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Given By 





82d Congress"! 
2d Session J 

•' ^ 








SEPTEMBER 30, OCTOBER 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 
11, 14, 15, 17, 27, 28, 29, 1952 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


, -1 

82d Congress\ COMMITTEE PRINT 

2d Session J 







SEPTEMBER 30, OCTOBER 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


25356 WASHINGTON : 1952 




Philip B. Perlman, Chairman 

Eakl G. Harrison, Vice Chairman 

Msgr. John O'Grady 

Rev. Thaddeus F. Gullixson 

Clarence E. Pickett 

Adrian S. Fisher 

Thomas C. Finucane 

Harry N. Rosenfield, Executive Director 

^'^^rc, ^sAh"! 


House of Representath'es, 

Committee on the Judiciary, 
Washington, D. C, October ^^, 195'B. 

Hon. Philip B. Perlman, 

(J hair man,, Presidents Commission on 
Immigration and Naturalization, 

Executive Oiflce, Washington, D. 0. 
Dear Mr. Perlman : I am informed that the President's Commis- 
sion on Immigration and Naturalization has held hearings in a 
number of cities and has collected a great deal of information con- 
cerning the problems of immigration and naturalization. 

Since the subject of immigration and naturalization requires con- 
tinuous congressictffal study, it would be very helpful if this commit- 
tee could have,iitfe transcript of your hearings available for its study 
and use, and'for distribution to the Members of Congress. 

If this p6cord is available, will you please transmit it to me so that 
I may ..ire able to take the necessary steps in order to have it printed 
for the use of the committee and Congress. 
Sincerely yours, 

Emanuel Celler, Chairman. 


President's Commission on 
Immigration and Naturalization, 

Executiat: Office, 
Washington, October 27, 1952. 

Hon. Emanuel Celler, 

House of Representatives, 

Washington, D. G. 

Dear Congressman Celler : Pursuant to the request in your letter 
of October 23, 1952, we shall be happy to make available to you a 
copy of the transcript of the hearings held by this Commission. We 
shall transmit the record to you as soon as the notes are transcribed. 

The Commission held 30 sessions of hearings in 11 cities scattered 
across the entire country. These hearings Avere scheduled as a means 
of obtaining some appraisal of representative and responsible views 
on this subject. The Connnission was amazed, and pleased, at the 
enormous and active interest of the American people in the subject of 
immigration and naturalization policy. 

Every effort was made to obtain the opinions of all people who 
might have something to contribute to the Commission's considera- 
tion. All shades of opinion and points of views were sought and heard. 
The response was very heavy, and the record will include the testimony 
and statements of some 600 persons and organizations. 

This record, we believe, includes some very valuable information, a 
goodly proportion of which has not hitherto been available in dis- 
cussions of immigration and naturalization. It is of great help to 
the Commission in performing its duties. We hope that this material 
will be useful to your committee, to the Congress, and to the country. 
Sincerely yours, 

Philip B. Perlman, Chairman. 



New York, N. Y.: 

First: September 30, 1952, morning session. 

Second: September 30, 1952, evening session. 

Third: October 1, 1952, morning session. 

Fourth: October 1, 1952, evening session. 
Boston, Mass.: 

Fifth: October 2, 1952, morning session. 

Sixth: October 2, 1952, evening session. 
Cleveland, Ohio: 

Seventli: October 6, 1952, morning session. 

Eighth- October G, 1952, evening session. 
Detroit, Alich.: 

Ninth: October 7, 1952, morning session. 

Tenth: October 7, 1952, evening session. 
Chicago, 111.: 

Eleventh: October 8, 1952, morning session. 

Twelfth: October 8, 1952, evening session. 

Thirteenth: October 9, 1952, morning session. 

Fourteenth: October 9, 1952, evening session. 
St. Paul, Minn.: 

Fifteenth: October 10, 1952, morning session. 

Sixteenth: October 10, 1952, evening session. 
St. Louis, Mo.: 

Seventeentli: October 11, 1952, morning session. 

Eighteenth: October 11, 1952, evening session. 
San Francisco, Calif.: 

Nineteenth: October 14, 1952, morning session. 

Twentieth: October 14, 1952, evening session. 
Los Angeles, Calif.: 

Twenty-first: October 15, 1952, morning session. 

Twentj'-second: October 15, 1952, evening session. 
Atlanta, Ga.: 

Twentj'-third: October 17, 1952, morning session. 

Twenty-fourth: October 17, 1952, evening session. 
Washington, D. C: 

Twenty-fifth: October 27, 1952, morning session. 

Twenty-sixth: October 27, 1952, evening session. 

Twenty-seventh: October 28, 1952, morning session. 

Twenty-eighth: October 28, 1952, evening session. 

Thenty-ninth: October 29, 1952, mornings session. 

Thirtieth: October 29, 1952, evening session. 
Appendix: Special studies. 

Persons heard or who submitted statements by session and order of appearance. 
Organizations represented by persons heard or by submitted statements. 
Persons heard or wlio submitted statements by al])habetical arrangement 

of names. 
Subject matter. 

(Page numbers may be obtained from indexes) 




Los Angeles, Calif. 


Tlie President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization 
met at 9 : 30 a. m., pursuant to adjournment in Court Koom No. 9, 
Main Floor, Federal Court House Building, Los Angeles, Calif., 
Hon. Philip B. Perlnian, Chairman, presiding. 

Present: Chairman Philip B. Perlman and the following Commis- 
sioners: Monsignor John O'Grady, Mr. Thomas G. Finucane, Rev. 
Thaddeus F. Gullixson. 

Also present : Mr. Harry N. Rosenfield, executive director. 

