therefore its full force.
1 EDEN, Decades of the New Worlde, London, 1555. 4to, fo. 255.
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 31
The second consequence is that if it was before
the time when John Cabot had acquired his Venetian
naturalization that he became in England the father
of Sebastian, then the latter was born prior to 1457,
since the naturalization granted in 1476, is predicated
upon a residence of fifteen consecutive years in
Venice, and Sebastian says that he had attained the
age of four when his father took him from England
to that city. As Sebastian was still at the head of
the Muscovy Company in 1556-1557, he would thus
be in active service when one hundred years old !
The next legal document relating to the question
of birth-place or original nationality is the grant of
March 5th, 1496, in which John Cabot is mentioned as
being a " Venetian citizen." We are of opinion that
if his sons had been actually born within the domin
ion of the crown of England, being in consequence
natural born subjects, although they were children
of an alien, 1 their names would have been preceded
in the letters patent by the usual formula : " dilectis
subditis nostro." And if only one of them, Sebastian,
for instance, had been brought into life on British
soil, a similar expression would also have recorded
the fact. We have only to examine the numerous
grants in Rymer s Jcedera to become convinced of
this rule. On the other hand, if the sons of John
Cabot alone had been the grantees, the probability
is that their nationality would have been stated ; but
in the present instance it was doubtless deemed
sufficient to employ the prescribed statement for
the pater familias alone.
This interpretation is borne out by the wording
of another authentic document, viz. the letters patent 2
granted by Henry VII. on the igth March 1501, to
Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John
Thomas of Bristol, associated with three Azorean
1 BLACKSTONE, vol. i, p. 288, note. 2 Letters patent in BIDDLE, p. 312.
32 SEBASTIAN CABOT S AGE AND NATIONALITY.
adventurers. This patent is the first of the kind
granted in England after the authorizations conceded
to the Cabots in 1496 and 1498. Now, in these
letters patent of 1501, Henry VII. explicitly
abrogates the similar privileges which he had pre
viously granted, necessarily those to John Cabot and
his sons, including, of course, Sebastian. And in
what terms does the King refer to his first paten
tees ? He says that this new grant shall not be
interfered with by virtue or colour of any previous
grant made by him to any foreigner or foreigners
under his Great Seal :
" Seu aliquis extraneus aut aliqui extranei virtute aut colore
alicujus concessionis nostrae sibi Magno Sigillo Nostro per antea
factse."
It stands to reason that Henry VII. never would
have used such expressions as " extraneus: foreigner,"
if Sebastian Cabot, who was one of those first gran
tees, had been an Englishman born. We must also
notice that he does not use the term " foreigner "
o
merely in the singular, 1 which would make the
restriction apply only to John Cabot, the sole grantee
in 1498. The word is also employed in the plural :
" extranei," which again necessarily is a reference to
the several grantees in 1496.
Our conclusion that Sebastian Cabot was a
Venetian by birth, and, in England, never anything
else than a foreign resident, is confirmed by a number
of other proofs.
Peter Martyr d Anghiera, who was on very
friendly terms with him, from constant personal
intercourse, speaks in his third Decade, written in
1515, as follows :
"Familiarem habeo domi Cabottum ipsum et contubernalem
interdum : Cabot is my very frende, whom I vse famylierly and
1 The reader will find in RYMER S Fccdera a number of instances where the
distinction between these terms is clearly expressed.
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 33
delyte to haue hym sumtymes keepe me company in myne owne
house."
This historian makes at the same time the
following statement :
" Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus, sed a parentibus
in Britanniam insulam tendentibus . . . transportatus pene infans :
Sebastian Cabot a Venetian borne, whom beinge yet but in
maner an infante, his parentes caryed with them into Englande." 1
Peter Martyr would hardly be so positive if the
information had not been derived either from a
trustworthy source, or from Cabot himself.
Oviedo, who also -knew Sebastian Cabot personally,
and must have often met him at the Court of Charles
V., makes a similar statement :
" Sebastian Gaboto, por su origen veneciano e criado en la isla
de Inglaterra : Sebastian Gaboto, of Venetian birth, brought up
in the island of England." 2
However, in the cedula of King Ferdinand of
Aragon appointing Sebastian Cabot, October 2Oth,
1512, naval captain, there is a mention of English
nationality in the words : " Sebastian Caboto,
Ingles." 3 He had then been living in England for
at least sixteen years and doubtless spoke English
perfectly ; he also belonged to the retinue of Lord
Willoughby de Broke, who had command of the
British troops which were landed at Pasages only a
few months before. In consequence of these facts,
Sebastian Cabot may well have passed in Spain for
an Englishman. But English documents absolutely
authentic and of the time show that such was not
then the opinion in England.
In 1521, Henry VIII. ordered that the Twelve
Great Liveries of London should bear most of the
cost of an expedition to the New World, under the
1 ANGHIERA, De rebus Oceanicis et Indias, lib. xxiii, cap. I, vol. ii, p.
Orbe nouo, Basil. 1533, folio, fo. 55. 169.
2 OVIEDO, Historia General de las * Jean et Sb. Cabot, doc, xvii, p. 332.
C
34 SEBASTIAN CABOT S AGE AND NATIONALITY.
command of Sebastian Cabot. The Wardens and
Company of Drapers, acting as spokesmen, objected.
Among other reasons, they stated that Cabot knew
nothing personally of those transatlantic regions, whilst
" perfite knowledge might be had by credible reporte
of maisters and mariners naturally born within this
realm of England having experience, and exercised
in and about the forsaid Hand." The words in
italics are certainly an allusion to the foreign birth
of Sebastian Cabot and carry great weight when
we consider that they were addressed to the King
and to Cardinal Wolsey by old and highly respect
able residents of London.
We now come to assertions from his own lips,
made under very grave circumstances.
At the time when Cabot was holding the office
of Pilot-Major of Spain, he sent an agent to Venice
for the purpose of entering into negotiations con
cerning an expedition, of which we will speak at
length hereafter. The Chief of the Council of Ten,
in reporting the interview with that envoy (called
Hieronimo de Marin de Busignolo), September 27th,
1522, stated that Cabot " dice esser di questa cittd
nostra : says he is of our city [of Venice]." !
The Council instructed Gasparo Contarini, the
Venetian Ambassador at the Court of Charles V., to
see Cabot. He came to the embassy at Valladolid,
on the 3<Dth of December 1522, and made a state
ment which Contarini forwarded to his government
the next day, in Cabot s own words :
"Signer Ambassator per dirve il tuto io naqui a Venetia ma
sum nutrito in Ingelterra : To tell everything to your Lordship,
I was born in Venice, but brought up in England." 3
An admission of this kind could then be easily
1 Wardens Accounts of the Drapers * Jean et Sb. Cabot, doc. xxvi, p. 345.
Company of London , in our Discovery 3 /<&;;*, doc. xxviii, p. 348, and //}-#,
of North America, p. 748. Syllabus, No. xxxvi.
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 35
verified in Venice, and, bold as Cabot undoubtedly
was, he never would have dared to make such an
assertion, if untrue, to a foreign minister whom he
was called upon to meet frequently at the Court,
and to men like the Ten, justly jealous of their
dignity, and who never left unpunished an imposture
practised on that all-powerful Council. The belief
in Sebastian Cabot s Venetian birth remained
unshaken among the Venetians who knew him
personally. Andrea Navagero, Contarini s successor
in Spain, in official accounts, written in 1524, twice
uses the expression : " Sebastian Cabotto Vene-
tiano." 1 So does Ramusio, as well as the Mantuan
Gentleman, who, in repeating to Ramusio a conversa
tion lately held with Sebastian Cabot, employs the
terms " Un gran valent huomo Venetiano," and
" vostro cittadino Venetiano : Your Venetian fellow-
citizen." Thirty years afterwards, when Cabot
lived in London, the Council of Ten in a dispatch
addressed, September i2th, 1551, to Giacomo Sor-
anzo, the ambassador of the Republic to England,
mentions him as the " fidelissimo nostro Sebastiano
Gaboto : Our own most faithful Sebastian Cabot.""
What more can be asked to prove that Sebastian
Cabot was born not only on Venetian soil, but in
the City of Venice itself : " di questa citta nostra"?
1 NAVAGERO S dispatch of Sept. colta, 1563^0!. i, fo. 374, verso.
2 1st, 1524, in BULLO, p. 69. 3 Jean et Stb. Cabot, doc. xxxv, p.
2 RAMUSIO, Delle Spetierie, in Roc- 361.
CHAPTER V.
JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND.
PETER Martyr, apparently repeating what Sebas
tian Cabot told him, says that he was brought
over to England when yet an infant As Sebastian
died after 1557, and was, as we have shown, at least
twenty-two years old in 1496, if the expression
"pene infans" is to be taken literally, the settling of
John Cabot in England would have followed soon
after his Venetian naturalization ; since the decree of
the Senate conferring it is of the year 1476, and the
term "infans" applies only to a child who does not
yet know how to speak.
A passage in the narrative of the Mantuan Gentle
man contradicts Peter Martyr s remark. He reports
that Sebastian Cabot made to him the following
statement :
" When my father departed from Venice, many yeeres since, to
dwell in England, to follow the trade of merchandises, hee tooke
me with him to the citie of London, while I was rather young, yet
having neverthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie, and
of the sphere." 1
The words "lettere d humanita" mean here
classical studies, and "la sphera," is Cosmography.
Sebastian therefore must have been at that time not
less than fourteen or fifteen years old, to possess a
knowledge of these things. And as he was at least
twenty-two when Henry VII. granted him letters
patent in 1496, John Cabot can scarcely have settled
1 RAMUSIO, vol. i, fo. 374.
JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND. 37
in England with his family before 1490, if Sebas
tian s statement to the Mantuan Gentleman be exact
Sebastian also told Contarini, the Venetian
Ambassador, in 1522, " sum nutrito in Ingelterra :
I was reared in England." 1 The verb "nutrire"
conveys the idea of early youth, followed by several
years employed in being educated. 2 If so, he came
to England when a child, and in that country
acquired his early education. This statement tallies
with the "pene infans" of Peter Martyr, but con
tradicts the remark made by Sebastian Cabot to
the Mantuan Gentleman. In the course of this
inquiry, we shall be confronted at every step with
contradictions of the kind, without being able to
find positive reasons for preferring one of Sebastian
Cabot s assertions to another.
Under the circumstances we can only hope to
arrive at approximative dates, and then only by
inference. We reason in this wise :
When John Cabot obtained his English letters
patent in 1496, he had three sons, all of whom were
grantees with him, and therefore of full age. If we
limit ourselves to the age of majority according to
the common law, the eldest of those sons, Lewis,
was, therefore, in 1496, not less than twenty-three
years old, or born in 1473.
John Cabot consequently married at the earliest
in 1472, and as the marriage took place in Italy, or
was ruled by his personal status, he must have been
then at least twenty-one. This places the date of
his birth not later than 1451. Our figures, naturally,
are extreme ones, and not absolute. There may
have been, for instance, a difference of more than
one year between each of the three sons, and John
Cabot may have married later than the age of
I CONTARINI S dispatch, in Jean et 2 " Nutrio = educo = dicitur de iis qucc
Stb. Cabot, doc. xxviii, p. 348. parva sunt et crescunt." FORCELLINI.
38 JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND.
twenty-one. But, in the present state of the ques
tion, it is not possible to obtain greater exactness.
Taking, however, the usual course of things, our
results can differ but a few years, say four or five,
from the reality.
1 We are inclined to believe that John Cabot
removed with his entire family to England in
1490.?! This impression is based upon the fact that
the first indication of his presence in that country is
the statement of Pedro de Ayala that during the
seven years previous to 1498, the Bristol men had
sent an annual expedition to find the (imaginary)
island of Brazil, in accordance with John Cabot s
notions. This locates him in England in 1491.
The inference drawn from the above hypothetic
mode of computation is that John Cabot did not
undertake his memorable voyage of 1497 till he had
attained the age of forty-six, and that when Sebastian
came to England, he was a lad of about sixteen.
This would agree with the statement made to the
Mantuan Gentleman.
All that we have been able to ascertain relative to
John Cabot s avocations before settling in England, is
that Ayala represents him as having visited Portugal
and Spain to obtain royal aid to undertake trans
atlantic discoveries, and also as having visited
Mecca. 1 We shall examine the first of these state
ments in the following chapter. As for the voyage
to Mecca, it must have been accomplished after
1476, for John Cabot remained in Venice fifteen
years previous to that date ; and when his probation
time commenced, in 1461, he was not much more
than ten years old.
If Bristol is the place where John Cabot first settled
in England, such a residence may imply on his part
1 " Et dice che altre volte esso e of Raimondo DI SONCINO ; Jean et
stato alia Meccha." Second dispatch Stt. Cabot ; doc. x, p. 325.
JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND. 39
notions of transatlantic enterprises dating from his
arrival. That city was the centre of English trade
with the northern countries, 1 and the port from which
sailed such bold expeditions as those to " Thule," for
example, as Columbus himself relates in I477- 2 But
it is not certain that Bristol was the place where John
Cabot first established his English home. The
Mantuan Gentleman, as we have already remarked,
states, on the authority of Sebastian himself, that
London was the city to which the family emigrated
from Venice : " nella citta di Londra." 3
Peter Martyr, again, we believe, in repeating
statements from Sebastian Cabot, who evidently
endeavoured to belittle his father, says that the latter,
together with his family, " came into Englande
havyng occasion to resorte thether for trade of
merchandies, as is the manner of the Venetians too
leave no parte of the Worlde unsearched to obteyne
richesse." 4 Sebastian made, as we have seen, a
statement of the same kind to the Mantuan
Gentleman, to whom he said that his father
departed from Venice to dwell in England, to follow
the trade of marchandises." 5
Like so many Venetians of the time, John Cabot
may have engaged in commercial pursuits ; but the
information transmitted by his contemporaries re
presents him simply as a seaman. l)The Cronicon*
and Pedro de Ayala 7 speak of charts and mapamundi
of his own make. Raimondo di Soncino, in two dis
patches written at a few months interval, mentions
1 Finn MAGNUSEN, Om de Engel- Venetorum, qui commercii causa ter-
skes Handel paa Island ; Copenhague, rarum omnium sunt hospites)." AN-
1833, p. 147, quoted by KOHL, Dis- GHIERA, Decad. iii, lib. vi, fo. 55.
covery of Maine, p. 112. 5 "Andato a stare in Inghilterra a
2 See the letter of Christopher COL- far mercantie lo meno seco nella citta
UMBUS in LAS CASAS, Historia de las di Londra." RAMUSIO, loc. tit.
Indias, vol. i, p. 48. * Jean et St.b. Cabot, doc. vi, p. 316.
3 RAMUSIO, op. cit. 7 Dispatch of AYALA, Ibid., doc.
4 " Sed a parentibus in Britanniam xiii, p. 329, and infra, Syllabus, No.
insulam tendentibus (uti moris est xvi.
40 JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND.
John Cabot, in one as "molto bono marinare et a
bona scientia de trovare insule nove : a very good
mariner, possessing great talent for discovering new
islands," and in the other as being "de gentile
ingenio, peritissimo de la navigatione : a man of
fine mind, extremely skilful in [the art of] naviga
tion." The references to his endeavours to obtain
the aid of Spain for voyages of discovery "like
Columbus," and the alleged repeated attempts of the
Bristol men to find the island of Brasil according to
his notions, are additional proofs that in England
John Cabot was considered to be a practical navi
gator.
In a work written at the beginning of this century,
we find the following passage, in support of which,
unfortunately, no authorities are quoted :
" The Venetians had factories in the different towns and cities
of the northern kingdoms, and agents wherever they deemed it
advantageous to preserve an intercourse. John Gabota, or Cabot,
by birth a Venetian, was employed in that capacity at Bristol ;
he had long resided in England, and a successful negotiation in
which he had been employed in the year 1495, w ^ tn tne court of
Denmark, respecting some interruptions which the merchants of
Bristol had suffered in their trade to Iceland, had been the means
of introducing him to Henry VII." 2
This is evidently the source of the statement
inserted by Rafn in his celebrated Antiquitates
Americana? but also without the support of docu
mentary proofs.
At first sight, there is nothing impossible in the
statement. Englishmen having killed the governor
of Iceland in a riot, King Christian I. embargoed
four British vessels laden with valuable merchandise.
As Edward IV. made no reply to the complaints
of the Danish monarch, the latter allowed the
cargoes to be sold. This brought about an open
1 Raimondo DI SONCINO, loc. cit. Neivfoundland, London, 1819, p. 25.
2 L. A. ANSPACH, A History of 3 Hafnioe, 1837, 4to, p. 451.
JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND. 41
war between the two nations, 1 which lasted from
1478 until 1491, when England and Denmark
entered into negotiations at Antwerp, but peace was
not concluded before June 24th, 1497. It is possible
therefore that John Cabot may have been engaged
by Bristol ship owners to prosecute their claims in
H95-
Thinking that perhaps a mission of this sort might
have left traces in the records of the Hansa, we
carefully examined the Hansecresse from 1477 to
I5OO, 2 but found only two mentions of Bristol
vessels (in 1487 and 1491), and these unimportant.
At all events, Cabot s name does not figure in those
records. We also instituted researches in the
archives of Denmark, 3 and in the old chronicles of
that country, in order to find traces of negoti
ations of the kind mentioned in the above extract.
Nothing whatever was discovered on the subject,
nor do we believe that authentic documents refer
ring to such a matter exist in Bristol or anywhere
in England.
The assertion of William Stratchey that John
Cabot " was indenized Henry VI I. s subject and
dwelling within Blackfriers," 4 rests upon no proof
whatever.
1 "... Accessit et alia hujus belli 2 Edited by Dietrich SCHAFER,
causa, quod quum Angli proefectum Leipzig, 1888-90, vols. ii and iii.
Christierni regis ejus nominis primi in 3 Through the obliging agency of
Islandia per tumultum occidissent, Rex Mr C. H. BRUNN, the learned director
ut illatam injuriam ulcisceretur quatuor of the Copenhagen Royal Library,
illorum naves preciosis mercibus onus- 4 STRACHEY, The First Booke of
tas coepit ac diu tenuit. Quumque de the Historic of Travaile into Virginia
cede facta querenti regi Angli respon- Britannia, 1612. Hakluyt Society
dere nollent, passus est rex captarum edition, 1849-51, p. 6. We may judge
navium merces distrahi : quoe res paulo of STRACHEY S accuracy by this other
post in apertum bellum processit dam- statement: "John Cabot, a Venetian,
naque in mari ab Angelis multa Danis, howbeit endinezed an English subject,
magna vicissim Anglis tarn sub Chris- and at that tyme, governour of the
tierno patre quam sub filio ejus Joanne companye of the marchants of Cathay
illata sunt." P. PARVUS ROSEFON- in the cittie of London." Op. "/.,
TANUS, Chronicon, in his Refutatio cal- p. 139.
umniarwn, 156) $ > 4to, signat. o 4.
CHAPTER VI.
JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS.
A T the outset, we must state that John Cabot is
-Tx not, as certain writers believe, 1 the " Magister
navis scientificus totius Angliae " who, according to
William de Worcestre, left Bristol, June I5th, 1480,
on board a ship equipped at the cost of John Jay,
junior, in search of the imaginary islands of Brazil,
and of the Seven Cities. That vessel, which on
account of heavy storms was compelled to return
after a voyage of seven months (or weeks), without
having made any discovery, was commanded by one
Thomas Llyde or Lloyd. 2
In the dispatch addressed to Ferdinand and Isa
bella, from London, July 25th, 1498, by Pedro de
Ayala concerning a transatlantic voyage then lately
accomplished under the British flag, we notice the
following sentence :
" I have seen the map which was made by the discoverer, who
is another Genoese like Columbus [and ?] who has been to Seville
and Lisbon trying to obtain assistance for that discovery : Yo he
visto la carta que ha fecho el inventador que es otro Genoves
como Colon que ha estado en Sevilla y en Lisbona procurando
haver quien le ayudasse a esta invention." 3
1 D AVEZAC, Letter to the Reverend an emissary of the King of France
Leonard Woods ; 1868, in KOHL S (CHARLES VIII.), for in reply to the
Doctimentary History of Maine> Port- letter of Dr. PtJEBLAsent from London,
land, U.S., 1869, 8yo, p. 506; JUR- January 2 1st, 1496 (lost unfortunately),
IEN DE LA GRAVIERE, Les marins informing them of Cabot s efforts to
du xv* et du xvti stick ; Paris, 1879, obtain aid from HENRY VII., they
vol. i, p. 215, and others. wrote: "We believe that this under-
2 Discovery of North America, No. taking was thrown in the way of the
xiii, p. 659. King of England with the premedi-
3 Pedro DE AYALA, ubt supra, tated intention of distracting him from
FERDINAND and ISABELLA seem to his other business." BERGENROTH,
have believed that John Cabot was Calendar, vol. i, p. 88, No. 128.
JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS. 43
The last phrase is ambiguous ; but although Col
umbus, fifteen years before, had been to Seville and
Lisbon to obtain assistance, a fact which Their
Majesties certainly knew, the general context of the
sentence, the needlessness of the remark if applied
to Columbus, and the positive expression : " a esta
invencion," authorise the inference that Ayala had
then in view the recent discoverer, when speaking
of the efforts made in Spain and Portugal. Now
we learn from the letters patent granted by Henry
VII., April 5th, 1496, and Raimondo di Soncino s
dispatch to the Duke of Milan, that this discoverer
was John Cabot. Must we not also infer that John
Cabot visited Spain on such an errand either before
Christopher Columbus or at the same time ? This
supposition is to a certain extent strengthened by the
following passage of Ayala s dispatch : " For the last
seven years, Bristol people have sent out every year,
two, three, or four caravels, in search of the island of
Brazil and the Seven Cities according to the fancy
of this Genoese." l
Those "seven years" give 1491 as the time when
John Cabot was already settled in England ; and his
visit to Spain and Portugal is therefore anterior to
that year. If Ayala s information is exact, the critic
must also consider John Cabot as having enter
tained, at a very early date, the idea of crossing
the Ocean in search of new lands, and as having
actually endeavoured to carry it into effect with the
aid of Bristol seamen. 2 .
These deductions are not historically or chrono
logically improbable. The project of reaching Asia
by sailing constantly westward was advocated in
1 " Los de Bristol ha siete anos que 2 That the Bristol people did engage
cada ano an armado dos, tres, cuatro in expeditions of that character is
caravelas para ir a buscar la isla de shown by our reference in the pre-
Brazil, y las siete ciudades con la ceding chapter to the voyage of
fantasia deste Ginoves." Ibidem, Thomas LLOYD.
44 JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS.
Italy, by Toscanelli, so early as I474, 1 and John
Cabot was still a resident of Venice in I476. 2
A letter lately brought to light shows that Tos-
canelli s notions with regard to transatlantic countries
were current in Italy, and that the news of the dis
covery achieved by Columbus was considered as a
confirmation of the theories of the Florentine as
tronomer. It is a dispatch from Hercules d Este,
Duke of Ferrara, addressed to his ambassador at
Florence, as follows :
" Messer Manfredo : Intendendo Nuy, che il quondam Mastro
Paulo dal Pozo a Thoscanella medico fece nota quando il viveva
de alcune Insule trovate in Ispagna, che pare siano quelle mede-
sime che al presente sono state ritrovate per aduisi che se hanno
de quelle bande, siamo venuti in desiderio de vedere dicte note,
se lo e possibile. Et perb volemo, che troviate incontinent! vno
Mastro Ludovico, Nepote de esso quondam Mastro Paulo, al
quale pare rimanesseno li libri suoi in bone parte ed maxime
questi et che lo pregiati strectamente per nostra parte chel voglia
essere contento de darvi una nota a punctilio de tuto quello chel
se trova havere apresso lui de queste Insule, perche ne riceveremo
piacere assai et ge ne restaremo obligati, et havuta che la haverite,
ce la mandareti incontenenti. Ma vsati diligentia per havere bene
ogni cosa a compimento di quello lo ha sicome desideramo.
Ferrarie 26 Junis 1494: Mr Manfredo : As We have just heard
that the late Paul dal Pozzo Toscanelli, a physician, penned in his
lifetime a note concerning several islands found in Spain \sic.\
which it seems, are the same which have just been rediscovered
(according to news received from there), We desire, if possible, to
see said notes. That is the reason why We want you to find
immediately one Mr. Ludovico, 3 who is the nephew of the late Mr.
Paul, and who appears to have inherited most of his books, and
particularly those [notes]. We also wish you to request him on
our part to give you an exact list of all he has with him concerning
those islands ; for We should be happy to obtain it, and shall be
thankful for the favor. And do you, as soon as you are in
1 See the original Latin text of the 3 Lodovico DAL Pozzo TOSCANELLI,
Copia misa christofaro colonbo per born towards 1428, was the second
paulum fisicum (TOSCANELLI), first son of Pietro, brother of the great
published in the additions to the Toscanelli. He practised medicine.
Bibliot. Americ. Vettistissima, pp. xvi- UZIELLI, Bollettino di bibliografia e di
xviii, and Revue Critique, Paris, Oct. storia delle scienze matetnatiche ; Rome,
9th, 1893. November 1883, in the Genealogical
2 Letters patent of March 28th, 1 476. tree.
JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS. 45
possession of it, send the same at once. But do not fail to do
everything in your power to get from him all that he has ; for
such is Our desire. Ferrara^ June. 26, 1494" l
A phrase of Soncino may also be cited in support
of our interpretation of Ayala s remark. It occurs in
the passage where John Cabot is made to relate, in
connexion with his first voyage across the Atlantic,
that when he was at Mecca, he inquired from the
caravans which brought spice from afar, whence
the article came ; and believing in the sphericity of
the earth, he inferred from their reply that it came
originally from the West. Cabot thus gave it to
be understood that, like Columbus, his project was
prompted by the hope of finding a maritime and
shorter route to Cathay.
However this may have been, the desire of John
Cabot to propose the undertaking to Henry VII.
was certainly enhanced, if not suggested, by the
success which attended the first voyage of Colum
bus, the news of which he doubtless heard while in
Bristol or in London. His son Sebastian, who
claimed for himself, as we shall afterwards show,
the sole merit of having brought to a successful
issue the first English expedition westward, con
fessed that he conceived the notion while in Eng
land, upon hearing of the discovery made by
Christopher Columbus, it being the theme of con
versation at the Court of Henry VII. Further,
Soncino states that it was on seeing the Kings
of Spain and Portugal acquire new lands that John
Cabot thought of conferring a similar boon upon
the King of England. 2
We should also recollect that London in the
1 5th century was the residence of numerous
1 State Archives in Modena, Can- 2 RAMUSIO, vol. i, fo. 374. This,
celkria Ducale. Published by Mr. however, implies a contradiction as
UZIELLI, Bollettino della Soc. Geogr. regards the alleged efforts of John
Italiana, Oct. -Nov. 1889, p. 866. Cabot in Spain and Portugal.
46 JOHN CABOTS FIRST EFFORTS.
Genoese, several of whom occupied high positions
at the Court of the English King. 1 They formed
with other Italians, as we have already said, an
important colony, met daily in Lombard Street, and
frequented the legations which Spain, several Italian
princes, and the Republic of Venice maintained in
London. Those active and intelligent foreigners,
nearly all of whom were engaged in commercial
pursuits, which they carried on by sea, direct from
the Peninsula, must have watched the progress of
transatlantic discoveries, especially as these threat
ened to destroy the trade of the Italian cities with
the East. Their means of information were great.
The Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima shows Italy
to have been the principal receptacle of such tidings ;
whilst the considerable commerce carried on between
that country and Great Britain, chiefly by means of
Genoese and Venetian galleys, 2 was a ready vehicle
of news, increased by the touching of those vessels
at the principal ports of Spain and Portugal.
John Cabot doubtless learnt from those countrymen
of his the details of Columbus achievement, and
most probably formed then the project of imitat
ing the great Genoese. The fact remains that John
Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian and
Sanctus, filed on the 5th of March 1496, the follow
ing petition :
" To the Kyng our sovereigne lord. Please it your highnes of
your moste noble and haboundant grace to graunt unto John
Cabotto citizen of Venes, Lewes, Sebestyan and Sancto his son-
neys your gracious letters patentes under your grete scale in due
forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying.
And they shall during their lyves pray to God for the prosperous
continuance of your most noble and royale astate long to enduer."
1 RAWDON BROWN, Calendar, vol. du Levant, Leipzig, 1866, 8vo, vol.
i, Nos. 617, 751, 770, 771. ii, p. 727. Our memoir read before
2 RYMER, Fcedera, vol. ii, part ii, the Institute of France, Les Cohmb de
p. 941 ; HEYD, Hisioire du Commerce France et d" 1 Italic, p. 45.
JOHN CABOTS FIRST EFFORTS. 47
We infer from the expression : " according to the
tenoure hereafter ensuing," that a draft of the letters
patent was added by the Cabots themselves to their
petition ; just as in certain pleadings, American
lawyers add the order or decree which they beg the
judge to grant. In that case, the letters patent first
published by Rymer in 1741 set forth in the Cabots
own words their purpose and wishes, viz.:
" Upon their own proper costs and charges to seek out, dis- \
cover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces
of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what part \
of the world soever they be, which before this time have been
unknown to all Christians." 1
Henry VII. granted the petition on the 5th day
of the month of March 1496.
1 For the Latin text, RYMER, English, HAKLUYT, Prindpall Navi-
Fadera, vol. v, part iv, p. 89. In gations, London, vol. iii, 1600, p. 4.
CHAPTER VII.
THE DOCUMENTARY PROOFS FOR JOHN CABOT S
EXPEDITION.
AS the reader has seen, the letters patent of 1496
were granted to John Cabot and his three
sons ; but no documentary proof whatever has yet
been adduced to show that any of them accompanied
their father in his first transatlantic voyage. The
only circumstance which may be cited on the subject
would rather prove the reverse. Pasqualigo, in
describing John Cabot s return, says :
" E ali dato danari fazi bona ziera fino a quel tempo e con
so moier venitiana e con so fioli a Bristo : And [the King] has
given him money wherewith to amuse himself till then [the second
expedition] ; and he is now at Bristol with his Venetian wife, and
with his sons." x
This sounds as if after his arrival in London, he
had gone to Bristol to join his wife and children.
Still less can it be demonstrated that Sebastian
Cabot himself joined the expedition. The belief
rests exclusively upon statements from his own lips,
made at a time, under circumstances, in a form, and
with details which render them very suspicious.
Nay, they have been positively denied at least
twice in his life-time, in England as well as in Spain,
as we intend to prove in due course.
Meanwhile, in order to determine all the facts
known relative to that expedition, it is prudent
to limit the inquiry to contemporary authorities.
These should be divided into two classes, viz. : the
evidence furnished by witnesses who obtained, or
1 Jean et S&b. Cabot ; doc. viii, p. 322.
PROOFS FOR JOHN CABOT S EXPEDITION. 49
may have obtained their information from John
Cabot himself; and the evidence supplied, directly
or indirectly, by his son Sebastian.
The first class of data, that is which emanates
from John Cabot, comprises three documents :
1. An extract from a letter addressed from
London, August 23rd, 1497, by Lorenzo
Pasqualigo to his brothers at Venice. 1
2. A dispatch sent from London, August 24th,
1497, by Raimondo di Soncino to the
Duke of Milan. 2
3. Another dispatch from and to the same
parties, London, December i8th, I497- 3
The second class of documents consists of the
evidence supplied directly by Sebastian Cabot. It
comprises the following :
1. A description given by Pietro Martire d
Anghiera (usually called simply " Peter
Martyr"), in his third Decade. 4
2. An account from some anonymous informer,
usually designated as "the Mantuan Gentle
man," who furnished it to Ramusio. 5
3. An engraved map dated 1 544 bearing on its
face a legend to the effect that it is the
work of Sebastian Cabot. 6
1 Copia de un capitolo scrive in una "Jean et Sb. Cabot, doc. x, p. 324.
lettera Ser Lorenzo Pasqualigo fio di 4 ANGLERIUS, De rebus Oceanicus et
Ser Filippo, da Londra adi 23 Agosto, Orbe novo Decades tres ; Basilese, I533>
a Ser Alvise e Francesco Pasqualigo folio, fo. 55 B.
suo fradeli in Veniexia. Rixposta 5 RAMUSIO, Discorso sopra varii
adi 23 Setembre 1497. In RAWDON Viaggi, in Primo Volume delle Nauiga-
BROWN, Ragguali sulla vita e sztlle tioni et Viaggi> Venezia, 1563, folio,
opere di Marin Sanuto ; Venezia, fo. 374 B.
1837, 8vo, part i, p. 99 ; Calendar, 6 There is a fac simile of the portion
vol. i, p. 262, No. 752 ; Marin of the map which interests us just now,
SANUTO, Diarii, Venet., 1879, 8vo, in Jean et Stbastien Cabot, and in the
vol. i, p. 806 ; Jean et Stbastien Cabot > following chapter xii. For a full
doc. viii, p. 322. description of the planisphere, see
2 RAWDON BROWN, Calendar, vol. i, at the end of the present work,
p. 260, No. 217. Jean et Stb. Cabot, Syllabus ; No. Ixi.
doc. viii, p. 322.
D
CHAPTER VIII.
JOHN CABOT S FIRST EXPEDITION.
A CCORDING to Peter Martyr and the Mantuan
^JL Gentleman, who obtained their information
from Sebastian Cabot in person, and to Gomara and
Galvao, both of whom, however, have simply copied
Peter Martyr, the first expedition was composed of
two ships, with a crew of three hundred men.
The letters patent of 1496 authorized the employ
ment of five ships, equipped at the cost of the
grantees :
" Five ships of what burthen or quality soeuer they be, and as
many mariners or men as they will have with them in the sayd
ships, vpon their owne proper costs and charges."
But we have the positive statements of Lorenzo
Pasqualigo and Raimondo di Soncino, who repeat
what they themselves heard John Cabot say in
London, immediately upon his return in the first week
of August 1497, that he accomplished his discovery
with only one ship: 1 "con uno naviglio de Bristo,"
which is even reported by them to have been a small
craft, with a crew of but eighteen men : " cum uno
piccolo naviglio e xviii persone." It is true that an
English chronicle written soon after, and which we
propose to discuss at length further on, says that with
the ship, stated therein to have been equipped by the
1 We read in the History of Bristol dl to find in Bristol or elsewhere that
Wm. BARRETT, Bristol 1789, 4to, p. manuscript, the authenticity of which,
172: "In the year 1497, the 24th of June, owing to BARRETT S intercourse with
on St. John s day was Newfoundland CHATTERTON, is extremely doubtful,
found by Bristol men, in a ship called See the London Athenff.um^ No. of
the Matthew >." It has been impossible June 8th, 1889
JOHN CABOTS FIRST EXPEDITION. 51
King, went three or four Bristol vessels sent by
English merchants. But we expect to demonstrate
that these details refer only to the second voyage
(1498).
As we have just said, the expedition consisted of
only "one small ship, manned by eighteen men,
nearly all Englishmen from Bristol : uno piccolo
naviglo e xviii persone, quasi tutti inglesi, e da
Bristol." 1
We do not possess the date when John Cabot
sailed out of Bristol. 2 The words "departed from
the West Cuntrey in the begynnyng of somer," in
the Cottonian manuscript, and " departed from
Bristowe in the beginning of May," in Hakluyt, after
Fabyan, which we once thought applied to the
voyage of 1497, concern only the expedition of
1498. But as Pasqualigo, when describing, on the
23rd of August 1497, the arrival in England of John
Cabot, which had just taken place, says that the
voyage lasted three months: "e stato mexi tre sul
viazo," we must infer that he set sail about the
middle of May 1497. This date coincides to some
degree with the expression of Soncino, who, writ
ing August 24th, 1497, says: "They sailed from
Bristol, a western port of this kingdom, a few months
since : Partitisi da Bristo porto occidentale de
questo regno, sono mesi passate." :
When the vessel had reached the west coast of
Ireland, it sailed towards the north, then to the
east (sic pro west), when, after a few days, the North
star was to the right : " Passato Ibernia piu
occidentale, e poi alzatosi verso el septentrione,
1 PASQUALIGO S and SONCINO S of the FUST family, of Gloucester,
second dispatch. Unfortunately, as we have already
2 The Encyclopedia Britannica, said, Bristollian MSS. are not always
vol. iv, p. 350 (art. Bristol), says that to be trusted. See Notes and Queries,
the Matthew sailed from Bristol, May 2nd series, vol. v, p. 154.
2nd, and returned August 6th, 3 SONCINO. second dispatch,
according to a MS. in the possession
52 JOHN CABOT S FIRST EXPEDITION.
commencio ad navigare ale parte orientale, lassandosi
(fra qualche giorni) la tramontana ad mano drita." 1
After sailing for seven hundred (or only four
hundred) leagues, they reached the mainland : " dice
haver trovato lige 700 lontana de qui terra ferma,"
says Pasqualigo. " Lontane da linsula de Ingilterra
lege 400 per lo camino de ponente," reports Soncino.
Technically speaking, all that geographers can
infer from those details is that Cabot s landfall was
north of 5 1 15 north latitude ; this being that of the
southern extremity of Ireland. Ireland, however,
extends to 55 i5 lat. N. From what point between
these two latitudes did he sail westward ? Supposing
that it was Valencia, and that he continued due west,
he would have sighted Belle Isle or its vicinity.
But Cabot is said positively to have altered his
course and stood to the northward. How far, and
where did he again put his vessel on the western
tack? We are unable to answer this important
question, and can only put forward suppositions
based upon the following data :
The place where he landed was the mainland :
" captioe in terra ferma." !
He then sailed along the coast 300 leagues :
" andato per la costa lige 300." 3
As to the country visited, we find it described
as being perfect and temperate : " terra optima et
temperata." It is supposed to yield Brazil-wood and
silk : " estimanno che vi nasca el brasilio e le sete,"
whilst the sea bathing its shores is filled with fishes :
"quello mare e coperto de pessi."
The country is inhabited by people who use snares
to catch game, and needles for making nets : " certi
lazi ch era tesi per prender salvadexine, e uno ago
da far rede e a trovato certi albori tagiati." 5
1 SONCINO, first dispatch. 4 SONCINO, second dispatch.
2 SONCINO, second dispatch. 5 PASQUALIGO, dispatch of Aug. 23,
3 PASQUALIGO. 1497, Syllabus, No. vii.
JOHN CABOTS FIRST EXPEDITION. 53
The waters (tides) are slack, and do not rise as
they do in England : " le aque e stanche e non han
corso come aqui."
Barring the gratuitous supposition about the
existence of dye-wood (unless it be sumach), and
silk, and taking into consideration that the country
was discovered in summer, Cabot s description could
apply to the entire northern coast of America.
The same may be said concerning the remark
about slack tides. It was natural that John Cabot
should have been surprised at seeing tides which rise
only from two and three quarters to four feet, whilst
in the vicinity of Bristol they rise from thirty-six to
forty feet ; but this diminutiveness is peculiar to the
entire coast from Nova Scotia to Labrador. 2
There is another detail, however, which is of
importance. Cabot on his return saw two islands to
starboard: " ale tornar aldreto a visto do ixole." 3
Those two islands were unknown before, and are
very large and fertile : " due insule nove grandissime
et fructiffere." 4 The existence of islands in that
vicinity is further confirmed by the fact that Cabot
gave one to a native of Burgundy who was his
companion, and another to his barber : " uno
Borgognone compagno di mess. Zoanne li
ha donato una isola ; et ne ha donato una altra ad
suo barbero." 5
What were these large islands ? This question
we propose to examine later.
" La e terra optima et temperata."
The headlands clad in the pale green of mosses
and shrubs, may have conveyed at a distance to
a casual observer the idea of fertility. As to the
1 PASQUALIGO, loc. tit. 3 PASQUALIGO.
2 Henry MITCHELL, Survey of the 4 SONCINO, first dispatch.
Bays of Fundy and Afinas, for the 5 SONCINO, second dispatch, Decem-
United States Coast Survey (1877?), her i8th ; Syllabus^ No. x.
quoted by Mr. KIDDER.
54 JOHN CABOT S FIRST EXPEDITION.
climate, it was in June and July that Cabot visited
those regions. Now, in Labrador, " Summer is brief
but lovely." 1
He did not see any inhabitant, and therefore we
have no specific details enabling us to identify the
race of men who inhabited the country. But the
needle for making nets, and the snares for catching
game, indicate the regular occupation of the Eskimo,
whose proper home is from Cape Webeck to Cape
Chudleigh ; whilst the ingenuity which the making
of such implements presupposes, agrees perfectly
with that race said "to have been able in the
manufacture of their tools to develop mechanical
skill far surpassing that of savages more favourably
situated." Nor should we forget " that judging from
the traditions they must have maintained their pre
sent characteristic language and mode of life for at
least 1,000 years." The Eskimos of Cabot s time
may therefore be judged by those of to-day.
But there is a circumstance in John Cabot s con
versation with the Milanese ambassador which is
still more convincing. It is evident that the Venetian
adventurer and his companions were greatly struck
with the enormous quantity of fish which they found
in that region. It surpassed anything of the kind
they had ever seen, even in the Icelandic sea, where
cod was then marvellously plentiful. He dwells at
length and with evident complacency on that fortunate
peculiarity :
" Quello mare e coperto de pessi li quali se prendenno non solo
cum la rete, ma cum le ciste, essendoli alligato uno saxo ad cio
che la cista se impozi in laqua .... dicono che portaranno tanti
pessi che questo regno non havera piu bisogno de Islanda, del
quale paese vene una grandissima mercantia de pessi che si chia-
1 See the excellent article on French [by SELLIUS] of Henry ELLIS
Labrador, in the last edition of the Voyage for the discovery of a north-west
Encyclopedia Britannica; Prof. HIND, passage ; Paris, 1749, I2mo, vol. ii,
Explorations of the Labrador Penin- p. 164.
1863 : and translation into
JOHN CABOTS FIRST EXPEDITION. 55
manno stochfissi : That sea is covered with fishes, which are
taken not only with the net, but also with a basket, in which a
stone is put so that the basket may plunge into water ....
They say that they will bring thence such a quantity of fish that
England will have no further need of Iceland, from which a very
great commerce of fish called stockfish is brought." l
It is clear that the existence of vast quantities of
cod is a circumstance which is applicable to the
entire transatlantic coast north of New . England.
Yet, however plentiful that species of fish may be
on the banks of Newfoundland, the quantity is
surpassed near the entrance of Hudson s Strait.
Modern explorers report that, there, cod and salmon
"form in many places a living mass, a vast ocean
of living slime, which accumulates on the banks of
Northern Labrador;" 2 and the spot noted for its
"amazing quantity of fish," is the vicinity of Cape
Chudleigh, which the above details and other
reasons seem to indicate as the place visited by
John Cabot in 1497.
1 SONCINO, second dispatch. 3 Prof. HIND, op. cit.
CHAPTER IX.
THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOT S FIRST VOYAGE.
WE have stated that the first transatlantic voyage
of John Cabot was accomplished in the year
1497. Several writers have believed, and others
still assert, that it was in 1494. They rely for their
opinion exclusively on a date set forth in one of
the inscriptions 1 of Sebastian Cabot s planisphere of
1 544, which inscription is as follows :
" No. 8. Esta tierra fue descu- " No. 8. Terrain hac olim
bierta por loan Caboto Vene- nobis clausam, aperuit loannes
ciano, y Sebastian Caboto su Cabotus Venetus, necno Sebas-
hijo, anno del nascimiento de tianus Cabotus eius films, anno
nuestro Saluador lesu Christo ab orbe redempto 1494. die
de M.CCC.XCIIII. a ueinte y uero 24. lulij [sic], hora 5, sub
quatro de lunio por la man- diliculo. . ."
nana . . ."
" No. 8. This land was discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian,
and Sebastian Cabot, his son, in the year of the birth of our
Saviour Jesus Christ M.CCCC.XCIIII, on the 24th of June in
the morning."
In the above we have made our translation from
the Spanish, because that is the language in which
all these tabular inscriptions were originally written,
and because they contain fewer errors than their
Latin version. In the above, for instance, the
Spanish says that the country was discovered
"June 24th," the Latin, "July 24th." The latter
1 That planisphere contains a series are both in Latin and Spanish ; that
of twenty-two legends inscribed on is, the columns set forth first a legend
two columns, one on the right, the in Spanish, and then a translation
other on the left of the reader. The into Latin. There are also legends in
legends, which bear the numbers 1-17, the body of the map.
THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOTS FIRST VOYAGE. 57
is in contradiction to the legend which states that
Cabot named then and there an adjacent island
"the island of St. John," because it was discovered
on the same day when they made their landfall.
The custom of the old navigators to name their
maritime discoveries after the saint on whose day
the discovery occurred is well known. The day of
St. John the Baptist always falls not on the 24th of
July, but on the 24th of June. Another difference
worth noticing is that the Spanish says it was " in
the morning," whilst the Latin is more precise :
" hora 5. sub diliculo : at the hour of five, at day
break."
The date of " 1494" contradicts all the authentic
records of the time and is clearly an anachronism,
which can be easily demonstrated.
Let us first examine the chronology of the facts.
On the 2 ist of January 1496, Dr. Puebla, the
Spanish ambassador in London, informs Ferdinand
and Isabella that an individual " like Columbus " has
just submitted to Henry VII. a project for trans
atlantic discoveries. 1
Their Majesties reply, on the 28th of March
following, 2 and in terms implying that the idea was a
novelty in England.
On the 5th of April 1496, Henry VII. grants
letters patent to John Cabot and his three sons,
none of them until then ever mentioned in English
documents. By that act, they are authorized " to
seek out, discover, and find whatsoever isles,
countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and
infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what part of the
world soever they be, which before this time have been
unknown to all Christians."
1 That dispatch is referred to in doc. v, p. 315 ; BERGEN ROTH, Calen-
Ferdinand and Isabella s reply of dar, vol. i, p. 88.
March 28th, 1496. JeanetStb. Cabot, 2 Ibidem.
58 THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOT S FIRST VOYAGE.
The expedition does not sail, however, until May
1497. Why, we do not know.
A dispatch from Raimondo di Soncino confirms
the time of the year, and the year above given ; as
under the date of August 24th, 1497, he writes to
the Duke of Milan, that the King of England had
sent the Venetian navigator on his voyage of dis
covery a few months before : " alcuni mesi," and
" sono mesi passate."
On the loth of August 1497, Henry VII. gives
10 as a reward "to hym that founde the new
isle." 1 That is the first direct allusion existing, so
far as known at present, in the English documents
relative to transatlantic discoveries ever accomplished
by an English expedition.
On the 23rd of August 1497, a Venetian established
in England, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, writing to his
brothers in Venice informs them of the return of their
countryman " Zuam Calbot," and that the English
King, on account of his successful voyage, has given
him money wherewith to amuse himself: "fazi bona
ziera." 3
The next day, August 24th, Raimondo di Soncino,
confirms Cabot s recent arrival in England, and adds
that he has returned from the voyage undertaken a
few months before. 4
All these facts form a well-connected chain, show
ing that the events positively occurred between March
5th, 1496, when the Cabots first petitioned for leave
to go in search of countries "heretofore unknown to
all Christians," and August 1497, which is the time
of John Cabot s return to England after having
succeeded in his undertaking.
In opposition to this undeniable chronology, the
* Jean el Seb. Cabot , p. 323. 3 PASQUALIGO, ttbi stipra.
2 Harris NICOLAS, Excerpt a his tor- 4 Jean et Sebaslien Cabot, doc. ix, p.
ica t p. 113. 323.
THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOT S FIRST VOYAGE. 59
believers in the date of 1494, in preference to that of
1497, only quote the following passage from the
letter of Pedro de Ayala, already cited :
" The people of Bristol have, for the last seven years, sent out
every year, two, three, or four caravels, in search of the island of
Brazil and the Seven Cities, according to the ideas of this
Genoese [i.e. John Cabot]."
In the first place, the words in the original Spanish:
" con la fantasia," do not mean, or imply that John
Cabot either led, or took part, personally, in the ex
pedition. They convey no other meaning than that
of his having suggested or prepared the venture,
"after his own fancy."
It is also well to recollect that efforts of the kind
were not unfrequent in those days. We have cited
in another work 1 authentic documents referring to
eighteen similar enterprises projected or attempted,
between the years 1431 and 1492 ; that is, anterior to
the memorable voyage of Columbus. Ayala refers
to attempts of this kind annually renewed, and of
which the expedition sent out from Bristol by John
Jay junior in July 1480, under the command of
Thomas Lloyd, 2 gives us a pretty clear idea. John
Cabot doubtless advised, and may even have laid
out plans for such voyages of discovery, between
1490, which we suppose to be the date of his first
coming to England to settle, and the close of 1495,
when he submitted his plans to Henry VII. But
it is impossible to see in the perfectly successful
voyage described by Ayala and other contemporary
authorities, as having been accomplished in 1497*
an expedition dating so far back as 1494. When
that diplomatist, for instance, again asserts, July
25th, 1498, on the subject of the fleet which had
been equipped a few months before in consequence
1 Discovery o> North America, pp. 2 Ibidem, in the Chronology of
655-661. Voyages, No. xiii, p. 659.
60 THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOT S FIRST VOYAGE.
of the successful issue of the voyage of 1497, that
the object now in view is to "verify 1 certain islands
and continents which he was informed some people
from Bristol . . . had found last year [1497] :
hallaron afio passado ; " 2 and when Henry
VII. grants new letters patent to John Cabot,
February 3rd, 1498, " to take at his pleasure vi
Englisshe shippes, and them convey and lede to
the Londe and Isles of late founde by the seid
John" impartial historians cannot but admit that the
attempts mentioned in Ayala s letter came to a
successful issue in 1497, and not three years before !
Nor is this all. The first letters patent granted
to John Cabot in 1496, specify as their sole object,
as we have already said, the discovery of " Provin-
cias, gentilium et infidelium in quacumque parte
mundi positas, quae christianis omnibus ante hsec
tempora fuerunt incognitse." If John Cabot had
already discovered such countries, the fact would be
recorded in the act, just as the discovery of 1497 is
recalled in the letters patent of 1498, and doubtless
in the terms which we have quoted ; for these con
stitute a formula prompted by legal parlance not
less than by mere common sense. Cabot therefore,
in 1497, does not retiirn to countries and islands
formerly discovered by himself. The wording of the
letters patent of 1496, shows that on the contrary,
he goes in search of transatlantic regions unknown
to him as well as to all other Christians, what
ever may have been his notions on the subject at
any time before 1497.
As Biddle, who was an able jurist, justly observes:
"The patent of 1496 would be inapplicable to any region
previously visited by either of the Cabots, and confer no right.
1 The word "descubrir," in the 1775.) The word " hallaron," in the
text, has also in Spanish the sense of same sentence, shows that the above
inspicere^ xndiprospicere. (DE SEJOUR- is the meaning.
NANT, Dictionaire Espagnol Franfais, 2 Jean et Seb. Cabot, p. 329.
THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOTS FIRST VOYAGE. 61
Assuming, what is obviously absurd, that the discovery could have
been made without becoming at once universally known, yet the
patentees must have been aware that they exposed themselves,
at any moment when the fact should come out, to have the grant
vacated on the ground of a deceptive concealment." l
It remains now to examine the date of 1494
paleographically, that is, as the reader finds it
inscribed in one of the legends pasted on Sebastian
Cabot s planisphere of 1544.
We have demonstrated in a former work, 2 that
those geographical additions were not written by
Cabot, but by a Dr. Grajales, living in 1544 at the
Puerto de Santa Maria, in Andalucia. They were
composed there, in the Spanish language and trans
lated as well as printed apparently in the Nether
lands, where the map itself was engraved, and con
sequently at a time and in a country excluding the
probability that the proof sheets were corrected by
Cabot or by Grajales.
The date is in Roman numerals, viz. : M.CCCC.
XCIIII. Paleographers will not hesitate, when
considering the documentary proofs which we have
adduced in favor of the date of 1497, to explain
the discrepancy between M.CCCC. XCIIII, and
M.CCCC.XCVII, by a lapsus calami, 3 on the part of
Dr. Grajales, produced by the outside stroke in the
V having been separated from the inside stroke in
that numeral. In such a case, particularly in manu
scripts, where the strokes intended to depict Roman
numerals are frequently of equal thickness, VII may
well have been taken for I II I.
The fact that the date in the Latin translation is
given in Arabic numerals, viz. " 1494," is no argu
ment to the contrary, as the translation was made
1 BIDDLE, Memoir, p. 75. English discovery of the American
2 Discovery of North America, p. Continent under John and Sebastian
640. Cabot, London, 1870, 4to, p. 17, and
a MAJOR, The true date of the Archaologia^ vol. xliii.
62 THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOTS FIRST VOYAGE.
out of Spain, and from the Spanish manuscript con
taining the alleged slip of the pen.
Our explanation is so much the more plausible
that in the issue of the Cabotian planisphere which
was edited in London by Clement Adams in 1549,
the date is not 1494, but 1497. Now Adams
held an office at the Court of England, where he
certainly met Sebastian Cabot who had then been
living in London for two years. It may be inferred
therefore that the correction is due to Cabot himself.
At all events, the date of 1497 substituted for that
of 1494, under such circumstances, and in a country
where all the original documents were then at hand,
confirms the evidence gathered from the dispatches
of the Spanish and Italian Ambassadors.
We conclude therefore that the continent of North
America was discovered by John Cabot, sailing
under the British flag, in the year 1497.
CHAPTER X.
JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL.
THE date when land is said to have been first
sighted, viz. : June 24th, is to be found only
in the legends of the Cabotian planisphere of 1544,
which, as we have shown, were not written by
Sebastian Cabot, but are the work of one Dr.
Grajales, who, however, doubtless received his
information from Sebastian himself at Seville.
After rejecting the year set forth in that map, we
apprehend that the month and day must be rejected
likewise.
The landfall was made, it is stated, on the 24th of
June. The documents show that Cabot was already
in London on the loth of August following; which
implies that he reached Bristol about five days
before. This leaves only forty-two days between
the arrival of Cabot within sight of the New World,
and his return to England. Now, we must assume
that Cabot and his small crew of eighteen men, after
an alleged voyage of more than fifty-two days (since
they left England in the beginning of May) rested a
while, and devoted some time to refit or repair their
diminutive craft, as well as to take in wood and
water, and renew the stock of victuals, which could
only be done by hunting and salting game on the
mainland. Besides, Pasqualigo states that they
skirted three hundred leagues of the coast ; which is
corroborated in a manner by Ayala s statement that
he saw the map which John Cabot made of the
newly discovered lands. In those days, particularly
64 JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL.
when coasting in unknown regions, anchor was cast
at sundown, and sailing renewed again only with
daylight the next morning. This, in the present
instance, was so much the more necessary that in
June and July, navigation all around Newfoundland
and the Gulf of St. Lawrence is impeded by fogs,
icebergs, and under currents. How can all this have
been accomplished in the limited space of time which
the alleged landfall on June 24th leaves to Cabot
before returning to England ? If we suppose that
owing to the westerly winds and gulf-stream he
effected the homeward voyage in one third less time
than was required for the same passage when out
ward bound, that is, thirty-four days instead of fifty-
two, as he was already back in Bristol on the 5th of
August, he would have taken the necessary rest,
made the indispensable repairs, effected landings,
renewed his provisions, and coasted nine hundred
miles, all within eight days ! l
If we now submit to the test of analysis and
discussion the accounts of that voyage ascribed to
Sebastian Cabot himself, directly or indirectly, the
date of June 24th is again not only highly improbable,
but altogether impossible.
We possess three such accounts. 2 The first
is Peter Martyr s, written in 1515, in Spain, which
from his frequent intercourse and personal intimacy
with Sebastian Cabot, we must believe to have been
derived from the latter s own lips. Furthermore, it
was published at Alcala, whilst Cabot was frequent-
1 Thirty-four days preceding August tion the accounts of GALVAO and of
5th give July 2nd for the day of GOMARA ; because, in our estimation,
CABOT S sailing out from America GALVAO, who wrote in 1550, has
homeward bound. And as he had derived his data from the Cabotian
first landed in the New World June planisphere of 1544, whilst GOMARA,
24th, only eight days (June 24th-July whose work bears the date of 1553,
2nd) were left for his accomplishing all gives only an amalgam of PETER
that which we enumerate. MARTYR with GALVAO. Compare the
2 We have not taken into considera- texts, injean et S<*b. Cabot \
JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL. 65
ing the court, that being the time when Ferdinand
of Aragon granted him gratuities and emoluments.
It is as follows :
"Cabot directed his course so farre toward the northe pole,
that euen in the mooneth of July he founde monstruous heapes of
Ise swimming on the sea, and in maner continuall day lyght.
Yet sa we he the lande in that tracte, free from Ise. Thus seyng
suche heapes of Ise before hym, he was enforced to tourne his
sayles and folowe the weste, so coastyng styll by the shore, that he
was thereby broughte so farre into the southe hy reason of the
lande bendynge so muche southward that it was there almoste
equall in latitude with the sea cauled Fretum Herculeum, hauynge
the north pole eleuate in maner in the same degree. He sayled
lykewise in this tracte so farre towarde the weste, that he had the
I lande of Cuba on his lefte hande in maner in the same degree of
longitude." *
The next account we find in Ramusio, who first
says that Cabot ranged the north coast, from the
Codfish country to a latitude stated in one place to
be 67, 2 and in another, 67^, 3 and then gives, as
coming from Sebastian himself, the following details :
" And he told me that having sayled a long time west and by
North beyonde these Hands unto the latitude of 67 degrees and
a halfe under the north Pole, and, at the 1 1 day of June, finding
still open Sea without any manner of impediment, hee thought
verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Cathaio, which
is in the East." 4
Finally, there is the well-known conversation held
at Seville between Sebastian Cabot and the Mantuan
Gentleman after 1533 and before 1547, reported by
Ramusio, who heard it repeated by the interlocutor
himself, and used quotation marks when stating
Cabot s own words, in this wise :
" His Majesty the King [Henry VII.] . . . fitted out two
caravels for me with everything needful. This was in 1496, in
the commencement of the summer. I began to navigate towards
1 ANGHIERA, Decad. iii, book vi, 2 RAMUSIO, vol. iii, recto of fo. 417.
fo. 55, D, of the edition of Basil, 3 Idem, Preface, verso of Aiiij.
1533. ARBER S edit., p. 161. 4 Idem.
E
66 JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL.
the west, expecting not to find land until I came to Cathay, whence
I could go on to the Indies. But at the end of some days, I
discovered that the land trended northwards, to my great dis
appointment ; so I sailed along the coast to see if I could find
some gulf where the land turned, until I reached the height of 56
under our pole, but finding that the land turned eastward, I
despaired of finding an opening. I turned to the right to examine
again to the southward, always with the object of finding a passage
to the Indies, and I came to that which is now called Florida.
Being in want of victuals, I was obliged to return thence to
England." 1
Those accounts, although written at different times,
as much as eighteen and twenty years apart, and in
different countries, agree in the main. They contain
impossibilities, but that is not the fault of the
witnesses, two of whom at least we know to have
been men of intelligence and reliable, whilst the
confidence placed in the third by such a writer as
Ramusio, entitles him also to great credit. The
reader may rest assured that he has here what
Sebastian Cabot actually reported relative to his
alleged discovery of the continent of North America,
and almost in his own words. Nor can the discre
pancy be explained away by supposing that Sebastian
meant to embrace in his statements the results not
of the first voyage only, but of the second like
wise. Nowhere does he mention having then
twice crossed the Atlantic ; the wording, too, betrays
on his part a desire to convey the impression that
he discovered the entire region, from about 36 to
65 north latitude, in the course of the first trans
atlantic expedition carried out under the auspices of
Henry VII. Finally, we have the positive date
given by the Mantuan Gentleman that " this was in
1496, in the commencement of summer : fu del
mille quatrocento novanta sei nel principio della
state." This is only the date of the letters patent;
but as the voyage was undertaken in the spring of
1 RAMUSIO, vol. i, fo. 414.
JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL. 67
1497, it", is near enough, in general conversation,
to identify it with the first voyage in preference to
any other. Moreover, the date is corroborated by the
further statement that when Cabot returned home
from his voyage of discovery, he " found in England
great popular tumults among the rebels, and a war
with Scotland." This coincides with the rebellion of
Perkin Warbeck, as the battle of Blackheath was
fought on the 22nd of June 1497, and the truce
between Henry VII. and James IV. was not nego
tiated until September following ; 1 that is, when
Cabot had been back in England for more than a
month.
What must be particularly noticed in these
accounts, is the series of circumstances, implied or
expressed, which they involve. According to
Sebastian Cabot s narratives, he found himself, in the
month of July, in a region where there was
" continuall daylight." This implies an exploration
of Davis Strait to at least 65 latitude. He then
" turned his sayles," and ranged the coast south
ward as far as the parallel of the Strait of Gibraltar,
about 36 latitude. From that point he recrossed
the Atlantic and returned home. In other words,
he sailed in longitude from about 80 to 5. As John
Cabot was in Bristol again early in August, it follows
that in six or seven weeks at most, for at times he
must have tarried on the American coast, he would
have navigated over twenty-nine degrees of latitude
and seventy-five of longitude. Who will ever believe
that a small ship, manned by eighteen men, in the
1 5th century, in regions theretofore unknown, ranging
half the time a dangerous coast, and impeded by
fogs or icebergs, sailed over six thousand miles in
less than forty-two days !
1 RAWDON BROWN, Calendar of Venetian Documents, vol. i, Nos. 754, 760,
766, pp. 264, 266, 267.
68 JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL.
Yet such is the logical and necessary inference to
be drawn from Sebastian Cabot s own allegations,
when examined in connection with the date of the
landfall inscribed on the planisphere. Admirers of
that navigator may endeavour to explain away
the impossibility by presuming that he meant to
cover in his accounts the results both of the first and
second voyages. His own statements do not admit
of such a palliative. They expressly embrace all
those details within the period assigned for the
expedition of "1496" (sic pro 1497). We must
take Sebastian Cabot s description as it stands,
regardless of its impossibility ; for that is what he
meant to convey to his hearers. If historians feel
bound to reject such vainglorious fables, so much the
worse for his memory.
Either the landfall in 1496 (i.e. 1497) was not
effected on the 24th of June, or, contrary to Sebas
tian Cabot s asseverations, both cartographical and
descriptive, only a very limited portion of the coast
of the New World was visited on that occasion.
In a succeeding chapter we shall endeavour to
ascertain the origin and reason of that spurious date.
CHAPTER XI.
JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.
THE documents of the time, geographic and
historical, which have come down to us, fail to
mention the locality of John Cabot s landfall in his
first transatlantic voyage. ^ We can only presume,
but with great probability, that it was on some point
of the north-east coast of Labrador/
No graphic data on the subject are to be found
until forty-seven years after the event, and it is again
in the Cabotian planisphere, where, on the extremity
of a large peninsula of the north-east coast of the
New World, we read these words : " Prima tierra
vista : the first land seen." This cartographical
assertion is repeated in the 8th longitudinal legend,
to which reference is made in an inscription placed
across the continent, west of the words above quoted. 1
It begins, as we have already stated, with these
words :
" Esta tierra fue descubierta por loan Caboto Veneciano, y
Sebastian Caboto su hijo : This land was discovered by John
Caboto, a Venetian, and Sebastian Caboto, his son."
That locality was doubtless intended to represent
the region which we now call Cape Breton island,
north of Nova Scotia, and at the entrance of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence. But it is very inaccurately
depicted. In that planisphere, instead of a regular
island, we see only a continental promontory bend
ing eastward, the apex of which is on a line
with 48 30 north latitude, according to the scale
1 See infra, fac simile of the North American portion of that map.
70 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.
inscribed on the map, instead of 47 5 latitude. The
longitude is also erroneous, viz. : 63 west, instead
of 59. The outline likewise presents great differ
ences. Then, in the gulf there is a large island, to
the north-west of the peninsula, the north coast of
which corresponds with the 50 latitude on the map,
and bears the designation: "I. de s. Juan." If
intended for our Prince Edward Island, the latitude
would be almost 4 too high. At all events, it is
the island alleged to have been discovered on the
same day as the landfall ; which is a point that we
propose to discuss hereafter.
The positions in that map contradict, as we claim
to have shown, the authentic assertions of John
Cabot, who states that in the voyage of 1497, he
sailed from the west of Ireland (which implies a
starting point no farther south than 51 15 lat. N.),
and that so far from having steered thenceforth in
a southerly direction, he held first a northward, and
then a westward course. Now, the above alleged
landfall is not less than 5 farther south than it must
have been in reality.
At the outset, we must proceed to show that the
latitudes, longitudes, profiles and other characteristics
ascribed in the planisphere of 1544 to the Cabotian
discoveries, which discoveries the reader must con
sider to be synonymous with those made in these
regions by the English at that time, are com
pletely at variance with the very explicit statements
which mark on all previous maps the countries
discovered under the British flag on the north-east
coast of America, and, as a necessary consequence,
with the cartographical declarations set forth pre
viously by or under the direct responsibility of
Sebastian Cabot. We allude to the nautical charts
which were designed by the cosmographers of
Charles V., and to all maps derived more or less
JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 71
directly from the same. But before describing
their North American delineations and legends, it
is necessary to give an account of what may be
termed the Hydrographical Bureau at Seville, where,
in the i6th century, those charts originated.
Pilotage and Hydrography were taught in
Andalusia at a very early period, especially by
Biscayan mariners. An ordinance from Ferdinand
and Isabella, dated March i8th, 1500, confirms the
regulations which until then had been followed in a
school of Basque pilots established at Cadiz. The
document declares the origin of the school to be so
ancient that "the memory of man runneth not to
the contrary : que de tanto tiempo aca que memoria
de hombres non es en contrario."
On the 2Oth of January, 1503, their Catholic
Majesties created in Seville the Casa de la Contra-
tacion de las Indias? It was a vast State^ establish
ment which embraced everything pertaining to the
administration, laws, trade and maritime affairs of
the New World. The Casa had its own pilots
and cartographers, as well as professors of cosmo
graphy, and a technical office where charts were
designed or authenticated.
Cosmography and chart-making were nevertheless
freely taught beyond the walls of the institution, and
the probability is that in all the ports of Andalusia
there were pilots who made their living by drawing
nautical maps, which they sold openly and without
being interfered with by the Spanish Government. 3
^ Real ctdula de iS de tnarsodei$ao tratation, Seville, 1672, folio, lib. i,
dada en Sevilla for los Reyes Don cap. i, p. 2, and Primeras Ordenan-
Ferdinandoy Dona Isabel, confirmando zas para el establedimento y gobierno
las ordenanzas del colegio de pilotos de la Casa de la Contratacion de las
Vizcainos estableddo en Cadiz. Cited by Indias ; NAVARRETE, Colcccton de los
NAVARRETE, Disertacion sobre la Viages, vol. ii, doc. cxlvm, p. 285.
HistoriadelaNdutica; Madrid, 1846, 3 Introduction to the Cartography
4to, p. 357. Americana Vetustissima in our Dis-
2 VEYTIA LINAGE, Note de la con- covery of North America.
72 JOHN CABOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL.
But to avoid the dangerous consequences arising
from too great a multiplicity of sailing charts, it was
ordered, August 6th, 1508, that an official pattern,
called Padron Real, should be established. 1 For
that purpose a commission was named, and com
posed of the ablest pilots in the kingdom. Americus
Vespuccius, for whom the office of Pilot- Major had
been expressly created, 2 became its president.
According to Herrera, 3 Juan Diaz de Solis and
Vincente Yanez Pinzon were then appointed Royal
Pilots for the purpose of securing their services in
that useful undertaking.
The model which those able mariners were directed
to create was to include "all the land and isles of the
Indies theretofore discovered and belonging to the
Crown." This general map was to be considered as
official, and all pilots were prohibited from employing
any other, under a penalty of 50 doubloons. They
were also enjoined to mark on the copy which had
been used on their voyages, "all the lands, isles,
bays, harbours and other new things worthy of being
noted ; " and, the moment they landed in Spain, to
communicate the chart so amended or annotated to
the Pilot-Major. 4
Whenever the Pilot-Major received new geogra
phical data, these were communicated to the Crown
cosmographers, with whom, twice a month, he dis
cussed the expediency of inserting the same in the
Padron Real or General* But maps or copies of
that royal pattern were not issued by the Casa de
Contratacion as they are, for instance, by the
English Admiralty, or the U. S. Coast Survey.
1 Real titulo de Piloto mayor ; 4 NAVARRETE, doc. ix, vol. iii, p.
NAVARRETE, vol. iii, doc. ix, p. 300. 199.
2 Ibidem, doc. vii, p. 297. 5 " A enmendar el Padron." Reco-
3 HERRERA, Decad. i, lib. vii, cap. pilacion de leyes de los reynos de Indias,
i, p. 177; where the act is erroneously Madrid, 1750, folio, ley vii, titulo iii,
mentioned under the year 1507. fo. 286.
JOHN CABOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL. 73
The Pilot-Major and certain Crown pilots, by special
appointment, took or caused to be taken copies of
the Padron General, which they sold for their own
benefit, according to a tariff fixed by the Casa. 1
As regards the elements which served for making
the first model, they were borrowed from maps then
current in Spain, and not from special or actual
surveys, even for the New World. And we may
take it for granted that this official map presented
entire sections which remained for a century or more
totally unaltered, though sometimes erroneous in
many respects. But there were also configurations
furnished by the Crown pilots or cosmographers,
and derived from their own stock of information.
Mariners, and cosmographers of Portuguese or
Italian origin, like Americus Vespuccius and the
Reinels, must have furnished data of that kind.
Now, Sebastian Cabot filled in Spain the office
first of Crown pilot, from August I5th, 1515, and
then of Pilot-Major from February 5th, 1518, until
October 25th, 1525, and from 1533 until at least
October I547- 2 Nor should we omit to state that
not only was Sebastian by virtue of his office super
visor of the Chair of Cosmography in the Casa de
Contratacion, and filled the professorship of nautical
and cosmographic science in the institution, 3 but
he was a member of the commission of pilots and
geographers who in 1515 were required by King
Ferdinand to make a general revision of all maps
and charts. 4
Under the circumstances, it would prove highly
1 " For privilegios firmados a 12 de covery of North America, pp. 706-708.
Julio de 1512, se concedio a Juan 3 NAVARRETE, Disertacion sobre la
Vispuche [sic.] y a Juan de Solis que Historia de la Ndutica, p. 134, men-
pudieran sacar traslados del padron tions Sebastian Cabot first on the list
general de las Indias, y venderlos of the professors of Cosmography in
a los pilotos al precio que dijesen los the Casa de Contraladon.
oficiales de la Casa de Contratacion. " 4 HERRERA, Decad. ii, lib. i, cap.
Munoz MSS., vol. xc, fo. 105, v. xii, p. 18.
2 For all those dates, see our Dis-
74 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.
interesting to compare some Sevilian official map
made while Sebastian Cabot held the office of Pilot-
Major, with the Cabotian planisphere of 1544. Un
fortunately, they have all disappeared. The follow
ing fact also complicates the question.
Although the Padron General was the object of
much solicitude from the government, we find in the
ordinances enacted by Charles V., proofs of negli
gence on the part of the pilots and cosmographers
to whom it had been entrusted. They were charged
with failing to maintain the hydrography of the New
World at the required standard. On the other hand,
the sort of monopoly enjoyed first by Solis, then by-
Juan Vespuccius (Americus nephew), who alone
could dispose of copies of the Padron, induced
unauthorized pilots to make and sell clandestine
duplicates, which were necessarily inferior to the
original, and probably introduced additional errors.
The chief pilots complained, as far back as 1513,
of those repeated infringements, but no remedy was
applied for several years, although the counterfeits not
only departed greatly from the Padron General, but
even presented different scales of degrees, 1 and, con
sequently, a variety of latitudes. At last, Charles V.,
not in the pecuniary interest of his cosmographers or
to increase the revenue of the State, but to render navi
gation more secure, determined to remedy the evil.
On the 6th of October, 1526, Fernando Columbus
was commissioned to order Diego Ribero and other
competent cosmographers 2 to construct a sailing
1 Coloquio sobre las dos graduaziones not only comprised the Pilot-Major and
diferentes quc las cartas de Indias His Majesty s cosmographers, but more
tienen. Munoz MSS., vol. xliv, as- than one hundred experienced pilots,
cribed to Fernando COLUMBUS. besides other members versed in
2 Real Cedula a Don Hernando nautical science : "Mas de cien pilotos,
Colon, in the Coleccion de documentor muchos tie ellos antiguos en la navega-
ineditos de Indias, vol. xxxii, p. 512. cion de las Indias, y otras personas
This ordinance, dated May 2Oth, 1535, peritas en el arte," says the Coloquio.
refers to the one previously issued by See also HERRERA, Dccad* iii, lib. x,
the Emperor, in 1526. That junta cap. xi, p. 294.
JOHN CABOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL. 75
chart comprehending all the islands and the continent
discovered and to be discovered: " una Carta de
navegar en la qual se situen todas las Islas e Tierra
firme questhobiesen descobiertas e se descobriesen de
ay adelante." 1
This royal order nevertheless remained a dead
letter for nine years. At last, Queen Isabella of
Portugal, during the absence of her husband Charles
V. in Italy, May 2Oth, 1535, enjoined Fernando
Columbus to cause that all-important map to be
executed at once : " lo acabeis con toda la brevedad,
e sinon, entendais luego en que se efetue." We do
not know at what time it was completed ; but when
ready, the Emperor confided the chart to the presi
dent and judges of the Casa de Conlratacion, and
ordered the Pilot-Major and cosmographers belong
ing to that institution to verify it twice a month.
Charles V. went further. He authorized all profes
sional cartographers residing at Seville, to design
and sell maps of the New World, with no other
restriction than that of causing the same to be
first approved by the Pilot-Major and the cosmo-
oraphers of the Casa. He even permitted the
Pilot-Major himself, not only to sell copies of
the Padron General, but also maps and globes
of his own making, provided that the trade in
such articles was not carried on within the city of
Seville. 3
This chart, known thenceforth under the name
Padron General, was not a complete innovation, and
could be considered only as the Padron Real im
proved. We possess no copy of that standard map ;
but it is no doubt revived in the description which
Oviedo has given 4 of the chart made by Alonso de
i Real Cedula above quoted. Del Piloto^ Mayor y Cosmografos, lib.
2 jhid^m ix, fit - xxlll k y es ul V111> xu &c ; ,-,
3 Recopiladon de leyes de los reynos 4 OVIEDO, Hi storia General, lib.
de las Indias ; Madrid, 1681, section xxi ; cap. x, vol. n, p. I4 seq.
76 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.
Chaves in I536. 1 As Ribero died August i6th,
I533, 2 Chaves, who then stood so high as a carto
grapher, must have been entrusted with the task of
continuing the work.
The commission to revise the Padron was
appointed in 1526. On the other hand, Sebastian
Cabot, as captain-general of the fleet intended to
visit the Moluccas, sailed from San Lucar de
Barrameda April 3rd of that year, 3 and returned to
Spain only on July 22nd, 1530. The maps designed
in Seville or copied from the Padron Real between
those two dates, were therefore commenced and
finished whilst Sebastian Cabot was on the Rio de
la Plata. It is necessary nevertheless to examine
them with the view of determining the character of
their north-eastern configurations, and of ascertain
ing whether these must not be attributed to Sebas
tian Cabot, or at all events, considered as containing
data furnished by him while he filled the office of
Pilot-Major.
It is not until a quarter of a century after Juan de
la Cosa made his celebrated planisphere ( 1 500), that
we find an engraved Sevilian or Spanish map
exhibiting the north-eastern American regions.
This is the mappa-mundi on an equidistant polar
projection devised by Juan Vespuccius, engraved in
Italy, and of which two editions are known. 4 As
the second edition is dated " 1524," the map was
originally constructed before that year, and at Seville,
while Sebastian Cabot still held and exercised there
the functions of pilot-major, Juan Vespuccius being
designated therein under the title of " Pilot to the
King," an office 5 of which he was not deprived until
1 Cartographia Americana Veiustis- cap. iii, pp. 259, 260 ; NAVARRETE,
sima, in the Discovery, No. 239. vol. v, p. 440.
2 Mufioz MSS., vol. Ixxvii, fo. 4 Cart. Amer. Vetust. t Nos. 147, 148.
165, verso. 5 NAVARRETE, Coleccion, vol. iii,
:J HERRERA, Decade iii, lib. ix, p. 306, note.
JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 77
March i8th, 1525. Now, in that extremely curious
map, the Tera del Bachaglia, or Codfish Country,
is placed in the extreme north, bordering the Arctic
circle, at 55 N. latitude according to its own scale.
There are no further designations, but as the
northern configurations are all above 55 N. latitude,
we must view this parallel as the southern limit
(according to the map of Juan Vespuccius), of the
countries which Sebastian Cabot claimed to have
discovered in that part of the New World.
The next map is the one which was engraved at
Venice for the readers of \he-Libri della historia
delle Indie occidentali, published in that city by
Ramusio in I534; 1 but the map itself, or, rather,
its prototype, is of an earlier date.
The map states that it was made from two nautical
charts designed in Seville by the pilots of His
Majesty (Charles V.) : " cauata da due carte^ da
nauicare fatte in Sibilia da li piloti della Maiesta
Cesarea." One of those charts is said in the Libri
to be the work of Nufio Garcia de Toreno, who
ranked among the most renowned Spanish carto
graphers of his time, 2 and to have been the property
of Pietro Martire d 1 Anghiera, who died in 1526.
As the Padron General was ordered in that year,
and required considerable time and labour before it
could be ready for use, we may fairly consider the
map of the Libri as exhibiting data anterior to that
year, and derived from the Padron as it existed when
Sebastian Cabot was still Pilot-Major. But it is not
much older, as the name Steua gomez (Estevao
Gomez), inserted at 45 latitude north, carries us to
November, 1525, which is the date of the return of
that navigator.
1 BibKotheca Americana Vetustis- quoted by Andres GARCIA DE
sima No 190. CESPEDES, Regiimento de Navegaaon,
2 Pedro Ruiz DE VILLEGAS, as Madrid, 1606, folio, fo. 148,
78 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.
It is but an extract, evidently abridged, and makes
no explicit mention of the discoveries accomplished
by the English in the northern regions of the New
World. This omission would be sufficient to thrust
it out of our inquiry, if it did not exhibit the con
figurations of the north-east coast precisely as we
find them in all subsequent Sevilian maps, and, for
that matter, as they must have been given in the
charts copied at the Casa de Contratacion when
Sebastian Cabot filled the office of Pilot-Major, and
revised or endorsed all such copies.
We now proceed to examine manuscript charts
which doubtless reproduce the configurations of the
Padron Real, being the acknowledged works of
Royal Cosmographers belonging to the Seville
Hydrographic Bureau.
Three such maps yet exist, the first :
Carta Universal, en qiie se contiene to do lo, qve det,
Mundo se a descvbierto fasta aora hizola un cosmo-
grapho de Sv Majestad Anno MDXXVIL en
S evil la. 1
Here, the configuration of the north-east coast is
identically that of the preceding map of Garcia de
Toreno, except that where we read Lauoratot
only, the inscription bears in full : Tierra del
laborador, but with no allusion whatever to English
voyages. The legend relating to that region is also
placed at 60 north latitude, although the land
extends south to 56 N.
The second map is :
Carta Universal en qiie se contiene todo lo que del
mundo Se ha descubierto fasta agora, Hizola Diego
Ribero Cosmographo de su magestad: A no de.
1529.2
This likewise exhibits the same configurations of
1 KOHL, Die Beidcn A Itesten general large folio; Jean et S^bastien Cabot ,
Karten von Amerika t Weimar, 1860, No. ii, pp. 172-175. 2 Ibidem,
JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 79
the north-east coast, placing the Labrador inscrip
tion at 60 lat. N., but with the highly important
additional remark that it was discovered by the
English: " Esta tierra descubrieron los Ingleses"
Finally, we possess a duplicate of that map, made
by Ribero himself, which presents identical configura
tions in the same latitudes, but in which the inscrip
tion reads as follows : " Tierra del Labrador la qual
descubrieron los Ingleses DE LA VILLA DE BRISTOL." l
This latter specification is certainly a reference to
the voyage made by John Cabot in 1497, as the
vessel was manned chiefly by Bristol men: "sono
quasi tutti inglesi et da Bristo," and sailed from that
port : "partitosi da Bristo." 5
Now, what is the latitude ascribed by Ribero to
those English discoveries ? From 56 to 60 N.
The maps made by Vesconte de Maggiolo in
1527^ Hieronymo Verrazzano 4 in 1529 and the
Wolfenbiittel map B, 5 are, in these particulars,
derivatives from Sevilian planispheres, more or less
direct. They also placed the English discoveries
at 56-6o, in Labrador; the Wolfenbtittel chart
referring likewise explicitly to the " Yngleses de la
vila de Bristol."|
We shall now complete this cartographical prool
by another legend in the latter chart, viz. :
" E por que el que dio el lauiso della era labrador de las illas
de los acares le quedo este nombre : And as the one who first
gave notice [of the country] was a labourer of the Azores islands,
they gave it the name [of Labrador]."
Considered by itself, this statement does not seem
1 THOMASSY, Les Papes gtographes, Henry C. MURPHY, The Voyage of
Paris, 1852, 8vo, pp. 118. The Verrazzano, New York, 1875, 8vo ;
original is preserved at the Propa- Cornelio DESIMONI, Intorno al
ganda, at Rome. Fiorentino Giovanni Verrazzano,
2 PASQUALIGO, ubi supra. Genova, 1881, 8vo, p. 101.
3 Cartographia, sub anno, 1527. 5 Cartographia Americana Vetus-
4 J. Carson BREVOORT, Verrazano tissima No. 195, p. 580.
the Navigator ; New York, 1874, 8vo ;
80 JOHN CABOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL.
to have any bearing on the point in question. The
case, however, is quite different when we study it in
connection with a passage of the manuscript Islario
of Alonso de Santa Cruz, who was Sebastian Cabot s
companion for many years, particularly in Seville,
where he filled the high office of Cosmographer-
Major. Describing, in Cabot s lifetime, the septen
trional regions of North America, Santa Cruz speaks
as follows :
" Fue dicha tierra de labrador per que dio della aviso e yndicio
un labrador de las yslas de los agores al Rey de ynglatierra quando
elle embio a descubrir por Antonio Gabot piloto yngles y padre
de Sebastian Gabot piloto mayor que oy es de V. Mag 1 . : It was
the country of Labrador [so called] because it was disclosed and
indicated by a labourer from the Azores islands to the King of
England, when he sent [on a voyage of] discovery, Anthony (sic)
Gabot, an English pilot, and the father of Sebastian Gabot, at
present Pilot-Major of Your Majesty." 1
All we wish to retain in this quotation, is that in
the opinion of Santa Cruz, Labrador was visited by
John Cabot when Henry VII. sent him westward on
a voyage of discovery.
The chain is almost complete, and shows that
in Seville the cosmographers of Charles V. never
located the first transatlantic discoveries accomplished
under the British flag, at 45 north latitude, or at
the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence close to
Cape Breton Island. On the contrary they marked
those discoveries ten degrees at least further north,
along the region which cartographers then called
Labrador.
Reverting to the manuscript Sevilian charts, it is
true that the direct agency of Sebastian Cabot in the
making of these maps has not yet been shown, inas
much as he was absent from Spain when they were
1 El yslario general de todas las yslas por Alonso de Santa Cruz, su Cosmo-
del mondo endresfado ala S. C. C. Magt. grafo maior. MS. of the Besar^on
del Emperador y Rey mtestro Sefior, Library ; fo. 56, recto.
JOHN CABOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL. 81
made. But with respect to the north-east coast,
the cartographers of Seville cannot but have acted
constantly on information derived from him ; as we
shall endeavour to show.
What those northern configurations were on the
Padron Real when Americus Vespuccius and Bias
de Solis supervised it, we can only guess ; but the
reader may rest assured that if they differed from
Sebastian Cabot s notions, he did not hesitate to
correct them, as his duty required. When he first
came to Spain, in 1512, Ferdinand of Aragon en
gaged his services chiefly on account of the exclusive
knowledge which he claimed to possess concerning
"la navigacion a los Bacallos"; 1 that is, to the
north-east coast of the New Continent. Is it not
therefore evident that the first use which he made of
his special experience was to make the northern
regions in official maps tally with the charts which
he or his father had brought from these transatlantic
expeditions ? It is not less certain that during the
whole time he had charge of the Padron Real, the
Baccalaos regions must have been the object of
particular attention on his part. Why should his
successors in office alter those configurations, or
place them in a different latitude? Between the
Anglo- Portuguese navigation of 1505, and John
Rut s voyage of 1527, there were no English
expeditions from which any Spanish cosmographer
might have derived data unknown to Sebastian
Cabot. Even if, perchance, John Rut had dis
covered any lands, the legends in the maps which
we have just described could not apply to that
navigator, as he was from Ratcliffe and sailed from
1 " Sabeis que en Burgos os hablaron regent of Castile, to Sebastian Cabot,
de mi parte Conchillos i el Obp. de September I2th, 1512. Jean et Stb-
Palencia sobre la navegacion a los astien Cabot, No. xiv, p. 331 ; HER-
Bacallos e ofrecistes servirnos," wrote RERA, Decad. i, lib. ix, cap. xiii, p.
King FERDINAND OF ARAGON, then 254.
F
82 JOHN CABOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL.
Portsmouth ; x whilst Ribero and his followers state
positively that those northern regions were first seen
by mariners from Bristol.
As to the inscription which ascribes the discovery
simply to " los Ingleses" without specifying the port
they came from, we must recollect that the Sevilian
cartographers of 1527 were not the originators of it,
and that the expression only conveys a matter of
universal belief at the time. For instance :
The map of Juan de la Cosa is headed as follows :
" Juan de la Cosa la fizo en el puerto de S : ma a en ano de
1500 : Juan de la Cosa executed it at the Port of Sancta Maria
in the year 1500."
That celebrated seaman and cartographer sailed
for the New World with Alonso de Hojeda, May
1 8th, 1499; returned to Spain in the first fortnight
of April 1500; left again with Rodrigo de Bastidas
in October following, returning to Cadiz in Sep
tember 1502. His map was therefore constructed
after the I5th of April 1500, and before the close
of that year ; embracing consequently the regions
previously discovered under the British flag. Now,
in that map, the row of English flags on the coast
line bearing the legend "Mar descubierta por
Inglese" begins with a Cauo de ynglaterra which,
when represented approximately on our modern
charts, corresponds with a point almost as far north
as the entrance to Davis Strait. Humboldt 2 places
the Cauo de ynglaterra near the Strait of Belle-
Isle, which is at 53, whilst Kohl 3 reduces it to
"about 50 N." In either case it is farther north
than the point given by Sebastian Cabot for his
landfall in 1497.
1 J. S. BREWER, Calendar ; No. des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim ;
3203. Letter from Albertus DE Niirnberg, 1853, 410, p. 2.
PRATO, in PURCHAS, vol. iii, p. 3 J. G. KOHL, Documentary History
809. of the State of Maine ; Portland, 1869,
2 In F. W. GHILLANY, Geschichte 8vo, p. 154.
JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 83
In the portolano of Vesconte de Maggiolo, made
in 1511, there is a " Terra de los Ingres" (sic], which
that celebrated cartographer has placed about ten
degrees 1 even farther north than his Terra de
Lavorador de rey de Portugall, which brings the
" Lands of the English," certainly nearer to the
North Pole than to Cape Breton Island.
I n. The forme of a Mappe sent 1527 from Sivil
in Spayne by maister Robert Thome marchaunt to
Doctor Ley Embassadour for King Henry the 8.
to Charles the Emperour? we notice on the same line
with Nona terra laboratorum dicta, or Labrador, a
legend which reads as follows : " Terra hsec ab
Anglis primum fuit inuenta : This land was first
discovered by the English." It is inscribed at
about 60 north latitude.
So far as we know, the Ribero map is the first in
which the legend goes beyond stating merely that
the discovery of Labrador was accomplished by the
English, and specifies that they were Englishmen
from Bristol. This detail, which must be taken as a
direct allusion to the Cabot expedition of 1497, was
doubtless derived from Sebastian himself. Diego
Ribero, as one of the Crown cosmographers entrusted
specially with the making of nautical instruments, 3
held daily intercourse with him at Seville from the
year 1523. He was also his colleague at the famous
council of Badajoz in 1524,* where the voyages to
the north-east coast of the New World must have
been frequently discussed, as the intended expedition
of Estevao Gomez in search of the North-West
passage depended greatly on the ruling of that
1 D AvEZAC, Atlas hydrographique 1582, ^io,JeanetS^bastien Cabot, pp.
de 1511; Paris, 1871, 8vo, p. 13. 93 and 176.
Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 166. " Jean et Srtastien Cabot, pp. 173,
2 HAKLUYT, Divers Voyages touch- 174, 184, note.
ing the Discoverie of America and the 4 NAVARRETE, Coleccion, vol. i, p.
lands adjacent unto the same, made 124 ; HERRERA, Decad. iii, lib. vi,
first of all by an Englishman , London, cap. 6, p. 184.
84 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.
junta. The cartographical information concerning
the northern latitudes had to be furnished to the
members of the council by Ribero. Is it not certain
that he never communicated a map to the Spanish
or Portuguese commissioners without first submitting
it to Sebastian Cabot who sat by his side, and who,
in the capacity of Pilot-Major, was his superior?
Hence, naturally, the details about the agency of
British mariners, from the conversations between
these two cosmographers relative to the history of
the voyages made by Cabot to that north-east coast.
All these facts prove that the names, legends and
configurations of the northern extremity of the New
Continent, as inscribed and depicted in charts eman
ating from Spanish cosmographers in general, and
Diego Ribero in particular, were supplied directly
by Sebastian Cabot or through his professional
instrumentality, and that for almost half-a-century
he placed his landfall many degrees farther north
than the Prima vista of the Cabotian planisphere of
1544-
CHAPTER XII.
A FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT.
RELYING upon a statement of Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, 1 certain critics are inclined to believe
that the discrepancies which we have shown to exist
between the Cabotian planisphere and all Sevilian
maps concerning the north-eastern regions, or the
absence in the latter of details relative to Cabot s
alleged discoveries in the vicinity of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence, were due to positive orders from the
Spanish government. They assume that Charles V.
was apprehensive of furnishing information to the
English and French regarding the imaginary North-
West passage. Surely, the English who had dis
covered the north-east coast, and who with the
Norman, Breton and Portuguese fishermen continued
to frequent the fishing-banks, and even to make
discoveries in that region, 2 had nothing to learn from
the Spaniards, who, even as late as the middle of the
1 6th century, had only reached as high as 41 north
latitude. 3
The cause of these blanks and omissions in that
class of maps is much more simple, and can be
easily ascertained from Oviedo, who, in his descrip-
1 "The Spaniards and Portugals ... " Carta de privilegios concedidos a
have commanded that no pilot of theirs Diogo DE BARCELLOS, pelos services
upon paine of death should plat out in de Pedro DE BARCELLOS no descobri-
any sea-card, any thorow passage." mento do norte; de 7 de junho de
GILBERT, Discotierie> in HAKLUYT, 1508." Archivo dos Azores, vol. xii
vol. iii, p. 23. See note 3, p. 72, in (1894), No. 72, p. 530.
Jean et SM. Cabot. 3 OVIEDO, Historia General, vol. ii,
2 Seethe document lately published, p. 148.
86 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT.
tion of Chaves Padron general, or official pattern,
says, concerning the vicinity of our Nova Scotia,
" We scarcely possess any details relative to the gulfs in those
northern parts, and the data collected by Chaves do not seem to
be reliable. That is the reason why we notice such great contra
dictions between the maps and cosmographers as regards the
northern coasts." 1
Oviedo s remark well shows that the defective
character of Spanish charts in the first half of the
1 6th century, as regards the northern regions of the
New World, should be ascribed solely to the fact
that the cartographers of Spain, although under the
immediate control of Sebastian Cabot for thirty
years, possessed no adequate geographical know
ledge of those parts, and not to an alleged intention
of their government to conceal, for political motives
or otherwise, any details on the subject.
We have still to account for the more exact
delineations of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the
adjoining country depicted in the Cabotian plani
sphere. These have no other origin than the French
maps which were constructed in Dieppe after the
second or third voyage of Jacques Cartier, as can be
readily shown.
From very early times the fishermen of the
northern Atlantic coasts of Europe have gone to
the northern seas, in search of cod and haddock,
and it may be that the Germans were the first to
name those fish, which are not to be found in the
latitudes of Spain and Portugal. Yet, we are not
prepared to say that the German word backljau 1 is
the prototype of the terms bacailkaba, bacalhao and
1 OVIEDO, ubi supra. fish, in a St. Gall register of 1360, but
2 Kabbeljoti we, or Cabliauwe, trans- as meaning a salmon. The supple-
posed in Backljau, whence Bacalhao, ment of the Mittel Deutsches Worter-
and Baccala (KOHL, Discovery of btich of SCHILLER and LUBBLER,
Maine, p. 199, who sees in the word Bremen, 1880, quotes instances of
a derivative of "bolch," = fish. Belche, Kabelow and Kabblaw in the year
balche, figures already as name of a 1381.
FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 87
baccala? used in the Basque, Portuguese and Spanish
languages to designate the cod-fish.
Whether it was John Cabot or Gaspard Corte-Real
who made known the existence of the Newfoundland
banks, it is certain that the fishermen of Brittany,
Normandy, Portugal and Biscay frequented those
fishing grounds as early as the beginning of the
1 6th century, 2 and have continued to do so without
interruption. To dry or salt the fish required
constant landings ; hence the need of stations which
must have been distinctly marked on their maps,
crude as they doubtless were. At a somewhat later
period, but before 1544, the profits of the expedi
tions to the Banks led to the formation of com
panies. These, having command of larger capital,
could secure the services of more skilful pilots,
who certainly brought home geographical data,
which may have come to the knowledge of pro
fessional cartographers. The information, however,
must have been obtained surreptitiously, as it
is unlikely that the parties interested would have
communicated such practical and valuable informa
tion to rival fishermen. These data, as we suppose,
were, moreover, limited to separate parts of the
coast, 3 graphically unconnected with the adjoining
regions, and. on that account, calculated to mislead
both as to form and position. This is, without doubt,
the cause of the disparity to be noticed in the profiles
of the north-east coast in the early portolani. The
most cosmopolitan and competent pilots for New-
1 " BaccalarittSi baccallao, backljaw, "certeyne bigge fysshes much lyke
Kabbljaw" m\\iz Bibliographia critica vnto tunics (which the inhabitantes
portugueza, Porto, 1873-75, vol. i, p. caule Baccalacs"} Decad. iii, book
373-74. In LITTRE S opinion (voc. vi.
Cabillattd), Kabeljaaiiw is a derivative 2 Jean et SJb. Cabot, p. 75, note 3.
"par renversement," of bacailhaba, 3 The map which Jacques CARTIER
which is the Basque word for cod-fish, had with him, for instance, in 1534,
" whence the Spanish bacalao, and the cannot have depicted the main entrance
Flemish bakkeljaw." PEDRO MARTYR to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. See
says that it is an Indian word: infra, p. 90, note I.
88 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT.
foundland at that time were the Portuguese, 1 and
it is to their charts that we must look for graphic
descriptions enabling us to ascertain the extent of
geographical information possessed in those days
relative to the north-east coast of America.
A valuable document of this kind is the map
of the Lusitanian cosmographer Caspar Viegas, 2
dated October 1534, which is the year of Carder s
first voyage, constructed, however, before the results
of that expedition were known. It exhibits the
Gulf of St. Lawrence, but very inaccurately, both
as regards form and extent. Nor is there any
island within it, and Newfoundland is still joined to
the coast, as if it were an integral part of the
continent.
For many years after the making of Viegas
portolano, all the maps continued to reproduce the
incomplete or erroneous delineations of the Sevilian
Hydrography for the north-east shores, although
the explorations of Jacques Cartier could have
furnished new and more reliable data concerning
those countries. The Dieppe cartographers alone
seem to have availed themselves of the geographical
information gathered by the celebrated French navi
gator in the course of his first voyage, which may be
briefly sketched as follows :
Sailing from St. Malo, April 2oth, 1534, Cartier
made his landfall on the north-east coast of New
foundland, at about 47 30 latitude. Thence he
sailed north and north-west, as far as the passage at
the northern extremity of Newfoundland (Belle Isle
1 Portuguese from Vianna colonised expedition : Estevam GOMEZ, Vasco
Cape Breton so early as 1521. Dis- GALLEGO, Joao DE CARVALHO, Joao
covcry of North America, art. FAGUN- Rodriguez DE MAFRA, were Portu-
DES. Sir Humphrey GILBERT speaks guese. See also Diego RIBERO, the
of very ancient Portuguese establish- FALEIROS, the REINELS, Diogo
ments at the lie de Sable, on the coast HOMEM, Andreas HOMO, &c. &c.
of Nova Scotia. 2 Discovery of North America, p.
The leading pilots in Magellan s 599, No. 214.
FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 89
Strait). Entering the channel, he ranged its western
border (Labrador), as far as a harbour of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence which he named " Brest." From this
point he darted across the Gulf westward to a cape
on the south-west coast of Newfoundland, at about
49 40 , and followed this shore almost to the south
western end of the island. He then crossed over to
a group of islands, the first of which he named " I lie
de Bryon," after the Admiral, and thence to our
Magdalen islands, the entire string of which he
followed on the westward side along their shoals
and sandbanks, from north to south. From the
south-easternmost point of that little archipelago, he
sailed southward, about forty leagues, until he
reached what he took to be the mainland, but which
was in reality the north-west coast of Prince Edward
island. He skirted it westward, and when at its
extremity, crossed over to what we call New Bruns
wick, believing that it was a continuation of the same
firm land, separated by some gulf from the point
where he then stood. He then coasted along the
eastern borders of the Gulf of St. Lawrence to a bay
at about 48 40 , from which he crossed to some
point of the south-east coast of Anticosti (not sus
pecting that it was an island), rounded what seemed
to him a mere promontory, skirted the coast west
ward, then followed the coast of Labrador to the
place which he named " Cap Thiennot," and crossed
due east to Newfoundland, whence he sailed home
ward by the Strait of Belle Isle, returning to St.
Malo on September 5th, 1534.
The original account of that voyage is 1 sufficiently
explicit to enable us to reconstruct the map, now
lost, 2 which Cartier made of that expedition, or,
rather, of the periplus accomplished by him in 1534.
1 Notes sur la Nouvelle France, p. 2. in existence at the close of the i6th
2 These maps of CARTIER were still century. HAKLUYT, vol. Hi, p. 236.
90 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT.
If, to render it clearer, he delineated a portion of the
north-east coast, we must assume that it was borrowed
from one of the maps then current ; as at that time
he possessed no knowledge of his own concerning
the regions south of 47 45 . It might have been
a chart akin to that of Viegas, but this is doubtful, as
his account leads us to believe that he knew nothing
of the eastern entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. l
As to the new and original delineations, they con
sisted of a rough tracing of the north-east of New
foundland (which he did not approach sufficiently
near to sight its numerous bays and headlands) ; the
west coast of that island down to about 47 ; the
Magdalen group in an elongated form, preceded by
" I lie Bryon," and terminating with " Allezay" at the
west ; the north-western extremity of Prince Edward
island, but fused with the mainland of New Bruns
wick ; a break ; then the continental shore, deeply
indented for "la Baye de Chaleur"; a new break at
about 48 40 ; a long and wide promontory pro
jecting eastward, which, in fact, was a considerable
portion of the island of Anticosti, represented, how
ever, as belonging to the mainland ; and, finally, the
east coast of Belle Isle. Among the new names
inscribed, were " Brest," " Le cap Thiennot," " La
ripuiere de Barcques," and "le cap dez sauuaiges."
That map, consequently, exhibited, for the first
time, the Strait of Belle Isle, and, in the Gulf, to the
west or north-west of Cape Breton island, which was
not separated therein from the south-western
extremity of Newfoundland, two or three islands^
surrounded by sandbanks, which, in a rough sketch
1 "Je presume mielx que aultrement, Relation originate, p. 20. This un-
a ce que j ay veu, qu il luy aict aulcun expected ignorance of the main entrance
passaige entre la Terre Neuffue et la to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on the
terre des Bretons. Sy ainsi estoit se part of CARTIER in 1534, leaves us
seroit une grande abreuiacion, tant at a loss as regards the map which he
pour le temps que pour le chemyn." had with him in his first voyage.
FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 91
may have assumed the shape of a large triangular
mass. This is not, as yet, the chart which furnished
all the elements for the representation of Newfound
land and of the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the Cabotian
planisphere of 1 544.