The Chairman. The Commission will come to order. 

The first witness this morning will be the Reverend Frederick A. 


Reverend Smith. I am Rev. Frederick A. Smith, representing the 
Lutheran Welfare Council of Southern California, of which I am 
executive secretary, 1371 South Hope Street, Los Angeles, Calif. 

The Chairman. The Commission will be glad to hear any state- 
ment that you may desire to make w^ith reference to its work. 

Reverend Smith. Thank you. I wish to prefix this with a state- 
ment that as the Lutheran Church in the whole has not taken official 
action, this must, of necessity, be my own statement, not committing 
the church, but it is prepared on the basis of conversation and consul- 
tation with many of the leaders, and I believe expresses our view- 
point rather accurately. We have decided not to a))proach this prob- 
lem in an attack upon any existing bills or laws, including the McCar- 
ran Act, but, rather, to approach from a constructive and a philosophi- 
cal basis. I would like to read my prepared statement. 

The Chairman. We shall be pleased to hear it. 

Reverend Smith. A code or law governing immigration of human 
beings is as sacred a document as can be produced by any nation. In 
it will be found the extent or limitation of op])ortimities for multitudes 
of persons to many generations. In such a document will be revealed 



tlie extent to which a nation existing by God's grace is willing to share 
the myriads of assets and blessings that have come to them through 
God's bounty. 

Consequently it becomes essential that any immigration law or code 
devised for and adopted by this great Nation shall be solidly grounded 
on the recognition of the dignity and equality of all men. Such a 
law should spell out the basic human right of free men to live where 
they will and to pursue honorably those things which pertain to his 
well-being and happiness, so long as that freedom does not infringe 
upon the basic rights of others. 

Such a thesis requires a definite protection of the basic rights and 
opportunities of United States citizens. However, the restrictions 
imposed upon those who would enter our country should not be 
extended to include emotional hypotheses and either sociological or 
ethnic factors thnt are beyond reasonable and acceptable proof of 
undesirable or dangerous factors for either individual United States 
citizens, or the x\merican way of life. To the extent of such over- 
restriction there is a denial to the inherent rights of certain human 
beings to enter, enjoy, and serve the United States. 

There is no such thing as a total national or ethnic badness or 
undesirability. There are good, average, and bad persons in every 
group. It is questionable that some of the other nations would be 
happy with the immigration into their midsts of some of the notorious 
gangsters of our comitry, but it would be nothing short of insult to 
our great Nation to have a country ]>ar all United States citizens 
because of the unsavory reputation of the minimal minority. There- 
fore it becomes essential that immigration become specifically individ- 
ual and to deny no one the privilege of both making application and 
being investigated. That there must be health, moral, social, and 
economic standards by which the applicant is judged, of course, is 
obvious; but there should be no preliminary hindrance that will pre- 
vent any individual going at least that far through the lines of 

The ]~)rivilege of entrance to our country should not be denied any 
living human being simply because of the accident of birthplace. 
F'ersonal character and physical condition (including mental health) 
should be the basic determinative factors as these are fundamental 
to all good citizenship. 

The purpose for which persons desire to gnin entrance to our 
country is also of major importance. That should be determined at 
the time of ap]:)lication. Regulations should be strict within the 
categories, and there should l>e full expectation that persons availing 
themselves of the privilege of entry should comply in every respect, 
and that such regulations should not be viewed as hardships, but at the 
price cf privilege. 

Students should not be denied the opportunity for education in our 
great institutions of learning, but they should be lequired to keep 
Avithin their classification. Allowable work schedules for maintenance 
while in school should be established and subject to review. How- 
ever, should a student become so impressed with our way of life as to 
desire to remain, some adequate provision should be made for the 
change of entry status to permit permanent residence for purpose of 
obtaining citizenship without imposing unnecessary expense and com- 
plications such as is found under certain conditions where one in this 


country must return to their own country and seek readmission, with 
tlie expense of traveling- across the ocean in two directions and so forth. 

Those who come for ])ermanent residence, and this, I tliink is some- 
thino- that sliouki be o'iven careful consideration, should be required 
to qualify for and accept citizenship within a definite period of time. 
This period of waiting- can be likened into a probationary period in 
which they learn necessary truths, reach a definite personal decision, 
and then either accept citizenship and its responsibilities, or leave 
the country for their own country or elsewhere. There should be no 
form of immio-ration that will permit of permanent residence of aliens 
who work in competition with United States citizens, enjoy all of 
their privileo-es but escape certain of their obligations. Such a policy 
has already contributed to the breakdown in certain circles of a con- 
sciousness of national pride and dignity, without which no nation 
can extend beyond the second generation of these who have neither 
national pride nor devotion. 

Once citizenship has been granted it should mean what it says, and 
can never be revoked except for proof of fraud used in the securing 
of the citizenship. From the date of naturalization the former alien 
shall be a citizen with every privilege and every responsibility of the 
native-born citizen. Should moral turpitude, criminal transgression, 
or undesirable ideology develop after naturalization it shall be dealt 
with in the natural processes of law in exactly the same manner as any- 
native-born citizen. 

Citizenship in the United States is to be cherished. It must never 
become easy to attain, nor should its attainment ever fall entirely in 
the class of the academic achievement. Personal character and home 
study factors should provide the major proportion of data on which 
the determination to award citizenship is founded. To this end it 
might prove desirable to have periodic reports and/or reviews of the 
applicant's life pattern during the probationary period. 