Let us now examine Carder s second voyage.
Leaving St. Malo May igth, 1535, he made his
landfall on the coast of Newfoundland at about 48 50 ,
entered the Strait of Belle-Isle, followed the south
east coast of Labrador, came to a port which he
named " La baye Sainct Laurens," sighted again
"Brest," "cap Thiennot," and a place called
" Honguedo," rounded for the second time the
eastern extremity of Anticosti, and crossed over to
the mainland, which he still believed to be a con
tinuation of Anticosti. Continuing to follow the
shore, he came to the river which he named " La
riuiere de Saguenay," passed by it, entered the
estuary of the river St. Lawrence and sailed up
as far as a locality to which he gave the name of
" Mont Royal." He then retraced his steps follow
ing the same coast northward, but this time passed
between the mainland and Anticosti, which he thus
discovered to be an island. From a point of the
mainland he crossed over to Brion island, explored
again the Magdalens, but more carefully, and on the
eastern side, naming that cluster of islands, islets and
sandbanks, " Les Araynes," 1 from the Portuguese
word " Arena/ gallicised, like other terms borrowed
from Lusitanian charts, or pilots. From the eastern
most point of that archipelago, he went, for the first
time, to Cape Breton island, apparently altogether
unknown to him. He entered the broad channel,
skirted the south-east coast of Newfoundland to a
1 "Nous trauersasmes a vne terre et de Bryon enuiron huict lieues. Et
sablon de basses araynes, qui de- pareillement les dictes Araines estre
meurent au Surouaist de la dicte ysle ysles." Brefr&cit. t fos. 45 b , 64*.
92 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT.
point beyond Cape Race, and finally sailed homeward,
arriving at St. Malo on July 6th or 16th, 1 I536. 2
The map which Cartier made to exhibit this
voyage is also lost, but may be easily imagined. It
must have represented the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
such as we see it in several of the Dieppe charts,
and not very different from what we see in our
modern maps. That is, there was the course of the
river St. Lawrence traced as far as Montreal ;
Anticosti delineated as an island, and the Magdalen
cluster stretching from north to south, and encum
bered with signs for reefs and sandbars, which may
have imparted to the group the form of a solid mass.
This group or mass was " I lie de Bryon " at the
north-east, " Allezay" at the south-west, and in the
middle, bore the inscriptions " Les Araynes." On
the other hand, Prince Edward island was still joined
to the mainland, remaining so on all charts for more
than sixty years afterwards. As to the nomen
clature, it repeated, of course, the names in the chart
of Cartier s first voyage, with a number of others,
among which were " La baye Sainct Laurens "
(which should not be taken for the gulf),
" Honguedo," and " La riuiere de Saguenay."
The nomenclature and delineations for Newfound
land and the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the Cabotian
planisphere of 1544, show that they were borrowed
from a map constructed after the first two voyages
of Jacques Cartier, and with cartographical informa
tion brought for the first time by that navigator.
1 Tellement que le vj ra lour de also the date given by LESCARBOT :
luillet sommes arriuez au hable de "leseizieme jour de juillet," 1612, p.
Sainct Malo/ MS. 5644, fo. 57, verso. 394. The date of the 1 6th must be
The 6th is also the date given in the correct one, for CARTIER can
ROFFET S edition, Paris, 1545, and in scarcely have sailed from the Baie
RAMUSIO, iii, fo. 45313. des Trepasses to St. Malo in eighteen
"Tellement que le seiziesme jr. de days. Yet, in his first voyage, leaving
Juillet sommes arriuez au hable de Belle Isle, August I5th, he arrived at
Sainct Malo." MS. 5653, fo. 56, St. Malo on September 5th, notwith-
recto, and 5589, fo. 62, recto. This is standing contrary winds.
FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 93
First, as to the nomenclature. The following
names, although greatly disfigured, betray their
Cartieran origin, inasmuch as the locus is the same
in Cabot s map, and in Cartier s original account :
CARTIER
Brest
Toutes Isles *
Cap de Thiennot*
Sallynes 3
Baye Sainct Laurens
La ripuiere Sainct Jac
ques
H able Jacques Cartier
Honguedo 4
Riuiere d eau doulce r>
Ripuiere de Saguenay G
Ripuiere de Baroques
Le cap des Sauuaiges 7
Isles dangoulesme
Lac dangoulesme*
Stadacone 9
CABOT
Brest
todo yslas
C de tronot
Salinas
Baya de S. loreme
Jaqui
Onguedo
la duce, rio duce
Rio de S. quenain
Rio de paris
Saluayos
golosme
laaga de golesme
estadas.
Furthermore, Cabot even records (unconsciously)
in his planisphere the mishap of Jacques Cartier
when on the 28th September 1535, he was unable
to cross with his ship the western extremity of the
Angouleme or St. Pierre lake, and was compelled to
continue the voyage in boats. For the legend in
Cabot s planisphere " pora quinopde pasar (i.e. :
*7 Isles (DESLIENS); Tout ys
(DESCELIERS).
2 Tienot (DESLIENS) ; C. Trenot
(VALLARD).
3 Sallynes (DESLIENS) ; Salinas de
Tiennot (DESCELIERS).
4 Honguedo (DESLIENS).
5 Eau Doulce (DESLIENS) ; Rio
doulce (DESCELTERS).
6 R: de Sagnay (DESLIENS).
7 Samiagez (DESLIENS) ; Sauluages
(DESCELIERS).
8 Lago do golesme (VALLARD).
Angoulesme does not figure in
CARTIER S accounts ; but it is a name
which was given by him. See infra.
9 Estadacoe (VALLARD). It was the
residence of the chief DONNACONA.
94 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT.
por aqui no puede pasar : here it is not possible to
pass)," does not refer, as Kohl says, 1 to Carder s
" premier sault : first rapids," but to the lake St.
Pierre, or d Angouleme, which, as already said,
Cartier could not traverse, owing to shallow water
at its western extremity. 2
The delineations in Cabot s map are not less
striking. We find them almost identical with those
in all the Dieppe maps of the time which have
come down to us ; particularly in the oldest one,
which bears the inscription : FAICTE A DIEPPE PAR
NICOLAS DESLIENS. 1541. This map was certainly
derived from the same prototype as Cabot s plani
sphere for that portion of the north-eastern regions. 3
The reader is referred to the accompanying fac
similes of these two maps.
The points to be noted are, the island on the
west coast of Labrador, also the one to the west of
Cape Breton called there "y e des arenos" ; New
foundland represented as an archipelago, 4 and the
absence of the imaginary isle of St. John, which
on so many of the early maps, and even in Dieppe
ones of a later period, flanks the east coast of Cape
Breton island.
The date of 1541 inscribed on that map of
Desliens precludes its containing data later than
Cartier s second voyage. But we know that Desliens
continued to draw maps for at least twenty-five years,
and with nearly the same north-eastern configura
tions. There is one of these in the Paris National
Library. It bears the inscription : " Dieppe, par
1 KOHL, Documentary History of lung der Kartographie von Amerika
Maine, p. 365. bis 1570. In supplement No. 106 of
2 CARTIER, Bref rfrit., fo. 20, Petennanns Mitteihmgen, 1892.
verso. 4 We call the attention of our readers
u This valuable map is preserved in particularly to the shapes and different
the Dresden Royal Library (Geogr. tinges given to the fragments consti-
A. 52. m.), and was first made known tuting that archipelago in Desliens
by Dr. Sophus RUGE ; Die Entivicke- map and in Cabot s.
J" : : r T: s-<\i : -*,< 5
L
^
i^i
^^fe ?
* " H ^-jWP
C ,,
1
7=
FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 95
Nicolas Desliens, 1566," and differs but little
from the one of 1541, except as regards New
foundland, which, as might be expected at such a
date, is represented as one compact island. These
two maps of Desliens, and others akin, indicate a
school of Dieppe cartographers different from that
of Desceliers, and remaining faithful for the most
part to the above given profiles.
There can therefore be no doubt that it was a
chart of that class which, directly or indirectly, sup
plied Cabot with the cartographical data exhibited
in his planisphere of 1544. Yet, that Dieppe chart
cannot have been of an earlier date than 1536, owing
to the inscription in Cabot s planisphere : " laaga de
golesme," which is the lake " d Angouleme " of
Vallard and of Hakluyt, whilst the single word
"golosme," close to it, is the " y e dangoulesme" of
Pierre Desceliers. The widening of the river 9fc.
Lawrence where those names occur in Cabot s map,
as well as the names themselves, correspond with
the anonymous extent of water afterwards called
" Lac St. Pierre." 1 But as Cartier visited that
region both in 1536 and 1542, the name "Angou-
lesme " may have been given only in the course of
the third voyage, and figured for the first time in
maps made when he returned from the latter expedi
tion. If so, Cabot s prototype was a derivative of
some Desliens map constructed in 1542 or 1543,
from which he borrowed both the configurations
and nomenclature for the entire basin of the river
and Gulf of St. Lawrence.
1 Abbe FAILLON, Histoire de la i, p. 16, and BELLIN S mapinCHARLE-
Colonisation francaise en Canada, vol. voix s Nouvelle France.
CHAPTER XIII.
SEBASTIAN CABOT S SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY.
IT will certainly seem strange that a professional
cartographer like Sebastian Cabot, who claimed
to have found and explored the north-east coast
of the New World, and the Baccalaos in particular ;
who owed his position in Spain, so far back as 1512,
to the special knowledge which he was supposed
to possess of their geography ; and who, as pilot-
major, had to supply, for many years, the carto
graphical information required for the charts issued
by the Spanish government, should have been
obliged to borrow in a servile fashion all his topo
graphical data from a French map made half a
century after his alleged discovery. Yet, this, of
itself, would not be sufficient to charge him with
mendacity. We can easily realise how he might
have selected a later, more complete, or more exact
chart than the one he had himself originally drawn,
and inscribed thereon his pretended landfall. Just
so Stanley, for instance, might to-day insert certain
names and legends on some map made since his
return by explorers who had surveyed more fully
the regions discovered by him several years before.
Such a manipulation on the part of Cabot acquires,
however, great importance when brought in connec
tion with other circumstances. We have shown in
the preceding chapters that the alleged landfall at
Cape Breton island contradicts all the data furnished
by John Cabot, the real discoverer, and reported
by auricular witnesses of unimpeached veracity.
SEB. CABOT S SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY. 97
We have also demonstrated that the place desig
nated by Sebastian Cabot in the planisphere of 1544,
differs entirely, both as to characteristics and latitude,
from the locality set forth by all cartographers of the
time, including those who worked under his direc
tion, to mark the English, or Cabotian discoveries
in North America. These probatory data can be
further strengthened by correlative evidence derived
from a study of that portion of Cabot s map under
another aspect, viz. : its graphic description of the
surroundings of the alleged landfall at Cape Breton.
In his planisphere, the legend for the landfall
contains the information that after sighting the new
region, in the morning of June 24th, Cabot dis
covered, on the same day, a large island close to the
land which on the map bears the inscription " Prima
tierra vista " (that is, the northern extremity of Cape
Breton island), and that he named the so discovered
isle: " Sant loan."
At the outset, it must be stated that there is no
island, either large or small, in the immediate
vicinity of the northern shores of Cape Breton
Island. The nearest is a mere islet (St. Paul), at
a distance of fourteen miles, which, being to the
north-east of Cape North, Cabot would have sighted
before reaching the alleged landfall. Besides, he
places his " Sant loan," to the north-west, far within
the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
After doubling the cape, and entering the Gulf, he
had to sail north-westward before meeting with any
island ; and then it could only be one of the Mag-
dalens, the nearest point of which after leaving Cap
North is at a distance of not less than fifty-four miles
(Point Old Harry in Coffin Island). The descrip
tion, therefore, is inadmissible.
We now turn to the topographical data, and find
in the planisphere, to the north-west of Cape Breton,
G
98 SEBASTIAN CABOT S
a very large island, the northern shore of which
Cabot marks at 50 north latitude, and denominates
" I. de S. Juan." This is, evidently, his alleged
insular discovery, although in reality, the parallel
would take us to Labrador.
Looking around for a large island to correspond
in some degree with Cabot s allegation, Kohl and
others, ourself included, thought that it could only
be Prince Edward island. But, so far as we are con
cerned, we gave at the same time reasons showing
the impossibility of reconciling that interpretation
with Sebastian Cabot s own statements.
For instance, the landfall was made in the
morning : " por la mannana," and the aforesaid large
island was discovered on the same day : " el mismo
dia," necessarily very soon after the landfall, since
the island is said to be " par de la dicha tierra, 3
that is, close to the same. 1 Now, from Cape Nord,
which is the landfall when coming from the north
east, to East Cape, which is the first sighting of
Prince Edward island when coming from the north
west extremity of Cape Breton, the distance is one
hundred and twenty-nine miles !
On the 24th of June 1494 and 1497, in the
latitude of Cape Nord, the sun rose at ten minutes
past four, and set at eight. Cabot, therefore, must
have crossed that great distance within sixteen
hours, and even less if we follow the Latin text of
the legend, viz. : " hora 5. diliculo." Taking all the
facts in the case, it is an impossibility.
The ship was a small one with a very small crew
(eighteen men). She left Bristol at the beginning
of May, some say on the 2nd, and reached, we are
told, on June 24th, a locality which corresponds with
" PAR, adverb. Aupres, pres, JOURNANT, Dictionnaire hpagnol-
proche, joignant, tout centre. Lat. franfais et latin, Paris, 1775, vol. i.
Jnxta, Propt, Sectindum" (DE SE- p. 731.)
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMA GINAR Y. 99
Cape Nord, the extremity of Cape Breton looking
towards Newfoundland. The distance between
Bristol and that Cape Nord is 2243 miles. The
passage therefore averaged about 42 miles per day,
which is less than two knots per hour. How can
Cabot have crossed the 129 miles which separate
Cape Nord from Prince Edward island between sun
rise and sunset, that is, in less than sixteen hours,
when his sailing in the open sea, during the previous
eight weeks, only averaged 30 miles for sixteen
hours ? Even if we place Cabot s departure from
Bristol a week earlier, we find figures, which rela
tively speaking, are quite as improbable.
Another fact which must be taken in consideration
is that the Cabotian legend describes the alleged
Isle St. John, as being a very sterile country : " es
tierra muy steril," with many white bears : " ay en
ellos muchos orsos plancos (sic)" On the contrary,
Prince Edward island is noted for the beauty of its
hills covered with vegetation and clusters of fine
trees. As to white bears, particularly at the end of
June, they are unheard of. The inscription also
says that the natives go about clad in skins of wild
animals, and describes no fewer than six species of
weapons used by them in war :
" La gente della andan uestidos de pieles de animales, usan en
sus guerras arcos, y flechas, lan^as, y dardos, y unas porras de
palo, y hondas : the people of [that island] go about clad in skins
of animals ; use in war bows, arrows, lances, and spears, wooden
clubs and slings."
How could Sebastian have acquired that informa
tion when we have the positive assertion of Raimondo
di Soncino that John Cabot described the country as
very fine and temperate : " Et dicono che la e terra
optima et temperata," and of Pasqualigo that al
though the crew went ashore, they did not see any
100 SEBASTIAN CABOT S
human being in course of the voyage : " e desmon-
tato e non a visto persona alguna " ? l
It cannot be therefore Prince Edward island
which Cabot discovered on the same day that he
made his landfall, and named " Isla de San Juan.
Yet this large and well-known island of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence (with due allowance for the errors in
form and position so frequent in the early charts),
answers at first sight to the isle of great size deno
minated " I. de S. Juan" in Cabot s planisphere.
This conformity misled us all. But we are at last
in a position to account for the delusion. 2
Cabot s " Isla de San Juan," as he depicts and
describes it in the planisphere of 1 544, so far from
being Prince Edward island, is an imaginary con
figuration, borrowed, like all the rest of his north-
J o
eastern profiles and localities, from the French map
which directly or indirectly, served him in delineat
ing those parts.
It is unquestionable that the Gulf of St. Lawrence
was visited by fishermen long before Cartier, and
explored as far back as 1521 ; at all events, by
Joao Alvarez Fagundes. 3 Maps were doubtless
made then of certain points at least of that region,
but they have not come down to us. And, judging
from the profile of the north-east coast, south of
Newfoundland, in the charts of Maggiolo, Verrazano,
Nufio Garcia de Toreno, the Weimar maps, and
even Viegas, 4 it is certain that few, if any, of the
geographical data relative to the Gulf of St. Lawrence
collected before Carder s voyages, were known or
1 PASQUALIGO, Jean et S{b. Cabot, Canada, sect, ii, 1887, and sect, ii,
P- o 322. 1889. See also Mr. GANONG S article
2 This demonstration was first made in Canadiana, No. of May 1890, which
by Mr. W. _ F. GANONG, in his ex- is a just revindication of that scholar s
cellent memoirs Jacqites Cartier s First claims and original investigations.
Voyage, and The Cartography of the 3 Discovery of North America, pp.
Giilf of St. Lawrence, inserted in the 181-188.
Transactions of the Royal Society of 4 Ibidem, pp. 599-601.
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMA GINAR Y. 101
utilised by professional cartographers. What we
possess in that respect, so far as the details of the
interior of the Gulf are concerned, in maps constructed
before the year 1 546, has no other origin than the
tracings brought by Cartier on his return to France
from the second expedition in I536. 1 His own
cartographical data have long since disappeared, but
they can be reconstructed by the light of the accounts
which he wrote of the first and second voyages, and
by comparing his geographical descriptions with the
Dieppe maps of the time which we still possess, such
as Desliens , that of Rotz (i.e. Jehan Rose), and
Desceliers . This comparison shows conclusively
that Prince Edward island was not discovered to
be an island until long after the Cabot planisphere
had been constructed, 2 as we propose to demonstrate
presently. But there is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence
a large island, which observers rarely fail to assume
to he, prima facie, Prince Edward Island, and which
the critic who rejects such an assumption is bound to
account for.
If that island had appeared in Cabot s planisphere
for the first time, we might infer that it was a datum
of his own, which he inserted to complete the French
map he was copying. But it is found in Dieppe
charts of a prior date, like Desliens of 1541. Nor
can it be said that Desliens borrowed it from some
older map of Cabot, because if such a Cabotian map
had been in existence, Sebastian would not have
copied a French one, as we have shown he has,
its nomenclature, as well as its configurations, when
making his planisphere of 1544.
What then is that island in reality ? Nothing else
than a crude, conglomerated representation of the
Magdalen group. 3
1 Jean et Seb. Cabot, p. 214. 3 Ibidem.
a GANONG, op. cit.
102 SEBASTIAN CABOTS
Here is the proof for this assertion :
On the 25th of June, 1536, Cartier sailed from
some south-west cape of Newfoundland, went north
west by west seventeen and one-half leagues, and
then south-west twenty leagues, which brought him
to his " Ille de Bryon." At a distance of four
leagues from Bryon, he sighted the headland to
which he gave the name of " Cap du Daulphin,"
belonging to another island, which he coasted until
he came to another one which he named " Allezay."
That insular region is, unquestionably, the small
Magdalen archipelago, encumbered with its belt of
reefs, shoals and sand-bars. Then the glowing
description given by Cartier of the Isle de
Brion, which, on account of its fertility he named
after his protector Admiral de Brion, and of " Cap
du Daulphin pour ce que c est le commancement des
bonnes terres," 1 shows that those islands must have
occupied a prominent place in his own original maps.
Now if we consider that in the early Dieppe
charts, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the region of
Cape Breton, contains only one island, which
solitary isle is named "des arenos" in the Desliens
chart of 1541, " Alezay," in the Harleyan, and both
"brion" and "alezay," flanking a semicircular
cluster of reefs and sandbanks, in Desceliers, and
that nowhere in the descriptions of Jacques Cartier
do we find the least intimation of the existence of
another island in that part of the Gulf of St. Law
rence, still less of one of such immense size as
Prince Edward, it is evident that the isles so
represented in the Dieppe maps and in their
derivatives, are intended for the Magdalens. Nay,
the identification is absolute when we compare
Cabot s " Isla de S. Juan " with the island in the
same place and of similar shape as well as relative
1 CARTIER, Relation originate, pp. 19, 20.
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMA GINAR Y. 103
size in Desliens map of 1541 and notice that the
latter bears the name of " Y e des arenos" (sic pro
des Araynes), which was given to the largest of the
Magdalen group by Jacques Cartier, on Thursday,
May 26th, I536. 1
Furthermore, neither Cartier, nor any cartographer
for half a century after his voyages to Canada,
even suspected the insular character of Prince
Edward island, 2 as we shall proceed to show.
When Cartier ranged the northern coast of Prince
Edward island, or, rather, a small portion of its
north-western shore, which he did but once, he
certainly thought it was a continental land, and,
necessarily, the west side of the " Terre des
Bretons" (our New Brunswick and Nova Scotia),
so named and depicted in all preceding maps for
at least twenty years. Nor do we find in any chart
made before, or for half a century after Carder s
discoveries, or any where in the writings of the
period, the least mention of a channel answering to
the Strait of Northumberland. Reverting to his
own accounts, it will be seen that the knowledge
which he possessed concerning that region was
altogether limited to a few leagues of the north-west
coast of Prince Edward island, then and to the last,
believed by him to be part of the mainland.
We left Cartier at the western extremity of the
southernmost Magdalen island ("Allezay"). Here
is his own description of the course taken immedi
ately afterwards :
" The next day (June 29th), the wind blew towards S. and J
S.W. We sailed westerly until Tuesday morning (June soth),
without sighting or discovering land at all, except in the evening,
when we saw two islands, W.S.W., at a distance of about nine or
ten leagues. We continued sailing westwardly, until the next
morning at sun rise, something like forty leagues. In so doing,
1 CARTIER, Brefrfrit, fo. 45 b . 2 GANONG, op. cit.
104 SEBASTIAN CABOT S
we found that the land which appeared to us like two islands, was
the mainland, lying S.S.E. and N.N.W." 1
A mere glance at any map, ancient or modern, will
show that a land said to be situate forty leagues 2
south of Allezay can only be the northern shore of
Prince Edward island ; whilst the term " terre
ferme," proves that in Cartier s opinion it was not
an island, but, on the contrary, continental territory.
The sailing continued westward by northward.
Unfortunately, when Cartier reached the west end of
Prince Edward island, instead of ranging the coast
in a southerly direction, which would have led him
to the western opening of the Strait of Northumber
land and enabled him to see that his "terre ferme"
was only an island, he darted across, this time, to
the real mainland (New Brunswick), and judged that
the space between the two points was a bay, pre
cisely as he did again, shortly afterwards, when
crossing from Gaspe over to the south-east coast of
Anticosti. Here are his own words :
" The next day, on the 2nd of July, we sighted, to the north of
us, a land connected with that which we had ranged, and knew
that it was a bay with a depth of about twenty leagues, and as
much of breadth. We named it the bay of Sainct Limaire (St.
Leonarius)." 3
Neither Cartier nor any of his immediate followers
ever visited that locality again, at all events previous
to the making of Cabot s planisphere. He returned
to France from his first voyage by the Strait of
Belle Isle, not suspecting even the existence of
the Cape Breton outlet. In his second voyage, he
again explored the Magdalens, when crossing over
1 CARTIER, Relation originate, p. dite terre que nous auoit aparut comme
22. deux iles, que c estoit terre ferme que
"Et celuy jour fismes a Ouaist gissoit Su Suest et Nort Norouaist,"
jusques au lendemain, sollail a 1 Est, Relat. originak, p. 22.
enuiron quarante lieues ; Et faissant 3 Ibidem, p. 25.
chemyn, eusmes la cognoissance de la
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMA GINAR Y, 105
from the Labrador coast, on his way home, visiting
the little archipelago on the east, and thence issuing
due east into the Atlantic through the Cape Breton
channel, which he then saw for the first time.
Cartier returned a third time to Canada, on the
23rd of May 1541, and made his landfall on the
north-east coast of Newfoundland. As the main
object of that expedition was to explore the Sague-
nay, and we find him at Sainte Croix, in the region
of the St. Lawrence river on the 23rd of August
following, we assume that he entered the Gulf by
the Strait of Belle Isle. On the 2nd of September
1541, he sent his brother-in-law (Jalobert), and his
nephew (Noel) to France. But they could carry
with them no other geographical data than such as
may have been gathered about Cape Rouge and
Charlesbourg Royal. Cartier spent the entire
winter of 1541-42 in the latter place. In the spring,
he determined to return to France, and crossed over
to the north-west coast of Newfoundland, where,
near Cape Double, he waited for Roberval, whom
he met there, apparently in September. Nothing
indicates that during that time Cartier explored the
south-west coast of Newfoundland, or that he visited
either Cape Breton or Prince Edwards island. The
probability is that after meeting Roberval, he re
turned again by Belle Isle Strait to St. Malo,
where we find him in October I542, 1 necessarily
bringing not any new geographical information except
as regards the river St. Lawrence beyond Montreal.
No vessel returned to France until Senneterre
was sent to La Rochelle by Roberval in 1543.
Here again, if his pilots possessed new carto
graphical data, they could only relate to the river St.
Lawrence, where Roberval remained, until he went
back to France, in May 1544.
1 Jean ct Sd.b. Cabot , p. 214.
106 SEBASTIAN CABOT>S
It follows from this series of facts that all the
configurations of the islands in the Gulf of St.
Lawrence near or about Cape Breton, Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick, whether depicted in the
Dieppe maps of Desliens, Desceliers, Rotz, and the
like, of a date prior to 1 544, or in Sebastian Cabot s
planisphere, have and can have no other origin than
the cartographical data collected by Jacques Cartier,
or his pilots, in the course of the voyages made by
him in 1534, 1536, and 1542.
It also follows that Sebastian Cabot s " Isla de S.
Juan," which he claims to have discovered on the
24th of June 1494 (sic pro 1497), is only one of the
small islands of a group first found and depicted by
the French navigator, and named by him "the Isles
of sand," the configurations of which Sebastian
Cabot has borrowed wholly from the Carterian pro
totype used by Nicolas Desliens for his map of 1541.
Another noticeable consequence of this appro
priation is that Cabot s delineation of the said island
of St. John, does not represent a really existing
island. What he has thus depicted and named, is
only a cartographical distortion, an amalgam of islets,
sunken rocks, shoals and sand bars, conglomerated
by mistake, to which some French cartographer
ascribed the shape of a regular compact island of
considerable dimensions, and which Cabot actually
believed to be, as such, in existence ; thus perpetuat
ing an egregious geographical error.
It remains to account for the name " Isla de San
Juan," given by Sebastian Cabot (or by Dr. Grajales)
to that delineation in the Cabotian planisphere.
The legend states that it was so named because
Cabot discovered it on the 24th of June, which is St.
John s day. If, as we claim to have shown, 1 a land
fall made at such a late date as June 24th is not
1 Supra, chapter x, pp. 63-68.
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINAR K 107
compatible with Sebastian Cabot s alleged doings
and movements immediately after sighting the New
World that name is just as spurious as the rest.
Our belief is that the date of June 24th was
invented, either by Sebastian Cabot or by Dr.
Grajales, to tally with the name of " St. John," then
existing in maps of that region.
As the reader will see even at a glance, when com
paring our two facsimiles, the north-eastern con
figurations in Cabot s planisphere and those in
the Desliens map of 1541, proceed from the same
prototype ; but Cabot s have very probably passed
through an intermediary derivative. The Spanish
and Portuguese forms of the original French names,
indicate in Cabot s map a Lusitanian or Spanish
model, made after Desliens prototype, but which
may have introduced certain cartographical peculiari
ties of the Spanish and Portuguese charts. One of
these is another imaginary " Island of St. John."
So far back as the map constructed by Pedro
Reinel in 1504 or 1505, we find to the east of the
peninsula of Cape Breton, in the latitude of 49
(according to its scale), a large isle denominated
" Sam Joha." This island, which, as such, is
fictitious, may owe its cartographical origin to a
misconception of the great peninsula which stretches
into the Atlantic from the southernmost or Sydney
region of Cape Breton island, to which it is joined
only by an extremely narrow isthmus. We find it
in all Lusitanian maps and their derivatives, includ
ing those of Dieppe, and with the names of " I a de
S. Joan" (Maggiolo of 1527). "Y. de S. Juhan "
(Wolfenbuttel B), nameless in Viegas, but " Y e de
St. Jeha" in the Harleyan, and "Sam Joam" in
Freire s portolano. *
1 That island should not be mistaken viz. : "Juan esteuez," which co-exists
for another imaginary one near it. in nearly all the maps of the time.
108 SEB. CABOT S SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY.
Its position is not exactly the same in all maps,
although in every instance the island is located in
the vicinity of Cape Breton. Some maps have it
more to the north, and even like Wolfenbtittel B l
and Verrazano s mappamundi, inside the Gulf of St.
Lawrence.
If Cabot s north-eastern configurations were not
exactly the same as Desliens Dieppe map, we should
at once ascribe the insertion of the island and name
of St. John in the Cabotian planisphere to the
fact of their being borrowed from some Lusitanian
chart, but the resemblance is too great. This con
strains us to infer that Cabot s model map, which
we assume to have been a Portuguese derivative of
a Cartieran map, also had its Cape Breton peninsula
flanked by the imaginary Atlantic St. John. We
may presume that, like Wolfenblittel B, for instance,
it inserted the "I. de S. Juan," configuration, name,
and all, to the west, instead of to the east of Cape
Breton. Cabot, then, if the blending of the two
insular configurations did not already exist in his
model, may have merged it with the delineation
originally intended by the Dieppe designer of the
prototype to represent the Magdalen group of
Cartier.
Our interpretation of the origin of the name leads
to what might be termed a reflex consequence.
Dr. Grajales, if not Cabot himself, fully aware of the
almost constant practice of naming islands after the
saint on whose day they were found, may well have
coined the date of June 24th, which is that of the
festival of John the Baptist, on seeing the island
labelled " I. de San Juan."
1 Discovery of North America, No. data, as certain names, and particu-
195 1 PP- 580-581. Wolfenbiittel B larly the legend relating to the origin
is a Sevilian map, of about the year of the term "Laborador" amply show.
1531, but completed with Portuguese
CHAPTER XIV.
IS THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE?
THE conclusion to be drawn from our analysis
is that Sebastian Cabot s statements as regards
the first landfall on the continent of North America,
are in absolute contradiction to the legends and
delineations of the planisphere of 1544, and that
these, in their turn, are based entirely on the dis
coveries made by Jacques Cartier in 1534 and 1536
and not at all on Cabot s.
If in connection with these facts, we recollect that
for forty-four years previous to the making of his
planisphere, all the maps locate expressly, or by
implication, the first discoveries of the English in the
north-east of the New World, including necessarily
John Cabot s transatlantic voyages under the British
flag, ten degrees farther north ; and that witnesses
of undoubted veracity and entirely disinterested
testify to having heard John Cabot declare that
he sailed westward from Ireland, without alluding to
a change southward in the course of the ship, at
any time during the voyage, we feel constrained to
place his prima tierra vista, in 1497 beyond 51 15
north latitude.
Taking moreover into consideration that, according
to the same contemporary and unimpeached evidence,
not only did John Cabot not sail in his first expedi
tion towards the south after he had proceeded west
ward from a point which was at or above 51 15
north latitude, but on the contrary stood thence to
the northward, and afterwards steered in a due
110 AS- THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE 1 !
westerly direction, the critic must place the landfall
on some point of the north coast of Labrador,
probably between Sandwich Bay and Cape Chud
leigh.
Such an interpretation permits us to comprise
within a possible space of time the necessary rest, and
the exploration of the newly discovered country, as
related by eye-witnesses of John Cabot s return to
England in 1497. Withal, the date of the landfall
should be set back two or three weeks before June
24th. This would leave about seventy days for the
voyage to and fro, and twenty-five for the stay,
repairs, and exploration of the coast. As to the two
islands of considerable size which, when homeward
bound, John Cabot is said to have seen to the star
board, they admit of the following explanation.
Pasqualigo does not specify the character of those
islands, as he says only : " al tornar aldreto a visto
do ixole." Soncino is more explicit. u The two
islands were extremely large : due insule grandis-
sime." According to Professor Hind, that coast of
North Labrador " is fringed with a vast multitude of
islands ; " L but in nautical charts of the district, no
large islands are marked except at the entrance of
Hudson s Strait. Of the two in Ungava Bay, one
Akpatok, is very large, the other, Green, is rather
small. Then, according to this hypothetic route,
John Cabot when reaching the headland of Cape
Chudleigh, would have launched into what must
have looked to him to be the open sea (as between
Chudleigh and Resolution Island the strait is 45
miles wide), instead of hugging the shore and
doubling the cape, which, owing to his small craft
and lack of provisions, he would have been induced
to do in preference. It is probable, then, that after
following up his supposed landfall in Labrador (some-
1 CHAPPELL, Narrative of a Voyage to Hudson s bay ; London, 1817, 8vo.
OF THE
f UNIVERSITY
OF
A9 THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE? Ill
where about Sandwich Bay or Invuctoke), as far
west as Cape Chudleigh, he turned his prow to the
south-eastward, and when on the east shore of New
foundland, mistook for islands the peninsulas which
project on that side from the main body of the isle.
The latter hypothesis is the more plausible since
the east coast of Newfoundland is indented with
bays running, in some instances, 80 or 90 miles
inland, and at no great distance from each other. 1
The peninsula of Avalon, pointing south-east, is
almost severed from the principal portion of the
island, the connection being a narrow isthmus, in
one place but three miles wide.
In fact, it was this deceptive profile which caused
all cartographers of the first half of the sixteenth
century to represent Newfoundland as an archi
pelago. 2 Even in the Cabotian map of 1544, the
isle is still broken up into eleven large fragments.
We should also recollect that its bays have their
shores clad in dark green forests to the water s
edge ; and, as Cabot himself says that he merely
sighted those islands 3 without circumnavigating
them, the supposed mistake is perfectly accountable.
If so, the accompanying map would represent
the route of John Cabot in the expedition of 1497.
All this, however, we put forward as a mere
hypothesis, yet the best that can be proposed to
explain Sebastian Cabot s contradictory assertions.
These contradictions are so manifest that they have
prompted the inquiry whether he was really the
author of the planisphere which bears his name.
It must be repeated here that the legends in
1 Rev. M. HARVEV,Ency.r. xvii, 382. 3 " E al tornar aldreto a visto do
2 Indeed, the number of fragments ixole ma non ha voluto desender per
is almost a test to ascertain the non perder tempo che la vituaria li
antiquity of the configurations ascribed mancava." Letter of Lorenzo. PAS-
to Newfoundland in the Dieppe maps QUALIGO, Jean et St h, Cabot, doc. viii,
of the i6th century. p. 3 22
112 75 THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE!
Cabot s map were not written by him, but are the
work of one Dr. Grajales, who wrote them at the
Puerto de Santa Maria, half a century after John
Cabot s first voyage ; l while the translation into
Latin seems to have been made by some Dutch or
German pedant 2 of the place where the planisphere
was engraved. The cartographical data, however,
which served as a basis for those tabular explana
tions, were certainly furnished by Sebastian Cabot,
or published with his assent, particularly as regards
the configuration of the north-east coast of the
American continent, and the alleged landfall at Cape
Breton.
In 1544, Charles V. reigned over both Germany
and the Netherlands ; and whether we consider the
Cabotian planisphere as having been published in
Spain, at Antwerp, or at Augsburg, it is not likely
that anyone would have ventured to palm off on the
Emperor s Pilot-Major a forgery of that character,
or add to the plate the Imperial arms. Besides,
the genuineness of the publication is proved by its
existence and circulation in England while Sebastian
Cabot lived and held an official position in that
country. The importance of this fact makes it
incumbent on us to produce our authorities for the
statement.
As to the first assertion, we must recall the circum
stance that Sebastian Cabot was still living in 1557 ;
and that Eden, before 1555, which is the date of the
first edition of his English translation of the Decades
of Peter Martyr, published in that work certain
1 See in the appendix of the first "navigandi arte astronomiaque peri-
part of the Cartographia Americana tissimus .... astrorum peritia navi-
Vetustissima, the note entitled : Alleged gandique arte omnium doctissimus . .
map of Columbus navigations, and, in- . . fida doctissimaque magistra ; " all
fra, Synopsis, No. Ixi. three of which are in the Latin version
a The self-laudatory expressions of the legend xvii. do not exist in the
which also lead us to think that CABOT Spanish text, whether printed, or in
did not write the legends, viz. : the manuscript copy.
IS THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE! 113
" notable thynges as tovchinge the Indies," which,
he said, were "translated owt of the bookes of
Franciscus Lope [Gomara] . . . and partly also owt
of the carde made by Sebastian Cabot." 1
The Cabotian planisphere could be seen at West
minster. Purchas, after referring to the voyage of
1497, sums up the eighth tabular legend, and adds :
" These are the wordes of the great Map in his Maies-
tie s priuie Gallerie." ! There was also a copy in the
castle of the Earl of Bedford : " Cabot s table which
the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheynies," says Richard
Willes. 3 Finally, the map was reissued in 1549 for
Clement Adams who re-edited the legends, once, as we
propose to show, 4 with modifications most probably
suggested by Cabot himself, and Hakluyt says that
" the copye of Gabote s map sett out by Mr. Clemente
Adams was in many marchants houses in London." 5
It is impossible that the wily Venetian should
not have been aware of the existence of those
maps ; and if he had no part in such publications,
or if he disapproved of their cartographical state
ments, we should find traces of protest and dis
claimer in the works of Eden 6 and of Hakluyt; 7
1 EDEN, Decades ; London, 1555, derived information from him concern-
4to, f. 324. ing his voyages ( The Decades of the New
2 PURCHAS, His Pilgrimage ; Lon- Worlde, London, 1555, preface, leaf c I
don, 1625, folio, vol. iii, p. 807. and fol. 249, 255, 268), had seen that
3 WILLES edition of EDEN S History map and, as we have already said, actu-
of Travayle-, London, 1557, 4to, f. ally republished one of its legends.
232. 7 HAKLUYT also reprinted a legend
4 Syllabus, No. Ixi, iii. taken from the same chart, a copy of
5 HAKLUYT, Westerne Planting, which he saw hung up "in her
written in 1584, and published for the Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westmin-
first time in vol. ii of the Docu- ster" (Principatt Navigations, 1589,
mentary History of the State of Maine, p. 511, and 1599, vol. iii, p. 6), and
Portland, 1870, 8vo, p. 126. As besides, from his language, he must
Clement ADAMS did not die till 1587, have consulted "all of Sebastian
and HAKLUYT, born circa 1553, lived Cabote s own mappes and discourses
until 1616, they must have known one drawne and written by himselfe/
another ; owing to their living in the which, he is the first to say, * are in
same social circle, and their devotion the custody of Master William Worth-
to mutually congenial studies. ington who is very willing to suffer
6 EDEN, who was personally ac- them to be overseene. " Divers
quainted with Sebastian Cabot, and voyages, 1582.
H
114 7S THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE*
while they would neither have quoted nor used the
map.
What then could be Sebastian s object in placing
at the southern entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence
a landfall which for so many years previous had
rightly figured, though it be only by implication, in
all charts and portolani, as on the north-eastern coast
of Labrador ? Was it his personal interest to do so,
and have we any reason to consider him as capable
of making wilfully untruthful statements ? These
grave questions require the critic to examine with
care and impartiality the real character of Sebastian
Cabot.
CHAPTER XV.
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
SEBASTIAN Cabot was a man capable of
disguising the truth, whenever it was to his
interest to do so.
The account of the discovery of the north-east
coast of the New World, given by Peter Martyr, is
exclusively from communications by Sebastian Cabot,
when the latter was his guest : " Familiarem habeo
domi Cabottum ipsum, et contubernalem interdum." l
Yet, it contains no mention whatever of John Cabot,
and the merit of the discovery is ascribed solely to
Sebastian :
" Scrutatus est eas Sebastianus Cabotus . . . Duo is sibi navigia
propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit, et primo tendens cum
hominibus tercentum ad septentrionem : These northe
seas haue byn searched by one Sebastian Cabot .... He there
fore furnisshed two shippes in England at his own charges : And
fyrst with three hundreth men, directed his course . . . ." <
Had he ever mentioned his father s name to Peter
Martyr in connection with that discovery, the latter
would certainly have inserted it in his Decades.
Again in Sebastian s own words as reported by the
Mantuan Gentleman, it was he alone who accom
plished the first voyage, his father ,being said by him
to have been dead when Henry VII. granted the
required authorization to undertake it :
" Mori il padre in quel tempo che venne nona che 1 signor don
1 ANGHIERA, De rebus Oceanicis, 2 Ibidem, leaf c, and EDEN S trans-
Decad. i, lib. vi, leaf 55 D. lation.
116 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
Christopher Colombo Genoese havea scoperta la costa dell Indie,
et se ne parlava grandemente per tutta la corte del Re Henrico
vij, che allhora regnava .... subito feci intender questo mio
pensiero alia Maesta del Re, il qual ... mi armo due caravelle
. . . . et cominciai a navigar ... in capo d alquanti giorni la
discopersi .... &c.: When my father died in that time when
newes were brought that Don Christopher Columbus Genoese had
discovered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the
court of King Henry the Seventh, who then raigned .... I
thereupon caused the king to be advertised of my devise, who
immediately commanded two caravels to be furnished with all
things .... and I began therefore to saile .... After certaine
.... &C." 1
In an Italian paraphrase of Peter Martyr, 2 which
we have elsewhere shown to be the work of Ramusio, 3
who corresponded with Sebastian Cabot, and from
whom he received information which we must assume
to be embodied in that publication, the above state
ment is even enlarged, in this wise :
"Fu [Cabot] menato da suo padre in Inghilterra, da poi la
morte del quale trouandosi ricchissimo, et di grande animo,
delibero si come hauea fatto Christoforo Colombo, voler anchor
lui scoprire qualche nuoua parte del mondo, et a sue spese armo
duoi nauili : He was taken by his father to England, where, after
the latter s death, finding himself extremely rich, and being high-
spirited, he determined, as Christopher Columbus had done, to
discover some new part of the World, and at his own cost, he
equipped two ships." 4
Now, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, who was an eye-witness
of the navigator s return, and Raimondo di Soncino,
who interviewed him at the same time, and was, more
over, his personal friend, 5 both name him "Zoanne
Caboto," and never mention Sebastian. John
Cabot, so far from being dead when the expedition
was fitted out, received, personally, from Henry
VII. on the i3th of December, 1497, a pension
1 RAMUSIO, op. cit. vie, ses voyages ; vol. i, pp. 92-94.
2 Bibliot. Americana Vetustissima, 4 RAMUSIO, Raccolta^ 1565, vol. iii,
No. 190. fo. 35.
3 Chris tophe Colomb, son origine, sa 5 Jean. et Sb. Cabot \ pp. 322, 326.
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 117
as a reward for the discovery which he had
just accomplished. 1 Further, there was only one
discoverer on that occasion, at least, and not
several, as the English King, August loth, 1497,
(that is, immediately upon the return of the expedi
tion,) gave from his privy purse 10 " to hym that
found the New Isle." : There can be no doubt about
the identity of the discoverer whom Henry VII.
meant, as in his second letters patent, dated
February 3rd, 1498, he says that "the Londe and
Isles of late found," were discovered " by the seid
John Kabotto, Veneciane." 3
Sebastian s disregard of truth is maintained in his
repeated explanations that his father was only a
sort of itinerant merchant, who had come to
England solely to sell his goods or engage in
mercantile pursuits : " Uti mods est Venetorum, qui
commercii causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites :
hauyng occasion to resorte thether for trade of
merchandies, as is the maner of the Venetians ..."
do we read in Peter Martyr s Decades? "Andato
a stare in Inghilterra a far mercantie : to dwell in
England, to follow the trade of marchandises,"
Sebastian told the Mantuan Gentleman. 5 His
hearers could not but see in such unfilial and insi
dious remarks, a confirmation of his boast that he
had himself discovered Newfoundland.
It is not certain even that Sebastian accom
panied his father to the New World, although he is
one of the grantees mentioned in the letters patent of
March 5th, 1496.
We are first struck with the expression in
Pasqualigo s letter of August 23rd, 1497, already
quoted :
1 Collection of Privy Seals, No. 40, 2 Excerpta Historic^ p. 113.
quoted by Mr. Charles DEANE, John 3 BIDDLE, p. 75.
and Sebastian Cabot, Cambridge, 1886, 4 ANGHIERA, Decad. i, ii, chapt. vi.
8vo, p. 56, and our Syllabus, No. ix. 5 RAMUSIO, loc. cit.
118 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
" E all dato danari fazi bona ziera fino a quel tempo e con so
moier veniziana e con so noli a Bristo : The king has given him
money wherewith to amuse himself till then ; and he is now at
Bristol with his Venetian wife, and with his sons"
May not this be interpreted in the sense that
John Cabot s wife and sons remained in Bristol while
he was accomplishing the voyage of 1497 and that
upon returning to England, he went to join them
in Bristol? If not, how can we account for Pas-
qualigo s silence regarding Sebastian, who was by
birth a Venetian like himself, if his young country
man had participated in that great discovery ?
Peter Martyr, notwithstanding the fact that he
was on friendly terms with Sebastian Cabot, and not
prone to disparagement, confesses that there were
Spaniards who denied his having been the discoverer
of the Bacallaos region, or that he ever sailed so far
westward :
"Ex Castellanis non desunt, qui Cabothum primum finisse
Baccalaorum, repertorem negent tantumque ad occidentem
tetendisse minime assentientur : Sume of the Spanyardes denye
that [Sebastian] Cabot was the fyrst fynder of the lande of
Baccallaos: and affirme that he went not so farre westwarde." l
What is more, in March 1521, the twelve great
Livery Companies of London having been required
by Henry VIII. to furnish a heavy contribution
towards fitting out ships of discovery to be placed
under the command of Sebastian Cabot, the drapers,
who had undertaken to settle the terms and amount
for all the parties, made representations to the King,
the Lord Cardinal (Wolsey) and the Council, against
the projected expedition. Their principal reason
was that the intended commander, Sebastian Cabot,
could not be trusted, given in these very significant
words :
"And we thynk it were to sore avent r to joperd V shipps w men
1 ANCHIEKA, loc, cit.
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 119
and goods vnto the said Hand [the Newe found Hand] vppon the
singuler trust of one man callyd as we vnderstond Sebastyan,
whiche Sebastyan as we here say was neu r in that land hym self, all
if he maks reports of many things as he hath hard his Father and
other men speke in tymes past . . . trusting to the said Sebastyan,
we suppos it were no wysdom to avent r lyves and goods thider in
suche man . . ." 1
Cardinal Wolsey, to whom these severe objections
were particularly addressed, was twenty-six years
old when the first English transatlantic expedition
sailed from Bristol and by his position at that time
in the Marquis of Dorset s family, must have known
the circumstances attending that voyage, the results
of which created such a great sensation in London. 2
Moreover, Sebastian Cabot was in England 3 when
these representations were lodged in the hands of
the competent authorities. That under such circum
stances the Livery Companies should have ventured
to make so bold a statement, officially, to the King,
to Wolsey, and to the Council, is a matter worthy of
notice. It proves, at all events, that if Sebastian
ever played any part in those expeditions, it must
have been very insignificant.
In the conversation with the Mantuan Gentleman,
Sebastian ascribed his leaving England and seeking
employment in Spain to the " great tumults among
the people, and preparation for the war to be carried
into Scotland," and mentioned the King and Queen
of Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella, as having enter
tained him at that time :
" Dove giunto trovai grandissimi tumulti di popoli sollevati, et
della guerra in Scotia .... per il che me ne venni in Spagna al
Re Catholico, et alia Regina Isabella, i quali mi raccolsero."
1 Wardens Accounts of the Drapers from a copy of the original records,
Company, London, MSS., vol. vii, fo. kindly secured at our request by Miss
87. This important document was Mary TOULMIN SMITH.
first made known by the late William 2 For the complete document, see
HERBERT, in his highly valuable the Discovery of North America, pp.
History of the Twelve Great Livery 747-750.
Companies of London, 1837, Svo, vol. 3 HOLINSHED, Chronicles, London,
i, p. 410. The present text is taken 1586, folio, vol. ii, p. 781.
120 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
He goes so far as to add that the Catholic Kings
sent him to discover the coast of Brazil :
" Mi diedero buona provisione faccendomi inavigar dietro la
costa del Bresil, per volerla scoprire."
It would be difficult to throw into a few sentences
a greater number of erroneous statements and ana
chronisms. The great tumults among the people can
only be the irruption of the Scots and inroads of the
Cornish rebels, who " neere incamped to the citie." :
This occurred in the spring of 1497, as the battle of
Blackheath was fought on the 22nd of June, 1497. l
At that time, Cabot was on the coast of Labrador.
When he returned to England in August following,
the "preparation to carry war into Scotland" had
long been over, as, according to Holinshed, " King
James had retired without proffer of battle," and
Pedro de Ayala 2 was negotiating the truce which
was finally concluded in the month of January
following. 3 Cabot, far from proposing to remove to
Spain, was then soliciting a new licence from Henry
VII., who granted it February 3rd, 1498; and pre
parations were immediately made for the expedition
which set out from Bristol in May next ensuing.
On the other hand, Sebastian Cabot told a
different story to Peter Martyr. According to this,
it was upon the death of Henry VII. that he
abandoned the service of England, and removed to
Spain : " Vocatus namque ex Britannia a rege
nostro catholico post Henrici maioris Britanniae regis
mortem."
This declaration is just as untrue as the other.
1 HUME, History of England, the King of Scotland has arrived to
Boston, 1854, 8vo, vol. ii, p. 541. conclude a truce" (Novemb. 28th).
2 The English historians call him " Affairs with the King of Scotland
" Hialyas." are well nigh pacified " (January I ith,
" Peace with the King of Scotland 1498). RAWDON BROWN, Calendar,
is in course of negotiation " (Sept. vol. i, Nos. 754, 760, 763.
OtVl T Af\*l\ " T"lin i-mVm-r-nAr^* f../
9th, 1497). "The ambassador from
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 121
Henry VII. died April 22nd, 1509, and Sebastian
Cabot was still in the employ of the English govern
ment, on May i2th, I5I2, 1 and in England with
his wife and home, " su mujer i casa," on the 2Oth of
October following. 2
As regards his statement that he was sent by
Ferdinand and Isabella to make discoveries on the
coast of Brazil, it is well to mention that Isabella
died November 26th, 1504, and his name appears in
connection with projected Spanish voyages for the
first time, March 6th, 1514. As to expeditions
actually carried out under his leadership, or in which
he took part under the flag of Spain, there is only
one, and, as we intend to prove, it did not sail
before April 3rd, 1526, when both Ferdinand and
Isabella had long been dead.
As we have seen in a preceding chapter, when
speaking to Italians, Sebastian Cabot claimed to be
a Venetian by birth, who had been brought over to
England as a child : " Genere Venetus, sed a
parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus ....
transportatus pene infans," he said to Peter Martyr.
Ten years later, he declares to Gasparo Contarini
that he was born in Venice, but reared in England :
" Per dirve il tutto, io naqui a Venetia ma sum
nutrito in Ingelterra." To the Mantuan Gentleman
he stated, on the contrary, that, so far from having
left Venice when he scarcely knew yet how to speak
" pene infans," he had already received most of his
classical education : " era assai giovane non gia pero
che non havesse imparato et littere d humanita, et
la sphera." But when twenty-five years afterwards
we find him settled in England, receiving or expect
ing new favours from Edward VI., and speaking to
1 J. S. BREWER, Calendar domestic Aragon to Luis CARD, October 2olh,
and foreign, vol. ii, part ii, p. 1456. I 5 I2 J Jean et Sebastian Cabot, doc.
2 Dispatch from FERDINAND of xviii, p. 332.
122 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
Englishmen, he declares just as positively that he
is their countryman : " Sebastian Cabote tould me
that he was borne in Bristowe," Richard Eden relates.
We could cite a number of other untruthful
statements made by Sebastian Cabot. l At first, we
were inclined to believe that they should be ascribed
to his interlocutors ; but the conversation which he
had with Contarini in 1522, and which this most
truthful witness reported verbatim immediately
afterwards to the Senate of Venice in an official
dispatch, shows that it was Sebastian s usual manner
of speaking, vainglorious and erratic.
Such proofs of constant mendacity demonstrate,
as we asserted at the outset, that Sebastian Cabot
was capable of swerving from the truth whenever it
might profit him.
What then were the interested motives which
could prompt him in 1544 to locate at the southern
entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence a landfall
which in reality had been effected ten degrees further
north ? The absence of documents, and the difficulty
of scrutinizing a man s motives, compel us to answer
this question only by resorting to hypothesis.
In 1544, a great change had taken place relative
to the importance of the more northern coast of the
new continent. The seas which bordered those
regions were no longer a mere common fishing
ground frequented by the smacks of Portugal, Biscay,
Brittany, Normandy, and England. The successful
explorations accomplished by Jacques Cartier, from
1534 until 1543, had been followed by the planting
of French colonies. The region selected was not
Labrador, on which, in all the maps of the time, was
inscribed the uninviting legend : " No ay en ella cosa
de provecho : Here there is nothing of advan-
1 See Stbasticn Cabot, navigateur venilicn, in DRAPEYRON S Paris Revue
de G&graphic, No. of March 1895.
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 123
tage," 1 but around the Gulf of St. Lawrence and
the island of Cape Breton, which the reports of
Cartier and Roberval to Francis I. represented to be
a beautiful and fertile country, with rich copper
mines, fine ports and the . most navigable rivers in
the world. Gomara; in: a work written before 1551
and addressed to Charles V., says of that region :
"The French are settling or will settle the country,
for it is just as. good a. land as France : Dicen que
[los Franceses] pueblan alii 6 que poblaran, por ser
tan buena tierra como Francia." 2
The voyage of Master Hore in 1536 favoured by
Henry VIII. was doubtless prompted by the news
of Cartier s first successful results ; and although it
was not followed, so -far, as we know, by other
English expeditions, Sebastian Cabot s cartographical
statement, as embodied in the planisphere of 1544,
may well have been a suggestion of British claims,
and a bid for the King. of England s favour. To
place within the Gulf of St. Lawrence the landfall of
1497, was tantamount to declaring that region to be
English dominion, as^ the discovery had been
accomplished by vessels sailing under the British
flag : "sub banneris vexillis et insigniis nostris," and
whose commander, by virtue of a royal commission,
had actually planted that flag when landing on those
shores for the first time: 3 Nor was the hint con
veyed at an unseasonable time, Henry VIII. being
then at war with Francis I., and continuing so until
1547. At all events, it is certain that "the Title
which England has to that part of America, which is
from Florida to 67 ^ degrees northward," is or was
1 " Labrador, the land allotted by of February 3rd, 1498, says that the
God to Cain," as CARTIER .writes. "Londeand lies were founde by the
Relation originate, fo. i.ia.. seid John [Kabotto] in oure name and
2 GOMARA, Historia de las Indias^ by oure commandemente." Letters
p. 178. patent of 3rd February, 1498, in
3 Henry VII., in his letters patent BIDDLE, Memoir , p. 75
124 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
derived " from the letters patent granted to John
Cabote and his three sons," to use the language of
Hakluyt. 1
Such underhand dealings were also in keeping
with Sebastian Cabot s natural disposition, as we
shall soon show him constantly engaged in plotting
and corresponding in secret with foreign rulers to
advance his own interest. The planisphere was
designed in 1544: "hizo esta figura . . . . anno de
MDXLIIII. ;" and the fact of it being engraved at
a great distance from Seville, where Sebastian then
lived, may have retarded its publication until a year or
eighteen months after that date. Now there is in
the Council Register of Edward VI., a ^100 warrant,
dated October 7th, 1547, "for the transporting of
one Shabot (sic.), a Pilot, to come out of Hispain to
serve and inhabit in England." 5 This individual
is unquestionably Sebastian Cabot, inasmuch as in
J 549> we see Charles V. sternly requesting the
English ambassador to cause the return to Spain of
"one Sebastian Gabote, his generall pilot, presently
in England." 3 The warrant and order were only
the results of a series of efforts and intrigues on the
part of Sebastian to leave the service of Charles
V. and obtain a better position in England. Further
on, we shall give positive proofs that so early as
1538 he was intriguing to influence Sir Thomas
Wyatt, the resident ambassador at the Court of
Charles V., to recommend his services to Henry
1 HAKLUYT, Divers Voyages ; these foreyn Regions and Islands. "
London, 1582, in the dedication to 2 Jean et St>bastien Cabot , doc.
Sir Philip SYDNEY. The earliest xxxiv, p. 358. An imperfect tran-
assumption of that character which we scription of the name (viz. : S. Cabot
have found, is in the long argument misspelled Shabot} easily accounts for
written in 1580, by John DEE, on the the above erroneous spelling, or lapsus
back of his map of America (British pence.
Museum, MSS. Cott. Aug. i, i art. 3 Notes and Queries, London, 3rd
i), where he bases on the discoveries Series, vol. i, p. 125, where the
or voyages of CABOT, Robert THORN Emperor s demand is carefully printed
and Hugh ELIOT or ELLIOT, " the from the original text by Mr. Clement
Queenes Majesties Title Royale to HOOPER.
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 125
VIII., which, in fact was done when Sir Philip Hoby
returned to London. The time required for his
efforts and correspondence brings us very near
the date when the planisphere must have reached
England. It is difficult to see a mere coincidence
between these facts ; and they constitute important
elements in ascertaining the motives of Sebastian
Cabot for placing the landfall of the English in a
fertile country, which was then being colonized by a
rival nation.
CHAPTER XVI.
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
JOHN Cabot returned to Bristol from his first
I voyage early in August, since we see him in
London on the loth of that month, when he
received from the King a gratuity of 10, " to
have a good time : fazi bona ziera," as Pasqualigo
says. 1 On the i3th of December following, he also
obtained the grant, during the royal pleasure, of a
pension of 20 per annum, which was made a charge
upon the customs of the port of Bristol, 2 and to date
" from the feast of thanunciacion of our lady last
passed," that is, from the preceding 25th of March.
But he found some difficulty in collecting it, since
on the 22nd of February 1498, Henry VII. was
obliged to issue a warrant reciting that His Majesty
had been " enformed the said John Caboote was
delaied of his payement because the custumers of
the poorte of Bristowe had no sufficient matier of
discharge for their indempnitie to be yolden at their
accompt before the Barons of the Eschequier." 3
The news that John Cabot had discovered the
island of Brazil, the Seven Cities, and the kingdom
of the Grand Khan, produced the deepest impres
sion in England. "He is styled the great admiral,
vast honour is paid to him, he dresses in silk, and
1 PASQUALIGO, Jean et Stb. Cabot, Henry VII. See, infra, our Syllabus,
doc. viii, p. 322. No. xii. We are indebted to M.
2 Mr. Charles DEANE, John and OPPENHEIM, Esq., for that document
Sebastian Cabot, p. 56. and a number of others from the same
" Warrants for Issues of the 1 3th of source.
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION. 127
Englishmen run after him like mad people," we
also read in Pasqualigo s letter to his brothers. 1
^ Relying upon the relative success of the expedi
tion, John Cabot applied for new letters patent,
which were granted on the 3rd of February 1498.**
According to Pasqualigo, the King did more, for
he promised to equip ten ships, and allowed to Cabot
as many prisoners, except such as were confined for
high treason, as he required to man the fleet.
Raimondo di Soncino swells the number of vessels
intended for that voyage from fifteen to twenty.
Yet, the new patent gives licence to. take six ships
only, being of the burden of two hundred tons or
under, "paying for theym and every of theym as and
if we [the Crown] should in and for our owen cause
paye and noon otherwise." 1 We do not think,
therefore, notwithstanding the expressions used by
Puebla and Ayala, " El Rey de Inglaterra embio
cinco naos," that Henry VII., whose avarice was
notorious, equipped the expedition, at his own cost.
But Cabot had no difficulty in finding men to ac
company him, judging from the following remark of
Pasqualigo :
" Tanti quanti navrebe con li e etiam molti de nostri furfanti :
He can enlist as many Englishmen as he pleases, and many of
our own rascals besides."
^ There is no ground whatever for the assertion,
frequently repeated, 3 that John Cabot did not com
mand this second expedition, or that it was under
taken after his death by his son.S^ The name of
Sebastian Cabot, who, let it be said, was not one of
the grantees in these new letters patent, appears for
the first time in connection with these voyages, in
Peter Martyr s account, printed twenty years after
1 PASQUALIGO, loc.cit. 80-89; George BANCROFT, in
2 BIDDLE, p. 75. Appletoris Encyclopedia,) art. Cabot,
3 BIDDLE, op. tit. , chapter x, pp. &c. c.
128 JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
the event, 1 and taken exclusively from Sebastian s
own lips, which, as we have shown, is not a recom
mendation. <; In England, his name reveals itself as
regards the discovery of the New World at still a
later period, in John Stow s Chronicle, published
in i58o. 2 And although both that historian and
Hakluyt 3 quote as their authority for the statement
a manuscript copy of Robert Fabyan s Chronicle, the
name of Sebastian Cabot, as have hinted already, is a
sheer interpolation. 4
Those two writers may have derived the details
which are given in their chronicles, from some
Fabyan manuscript no longer to be found ; but the
description itself certainly originated in a document
which we shall proceed to describe.
Among the Cottonian manuscripts preserved in
the British Museum, there is one which bears the
following title : Cronicon regum Anglice et series
maiorum et vicecomitum Civitatis London ab anno
primo Henrici tertium ad annum primum. Hen. 8"V 5
Mr. Gairdner, of the Public Record Office, who
kindly re-examined that manuscript at our request in
1 88 1, and who is one of the highest authorities on
such historical matters, reported that the Cronicon is
a perfectly trustworthy source of contemporaneous
information, its earlier portion derived from a com
mon source with several other London chronicles,
such as Gregory s, 6 whilst the latter part has some
thing in common with Fabyan, but containing a good
deal for the reign of Henry VII. not to be found
any where else in print. So much for the intrinsic
and paleographic proofs of its authenticity.
1 ANGHIERA, De Orbe Novo Decades, 3 HAKLUYT, Divers Voyages, Lond. ,
Alcala, 1516, fol., Decad. iii, lib. vi, 1582, 4to, p. 23 of the reprint.
fo. 56, verso. 4 Supra, chapter iii, pp. 21-25.
2 The Chronicle of England, from 5 MS. Cott. Vitellius, A xiv, f. 173.
Brute unto the present yeare of Christ 6 Published by Mr. GAIRDNER, in
1580, London, 410, p. 862. the Collections of a London Citizen.
JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION. 129
As we have already stated, the oldest English
account known of the voyage which we are discuss
ing is the one inserted in this chronicle ; but it sets
forth certain dates and details, which require to be
carefully examined.
The Cronicon places the event "In anno 13 Henr.
VII." The date of Henry the Seventh s accession
to the throne is the 2ist or 22nd of August 1485.
The thirteenth year of his reign corresponds with
22nd August 1497- 2ist August 1498. Now, we
have shown conclusively that the first voyage of
John Cabot required from the beginning of May
until the beginning of August 1497; that is, one
year previous to the I3th year of the reign of
Henry VII.
The author of the Cronicon, or of its prototype,
speaking in the present tense, ends his account with
the statement that the fleet " departed from the West
Cuntrey in the begynnyng of Somer, but to this
present moneth [?] came nevir knowledge of their
exployt."
Whatever that month may be, it necessarily applies
to a date which is posterior to August 22nd, 1497.
How are we to reconcile it with the fact that John
Cabot had already returned to London on the roth
of August 1497, as is shown by the gratuity of ^10,
granted to him on that date by Henry VII. ?
Further, the wording shows that the account refers
partly to the first voyage of Cabot, since it gives as
the motive of the expedition: "to seche an Hand
wheryn the said straunger [or conditor of the fleet]
surmysed to be grete commodities/ No such
language would be used if the object of the
enterprise had been to return to a country already
discovered.
One interpretation of these conflicting statements
is that the chronicler has blended in the same para-
i
130 JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
graph the first and the second voyage. This is
indicated in the various expressions used.
The Cronicon describes the expedition as being
composed of four or five vessels : " w* which ship by
the Kynges grace so Rygged went 3 or 4 moo owte
of Bristowe."
Ruy Gonzales de Puebla, and Pedro de Ayala,
referring in July 1498 to the second voyage, also
say that the new expedition was composed of five
ships : " fueron cinco naos." True it is that both
state the number of ships "sent by the King to be
five: el Rey de Inglaterra embio cinco naos,"
whilst, according to the Cronicon, there was only
one furnished by His Majesty, the other three or
four being equipped at the cost of private indi
viduals. But we must bear in mind that two
witnesses, Pasqualigo and Soncino, each separately,
and from information derived from John Cabot
himself, in their description of the first voyage,
speak of one vessel only : "uno naviglio." Soncino
even says that it was a small ship, manned by a
crew of eighteen men: "cum uno piccolo naviglio
e xviii persone." The above details concerning the
number of vessels which composed the fleet, apply
therefore not to the first, but to the second expedi
tion exclusively.
The squadron sailed early in the spring of 1498,
and at the end of July following the first news
relative to its progress was received in England, as
is shown by Ayala s letter of the 25th of that month
and year. This still comes within the i3th year of
the reign of Henry VII.; and to make the statement
agree with the passage in the Cronicon : " this present
moneth came nevir knowledge," we have only to pre
sume that the writer of the latter chronicle made the
entry in his chronicle in July 1498, but before the
25th.
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
131
Reverting now to the account of the voyage, or
rather, of the preparations, such as we find them
described in Stow and in Hakluyt, it can be easily
shown that the Cronicon has been the prototype of
the Fabyan chronicle from which Stow and Hak
luyt derived their information concerning Cabot s
voyage :
CRONICON (1498).
"This yere the Kyng
at the besy request of a
Straunger venisian, which
made hym self expert in
knowyng of the world
caused the Kyng to manne
a ship w* vytaill and other
necessaries for to seche
an Hand whereyn the
said Straunger surmysed
to be grete commodities
&c., &c."
STOW (1580).
Thys yeare one Seb
astian Gabato professing
himselfe to be experte in
knowledge of the circuite
of the worlde . . . caused
the King to man and
victual a shippe ... to
search for an ilande
whiche he knewe to be
replenished with rich
commodities . . . &c.,
&c."
HAKLUYT (1582).
"This yeere the King
(by meanes of a Vene
tian) which made him
selfe very expert ... in
knowledge of the worlde
. . . caused to man and
victuall a shippe ... to
search for an Ilande,
which hee saide hee
knewe well was riche
and replenished with rich
commodities . . . &c.,
&c."
In comparing these three extracts, the reader
will notice an important difference. Where Stow
ascribes the discovery to " Sebastian Gabato," the
Cronicon describes the " Conditor of the saide Flete,"
simply as "a Straunger venisian," and omits the
name of Sebastian Cabot altogether. So it is true,
does Hakluyt, in his text ; but he shares Stow s
error in that respect, as the heading of the account
in his Divers voyages is "A note of Sebastian
Gabotes Voyage of Discoverie, taken out of an
Old Chronicle." Notwithstanding the interpolation
made by him in 1589, of the name of John Cabot,
and the contradiction it involves when compared
with the heading prefixed by him to the notice
taken from Fabyan, it is clear that those two his
torians believed, and meant to convey the impression
that Sebastian Cabot was the sole discoverer of the
continent of North America. This we have proved
to be erroneous. So is the interpretation of the
132 JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
statement of the Cronicon by his modern admirers,
when they ascribe to Sebastian the merit of having
led the second British expedition westward.
Pasqualigo 1 and Soncino 2 specify John Cabot,
and no one else, as the person to whom Henry VII.
intended to entrust the fleet for the second voyage.
Also, in his application John Cabot tacitly excluded
his own children from the enterprise, since he did
not, as in the petition of 1496, pray for letters patent
to him and his heirs. It begins as follows :
" Please it your Highnesse of your most noble and habundaunt
grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Venecian, your gracious Lettres
Patents in due fourme to be made accordyng to the tenor here
after ensuyng ..."
As to the grant itself, it is in these words :
" We have geven and graunten, and by theis Presentis geve and
graunte to our welbeloved John Kabotto, Venecian, sufficientc
auctorite and power, that he, by him his Deputie or Deputies
sufficient, may take at his pleasure vi Englisshe Shippes . . .
paying for theym and every of theym ..."
This grant passed no rights to Sebastian or any
one else except John Cabot, and expired with the
expedition itself.
Then we see that John Cabot explained in person
to Soncino his plans for the second voyage ; 3 and
on July 25th, 1498, Puebla and Ayala 4 announced
officially to their sovereigns that the vessels had
actually sailed out " with another Genoese like Col
umbus : con otro Ginoves como Colon," which
"El re le ha promesso a tempo mento . . . Et dicello per modo . .
novo navil x. e armati come lui vora. . ." SONCINO, doc. x.
. . . El qual se chiama Zuam Talbot." ^ "El Key de Inglaterra embio
PASQUALIGO, in our /ean et Sgbas- cinco naos armadas con otro ginoves
tian Cabot, doc. viii. como colon .... dizen que seran
" La Maesta de Re questo primo venydos para el setiembre. " PUEBLA,
bono tempo gli vole mandare xv. in doc. xii. "El ginoves tiro su camino
xx. navili." SONCINO, in op. /., .... El Key de Ynglaterra me ha
doc. ix. "ChiamatoZoanneCaboto;" fablado algunas vezes \ sobre ello."
do f- x. AYALA, doc. xiii.
" Et dice . . . Et fa questo argu-
JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION. 133
description certainly does not apply to Sebastian, but
to John Cabot, as we know from corroborative evi
dence already stated.
The expedition was composed of five vessels, fitted
out at the expense of John Cabot, or of his friends,
according to the terms of the letters patent : " paying
for theym and every of theym as and if we should in
or for our owen cause paye and noon otherwise,"
which means also that the price was not to be higher
than for vessels chartered by the King himself. Yet
if, as we have just endeavoured to demonstrate, the
details given in the Cronicon apply to the second
voyage, one ship had been equipped at the King s
cost, whilst three or four were vessels sent out by
merchants. This is shown by the following state
ment :
" A Straunger venisian . . . caused the Kyng to manne a ship
\v l vytaill and other necessairies . . . w* which ship by the
Kynges grace so Rygged went 3 or 4 moo owte of Bristowe . .
. . wheryn dyuers merchauntes as well of London as Bristow
aventured goodes and sleight merchaundises . . ."
We find in the alleged Fabyan chronicle, as
copied by Stow and Hakluyt, an account, apparently
borrowed originally from the above, judging from the
following phrase :
" To man and victual a shippe at Bristowe, in which diverse
merchauntes of London aduentured smal stockes, and in the
company of this shippe sayled also out of Bristow three or foure
smal shippes fraught with slight and grosse wares as course cloth,
Capes, Laces, points and such other. . . ."
We have not the exact date when the fleet sailed.
It was certainly after April ist, 1498, as on that day
Henry VII. loaned ^30 to Thomas Bradley and
Launcelot Thirkill, "going to the New Isle." 1
1 Excerpta Historica^. 116; DES- altre regioni del? Alfa America, p.
IMONI, Intorno a Giovanni Caboto 61 ; Jean et Stbasticn Cabot > pp. 102,
gcnovese scopritot-c del Labrador c di 256.
134 JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
The Cronicon only says : " which departed from the
West Cuntrey [Bristol] in the begynnyng of Somer."
A more explicit date can be derived from Hakluyt s
quotation of Fabyan. This, in whatever form it has
reached us, we have shown to be a direct derivative
of the Cronicon, and consequently, to apply partly
to Cabot s second voyage. A further proof is the
sentence in Hakluyt s version : " and so departed
from Bristow .... of whom in this Maiors time
returned no tidings." That Mayor was William Pur-
chas, who held the office in London from October
28th, 1497, to October 28th, 1498; and the reader
will recollect that John Cabot had already returned
from his first voyage on the loth of August 1497.
Now, in Hakluyt s above mentioned extract, the
dots in our quotation are filled with the sentence :
"departed from Bristowe in the beginning of May."
The only direct news concerning that expedition
after it left Bristol is comprised in this short sentence
of Pedro de Ayala s dispatch of July 25th, 1498 :
" Del armada que hizo que fueron cinco naos ... ha venido
nueva, la una en que iva un otro Fai [sic pro Fray ?] Bull aporto
en Irlanda con gran tormento rotto el navio : News has been
received of the fleet of five ships. The one in which was another
Brother [?] Buil, put into Ireland owing to a great storm and
broken ship." l
Puebla states that the fleet was expected back in
the month of September 1498 : " Dizen que seran
venydos para el Setiembre ; " yet, the vessels had
taken supplies for one year : " fueron proueydas por
hun ano." But we do not know when they returned
to England, nay, whether John Cabot survived the
expedition, or where it went. Our only information
is that Launcelot Thirkill, who owned, or commanded
one of the ships, was in London June 6th, 1501.
1 BERGENROTH, Calendar, vol. i, No. 210, p. \ib\Jean et Stbastien Cabot,
doc. xiii, p. 329.
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION. 135
At that date he repaid a loan of ^20 made to him
by Henry VI I. Mr. Desimoni justly presumes 1 that
it may have been the one of March 22nd, 1498,
received from the King while fitting out a ship for
the voyage.
Mt is only by inference that we can form an opinion
relative to the regions which John Cabot visited
in the course of his second expedition. The data
for such an estimate are to be found in the map of
the world drawn by Juan de la Cosa in the year
I5OO, 2 after the month of February, as before that
time the great Biscayan pilot was with Alonso
de Hojeda, exploring the Gulf of Paria and the
Venezuelan coast.
^At the outset, it is well to bear in mind that the
Cabotian expeditions of 1497 and 1498, are the only
ones which, in the i5th century, ever sailed to the
New World under the auspices of the King of
England, and in fact, the only transatlantic voyages
known to have been then accomplished by English
men. Every American region the discovery of
which is attributed to the English in any map con
structed before the year 1501, comprises therefore
the results of John Cabot s maritime efforts beyond
the Atlantic Ocean. \\
In the celebrated chart of Juan de la Cosa, above
mentioned, there is, in the proximity, and to the west
of Cuba, an unbroken coast line, delineated like a
continent, and extending northward to the extremity
of the map. On the northern portion of that sea
board, the Basque pilot has placed a row of British
flags, commencing at the southern end with the
inscription : " Sea discovered by the English : Mar
clescubierta por ingleses," and terminating at the
north with " Cape of England : Cauode ynglaterra."
1 DESIMONI, Intorno, above quoted.
8 Discovery of North America^ No. 33, pp. 412-15.
136 JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION.
Unfortunately, those cartographical data are not
sufficiently precise to enable us to locate the landfalls
with adequate exactness. Nor is the kind of pro
jection adopted, 1 without explicit degrees of latitude,
of such a character as to aid us much in determining
positions. We are compelled, therefore, to resort to
inferences.
The north-western portion of La Cosa s map sets
forth twenty inscriptions, seven of which are the
names of capes, whilst one refers to a river (r longo),
another to an island (isla de la trinidad), and a third
to a lake (lago fore?). Although many of these
designations convey no meaning to us (apparently
on account of imperfect transcriptions), and are not
to be found on any other map, they must be con
sidered as proving that the coast had been actually
visited before 1500. vl On the other hand, the
northernmost names certainly represent the points
marked by Cabot during his first voyage, whether we
place them on the north coast of Labrador or on the
eastern shores of Newfoundland. But as the row of
English fiagstaffs covers a space by far too extensive
for the voyage of 1497, which lasted only three
months, the legends further south necessarily apply
to the expedition of 1498. ^
When preparing to return to the newly discovered
regions, John Cabot told Raimondo di Soncino that
his intention was to pursue the undertaking as
follows :
" Messer Zoanne ha posto I animo ad magior cosa perche pensa,
da quello loco occupato andarsene sempre a Riva Riva piu verso
el Levante, tanto chel sia al opposite de una Isola da lui chiamata
Cipango, posta in la regione equinoctiale : From the place already
possessed [discovered] he would proceed by constantly following
the shore, until he reached the east, and was opposite an island
called Cipango, situate in the equinoctial region." 2
1 NAVARRETE, Bibliotcca Maritima, z jean et S&astien Cabot y doc. x,
vol. i, p. 212. p. 325.
UNIVERSITY
OF
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION. 137
All that is clear in this vague description, and to
be retained just now, is that John Cabot s ultimate
object, when he set out from England in 1498,
was an equatorial or southern region : " la regione
equinoctiale," situate south of the point reached by
him in 1497. To this interpretation must be added
the fact that the line of British flags in La Cosa s
map, corroborates such an intention, as it indicates
plainly a southward coasting.
*How far south then did John Cabot go in 1498?
Taking the distance from the equator to the extreme
north in La Cosa s map as a criterion for measuring
distances, and comparing relatively the points named
therein with points corresponding for the same
latitude on modern planispheres, the most southerly
English flagstaff seems to indicate a vicinity south of
the Carolinas. v l
This hypothetical estimate finds a sort of corollary
in Sebastian Cabot s account, as reported by Peter
Martyr. In describing his alleged north-western
discoveries, Sebastian said that icebergs having
compelled him to alter his course, he steered south
ward, and followed the coast until he reached
about the latitude of Gibraltar : " Quare coactus fuit,
uti ait, vela vertere et occidentum sequi tetendique
tamen ad meridiem, littore sese incurvante ut Her-
culei freti latitudinis fere gradus . . . ."* This
statement was made at the latest in I5I5- 2 Several
years afterwards, Sebastian Cabot again mentioned
the matter in his conversation with the Mantuan
Gentleman ; but this time he extended the explora
tion five degrees further south, naming Florida as
his terminus, and the point whence he sailed home
ward : " Venni sino a quella parte che chiamano al
1 PETER MARTYR, ubi supra. says : " Martio mense anni futuri
2 In the same decade, PETER MAR- MDXVI. puto ad explorandum discos-
TYR, alluding to a projected expedition surum." De rebus Oceania s, Dccad.
in search of the North-West Passage, iii, lib. vi, fo. 56 A.
138 JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION.
presente Florida, et mancandomi gia la vettovaglia,
presi partito di ritornarmene in Inghilterra." l
It is true that assertions from Sebastian Cabot,
particularly when calculated to enhance his merits
in the eyes of others, must always be taken with a
mental reservation ; but, excepting his unfilial custom
of ascribing to himself a credit which belonged to his
father, we see no good reasons for rejecting his
description in this instance ; particularly as it is
confirmed by an authentic map of the time. The
statement confirms John Cabot s project as disclosed
to Soncino, and is justified by the importance of the
expedition of 1498, which was on a much greater
scale than that of 1497.
It is also corroborated by Ferdinand and Isabella s
order to Alonso de Hojeda, when he was on the eve
of sailing for the Caribbean Sea to stop the progress
of the English in their exploration of the newly-found
continent. 2 " Para que atages el descubrir de los
ingleses por aquella via." The letters patent which
contain this injunction are dated June, 1501 ; that is,
three years after Their Catholic Majesties had been
informed by Puebla and Ayala of the results of
John Cabot s first voyage, and at a time when there
had as yet been no other expeditions under the British
flag across the Atlantic, except that of 1497, and the
one of 1498 now under consideration. 3
We must mention, however, a circumstance which
at first sight might militate against Sebastian Cabot s
accuracy in this respect. Twenty years after his
conversation with Peter Martyr, he was summoned
as a witness on behalf of Luis Columbus, who had
brought an action against the Crown, in vindication
J RAMUSIO, vol. iii, fo. 374. 1501, can scarcely have sailed from
"Ibidem, chap, vi, pp. 116-122. England soon enough to have been
3 The first expedition of WARD, seen in time^to enable FERDINAND and
ASHEHURST and others, by virtue of ISABELLA to mention it in their cedula
letters patent granted March igth, of June 8th, 1501.
JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION. 139
of certain rights acquired by his grandfather Chris
topher. Sebastian then declared, under oath before
the Council of the Indies, December 3ist, 1535, that
he did not know whether the mainland continued
northward or not from Florida to the Bacallaos
region: " que desde el rio de Santi Spiritus [the
delta of the Mississippi] en adelante, la Florida e los
Bacallaos, no se determina si es todo una tierra firme
6 no."
The last phrase may be literally construed as
implying that Sebastian Cabot possessed no infor
mation whatever relative to the countries south of his
alleged first landfall ; which, however, could not be
the case if, as he averred, he had followed the coast
" littore sese incurvante," down to the latitude of
Gibraltar, or to that of Florida. Sebastian might
nevertheless give a dubitative answer in case the
American coast surveys of his time still left a gap,
however insignificant, between the Gulf of Mexico
and 36 latitude north. His answer, therefore, does
not, in the main, absolutely contradict the statement
reported by Peter Martyr. Withal, it is difficult to
reconcile its general bearing with facts which Sebas
tian Cabot, by virtue of his official position, was
bound to know, to record, and to disseminate. Thus
in 1535, which is the time when his deposition was
taken, he could not be ignorant of the nature of the
coast which lines the northern part of the Gulf of
Mexico, as in the Seville map of 1527 that region
bears the legend : " Tierra que aora va a poblar
panfilo de narvaes : This is the land which Pamphilo
de Narvaez is going to settle ; " whilst on Ribero s
(1529), we also read : " Tierra de Garay" which
locates the exploration accomplished by Alonso
Alvarez Pineda in 1519. Besides, he had certainly
been informed of the sailing of Antonio de Alaminos
who was despatched from Vera Cruz by Cortes
140 JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION.
in the same year, and which must have doubled
Cape Sable and hugged the Florida coast at least
as high as Georgia, considering that when in
the Bahama Channel, Alaminos " metiendo se al
norte." 1 He must also have been familiar with the
expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1513 from 29
to 30 north latitude, 2 and then south to 25. Nor
could he fail to be aware of the sailing of Lucas
Vasquez de Ayllon in 1526, along the Carolina and
Virginia coasts. 3 Finally, he was cognizant of the
discoveries accomplished by Estevao Gomez in
1525, which ranged from 40 to 42 30 north lati
tude, 4 and established, at all events, the connection
between Ayllon s and John Cabot s own explorations.
This continuous coast line was so well known to
exist that it is specifically marked on the very maps
entrusted to Sebastian Cabot, and which were not
permitted to be drawn or copied without having been
first approved by him as Pilot- Major. How could
he then depose and say in 1535 that he did not know
whether the region extending from the Gulf of
Mexico to Nova Scotia, or to Labrador, formed part
of a continent ? We suspect in Sebastian s dubious
answer some interested motives, as usual, but which
the documents do not permit us yet to fathom. It
can at least be proved that Cabot did not long
maintain such an opinion, as his planisphere of 1544
presents an unbroken coast line from Labrador to
the Strait of Magellan.
Be that as it may, these contradictions are not of
1 Bernal DIAZ, Historia Verdculem\ viii, cap. viii, p. 241. "Treinta y
Madrid, 1862, lib. LIV, p. 48 ; HER- cinco, y treinta y seis, y treinta y siete
RERA, Decad. ii, lib. v, cap. xiv, p. grades norte-sur." NAVARRETE, vol.
132- iii, p. 153.
3 PESCHEL, Geschichte des Zeitalters 4 "Desde quaranta e un grades
der Entdeckungen, Stuttgardt, 1858, hasta quarenta e dos y medio."
8vo, p. 521. OVIEDO, Historia General, vol. ii, lib.
"Cicn Icguas rnas al Norle dc la xxi, cap. x, p. 147.
Florida." HLKRERA, Decad. iii, lib.
ll
o ^
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION. 141
such a character as to compel the critic to reject
the statements made by Sebastian Cabot to Peter
Martyr, and to the Mantuan Gentleman, concerning
the coast which his father visited during a voyage
which was necessarily accomplished in 1498-1499.
The accompanying map exhibits the route probably
followed on that occasion.
* What nevertheless remains an enigma is the
silence of the English and other Chroniclers of the
time regarding the results of that voyage. In the
accounts of the first expedition they speak only of
icebergs, white bears and of bleak regions, the
inhabitants of which were never even seen. In
1498,011 the contrary, Cabot could not range the
American coast down to the 36 latitude without
noticing the beautiful entrances to the Hudson,
Delaware and Potomac. Those regions were
relatively well peopled, with a fine, stalwart race of
Indians, who possessed curiously wrought metal
objects, and boats in which they navigated off the
,coast. The native products of the soil, particularly
the maize or Indian corn, were calculated to attract
the attention of the English, and it is difficult to
understand why there should be no traces left of the
accounts which they must have brought to England.
On the other hand, it may be that the expedition
having proved an absolute failure, as its main object
was to find a north-west passage and bring home
spice, silks and pearls from the East India islands,
the Bristol adventurers pocketed their loss, and no
more was said about the enterprise. lj
CHAPTER XVII.
THE ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
THE pretended third transatlantic voyage of
Sebastian Cabot under the British flag is only
an inference drawn, exclusively, and gratuitously,
from another remark ascribed to Fabyan, and re
ported by Stow as follows :
" 18. Henr. VII. Thys yeare, were brought vnto the Kyng three
A.D. I502. 1 men t a k en m the new founde Hands by Sefias-
tian Gabato, before named in Anno 1468 [sic pro 1498] these men
were clothed in Beastes skinnes, and eate raw Flesh, out spake such
a language as no man could vnderstand them, of the which three
men, two of them were scene in the Kings Court at Westminster
two yeares after, clothed, like Englishmen, and could not bee
discerned from Englishmen" 2
The eighteenth year of the reign of Henry VII.
embraces from August 22nd, 1502 to August 2ist,
T 503. According to Stow, then, the arrival of those
Indians took place during that time ; and, were we
to admit that it was Sebastian Cabot who brought
them over to England, this alleged voyage would
have been accomplished before the end of the
summer of 1503, and initiated scarcely more than
one year previous.
Hakluyt, on two different occasions, also reports
the circumstance, which he likewise says, is men
tioned by the foresaid Fabyan." But he does not
give it on both occasions under the same date.
1 In the London edition of 1605 of in the margin " Rob. Fabian An. reg.
STOW S Chronicle, which is the last 18."
one published in his lifetime, we read - STOW, Chronicle, 1580, p. 875-
ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OF SEE. CABOT. 143
When speaking of those savages for the first time,
in 1582, the event is related in these words :
" Of three sauage men which hee [Sebastian Gabote] brought
home and presented vnto the King in the iyth yeere of his raigne.
This yeere also were brought vnto the King three men, taken
in the new founde Hand, that before I spake of in William Purchas
time being Mai or. These were clothed in beastes skinnes, and
ate rawe fleshe, and spake such speech that no man coulde under
stand them, and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes, whom
the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two yeeres past
after I saw two apparelled after the manner of Englishmen in
Westminster pallace, which at that time I coulde not discerne
from Englishemen, till I was learned what they were. But as for
speech, I heard none of them vtter one worde." 1
That is, he places the arrival of those Indians
between August 1501 and August 1502, one year
earlier than Stow, although both quote, as their sole
authority for the statement, the same Fabyan MS.
But when relating that event the second time, in
1599-1600, the date is no longer 1501-1502. It is
1498-1499, as the item is headed thus :
" Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented
vnto the King in the foureteenth yere of his raigne, mentioned by
the foresaid Robert Fabian."
He then repeats the sentence :
" This yeere also were brougt vnto the King three men taken
in the new found Island that before I spake of, in William Purchas
time being Maior." ^
The language of Hakluyt, in this instance, is not
precise. He may mean to say that these Indians
were brought from the newly discovered islands of
which he had previously spoken, and that they came
while Purchas held the office of Mayor. If so, their
arrival in London occurred between October 28th,
1497 and October 27th, 1498, that being Purchas
term of office. Hakluyt may also have intended to
1 HAKLUYT, Divers voyages ; 1582, 2 HAKLUYT, Principall Naviga-
and HAKLUYT Society reprint, loc. cit. lions, 1599-1600, vol. iii, p. 9.
144 THE ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OF
convey the meaning that the said savages came from
the island which was discovered during Purchas
term of office, but that they arrived in London during
the 1 4th year of the reign of Henry VII., viz., from
August 1498 to August I499. 1 In either case, the
event would relate to Cabot s second voyage, which
was initiated in May 1498. This was evidently
Hakluyt s belief and his reason for altering his first
date of "the xvii yeere " of Henry VI I. s reign, to
" the foureteenth." ! Thus far, therefore, he cannot
be quoted in support of the opinion that Sebastian led
in 1502 a third expedition to the New World.
If now we revert to Hakluyt s first date: "in
the xvii yeere 7 of the reign of Henry VII., or to
Stow s " 1 8 Henr. VII.," that is, respectively, 1501-
1502 and 1502-1503, we encounter another and still
greater difficulty.
The patent of 1496, which is the only one that
conveyed rights to Sebastian Cabot, expired with
the expedition of 1497. As to the second patent, it
was granted solely to John Cabot, and, as before, the
privilege conveyed thereby ceased after the voyage
of 1498. Henry VII., on March I9th, 1501, conse
quently issued new letters patent, embracing the privi
leges heretofore conceded to the Cabots, but this time
the grantees were Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst,
and John Thomas, of Bristol, and Joao Fernandez,
Francisco Fernandez, and Joao Gonzales, 3 of the
1 As to supposing that the circum- that this "John Gunsolus is doubtless
stance refers to the first expedition, it the Juan Gonzales, Portugais, whose
is evident that if CABOT then had name appears as a witness in the
brought Indians with him, the Spanish celebrated trial of the Fiscal with
and Italian ambassadors would have Diego Columbus (NAVARRETE, iii, p.
mentioned such a remarkable circum- 553) " is erroneous. The Juan
stance. Instead of this, Lorenzo GONZALES of the trial was, October
PASQUALIGO states positively that John ist, 1515, only " de edad de 32 afios,"
CABOT saw none of the natives : " non consequently, but eighteen in 1501,
a visto persona alguna," Syllabiis^ No. and, on that account, could not have
vii. been a grantee then of English letters
2 BIDDLE, page 227. patent.
3 The surmise of BIDDLE (p. 230)
SEBASTIAN CABOT. 145
Azores. On December Qth, 1502, letters patent
were again granted to several of these parties, with
whom was associated in the privilege and expedition
Hugh Elliott, of Bristol. 1
In those two documents the King confers on
the patentees the monopoly of trade in the newly-
found countries, first for ten, then for forty years,
empowering them to prevent any person going
thither, and to drive away by force of arms all
intruders whatsoever. He then adds the following
prohibition :
" Et quod nullus ex subditis nostris eos eorum aliquem de et
super possessione et titulo suis de et in dictis terris-firmis, insulis
et provinciis se aliqualiter contra voluntatem suam expellat quovis
modo seu aliquis extraneus aut a liqui extranei virtute aut colore
alicujus concessionis nostrae sibi Magno Sigillo Nostro per an tea
fact?e aut imposterum faciendae cum aliquibus aliis locis et insulis :
And let none of our subjects drive them, or any of them, from
their title and possession over and in the said mainlands, islands
and provinces, in any way or manner against their will by virtue
or color of any previous grant made by Us to any foreigner or
foreigners under our Great Seal, or which may be made hereafter
concerning any place or islands . . . "*
The patentees of foreign origin here excluded from
any participation in the privileges are necessarily the
Cabots, as, previous to 1501, they were the only-
persons who received letters patent from Henry VII.
for such a maritime enterprise. It is true that in
the original manuscript the pen is drawn through the
phrase beginning with " seu aliquis. 7 But, as Biddle
justly remarks, " it was, perhaps, thought better not
to aim an ungracious, and superfluous blow at what
had already expired " ; 3 for, as we have just stated,
the privilege granted in 1496 had been superseded
1 Discovery of North America % p. 3 Ibidem, p. 94. It is probably for
687, No. xlviii, p. 692, No. Ix ; the same reason that the passage is
BIDDLE, p. 312 ; RYMER, Fcedera, also omitted in the second letters
vol. v, part iv, p. 186. patent, granted gth December 1502,
- BIDDLE, p. 312. to Thomas ASHEHURST et als.
K
146 THE ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OF
by the letters patent of 1498, and these, in their
turn, had terminated with John Cabot s second
voyage. It follows, that to undertake a trans
atlantic expedition under the English flag, from
August 1501 to August 1502, or from August 1502
to August 1503, Sebastian Cabot required new
letters patent, which Henry VII., by his patents of
March 1501, and December 1502,10 Richard Warde
and his Bristol as well as Portuguese partners in
the undertakings, 1 precluded himself from granting,
except in case of forfeiture on the part of the above
named grantees. Let us add that there are no traces
either of such abrogation of privileges or of any new
letters patent ever granted after 1496 by the English
Crown to Sebastian Cabot. This is also shown by
the fact that when, June 4th, 1550, Cabot wished to
possess tangible proofs of his having been in former
times the recipient of a favor of the sort, he asked
from Edward VI. for that purpose a copy of the
letters patent of 1496, and no other, 2 as we shall
show later on.
The sentence in Stow : " thys yeare, were brought
vnto the Kyng three men taken in the new found
Hands by Sebastian Cabot," implies, of course, a
landing on some point of the coast of North
America ; but it does not necessarily follow that
these Indians were brought to England by Sebastian
Cabot. The wording may also mean that they were
taken " in the islands not long before, or during the
mayoralty of Purchas, discovered by Sebastian
Cabot," Stow and Hakluyt, and even Fabyan, con
tinuing to ascribe to Sebastian a discovery which
actually belonged to his father.
We shall now proceed to show that the arrival of
these savages in London must have happened early
1 Published by BIDDLE, Memoir of 2 See, infra in our Syllafws., No.
Sebastian Cabot, pp. 224-227. Ixviii.
SEBASTIAN CABOT. 147
in 1502, and consequently that they were brought
over in the ships of Richard Warde s first expedition.
In the Account of the Privy Purse expenses of
Henry VII., there are the following entries:
"Jan. 7, 1502, To men of Bristoll that founde Thisle, . ^5.
Sept. [24] 1502. To the merchants of Bristoll that have bene
in the Newe founde Launde, 20" l
As between the letters patent for transatlantic
expeditions granted to John Cabot in 1498, and
those bestowed on Warcle and his associates, March
1 9th, 1501, there are no traces of other letters patent
of that kind, the voyagers rewarded as above were
necessarily companions of Warde in his first voyage.
A document just discovered confirms our inference.
It is a warrant issued by Henry VII., December
6th, 1503, for the payment of a pension conferred
on two associates of Warde in that very expedition,
Francisco Fernandez, and Joao Gonzales. The pre
amble contains the following passage :
" Whereas we by our letters undre our privie seal bering date
at cure manor of Langley the 26th day of Septembre the i8th
yere of our Reigne gaf and graunted unto our trusty and wel-
beloved subgietts ffraunceys ffernandus and John Guidisalvus
squiers in consideracion of the true service which they have doon
unto us to our singler pleasure as capitaignes unto the newe founde
lande . . ."-
The pension, as the reader will notice, was
granted September 26th, 1502, and, consequently, as
a reward for the first expedition, since the second
expedition was based exclusively upon letters patent
issued three months afterwards, December 9th,
1502.
The entry of January 7th, 1502, above cited,
shows that the first expedition of Warde, Fernandez,
Gonzales and their Bristol associates, had already
1 N. Harris NICOLAS, Excerpta Historica, or illustrations of English History,
London, 1831, 8vo, p. 126. - Syllabus, No. xix.
148 ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OF SEE. CABOT.
returned to England at the beginning of the year
1502, which date comes within, not the i8th, but the
1 7th year of the reign of Henry VII. Consequently,
if we accept Stow s figures, these savages would
not have been presented to the King until at least
nine months after their arrival in England; which
is scarcely admissible. We believe, therefore, that
the date first given by Hakluyt in his Divers voyages,
for the presence of the American Indians in London,
viz. : "in the xviith yeere of the raigne of Henry
VII." is the correct one.
It follows that Sebastian Cabot had nothing to do
with this importation of natives, and, consequently,
his alleged third voyage, which we find based on no
other argument, is altogether imaginary.
PART SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN.
THERE is no further mention of Sebastian
Cabot in any document until ten years after
his alleg-ecl third transatlantic expedition. We do
not know what were his occupations in the mean
time. Neither in the statements ascribed to him
by historians, nor in his own accounts, is there to be
found any allusion to voyages undertaken during
that time, except a pretended expedition to Brazil,
which, he says, Ferdinand and Isabella entrusted
to him (necessarily before November 26th, 1504,
the date of the Queen s death), but of which there
are no traces anywhere else.
In the account of Marc- Antonio Contarini s dip
lomatic mission to Spain, read before the Senate of
Venice in 1536, we notice a statement which, at first
sight, might perhaps be interpreted as indicating a
voyage made by Sebastian Cabot to the North-West,
in 1508-1509. It is as follows :
" Sebastian Caboto, the son of a Venetian, who repaired to
England on galleys from Venice with the notion of going in search
of countries . . . obtained two ships from Henry, King of
England, the father of the present Henry, who has become a
Lutheran, and even worse, navigated with 300 men, until he
found the sea frozen . . . Caboto was obliged therefore to turn
back without having accomplished his object, with the intention,
150 SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN.
however, of renewing the attempt at a time when the sea was not
frozen. But upon his return he found the King dead, and his son
caring little for such an enterprise." l
It is the last sentence which permits the sup
position that Contarini s account may refer to a
voyage made by Cabot in 1508-1509, as it is
represented to be contemporaneous with the last
year of the life of Henry VII., who died April 2ist,
1509.
Marc- Antonio Contarini was Venetian Ambassador
to the Court of Charles V. at the time when Cabot
held in Spain the office of Pilot-Major, and it is
certain that, being countrymen, they saw much of
each other. We have only to compare the leading
assertions in Contarini s statement with those in the
accounts of Peter Martyr and of the Mantuan
Gentleman, both explicitly said to be derived from
Cabot s own lips, to be convinced that such was also
the source whence the Venetian diplomatist obtained
his information :
CONTARINI MANTUAN GENTLEMAN
" Obtained two ships from " The King commanded two
Henry, King of England." caravels to be furnished."
CONTARINI PETER MARTYR
" Navigated with 300 men ... " Two ships, and with joo men
he found the sea frozen . . . directed his course . . . seeing
was obliged to turn back." such heaps of ice before him,
he was compelled to turn his
sails."
Now, when did all this occur, in the year which
preceded the death of Henry VII., or some years
before ?
At the outset should be noticed the sentence in
the beginning of Contarini s short narrative, implying
1 Raccolta Colombiana, part iii, vol. i, p. 137.
SEBASTIAN CAJ3OT SETTLES IN SPAIN. 151
that the circumstance happened in consequence of,
and shortly after Cabot s arrival in England "with
the Venetian galleys." Then we have Cabot s own
statement that it was " when news were brought to
England that Christopher Columbus had discovered
the coast of India . . ., as farre as I remember in
the yeere 1496, in the beginning of Sommer."
Contarini s account consequently refers to the first
Cabotian transatlantic voyage, and we have here
another example of the random talk noticeable in
all the statements which originated with Sebastian
Cabot.
According to Peter Martyr, who evidently repeats
what Sebastian told him, he left England after the
death of Henry VII., and came to Spain at the
request of Ferdinand of Aragon :
" Vocatus nanque ex Britannia a rege nostro catholico post
Henrici maioris Britanniag regis mortem : For beinge cauled
owte of England by the commandement of the catholyke Kynge
of Castile after the deathe of Henry Kynge of Englande the
seventh of that name." l
Henry VII. died in 1 509, and the name of Sebastian
Cabot appears for the first time in Spanish documents
in 1512, in terms, as well as under circumstances
implying that his arrival in Spain is of no earlier
date and was due exclusively to his own initiative.
Besides, his wife and home : "su mujer i casa," are
authentically shown to have been still in England in
October 1512. 2
King Ferdinand, profiting by Henry VIII. s eager
desire to receive from Pope Julius II. the title of
" Most Christian King," which had been hitherto
annexed to the crown of France and which was
regarded as its most precious ornament, 3 caused him
1 ANGHIERA, Decad. iii, lib. vi, fo. 55 D.
" Jean et Scb. Cabot^ doc. xviii, p. 332.
3 HUME, History of England , Boston, 1054, vol. ii, p. 576.
152 SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN.
to join the league against Louis XII. One of the
terms of the treaty was that the King of England
should send 6000 men to Aquitaine in vessels pro
vided by the Spanish monarch. 1 The English army
was under the command of Thomas Grey, Marquess
of Dorset. 2 Lord Willoughby was one of his lieu
tenants. Sebastian Cabot, after receiving a gratifi
cation from Henry VIII. of 20 shillings for a map of
Gascony and Guyenne, 3 accompanied Willoughby.
but we do not know in what capacity. 4 Leaving
Southampton, or Falmouth, on May i6th, 1512, the
English landed at Pasages, a small port near San
Sebastian, on June 3rd following.