Should proper administration indicate that a quota by nations sys- 
tem be adopted, it is recommended that periodic reviews (quarterly) 
be made of the visas issued and unissued vvnthin the period, and re- 
allocations be made of the unused visas of one nation be assigned to 
another nation, or nations, where there has been application in excess 
of available visas — such transfer to be used within the following 
period to that in which they were unused. It is obvious that there 
must be a maximum number of entries permitted within any given 
period of time. However, it should be handled in such a way that 
assurance would be given all ^ipplicants that no application would 
be turned down so long as there is an available unissued visa within 
the framework of the grand total, and said applicant is eligible. 

It is also suggested that a cancellation of the mortgage against 
future immigration would be in keeping with the true spirit of our 
democracy. Otherwise the true import of the recent Displaced Per- 
sons Act will have been lost through the restrictions that will hold 
against many innocent persons of many countries for many years to 
come. Our country has already assimilated the displaced persons. 
They have rendered a good account of themselves and with few ex- 
ceptions have proven to be economic assets to their communities and 
generally they have contributed generously of their culture with re- 
sultant broadening of many local concepts and local enlightenment. 
The Whits Russian group in particular in this area have provided us 


with a virile and aggressive group of young men and women imbued 
with ahnost a fanatical anticommunism that has penetrated our social 
structure and aroused to a small degree some of our apathy to at least 
a dim consciousness of grim danger. 

Special provisions should be made for the reestablishing of families 
thp.t have been broken, especially those which have been scattered by 
the vicissitudes of war and international strife and aggression. Such 
u provision should imply the need for special handling and as much 
haste as intelligent handling and national security can possibly permit. 

We need a rethinking of the basis for approach to the general prob- 
lem of the statute of limitations. It can probably best be done under 
the premise that citizenship is what it implies and that the so-called 
final papers are really the final papers, and further that fraud know- 
ingly committed in securing citizenship may, if discovered, on the 
other hand become the basis of denaturalization and deportation at 
any time, without limitation. 

Provision should be made for the emergency admission to the United 
States, with a minimum of delay in issuing the special order, for the 
entrance of large groups of aliens who are otherwise eligible under 
all other requirements, when such groups become the victims of war 
or hostile aggression, political persecution, or may be found in areas 
of calamity or social and physical distress of extreme types. Such 
groups sliould be on a nonquota basis, or otherwise applicable to the 
general total rather than to that of specific groups or countries as 
mortgage against future years. 

One other thing that shoidd be carefullv considered, although it 
would probably come within operative regulations, rather than in the 
basic immigration code at the present time. When the Immigration 
Service holds an alien at a point of detention it is now customary to 
charge such alien on a per diem basis for his maintenance. Many 
such cases are not brief and consequently this can, and in many cases 
does, work a definite hardship on the individual, even to the extent of 
making terrific complications in their return to the country from 
which they came. Should not such matters be considered in individual 
basis and determined with the objective of causing a minimum eco- 
nomic disturbance, particularly when matters involved do not fall in 
the class of major crime or felony. 

Eeverend Smith. I would like to sup])lement that specific paper 
with an earnest plea to this Commission to broaden, as far as possible 
within the economic balance of the country, the immigration possi- 
bilities, for it has been on the basis of great immigration that a great 
country has developed a great sociological opportunity for the world. 

Thank yOu, gentlemen. 

The CiiAiRMAX. Thank you. We very much appreciate the effort 
and time it took in ])reparing tliat statement for us. 

Is Dr. Forest C. Weir here ? 


Dr. Weir. I am Dr. Forest C. Weir, and the organizations which 
I represent are the Church Federation of Los Angeles and the South- 
ern California Council of Protestant Churches. I should say that 


the sense in which I represent the 22 Protestant communions constit- 
uent to these oroanizations is only that in which I myself can discern 
the opinions and ideals of these members. It would be foolhardy 
for me to say tliat what I say wor.ld be fully agreed to by all the 
jnembers of my constituent communions. 

I am the executive director of the Church Federation of Los An- 
geles, and the general secretary of the Southern California Council 
of Protestant Churches. T represent these people, therefore, in the 
.sense that I am their chosen executive. 

I am quite sure that this nnitter has been given very serious thought 
by all our people and that there are a few things in which I could 
record convictions that would represent their purposes. I am sure 
that they all agree that the matter of immigration, and the admission 
of foreign peoples to our country, and their admission to citizenship, 
is one of the important areas where we demonstrate the reality of 
our political philosophy as well as our ethics. In view of that, it 
seems highly important that whatever policy is adopted by our Gov- 
ernment in settling this matter it should be in accord with our finest 
insights, our highest long-range purposes, and should not be deter- 
mined by temporary hysteria, or by emotional interpretations of the 
present situation. 

One thing we would like to say : That our Congress ought to take 
.account of the emergency situation now in such fashion as to be able 
to permit population movement to take care of refugees and war 
-casualties. For instance, there were many under the displaced per- 
sons program of our country which were not able actually to come, 
although already processed, because there were not visas available 
under the legislation which expired at the end of 1951. 

Now, certainly it would seem that provision ought to be made for 
<'aring for all those that have been orderly processed, but who could 
not be admitted for the unavailability of visas. Then, there are 
emergency situations where displaced persons have been admitted to 
this country, and some part of the family left behind. That ought, 
■certainly, to be cared for so that a family may be reunited. I have as 
an example a distinguished Chinese citizen; that is, a citizen of China, 
who represented the Nationalist Government on missions to this coun- 
try, and who was a member of the Bank of China for a long period of 
time. He was a man of distinction, and some importance. On one of 
liis missions to this country his Government was overthrown. He was 
left at the mercy of this Nation. He was given the status of a dis- 
placed person. In the Immigration Service the western office seriously 
considered his case, and recommended that he be allowed to apply for 
citizenship — his little 12-year-old daughter is left behind. She was 
in Hong Kong. There was no way at all to get her here. I talked 
with Immigration personally. I counseled with Church World Serv- 
ice personally. The only possible way was for him to complete his 
citizenship, and he could not do that without completing his residence, 
or having some special legislation in his favor enacted, which has not 
been possible yet. Meanwhile, the family is here — the man and his 
wife — the little 12-year-old daughter remains in Hong Kong. She 
cannot now be admitted, there is no way to secure a visa for her with- 
out special legislation to that effect. 