Cabot, who seems to have come to Spain solely to
proffer his services to the King, repaired soon after
to the court, at Burgos, 5 where he had an interview
with Lope Conchillos, the secretary of Queen Juana,
and a bishop of Palencia, who must have been Juan
Rodriguez de Fonseca. 6 Those two high function
aries, apparently in consequence of the report which
they had doubtless sent to the King, were instructed
to obtain from Cabot information on the subject of
the Baccalaos, or Codfish country, and perhaps of
the Western Passage, which was supposed to exist
in that region. Cabot immediately placed himself at
1 BERGENROTH, Calendar, vol. ii, compania Sebastian Caboto Ingles."
Nos. 59,63, p. 68, and convention FERDINAND S letter to " Milor Uliby,
ratified, February 3, 1512. Jean et Stb. Cabot, doc. xv B, p. 331.
" BERNALDEZ, Historia de los Reyes Concerning Lord WILLOUGHBY DE
Catolicos, Sevilla, 1870, 8vo, vol. ii, BROKE, and that expedition, see
p. 400, calls DORSET "Marques de HERBERT S Henry VIII. , p. 20, and
Bristoles," which title is not to be DUGDALE S Baronage, part ii, p. 88.
found in the long list of honorary dis- 5 " Sabeis que en Burgos os hab-
tinctions added to DORSET S name by laron de mi parte Conchillos i el Obp.
RYMER. The name of Bristol is to be de Palencia sobre la navegacion a los
noticed, owing to its being represented Bacallos." Letter of FERDINAND,
as the first English home of the Sept. 1 3th, 1512. Jean et Seb. Cabot,
Cabots. p. 331.
3 BREWER, Calendar, Domestic and 6 We do not see Juan Rodriguez DE
Foreign of Henry VIII., vol. ii, part FONSECA, called Archbishop (of
" P- !456. Rosano) before 1513.
" He sabido que viene en vuestra
SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN. 153
the disposition of King Ferdinand. 1 As soon as the
latter was informed of the results of the interview,
he directed Willoughby, on the i3th of September
1512, to send Cabot to Logrono, with whom he
wished to converse 2 on the subject of maritime enter
prises. The expedition of Juan de Agramonte,
projected in the previous year, shows the great desire
entertained by the King of Aragon to " ascertain
the secret of the new land : para ir al saber el
secreto de la tierra nueva." 3
On the 2Oth of October 1512, Sebastian Cabot
was appointed naval captain, at a salary of 50,000
maravedis. 4 He then determined to settle in Spain
and establish his residence at Seville. 5 To that
end, he asked leave to go to England and bring
his family. This was granted, and King Ferdinand
even recommended him particularly to Luis Carroz
de Villaragut, the ambassador in London, 6 who
advanced him money in that city.
On the 6th of March 1514, Cabot was sum
moned to the Court of Spain by the King, who
desired to consult him regarding a voyage of dis
covery which he was to undertake. 7 We possess
no information relative to that intended expedition.
It may have been to find the Western Passage pre
sumed then to be in the Codfish region ; but the
1 "E ofrecisteis servirnos." Jean et HERRERA, Decad. i, lib. ix, cap. xiii.
Stb. Cabot, loc. cit. According to the Recopilacion de leyes
2 Ibid., doc. xv B. de India, the office of pilot-major, to
3 NAVAKRETE, vol. iii, p. 123. It is which Cabot was called not long after-
worthy of notice that by the terms of wards, required him to live in Seville,
that ceclula, AGRAMONTE was required but outside the Casa de Contratacion.
to go to Britanny to enlist the pilots fi " Favoreced su bueno y breve
who were to take him to " una tierra despacho." Jean et Stb, Cabot, doc.
que se llama Terra nova. Que por xviii, p. 332.
cuanto vos habeis de ir por los pilotos 7 "En C. Marzo 514, se dan a
que con vos han de ir al dicho viaje a Sebast. Caboto 50 ducados en cuenta
Bretaila." del salario que sc le ha de dar, con que
4 Jean ct Scb. Cabot, doc. xvii, p. fuese a la Corte a consultar con S. A.
332. las cosas del viaje que ha de llcvar a
5 " I lc mando residir en Sevilla." descubrir." Ibid., doc. xviii, p. 333.
Of TH
UNIVERSITY )
154 SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN.
project only assumed a more positive form two years
later.
Peter Martyr speaks of Cabot in 1515 as being
" concurialis noster est," which Eden erroneously
translates: "one of owre counsayle." 1 This ex
pression has led historians to believe that he was
a member of the Council of the Indies with Peter
Martyr, which is a mistake. In the first place, the
latter entered the Council only in i52o; 2 at which
time Cabot does not figure in any capacity whatever
in the official lists. Peter Martyr merely says that,
in 1515, he was with him at the Court, in Burgos 3 or
Medina del Campo, advising on the subject of some
projected voyage to the Indies.
On the 1 3th of June 1515 Cabot received from
King Ferdinand a further allowance of 10,000 mara-
vedis. In the order, he is called simply " Fleet
Captain for matters in the Indies : Capitan de
armada de las cosas de las Indias;" 4 a title which
seems to refer to the intended transatlantic expedi
tion of which we shall speak presently.
On the 30th of August following he received nine
months arrears of pay as " Capitan de Mar." In
the same year, apparently after that date, Cabot, in
company with Andres de San Martin, Juan Vespucci,
Juan Serrano, Andres Garcia Nino, Francisco Cotto,
Francisco de Torres, and Vasco Gallego, was
appointed Pilot to his Majesty, under Juan Dias de
Solis, who received the appointment of Pilot-Major.
In reality this was his first admission into the
maritime service; for, in Spain, the term "Capitan,"
did not so much apply to a naval officer, as to the
1 ANGHIERA, Decad. iii., lib. vi, fo. Tablets cronologicas ; Madrid, 1892.
56, recto, A, edit, of 1533. 8vo, pp. 2, 28.
a PETER MARTYR was made " Con- 3 This error was first pointed out by
scjo de la Junta" in 1520, and "Con- M. D AVEZAC.
scjo del Consejo " in 1524. He never 4 For these and the following state-
rilled any other office in the Council of ments and dates, see Jean et S{b.
the Indies. Ant. DE LEON FINELO, Cabot, doc. xviii B, pp. 333-34.
SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN. 155
commander of an expedition, or of a ship, in the Ad
ministrative sense of the word. The practical naviga
tion was entrusted to " maestres," and to pilots.
On the 1 3th of November 1515, we see Cabot
among the cosmographers called together to ascer
tain whether the Line of Demarcation between Spain
and Portugal should pass by Cape St. Augustine.
His deposition deserves to be recorded as contain
ing some details, not found elsewhere, relative to
one of the voyages of Americus Vespuccius :
" Cabot deposes that, with regard to sighting Cape St. Augustine,
and ranging the coast to the limits fixed by the Kings of Spain
and Portugal, nothing certain can be stated unless credit be given
to what the late Americus says in a voyage accomplished by
him, that he sailed from the Island of Santiago, (one of the Cape
Verde archipelago), west-south-west 450 leagues, and that finding
himself by 8, he steered westward, and doubled the said cape
He was a man very expert in taking altitudes . . . and
those who, like Andres de Morales and others, contradict him,
speak only hypothetically, as they never were there themselves." l
In 1515 Peter Martyr mentions Cabot as being
then entrusted with the command of an expedition
to the North- West, which was to sail in the following
year. No other historian speaks of that intended
voyage, of which, moreover, there are no traces in
the books of the Casa de Contratacion.
"Cabot is herewith us, says Peter Martyr, looking dayely for
shippes to be furnysshed for hym to discouer this hyd secreate of
nature [the North-West Passage]. This voyage is appoynted to bee
begunne in March in the yeare next folowynge, beinge the yeare
of Chryst M.D., xvi. What shall succeeade, youre holyness [Pope
Leo X], shall be advertised by my letters if god graunte me lyfe." 2
1 Rezistro de copias de Cedillas de la his uncle which he possessed. But
r a m dc Contratacion , 1515-1519, what is that voyage? The details m
emoted by NAVARRETE, Opusculos,\Q\. CABOT S deposition are not to be
i p 66. The testimony of CABOT in found in any of the accounts of the
favor of the opinion of VESPUCCIUS is expeditions of VESPUCCIUS which have
confirmed by that of Nufto GARCIA come down to us, although Cape St.
DE TORENO, who repeats what VES- Augustine is mentioned in the third.
PUCCIUS told him, and by Juan VES- 2 ANGHIERA, ubi supra.
PUCCIUS, who relies upon writings of
156 SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN.
The projected expedition was certainly not carried
out ; otherwise, Peter Martyr, who continued to
describe the voyages to the New World until 1524,
would have not failed to keep his promise by relating
its results in one of his Decades. Further, Ferdinand
of Aragon died on the 23rd of January 1516, two
months before the date fixed for the departure. The
heir to the throne, Charles V., was at that time in
the Low-Countries, which he did not leave to come
to Spain till the end of the year 1517. Cardinal
Ximenez governed the kingdom in the young King s
absence, and had matters of greater importance to
attend to than the discovery of the Western Passage,
or the "secret" of the Codfish regions.
It may be that under the circumstances Cabot
went to England in 1516, and that Henry VIII.,
availing himself of his presence, caused to be
equipped the expedition of which we shall speak
presently ; but this can only be a supposition. At
all events, Cabot was in Spain early in 1518, since,
by a cedula dated February 5th of that year,
Charles V., who had just arrived at Valladolid to
summon the Cortes, appointed him Pilot- Major 1 in
the place of Juan Dias de Solis. who had been
killed and eaten by the Indians in the Rio de la
Plata.
1 "Con 50,000 dc salario." MUNOZ MSS., vol. Ixxv, fo. 213; Ixxvi,
fo. 28.
CHAPTER II.
SEBASTIAN CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517.
WE notice in the Preliminary Discourse affixed
by Ramusio to the third volume of his
Collection of Voyages the following statement :
" As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by Signor Sebastian
Gabotto, our Venetian [countryman] a man of great experience,
and very rare in the art of Nauigation and the knowledge of
Cosmographie, who sailed along and beyond this land of New
France, at the charges of King Henry the seuenth of England.
And he advertised mee, that hauing sailed a long time West and
by North beyond those Hands vnto the Latitude of 67 degrees
and a halfe, vnder the North pole, and at the n. day of June
finding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, he
thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to
Cathaid, which is the east, and would haue done it, if the mutinie
of the Shipmarkers and Mariners had not hindered him and made
him to returne homewards from that place." l
The above was written at Venice the 22nd of
June 1553, but not printed till 1556. On the other
hand, the reader will observe that Ramusio says
he received these details from Sebastian Cabot
" many years ago : gia molti anni sono," and, since
as Secretary of the Senate, an office which he held
from 1515 to I533, 2 Ramusio was conversant with
1 RAMUSIO, 1565, verso of the third 1505, and left them only a short time
leaf. before his death, which occurred in
2 It is to the Senate of Venice that 1557. On January 8th, 1515, he
Gasparo CONTARINI addressed his was promoted Secretary of the Senate,
famous dispatch of December 3 1st, a post which he filled until July yth,
1522, which was certainly calculated 1533, when he was appointed Secretary
to attract the attention of a savant of the Council of Ten. CICOGNA,
like RAMUSIO, who took such interest Iscrizioni veneziane raccolte ed illus-
in cosmography. He had entered trate, Venezia, 1824-43, 5 vols. 4to,
the Venetian secretaryships May l8th, vol. II, p. 315, sequitur.
158 SEEN CABOTS ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517.
the negotiations and correspondence initiated by
Cabot when he proffered his services to the Venetian
government in 1522, the information may be of a
date not distant from the alleged voyage which forms
the subject of this chapter.
The reference to Henry VII. indicates, at first
sight, the expedition of 1497, or that of 1498, or
another which would have been attempted before
1509, the year of Henry s death. The first two
elates must be rejected on account of the accusation
brought against the leader of the enterprise of having
caused its failure by sheer malice : " se la malignita
del padrone," as John Cabot (and even Sebastian
in person, if we are to believe the statement), was
in command. Sebastian certainly would not have
brought such a charge against either his father or
himself.
As to an expedition which might have been
attempted between 1499 and 1509, no traces exist
of other transatlantic voyages under the English
flag at that time, than the Anglo- Portuguese expedi
tions of 1501-1502, 1502-1503, 1504 and 1505^
with which none of the Cabots had, and, as we have
shown, could have had any connection whatever.
Besides, Sebastian in his conversation with the
Mantuan Gentleman, refers, for that period, to only
one expedition, which, he said, was to Brazil, and is
certainly imaginary.
We possess, however, another statement which
supplements Ramusio s, written at the same time
by Richard Eden and from information also supplied
directly by Sebastian Cabot. 2 We find it in the
epistle dedicatory addressed to the Duke of North
umberland in June 1553, which precedes his transla-
1 Discovery of North America^ pp. personal intercourse with Sebastian
692, 696, 698. CABOT, with whom he even was at the
2 EDEN frequently refers to his lime of his death.
SEffN CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517. 159
tion of the fifth part of Sebastian Munster s Cosmo-
graphia. It is as follows :
" Which manlye courage (like vnto that which hath ben seen
and proued in your grace, aswell in forene realmes, as also in this
oure countrey) yf it had not been wanting in other in these our
dayes, at suche time as our souereigne Lord of noble memorie
Kinge Henry the viij. about the same yere of his raygne,
furnished and sent forth certen shippes vnder the gouernaunce of
Sebastian Cabot yet liuing, and one Syr Thomas Perte, whose
faynt heart was the cause that that viage toke none effect, yf (I
say) such manly courage whereof we haue spoken, had not at that
tyme bene wanting, it myghte happelye haue comen to passe, that
that riche treasurye called Perularia, (which is now in Spayne in
the citie of Ciuile, and so named, for that in it is kepte the infinite
ryches brought thither from the newe found land of Peru) myght
longe since haue bene in the towne of London." ]
The date of that event appears in the phrase :
" Kinge Henry the viij. about the same yere of his
raygne " ; that is, when Henry had been on the
throne for seven or eight years ; in other words,
between April i6th, 1516, and April i5th, 1517.
The object, origin and principal details as given
by Eden resemble too closely those which we read
in Ramusio not to relate to the same expedition.
The only important difference, which however can
easily be explained by attributing it to a mere slip of
the pen, is in the statement of Ramusio that the event
occurred in the reign of Henry VII., whilst Eden
says it was during that of Henry VIII. The reader
will notice that a simple I omitted by Ramusio, or
his printer, would suffice to account for the discrep
ancy. For, if both writers are correct, then such an
unusual occurrence, with precisely the same concourse
of circumstances, would have happened twice to the
same individual, and within a few years, which is
highly improbable.
Eden is nearer the truth, inasmuch as we find in
the documents an English seaman " of the eighth
1 EDEN, A treatyse of the newe India, London, 1553, 8vo.
160 SEFN CABOTS ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517.
year of the reign of Henry VIII.," called, indifferently,
Thomas Pert" and "Thomas Spert," 1 whom,
owing to his being a yeoman of the Crown, Eden
may have called "Sir" by courtesy, since we see
Purchas use the same title when speaking of
Sebastian Cabot, 2 who certainly never was either a
knight or a baronet.
Thomas Spert commanded, from 1512 to 1517, two
ships of the military navy, the Henry Grace a D^e^t,
also called the Great Harry, described in those days
as " the grettest shype in the world," 3 and the
Mary Rose, also a very large vessel for the time.
Eden, however, is the only author who mentions a
transatlantic voyage entrusted to Spert. His words :
" that viage toke none effect," have been quoted to
show that the expedition never sailed from England.
In such a case, the "faynt heart" of Pert or Spert,
would have manifested itself at the time of depart
ure. This interpretation is erroneous. The words
"furnished and sent forth certen shippes" prove, on
the contrary, that the ships actually sailed, and, con
sequently, that the cowardice of the commander was
exhibited on the high seas.
The possibility of Sebastian Cabot having joined
an English expedition between 1516 and 1517, is
at first sight not inadmissible. After the death of
Ferdinand of Aragon, which occurred at the begin
ning of 1516, and during the administration of
Cardinal Ximenez, Cabot, seeing that the projected
voyage (mentioned by Peter Martyr) was not carried
out, may have gone to England. This seems so
much the more plausible as the documents furnish
no information whatever concerning his doings and
1 J. S. BREWER, Letters and Papers, " PURCHAS, His Pilgrimage, 1625,
Foreign and Domestic, Henry VI II,, vol. Hi, p. 806, and vol. iv, p. 1177.
1509-1514, No. 4535, p. 694 ; for " 1000 tons, soldiers 349, mariners
PERT, and for SPERT, Nos. 3591, 301." Diary of Henry Machyn ^. 333.
3977, 4377, &c.
SEEN CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517. 161
whereabouts from November i5th, 1515, or, rather,
January 23rd, 1516 (which is the date of the death
of Ferdinand), to February 5th, 1518, when he was
appointed Pilot-Major by Charles V. Some may
also presume that the legacy bestowed on the 7th
of May, I5I6, 1 by the Rev. William Mychell upon
the daughter of Sebastian Cabot, was brought about
by the latter s alleged presence in London.
The statements of Ramusio and Eden contain
therefore a series of allegations which may be
plausibly grouped as follows :
In 1516, Henry VIII. causes an expedition to be
equipped to go in search of the North- West Passage,
and Thomas Pert or Spert is put in command.
Sebastian Cabot joins it, possibly at Portsmouth.
The fleet sets sails during the first quarter of the
year 1516.
In the course of the voyage, either on account of
storms, icebergs, or the length of the navigation,
Spert refuses to go any further, and returns to
England, without having accomplished, of course,
any discoveries, or even landed, apparently, any
where.
We do not mean to say that this is a faithful
description of events ; nay, that the voyage took
place at all. Our sole object is to bring Cabot s
assertions, as reported by Ramusio and Eden,
within the range of an hypothesis not contradicted
at the outset by the documents known.
It remains to examine these assertions intrinsically,
so to speak.
Sebastian Cabot says that on the nth of June:
" xj di Giugno " he found himself by 67 30 north
latitude: "a gradi 67 et mezzo". Now, on the
icth of July 1517, Thomas Spert was engaged in
ballasting the Mary Rose in the Thames, at least, he
1 Travers Twiss, Nautical Magazine July 1876, p. 675.
L
162 SEffN CABOTS ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517.
collected at that date his charges for the work. 1 In
either case, this circumstance compels us to place,
at best, the alleged voyage in the previous year, viz. :
1516, as it implies that the expedition had already
been accomplished for some time, since the ballasting
was certainly in view of another voyage to be under
taken soon afterwards. Nor can we suppose that
Cabot s alleged expedition took place after July
1517, since it would no longer tally with the " eighth
year of the reign of Henry VIII.," which expired
April 1 5th, 1517.
We are hemmed in consequently between 1516
and July 1517. Ferdinand of Aragon died January
22nd, 1516; but Sebastian Cabot is not likely to
have left his important post of Pilot-Major of Spain,
to which he had been promoted only five months
before, until he had ascertained the course of events
after the King s demise. This, together with the
delays necessitated by his preparations for leaving
Seville, and the voyage to England, required some
weeks. Let us admit that Spert s expedition had
been already prepared, and was even about to sail
when Cabot arrived in London, yet he must again
have employed a certain time in obtaining leave
from the King to join the expedition. Further, an
arctic voyage of discovery is not undertaken, particu
larly when fitted out in an English port, before spring.
We may therefore suppose that Spert s expedition,
like those of John Cabot in 1497 and 1498, sailed
from England during the first week of May, at the
soonest. It is scarcely possible that in those days,
a sailing vessel, starting most probably from Ports
mouth early in May, could ever have attained on
the nth of June following, that is, in less than six
weeks, 67 30 north latitude, and, at least, 60
1 "Ballasting in the Thames." See BREWER, op. ?., vol. ii, part ii, No.
3459, p. 101.
SEEN CABOTS ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517. 163
longtitude west, which is one of the coldest and most
obstructed of all the northern regions at that season
of the year. 1
Nor do we believe that such an extraordinary
voyage, which, although it failed in its main object,
would have been the greatest of the kind ever
attempted by British seamen before Frobisher, would
not have left traces in the English chronicles of the
time. True it is that, nearly half a century after the
alleged event, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 2 Hakluyt, 3
Belleforest, 4 Chauveton, 5 and others refer to that
expedition, but it can be easily shown that they copy
each other, and that the prototype is exclusively
Ramusio s statement above given.
Furthermore, if Sebastian Cabot had ever visited
those regions at such a late date as 1516, particularly
under the English flag, it stands to reason that the
Wardens of the Twelve Great Livery Companies of
London never would have dared to tell Henry VIII.
and Cardinal Wolsey, less than five years afterwards,
when ordered to furnish ships for an expedition to
those parts under the command of Sebastian Cabot,
" that he had never been to the New World,
although arrogating to himself discoveries made by
his father, in relating facts the knowledge of which
he held from him and other people ! "
In connection with the leading statement in Eden s
account of that alleged voyage, it is not amiss to
recall here two other references to transatlantic
expeditions.
The first is to be found in a play called : A
new interlude and a mery of the iiij. elements
1 KOHL, Documentary History of 4 BELLEFOREST, La Cosmographie
Maine, p. 219. Universelle; Paris, 1575, vol. ii, p.
2 GILBERT, A Discourse of a Dis- 2175.
couerye for a new passage to Cataia ; 5 CHAUVETON, Histoire nouvelle du
London, 1576, 4to, leaf D iii. Nouveau Monde (Geneva), 1579, I2mo,
3 HAKLUYT, The principall Navig. , p. 141.
1889, 8vo, vol. xii, p. 27.
164 SEEN CABOTS ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517.
declarynge many proper poynts of philosophy natural.
It occurs as follows :
And northwarde on this syde
There lyeth Iselande where men do fysche,
But beyonde that so colde it is
No man may there abyde
This See is called the Great Oceyan
So great it is that never man
Coulde tell it sith the worlde began
Tyll more within this. XX. yere
Westwarde we founde new landes
That we neuer harde tell of before this
By wrytynge nor other meanys
Yet many nowe haue ben there
And that countrey is so large of rome
Muche lenger than all cristendome
Without fable or gyle
For dyvers maryners haue it tryed
And sayled streyght by the coste syde
Above .V. thousande myle
But what commodytes be within
No man can tell nor well Imagin
But yet not long a go
Some men of this contrey went
By the Kynges noble consent
It for to serche to that entent
And coude not be brought therto ;
But they that were they ventere[s]
Haue cause to curse their maryners
Fals of promys, and disemblers
That falsly them betrayed
Which wold take no paine to saile farther
Than their owne lyst and pleasure
Wherfor that vyage, and dyvers other
Such kaytyffes haue destroyed
O what a thynge had be than
If that they that be englysche men
Myght haue ben first of all
That there shulde have take possessyon
And made furst buyldynge and habytacion.
A memory perpetuall
And also what an honorable thynge
Bothe to the realme, and to the kynge
To have had his domynyon extendynge
There into so farre a grounde
SE&N CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1 51 7. 165
Whiche the noble kynge of late memory
The most wyse prynce the .VII. He[n]rry
Causyd furst for to be founde. . . . x
These lines clearly refer to a voyage undertaken
by Englishmen to the north-western regions of the
New World, which did not terminate successfully
owing to the seamen in charge not caring to sail as
far as their destination, to the great damage of the
promoters and of England.
Such are the points of resemblance with the
accounts of Eden and Ramusio. But what is the
date of the abortive voyage described in the Inter
lude ?
The book (of which only one copy is known to
exist), 2 bears no date or imprint on the first page ;
and as it lacks the last leaf, which probably contained
a colophon, no one can tell from the typographical data
when and where the work was printed. We are left
to ascertain these important points irom internal
evidence.
The critic first notices the following lines :
But this newe lands founde lately
Ben callyd America, by cause only
Americus dyd furst them fynde.
These show that the play was written after May
1507, when the Cosmographies introdiictio, where
the name " America " occurs for the first time, was
originally printed.
The following, when read in connection with the
above, may enable us to obtain a more precise date :
1 We have revised our text on the pp. 50-51. The original bears the
one which was published by the Rev. following note in the handwriting of
Edward ARBER, in The first three the celebrated actor : " First impres-
English books, pp. xx-xxi, and which sion dated 25th Oct. II Henry VIII,"
is the most correct. which corresponds to the year 1519-
2 That unique copy is preserved in 20. This may mean that his copy
the British Museum, in the Garrick was not of the first edition, or perhaps
Collection of plays. For a full descrip- that he supplied with that note the
tion, see Bibliotheca Americana missing colophon.
Vetttstissima, Additamcnta, No. 38,
166 SEffN CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517.
Within this XX yere
Westwarde we founde new landes
That we never harde of before this.
It has been justly observed, 1 that in the opinion of
the poet the discoverer was not Columbus, who is
nowhere mentioned in the Interlude^ but Vespuccius.
Now, according to the account published in the Cosmo-
graphic introductio^ which is, in our opinion, the
source whence the poet drew his data for the two
last quotations, the discovery was accomplished in
1497. By adding " XX yere," we obtain the year
1517; that is, he alludes to a voyage undertaken
between 1497 and 1517. We bring the date still
nearer by recalling the couplet :
Which the noble kynge of late memory
The most wyse prynce the .VII. Henry.
That is, the Interhide was written after April 2ist,
1509, which is the date of the death of Henry VII.
Now come the lines :
But yet not long ago
Some men of this countrey went.
The voyage, consequently, took place between
1509 and 1517, but not long before 1517.
We believe that this only shows a coincidence
which must have occurred several times in the early
history of maritime discoveries.
The second reference is the following- :
o
In the letter addressed in 1527 to Dr. Lee, the
ambassador of Henry VIII. in Spain, by Robert
Thorne, a Bristol merchant established in Seville,
mention is made of a circumstance somewhat similar
to the one reported by Eden. Speaking of the
expedition to the North- West undertaken by his
1 CHARLES DEANE, John and Seb- History of America, edited by Mr
astian Cabot, a Study. Reprinted WINSOR, Cambridge, Mass., 1886, p.
from the Narrative and Critical 16, note.
SE&N CABOT S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517. 167
father, Nicholas Thorne, with Hugh Elliott, he says
concerning the North- West Passage :
" Of which there is no doubt (as now plainly appareth), if the
mariners would then have been ruled and followed their pilot 3 s mind
the lands of the West Indies (from whence all the gold cometh)
had been ours, for all is one coast." x
This statement refers to the expedition which
sailed in 1 503, by virtue of letters patent granted to
Hugh Elliot, and other Bristol merchants in 1502,
considered in a previous chapter, and from which
the Cabots were implicitly excluded. It cannot be
identical with the alleged Spert-Cabot miscarried
voyage of 1517, as the latter is represented to have
taken place fifteen years after the one mentioned
by Robert Thorne.
1 HAKLUYT, vol. i, p. 219.
CHAPTER III.
PROTEST OF THE LIVERIES AGAINST EMPLOYING
SEBASTIAN CABOT.
ACCORDING to the statements made by Cabot
to Gaspard Contarini, the Venetian ambas
sador in Spain, a year had scarcely elapsed since his
appointment, in 1518, as Pilot- Major, when he
went to England. There, Cardinal Wolsey urged
him, he says, to accept the command of an expedi
tion, fitted out at a great cost, to go in search of
new transatlantic lands. Cabot pretends that in
obedience to his duty, he not only repelled the offer,
on the plea that being in the service of Charles V.
he could not serve any other prince without his
leave, but wrote to that monarch to refuse whatever
request the King of England might make on the
subject.
It can readily be shown that Sebastian Cabot
never entertained scruples of the kind. As to the
offer, whether it originated with him, or with Henry
VIII., it must have been made not in 1519, but two
years later.
In the first place, Cabot was still at Seville on the
6th of May 1519, since he collected on that day
25,000 maravedis, as one third of his annual pay of
Captain and Pilot-Major. 1
We now give a narrative of the events connected
with the protest, some of which have been already
stated.
1 Jean el Sd&. Cabot, doc. xviii r, } p. 334.
PROTEST AGAINST SEBASTIAN CABOT. 169
Towards the close of the month of February,
1521, the wardens of the Twelve Great Livery
Companies of London were officially informed by
two members of the King s Council, Sir Robert
Wynkfeld and Sir Wolston Brown, that Henry
VIII. required of them five vessels for a maritime
expedition :
" To furnysche v. shipps after this man 1 . The Kings Grace to
prepare them in takyll ordenatmce and all other necessaries at his
charge. And also the King to here the adventour of the said
shipps, And the merchaunts and companys to be at the charge of
the vitaylling and mennys wage of the same shipps for one hole
yere and the shipps not to be above vj xx ton apece. And that
this Citie of London shabe as hede Reulers for all the hole realm
for as many Cites and Townes as be mynded to prepare any
shipps forwards for the same purpos and viage, as the Town of
Bristowe hath sent vp there knowledge that they wyll prepare ij.
shipps." 1
The promised reward for the outlay was u that x
yere aft there shall no nacion haue the trate but [the
said companies] and to haue respyte for there custom
xv monthes and xv month es."
The required vessels were intended "for a viage
to be made into the newefound Hand;" and to be
commanded by "one man callyd as understoud
Sebastyan," who was no other than Sebastian Cabot,
although the surname is not mentioned in the
records.
A meeting was held on March ist, 1521, to consider
the demand, which met with decided opposition on
the part of the liveries, the Drapers Company
assuming the leadership, and being intrusted, as it
seems, with the task of speaking in the name of the
"other auncyaunt ffeliships."
On the nth of March, the report drawn up by the
wardens of the Drapers and of the Mercers, was read
at a meeting of " the hole body of the ffeliship, ryche
1 The reader will find the full text ot that important document in the
appendix to our Discovery of North America^ pp. 747-750.
170 PROTEST OF THE LIVERIES
and poure." They objected to the King s demand on
the ground that with regard to the intended expedition,
His Majesty, the Cardinal (Wolsey), and the Royal
Council, "were not duely and substancially enformed
in suche manner as perfite knowledge myght be had
by credible reporte of maisters and mariners naturally
born within this Realm of England having experi
ence and excersided in and about the for said Hand."
This was evidently aimed at the foreign nationality of
Sebastian Cabot, whom they did not consider as
being " naturally born within the realm of England."
The wardens then expressed the greatest reluct
ance to the appointment of Sebastian as commander
of the expedition, in most energetic terms, which we
have already quoted, but beg to repeat :
"And we thynk it were to sore a venture to joperd v shipps
with men and goods unto the said Hand uppon the singuler trust
of one man callyd as we understond Sebastyan, whiche Sebastyan
as we here say was neuer in that land hym self, all if he maks
reporte of many things as he hath hard his father and other men
speke in tymes past."
Finally, they expressed willingness to the extent of
" furnysshing of ij shippys and suppos to furnyssh the
thryd." This decision having been communicated to
the authorities, " the commissioners brought aunswere
fro my lord Cardynall that the King wold haue the
premisses to go furth and to take effect. And there
vppon my lord the maire was send for to speke w l the
King for the same matier, so that his grace wold
haue no nay there in, but spak sharpely to the Maire
to see it putt in execucion to the best of his power."
On the 26th of March, the Mayor of London
summoned before him the entire company at the
Drapers hall, " where was w* grete labo r and dili
gence and many diuers warnyngs grunted first and
last ij C mcs. [200 marks] presentyd by a by 11 to the
maire the 9th day of April!."
AGAINST EMPLOYING SEBASTIAN CABOT. 171
What was the object or destination of the
voyage ? Must the words : " Newefounde Hand " be
interpreted as meaning the island of Newfoundland
or any point of the east coast of America ? We are
not prepared to give an affirmative answer.
It will be remembered that Sebastian Cabot, who
was constantly plotting, intriguing, and betraying his
employers, had proposed in 1522 to go to Venice,
for the purpose of selling to the Republic secret
information relative to a North- West Passage, which
he claimed to have discovered : "come e il vero che
io 1 ho ritrovata." The Council of Ten sent the
entire correspondence to Caspar Contarini, the
Venetian ambassador at the Court of Spain, with
instructions to interview Cabot. In their conversa
tion, the latter, to enhance the value of the proposed
enterprise, said that when in England, three years
before, Cardinal Wolsey had made great efforts to
induce him to take the command of an important
expedition to discover new countries, 30,000 ducats
having actually been obtained for equipping the
fleet : " Hor ritrovandomi ja tre anni, salvo il vero,
in Ingelterra, quel Reverendissimo Cardinal mi volea
far grandi partiti che io navigasse cum una sua
armada per discoprir paesi novi la quale era quasi
in ordine, et haveano preparati per spender in essa
ducati 30 m." 1
The words " paesi novi " do not apply, we think,
to a western passage, but to new countries which
Cardinal Wolsey hoped to discover, perhaps in the
track of the Spanish navigators. There may be an
inkling of some such intention in one of the arguments
used by the wardens of the Drapers Company
against the expediency of the enterprise, when they
1 C. BULLO, La Vera patria di p. 64, and Jean et Stbastien Cabot,
Nicolb de Conti e di Giovanni Caboto, doc. xxviii, p. 348.
Studj e Document, Chioggia, 1880,
172 PROTEST OF THE LIVERIES
say : " Also we thynk it is dowbtfull that any
English ship shalbe sufferd to laid in Spayn and in
other countres by reason of suche acts and statuts."
It was in October, 1522, that Sebastian Cabot
made those statements to Contarini, and ascribed to
Wolsey s proposals a date three years previous to
that interview. This, 1519-1520, in general con
versation, is sufficiently near the spring of 1521 to
authorise the belief that these proposals coincide
with the expedition which Henry VIII. intended to
entrust to Sebastian Cabot, and against which the
Liveries protested so vigorously.
The Drapers paid their share of the expenses, for
the records contain a list of names and the sums
which each gave for that purpose. " My lord the
Maire, Sir John Brugge," heads it with %. This
first list of " Masters and livery" contains seventy-
eight names. There is a second list of forty-six
" Bachillers," who give smaller sums ; one gives
$ 6s. 8d., the next 5 marks, then 40 shillings, down
to many at 35. 4d., 2od., and even i2d. But the
expedition never set out from England.
Sir Thomas Lovell, a Knight of the Garter, died
at his manor of Elsynges, in Enfield, Middlesex,
May 25th, 1524. He was a man of great wealth, who
allowed two years to his executors for the adminis
tration of his will. In an account of expenditures,
under the head of "Dettes paide to creditors owynge
vnto them in the lyfe of Sir Thomas Lowell,"
mention is made of a certain sum of 433. 4d. paid to
one John Goderyk, " in full satysfacon and recom
penses of his charge costis and labour conductying of
Sebastian Cabott master of the Pylotes in Spayne to
London at the request of the testator." 1
Cabot was in Spain during the years 1524, 1523,
1 J. S. BREWER, Calendar of State Papers, Henry VI I L , vol iv, part i,
P- 154.
AGAINST EMPLO YING SEBASTIAN CABOT. 173
I522. 1 We infer therefore that the above payment
was on account of the voyage which he made
to England in 1520-1521, as we see him in London
apparently in March of the latter year, when the
Livery Companies were discussing the obligation
laid upon them by the Crown. As Sir Thomas
Lovell had been steward and marshal of the house
of Henry VIII., we may suppose that Cabot was
called to England by the direction of the King. 2 It
should be noted, however, that according to . the
latest authorities, 3 the rise of Wolsey s power seems
to have prompted Lovell to withdraw from public
life altogether shortly after 1516.
1 See above under those dates.
2 MARKHAM, The Journal of Christ.
Columbus, 1893, p. xxix, note. But
the learned president of the London
Geographical Society is mistaken when
he says: "On March 7th, 1523, the
Venetian Ambassador reported that
CABOT had delayed his visit to Venice
because he was called to England on
business and would be absent three
months." CONTARINI only said : " se
ha risolto non poter per hora diman-
dare licentia dubitando che non lo
tolesseno per suspecto che el volesse
andare in Engelterra, et che pero li era
necessario anchor per tre mesi scorer,
qual passati al tutto era per venir a li
piedi di V. I. S." By referring
infra, p. 176, the reader will see that
the meaning is entirely different. Nor
did CABOT come to England to attend
the funeral of Sir Thomas LOVELL,
as we once thought. The debt was in
curred in the latter s " lyfe," and in
May 1524, CABOT was at Badajoz,
attending, in his official capacity, the
Molucca Island Conference.
3 Mr. W. A. J. ARCHBOLD, in
Dictionary of National Biography, vol.
xxxiv, p. 176.
CHAPTER IV.
CABOT S TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
THE pretended scruples of Sebastian Cabot as to
serving more than one master at a time, lead
us to inquire into certain grave underhand dealings
with the Venetian Republic, of which he was the sole
promoter.
Richard Biddle, in his unbounded enthusiasm for
Sebastian, says "it is a pleasing reflection that he
was never found attempting to employ, to the annoy
ance of Spain, the minute local knowledge of her
possessions, of which his confidential station in that
country must have made him master." 1 If Biddle
had consulted the dispatches exchanged between the
Council of Ten and their ambassadors at Valladolid
and London, the probability is that he would have
modified his views in this respect.
In 1522, after Cabot, by virtue of his office, had
been made privy to all the plans and projects of the
Spanish Government regarding the alleged western
passage to Cathay, 2 and received from Charles V.
important favors, as well as marks of confidence, he
sent to Venice a Ragusian adventurer called
Hieronymo Marin de Busignolo, under the most
solemn oath not to divulge his errand except to
1 BIDDLE, Memoir ; p. 173. che sono in tutto 125 m. maravedis,
2 ", Dal Re Ferdinando fui facto possono valer circa ducati 300. " CON-
Capitano cum provisione di 50 m. TARINI S dispatch of Dec. 31, 1522,
maravedis, poij fui faito da questo Re Jean et SS. Cabot, p. 348.
presente piloto major cum provisione That was a great deal more than
di altri 50 m. maravedis, ejt per adiuto SOLIS (50,000 mrs.), and Americus
di costa mi da poij 25 m. maravedis VESPUCCIUS (70,000).
CABOT S INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 175
members of the Council of Ten. He was to inform
them that the Pilot- Major of the Spanish monarch
was ready to repair to Venice for the purpose of re
vealing a secret on which depended the future
greatness of the Republic. Marin faithfully per
formed his trust. The Venetian Government
rewarded him, and at once forwarded to Gasparo
Contarini, its ambassador at the Court of Spain,
the following dispatch :
"September 27th, 1522. The chiefs of the Ten to Gasparo
Contarini Ambassador in Spain :
There arrived here the other day a certain Hieronimo de Marin
de Busignolo a native of Ragusa. On presenting himself to the
Chiefs of our Council of Ten he declared he had been sent by
one Sebastian Cabotto, who says he is a Venetian and now
resident at Seville where he receives a salary from the Emperor as
his pilot-major for voyages of discovery.
On behalf of this individual the Ragusan made the enclosed
statement. Although it is perhaps unworthy of much credit, yet
by reason of its importance we did not choose to decline Seb
astian s offer of coming hither to explain his project. We have
permitted Hieronimo to answer him, as you will perceive by the
accompanying letter.
Contrive cautiously to learn whether Sebastian be at the
Imperial Court or expected there shortly, in which case you are to
send for him and give him the letter bearing his address. We
have tied it up with another directed to the secretary. Elicit as
much as you can concerning his project. Should it seem well
grounded and feasible urge him to come hither. Should he not be
at the court forward the letter to Seville through some safe channel
giving the person entrusted with it to understand that you received
it from one of your private correspondents." l
The required visit to Venice, which was deemed
necessary to facilitate the intended treachery, could
not safely be carried out at that time, owing to the
fact that Charles V. mistrusted Cabot, not, however,
with regard to the Venetian Republic, but in rela
tion to England. This suspicion shows that the
King of Spain did not place implicit confidence in the
1 RAWDON BROWN, Calendar, vol. iii, No. 557. For the Italian text, see
Jean et Stbastien Cabot, doc. xxvi, pp. 344-46.
176 CABOrS TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES
professions of fidelity which his Pilot-Major claims
to have made when urged by Wolsey to take charge
of the maritime expedition considered in the pre
ceding chapter. The suspicion is only hinted at, yet
it is clearly indicated by the words : %< per suspecto
che el volesse andare in Engelterra," in the following
dispatch from Contarini :
"Sebastian Cabot with whom you desired me to speak on
matters connected with the spice trade has subsequently been to
see me several times, always telling me how much disposed he is
to come to Venice for the purpose of carrying into effect his
schemes for the Signory s benefit.
This day he informed me that he could not ask leave at present,
lest they suspect him of intending to go to England and that he
must, therefore, serve for three months longer on the expiration
of which he would place himself at the feet of the Signory. Prays
you to write him a second letter urging him to come to Venice for
the despatch of his affairs.
I write all that Sebastian has stated to me and what he requires,
your Highness will act as you may please. Valladolid, yth March
As we shall soon see, Cabot frankly acknowledged
that he was running the risk of his life, and we can
readily understand why great precautions were re
quired on his part. To that end, the two wily
Venetians invented an imaginary claim arising, as
they alleged, from the estate or dowry of Cabot s
mother, and of such importance as to require his
immediate presence in Venice. The Council of Ten
approved of the pretence, and wrote to Contarini on
the 28th of April 1523 a dispatch to that effect,
which the reader will find further on.
The Ragusian s speech when he appeared before
the Council of Ten and the description of Cabot s
project sent by them to Contarini are both lost, and
we can only guess their object from the report of his
interview with the Venetian envoy, when, quaking
1 RAWDON BROWN, op. /., No. 634 ; Jean et S{b. Cabot t doc. xxix, p. 351.
WITH VENICE. 177
with fear, 1 Cabot went on Christmas-eve, after sunset,
secretly, to the residence of Contarini. " It is in my
power," said he, to cause Venice to participate in
that navigation, and I can show her a route, found
by me, from which she would derive great profit."
The remark was doubtless made as a sequel to
certain disclosures touching Magellan s discovery
(" questa navigatione : that navigation "), news of
which had been received by Charles V. only three
months before. At all events, the gist of Cabot s
project was to disclose to a foreign nation, a route,
fancied or real, leading to the Spice islands, 2 the
knowledge of which should have been first imparted
to the Spanish Government, in whose pay and special
employ Cabot then was ; a route too, calculated to
compete, in the interest of a rival power, with that
just discovered by the Spaniards at such a great
sacrifice of men, time and money. And if we
add that the proposal was bolstered by his positive
assertion, as the reader will soon see, that " in truth
he had actually discovered the passage : come e il
vero che io 1 ho ritrovata," every impartial historian
must acknowledge Sebastian Cabot to have shown
himself then both an impostor and a traitor.
As to the plan in itself, and the method for
carrying it out, we know of nothing which gives a
better idea of Cabot s arrogance and unreliable
talk, than Contarini s official reports of their inter
views on the subject.
" Valladolid, jsst December 1522. Gaspar Contarini to the
Council of Ten :
According to your letter of yth September I ascertained that
1 " Li detti la lettera, lui la lesse et TARINI, December 3ist, 1522, Jean et
legiendola si mosse tutto di colore. Sb. Cabot ^. 347.
Da poij letta, stete cussi un pocheto 2 " A parlarli circa le cose de le
senza dirmi altro quasi sbigotito et spiziarie et da me cussi exeguito come
dubio . . . ma vi prego quanto posso per mie di x. zener li significai."
che la cosa sij secreta perche a me CONTARINI, March yth, 1523.
anderebbe la vita," Dispatch of CON-
M
178 CABOTS TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES
Sebastian Cabot was at the Court and where he dwelt. I sent to
say that my secretary had a letter for him from a friend of his and
that if he chose he might come to my residence. He told my
servant he would come. He made his appearance on Christmas
eve. At dinner time I withdrew with him and delivered the letter,
which he read, his colour changing completely during its perusal.
Having finished reading it he remained a short while without
saying anything, as if alarmed and doubtful. I told him that if he
chose to answer the letter or wished me to make any communica
tion to the quarter from which I had received it, I was ready to
execute his commission safely. Upon this he took courage and
said to me Out of the love I bear my country, I spoke hereto
fore to the ambassadors of the most illustrious Signory in England
concerning these newly discovered countries through which I have
the means of greatly benefiting Venice. The letter in question
concerned this matter, as you likewise are aware, but I most
earnestly beseech you to keep the thing secret as it would cost me
my life.
I then told him I was thoroughly acquainted with the whole
affair and mentioned how Hieronymo the Ragusan had presented
himself before the tribunal of their Excellencies the Chiefs, and
that the most secret magistracy had acquainted me with everything
and forwarded that letter to me. I added that as some noblemen
were dining with me it would be inconvenient for us to talk
together then, but that should he choose to return late in the
evening we might more conveniently discuss the subject together
at full length. So he then departed and returned about 5 p.m.
Being closeted alone in my chamber, he said to me :
My lord Ambassador, to tell you the whole truth, I was born
at Venice but was brought up in England, and then entered the
service of their Catholic Majesties of Spain and King Ferdinand
made me captain, with a salary of 50,000 maravedis. Subse
quently his present Majesty gave me the office of Pilot-Major, with
an additional salary of 50,000 maravedis, and 25,000 maravedis
besides as a gratuity, forming a total of 125,000 maravedis, equal
to about 300 ducats.
1 Now it so happened that when in England some three years
ago, if I mistake not, Cardinal Wolsey offered me high terms if I
would sail with an armada of his on a voyage of discovery. The
vessels were almost ready, and they had got together 30,000 ducats
for their outfit. I answered him that, being in the service of the
King of Spain I could not go without his leave, but if free
permission were granted me from hence I would serve him.
* About that time in the course of conversation one day with a
certain friar, a Venetian named Sebastian Collona with whom I
was on a very friendly footing, he said to me " Master Sebastian,
WITH VENICE. 179
you take such great pains to benefit foreigners and forget your
native land. Would it not be possible for Venice likewise to
derive some advantage from you ? " At this my heart smote me
and I told him I would think about it. So on returning to him
the next day I said I had the means of rendering Venice a partner
in this navigation and of showing her a passage whereby she would
obtain great profit ; which is the truth for I have discovered it.
In consequence of this, as by serving the King of England I
could no longer benefit our country, I wrote to the Emperor not
to give me leave to serve the King of England as he would injure
himself extremely, and thus to recall me forthwith. Being recalled
accordingly and on my return residing at Seville, I contracted a
close friendship with this Ragusan who wrote the letter you
delivered to me ; and as he toloT~"me he was going to Venice I
unbosomed myself to him charging him to mention this thing to
none but the Chiefs of the Ten ; and he swore to me a sacred
oath to this effect.
I bestowed great praise on his patriotism and informed him I
was commissioned to confer with him and hear his project which I
was to notify to the Chiefs to whom he might afterwards resort in
person. He replied that he did not intend to manifest his plan to
any but the Chiefs of the Ten and that he would go to Venice after
requesting the Emperor s permission, on the plea of recovering his
mother s dowry concerning which he said he would contrive that
I should be spoken to by the Bishop of Burgos and the Grand
Chancellor, who are to urge me to write in his favour to your
Serenity.
I approved of this, but said I felt doubtful as to the possibility
of his project as I had applied myself a little to geography, and
bearing in mind the position of Venice I did not see any way of
effecting this navigation as the voyage must be performed either
by ships built in Venice, or else by vessels which it would be
requisite to construct elsewhere. Venetian built craft must
necessarily pass the gut of Gibraltar to get into the ocean ; and as
the King of Portugal and the King of Spain would oppose the
project it never could succeed. The construction of vessels out of
Venice could only be effected on the southern shores of the
Ocean, or in the Red Sea, to which there were endless objections.
First of all it would be requisite to have a good understanding
with the Great Turk. Secondly the scarcity of timber rendered
shipbuilding impossible there. Then again even if vessels were
built the fortresses and fleets of Portugal would prevent the trade
from being carried on. I also observed to him that I did not see
how vessels could be built on the northern shores of the Ocean
that is to say from Spain to Denmarck, or even beyond, especially
as the whole of Germany depended on the Emperor ; nor could I
180 CABOTS TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES
perceive any way at all for conveying merchandise from Venice to
these ships or for conveying spices and other produce from the
ships to Venice. Nevertheless, as he was skilled in this matter, I
said I deferred to him.
He answered me. You have spoken ably, and in truth neither
with ships built at Venice nor yet by the way of the Red Sea, do
I perceive any means soever. But there are other means not
merely possible but easy, both for building ships and conveying
wares from Venice to the harbour, as also spices, gold and other
produce from the harbour to Venice as I know, for I have sailed
to all those countries, and am well acquainted with the whole.
Indeed I assure you that I refused to accept the offer of the King
of England for the sake of benefitting my country for had I
listened to that proposal there would no longer have been any
course for Venice.
I shrugged my shoulders, and although the thing seems to me
impossible I nevertheless would -not dissuade him from coming
to the feet of your Highness (without however recommending
him) because possibility is much more unlimited than man often
imagines ; added to which, this individual is in great repute here.
He then left me.
Subsequently on the evening of St. John s Day he came to me
in order that I might modify certain expressions in the Ragusan s
letter, which he was apprehensive would make the Spaniards
suspicious. It was therefore, remodelled and written out again by
a Veronese, an intimate friend of mine.
After this, continuing my conversation with him concerning our
chief matter, and recapitulating the difficulties he said to me I
assure you the way and the means are easy. I will go to Venice
at my own cost. They shall hear me ; and if they disapprove of
the project devised by me, I will return in like manner at my
own cost.
He then urged me to keep the matter secret." l
The negotiations continued for six weeks secretly
in the house of the Venetian ambassador whenever
Cabot came to Valladolid. The scheme was always
based upon a personal visit of Cabot to Venice, as the
Council of Ten was still anxious that he should come
in person, and explain his project more fully in their
1 RAWDON BROWN S own translation, Calendar of State papers in Venice,
No. 669 ; Jean et Sfbastien Cabot, doc. xxviii, pp. 447-51.
WITH VENICE. 181
presence. The pretext concocted to obtain leave from
Charles V. had met with the approval of all parties
concerned, and they laboured assiduously to render
it still more plausible. As the reader has just seen,
it chiefly consisted in a pretended claim in connec
tion with alleged dowries of Cabot s mother and
aunt. He even made bold to obtain from Bishop
Fonseca and Mercurino de Gattinara the High
Chancellor of Spain, a recommendation addressed
to Contarini, urging him to request the Venetian
government to advance that imaginary claim !
The following extracts from Contarini s dispatches
mark the steps in this bold intrigue :
" March 7th, 1523. Contarini to the Chiefs of the Ten :
Sebastian Cabot prays you to write him a second letter urging
him to come to Venice for the despatch of his affairs." l
" April 28th, 1523. Council of Ten to Contarini :
According to Cabot s desire, we enclose a letter drawn up in
the name of Hieronymo de Marino the Ragusian, touching his
private affairs, in order that it may appear necessary for him to
quit Spain. This you are to deliver to Caboto remotis arbitres
urging him to come hither. Marino is not in Venice now, nor do
we know where he is although the letter is dated here." 2
" April 28th, 1523. Hieronymo de Marino to Cabot :
Some months ago, on arriving here in Venice I wrote to you
what I had done to discover where your property was. I received
fair promise from all quarters and was given good hope of recover
ing the dower of your mother and aunt, so that I have no doubt,
had you come hither, you would already have attained your object.
I therefore exhort you not to sacrifice your interests but betake
yourself here to Venice. Do not delay coming, for your aunt is
very old." 3
Finally, we have the following letter :
" July 26th, 1523. Contarini to the Chiefs of the Ten :
Sebastian Cabot who has been residing at Seville, has returned
hither on his way to Venice. He is endeavouring to obtain leave
from the Imperial councillors to repair to Venice, and induce them
1 RAWDON BROWN, op. tit., and Jean et Stb. Cabot, doc. xxix, p. 351.
2 Ibidem, and doc. xxx, p. 352.
3 Ibidem, No. 670, and doc. xxxi, p. 353.
182 CABOrS TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES
to speak to me in his favour. This is what he tells me. Your
Serenity shall be acquainted with the result." l
This treasonable intercourse seems to have been
broken off soon afterwards, as we find no further
traces of it in the dispatches of Gasparo Con-
tarini, although he continued to reside as Venetian
ambassador in Spain until 1525. Our impression is
that the project was relinquished for the time owing
probably to a refusal on the part of Spain to grant
the necessary leave, not because she suspected
Cabot s nefarious intentions, but on account of the
impending negotiations with Portugal relative to the
Molucca islands, which required him to be at his
post of Pilot-Major.
The successful voyage of Magellan, so far as
reaching the Spice islands by the Strait till then
unknown is concerned, could only prompt new
denials on the part of Portugal that the Moluccas
lay within the Spanish Western division as fixed
by the Demarcation line. On the 4th of February
1523, Charles V. had sent two ambassadors to the
King of Portugal to settle once for all the ownership
of the Spice islands by determining technically the
western line of Demarcation. Plenipotentiaries were
not appointed till January 25th, 1524, but the dis
patches exchanged before the latter date 2 show that
the matter had been engrossing the attention of
the two governments for several months. And as
one of the first steps was the appointment of a com
mission, or junta, of astronomers and pilots, to act as
scientific experts, it is plain that the presence of
Spain s Pilot-Major could not be dispensed with at
such a juncture. This is evidently the only cause
why Cabot s efforts to betray Charles V. came to a
standstill in the autumn of 1523. So far as we
1 RAWDON BROWN, op. rit., and doc. xxxii, p. 354.
3 NAVARRETE, vol. iv, p. 312.
WITH VENICE. 183
know, they were not renewed with Venice until
twenty years afterwards, but then to the detriment of
England.
Our surmise is strengthened by the fact that
Sebastian Cabot signed with Tomas Duran and
Juan Vespuccius on the i5th of April 1524 the
report establishing the longtitude of the partition
line in the Moluccas region, 1 and, on the 25th
following, with Fernando Columbus, Dr. Sancho
Salaya, Simon Tarragona, Tomas Duran, Pedro
Ruiz de Villegas, Juan Vespuccius, Dr. Salazar, Juan
Sebastian del Cano, Martin Mendez, Diego Ribero,
Nuno Garcia de Toreno and Estevam Gomez, the
curious letter addressed from Badajoz to the Em
peror, informing him that the Portuguese members of
the Junta had no desire to come to an understand
ing, and that the difficulty was as to the point in the
Cape Verde islands at which they should commence
to count the 370 leagues leading to the line of
Demarcation. 2
On the 1 6th of November 1523, the salary of
Sebastian Cabot was attached to the amount of
10,000 maravedis on behalf of Maria Cerezo, the
widow of Americus Vespuccius, 3 for the following
reason :
When Vespuccius died, February 22nd, 1512,
Juan Dias de Solis succeeded him in the office of
Pilot-Major, but under the express condition that
out of his salary he should pay the widow, annually,
during her life-time, 10,000 maravedis. Solis fulfilled
this obligation faithfully until his death. 4 But when
1 NAVARRETE, vol. iv, doc. xxxv, PEDESrV-^. tit., fo. 150-152. We tyave
p. 339; RAWDON BROWN, No. 635; not found that document anywhere else.
Andres Garcia DE CESPEDES, Regi- 3 NAVARRETE, vol. iii, doc. xiv>
miento de Navegacion, Madrid, 1606, p. 308.
folio, fo. 149, where the document is 4 " Siempre le fueron pagados los
entitled " Parecer acerca de la longitud dichos 10,000 mrs . . . hasta quel
de las islas de Maluccos." cliche Juan Dias DE SOLIS fallecio desta
2 " Carta que los juezes de Castilla presente vida." Ibidem.
escriuieron al Emperador," in CES-
184 CABOT S INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
Cabot was appointed to succeed him, although under
the same obligation, 1 and with a salary much larger
than that of Solis, Maria Cerezo, notwithstanding
repeated demands, failed to receive her allowance.
Charles V. had to interfere, and on the 26th of
November 1523, compelled the Casa de Contratacion
to pay out of Cabot s monies what was due to her
for the whole period, and to continue to do so, until
her death. 2 She recovered thus five years arrears ;
but the obligation ceased the following year on
December 26th, 1524, when she died, leaving no
other heir than a sister.
1 "Los ^dichos 10,000 mrs. de la 2 " Del salario quel dicho Piloto
quitacion e salario quel dicho Sebas- mayor ha recibido desdel dia quel
tian Caboto habia de haber con el goza del dicho salario . . . hagais
dicho oficio de Piloto mayor, diz que pagar e pagueis a la dicha Maria
vosotros no lo habeis querido facer Cerezo lo que hasta aqui se le debe, y
sin que vos mostrase nuevo mandami- de aquk adelante hobiere de haber en
entonuestroparaello." NAVARRETE, cada un ano por todos los dias de su
vol. iii, doc. xiv, p. 308. vida." Ibid., p. 309.
CHAPTER V.
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
A LLURED by the specimens of cloves, nutmegs
^* and cinnamon which El Cano had brought from
the Indian Seas in 1522, and encouraged by the
representations of Sebastian Cabot that there were
other spice islands in the region of the Moluccas, 1
which could be reached by a shorter- route than
Magellan s, 2 and which he even pretended to have
already visited, 3 a number of Sevillian merchants
formed a company for a voyage in quest of these
productive isles. The principal among them were
Francisco Leardo, a Genoese and banker of Fernando
Columbus, 4 Francisco de Santa Cruz, father of the
great cosmographer of that name, Bartolome de
Xeres, Fernando de Jaen, Pero Benito de Basinana.
Luis de Aguilar, 5 and the English house of Robert
Thorne, established at Seville, 6 which alone subscribed
1400 duckets."
Torque Sebastian GABOTO, Capi- 3 " Yr a las yslas e tierra quel avia
tan del Rei ; i Piloto Maior, tambien descubierto. " Deposition of Gregorio
tenian opinion, que ha via muchas islas CARO, question iii.
por descubrir cerca de los Malucos." 4 Fernand COLOMB, Sa vie, ses
IlERRERA,Zte<r. iii, lib. iv,cap.2o, p. 144. auvres, Paris, 1872, p. 2OI.
1 l Delia qual e Capitano un Seb- 5 Information pedida por Francisco
astian CABOTTO Venetiano costui va Leardo y Francisco de Santa Cruz, con-
per scoprir cose nove et ogni giorno di tra Sebastian Cabot, in the Duchess of
qua fan maggior le speranze di queste ALBA, Atitografos de Cristobal Colon y
Indie, et piu li mettono 1* animo et papeks de America, Madrid, 1892, folio,
credono all ultimo haver anco le p. 118.
speranze per quella banda et con viag- 6 A report of two Englishmen in tJic
gio molto piu breve di quel che fece la company of Sebastian Cabot. HAK-
nave Vittoria." Dispatch of Andrea LUYT, Principall Navigations, 1600 ;
NAVAGERO ; Toledo, Sept. 2ist, 1525, vol. iii, p. 726.
in BULLO, op. cit., doc. xii, p. 69.
186 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
They appointed Sebastian Cabot leader of the
expedition. But the authorization of the Govern
ment was required, not only because no transatlantic
voyage could be undertaken without leave from the
Crown, but also for the reason that Cabot wished
to be continued in his office of Pilot-Major. He
consequently repaired to the Court and secured the
approbation of the Council of the Indies, at the begin
ning of September 1524.* He even contrived that
Charles V. should become interested in the enter
prise, probably by urging geographical considerations,
which we shall set forth presently.
It is somewhat difficult, with the few existing
documents, to gain precise information relative to the
manner in which the expedition was fitted out. Peter
Martyr, who was then a member of the Council of the
Indies, as well as Royal Chronicler, and therefore in a
position to be correctly informed, states that the funds
were supplied by the Imperial Treasury. 2 At the
same time, he seems to say that all the King did
was to furnish ships, representing the equipment to
have been undertaken by Cabot s partners. He goes
so far as to fix the amount paid by them at 10,000
ducats, the share of the profits to be proportioned to
the sum advanced by each. 3
According to Herrera, the expenditures amounted
to 10,000 ducats, all told, of which Charles V.
supplied 4000. 4 Perhaps we must understand that
1 Speramus namque fore vt Sebas- cute commeatum et caetera necessaria,
lianus Cabotus . . . cui circiter Kal. ducatorum decem millium sua spontc
Scptembris supplicant!, ex nostri senatus summam obtulerint Contri-
autoritate permissa est eius nauigationis buentium pecunias pro sua quisque
perquirendae potestas." ANGHIERA, rata, si bene cesserit, uti speratur, lucri
1530, Decad. vii, cap. vi, p. 495. portionem habebit." Ibidem.
2 " Quatuor navium classiculam, 4 Para los quales le havia de dar el
omnibus ad rem maritimam facientibus Rei quatro mil ducados . . haviendo
et commodis tormentorum vasis para- el Rei dado los quatro mil ducados . ."
tarn, ab Coesareo rerario Cabotus popos- HERRERA, Decad. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3,
cit." Loc.cit. p. 259. It is by mistake therefore that
"Socios ait se reperisse Hispali, BIDDLE says (p. 121) that "the emperor
, . . qui sub spe magni lucri, ad classi- was to receive four thousand ducats."
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 187
besides the hiring of the ships, he supplied the latter
sum, a portion of which was to be expended in
purchasing gifts for the aborigines of the countries
to be discovered. Withal, our researches in the
documents of the time have brought to light a sum
of 5000 ducats furnished by that monarch for the
expedition, from October 7th, 1525 until the spring of
1526, which seems to be the only amount supplied
by him. Of this sum, Christoval de Haro received
1000 ducats, and Sebastian Cabot 4000, the whole
taken from the proceeds of the sale of the cargo of
cloves brought by the survivors of Magellan s expedi
tion in the Victoria^
The following details and the intentions which they
disclose, deserve to be mentioned :
"It will be well," says Peter Martyr, "to act kindly, without
ever resorting to violence, and without injustice ; also to secure the
goodwill of the natives by kind treatment and presents. The 10,000
ducats entrusted to Cabot by his partners are to be expended in
view of such result. The victualling of the ships is for two years,
and the salary of the men amounts to 500 ducats. The rest will
be employed in buying such trinkets as are known to please those
islanders. Thus will they see that articles which to them seem to
be of no value, can be exchanged for our own manufactures, which
they have not yet seen. In fact those people do not know the use
of money, and everything new appears to them valuable." 2
It was stipulated that the squadron should be com
posed of at least three ships, but not more than six.
In the latter case, the supplementary vessels were to be
1 " I 5 2 5> 7 Octubre. Se dan 1000 mrs. =20,236 due. 5. r. 34 mrs. que
ducados a Christoval de Haro a cumpli- import 6 el clavo de la nao Victoria quc
miendo de 5000 que S. M. mando para vendieron los officiales de la contra-
cl armada de la Especeria que a la sazon tacion de Sevilla a razon de 42. due.
se hacia en Sevilla. Los 4000 se havian el quintal = 4000 dues, que dichos
dado a Caboto." Taken from the MS. officiales le dieron por S. M. para el
" Relacion de 1526 de los mrs. que armada de Seb. Gaboto." MUNOZ
se hacia cargo haver recibido Christoval Transcripts, vol. Ixxvii, fos. 126 and
de Haro factor de S. M. donde entre 165.
otras cosas se contienen 7,588,684 - ANGHIRRA, loc. cit.
188 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
of not less than one hundred tons. Only one hundred
and fifty persons, including officers and crews, were
to join the expedition. 1
As for the real object of the enterprise it must have
been limited in the mind of the Sevillian associates
to the discovery of islands producing spices, like
the Moluccas. For Charles V., however, this could
be but a secondary consideration, as he had just
equipped, at the cost of the Crown, the fleet of
Garcia de Loaysa, which sailed from Corufia on
the 24th of July 1525, precisely for the same object
and by the same intended route. In our opinion,
the chief reason which prompted Charles V. to
encourage Cabot s undertaking, was the necessity of
a certain geographical exploration, then apparently
suggested by the latter, but which in reality dates at
least as far back as the voyage of Juan Dias de Solis
in 1515.
The Turin map, 2 and the anonymous Weimar
mappamundi, which emanated from the Sevillian
hydrographers in 1527^ show that the Pacific coast of
the New Continent had not up to that time been
explored from 50 south to 12 north latitude; that
is, in the South, from the point whence Magellan took
his course homeward, called in the Turin map
" Tierra de diziembre," to the locality occupied by
Gil Gonzales Davila in 1523-24, according to the
Weimar planispheres. It was indispensable, there
fore, to survey that vast extent of coast, inasmuch as
the Spaniards were not as yet convinced of the con
tinental character of South America, although the
entire eastern shores had been ranged by a number
of Spanish navigators, from Vincente Yanez Pinzon
to Magellan. Hence the expression in the contract
1 HERRERA, loc. cit. map of MAGGIOLO of December 1527
2 The Discovery of North America, delineates that coast, but hypotheti-
p. 528, No. 148. cally, adding : Terra Incognita (Ibid.,
8 Ibidem, No. 177, p. 559. The No. 173, p. 553).
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 189
made with the Sevillian merchants, as we find it
summed up by Peter Martyr, " a tergo nostriputati
continentis." These terms are identical with those
used in the instructions given to Juan Dias de
Solis in 1515, " de ir a las espaldas de la tierra,
donde agora esta Pedro Arias : to go to the
other side of the country where Pedro Arias is at
present."
We are inclined to think from the object of the ex
pedition of Solis, 2 of which that of Diego Garcia was
only a continuation, and from the supposed course of
the great Brazilian rivers as depicted in the early
maps of the New World, 3 that the Spanish cosmo-
graphers believed in the existence of a passage to
the north of the Strait of Magellan, communicating
with the Rio de Solis (La Plata), and leading to the
Indian seas, forming of the southern portion of the
continent an immense island.
For us, the question is whether the exploration of
the Pacific coast was to be undertaken by Sebastian
Cabot before or after the search for the Spice
islands. In other words, was he, after coming out
of the Strait of Magellan, to sail at once westward,
or first to range the western shores of the American
continent ?
If we follow Peter Martyr, 4 Cabot was to sail direct
from Seville to the Strait of Magellan, go through
the same, navigate north-westerly, and explore
the seas between the Tropic of Capricorn and the
Equator, in quest of islands producing spices. After
discovering such isles, he was to turn round, traverse
1 NAVARRETE, vol. iii, p. 134. cartas vuestras a la isla de Cuba,
2 " Luego como llegaredes a las enviadme otro hombre por alii."
espaldas de donde estuviere Pedrarias, Ibidem, p. 137.
enviarleeis un mensagero con cartas :J Discwery of North America, plate
vuestras para mi ... e si la dicha xxi.
Castilla del oro quedare isla, e hobiere 4 ANGHIERA, Decad. vii, cap. vi, p.
abertura por donde podais enviar otras 498.
190 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
the Pacific, reach the American continent about the
latitude of Panama, 1 and only then range the south
west coast, returning to Spain by the Strait of
Magellan.
According to Herrera, 2 only one caravel was in
tended to visit the Pacific coast of the New World
immediately upon coming out of the Strait, from 52
south to 12 north latitude. The rest of the fleet
was to continue its course north-westward. Herrera
omits to state whether Cabot intended to return by
way of the Strait of Magellan, or by the Cape of
Good Hope.
The foreign diplomatists at the court of Charles V.
give another version. For instance, Gasparo Con-
tarini, whose constant intercourse with Cabot at
that time entitles him to great credit, stated in
person to the Senate of Venice, on the i6th of
November 1525, that the King of Spain had lately
equipped an expedition which was intended under
the direction of Sebastian Cabot to explore " the
entire coast, and thence go to the Indies : andasse
a investigare tutta quella costa primieramente, poi
che andasse etiam nell Indie." We believe that
Contarini s statement is the correct one, not only
because it tallies with the interest of Spain at the
time, but also for the reason that it serves to explain
the conduct and opposition of the company of Seville
1 Hence the letters written by Fer- 3 " Da Panama mo verso 1 oriente
nand CORTES to CABOT and his et mezzodl, dove e quello stretto detto
companions, May 28th, 1527, by the di sopra, ritrovato dalla nave Vittoria,
order of CHARLES V., and which were non si sa cosa alcuna. Hora la maesta
entrusted to Alvaro DE SAAVEDRA, cesarea havea fatta un armata di
who was sent in quest of news con- cinque navi in Siviglia, et fatto capi-
cerning both CABOT and LOAISA. tano Sebastiano Caboto suo peota
Ibidem^ vol. v s pp. 456-459. maggiore, ilqualee venetianod origine,
2 " I que si endesembocando el perche andasse a investigare tutta
Estrecho, quisiese embiar vua caravela, quella costa primieramente, poi che
rescatando por la Tierra-firme, hasta andasse etiam nell Indie." Relazione
donde se hallaba Pedrarias Davila, lo di Gasparo Contarini, letta in senato.
pudiesehacer." HERRERA, Decad. iii, Venezia, 16 Novembre 1525.
lib. ix, cap. 3, p. 259.
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 191
merchants when they were informed of the intentions
of the Crown.
Although the project had been approved at the
beginning of September 1524^ as we have already
seen, the approbation of the Emperor was not given
until the 4th of March 1525, at Madrid. 2 The
expedition suffered still further delays before being-
allowed to set out. Meanwhile, Cabot was confirmed
in the post of Captain-General of the fleet, retaining
at the same time his office of Pilot-Major of Spain,
with leave to appoint to the post ad interim Juan
Vespuccius, the nephew of Americus, and Miguel
Garcia, but with limited powers. 3
Cabot also solicited and obtained a fresh favour
from Charles V. He had been granted an annual
and supplementary gratification (" ayuda de costa ")
of 25,000 maravedis for life. In view of his pro
jected expedition to the " descubrimiento de las islas
de Tarsis e Ofir al Catayo oriental : discovery of
the islands of Tarsis and Ophir in Eastern Cathay,"
(to use the precise terms of the original document),
he asked that the said gratification instead of ex
piring with him, should revert to his wife, Catalina
Medrano. This favour was granted on the 25th of
October I525. 4
The parties interested finally decided that the
squadron should consist of four ships, three equipped
in the manner which we have stated, and the fourth
at the cost of one Miguel Rifos, 5 a personal friend of
Cabot.
1 " Speramus fore ut Sebastianus pasado de mil quinientos i veinte i
Cabotus Baccalorum repertor, cui cir- cinco, capitulo con el Rei en Madrid."
citer Kal. Septembris supplicanti, ex HERRERA, Decad. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3,
nostri senatus auctoritate permissa est p. 259.
navigations perquirendse potestas, 3 HERRERA, op. cit., p. 260.
breviore t em pore ac felicioribus avibus 4 Jean et St?b. Cabot, doc. xxxii B.
sed rediturus, quam Victoria navis." 5 The document of the Duchess of
ANGHIERA, ubi supra. ALBA prints : " Miguel Rifos " ; HER-
3 "A quatro de Mai^o del ano RERA, " Miguel de Runs."
192 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
These ships and their officers were :
The Flag-ship, or " Capitana " :
Martin Mendez, lieutenant general.
Antonio de Grajeda, master.
Hernando de Calderon, treasurer.
Miguel de Rodas, pilot.
Francisco Concha, or de la Concha, purser.
Maldonado, alguazil.
Juan Miguel, caterer.
Jacome - , a Greek sailor.
La Sancta Maria del Espinar .- 1
Gregorio Caro, captain.
Miguel Valdes, accountant, (" contador ").
Juan de Junco, treasurer.
Alonso de Santa Cruz, supercargo (" veedor").
Francisco Garcia, priest.
Andres Daycaga (of Azcoitia), page.
Luis de Leon (of Aviles), sailor.
La Trinidad:
Francisco de Rojas, captain.
Gon^alo Nunez de Balboa, treasurer.
Antonio de Montoya (of Lepe), purser.
Mafra, second mate.
Pero Fernandez, pilot.
Bautista de Negron, cockswain.
Gaspar de Ribas, Chief Alguazil.
Master Juan (de la Hinojosa), surgeon, and
alguazil.
1 It is this ship which is frequently designated in the depositions of the
witnesses in the Probanzas as " la nao portugueza : the Portuguese vessel."
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 103
Rifos own brigantine :
Commanded by himself. We do not know who
went with him ; nor on what ships were the following
members of the expedition :
Rodrigo Alvarez, pilot.
Geronimo Coro.
Francisco Hogacon, of Valdeporras, passenger.
Boso de Aragus (?), a Hungarian, furbisher. 1
^Juan cte "A rsoia, cooper^
Antonio Ponce, a Catalonian, clerk.
Master Pedro, surgeon.
Luis Ramirez.
Etor de Acuna, a Portuguese. 2
Michael - , a Genoese.
Gonzalo Romero.
Juan de Villafuente.
Fernando Rodriguez, of Penafiel.
Otavian de Brene (?), supervisor.
Camacho de Morales, gentleman.
Martin Ybafiez, notary of the fleet.
Nicolao, of Naples, boatswain.
Cuellar.
Orozco, a Basque, carpenter.
Peraga.
Avoca, caulker.
Aguirre, a Basque, sailor.
e Araujo (a Portuguese ?), sailor.
apothecary.
Bartolome Saez de Medina.
Gomez Malaver.
Geronimo de Chavarri (a Genoese ?).
Miguel Martinez, of Azcutia.
1 " Boso de aragus natural de aragus - OVIEDO, Historic, General de las I
del Reyno de LJAgaria, bruneto e 7iutias, Madrid edition, 1852, lib. <*
quevio7 r Perhaps we m ust read xxiii, cap. xiv, vol. ii, p. 198.
Arabo = Rabus = Raab, "
N
194 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
Sebastian Corzo.
Fabian de Irausi.
Alonso Bueno, pilot.
Francisco Cesar, "capitan" (of soldiers).
Casimir, of Nuremberg, passenger.
Anton Falcon, of Aliba, ship boy.
Juan Grego (a Greek ?), sailor.
Andres, of Venice, sailor.
Marcos, also of Venice and sailor.
Alonso de Valdivieso.
Juan de Medina.
Lorenzo de la Palma.
The gentlemen recommended to Cabot by Charles
V., and who joined the expedition, were :
Gaspar de Celada.
Rodrigo de Benavides.
Sancho de Bullon.
Alvaro Nunez de Balboa.
Juan Nunez de Balboa.
Martin de Rueda.
Martin Ybafiez de Urquiso. 1
Christoval de Guevara.
Hernan Mendez.
Francisco Maldonado.
Diego Garcia de Celis.
There were also two Englishmen, versed in
cosmography, friends of Robert Thorne who sent
them to learn the navigation of those regions, 2 viz. :
Roger Barlow. 3
Henry Latimer, pilot. 4
1 The judicial documents give :! SANTA CRUZ in his Islario gives
YBANEZ the title of clerk, which is the real Christian name, viz. : Roger,
scarcely compatible with the designa- whilst HERRERA, Decad. iv, lib. i,
tion of "hidalgo." vol. 3, p. 3, and lib. iii, p. 39, calls
2 A report of two Englishmen in the him "Riojel" and "Jorge Barlo " and
company of Sebastian Caboto. Taken "Barloque."
out of the information of Mr. Robert 4 ROJAS and OVIEDO call him
Thorne. HAKLUYT, Princif. Navig., " Patimer." It is the former who says
vol. iii, p. 726, that LATIMER was a pilot.
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 195
Finally, a number of Sevillian subscribers were
on board, 1 but their names have not come down
to us.
This list has been drawn up by means of the
rogatory commissions and other legal papers filed
in the various suits brought against Cabot when he
returned from La Plata. 2 But there are other names,
which can be gathered from the Argentina, written
in 1612 by Ruy Bias de Guzman. 3 As he was the
son of Alonso Riquelme de Guzman, who accom
panied his uncle Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca to
that country in 1 540, he may have collected traditions,
which, perhaps, are the basis of his account, but on
which, nevertheless, we place little reliance. The
alleged companions of Sebastian Cabot whose names
we find in the Argentina are the following :
Juan Alvarez Ramon.
Diego de Bracamonte.
Juan de Justes.
Hector de Acufia.
Alejo Garcia. 4
Mendo Rodriguez de Oviedo.
Luis Perez de Bargos (?).
Ruy Garcia de Mosquera. 5
Francisco de Rivera.
Finally, Sebastian de Hurtado, of Ecija, with his
wife Lucia de Miranda, [who are the " Nufio de Lara
1 OVIEDO, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 169. knew personally, is also said to be
2 Besides the judicial inquiries, and the first Spaniard who reached Para-
HERRERA, we have consulted for the guay by the way of Brazil, in 1526.
names the MS. Islario of SANTA CRUZ, He did not therefore come with
RAMIREZ S letter, and the documents Sebastian CABOT.
published by the Duchess of ALBA. 5 Ruy or Ruiz GARCIA is said by
:i Pedro DE ANGELIS, Cokccion de Ruy Bias DE GUZMAN to have been
documentos relatives a la Historia de one of CABOT S captains, who after
las provincias del Rio de la Plata ; having been abandoned in the island
Buenos Ayres, 1836, vol. i, p. 26. of St. Catarina, settled in Buenos
4 This Alejo GARCIA, father of one Ayres.
of the same name, whom GUZMAN
196 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
and the Inez de Castro of Paraguay "] to whom
Charlevoix ascribes such romantic adventures. 1
We give the above list, extracted from the
narrative in the Argentina, without warranting its
authenticity, although a number of these names are
also to be found in the work of Father Nicolao del
Techo. One argument in favor of the list is that
a certain Hector de Acuna figures at La Plata with
Cabeca de Vaca in 1543, as interpreter. 2 This
implies that he had already lived in that country ; but
it may have been at the time of Mendoza, who went
in 1534. We are inclined to think that the names
given by Bias de Guzman belong to expeditions
sent to La Plata after Cabot s return to Spain.
In any case we would not withhold them from the
reader.
Although, according to Herrera, Cabot was autho
rized to take with him only one hundred and fifty
persons, it is evident from the number of men killed by
the Indians, together with those who died of sickness
or starvation, or were abandoned at La Plata and in
Brazil, that even more than two hundred, which is
the figure given by Dr. Simao Affonso, 8 accompanied
him when he set out from Seville. Ovieclo swells
the number to two hundred and fifty. 4 Cabot says
" two hundred more or less," and refers to the rolls
kept at that time in the Casa de Contratacion of
Seville/ 1 Casimir Nuremberger is nearer the truth,
we think, when stating that "the entire number
amounted to two hundred and ten or two hundred
and twenty." But from this number should be
1 CHARLEVOIX, Hist, du Paraguay, Geral. do Brazil; Madrid, 1854, vol.
vol. i, p. 29 ; N. DEL TKCHO, Hist, i, p. 439.
provincia paraquarite Societas Jesu ; 4 OviEDO, he. cit. GOMARA, cap.
Liege, 1673, in folio. Ixxxix, p. 211.
2 HERNANDEZ, Conunentarios del Information hecha en Scvilla en 28
governador Alvar Nunez Cabe$a de de Julio dentro dela nao Sla. Maria,
Vaca, BARCIA S edit., cap. Iviii, p. 44. in our Syllabus, No. L.
:1 Published by VARNHAOEN, Hist. ti Ibidem.
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 197
deducted four men left at Palma, replaced, however,
by eight others, making a total of 214 or 224 who
crossed the Atlantic.
We have only been able to collect biographical data
concerning thirty of those companions of Sebastian
Cabot, and these data are very brief.
Martin Mendez was a Sevillian of good family,
and, as we learn from Herrera, had been recom
mended by Charles V. He was the notary of
Magellan s expedition on board the Victoria, and
one of the survivors who returned to Spain, but not
with El Cano, as the Portuguese detained him at
Cape Verde in July 1522. We may judge of the
estimation in which Mendez was held by Charles V.,
from the fact that he granted him an annuity of
200 gold ducats, and a coat of arms, with the
same beautiful device given to El Cano : Primus
circumdedisti me. 1 Garcia de Cespedes says, 2 that
Mendez was one of the pilots of the Badajoz junta in
1524. Our impression is that he was only summoned
then to give evidence with regard to the action of the
government in the Moluccas, as we see him assume
no other title at Tidor, when he drew up the deeds
for taking possession of the island, than that of " con-
tador," 3 which implies simply an office like that of
treasurer or accountant.
There is a Francisco de Rojas who was commis
sioned by the Crown in i53i 4 to collect colonists
throughout Spain for the West Indies. He seems
to be the same Rojas who had command of the
Trinidad in the present expedition.
1 HERRERA, Decad. iii, lib. iv, cap. 17) only as barber. Others also
14, p. 133, who gives it : Primus qui received the device at the time.
circumdedit me, and describes the coat 2 CESPEDES, Regimiento de Navi-
of arms. Let us add that the same gacion, Madrid, 1606, fol., p. 152.
device was also given to Miguel DE 3 NAVARRETE, vol. iv, pp. 19, 370;
ROD AS, and to one Hernando DE Duchess of ALBA, p. 1 1 1 ; Discovery of
BUSTAMENTE, who, however, figures North America, p. 723.
on the rolls (NAVARRETE, vol. iv, p. 4 HERRERA, Decad. iv, p. 213.
198 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
Miguel de Rodas, born at Rodas (Galicia) in
I492, 1 was a personage of considerable importance.
He also accompanied Magellan, as " contramaestre,"
on board the Victoria, and returned to Spain with
El Cano. On the 2Oth of August 1522, Charles V.
granted him a patent of nobility, also with the famous
device already cited, encircling a terrestrial globe :
" You have been the first to embrace me," appointed
him a member of the Badajos junta, and, as a reward
for the services he had rendered, gave him a pension
of 50,000 maravedis. Rodas, who was a good
seaman, enjoyed the confidence of the Emperor,
whom he represented in Cabot s expedition, without
filling any special office, says Herrera. Yet the
rogatory commission refers to him as " piloto de la
nao capitana," and even of " Piloto Mayor de la
armada."
Gon^alo Nunez, Alvaro Nunez, and Juan Nunez, all
three Balboas, were brothers 2 of the famous Balboa
who, from the summit of the mountains in the isthmus
of Panama, discovered the Pacific Ocean in 1513.
Hernan Mendes was the younger brother of
Martin Mendes.
Bautista Negron was evidently a Genoese.
Alonso Bueno, born at Seville, figures in the
list of pilots for the West Indies drawn up in
I525- 3
Juan de Junco was an Asturian nobleman, born in
1503, who married the daughter of Lucas Vazquez de
Ayllon, at Santo Domingo. We find him at Carta
gena in 1536, and with Gonzalo Ximenez at Bogota
in 1 540, and among the discoverers of the Guatemala
emerald mines in 1541. Oviedo consulted a descrip
tion of the Rio de la Plata written by de Junco,
1 MUNOZ MSS. ; NAVARRETE, vol. 2 HERRERA, Decad. iii, p. 14.
iv, p. 369 ; HERRERA, Decad, iii, :) Documcntos ineditos de Indias, vol.
p. 132- xvii, p. 547.
THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 199
but only a few quotations inserted in the Historia de
las Indias 1 remain.
Herrera mentions several of the name of Francisco
Maldonado, all men of position, but we do not
know which of them was the companion of
Cabot. 2
Gregorio Caro, born at Talamanco, in the province
of Toledo, was the nephew of the Bishop of the
Canaries, who afterwards became Bishop of Sala
manca. 3
Alonso de Santa Cruz was born at Seville in 1 506.
His father, Francisco de Santa Cruz held the office
of alcalde of the Sevillian alcazars, and it was doubt
less owing to the fact of his having taken shares in
the company, that his son joined the expedition as
its representative and supervisor of the cargo. On
his return, Santa Cruz enjoyed the confidence of
Charles V. and later of Philip II. who appointed him
to high positions at the Court. He died after having
filled the office of Chief Cosmographer for many
years, leaving behind him the reputation of being the
greatest adept in the science of navigation that Spain
ever had. 4
Rodrigo Alvarez is the pilot who, in the course of
Cabot s voyage discovered in the estuary of the Rio
de la Plata the little islands which still bear his
name. 6
Gonzalo Romero was one of the Spaniards whom
Cabot abandoned at La Plata, and who, in 1536,
rendered great services to Mendoza. 6
Antonio de Montoya was an Andalusian gentleman
1 HERRERA, Decad. v, pp. 28, 250 ; pp. 61-86, and Discovery of North
vi, pp. 3, 114, 148, 191. OVIEDO, America, p. 736.
vol. ii, pp. 184-185. 5 "Cinco ysletas que se Hainan
3 We do not even know whether it is yslas de Rodrigo Alvarez por las aver
the same person, as in the rolls MAL- descubierto un piloto que con nos
DONADO figures only as " alguazil. " otrosj llevaramos." SANTA CRUZ,
3 HERRERA and OVIEDO, loc. tit. Islario, Besan9on MS., fo. 119.
4 NAVARRETE, Optisculos, vol. ii, 6 HERRERA, Dccad. v, p. 246.
200 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS.
from Lepe. He accompanied Hernando Pizarro to
Peru in 1534.
Luis Ramirez, to whom we are indebted for an
excellent account of the voyage, written in the form
of a letter addressed to some prelate in Spain, was
evidently a gentleman and a scholar. 1
Hernando Calderon was from Madrid, born in
1495. He seems to have been a man of character
and influence at the Court.
Master Juan was born in 1498. He figures in the
legal documents under the title of surgeon, but says
himself that his employ was also that of "alguazil de
la nao que Francisco de Rojas fue por capitan :
alguazil of the ship of which Francisco de Rojas was
captain."
Diego de Celis was only twenty-one years of age
when he went with Cabot as " gentil hiombre de la
o
armada : Gentleman in the fleet."
Francisco Hogacon came from Valdeporras, was
also only twenty-one years old, and a relative of
Rojas.
Casimir Nuremberger, or of Nuremberg, was, as
his name indicates, a German. He calls himself
"gentil hombre de la armada," which probably
means " passenger," but carried with him a stock
of merchandise for the purpose of barter with the
natives.
1 Ibid., p. 151. As RAMIREZ speaks Plata, that his correspondent should
of cassocks: "las sotenas," sic pro secure one of the commissions for him.
" sotanas," sent to him, it would Elsewhere, he refers to the sword which
naturally be thought that he was a he carried. His father outlived him,
priest. But at the end of the letter and brought an action against CABOT
(Syllabus, No. xlix), he asks, in case in Seville in 1531.
officers should be appointed for La
CHAPTER VI.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
A short time before Charles V. arrived at Seville,
the expedition sailed from San Lucar de
Barrameda, two days after Easter, on the 3rd of
April 1526, l "al descubrimiento de las islas de
Tarsis e Ofir e al Catayo Oriental : to the discovery
of the islands of Tharsis, Ophir, and Eastern
Cathay," 2 via the Strait of Magellan.
As regards the route followed, Diddle has only
consulted Herrera, 3 whose Decades in this respect
are extremely brief and incomplete. The other
historians 4 have been able to add but few details,
borrowed from the letter of Luis Ramirez, 5 which is
very valuable, considering that he was an eye-witness,
but unfortunately it is deficient in geographical
information. A curious fact is that Oviedo s
General History of the Indies, which contains a
technical and precise description of all the points of
the south-east coast of America visited on that occa
sion, should have been neglected.
1 OVIEDO, Historia General de las Stockholm, 1892, 8vo, has shown the
IndiaSy lib. xxiii, cap. iv, vol. ii, p. importance of book xxi of OVIEDO to
177. reconstruct CABOT S route in the
2 Cedula of October 25th, 1525. voyage to La Plata.
:! BIDDLE is excusable, for if it be 5 RAMIREZ S letter has been pub-
I rue lhat the manuscript of OVIEDO had lished in the original Spanish, by
long been known to exist in Madrid, VARNHAGEN, in the Revista Triinen-
books xxi and xxiii of the latter s sal, Rio de Janeiro, vol. xv, pp.
Historia were published only in 1852. 14-41 ; but TERNAUX had given a
4 Mr. E. W. DAHLGREN, however, translation of that important document
in* his excellent work, Map of the nine years before. See our Syllabus,
World, by Alonzo de Santa Crtiz, No. xlix.
202 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
What imparts considerable importance to Oviedo s
statements is that they were derived from members
of the expedition, one of whom was so competent
an authority as the celebrated Alonso de Santa
Cruz. With the latter s Islario? which historians
have also failed to consult, and Ribeiro s planisphere
of 1529, constructed certainly with geographical
data brought from La Plata by Calderon and Barlow
in October 1528, Cabot s route from San Lucar to
Paraguay can be accurately described.
We propose to base our description on these sources
of information, and shall even adopt their distances
and latitudes, although these are oftentimes inexact ;
but the reader must be placed on the same standpoint
as the original chroniclers, in order to ascertain
every relative position set forth in the writings to
be analysed. Let us add that Santa Cruz gives the
results of his own geographical observations, and
Oviedo follows the Padron Real of Chaves, 3 after
subjecting it however to a critical revision. In the
absence of two documents which have disappeared, 4
but may yet be discovered, these writers constitute
the most reliable authorities to be consulted at the
1 See Discovery of North America, 4 The first of those documents is the
pp. 620-621, and Syllabus, No. xlviii. docket of the rogatory commission
2 KOHL, Die beiden dltesten general- ordered by CHARLES V. to elicit evidence
Karten von America, Weimar, 1860, regarding the discovery of La Plata,
large folio. when, after CABOT had left in 1526,
3 " Y relatarlo he tan puntualmente the Portuguese claimed sovereignty over
como la carta moderna del cosmo- that country. (HERRERA, Decad. iv,
grapho Alonso de Chaves lo pinta, y lib. viii, cap. xi, p. 169.) The other
como lo oy boca a boca al capitan y document is La Relacion de la entrada
muy ensenado caballero y ^ierto cosmo- de Sebastian Gaboto al Rio de la Plata,
grapho Alonso de Sancta Cruz, que lo MS. 410, 59 leaves, which was pre-
ha navegado, e lo apunto en el viaje served in the library of the Jesuits
que 11190 el capitan e piloto mayor College de Clermont, whence it went
Sebastian Gaboto, y como lo he into that of Gerard MEERMAN in 1764.
entendido de otras personas que con el (Discovery of North America, p. 604,
dicho Sancta Cruz se conforman . . . note. ) To these should be added the
de los quales yo colegi la cuenta, de report addressed to the Emperor in
este viaje quanto a las leguas e grados I53O f which HERRERA has pre-
que aqui expresare." OVIEDO, vol. served a short extract.
ii. p. 114.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 203
present day for the route followed by Cabot from
Spain to La Plata. As to Oviedo s narrative, we
should keep in mind that he was Historiographer
Royal for the Indies, and wrote his work by the order
of Charles V., at a time when Sebastian Cabot was
living in Spain, and occupied the high position of
Pilot-Major. We may judge of Oviedo s high
character as an historian from the dignified preamble
to his description of that unfortunate voyage :
"Four caravels were equipped at the cost of a number of
speculators, who had been enticed by the representations of
Sebastian Cabot, and placed reliance in his cosmographical
knowledge. But as I am indebted for my information to persons
worthy of credit, and who are trusted, I shall state briefly what I
have heard related touching that voyage, particularly by Alonso de
Santa Cruz, and Captain Rojas, both distinguished men, and other
persons who were eye witnesses. In the interest of the reader
and in my own, I propose to give my understanding of the
historical facts and the route followed, regardless of individual
passions, although I have seen persons who blamed Sebastian
Cabot s conduct and recklessness in that undertaking." 1
In the next chapter, we shall analyse and discuss
the principal events of this voyage. For the
present, we intend only to give a sort of synopsis of
the facts and dates.
From San Lucar de Barrameda, sailing out on
Tuesday, April 3rd, I526, 2 the squadron went to
the Canary islands, and cast anchor at Palma, where
it remained seventeen days, to take in supplies, and
where it landed four men and took on board eight.
From Palma, April 27th, the squadron went to
Cape Verde islands, skirting, as it seems, the coast of
Africa.
When in those regions, Cabot gave orders,
1 OVIEDO, loc. cit. abril, cl tercero dia despues de Florcs
2 " Salido del rio e puerto de y mejor di9iendo, de la Resurrec9ion."
Sanlucar ano de mill e quinientos e OVIEDO, Historia general, lib. xxiii,
veyntc y seys afios a tres dias de cap, iv, vol. ii, p. 177.
204 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
contrary to the opinion of Rojas and the pilots, to
steer south by west and south-south-west.
In consequence, he was driven to the widest part
of the zone of calms and baffling winds, from which
he emerged amongst contrary winds and storms.
These, with the equatorial current, carried him to the
coast of Brazil.
Ramirez says 1 that land was first seen on the 3rd
of June 1526. If so, it can only have been the Isla
de Hernando de Noronha, in 3 S. lat., which Santa
Cruz describes in detail de visu.
In reality, the landfall on the American continent
was not effected till the end of June, contrary to
Cabot s intention (Maestre Juan), and owing to the
Santa Maria del Espinar being driven to leeward,
somewhat to the north of Pernambuco, in 8 S. lat.
(Oviedo).
As they were suffering greatly from thirst
(Ramirez), Cabot, to fill the casks, detached a
ship, which entered the Rio de las Piedras, in 7
after passing the mouth of the Rio de las Virtudes
in 7 30 (Oviedo).
Entering the Baya de Pernambuco, they sighted
the Isleta de la Assension and saw large seals,
which the sailors mistook for mermen bathing in the
surf (Santa Cruz and Oviedo). There was in the
place a factory and fort, under the command of
Manoel de Braga, and a dozen Portuguese who
treated the Spaniards with great kindness.
Shortly after his arrival at Pernambuco, Cabot,
on the 2nd of July, instituted a secret inquiry into
alleged misdeeds of his officers at La Palma,
deprived Mendez and Rojas of their office and
had them arrested and confined on board the Santa
*A11 these references to RAMIREZ, pages 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176,
vSANTA CRUZ and GARCIA are taken 177, of his Historia General dc las
from their original texts. Those to. Indias^ of the Madrid edition.
OVIEDO refer to vol. ii, book xxiii,
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 205
Maria del Espinar. A few days afterwards Rojas
was released and placed again in command of the
Trinidad; but Mendez remained a prisoner.
Whilst at Pernambuco, Cabot was informed by
Braga and other Portuguese of the pretended mineral
wealth of the La Plata region. On asking for more
precise information, he was told that there were
survivors of the expedition of Solis scattered among
the settlements on the coast, who could satisfy him
on that point. Cabot then and there conceived the
idea of exploring the Rio de Solis, instead of going
to the Moluccas ; first, however, intending to find the
Spanish sailors who had knowledge of that country.
Contrary winds detained the squadron in Per
nambuco more than three months, after three or
four vain attempts to continue their route. 1 At
last, two or three days before Saint Michael s day,
the last week in September, they succeeded in
sailing out.
On the morning of Saturday, September 2Qth
(Oviedo), the Spaniards doubled Cape St. Augustin,
in 8 30 , and at noon were in the immediate vicinity
of the Rio de Sant Alexo, having thus traversed
during the forenoon a distance of about 25 leagues.
There they met a French ship on her way to a
French factory, likewise protected by a fort, a rival
establishment of the one which the Portuguese then
o
possessed in Pernambuco, and which was afterwards
abandoned, in 1539, through fear of the Indians.
Continuing their route, the Spaniards encountered
a series of storms, which lasted until October i3th
(Ramirez).
" Vio hazer a la vela tres 6 quatro (Deposition of Anton FALCON.)
vezes a la dicha armada para llevar el "Adonde estovieron con viento
dicho viaje de tarsys e urfir . . . vio contrario tres meses y medio poco
ansy mismo quel tiempo les hera mas o menos." (Deposition of Boso
contrario e que por esto surgio en la DK ARAGUS.)
costa del brasyl en pernanbuco.
206 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
On the 1 9th of October, they sighted an island (?).
The squadron afterwards passed the mouths of the
following rivers :
Rio de Sanct Matheo, 9 30 ,*
Rio de Sanct Francisco, 10 30 .
These two rivers were then also called respectively
Rio Primero and Rio Segundo (Oviedo).
Rio de Sancta Ana, 1 1 40 ,
Rio de Sanct Roque,
Rio de Puerto Real,
Rio de Sanct Hieronimo.
They next reached the Baya de Todos Sanctos,
13 30 (13, Ribeiro ; 14, Sancta Cruz, or,
according to Cabot s pilots, at a distance of 90
leagues from Pernambuco). Herrera states that one
of Cabot s ships ran foul of a French vessel in this
bay. 2
Continuing farther, they sighted the following
places :
Golfo de la Playa,
Rio de las Ostras,
Rio de Sancta Ana,
Rio de los Cosmos, 15,
Rio de Sanct Agostin, 15,
Rio de las Virgines,
Punta Segura,
Rio del Brasil,
Rio de Sanct Jorge, 17,
Rio de la Magdalena,
Rio de Sancta Elena,
Rio de Sanct Gregorio,
Rio de Sanct Johan,
Rio de Sanct Christoval, 18 30 .
1 For the nomenclature and the lati- be found in the Geographical Index
tudes, we follow the Historia of of our Discovery of North America.
OVIEDO and the manuscript Islario ~ HERRERA, who in his third Decade
of SANTA CRUZ. The geographical evidently follows GOMARA, Hist, de
history of nearly all those names can las Ijnh as, cap. Ixxxix, p. 1 8.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 207
Shortly afterwards, in about 19, they noticed a
range of rocks just above the surface of the sea and
extending over thirty leagues, called Abrejo ("Open
your eyes"), and, in the midst of it, an inhabited
island, the Isla de Sancta Barbara. Returning to
the coast, they continued to skirt it southward,
sighting the following :
Cabo de Abreojos,
Rio de Sancta Barbara, 19 4 ,
Baya de Sancta Lucia,
Cabo de Sanct Pedro, 20 30 ,
Baxos de los Pargos,
Cabo de Sanct Thome,
Rio [Baya?] de Sanct Salvador, 21 30 ,
Golfo Hermoso,
Rio Delgado,
Baya de Jenero.
Entering the bay they noted several islets inhabited
by Indians.
Rio de la India, 23 15 (Santa Cruz),
Cabo Frio, 23 30 .
Here they lost in a storm the small-boat of the
flag ship. This accident compelled them shortly
afterwards to land, for the purpose of constructing
another. 1
Baya de los Reyes,
Isla de Coles,
Isla de los Puercos.
Again a terrific storm assailed them, and they
were obliged to seek shelter in a small uninhabited
island, but filled with birds called " tabiahoreados,"
and which they named Isleta de Buen Abrigo (Santa
Cruz). Here may have happened what Eden relates
as follows :
" Rycharde Chaunceler tould me that he harde Sebastian Cabot
1 Porque avia de hazer un batel para la nao capitana porque perdio el que
tenia a Cabo Frio con una gran tormenta."
208 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
reporte that (as farre as I remember) eyther about the coastes of
Brasile or Rio de la Plata, his shyppe or pinnes was suddenly
lyfted frum the sea and cast upon the lande I wotte not howe
farre." 1
They arrived at last in the Puerto de Sanct
Vigente, where from twelve to fifteen of the pas
sengers who were sick, tired out or dissatisfied,
landed and remained. In that place there was a
small village inhabited by Portuguese, with a stone
fort to protect them against Indians. A stay of
more than one month (Santa Cruz) was made in
Sanct Vigente.
Resuming the voyage, Cabot s pilots noted :
Rio Ubay,
Baya de la Cananea, 25 30 (Oviedo).
A good anchorage was found in the bay, which
Santa Cruz marks in 26.
Rio Sin Fondo,
Puerto de la Barca, 2
Isleta de Rodrigo de Acuna,
Rio de Sanct Francisco.
On the i Qth (?) of October 1526, the squadron
came in sight of the northernmost cape of the
island which Cabot named Tierra cle los Patos, on
account of the vast number of penguins 3 seen there.
The reason why Cabot determined to tarry a while
in that vicinity was the necessity of building a small
boat to replace the one lost at Cape Frio.
As Santa Cruz mentions a port called Puerto de
Sanct Sebastian 4 in the north part of the island, in
order to reconcile the date of October iQth given
1 EDEN, 77/6 Decades of the New unmistakable terms : " Nombranronlo
Worlde ; ARBER S edition, p. 386. Patos por haver infinites Patos negros,
2 It was so named "the Port of the sin pluma i con el pico de cuervo. i
boat," by Rodrigo DE ACUNA, who gordisimos, de comer peces." Historia
lost a boat there in December 1525. de las Indias, cap. xc, p. 82.
:; Those birds were really penguins, 4 The name of St. Sebastian was given
and not either wild ducks or geese, not on the outward voyage, but when
GOMARA describes them in these returning to Spain, January igth, 1530.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 209
by Oviedo for the first sight of the island, with the
date of October 28th for the great shipwreck, we
presume that the squadron remained in said port
about one week.