Now, it would seem that our Congress ought to take account of 
such situations, and provide for the reuniting of war-torn families. 


Whatever other necessities arise in the care of emergency situations,. 
we realize that a policy must be a permanent one, and emergency 
measures must have a limit; that the whole pattern must be dealt with 
as a solid and permanent structure, and we think that this type of 
emergency legislation ought to be applied to the specific emergency 
limited, and when the situation is covered all emergency measures 
removed, so that a permanent policy can be applied. Now, we are 
happy about certain parts 

The Chairman. Are you recommending that we wait until after- 
what you regard as emergencies are satisfied before a permanent policy 
be recommended ? 

Dr. Weir. No. That is just what I am going to speak to now : 
that whatever action the Congress takes it ought to cover this situa- 
tion as well as the permanent situation. 

Now I want to deal with what we would say about a permanent 
policy : We do not wish to enter at all the legal and technical ques- 
tions. But we would like to speak on a basic matter regarding the 
application of our ethical standards, and what we conceive to be our 
interpretation of American democracy. We are very happy about 
certain provisions of the McCarran Act which do remove the former 
restrictions on race, color, and such other nationalistic or racialistic 
limitations. We feel that this certainly ought to go into any perma- 
nent policy. I heard Dr. Smith make his statement on this point, and 
I am quite sure that he not only represents the Lutheran communion, 
but most of the Protestant communions when he says that the worth 
of citizens for citizenship should be judged upon personal qualities 
rather than upon national qualities or upon color, creed, or race. 

Now the thing which we would like to recommend is that the old 
policy of national origins should be entirely eliminated from the 
legislation which is adopted by our Congress. We believe that the 
motivation behind the adoption of that policy, while theoretically 
justified, was not truly American, and that it sought to definitely limit 
certain peoples because of their national origin. 

Within this general conception, we believe that the quota system,. 
whatever it is, should be flexible, rigidities established here will have 
to be broken sooner or later by some method or other. If there is not 
an orderly process of breaking these rigidities, then there will be a 
silent process of breaking these rigidities, for the population problem 
is not only an old one, it is a present one, and it will be a future one. 
We believe that if a national quota is set, even for each particular 
country, it should be made on the basis of over-all populations, rather 
than upon a percentage of those already resident in this country of 
any particular nationality. And that if such a national quota system 
is set up, even covering specifically country by country, that it ought 
to be flexible enough to allow for assigning of unused quotas from one 
nation to those of another. Then the last thing I want to point out 
is that there ought to be a system set up for an orderly hearing for 
deportation proceedings, or visas, so that no element of arbitrariness 
enters into the disposal of these cases. 

We believe that naturalized citizens should be treated as citizens, 
and that their cases should be decided in case of question exactly in 
the same manner as other citizens, natural -born citizens. This does 
not mean that we would minimize in any respect the importance of our 


(iovenuiiont sottiiio- limitations, boinji; careful about the admission of 
|)eoi)U' Avho hold opinions, or ^vh() entertain plans inimical to the ])ublic 
welfare or to our own political way of life. It is ])erfectly natural, 
and, in fact, our churches seek to use intellij^ence as well as faith, and 
would want our Cono-ivss to be cautious and careful in all of these 
matters, so that persons o;iven the hioh privilefje and obligations of 
citizenship should do it for rio-ht motives, and should be worthy as 
persons of those oblip;ations, and of those rights. 

But, havinii' judaed that one is worthy of American citizenship, 
lie ouiiht not tlien to be constantly liable to attacks upon previous 
relationshi])s now interpreted to make him an unworthy citizen, and 
he ouiiht not to be treated as thoui>:h he were not an American citizen. 

These are the basic reconnnendations which we would like to make, 
and I feel that in speakino- of them this morninoj I am representative 
of the majority opinion of the communions which I represent. 

The Chairman. If I understand correctly, you proposed that the 
•quota system should be flexible and that if a national quota is set, 
it should be on the basis of our over-all populations, rather than upon 
a percentaoe of those of any particular nationality in the country. 
We have heard many proposals, but we are also interested in hearin*^ 
specific plans as to how they would be implemented. Can you be more 

Dr. Wetr. "Well, now to be a little bit more specific. What we were 
•concerned about in makin^r this statement is not that there should be 
no recoofuition of the number of people of a given nationality, and 
that the quota system should not take into account the total number 
of Germans, Irish, or English available for immligration, but it 
ishould not, for example, be devised specifically to reduce to a prac- 
tical mininnnn ])eople from Asia or southern Europe, and surely the 
legislation coming out in 1924 and 1929 was intended for that, pur- 
])ose — to reduce to a practical minimum people from Asia, and south- 
ern Europe, and gave a definite preference. Now the theory was on 
the basis of the present number, but it was for the practical purpose 
of eliminating certain people from citizenship in our country. 

That is what we want to overcome. We don't want to pose any ideal- 
istic problems which cannot be translated into practical legislation. 
But it would occur to me that a quota system could take into account 
the total pojiulation of any nationality on a percentage basis. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. We appreciate your com- 
ing here. 

Is Rev. V. J. Waldron here? 


Reverend Waldron. I am Rev. V. J. Waldron, minister of the 
Evangelical Brethren Church, 245 East Sixty-sixth Street, Los An- 
geles, Calif. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

ReAerend AValdrox. Mr. Chairnnm, and members of the Commis- 
sion, and ladies and gentlemen, if I may, I would like to inject a note 
here that hitherto has not been ])resented. We were just hearing 
about a practical approach to this whole problem, and, also, we were 


hearing Dr. Weir say something about the uselessness of an idealistic- 
approach which coiiki not be transhxted into practical legislation. 
But it seems to me Avhen we come to a realization of the magnitude of 
this continuing problem, we might well undergird our thinking with 
something of a prayerful approach. Even the President in his vetO' 
message relative to the McCarran -Walter bill did quote the Holy Writ. 
So it seems to me that we might think in terms of something ideal, as 
we face up to this continuing problem so tremendous in its scope, and, 
possibly, the verdict of history indicates tliat idealism in the long run 
may be more practical than hard and rigid realism. 

Therefore, I would like to emphasize this practical note : I came to 
a realization of this tremendous problem through a series of con- 
ferences with various personnel of the International Refugee Or- 
ganization in Geneva last summer. We know that organization 
ceased to function as of December 31, 1951, continuing only a liaison 
committee to work w^ith the United Nations and the United States for 
continued attention to what still remains the No. 1 problem of our 
world; namely, that of the tens of millions of displaced peoples all 
around our world. I take it that the Commission is attempting to- 
gather a weight of public opinion, either on one side of the scale or 
the other, as they face up to this problem. Certainly, I appreciate 
this privilege of adding to the weight of public opinion on the side 
of generosity and also idealism. I am not afraid of that particular 
approach to this problem. I don't need to mention any statistics or 
figures — I am sure the Connnission has volumes of information not 
accessible to most of us. Certainly, I am not fitted to go into any 
tactical or legal aspects of this proposition, but when I stop to think 
that Western Europe, even at this present moment, still has some 
5,000,627 persons who cannot be placed; when -we stop to think of 
Berlin, and I have an on-the-spot report from one who is there at the- 
present moment, that there are more than 250,000 people in West Ber- 
lin at this time who are refugees; more than 300,000 there are un- 
employed ; and when we stop to think that there are 500,000 father- 
less and motherless boys and girls roaming the woods and the cities of 
Germany, and no one knows where these young people exist, and I am 
sure that all of us are aware that there is a similar situation existing 
in Japan at this present time. 

So we are forced to the conclusion that the No. 1 problem of the 
world today still remains these millions upon millions of uprooted 
and displaced persons. Certainly, in the face of this problem the 
United States of America has a tremendous responsibility. A^^iether 
we like it or not, we are in the spotlight among nations, and those 
who have tlie more, of them will be required more. It seems 
to me we have to face up to that sort of thing, and, certainly, pro- 
visions made in 1924 are M'oefully inadequate for the situation of 
1952. Therefore, certain things must be done, and I am sure that we 
can be assured that the Commission is working sincerely upon this 
proposition, but we dare not forget the responsibility that we, the 
people, have. We are here at this hearing toda}^, but this should not 
be all : can we not face up to the challenge of continuing our interest 
and following through, and being aware, and being alert. Dr. Weir 
has suggested various recommendations. I had in mind to emphasize 


these also, but to save time I don't need to — tliey have already been 
aired somewhat thoroughly. 

Well, let me close with these remarks: Certainl3% we feel a respon- 
sibility to i)rotect our own best national interest. That is right. We 
should do that. But are we aware of the fact that there is such a 
thinof as self-interest })er se, and there is also such a thing as enlight- 
ened self-interest; that in these days w^e must step up our counter- 
action against that great heresy that threatens to engulf our world; 
namely, the Soviet. Are we not in the midst of a terrific imbalance? 
Certainly, we need a balance of power if we face realistically the 
situation. But even if a small, increasing percentage of the bills ex- 
panded would go into this item of dealing with this No. 1 problem, 
and somehow bringing a measure of stability and security to people 
around our Avorld who are the children of. the Almighty entitled to 
their dignity and level of respect in our world, would not that be an 
investment tremendously worth while, and possibly more in our self- 
interest than the purely realistic or practical approach? "I was 
hungry and you gave me food; I was thirsty and you gave me drink; 
1 was a stranger and you welcomed me" — that has not lost its valid- 
ity ; neither has the inscription upon our Statue of Liberty : "Give 
me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe 
free." May God help us, and may all of us continue prayerfully our 
interests with the Connnission in facing up to this problem. Thank 
you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Mr. C. Y. Hong, you are next on the schedule. 


Mr. Hong. I am C. Y. Hong, president of the Grand Lodge, Chi- 
nese American Citizens Alliance, 1044 Stockton Street, San Francisco, 
Calif., which is the organization I am representing here. My address 
is 104:5 South Gramercy Place, Los Angeles. 

I have a prepared statement, which 1 will read to save time. 

The Chairman. AVe will be pleased to hear it. 