When leaving this place on Sunday, 28th October,
day of St. Simon and St. Jude, the catastrophe
happened which decided the fate of the expedition,
and which is thus related by Santa Cruz, who
witnessed the scene from the deck of the Santa
Maria del Espinar :
"The island of Santa Catalina, extends from north to south
about twelve miles, is from three to four leagues wide, and
inhabited by Indians. It is well wooded and contains many springs
of drinkable water. Between the island and the mainland, there
are extensive and excellent fisheries. The harbours on the east
coast are not as safe as those on the west, where the squadron
touched. While sailing in, we lost our largest and best ship on a
reef at the entrance of the channel, which is filled with shoals.
Almost everything on board was swamped, and we were conse
quently obliged to remain there longer than was expected." *
They stayed in that locality, which we assume to
have been on the north-west shore of the island of
Santa Catalina, where there was much good timber,
three and a half months (Ramirez), building a galliot
to replace the flag ship.
Four Spaniards were lost in that locality (Ramirez),
but we do not know under what circumstances.
Perhaps they are the Christians whom the surgeon
Juan says were killed and eaten by the Indians of the
place.
A short time afterwards, on the plea that Rojas
had used treasonable language to the caterer of his
ship, Cabot had him again arrested and confined
on board the Santa Maria, with Mendez and other
prisoners.
In Santa Catalina, Cabot found fifteen men
1 SANTA CRUZ, Jstario, in our Syllabus, No. xlviii.
O
210 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
(Ramirez) belonging to the fleet of Loaysa, who had
deserted from the San Gabriel? commanded by
Rodrigo de Acuna, the year before, and two survivors
from the expedition of Juan Dias de Solis, called
Ramirez, of Lepe, and Henrique Montes. 2 Their
representations concerning the gold and silver which
they alleged to be found in abundance beyond the Rio
de Solis, in the Parana country, made him still more
eager to visit that region and he at once engaged
their services. Nearly all the deserters from Loaysa s
ship, who were in the place, also joined the expedition
(Casimir Nuremberger).
When on the point of weighing anchor, Cabot,
resorting to the subterfuge that he wished to speak
to them, sent the chief alguazil to fetch Rojas,
Mendez and their companions on board his flag ship.
They obeyed, but instead of being taken to the
vessel, Caspar de Ribas put them on shore, despite
their tears and entreaties,
On the 1 7th of February 1527, the squadron set
sail for La Plata, abandoning these men among
Indians, who were friendly, but cannibals.
When three miles beyond the southern extremity
of the island of Santa Catalina, it was found necessary
to stop for repairs in a small island that lyeth a
league into the sea," 3 which, in consequence, was
named Isla del Reparo, in 27 30 .
They resumed their course, we do not know how
long afterwards, and sighted a large rock, El Farayol,
Puerto de don Rodrigo de Acuna,
Puerto and Rio del Farallon ; 29 40 .
1 They were deserters from the San 3 Ruttier, in HAKLUYT, vol. iii, p.
Gabriel commanded by Rodrigo DE 728. The name Reparo^ in the Turin
ACUNA. NAVARRETE, vol. v, pp. 234 map, is in 27 30 . The island, so
~ 2 39> 3 J 3~3 2 3- named, figures in the mappamundi
* SANTA CRUZ only names those two of SANTA CRUZ in Stockholm. Cf.
sailors among the survivors of the ex- DAHLGREN, nbi supra.
pedition of Juan Dias DE SOLIS to La
Plata.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 211
The latter is a large river, and there they saw
numerous Indians ; hence the name which they gave
to it, viz. : Rio Poblado ; 30 20 . It seems to be
the same as that called by Oviedo, Rio Cerrado or
Serrado.
They then noticed two streams, viz. : Rio Tibiquari ;
-32, and a tributary of the latter, the Rio Etiquari.
The Indians they met on that part of the coast called
themselves " Janase veguaes," and were of large size :
"as tall and even taller than Germans."
Forty-eight leagues farther, in 35, according to the
calculations of Santa Cruz, they arrived at the Cabo de
Santa Maria and beheld the vast estuary of the Rio
de Solis (now called Rio de la Plata). 1 We take our
figures from the documents, but must state that they
make Cabot cross the great distance from Santa
Catalina, including the stay at the Isla de Reparo, to
the Cape of Santa Maria in six days only. 2
They seem to have entered the estuary of the great
stream ; 35 37 (Santa Cruz) the next day and to
have seen first an island covered with palm trees,
which, on that account, was called Isla de las Palmas,
and, also, from the great number of seals sporting on
its shores, Isla de Lobos.
Twenty leagues beyond, sailing up the river, they
sighted the island already called Isla de Christoval
Jaques, and a small cluster of islets, to which they
gave the name of Islas de Rodrigo Alvarez, in honor
of their pilot who first noticed them (Santa Cruz).
Crossing the bar, the entire squadron, composed
1 For the origin of the name La cross the distance, he would then have
Plata, see our Syllabus, No. Ixi, ii. reached Cape S to . Maria on the 2ist.
3 According to RAMIREZ, the passing On the other hand, OVIEDO says that
from the Island of St. Catharine to Cape between his entering the estuary of the
S ta . Maria, was accomplished in only La Plata and his return to Spain, July
six days. This we can scarcely believe, 23rd, 1530, two years and ten months
inasmuch as they were obliged to stop elapsed. In such a case, CABOT would
at the Isla de Reparo for repairs. As have doubled the Cape S ta . Maria, not
CABOT left Santa Catalina Febr. I5th, in February, but in September 1527.
supposing he required only six days to OVIEDO is surely mistaken.
212 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
of the three ships and the craft constructed at Santa
Catalina, which was a row-galley with twenty oars,
continued to ascend the Rio de Solis, or, rather, the
estuary, when at a distance of about thirty leagues,
they came in sight of a group of islands, one of which
was named Isla de Sanct Gabriel. We assume that
this took place on the 26th of March, being the day
of Gabriel the Archangel.
o
Farther on, near a river which enters the Rio
de Solis, and called Rio de Sancta Barbara, they
lightened the ships, owing to the little depth of
water, and continuing to ascend, they reached, on
Sunday, 1 April 7th, 1527, a place and a stream, to
both of which the name of Sanct Lazaro was given.
Opposite the mouth of the river so called lies the
Isla de Martin Garcia, named by Juan Dias de Solis
after his steward (Oviedo), who died and was buried
there.
Landing, as we believe, not on the Isla de Sanct
Gabriel, 2 but on the west bank of the Sanct Lazaro
river, they constructed a store house for the pro
visions and baggage, which was left in charge of
twelve men.
After remaining there a whole month (Ramirez),
the squadron was divided. 3 A large number of
men were embarked in the brigantine and galley,
and thirty in each of the other two ships. They
sailed out together on the 8th of May and followed
the left bank of the Rio de Solis, as far as one of
its tributaries called Rio de San Salvador. Hav
ing found there a good port and safe anchorage,
1 Here RAMIREZ commits a slight naviosquealliaportan." DEANGELIS,
mistake. That Sunday occurred on op. cit., p. 7.
the 7th, not on the 8th. 3 For that narrative, we follow
2 " La isla de San Gabriel es muy OVIEDO. Dias DE GUZMAN says that
pequena y de mucha arboleda, y esta the expedition which left San Gabriel
de tierra firme poco mas de 2 leguas, was under the command of one Juan
donde ay un puerto razonable, pero no Alvarez RAMON (?).
tiene el abrigo necesario para los
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 213
they 1 decided to tarry a while. The Indians
attacked them and killed two of the men, but
were finally routed, and a fort was at once built
Cabot named it Sanct Salvador. 2 This happened
on the 1 4th of August. 3
The galley was then sent to Sanct Lazaro to fetch
the sick left in that place. Three days afterwards,
on the 28th of August, she was back in San
Salvador.
Antonio de Grajeda 4 was placed in command of
the fort and of the two ships, viz. : the Santa Maria
del Espinar, and the Trinidad, which drew too
much water for exploring. Then Cabot with the
galley and brigantine, which we assume to have
been Rifos own ship, started on his expedition.
At this point commenced the actual explora
tion of the Rio de Solis. Crossing over, after
passing the Rio Uruay and the Rio Negro, 5 Cabot
skirted the right bank as far as a delta formed by
nine or ten mouths of a large river flowing from the
north-west and called by the Indians, Paranaguazu,
a name formed of two words, Parana? = sea, and
Guazu = grand. This delta formed islands, one of
which was called Isla de Francisco del Puerto, after a
Spaniard from the Puerto de Santa Maria, who had
been left there by Juan Dias de Solis, and whom
Cabot took with him, as he had learned the language
of the country. His services proved invaluable. 7
The two craft entered the Rio de Paranaguazu
1 GOMARA, op. /., p. 81. 5 We continue to follow OVIEDO.
2 It was apparently in this place that B SANTA CRUZ writes " Paraana."
in September 1527, after CABOT S 7 Dias DE GUZMAN says that 60
departure up the river, the Spaniards men, commanded by Diego DK
planted those 52 grains of wheat BRACAMONTE (?) were left in the fort
which yielded so considerably. See of Sancti Spiritus. According to the
the legend vii, in the 1544 Planisphere, same doubtful authority, the number
3 "Vispera de N a . S a . de Agosto" was afterwards raised to no men,
(RAMIREZ). under the command of Nuno DE LARA.
4 Diego GARCIA met him there in (?). As we have stated, these names
command in 1528. are very doubtful.
214 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
by the largest mouth, and, at a distance of thirty-
leagues from Sanct Lazaro, arrived at a river, the
Rio de los Guyrandos, so named from the tribe of
Indians who dwelt on its banks. These were great
hunters, and so fleet that they caught the deer on
foot.
Thirty leagues farther, they entered the river
called Rio Carcarana, 1 landed and began to con
struct a number of wooden houses, and a fort
made of clay and straw, in which the provisions and
goods for barter were stored. This was the fort
Sancti Spiritus. 2
On Tuesday, Christmas eve, December 24th, 3
after leaving the fort in charge of Gregorio Caro 4
(Ramirez), Cabot resumed his exploration. He
went down the Rio Carcarana, re-entered the Parana-
guazu, w r hich he ascended with the two craft, and
on the ist of January 1528 arrived at an island
which on that account was named Isla de Ano nuebo
(Ramirez).
If we understand Ramirez correctly, it was from
the Isla de Ano nuebo that Cabot sent a party
of thirty-five Spaniards under the command of
Miguel Rifos to chastise a tribe of Indians who
1 " El Rio Terccro dc Cordoba " Esta tierra descubrio Juhan de Solis en
toma el nombre de Carcarafial despucs 2 f- de ^ 5 : l6< donde <- aora esta
1 i o i JMI > T\ Sebastian Gaboto en una casa fuerte que
de juntarse con el Saladlllo." DE a]ll - hizo . esta muy despuesta para dar pan
ANGELIS, loc. ctt. AZARA calls the y vino en mucha abundan^ia el Rio es muy
part of the river which corresponds grandisimo y de mucha pescaria. cren que
with the Carcarafta "Rio Tome.." ^^jSf^&SSL Sy^T ^
Ihe English maps call it "Rio Solis in the year 1515, or 1516. There
Quarto. " As to the name of Carcar- Sebastian Gaboto now is, in a fort which he
ana, according to Bias DE GUZMAN, Constructed. It is quite capable of yielding
/ , ., *> . .. r ,1 bread and wine in great abundance. The
(Op. at., p. 22), It was that of the Ri ver ; s extremely large, and contains
cacique of those regions. DE ANGELIS, quantity of fish. It is believed that gold and
on the contrary, says that " Carcara " silver can be found within the land."
is the name of a bird of prey, and that The mistakes in the facsimile are
"Carcara-na" means the River of corrected.
Carcaras. :{ " Vispera de Navida^, veinte y
There is a small sketch of that fort tres de diciembre." (RAMIREZ.)
in RIBEIRO S mappamundi. with the 4 CARO was in command of the fort
following inscription : when GARCIA arrived there in 1528.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 215
were threatening. After routing them, 1 Rifos is
said to have returned with considerable booty.
This can only mean that he brought a large stock of
provisions, consisting probably of grain or nuts and
dried fish, for these Indians possessed scarcely any
thing else.
Having reimbarked, the Spaniards continued to
ascend the Paranaguazu, passing the mouths of the
following rivers :
Rio de los Carcaraes,
Rio Timbuz,
Rio Janaez,
Rio Colchinar,
Rio de los Emecoretaes, 2
Rio Poblado.
The latter river watered the region inhabited by
the Indians called " Nyngatues" (Ramirez). Then
came the Rio Hepetin, which is doubtless the " rio
barriento," or "blocked up river" of Ramirez, as
well as the " Rio de le piti " of Ribeiro. Soon
afterwards, the Spaniards came in sight of a large
river flowing apparently from the north-west, and,
as it seemed to them, from Peru, which was the
country they were in search of, believing it to be
wonderfully rich in mines of precious metals.
Leaving therefore, on their right, the Paranaguazu;
1 RAMIREZ relates that the Indians river ran in the direction of Brazil,
who were vanquished on that occasion, When in 28 30 , CABOT could not but
were accustomed to cut oft" a finger see the elbow formed there, and
whenever they lost a son. AZARA was under no obligation to follow the
says of the Mimianes, that their stream on his right. HERRERA
wives amputated themselves a ringer merely says: "A cabo de docientas
joint on the death of their husbands. leguas llego a otro rio, al qua! llaman
- We are not sure whether the order los Indies Paraguay, dexo el rio grande
in which those rivers are mentioned a mano derecha, pareciendole que se
is exact, and if one or two were not iva declinando hazia la costa del
seen and noted before reaching the Brazil." It seems that, according to
" Isla de Aiio nuebo." AZARA, the Indians of that region
:i When the Spaniards arrived at the called the river " Payaguay," or "the
confluence of the two rivers, they did river of Payaguas," meaning that they
not continue to navigate in the Parana- were the only Indians who navigated
guazu, from which they would have the river through its whole extent,
certainly returned, on seeing that the
216 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
which in that latitude forms an elbow and commences
running eastward in the direction of Brazil, the two
craft entered the Paraguay, on the 3ist of March
I528. 1 According to Cabot s calculation, they had
navigated from the Rio Carcarafia, one hundred and
fifty leagues.
Martin Vizcaino and the carpenter Orosco then
desert, in search of food, enter the house of an
Indian, rob him of his canoe, and compel two natives
to row them to the tribes of the Carcaraes and
Timbus.
Cabot sends a party of friendly natives after these
two sailors. They are caught, tried, and Martin
Vizcaino is sent to the gallows. His head having
slipped from the noose, he is hanged a second time.
Higher up the river, Francisco de Lepe, urged
by the pangs of hunger, conspires with others to
seize one of the ships and escape. He is betrayed,
tried, and also executed.
Ten leagues farther, in Paraguay, the Spaniards
note a very rapid stream, called by the Indians
" Ipiti," not, as one might think, the above
mentioned " Hepetin," or " de le piti," but the Rio
Hipihi of Oviedo. Ten leagues still farther, the two
craft cast anchor in a creek or laguna, which Cabot
named Baya de Santa Ana. Oviedo says that at
the entrance there is an island, in which the
Spaniards remained a few days, being hospitably
received by an Indian chief, called Jaquaron, who
showed them ornaments of gold and silver obtained
1 RAMIREZ says that CABOT reached named, occur February nth and 2jrd,
the mouth of the Paraguay, March and April I2th. Nor can the name of
3 1st, 1528. Twenty or thirty leagues Santa Ana guide us, as the days named
farther, he makes him stop at the after these saints are in July, August,
Puerto de Santa Ana, and leave the September, and October,
place March 28th. That date is Dias DE GUZMAN calls it "la
evidently erroneous, as CABOT was laguna de Santa Ana o de Ibera."
still at the entrance of the Paraguay CABOT S map, inscribes behind a
March 3 1 st. Besides, the days of St. recess: "Santana."
Lazarus, after whom the place was
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 217
by way of exchange with another tribe of the name
of " Chandules " (Ramirez). This, of course, could
not but confirm Cabot in the idea that he was on
the road to Peru.
Hernando Calderon having caught Lorenzo de la
Palma stealing some provisions, orders him to be
whipped, and to have his ears cut off.
Cabot sends ashore from the galliot a number of
men in quest: of food. One of them, a calker,
called Avoca, does not return. Fearing that he
may be lost in the thickets, great efforts are made
to find him, but in vain.
Continuing to ascend the Paraguay, they arrived
at the Rio Ethica, 1 sixteen leagues beyond the Bay
of Santa Anna. The brigantine, under the command
of Gonzalo Nunez de Balboa, was ahead, in quest of
food. Twenty leagues onward, Rifos and the thirty
Spaniards on board that ship, allured by friendly
signs from the Indians 2 on the banks of the river,
went on shore, and followed them to their huts.
They were treacherously attacked, losing eighteen
men killed outright, besides eight or ten wounded,
among whom was Montoya. Without taking time
to bury their dead, the survivors hastily retreated
on board, and went down the stream to apprise
Cabot, who was on the galley, of the sad event.
They returned together to Carcarana.
1 OVIEDO places at 20 leagues the other, living farther north, was
beyond Santa Ana, a "Rio de la named "Agaces" by the Spaniards,
Traycion." We are unable to ascertain from the name of their cacique,
whether that name was given to recall " Magache," which they misspelled,
the attack of the Indians, which he They are said to be the present
says took place "20 leagues from Rio "Siacuas," or "Tucumbus," located
Kthica," that is, 36 leagues from between 2i-25, and apparently the
Santa Ana according to his own tribe that HERRERA (iii, 260) says
calculations, or as an allusion to the tilled the ground. OVIEDO de-
affair of Francesco DE LEPE. scribes them, however, as living by
2 RAMIREZ calls those Indians hunting and fishing, and as possessing
" Aguales." They are the " Agaces " many boats. The description which
of OVIEDO. According to AZARA, the HERRERA gives of the fight is some-
natives of that region were divided into what different.
two branches ; one, called " Cadigue,
218 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
Undaunted, they prepared an expedition to go in
greater numbers to chastise these Indians, who were
the " Agaces." The brigantine and the galley started
together from the fort and again went to the Bay of
Santa Ana.
As before this time the documents do not mention
either that tribe of Indians, or previous murders com
mitted by them, we are inclined to believe that the
following account from Ramirez refers not to the
above event, but to another, which we assume to
have taken place upon Cabot s return to that
region.
" The Spaniards," says he, " endeavoured to make peace with the
Agales (sic), and were at first well received ; but as these Indians
feared punishment for the murders which they had committed,
they treacherously slew the lieutenant of the brigantine, Miguel
Rifps, with several of his companions. The others returned sadly
to join the galley, which followed at a certain distance, and with
difficulty, owing to the state of the river." 1
When Diego Garcia, who commanded the expedi
tion fitted out by Hernando de Andrada s company 2
for the special purpose of exploring the Rio de la
Plata, arrived at Sancti Spiritus, in "March or April
1528, he had the following conversation with
Gregorio Caro, who was in command of the fort :
" From the Indians," Garcia says, " Caro had learned that his cap
tain, Sebastian Gavoto, had been defeated higher up the river and
lost many men. He begged of me if in the course of the dis
coveries which I was about to undertake, I happened to find any
of his men, to ransom them [from the Indians], and he would pay
me back. He also appealed to my pity that if his captain had
been killed, not to leave his body on the banks of the river, but
bring it back with me, and that by complying with his request, I
should be doing a thing agreeable to God and to Your Majesty." "
1 favista Trimensal, loc. cit. "> Report addressed by Diego GARCIA
HERRERA, Decad. iii, lib. x . can. to CHARLES V
J, p. 278.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 219
Garcia left Sancti Spiritus on the eve of Good
Friday, April gth, 1528, and commenced to ascend
the Paranaguazu. Cabot having been informed of
his arrival in these regions, not far, it seems, from
the mouth of the Paraguay, apparently in the begin
ning of May, came to meet him. The next morning,
Garcia started without taking leave, and continued
alone the exploration beyond Santa Ana. Cabot
immediately returned the whole distance to San
Salvador, to prepare the ship which he intended to
send to Spain.
We find Cabot still at San Salvador on the 23rd of
June, when he instituted a judicial inquiry in con
tinuation of the criminal proceedings which he had
initiated, as far back as 1526, against Rojas, Mendez
and Rodas. 1 It was intended for the Council of the
Indies, and to be forwarded in the ship which he was
preparing to send home. This was the Trinidad,
and she sailed on the 8th of July, 2 with Hernando
Calderon, to whom Cabot entrusted a mission to
Charles V., and Roger Barlow, who was sent to the
Seville associates for the purpose of obtaining
succour in men and provisions. There embarked
besides more than fifty of Cabot s companions
(Oviedo), taken chiefly, as we suppose, from among
the sick, disabled and independent members of the
expedition.
They arrived at Lisbon in the middle of October.
Lope Hurtado de Mendoga, who had been dispatched
to Portugal for the purpose of selling, or pawning
the Spice Islands to Joao II., as security for a heavy
loan on the part of Charles V., reports the arrival of
Hernando de Calderon in a letter addressed to the
Emperor, as follows :
1 Information hccha en el puerto de este puerto de San vSalvador qucs en el
San Salvador, fecha 23 junio de 1528. rio de Solis a diez del mes de Julio de
MS. I528anos."
- RAMIREZ S letter i.s dated " en
220 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
"Lisbon, the igth of October 1528.
One of the caravels that went under Sebastian Cavocto, Pilot-
Major of his Majesty, has arrived at this port. On board of her
is an accountant and treasurer of the said fleet, whom Sebastian
now sends with news of the wonderful discoveries made by him
and his people. Indeed, if what the messenger states be true, His
Imperial Majesty will no longer want either cinnamon or pepper,
for he will have more gold and silver than he requires." l
We presume that the account which Roger
Barlow gave to his employer Robert Thorne was
very different, as the Seville associates declined to
venture any more funds in the enterprise.
Calderon, however, was more successful at the Court,
so far as promises were concerned, for Charles V., at
Toledo, in the last week of October, ordered that
relief should be sent to Cabot at the expence of the
Royal Treasury; 2 but neither men nor provisions
were forwarded to La Plata, and he was left to his
own resources.
Cabot seems to have spent the entire winter of
1528-1529 at the fort of San Salvador, waiting in
vain for reinforcements. In the spring, he went to
Sancti Spiritus, where in the course of the summer
happened the sad events now to be related.
The Indians of the Carcarafia region, 3 encouraged
by the success of their brethren of the Rio Ethica,
determined to exterminate the Spaniards. To avert
suspicion, they came to the fort of Sancti Spiritus
and condemned the conduct of the Agaces. They
seem to have convinced Cabot of their good faith,
for he placed Alonso de Santa Cruz in command of
the fort, and went clown the river to order the
caravels to be in readiness to set sail, apparently to
return to Spain, having waited in vain for succour
from home.
GAYANGOS, Calendar of Spanish - HERRERA, Decad. iv, lib. viii,
Mate Papers, vol. iii, part ii. p. 823, cap. xi, p. 168.
No. 572. We continue to follow OVIEDO.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 221
He had scarcely left, when a vast number of
Indians, twenty thousand, the accounts say, besieged
the fort, and before night succeeded in setting fire to
the building. 1 The Spaniards, in endeavouring to
escape, had thirty three or thirty four men killed, and
many wounded. The few survivors took refuge on
board an impaired brigantine which was anchored
close by, necessarily Rifos craft, and as best they
could returned to San Salvador.
This tragic event cannot have taken place
before September 1529." As soon as they arrived
at San Salvador, Cabot collected his men and led
them in person to Sancti Spiritus, where the bodies
of their comrades were found terribly mangled,
not that the Indians had mutilated them wantonly,
but merely to ascertain whether their flesh was as
salt, and had the same unpalatable savour noticed
in the other Spaniards they had previously tasted.
After embarking the heavy guns which the Indians
had been unable to carry away, Cabot and his com
panions returned to San Salvador, where they
suffered greatly from famine. Their enemies besieged
the fort closely, attacking the unfortunate Spaniards
whenever they endeavoured to come out to fish in the
river or to dig out roots for food. More than twenty
of them, including Anton de Grajeda, were killed
It is to be noticed that DEL BARCO 2 On October I2th, 1529, whilst
CENTENERA, after 1 573, speaks several CABOT was at San Salvador, he pre-
times of the fort Sancti Spiritus as if scribed an inquiry relative into the
still existing: "A do esta de Gaboto causes of the disaster, but before that, he
la gran Torre por do el Carcarana se had returned to Sancti Spiritus to .re-
estiende i corre." (Argentina, in cover his artillery. There was therefore
BARCIA, pp. 6 and 45-) Later still, in at a time preceding Oct. 12 a trip from
1612 Dias DE GUZMAN likewise men- Sancti Spiritus to San Salvador to
tions the " Fuerte Gaboto, o de Sancti bring the news, a second, from San
Spiritus " All modern maps con- Salvador to Sancti Spiritus, and a
structed in that country, inscribe at the third, from the latter place to the
confluent of the Parana and Rio Tome : former, where the council of war was
"F de S tJ Espiritu hecho p. Gaboto." held. All things considered, these
It is in fact the very place where Juan three trips must have taken at least
DE GARAY intended to found a city. one month
222 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
under such circumstances. The position was unten
able, no help came from Spain, the munitions were
entirely exhausted, and Cabot called a council on the
6th of October 1529, to decide whether or not they
should leave the country and return to Spain. The
question was decided in the affirmative. 1 Prepara
tions were at once made for the departure ; but
before leaving, Cabot ordered, on the i2th of
October, an inquiry into the cause of the disaster
suffered at the fort of Sancti Spiritus.-
The first requisite for the homeward voyage was
a supply of provisions, which in that part of the
country, and hemmed in as Cabot s men were, could
only consist of seals flesh. To secure this, he sent
thirty-four men under the command of Antonio de
Montoya to the Isla de Lobos, seventy leagues south
of San Salvador, in the great estuary. Cabot was
to wait for him at the fort, and they were then to start
together for Spain. After waiting in vain, he went
on board the Sancta Maria del Espinar, with all the
survivors, and set sail, homeward bound, early in
November 1529.
His progress was extremely slow. The first
time mention is made of him after rounding the Cape
of Santa Maria, is not till the i9th of January 1530,
when he arrived at the mouth of a river, which
Garcia calls Rio de los Patos, and Cabot, Puerto
de Sanct Sebastian, because he arrived there on the
eve of that saint s day, which always falls on the
2oth of January.
At that place, Cabot met Diego Garcia, who was
also homeward bound and who describes Cabot s
arrival in these terms :
"We arrived," says he, "at a river called Rio de los Patos, which
lies about 27, and where is a good race of Indians who render great
1 Pareceres que dieron varies pilotos ~ Information hecha en el puerto de
y capitanes en el puerto de Son Sal- San Salvador, en 12 de Oct. 1529. See
vador, en 6 de Oct. 1529 ; MS. our Syllabus, No. LII.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 223
services to the Christians, and are called Carrioces ... At the
time I was there, 1 Sebastian Gavoto arrived in a state of starva
tion, and the Indians gave him to eat, and all that he and his
men required for their voyage. But when about to depart he
took four sons of the principal inhabitants and carried them to
Spain. Three of these are now in the custody of the city authori
ties at Seville. 2 This [act of Cabot] has done great harm to that
port, which is the safest, and inhabited by the best people in
those parts." ft
Garcia s statement is so worded as to make us
believe that the meeting took place when he was on
his way to La Plata, but it certainly refers to the
voyage back to Spain. It is true that Garcia, who
left San Vincente (24) on the i5th of January 1527,
may have reached his Rio de los Patos (27) four
days afterwards. But Cabot on the 1 9th of January
1527 had already suffered his great shipwreck and
was then on the north-west shore of the island of
Santa Catalina, where he remained three months and
a half, that is, from the 28th of October 1526, until
the middle of February 1527, engaged in building
a vessel to replace his lost flag ship.
At San Sebastian, a Spanish priest and a Portu
guese sailor, alleged to have stood in fear of bodily
harm from Cabot, asked to leave the ship. The
request was granted, after they had made it in
writing. Some witnesses grafted on this circum
stance a charge which is scarcely admissible. They
said that Enrique Montes, the sailor who had ren
dered him such service at Santa Catalina, and never
left him afterwards, on seeing the anger with which
Cabot viewed the action of those two men, suggested,
as a means of revenge, the abduction of the sons of
the Indian chief. He hoped thereby, certain wit
nesses allege, to prompt the infuriated father to kill
unquestionably meant to - "El Assistente de Sevilla," an
write here: "que yo estava alii official like the " Corregidor."
despues : when I was there after- 3 Report addressed by Diego GARCIA
wards." to the Emperor.
224 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA,
the priest and his companion after Cabot had left.
Being interrogated on this point by the Fiscal, Cabot
denied the charge, but gave a singular explanation
as regards the four Indians, mentioned in the narra
tive of Garcia quoted above. He said that a number
of natives came voluntarily on board the Santa Maria
del Espinar, and finding himself short of sailors to
man the ship on the homeward voyage, he promised
to give them presents if they could bring to him a
mariner who was on shore. Several left in search of
him, leaving four of their companions in Cabot s
hands as hostages. The priest, with whom the
sailor was, having sent word that being a subject of
the King of Portugal he had the right to disobey the
order, and the weather happening to become pro
pitious, Cabot sailed out, taking the four Indians
with him to Spain. 1
We next hear of him a month afterwards, at the
Puerto de San Vincente, where he seems to have
come in company with Diego Garcia, who was still
in command of his own ship. They were then on
very good terms, judging from the fact that having
heard that Francisco de Rojas had escaped from
Santa Catalina and was now residing at Puerto de
San Vincente, Cabot entrusted Garcia with the deli
cate mission of summoning Rojas to come on board
the Santa Maria del Espinar, within six days from
March 22nd, to be taken to Spain and handed over
to the authorities to answer charges of a criminal
character brought against him by Cabot himself."
On the 24th of March, Alonso Gomez Varela,
Garcia s notary, repaired to the house of a Portu
guese named Gonzalo da Costa, with whom Rojas
was staying, and served on him Cabot s summons.
1 CABOT S own deposition, Syllabiis, No. L.
- Reqiierimento que hizo Sebastian Caboto a Francisco de Rojas y respueslas
dt tste. Syllabus, No. xlix.
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 225
Rojas replied that he would answer within the time
allowed by law. Accordingly, on the 26th of March,
he declared to Varela his positive intention not to
obey Cabot s order. He gave as a reason that Cabot
had forfeited all authority over him in abandoning
him among cannibals, but announced his readiness
to appear before the Emperor, and answer all charges
which Cabot might bring against him. Meanwhile,
as with the aid of Gonzalo da Costa he had built a
vessel which yet required decking and calking, he
demanded that Cabot should give him what was
necessary to complete it, as well as two carpenters,
a calker, five or six sailors, and the English pilot
Henry Latimer, for the purpose of going himself in
search of from seventy to eighty Spaniards, whom
Cabot was said to have abandoned at Cape Santa
Maria, and taking them back to Spain. Rojas added
another demand which seems just. It was that the
four Indians taken wantonly by Cabot, at Patos Bay
(i.e. Puerto de Sanct Sebastian), an act which had
thrown the entire region into a state of alarm, should
be given up to him, that he might restore them to
their country, and re-establish confidence and good
feeling. 1 No notice was taken of these requests, and
some time afterwards Rojas sailed for Seville with
Garcia.
While at San Vincente, Cabot turned his attention
to another matter, absolutely dishonourable and ille
gal, 2 even for those days. He did not hesitate to pur
chase, or allow to be purchased, on behalf of the Seville
associates, who were at the same time his partners,
a large number of Indians of both sexes, to be sold
as slaves in Spain. He himself says that they num
bered from fifty to sixty, bought on credit, to be paid
1 Ibidem. 1526, as "contra leges k nobis dic-
2 PETER MARTYR characterizes a like tatas," Decad. viii, cap. x, edition of
act committed by Estevam GOMEZ in Paris, 1587, p. 602.
P
226 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA.
for on delivery at Seville, besides three or four for his
own use or profit, obtained in exchange for some
trifling merchandise which he had in a box, and
worthless pieces of iron belonging to the ship. 1 Santa
Cruz declared before the Fiscal that one half was paid
for by Cabot with iron taken from the vessel. The
insistence of the Fiscal and of the witnesses on this
point, leads us to believe that Cabot considered the
Indians so purchased as his own property. The
others cost from three to four ducats a piece, and
were sold by the Portuguese Gon^alo da Costa,
Rojas friend, who accompanied him to Spain.
Finally, Sebastian Cabot and his companions on
board the Santa Maria del Espinar sailed out of San
Vincente, but did not reach home till four months
later, which indicates that they continued to range
the coast of Brazil northwards, probably as far as the
Bay de Todos Sanctos.
1 Information hecha en Sevilla en 28 de Julio >, 1530. Syllabus, No. L.
CHAPTER VII.
SEBASTIAN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
WE have endeavoured to describe, as far as
authentic documents permit, the geographical
part of that unfortunate expedition. It remains now
to relate and explain circumstances, a detailed state
ment of which would have impeded the mere chrono
logical narrative of events, but which require at this
juncture to be critically surveyed. This also involves
an examination of Sebastian Cabot s character as a
commander and as a seaman.
At the outset it must be stated that the impression
left on our mind after all the available evidence has
been duly examined, is that in the opinion of those
who in Spain, for more than thirty years, watched
his progress or saw him in the exercise of his official
duties, Sebastian Cabot was not a professional
mariner. A number of his contemporaries, who
were in a position to be correctly informed on the
subject, even stated openly that not only had he
never made any maritime discoveries, but that he had
never even navigated. The fact is that beyond his
own assertions, which stand uncorroborated thus far,
and were all uttered many years after his alleged
transatlantic voyages, there is not a shadow of proof,
strange as it may seem, that he led or took part in
any other seafaring enterprise than the expedition
to La Plata.
Peter Martyr d Anghiera, his countryman, who
held frequent intercourse with him and whose
228 SEB N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
writings always betray a kind and indulgent dis
position, could not avoid making the remark, as we
have already said, 1 so far back as 1516, and with
out subsequently contradicting it, that there were
Spaniards who denied that Sebastian Cabot had ever
discovered the Baccalaos (Newfoundland), or even
visited those regions. The great Alonso de Santa
Cruz was doubtless one of those disbelievers. 2
We have also seen that in 1521 the Twelve Livery
Companies of London had lodged in the hands of
Cardinal Wolsey an energetic protest against the
intention of Henry VIII. to entrust to Sebastian
the command of an expedition to the New World,
alleging that he had never been there and that all
he said on the subject was mere hearsay on his part. 3
Oviedo, the Royal Chronicler for the Indies, who
knew him personally at the Court, also says :
"Sebastian Cabot is competent in his cosmographical art, but
entirely ignorant of the science of Vegetius, who believes that it
is absolutely necessary for a commander to have in writing, and
to know thoroughly all the ways and routes of the countries where
he is to wage war." 4
For the observer who reads between the lines, it
is evident that Oviedo considered Cabot as not
possessing an adequate knowledge of the regions to
which he undertook to lead ships and men, and, in
going to the Moluccas, to have assumed a task for
which he was not fitted. He says again :
" Cabot is competent and skilful in his occupation of cosmog-
1 Supra, p. 1 1 8. ante de aquella S9ien9ia de Vegecio,
2 SANTA CRUZ in his Islario, ex- el qual di$e assi : Al capitan conviene
plicitly says that the Baccalaos were cumplidamente aver de escripto e muy
discovered by the father of Sebastian bien sabido quantos passos e vias hay
CABOT, without mentioning the latter en toda aquella region donde la guerra
as having any connection with the dis- entiende exergitar." OVIEDO, Historia
covery. Syllabus, No. Ixxxiii B. (?/., vol. ii, p. 170. The quotation
3 Supra, p. 170. from VEGETIUS is in his Institutorum
4 " Sebastian Gaboto : el qual es ret militari, lib. iii, cap. vi, of the
buena persona e habil en su arte de Nuremberg edition of 1767.
Cosmographia ; pero del todo ignor-
SEEN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 229
raphy, and for constructing plane as well as spherical maps of the
entire world. But there is a great difference between leading and
governing men, and handling an astrolabe or a quadrant ! " l
Diego Garcia, in an official account addressed to
Charles V. criticizing Cabot s sailing directions on
the voyage to Brazil, makes a statement to the
same purport :
" That route has to be sailed over with great care and nautical
knowledge, because there are powerful currents which, issuing from
the rivers in Guinea, assail ships in the north-western region ....
Sebastian Gavoto did not know how to stem those currents, be
cause he was no mariner, and possessed no nautical science ....
That navigation Seb. Gavoto could not make, with all his
astrology ! " 2
When examining Cabot s scientific claims we shall
show that Garcia s strictures were perfectly just.
Meanwhile, these opinions show that in the eyes of
his contemporaries, Cabot was not a navigator in
the usual sense of the term. They saw in him only
a theorist, but versed in cosmography and cartog
raphy. Withal, we should recollect how mysterious,
chimerical and vague was the cosmographical science
of that time ; how vast the sphere in which its adepts
ventured their imagination, and the credulity of those
who listened to them. Further, it is certain that the
Seville associates, who at first had been anxious to
place Cabot at the head of the expedition, were soon
seized with great misgivings, arising evidently from
a want of confidence in his professional abilities.
They wanted Rojas to be put in command, or that
at least Martin Mendez, who enjoyed their confidence
for having accompanied Magellan in his memorable
voyage, should be appointed lieutenant general.
1 " Gaboto es buena persona e diestro pero otra cosa es mandar y gobernar
en su ofl^io de la cosmographia y de gente que apuntar un quadrante o estro-
ha$er una carta universal de todo el labio." Ibid. y p. 169.
orbe en piano 6 en un cuerpo espherico ; 2 Syllabus, No. xlix.
230 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
Charles V. acceded to the latter wish of the Sevillian
company, for reasons which require to be stated :
" The King, says Herrera, determined to give satisfaction to the
representatives [of the Seville associates], who had delivered to His
Majesty a memoir showing so many defects in the person of Cabot,
that but for the equipment of the fleet, which was almost ready,
and his strong desire that it should sail promptly, he would have
given orders to desist." 1
The expression " defecto en la persona de Gaboto,"
proves that the motive was not a difference of opinion
concerning the object of the intended voyage, but
personal deficiencies, or professional incapacity, dis
closed when it was too late either to appoint another
commander or to abandon the project. This inter
pretation is fully borne out by the answers which
were made to a certain question addressed by the
Fiscal at the time of the judicial inquiry, as follows :
" Whether the witness knows that when Sebastian Gaboto was
appointed Captain-General of the expedition, the undertakers and
their representatives seeing his incapacity, and little personal worth,
endeavoured to influence His Majesty to remove him and put in
his place the said Captain Francisco de Rojas ? " 2
Antonio de Montoya replied in these terms :
" I know that the representatives and merchants who fitted out
the expedition, made strenuous efforts to influence His Majesty
to remove Sebastian Gaboto from the post of Captain-General,
because they must have known that he was not the person suited
for the voyage." 3
The answer of Juan de Junco is quite as positive :
" I know that the said undertakers being aware of the personal
defects of Seb. Gaboto (la falta que avia en la persona), wanted
him removed, and begged His Majesty to replace him by another
Captain-General. And this I know because I heard the under
takers say so before the expedition sailed out." 4
Captain Gregorio Caro answered that he had heard
it said by many persons, as well as by the repre
sentatives of the Company. 5
1 HERRERA, Decad. iii, p. 257.
2 , 3 , 4 , 5 These quotations are taken from the Probanza of Nov. 2nd, 1530.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 231
As to his professional abilities, the following deposi
tions of witnesses, all men moreover of character
and position, demonstrate that he was considered to
be incapable :
" Alonso de Montoya considers that Sebastian Gaboto is wanting
in the necessary abilities for any charge ( cargo ) ; and his
incapacity was clearly seen in his conduct of the enterprise entrusted
to him, and in other respects." l
" Hernando de Calderon says that as regards the [duties of]
Captain-General, and conduct of the enterprise entrusted to the said
Gaboto, his management was bad, and he is not competent for [the
post of] Captain-General." 2
"Juan de Junco avers that Sebastian Gaboto is a man unsuited
to command people, or to have charge of them." 3
"Diego de Celis says that concerning Cabot s incapacity, it
seemed to him that it was owing to his deficient knowledge ( poco
saber ) that the people who were with him lost their life." 4
Another witness, Francisco Hoga9on, made a simi
lar deposition. Anticipating in our narrative, we must
likewise mention Herrera s assertion that at Santa
Catalina, Cabot s crews were averse to going to the
Moluccas, from fear of not being safely conducted
through the Strait of Magellan, 5 which was still a
subject of apprehension with sailors. The Spanish
historian also says that in the voyage across the
Atlantic, Cabot showed that he was " neither an
experienced seaman nor a good leader." 6
We can now understand why men of experience
and social position, some of whom had been
companions of Magellan whilst all enjoyed the
personal esteem of Charles V., placed no confidence
in Sebastian Cabot, whose science they doubted, or
cared little for, and who, in their eyes, was evidently
1 , 2 , 3 , 4 These quotations are taken governada en el Estrecho." HERRERA,
from the answers made to the second op. cit. , p. 260.
question in the same Probanza. See for 6 " Segun la opinion de los mas
all the answers our Syllabus, No. LI, i. platicos hombres de mar, no se governo
5 " In efecto no paso a la Especeria, en esta navegacion como marinero de
porque ni llevaba vitualla, ni la gente experiencia, ni auncomobuencapitan."
le quiso seguir, temiendo de ser mal Ibidem.
232 SEEN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
nothing but a foreign adventurer, elevated above them
merely through intrigues, vain boasts, and fallacious
promises. On the other hand, here was a man,
bold and certainly unscrupulous, who, relying upon
the authority with which the Emperor had clothed
him, could brook neither advice nor contradiction,
particularly in technical matters, which is almost
always the case with men who possess only theoretical
knowledge. Characters so different were destined
to clash, and, almost immediately, serious difficulties
arose between Cabot and his officers.
The Seville associates, distrusting Cabot, had
selected Mendez for the post of lieutenant-general of
the expedition. Cabot strenuously opposed the
choice, wishing to have his personal friend Miguel
Rifos appointed to the post. Charles V., however,
ratified the action of the Company, and Mendez at
once assumed the duties of second in command.
Cabot and his acolyte submitted grudgingly, and
whilst yet in port behaved towards Mendez in such
a manner, that he sent in his resignation and brought
a complaint before the Council of the Indies. Cabot
and Rifos were summoned to appear, and received a
severe admonition from the court, with threats of
severe punishment should either of them repeat the
offence. 1 Yielding to the entreaties of Garcia de
Loaysa, the president of the Council, Mendez
resumed his office on the flag ship. 2 But the
1 "Al tiempo que la armada queria 2 The President of the Council of
partir, Seb. Caboto y su muger y un the Indies in 1526, was the celebrated
Miguel Rifos trataban muy mal Martin Garcia DE LOAYSA. PETER MARTYR,
Mendez e no le dexaban usar el dicho who died in 1526, had been " Consejo
su oficio, nos mandamos llamar a los del Consejo," since 1524, after having
dichos capitan general (Cabot) y been so early as 1520, " Consejo de la
Miguel Rifos y les mandamos que Junta." Unfortunately his cprrespond-
tratasen muy bien al dicho su hijo ence does not extend beyond May
(Mendez) y que le dejasen usar libre- 1525. The last Decade of that
mente el dicho su oficio, apercibiendoles historian ends in 1 526, but he does
que si otra cosa hiciesen, serian muy not speak of Cabot after October
castigados." Docs, of the Duchess of 1525.
ALBA, p. no.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 233
squadron had scarcely sailed out, before Cabot
deprived Mendez of all authority and substituted
Rifos in his place. 1
The instructions from the government required
Cabot, when the squadron reached the Canaries, to
inform his captains of the course which he had laid
out for the voyage across the Atlantic. Francisco
de Rojas, accompanied by his fellow officers,
appeared before him at Palma, and demanded the
required statement, which Cabot refused to give,
alleging that he had a private understanding with
the Emperor on the subject. It was then that
Mendez, Rojas and other captains, drew up a petition
addressed to Charles V., which, by the order of
Cabot, Rifos seized and confiscated.
Cabot who had persisted in keeping to himself,
contrary to royal orders, the route which he intended
to take, gave orders, when off the Cape Verde islands,
to sail westward, and, to the extreme surprise of his
officers and pilots, continued to steer in that direc
tion. They represented that experienced navigators
took pains to avoid the winds and current which
Cabot, on the contrary, seemed to court, in shaping
out that westward course, and predicted that the
fleet would encounter the greatest difficulties in
endeavouring to round Cape St. Augustin. Their
prediction was realised. When we examine the
scientific claims of Sebastian Cabot, we propose to
show that the route which he laid down betrayed an
incontestable lack of seamanship. On the other
hand, it must be stated that whether or not the
sailing towards the coast of Brazil was intentional
on his part, the landing in that region seems to have
1 "Sin embargo . . . luego como no fuese obedescido ni tenido por tal y
partio 1* armada, Seb. Gaboto no dando el dicho cargo e poder de su
consentio que Martin Mendez fuese ni teniente al dicho Miguel Rifos. "
se llamase su teniente, mandando que Docs, of the Duchess of ALBA, p. 1 10.
234 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
been a necessity. The surgeon Juan testifies as
follows :
" I know and saw that the fleet arrived in sight of land, and
they said it was the coast of Brazil. Also that Captain Gaboto
ordered the ships to continue their route, but the Portuguese
vessel (viz., the Santa Maria del Espinar) was driven to leeward.
Consequently, the Captain General and his ships were compelled
to land on the coast of Brazil." *
We now come to the loss of the flag ship at the
northern entrance of the channel which separates the
island of Santa Catalina from the mainland, on the
28th of October 1526, which decided the fate of the
expedition.
When Cabot entered that strait, he became appre
hensive of danger, and gave orders to stop. Rodas,
acting pilot-major, and Grajeda, the master, insisted
on going ahead. Cabot demurred, and commanded
that soundings should be taken. The order was
obeyed, but unskilfully. Meanwhile, the ship con
tinued to advance, and it was while Rodas and
Grajeda were still engaged in sounding, that the ship
suddenly struck on a bank or rock. The surgeon
Juan describes the event in the following terms :
" He saw that Anton de Grajeda, the master of the flag ship, was
at the helm, and the pilot Miguel de Rodas, holding the sounding
line in his hand. He was about to let it down, when the said
ship struck. And it seems to the witness that as those who were
in command of the ship and used the sounding line, did not
sound properly, they are responsible for the loss of the ship." 2
It should be noted, however, that Cabot was
on board, held supreme command, had ordered the
soundings to be taken, and knew the imminent
danger. It is a question therefore whether some of
1 Probanza undated (Aug. 27, 2 Ibidem. Answer to question viii.
1530?). Surgeon JUAN S answer to
question xiii, (Syllabus, No. LI, g).
SEEN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 235
the blame may not attach to him for failing to watch
the operation with proper care. Be that as it may,
six competent witnesses hold him personally re
sponsible, if not for the shipwreck itself, at least for
the total loss of the vessel and nearly the entire
cargo. Their opinion is based upon two facts ; one,
his neglecting to cast anchor, thus betraying a lack
of seamanship, the other, his escaping, the first of
all on board, from the ship immediately she struck,
leaving no one in command.
On the first point, we have the depositions of the
treasurer de Junco, and of Captain Caro :
"The ship was lost, says Junco, owing to carelessness on the
part of Sebastian Gabato, as when the ship struck, he should have
cast anchor from the stern, to draw her off the rock, which he
failed to do." 1
Caro s deposition is also positive :
" He (Cabot) set sail between the islands where the ship was,
without paying out more cable to the anchor. Continuing thus to
sail, the ship struck, and was lost." 2
As regards the charge of having escaped from
his ship as soon as she struck, which conduct
disheartened every one on board so that they all
thought only of saving themselves, the testimonies
are overwhelming.
We have first the deposition of Antonio de
Montoya. It is only hearsay evidence ; but as the
details were gathered on the spot, at the time, and
are corroborated by the testimonies of a number of
eye-witnesses, it may be cited here :
" The ship struck on a reef, where she was lost. And I heard
the people who were on board say, for deponent was in another
vessel, that the very moment ( luego yncontinente ) the ship
struck, Seb. Gaboto went out of her, and fled; which was the
1 I 2 Probanza of Nov. 30, 1530. Answers to question xv.
236 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
cause that the other people on board also left the ship and fled.
The consequence is that the cowardice ( la flaqueza de animo )
exhibited by Sebastian Gaboto, caused the total loss of the stores
and provisions, or most of them, in the ship. This would have
been avoided if he had not abandoned her and fled. The fact
is notorious among all the people of the fleet." 1
There is again the deposition of Hernando de
Calderon, who was on board the shipwrecked vessel :
" I know," says he, " that the ship struck, and was lost there, and
that the first person who left the ship was Captain Gaboto, with
two or three, whom he took with him in a boat. That I know,
because I saw it." 2
He adds however, that even if Cabot had
remained on board, the cargo could not have been
saved.
The deposition of Captain Gregorio Caro is very
explicit :
"Immediately upon the ship striking, Sebastian Gabota left
and abandoned her. The ship was lost because, on seeing that
Captain Gabota had left, all the people who were on board tried
to escape, whilst some went in search of something to steal from
the vessel. And if the captain had not run away from the ship,
nothing on board would have been swamped, although the ship
could not be saved. His want of courage is the cause that all
was lost." 3
Juan de Junco adds :
" Gaboto immediately went into a small skiff with certain men,
and fled to an island. Thus was the ship lost, as there was no
one to give the necessary orders." 4
Garcia de Celis, Francisco Hoga^on, and the
surgeon Juan all likewise declare that they saw Cabot
escape in a similar manner from the flag ship.
V Ibidem. Answers to question xvi. the interest of Portugal, to divert
The representations of the Portu- CABOT from sailing to the Moluccas,
guese at Pernambuco were said at the 4 Probanza of Nov. 3Oth, 1530.
time of the trial to have been made in Answers to question vii.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 237
Cabot never even endeavoured to refute that grave
charge. The witnesses on his side simply declared
that after the shipwreck he made strenuous efforts
to save what could be rescued from the sinking vessel.
This we readily believe, although seven witnesses,
including one of Cabot s own, the surgeon Juan, attri
bute a great share of the merit to Rojas, who worked
even at the peril of his life: "poniendo a mucho
riesgo su persona," to use Captain Caro s expression.