Mr. Hong. As an organization of American citizens of Chinese 
descent, we are always interested in the consequences which might be 
reached through the enactment and administration of new immigra- 
tion and nationality laws upon our rights and privileges of citizenship. 
American citizens, either born abroad or residing in foreign countries, 
are subject to the administrative processes of our consular service and 
immigration authorities before they can enter or reenter their own 
country. In that connection, we believe that our Government's first 
duty is to its own citizens, and that it is wrong to place any unneces- 
sary, oppressive restrictions on them in the guise of regulating 

We do realize that some hardships were unintentional and, upon 
discovery, would be eventually rectified. W^e also ai)preciate that all 
legislative reforms must necessarily be evolutionary. Congress has 
yet to pass an ideal or perfect statute, and for that reason we adopt 
amendments from time to time. With unfaltering faith, we believe 
our legislators will not hesitate to right any known injustice. It may 


take a long time for them to do so, but past events have repeatedly 
justified this belief. 

Public Law No. 414, or the McCarran-Walter Act, as finally adopted 
by our Eighty-second Congress on June 27, 1952, for the purpose of 
revising our laws relating to immigration, naturalization, and nation- 
ality, and to remove certain racial barriers in connection therewith, 
will not go into operation until December 24, 1952. We cannot, there- 
fore, get a complete picture of the ultimate effects until quite some time 
thereafter. Much, of course, will depend upon its interpretation and 
administration by the various Government agencies empowered to 
enforce its provisions. One of the important improvements over the 
existing law, from an American citizen's standpoint, is its recognition 
and final extension of the doctrine of family unity to all American 
-citizens, regardless of race or ancestry, by granting nonquota privi- 
leges to their spouses and minor alien children under section 101. 
Hacial barriers in naturalization are totally removed. The theory of 
nativity as the determining factor in the granting of immigration 
visas is still denied to persons of oriental stock, and it is sincerely 
hoped that this last vestige of racial discrimination will soon be re- 
moved by some reasonable plan to be formulated by our Congress. 

On the other hand, section o60 of the new act requires immediate 
attention and amendment because it constitutes an inexcusable dis- 
crimination against our own x4.merican citizens. Under subdivision 
(a) of that section, if any person who is within the United States 
claims a right or privilege as a national of the United States and is 
denied such a right or privilege by any administrative department or 
independent agency, or official thereof, u])on the ground that he is 
not a national of the United States, such person may institute an action 
under the provisions of section 2201 of title 28, United States Code, 
against tlie head of such department or independent agency for a judg- 
ment declaring him to be a national of the United States. This judi- 
cial review is, however, denied to American citizens residing abroad. 
Such a denial violates our fundamental American legal concept that 
a citizen of the United States, wheresoever located, shall have the right 
to have his status as such determined judicially and to come to the 
United States for tliat purpose. 

Under section 503 of the existing Immigration Act of 1940, foreign- 
born American citizens, who were denied passports or travel docu- 
ments to join their parents in the United States by the American 
consul, may institute a similar judicial proceeding. Section 201 of 
our present Nationality Act provides that a person born outside of the 
United States and its outlying possessions of American parentage is 
an Amei'ican citizen at birth. This is substantially the same under 
section 301 of our new law. To grant an executive officer, like the 
American consul, the absolute power to refuse such American citizens 
even an opportunity to come to the United States to prove their nation- 
ality before our courts in the United States is certainly contrary to all 
sense of justice. 

It is our sincere belief and contention that every person is entitled to 
have his day in court, and particularly, when a question of citizenship 
is involved, for the following reasons: 

( 1 ) It is unfair to grant to one group of American citizens the right 
to judicial review and deny it to another group on the ground of di- 


versity of residence. As a matter of fact, the citizen, who is not within 
tlie United States, is more lielpless in defendinjj: his riohts, and shonld 
be accorded greater protection and assistance. To withhold from him 
this rioht is to ignore the spirit of our Federal Constitution forbid- 
ding denial to our citizens equal protection of the law. 

(2) Administrative officers and agencies should have no reason to 
fear a judicial review of their decisions if their decisions were fair and 
based upon competent evidence. Applications rejected on mere sus- 
picion, rumor, or prejudice have no place in our democratic system 
of govermnent. We nuist never let such arbitrar}^ and unreasonable 
decisions go unchallenged. 

(3) In permitting such an American citizen his day in court, the 
provision only grants him an opportunity for a full and fair hear- 
ing on his claim to American nationality. It does not insure his ad- 
mission. Failure to prove his case by substantial and competent evi- 
dence before our courts requires his departure from this country at his 
own expense. 

(4) Among the primary safeguards of our American way of life is 
the doctrine of official responsibility, the principle that government 
officials are servants and not masters, and that it is more important 
for the people to scrutinize the conduct of officials than it is for offi- 
cials to scrutinize the lives of the people. From this it follows 
that some form of judicial protection should always be open to the 
victims of injustice, even if the injustice is committed by persons 
in high and powerful positions. 

(5) The mischief and oppression resulting from the provisions in 
section 360 of the new immigration act in withholding the right 
of judicial intervention from our citizens, who were born and re- 
siding abroad, are not only applicable to citizens of Chinese descent. 
Actually, the discrimination therein affects American citizens of 
every racial gToup. 

We. therefore, respectfully urge that the right of judicial review and 
judicial determination of nationality and citizenship as provided in 
section 3(50 (a) of the new act be also extended to those American 
citizens, who are residing outside of the United States and are seeking 
for entry to their own country. 

From a legislative point of view, the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion 
Acts on December 17, 1943, was a most important landmark in the 
history of our immigration policy toward the Chinese people. It 
reversed for the first time a discriminatory policy which had been in- 
scribed in our laws since 1880. President Franklin D. Roosevelt called 
it a historic mistake, and our Congress overwhelmingly expunged 
these obsolete laws from our statute books. Such an action on the 
part of the United States was consistent with our declaration of 
democratic principles and added to our prestige of world leadership. 

It is regretted, however, that from an administrative standpoint, our 
executive department has not kept in step in this respect with our 
legislative branch of the Government. Our State Dei)artment aiul our 
consular service, have special rules and regulations in their conduct 
of Cliinese matters, none of which are a])plied to pei'sons of other 
racial ancestry. Many of them are just as oppressive as those used in 
the days of Chinese exclusion. 

25356—52 73 


When an American citizen of Chinese descent seeks a travel docu- 
ment to the United States in order to establish his citizenship at a 
port of entry he must produce "conclusive" proof of his identity. 
Even the unimpeached testimony of his own mother has been often 
considered as insuthcient. He must also produce old family corre- 
spondences, family o;roup photoo;raphs and remittance receipts, and 
failure to have the foresight of keeping such mementos in anticipa- 
tion of future requirements of the consulate is considered as ad- 
verse to his cause. Not only the applicant and his parents, but also 
the other members of his family must submit to blood-grouping tests. 
We contend that it is the duty of executive officers to administer the 
laws of Congress fairly and freel}^ as they find them, whether they 
agree with the policy or purpose of such laws or not. Today, we no 
longer recognize the old Chinese exclusion laws, but we do have 
Chinese exclusion rules and regulations, and, under our prevailing 
system of administrative procedure, they have the force and effect of 
law in their application. 

We, therefore, respectfully urge an immediate change-over of our 
present administrative policy to conform with our legislative policy 
of fair and reasonable treatment of our citizens of Chinese descent. 
We likewise urge our executive officers not to ignore our judicial pol- 
icy as stated by our United States Supreme Court in the case of Kwock 
Jan Fat v. White (253 U. S. 455, 46-i), which reads as follows : 

The act of Congress gave great power to the Secretary of Labor over Chinese 
immigrarts and persons of Chinese descent. It is a power to he adnunistered, not 
arhitrarily and secretly, hut fairly and openly, under the restraints of the tradi- 
tion and principles of free government applicahle where the fundamental rights 
of men are involved, regardless of their origin or race. It is the province of the 
courts, in proceedings for review, within the limits amply defined in the cases 
cited, to prevent abuse of this extraonlinary power, and this is possible only 
when a full record is preserved of the essentials on which the executive officers 
proceed to judgment. For failure to preserve such a i-ecord for the information, 
not less of the Commission of Immigration and of the Secretary of Labor than 
of the courts, the judgment in this case must be reversed. It is hetter that many 
Chinese in}migrants should he improperly admitted than that one nattiral-horn 
citizen of the T'nited States should he permanently excluded frotn this country. 
[Emphasis ours.] 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

Is Mr. Edward H. Gibbons here? 


Mr. Gibbons. I am Edward H. Gibbons and I appear as a repre- 
sentative of the Los Angeles Conference of Civic Organizations. I 
miglit explain to the Comuiission that this conference is a caucus of 
veterans of i)atriotic and historical authorities, which has been active- 
ly chartered in the State of California as an education group, has been 
active in the field of antisubversive work, esi)ecially supporting anti- 
siibversive legislation in this State since 1948. 

I might say to the Connnission that the same identical people are 
members of a political committee now active in the State, now known 
as Californiaus for Five au.d Six which are two antisubversive meas- 
ures on the ballot in our local election, and I will submit to the re- 
porter the list of the officers of this group, and I have a copy of our 


August monthly publication Alert ^ for the Coniinission. I would 
like to read an excerpt from i)aoe 85 of that issue : 

(The excerpt read by Mr. Edward H. Gibbons follows:) 

The ubiquitous American Civil- Liberties Union also has leaped into the cam- 
paign, whicli is not suritrising, since its recently api')oiiite<l southern ('alii'ornia 
director, Prof. Easoii Monroe, also is the clnuiinaii of the Ked-front Federation 
for Repeal of tJie Levering Act. 

This federati(tn is an interesting outfit. Its letterhead discloses that many 
of its openly avowed sponsors are professors :ind ch'rics from outside of Cali- 
fornia, who have joine<l this Ked front to try to tell Callfornians how to ran 
tlieir affairs. 

T1»e front has State headcpiarters at 43.") Dui)oce Street, San Francisco 17, 
Calif., telephone, UNderhill ;^-li4(>4. Its officeis are : Eason Monroe, chairman ; 
Ethelyn Sellinger, vice chairman; Barbara Epstein, secretai-y ; Elizabeth Coyle, 

Its soutliern division is located at 3150 West Sixth Street, Los Angeles 5, 
Calif., telephone. DUnkirk IMKiOU. 

The sponsor list on its letterliead cited the following individuals, most of 
whose names will be found in the indexes to congi'essional and legislative com- 
mittee reports as cited in Communist activity as speakers, sponsors, donors, 
officers, members, and joiners in Red-front causes, denunciations, and agitations; 
Stringfellow Bar, Rev. Hamilton T. Bosweil, Dr. Daniel A. Collins, Dr. J. Ray- 
mond Cope, Albert Deutsch. Josephine Duveneck, Prof. Thomas I. Emerson, 
Prof. Erik Erikson, Rabbi Alvin I. Fine, Prof. Roma Cans, Prof. H. H. Giles, 
Prof. Robert J. Havighnrst, Prof. Robert Morss Lovett, Prof. Robert S. Lynd, 
Prof. Alexander Meiklejohn, I'rof. Ernest O. IMeyl)y, Rev. Harry C. Meserve, Rev. 
Robert W. Moon, Prof. Max Otto, Prof. Harry A. Overstreet, Bishop Edward L. 
Parsons, Dr. John P. Peters, Clarence E. Pickett, Dr. Norman Reider, Prof. R. 
Nevitt Sanford, Prof. Lewis M. Terman, Stephen Thiermaun, Rev. Howard 
Thunuan, Annie Clo Watson.- 

Mr. GiBBOxs. I want to i?tate clearly for the record that I do not 
have authority to speak for the American Legion, for American Vet- 
erans of Foreign Wars, whose leaders are part of this group, but I 
believe that I have instructions adequately handed to me to represent 
their position, and 1 want to say that I have no comment to make or 
discussion whatsoever on the quota phases of this bill. I mean I 
would not dare to talk for these organizations, some of whom have 
varying views upon it. 