Ever since the expedition of Juan Dias de Solis,
in 1515, there had been a belief current among the
Europeans settled along the southern portion of the
east coast of America, that the river which then bore
his name but is now known as La Plata, watered a
region abounding in precious metals. It was doubt
less propagated by those of his companions who
remained behind, although neither gold nor silver
are to be found in that stream, notwithstanding the
designation of " Rio de la Plata : the River of Silver."
When Cabot arrived at Pernambuco, he listened
eagerly to these reports, 1 and it cannot be doubted
that they prompted him then and there, to at least
ascend the La Plata, before continuing his route to the
Moluccas. The proofs on this important point are
positive and absolute, as the reader will see from the
following testimonies :
"Antonio de Montoya knows that the Portuguese (in the
Province of Pernambuco, where there was a factory of the King
of Portugal), told and informed Gaboto that the Rio de Solis was
very rich in gold and silver. By many signs witness was also aware,
from the time of leaving Pernambuco, that Gaboto had made up
his mind to go to the said river. Particularly because after leaving
Pernambuco, he ranged the coast to find certain Christians who
were on the said coast, according to what the said Portuguese had
told him." 2
" Hernando Calderon knows that in the said Pernambuco he saw
Gaboto, Rifos and the factor of the place, hold frequent and
l , 2 Probanza of Nov. 3Oth, 1530. Answers to question vii.
238 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
private conversations. And afterwards he learned from the factor
himself, that the object of those conversations was to obtain from
the factor information concerning the riches of the Rio de Solis.
And from Pernambuco, witness saw how they took the route for
the Puerto de Patos, where the factor had said were people well
informed concerning the wealth of the said river .... He
knows that several times Gaboto said that the factor and a pilot
who was with him had given him great news about the riches in
that river." 1
" Diego Garcia de Celis saw when they arrived in Pernambuco
that the Portuguese in the place gave them news of the quantity
of gold and silver in the Rio de Solis, which the Portuguese called
Rio de la Plata. And it was said then in the fleet that there was
no intention of going through the Strait 2 [of Magellan]."
" Gregorio Caro, while at Pernambuco, saw the factor, the pilot,
and other Portuguese go on board the flag ship many times and
that they conveyed information concerning the great wealth of the
said river. And witness having gone to the flag ship when she
was near the shore, Gaboto told him : Captain, we are in pos
session of important news relative to the great riches in gold and
silver which exist much nearer to us than we expected. Witness
asked him where ; and Gaboto replied not so far even as the
Strait of Magellan. Thereupon witness answered: Sir, continue
your voyage, and accomplish what His Majesty has ordered you
to do ; and that as promptly as you can. Then, if, upon your
return [to Spain], after having informed the King of the riches
said to be found in that river, His Majesty orders an expedition
to be fitted out to explore it, I promise to join you . . . A
few moments afterwards, Gaboto called witness, and told him :
* Captain, I hope to God to take you to a little spot such as no
place visited at any time by men coming from Spain ever afforded
so much wealth. We won t lose our voyage, so let us pursue it.
Witness on seeing this, did not care to speak with him any more
on the subject." 3
When, after the shipwreck, Cabot found himself
at Santa Catalina, he made inquiries for some of the
Christians who, according to what the Portuguese
had told him at Pernambuco, could give informa
tion concerning those supposed treasures. It was
thus that he came across two survivors of the expedi
tion of Solis, a Spaniard from Lepe, called Melchior
1 Ibidem. 3 Probanza of Nov. 30 th, 1530.
2 Letter of Luis RAMIREZ. Answer to question vii.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 239
Ramirez, and Henrique Montes, who was a Portu
guese. They informed him that in the course of a
sojourn of fourteen years in the region of La Plata,
they had ascertained that it was a country extremely
rich in precious metals, and that in ascending a river
called Parana, there would be found gold and silver
enough to fill his vessels. The interview and con
versation are reported by several witnesses, one of
whom, Luis Kamirez, uses these words :
"They came to speak of the great riches which was in that
river . . . and that if he consented to explore it, we could freight
our ships with gold and silver ; because it was certain that after
sailing up the Rio de Solis, we would reach a river called
Parana . . . Further, that the said Rio Parana, and others
which flow into it, border upon a mountain much frequented by
Indians ; and that in the said mountain, there are many kinds of
metals, as well as a great deal of gold and silver." 1
The fabulous description which those two men
gave of Indians bringing such great treasures from
mountains situate beyond the sources of the Parana
and its tributaries, led Cabot to believe that the
country referred to was Peru, the mineral wealth of
which, it seems, was already known by the Spaniards
in Brazil, although in 1526 Pizarro had as yet hardly
penetrated into the Peruvian region.
Montes and Ramirez offered to show Cabot the
way to that El Dorado ; and it was a belief in their
assertions, and what he had been told at Pernam-
buco by Manoel de Braga, the Portuguese factor,
much more than the loss of the flag ship and the
greatest part of the stores and ammunition, which
induced him to forego the voyage to the Moluccas.
The evidence which we have already quoted, as well
as the following declaration from Cabot s most reli
able witness, prove the fact beyond a doubt :
"Master Juan, surgeon, knows that after the said Portu-
1 Ibidem. Answer to question xix.
240 SEEPN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
guese gave Seb. Gaboto the information concerning the Rio de
Solis, called by them de la Plata, and how in the Bay de los
Patos there were two Christians, the one called Enrique Montes,
the other, Melchior Ramirez, who would give him more ample
details, Gaboto went in search of those two Christians, and after
consulting with them, ordered the voyage to the said river." 1
Cabot s principal officers, Rojas and Caro, were
energetically opposed to such a course, but he was
bent on carrying out his project notwithstanding,
and resorted to nefarious acts, which we have now to
relate.
Rojas was attentive to the wants of his men,
especially at a time when so many of them were suffer
ing from the climate and privations. Cabot interpreted
these attentions as efforts to gain popularity among
the crews and supplant him in the command of the
expedition. He had also never ceased to brood
over the treacherous designs alleged to have been
formed against him by Rojas, Mendez and their
friends at Palma. He thought the moment propi
tious to get rid of Rojas, and, under the most flimsy
pretext, had him again arrested, and confined on
board the Santa Maria. The deposition of Captain
Caro, who was in command of the ship at the time is
conclusive on this point :
"I have heard that Captain Rojas had ordered the steward
of the Trinidad, called Juan Miguel, who was formerly steward of
the flag ship, to give out a little wine for a man who was sick in
bed, and afterwards died. The steward refusing, Rojas repeated
his order, adding that it was given by virtue of the authority as
Captain of the ship, which His Majesty had conferred on him.
The steward replied that the Captain General (Gaboto) had directed
him not to give anything whatever ordered by Rojas, unless first
ordered by the said Gaboto. Thereupon, Rojas was said to have
retorted Acknowledge me to be captain of the ship for His
Majesty! To which the steward replied that he knew no other
captain of the ship except Seb. Gaboto. Rojas thea commanded
him, in the name of His Majesty, to give that wine. The steward
1 NAVARRETE, document cited in his Biblioteca Maritima, vol. i, p. 30.
SEJffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 241
again refused, and Rojas threatened to have him punished in Spain
for disregarding orders given in accordance with the commands of
His Majesty. The steward having denounced Rojas to Gaboto,
and brought witnesses to substantiate his complaint, Rojas was
arrested. Witness is not aware, nor did he ever hear, that Rojas
had done anything to be arrested, except ordering the wine to be
given as aforesaid." l
This deposition is corroborated by the testimonies
of Hernando Calderon, Montoya and Santa Cruz.
The latter, while still on board Cabot s ship at Puerto
de San Vincente, even had the courage, besides,
to make an affidavit to the effect that Cabot had ill-
treated Rojas for no other reason than his having
disapproved the expedition to La Plata, and urged,
instead, that it should go to the Moluccas and rescue
Loaysa, according to the instructions given by the
Emperor. 2
There is, however, a circumstance which must be
stated at this point, for it was interpreted by Cabot
as an attempt at mutiny on board the Trinidad.
But there is no proof whatever that Rojas and Men-
dez were privy to the alleged rebellion. The only
evidence is the following :
"Master Juan only knows that as in the caravella they were
weighing anchor and setting sails, the people being ashore, he asked
the reason, and was told that an attempt had been made to rebel
in that ship. But he neither saw, nor heard say who were the
parties who wanted to rebel. Afterwards, he was informed that
Captain Gaboto had blamed Bautista de Negro [n], the master of
the Trinidad^ on account of the said anchor and sails." 2
None of the other witnesses summoned by Cabot,
viz. : Juan Griego, Andres de Venecia, Marcos de
Venecia, Pedro de Niza, Francisco Cesar, and
Alonso de Valdiviese, confirmed the allegation. In
fact, they seem to have ignored the pretended mutiny
altogether.
1 Probanza, undated. Answer to 2 Probanza, of Nov. 3Oth, 1530.
question viii. Answers to question xx.
Q
242 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
When on the point of leaving Santa Catalina to
take the route towards the Rio de la Plata, notwith
standing the remonstrance of his principal officers,
who, in obedience to the King s orders, wanted that
the route to the Moluccas should be resumed, there
happened a grave event, which we now proceed to
relate in the words of trustworthy and reliable
witnesses :
"Juan de Junco says that it is true that Gaboto ordered
Francisco de Rojas and Mendez to be taken out [of the ship]
under false pretences. His chief alguazil came with certain people
in a boat, and compelled them to leave their bed although they
were so ill as not to be able to stand on their feet. The chief
alguazil told them that they had to follow him into the boat, to go
and speak with the Captain-General. In reply, they begged him
for God s sake to wait until the fever they suffered from had abated.
He replied that they must obey at once ; and with the aid of some
men, they entered the boat. As it was leaving the ship and steering
towards the island inhabited by Indians, Rojas and Mendez com
menced to sob, saying that they were taken to Indians who would
eat them ; and begged to be brought into the presence of the
Captain. But they were landed in the island . . . Witness was
on board and saw them arrested, which was by the order of Captain
Gaboto."
" Diego Garcia de Celis, speaking of his own knowledge says that
the Chief Alguazil removed Rojas and Mendez from the ship of
Captain Caro, although suffering from a fever. That they went,
crying, demanding justice, and protesting against the bad treatment
and harm Gaboto inflicted on them." l
The subterfuge . to entice Rojas and Mendez from
the ship without resistance as well as the details of
the deportation are confirmed even by one of Cabot s
own witnesses :
" Luis de Leon says he saw how they came on board the Santa
Maria, where Captain Caro, Mendez and Rojas were. The Chief
Alguazil [Caspar de Ribas] told them that the Captain-General
[Cabot] wanted to speak to them. They then went in a boat with
the Chief Alguazil, who took them to the land, Mendez and Rojas
1 Probanza, of Nov. 3Oth, 1530. Answers to question xx.
SE&N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 243
imploring God for justice. And this took place in the port of
Santa Catalina, which is inhabited by Indians, not by Christians." 1
At the time of the occurrence, Cabot explained his
conduct to certain witnesses only on the plea that
Rojas had used unwarranted language to the steward,
and that Miguel de Rodas (who was banished at the
same time) had been the cause of the shipwreck. To
Captain Caro he gave another reason, which is stated
in the following extract :
"When Rojas had been arrested, witness (Caro) went to the
Captain-General, and told him : Why, Sir, because a captain has
had a quarrel with a steward, relative to a little wine which he
wished to be given to a very sick man, you have him arrested !
Cabot replied that such was not the cause of his arrest ; and gave
as a reason that it was in consequence of evidence furnished against
him by four witnesses to the effect that he deserved to be torn
to pieces. Witness went several times to Gaboto on behalf of
Rojas and Mendez asking that they might be heard, but in vain." 2
To the Fiscal, Cabot said that Mendez and Rodas
conspired against his life : " conspiraban su muerte" ;
but he only referred for evidence to the ex parte state
ments sent to Spain in 1528. The pretext alleged
by Cabot to palliate his conduct makes it incumbent
on us to mention the reason for these high handed
measures.
According to him, it seems that while in Palma,
the Prior of the Convent of San Francisco informed
him that Rojas had disclosed, in an auricular confession,
a secret meeting held at Seville in the monastery of
San Pablo by Rojas and other officers of the squadron,
where a solemn oath had been taken to unite and
stand by each other under every circumstance. This
Cabot viewed as a conspiracy to deprive him on the
high seas of his command and even to murder him after
placing Rojas at the head of the expedition. Santa
1 Ibidem. Answer to question xix. 2 Ibidem. Answer to question xi.
244 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
Cruz says, that instead of fastening the charge,
whatever its real character may have been, on the
actual parties, Cabot brought the accusation against
the men in the fleet whom he hated most; viz.:
Martin Mendez and his brother Fernando, Alonso de
Santa Cruz, Miguel de Rodas, Otavian de Brene,
and Camacho, son of Dr. Morales, together with
Francisco de Rojas. Learning afterwards that the
same individuals frequently met at the house of Santa
Cruz, who was ill at Palma, Cabot became still more
convinced of the reality of the plot, but dissembled,
and without uttering any complaint, gave orders to
weigh anchor.
When the squadron arrived at Pernambuco, Cabot
instituted a secret inquiry into the proceedings
at Palma, and immediately, without alleging proofs
or reasons, without even giving them a chance
to be heard on their own behalf, ordered Rojas,
Mendez and others to be confined in the Santa Maria
del Espinar as prisoners. A few days afterwards,
however, Cabot sent for Rojas, and a scene took
place which must be described in the words of the
chief witness :
" A few days after Gaboto had caused Rojas to be imprisoned in
the ship, he sent for him and for the witness (Caro), and in his
presence and that of the notary Martin Ybanez, after putting a
question to Rojas and having elicited an answer, set him free and
dismissed the charge on which he had been arrested. Cabot then
told Rojas to continue to serve His Majesty as he had done here
tofore, and better still if possible, and sent him back to his ship.
The same day he invited Rojas to dine with him." *
Cabot nevertheless did not cease to brood over
the imaginary wrong. As Junco remarked, he was of
a revengeful disposition. This is shown by what we
have just related, where he is seen to have
deported Rojas at Santa Catalina on the plea of the
1 Ibidem. Answer to question ix.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 245
pretended attempt at murder, which he had apparently
forgiven and absolved a short time previous at Per-
nambuco. Cabot then revived the accusation ; but
Santa Cruz affirms, and his character is above sus
picion, that none of the witnesses upon whom Cabot
claimed to rely, ever testified to anything of a repre
hensible nature. And the truth is that the depositions
on his behalf do not mention any fact or circum
stance calculated to sustain the odious charge. Anton
Falcon, Francisco Cesar, and Alonso de Valdiviese,
who were the witnesses produced by Cabot on that
point, only spoke from hearsay, or public rumor.
Impartiality prompts us likewise to examine in the
same light the counter-charges brought by Rojas
against Cabot ; for instance, that he had posted
two men to stab him. This also rests altogether
upon hearsay, and that even at third hand. Thus
Caro declares that he heard Santa Cruz state that
Alonso Bueno said in his presence that Cabot urged
him and Francisco Cesar to commit the deed.
Montoya quotes Bueno, Celis cites Caro, while
Junco gives Santa Cruz as his authority, both
Caro and Junco, however, basing their statement
also on Bueno, who was not, in our opinion, an
honest man. Withal, it is worthy of notice, that we
find his allegation corroborated by the testimony of
the surgeon Juan, albeit this is likewise hearsay.
" Juan declares to have heard Francisco Garcia, the priest of
the fleet, say that Alonso Bueno and Peraga, being on board the
flag ship, once bound themselves by the order of Cabot to stab
Francisco de Rojas." 1
Afterwards, the mother of Mendez accused Cabot,
and even Cabot s wife, of having attempted to
1 The answer is ambiguous. We do by the command of CABOT, or whether
not know whether witness means to say it was by his order that they were to
that BUENO and PERA^A were on board stab ROJAS.
246 SEB N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
assassinate one of her sons and poison the other.
But the Council of the Indies took no further notice
of those reciprocal accusations, evidently uttered in
the heat of passion, and, as we believe, groundless,
both on the one side and the other.
In the present inquiry, a very important fact to
consider is that the evidence produced against
Cabot, and analysed in the foregoing pages, rests
upon the testimonies of the leading officers of the
squadron, and of gentlemen on board, none of whom,
so far as we can see, had any personal motives for
charging him with crime, or misdemeanor. Moreover,
the depositions of all those parties form a well
connected chain, even with some of the evidence
presented by Cabot on his own behalf. The dis
passionate tone of the statements, although relating
to such facts as the commander being the first to
abandon his ship in the hour of danger, or dragging
from a sick bed men like Rojas and Mendez to
deport them among cannibals, without trial and with
out due cause, would alone evince the truth, if the
information which we possess relative to the private
character of these witnesses had not been sufficient.
To the biographical details already given, when
describing the members of the expedition, we must
add the following personal facts.
Hernando Calderon, the representative of the
Royal Treasury in the fleet, enjoyed the confidence
of Cabot to such a degree that he entrusted him in
1528 with a mission to Charles V., for the purpose
of explaining the state of affairs and obtaining
succour from the government. Captain Gregorio
Caro never ceased to possess the esteem of his
chief, who placed him in command of Fort Sancti
Spiritus ; and the efforts which he made to send
Garcia to the rescue of Cabot in Paraguay, show
that he deserved the trust placed in his character
SE&N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 247
and abilities. It was also Caro, the ablest captain in
the fleet, who commanded the ship which brought
back to Spain Cabot and the survivors of the expedi
tion.
The surgeon Juan, and Luis de Leon were
witnesses produced by Cabot himself.
These, at the outset, are four witnesses whom he
is debarred from challenging. The rest were
summoned by the Fiscal, but are certainly worthy of
confidence.
Diego Garcia de Celis was one of the noblemen
recommended by Charles V., who, on his return
from La Plata, appointed him " Official Real " of
Guatemala, a very high judicial office, which he
still held in 1537.
Antonio de Montoya was a relative of Gaspar de
Montoya, a member of the Council of the Indies
(1528-1538), and controller of the Trinidad, which
is a post implying a character for honesty.
Alonso de Santa Cruz, at that time twenty-four
years old, but who was soon to be appointed Royal
Cosmographer, then Cosmographer- Major, and enjoy
the reputation of being the greatest Spanish savant
in the art of navigation : "mathematicarum omnium
artium peritissimus," 1 was a man of good birth,
stern, but of a lofty disposition. 2 Juan de Junco
was an Asturian nobleman, the son-in-law of Vazquez
de Ayllon, extremely honest, and of whom Oviedo,
who knew him personally, speaks in the highest
terms.
Diego Garcia, on whom Biddle and other
apologists of Sebastian Cabot bestow much abuse,
for no other reason than that of having criticized
Cabot s sailing directions quaintly, but very justly,
as we intend to show, was a Portuguese, settled in
1 Answer to question ix. vol. i, p. 47. Discovery of North
2 ANTONIO, Biblioteca Hisp. Nova ; America, p. 736.
248 SEEN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
Moguer, who commanded in chief the squadron
equipped at the cost of Fernando de Andrada,
Christoval de Haro, Ruy Basante and Alonso de
Salamanca, to explore the Rio de la Plata, which
he is even said to have ascended so early as 1512.
The fact that the authorization was granted under
the condition that Garcia should take with him a
party of pilots, to teach them how to navigate those
seas, proves that reliance was placed by the govern
ment on his professional ability. Barcia calls him
"marinero insigne." l He seems also to be the Diego
Garcia who in 1538 commanded one of the ships of
the expedition of Hernandez de Soto, and to be the
discoverer of the Isla de Diego. Garcia in the
Indian seas. 2 Nor should we forget that he hastened
o
to the help of Cabot in the Paraguay, when informed
by Caro that he had suffered a bloody defeat, and
was in great danger from the Indians; and that
afterwards Cabot entrusted him at the Puerto de
San Vincente, with the task of notifying Rojas to
come on board the Santa Maria del Espinar, to be
carried to Spain as a culprit. 3
As to Luis Ramirez, perhaps it will be objected
that his valuable letter contains no censure of Cabot s
conduct. But, neither do we find in his narrative
a single word of praise or approbation, although
they passed together through terrible trials. On
the other hand, we know positively that Calderon
and Barlow had been enjoined by Cabot to break
the seals, and read all the letters which they carried
to Spain, one of which was that of Ramirez, and
" Es hombre de credito y ha muy Ensayo Chronologico par la historia de
bien servido a su rey en estas Indias. y la Florida, loth leaf,
trabaxado todo lo posible con su 3 CESPEDES, Regimiento, fo. 133,
persona, sirviendo a su prh^ipe y speaks favourably of " Diego Garcia,
pade9iendp y comportando como varon Piloto da Burgalessa," who accom-
de buen animo." OVIEDO, lib. xxiii, panied Jorge DE MELO in his second
cap. v, vol. ii, p. 185. voyage to the East Indies, in 1545,
2 CARDENAS z CANO (viz. BARCIA), and who may be the same.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 249
that from fear of being treated like Mendez, no one
dared inform His Majesty of what had taken place
during the voyage. 1
Against these overwhelming testimonies, Cabot
only puts forward his own assertions (which we
reject, just as we do those of Rojas himself because
both are interested parties) and several witnesses
who certainly cannot be set up against such men as
Calderon, Junco, Santa Cruz, Caro, and others,
already named. The deponents in favor of Cabot
are nearly all ship boys, or sailors before the mast,
two thirds of them, Italian, Greek or Hungarian, 2
whose depositions are vague, or merely based upon
hearsay, and in no instance of such a character as
to outweigh the testimonies produced on behalf of
Mendez and Rojas. Nor do their declarations apply
at all to the principal charges brought against Cabot,
which were deemed true and proven by the Council
of the Indies in four judgments, two of them rendered
on appeal.
The persons put on shore with Francisco de Rojas
and Martin Mendez, were the latter s brother Fer
nando, Miguel de Rodas, Christoval de Guevara,
Otavian de Brane (?), the cooper Juan de Arzola,
Gomez Malaver, the Genoese Michael, and, it seems,
other members of the expedition. The place of exile
was not an " Isla de Patos," which does not exist,
unless it be a name also given to the island of Santa
Catalina, but the part of the latter where the
squadron had remained after the shipwreck. These
unfortunates were enjoined not to go beyond twenty
leagues of the place ; 3 but they cannot be said to
have been left entirely destitute. Their wearing
apparel, with some fire arms, gunpowder and two
1 Syllabus, No. LI d. VENECIA, Pedro DE NIZA, Juan
2 Deposition of Gregorio CARO, GREGO, &c., Anton FALCON, "gru-
Syllabus, No. LI i. mete."
3 Andres DE VENECIA, Marcos DE
250 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
small casks of wine were delivered to them. Cabot
also commended the exiles to the cacique of the
place, who was called Totavera.
As to the Indians who lived there, they were
certainly cannibals. Cabot says that they only ate
their prisoners. But the surgeon Juan and a number
of witnesses assert that these Indians were not so
discriminating in their taste for human flesh :
"Master Juan says that he knows that the Indians of the
country, where the parties mentioned in the question were aban
doned, eat human flesh, that they killed several Christians, and
ate them." 1
Withal there is no evidence that these natives
maltreated the Spaniards whom Cabot left with them
in the island of Santa Catalina. Rojas succeeded
in escaping to San Vincente, Fernando Mendez died
of sickness, whilst his brother Martin and Rodas
were swamped at sea whilst trying to reach Rio de
Janeiro in a boat. Guevara, Arsola and Malaver
were still living among them in 1538.
Cabot, now free to act according to his own wishes,
took on board the two sailors from the fleet of Solis
and put to sea, in search, under their guidance, of
the wealth which he expected to find on the banks of
the Parana.
The three ships, viz. : the Santa Maria del
Espinar, the Trinidad, and Rifos brigantine, to
gether with the galliot constructed at Santa Cata
lina, recommenced their coasting southward, and
continued until they reached the great estuary of La
Plata. There is no proof that from this time
Cabot failed to conduct himself as a competent and
energetic commander. On the contrary, so far as
we know, for the question was not raised when he
1 CARD S answer to question xxi. The Cacique was probably commissioned
to watch over the exiles ; CABOT fearing their return to Spain.
SEB N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 251
was tried before the Council of the Indies, Cabot
behaved gallantly, and maintained to the last the
strictest discipline.
In that expedition the all-absorbing thought was
to avoid starving to death, as the country afforded
few resources, and, since the shipwreck, their provi
sions were scanty. Cabot had given strict orders
that his men should not absent themselves under
any pretence whatever ; justly apprehending that
they might be lost, or killed by hostile natives. A
number of sailors from the galley determined never
theless to go in search of food, secretly, with some
Indians who had joined the expedition and were also
suffering the pangs of hunger. Luis de Leon, one of
the party, betrayed his companions. Cabot ordered
all of them to be tried for desertion and sent to the
gallows the promoter of the deed, one Francisco de
Lepe, who was even hanged twice. Further up the
river, another, called Martin of Biscay, was also
executed. These two men were deserters from
Acufia s ship, who had been embarked by Cabot at
Santa Catalina. The sailors who came with the
latter from Spain, fared, as a rule, somewhat better.
A number, of them, including Sebastian Cor^o, and
Aguirre, the Basque, had only their hands nailed to
a board, or their ears cut off. 1 Cabot s returning, not
withstanding swarms of fierce Indians, to the fort of
Sancti Spiritus to recover his heavy artillery, immedi
ately after suffering such a bloody defeat, exhibits an
unwavering firmness, which contrasts favourably
with his behaviour at the time of the shipwreck.
He indeed warred- against the Indians, but in
self-defence ; and if his men committed the grave
imprudences he is reproached with, Oviedo frankly
admits that the same blame attaches to all the
1 Probanza of Nov. 3oth, 1530. Answer to question xxii. Deposition of
JUNCO and Casimir NUREMBERGER, -Syllabus, Nc. LII.
252 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
Spanish conquerors in the New World. 1 The fact
is that the enterprise was doomed from the start.
A similar fate awaited the adventurers who followed
in Cabot s footsteps. Here is an instance :
Leaving San Lucar de Barrameda with twelve
ships perfectly equipped, on the 24th of August
1534 (or on the ist of September I535 2 ), Pedro de
Mendoza landed in the Rio de la Plata, at the island
of Sant Gabriel, four months afterwards, with ten
vessels and fifteen hundred men. 3 Crossing the
estuary, he went to the place which is now the city
of Buenos Ayres, of which he laid the first founda
tions. His object was both to explore the region to
the south-west of the Rio de Solis and to reach, by
ascending one of the upper tributaries, the South
Sea (or Pacific), which was still believed to be attain
able by that route.
The provisions soon gave out, and the famine was
so great that the Spaniards were compelled to eat their
dead. 4 An epidemic broke out amongst them, and the
Indians, emboldened by the sight of their weakness,
1 " Estas rotas hechas con engano e large ships, carrying 2500 Spaniards,
sobre seguro, como a estos espanoles 150 Germans, Dutchmen and a few
acaes9io con estos indios, fue culpa del Saxons. OVIEDO, on the testimony
capitan que llevaban, pues bastaba of Melchor PALMERO, says that the
saber lo que avia acontessido a Solis." fleet left Spain with twelve ships, and
OVIEDO, vol. ii, p. 174. 2000 men (Hist. 6Y. , vol. ii, p. 186).
2 , OVIEDO relates (vol. ii, p. 181) that Those figures are confirmed by the
the fleet left San Lucar, in August declarations of a priest called Diego
1535. HERRERA gives no date; DE LUINTIANILLA, who accompanied
placing only the beginning of his MENDOZA. He adds, however, that
narrative under that year. But Ulrich only 1500 men reached the Rio de la
SCHMIDEL, who was on board, says Plata, whilst two of the ships remained
positively that it was on the 24th of on the way, leaving only ten which
August 1534. "In festo S. Barto- went to that river,
lomaei, anno 1534," and that he arrived 4 We read in SCHMIDEL (chap, ix),
at La Plata in 1535 : " Insuper Dei that three Spaniards having stolen a
gratiam atque benedictionem A.C. horse, killed and ate it in secret. The
1535 feliciter ad Rio de Plata." Vera theft was discovered. They were
historia; Norimb., Hulsius, 1599, 4to, tortured, and, having acknowledged
pp. 6 and 10. We have been unable the deed, sent to the gallows. The
to compare that text with the German next day, three Spaniards cut off their
edition, Frankfort, 1567, folio. thighs, and devoured them. Another
3 According to Ulrich SCHMIDEL, ate the body of his own brother, who
the fleet was composed of fourteen had just died at Buenos Ayres.
SEB N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 253
attacked them with fury. After numerous fights,
and several years 1 of awful suffering, Mendoza re-
embarked for Spain, but died at sea from sickness
and despair. 2 One hundred and fifty Spaniards finally
returned to their native country, but the thirteen
hundred and fifty others died literally from starva
tion, or were exterminated by the Indians. 3 The
fate of several expeditions which Spain sent after
wards to the Rio de la Plata, was almost as lament
able. 4
When Cabot determined to abandon the enterprise
altogether, and sailed out of the Rio de la Plata, he
is charged with having passed the Isla de Lobos,
without making an effort to reclaim the thirty-
four men whom he had sent thither in quest of food.
The fact is that Montoya and his companions had
gone from the Lobos to another island, and thence
across to the continent, near the Cape Santa Maria.
As Cabot saw no signs of human beings on
shore, he passed by without stopping. But Juan de
Junco and Santa Cruz affirm that farther down the
river, noticing columns of smoke on the mainland,
they begged Cabot to tarry a while, and endeavour
1 SCHMIDEL relates (chap, xiv), that historian who mentions that circum-
MENDOZA set sail to return to Spain stance is Ruy Diaz DE GUZMAN, in his
four years after his arrival at La Plata. Argentina, published by DE ANGELIS,
If so, it was in 1539. OVIEDO gives op. cit., p. 43.
no date, but HERRERA (Decad. vi, 3 "En la nao en que don Pedro se
p. 78) places the death of MENDOZA volvio, yban hasta 9iento, y en la que
under the year 1537. On the other aca aporto 9inquenta : de forma que
hand, CABE^A DE VACA (chap, i), mill e tres9ientos y 9inqiienta murieron
states that CHARLES V. was informed en aquella tierra e provi^ia del rio de
of the sad fate of MENDOZA S expedi- la Plata." OVIEDO, op. cit., vol. ii,
tion only in 1540. p. 183.
2 If we are to believe a legend, of 4 The expeditions of Juan DE
which, however, we find no traces AYOLAS and of Domingo DE IRALA, in
either in OVIEDO, GOMARA, SCHMI- the upper river, were as disastrous as
DEL, or HERRERA, Pedro DE MEN- those of CABOT and MENDOZA.
DOZA on the voyage homeward suffered There happened, indeed, to Antonio
so much from hunger, that he was com- DE MENDOZA at Corpus Christi in
pelled to eat his bitch which was with 1539, exactly the same defeat which
pup ; and died two days afterwards the Indians inflicted on CABOT at
with a sort of hydrophobia. The first Sancti Spiritus just ten years before.
254 SEEN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN.
to save those men, who were Christians and friends
and had risked their lives for the good of all.
Cabot, they say, refused to listen to their en
treaties, alleging that he apprehended a storm which
might dash the ship against the coast. But the
weather was, on the contrary, very fine, and the men
on board were anxious to land for such a humane
purpose. 1 Cabot, however, declares that not only
did he stop at the Lobos, but even sent Junco,
Cesar and others on shore. As to the mainland, he
gives as a reason, that Indians whom he met in
canoes had assured him that they had seen neither
ships nor Spaniards in that vicinity, and that the
smoke must have come from fires lighted by Indians.
Be that as it may, Montoya and his companions
were left behind, but not therefore lost. They had
with them two " bergantines," by which term must
be understood Rifos caravel, and the galley. It is
certain that a number of them succeeded in reaching
some Portuguese settlement on the Brazilian coast
a few months afterwards, as we see their leader,
Antonio de Montoya, at Seville on the 2nd of
November 1530, when he gave his testimony before
the Fiscal.
After examining the evidence brought forward on
both sides, the impartial historian cannot but ascribe
to Cabot, and to Cabot alone, the failure of the ex
pedition to the Moluccas. By changing his route
and going to Brazil, he was first diverted from his
object. When there, the idea crept into his mind
to go in quest of imaginary treasures in the Rio de
la Plata, and it was when searching for men to give
him further information on the subject, that he lost
his flag ship and stores.
It is evident, further, that neither the Parana nor
Paraguay could lead him to Peru, and still less to
1 Syllabus, No. LII.
SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 255
the South Sea. There were besides obstacles abso
lutely insurmountable, arising from the warlike
instincts of the Indian tribes in the upper rivers.
And even if the Spaniards with their feeble re
sources had been able to wage war successfully
against them, we do not see what profit could have
been derived from their victories, as it was im
possible then to plant a colony. We are rather of
opinion that Cabot stood a better chance, notwith
standing the loss of the flag ship and provisions, in
continuing his route to the Strait of Magellan.
When in the Pacific Ocean, he could have ranged
the American coast northwards, as far as some port
of the Golden Castile, to which, according to instruc
tions received from the King in 1527, Cortes had
sent him succour. 1
1 NAVARRETE, vol. v, docs, xxxi-ii, pp. 456-59.
CHAPTER VIII.
SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN.
EIGHT months after he had left La Plata,
Sebastian Cabot entered the Guadalquivir, on
the day of St. Mary Magdalen, July 22nd, 1530,
with only one ship left, and a handful of men, all
worn out by sickness or privations, 1 without glory
and without profit : sin honra e sin provecho."
If we are to believe Dr. Simao Affonso, who was
an eye-witness of Cabot s return to Seville, he landed
"with only twenty men out of two hundred whom
he had taken from Spain ; the rest having died from
hardship and hunger, or been killed in war." : There
may not have been many more than twenty of Cabot s
companions on board the ship which brought him back
to Seville ; but the statement relative to the death
of one hundred and eighty others, is an exaggeration.
In the first place, more than fifty returned with
Calderon in the Trinidad in I528. 3 Nor is it likely
that the twelve or fifteen Spaniards who disembarked
in 1526 at the Puerto de San Vincente where they
had a chance of taking passage home in some
1 " Essos que eran vivos estaban Adolfo DE VARNHAGEN ; Historia
muy trabaxados e sin salud . . . Geral do Brazil ; Madrid, 1854, vol. i,
Llegados a Espana, entraron por el p. 439, note 26.
rio Guadalquevir dia de la Magdalena, 3 " Por manera, que ya avian muerto
veynte y dos dias de jullio de mill e los indios septenta y 9inco hombres,
quinientos e treynta . . . hasta volver sin los que de su enfermedades y de
a Espana, ocho meses." OVIEDO, hambre se murieron, e sin los que en
Historia general de las Indias, lib. una nao destas avian enviado a Espana,
xxiii, cap. iv, vol. ii, p. 177. en la qual fueron mas de cinqiienta
2 Doctor Simao AFFONSO. Letter personas ; e los que quedaban vivos en
of August 2nd, 1530 ; published by la tierra." OVIEDO, loc. cit.
SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 257
Spanish or Portuguese vessel, all died in Brazil. 1
Again, it is certain that Rojas and several of his
companions returned shortly afterwards from the
Puerto de San Vincente with Diego Garcia. As
to those who were left at Cape Santa Maria, our
opinion is that a number managed with the bergan-
tine, although leaky, and the galley, to reach some
Portuguese settlement on the Brazilian coast, and
eventually returned to Spain. At all events, such
was the case with their leader Antonio de Montoya.
Others who remained at the cape were rescued by
Gon^alo de Mendoza in I537- 2 Gomara also says 3
that when the ships of Alonso Cabrera entered the
Puerto de Patos, in 1538, they brought three of the
Spaniards abandoned by Cabot, and who had learned
the language of the Indians. There were besides
in that port three of Cabot s original companions,
Guevara, Arsola, and Malaver. The disaster was,
nevertheless, grave enough.
When Cabot landed at Seville he had with him
the following survivors of the expedition :
Juan de Junco, Treasurer,
Henry Latimer, the English pilot,
Alonso Bueno, Pilot,
Diego Garcia de Celis, Gentleman,
Alonso de Santa Cruz, Supercargo,
Antonio Ponce, Clerk,
Maestre Juan, Surgeon,
Francisco Cesar, promoted to a command,
Andres Daycaga, Page,
Casimir Nuremberger, Passenger,
Francisco Hoga^on, ,,
1 Pero Lopez DE SOUSA relates serters from ACUNA S ship. Lopez DE
that he met in the Puerto de San SOUSA, Diario da Navegafao, Lisboa,
Vincente, on the 5th of February 1532, 1839, 8vo, p. 58.
fifteen Spaniards, brought from the 2 Dias DE GUZMAN, op. cit., p. 42.
Puerto de Patos, who said that they 3 GOMARA, Hist, de las Sndtas, lib.
had been abandoned there a long time xc, p. 82.
before. These were doubtless the de-
R
258 SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN.
Luis de Leon, Sailor,
Marco Veneciano, ,,
Juan Grego, ,,
Andres, of Venice, ,,
Marcos, also of Venice, Sailor,
Pietro, of Nice,
Geronimo, of Chavarri, ,,
Miguel Martinez de Ascoitia, Sailor,
Alonso de Valdivieso, Sailor,
Fabian de Irausi, ,,
Sebastian Cor9o, ,,
Aguirre, a Basque ,,
Anton Falcon, Shipboy.
A short time afterwards, there came to Seville
other survivors of the expedition, viz. :
Francisco de Rojas,
Alonso de Montoya,
Fernando Rodriguez.
There were besides on board with Cabot a com
paratively large number of Indians, viz. :
The cacique of the Paraguay tribe called Chan-
dules, and his three sons, whom Cabot had induced
to come to Europe for the purpose of visiting Spain
and learning the language ; but they do not seem to
have returned to America, as there is no mention of
them in the expedition of Pedro de Mendo9a,
The four Indians abducted by Cabot at the Rio
de San Sebastian, and
Fifty or sixty other Indians purchased at the
Puerto de San Vincente for the Seville associates,
with the four for himself.
There were also three Indian women, wives of the
Spaniards abandoned by Cabot at the Cape Santa
Maria.
The probability is that these sixty-five or seventy
Indians were all soon sold as slaves at Seville.
As to the articles of value, they consisted of one
SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 259
ounce of silver, a few earrings, apparently of the
same metal, and a small quantity of furs and hides
belonging to sailors.
We cannot dismiss the subject without inquiring
whether the expedition of Cabot to La Plata was
attended with any useful results whatever. So far
as progress in the nautical and geographical sciences
is concerned, they are scarcely worth mentioning.
The entire coast of the continent of South America
visited on this occasion, that is, according to our
modern admiralty charts, from 8 to 35 south lati
tude, had been known in detail, and very accurately
for the time, for at least twenty years, when Cabot
set out from Spain. 1 The important points of the
coast were even frequent stopping places 2 for the
Portuguese ships on their way to the Indian Ocean
by the Cape of Good Hope ; whilst merchant men of
several European nations carried on a certain amount
of trade with the Brazilian ports. This is easily shown
by the extensive nomenclature in the maps drawn
before 1526 which have come down to us.
As to the great estuary of La Plata and the tract
of country traversed by its tributaries, as well as the
course of the latter, they were known in a general way,
even before the expedition of Bias de Solis, since
Portugal claimed a right over the entire region on the
plea that it had been discovered by Nuno Manuel 3
1 What were the remains of the garri- 3 DE VARNHAGEN, As primeiras
son of the fort abandoned by CABOT, negocia^oes^ p. 133, quoted by Mr.
which one Eduardo PIRES is said to D AVEZAC. When relating a conversa-
have brought back from the coast, and tion between the wifeof CHARLES V. and
entrusted to Ruy MOSQUERA? CHARLE- Alvaro MENDEZ DE VASCONCELLOS, in
voix, Hist, du Paraguay, I2mo, vol. the autumn of 1531 hecites the sentence:
i, p. 51, and Gaspard DE MADRE DE " que cada huma das partes averiguasse
Dios, Memorias para a historia da quando tinham primeiro os de cada
Capitana de San Vincente, Lisboa, na9ao descuberto o Rio da Prata ; pois
1797, 4to, p. 90, quoted by Mr. que por parte de Portugal fora elle
D AVEZ\C. descuberto por huma armada que la
2 See the nomenclature in the fora no tempo de el Key Manoel, e da
Cartographia Americana Vetustissima qual fora por chefe hum tal D. Nuno
of our Discovery of N. America. Manuel."
260 SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN.
and that Joao de Lisboa, in company with Vasco
Gallego Carvalho, had led an expedition to the
Rio de la Plata in I5O6. 1 Besides, the Rio
de la Plata is identical with the large river de
picted in 35 lat., and named " Rio Jordan" in
maps at least as early as Schoner s globe of
I52O. 2 The estuary is amply traced in the Turin 3
chart, although only one of the large streams is
marked, which, however, is carried north-westward
to about 31. The Weimar planisphere of 1527*
depicts, as a continuation of the Rio Jordan, two very
important rivers which join the main artery, as is
actually the case, in 58-6o W. longitude, and carried
to mountains from which they are made to issue near
the Tropic of Capricorn. These delineations, differ
ing, however, in certain respects from the tracings in
Ribeiro s planisphere, are also found in the map
which we have ascribed to Nuno Garcia de Toreno, 5
and in the Paris Gilt Globe ; 6 both of which, in our
opinion, were constructed on geographical data an
terior to Cabot s voyage. A delineation yet more
convincing is that of Maggiolo s portolano of 1527^
where the great estuary of La Plata appears with
its curious display of islets and shoals, as far as a
Rio de San Christoval, which extends beyond the
tropic.
In considering the portions of that region of which
Cabot may be said to have been the earliest
European explorer in 1526-1530, we first notice that
he met in one of the islands formed by the delta of
the Parana, a sailor, called Francisco del Puerto,
1 Alexandra DE GUSMAO, in the 3 See plate xix in our Discovery of
Diario da Navegacao de Pero Lopes de N. America.
Souza, published by VARNHAGEN, pp. 4 KOHL, Die beiden altesten General-
87 and 94. KartenvonAmerika. Weimar, 1 860, fol.
2 GHILLANY, Geschichte des See- 5 Discovery of North America, No.
fahrers Ritter Martin Behaim\ 211, p. 596.
Nurnberg, 1853, 4to, for facsimile of 6 Idem^ plate xxi.
SCHONER S globe. 7 Idem, plate x.
SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 261
whom Soils had left there in 1515. The latter there
fore ascended to at least 34 south latitude. That
forsaken Spaniard, who had been adopted by Indians
living on the banks of the Parana, must certainly
have followed its shores northwards during the
twelve years which preceded the arrival of Cabot,
and, being a seaman, supplied him with practical
information.
Christoval Jaques, who had come expressly to La
Plata in quest of precious metals, 1 is not likely to
have remained among the islets in the estuary which
bear his name, but doubtless carried his survey
farther up the river although it is impossible to
state how far he went in that direction.
Lastly, from the numerous Portuguese and Spanish
ships which visited Brazil and the adjoining regions,
there must have remained sailors who deserted, were
shipwrecked or abandoned on shore, and joined some
Indian tribes, passing from one to another, pushing
their way westward and southward. In this way we
can explain the unvarying tradition of Europeans
having descended the great rivers of that part of the
country in early times. 2
Be that as it may, the maps of 1527 which we
have cited confirm our remarks concerning an ex-
1 "Ay otros islas dichos de Christoval of another Alejo GARCIA (whom
Jaques que era un portugues llamado GUZMAN has known personally), as
asi, que les descubrio veniendo a este the first Spaniard who went down the
rio de la plata por capitan de una Paraguay river, after entering it by the
carabela desde la costa de Brazil a side of Brazil. The facts quoted
fama del oro que se hazia aver." belong to the year 1526. P. DE
SANTA CRUZ, Islario, MS., fo. 119, ANGELIS, Coleccion, vol. i. Father
verso. Besides, we see JAQUES, soon Jose GUEVARA, Hist, del Paraguay,
after 1526, ascend the Paranaguazu, also published by DE ANGELIS, p. 83,
and capture in the river three French speaks likewise of that Alejo GARCIA.
ships. VARNHAGEN, As primeiras According to VARNHAGEN and AYRES
negociacdes, p. 130, quoted by Mr. DO CAZAL, quoted by DENIS, Alexio
D AVEZAC, Considerations gtogr. sur GARCIA senior, came probably in 1515
r histoire du Brtsil, in Bullet, de la with SOLIS, and, remaining in the
Soc. de Geographic, August and Sept. country, explored the great streams
1857, p. 113. and their affluents, penetrated beyond
2 Diaz DE GUZMAN, in his Argen- Paraguay, and discovered the vast
tina, mentions Alejo GARCIA, father region called " Matto Grosso."
262 SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN.
ploration of those mighty streams before Sebastian
Cabot. As to his cartographical assertions, whether
inscribed in the planisphere of 1 544, or in Ribeiro s
chart, they are, in that region, remarkably in
accurate. If we accept them as having originated
with Cabot, then he did not know the real course
of the Parana River. They lead us to believe that
both in ascending and descending that mighty
stream, he constantly hugged its western shore,
and passed, without seeing it, the elbow which
it forms on the opposite bank, about 27 30 . He
saw, however, at that point that he was entering
another river, which is really the Paraguay, as shown
by the names " Santana," " Rio de la Traigon," and
"Chandules," inscribed at that place in his plani
sphere of 1544.
Withal, we hesitate to recognise in the latter map,
so far as the course of the great streams is concerned,
any of the cartographical data which he brought
from La Plata in 1530; much as it resembles the
course set forth by Ribeiro, from information sent
to him in 1528. In our opinion, that part of Cabot s
planisphere was borrowed, not from his own surveys,
but from the Portuguese prototype of Wolfenbuttel
B, 1 not, however, without introducing modifications
of a later date, not less erroneous. Thus Cabot
traces only one river, where Wolfenbuttel B marks
two, as there should be, viz. : the " Gram Rio de
Parana," and the " Paragua." 5 With that exception,
the general contexture and details of the region in
both maps are very similar. It follows that Cabot
explored no portion whatever of the Parandguazu
beyond 27 30 , and probably never suspected its
\Discovery of North America^ p. 580. the river, and calculated to produce
The confusion is so much the the impression that it belongs to the
greater as ^ the inscription "Rio del river flowing from east to west, which
Paraguay "is placed in CABOT S is only the "Rio Ypetin," correctly
planisphere of 1544, transversally to indicated in Wolfenbuttel B.
CABOT S BASIN OFTHE LA PLATA.
THE REAL BASIN OFTHE LA PLATA.
SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 263
course eastward ; else such a striking configura
tion would certainly figure on a map made by him.
Thus, if we accept the figures given by Santa
Cruz in his Islarw t and they must be exact as he
was one of the party, the original exploration which
can be ascribed to Sebastian Cabot amounts only to
fifty-six leagues, all in the Paraguay river, viz. :
From the mouth of the Paraguay to
the Ipiti, 10 leagues
From the Ipiti to Santa Ana 10
From Santa Ana to the Ethica 16 ,,
Beyond the Ethica 20
CHAPTER IX.
SEBASTIAN CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED.
T IMMEDIATELY upon landing at Seville, four of
J- Cabot s principal companions, Juan de Junco,
Alonso de Santa Cruz, Alonso Bueno, and Casimir
Nuremberger, repaired to the Casa de Contratacion
and lodged information against their commander.
Officials were sent at once to the Santa Maria del
Espinar, where they instituted a judicial inquiry,
interrogated witnesses on the 28th of July, I53O, 1
examined Cabot the next day, and deeming the
evidence sufficient, arrested him on the spot. 2
Thereupon an action was instituted in the name of
the Crown, charging Cabot with having disobeyed
the instructions given to him when he set out from
Spain to go to the Molucca islands. 3
Catalina Vazquez, the mother of Martin and
Fernando Mendez, then brought suit in the name
of her daughters. So did the widow of Miguel de
Rodas, on her own behalf. 4
On the 2nd of August 1530, Catalina Vazquez pro
duced witnesses to prove that Cabot, Catalina Medrano
his wife, and Miguel Rifos, had conspired against the
life of her two sons, and were personally responsible
for their violent death. Besides corporal punish-
1 Information hecha en Sevilla en 28 Gabote . . . o piloto esta presso."
de Julio dentro de la nao Sta. Maria. VARNHAGEN. Historia Geraldo Brasil,
We publish the entire document in our Madrid, 1854, vol. I, p. 439.
Syllabus, No. LII. 3 NAVARRETE, vol. v, p. 333.
2 SimaQ AFFONSO, August 2nd, 1530, 4 For a recapitulation of all those
writes: "esta semana chegou aqui legal proceedings, see Syllabus ^ No. LI.
SEffN CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 265
ment for the offenders, she asked, on the plea that
she was a poor widow : <c muger viuda y pobre," whilst
Cabot was rich and favoured : " hombre rico y favor-
escido," pecuniary damages, to accrue however to her
daughters.
Cabot replied by filing a petition to the Council of
the Indies, asking that evidence might be collected
relative to a charge of rebellion which he had brought
against Martin Mendez and Miguel de Rodas. It
was granted, and, on the 27th of August, his witnesses
were heard.
Francisco de Rojas, in his turn, lodged a complaint
against Cabot, and, on the 2nd of November 1530,
asked leave to produce witnesses.
Cabot obtained permission to leave the jail upon
giving security, on condition, however, of remaining
within the precincts of the Court : " dada la corte
por cdrcel con fianzas," that is, they gave him the
Court as a prison. In other words, he was forbidden
to absent himself from Ocafia, a town of Castile, where
the Council of the Indies then held its sittings.
On the 6th of October 1530, the Fiscal, Juan de
Villalobos, arraigned Cabot on the charges of having
committed misdemeanours, abused his authority, and
caused the loss of the squadron which had been
entrusted to him for the special purpose of going to
the Spice Islands.
Three months afterwards, Isabel de Rodas presented
to the tribunal the testimonies which she had collected
to prove that Cabot was guilty of the charge she had
brought against him of having been the cause of her
husband s death.
The Council of the Indies, which had to try all
these criminal actions, was then composed of Diego
Beltran, Lorenzo Galindez de Carvajal, Juan Suarez
de Carvajal, Caspar de Montoya, Rodrigo de la
Corte, Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, Juan Bernal,
266 SE&N CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED.
Diaz de Luco, and Pedro Mercado de Penalosa, with
Garcia Fernandez Manrique, Count Osorno, as pre
sident of the Court ; all of whom, it is needless to
say, were personages of high character. Count
Osorno presided at the Council of the Indies for
seventeen years (1529-1546) ; Carvajal was the well-
known annalist, and a statesman who enjoye 