Our position is that we are interested in the problem of subversive 
activity as it bears upon this bill, and especially the revisions against 
the invasion of this country by Communists and the retention in this 
eouatry of people who are Comnmnists, and I would like to cite to 
the Gonnnission a couple of instances, and ask permission if any 
Comnnniist or fellow-traveler groups enter anything into the record 
that we may be able to submit briefs countering it. I would like to 
call attention of the Commission to the fact that we have in the 
city of Los Angeles a man named Frank ^pector, who is a Comintern 
agent, who was ordered dei)orted from this country 20 years ago. 
We have in the State of California one of the most destrnctive and 
evil of men, whose influence is well-known, Mr. Harry Bridges, and 
we have been trying to deport him for 20 years. We have a gentle- 
man who just api)eared in this very building several weeks ago before 
the congressional committee — w'ell, several months ago — and refused 
to testify under oath whether or not he is a member of the Commu- 
nist Party. His name is Reuben Shipe; he was a radio writer doing 

1 Alert, a Journal of facts and Ideas to fight for freedom.. August 1952. 
=Alert, vol. 6, No. 3. p. 85, 127 South Rroadwa.v, Los Angeles 12. Calif. 


very well in this country. He made no attempt to become a citizen 
and immigration proceedings have just been filed against him. 

I would like for the record also to show that there has been a con- 
siderable complaint by police and intelligence agencies about the situa- 
tion in immigration, the looseness and laxity on it, and it is the 
opinion of most of the groups that we represent that Senator Mc- 
Carran and Congressman Walter, who are very able legislators in 
this particular field, have made a notable contribution to our country 
in its defense from this subversive activity, and we feel that these 
measures should be retained, and strengthened, and it is our hope 
that the Commission, regardless of any of the propaganda — I have 
here the People's World, the Communist local group — which is, of 
course, incidentally, not discussing much of this quota argument that 
will be debated by all of the other witnesses, but continually attacks 
the McCarran-Walter Act as a hysterical, war-mongering persecu- 
tion of the liberals and all the standard Communist phony defenses. 

Another thing that I think the Commission should bear in mind 
is that we have a revolting individual named Charlie Chaplin, whom 
our able new Attorney General has gotten around to, and I don't 
think anybody is in doubt about Mr. Chaplin's record, and his horri- 
ble moral character, which has caused the Attorney General to take 
a position that maybe he should be excluded from the country, and 
it is a known fact that there is a record going back to 1909 of Mr. 
Chaplin's participation in Communist fronts and causes. I cite all 
those because they are very familiar to the committee. But we feel 
that if there is any attempt made by any organization to sabotage 
the antisubversive provision of this bill that the responsible organi- 
zations in the community want an opportunity to file briefs support- 
ing the retention of the bill, and that is the only thing I came to talk 
about, Mr. Chairman, and I will submit for the committee copies of 
our group. 

Thank you very much. 

(The hearing was moved from courtroom 9 to courtroom 10 at this 
time to provide more space, and continued as follows:) 

The Ch mrman. Rev. Steven Fritchman, you are the next witness. 


Reverend Fritchman. I am Rev. Steven Fritchman, representing 
the First Unitarian Church of Los Angeles, 2936 West State Street, 
Los Angeles. 

I simply want to add my word to that of many others that I feel 
the McCarran-Walter bill is not to the national interest of our coun- 
try; that it seems to me inconsistent with the best in our American 
traditions of toleration and freedom for all types of people coming to 
our shores and sharing in the making of our country. It seems to me 
from the time of Tom Paine and Lafayette, who were aliens, that we 
have had a basic policy of hospitality toward the alien, and today, 
especially, with increased emphasis on the one-world concept that we 
must not have the discrimination toward the Asian peoples, that has 
too often marked the effort to pass this type of legislation. I think it 
is inimical to the democratic ideal that we, as Americans, cherish. I 


■want, therefore, to add not only my own protest aj^ainst this bill, but 
to say it represents the thinking and expressed statements of many 
members of the church that I represent, both locally and nationally, 
and I want to add my voice to that. 

The Chairman. Thank you verj^ much. 

Is Dr. Robert Zie^^ler iiere? 


Mr. ZiEGLKR. I represent, I believe, the American Legion. How- 
ever, I am in a rather dillicult position. I represent both the Ameri- 
can Legion, and I am an executive in the American Federation of 
Labor, and 1 have been a meuiber of the Governor's Advisory Com- 
mission on Dis])laced Persons for the past 4 years. 

I wasn't notified about this until late yesterday, and had too little 
information on the bill other than as a member of the American 
Legion, and I will have to report that at a recent convention in New 
York, which I attended, the American Legion completely endorsed 
the act, primarily because of the fact that the American Legion be- 
lieves that however n)uch we desire the immigration of people from 
all over the world, the American Legion believes that a very careful 
and thorough screening by any of the people that are to come to this 
country should take place prior to their entrance into the country, 
and, therefore, the American Legion officially endorses the act. 

Tlie Chairman. Are you referring to the McCarran- Walter Act, 
Public Law 414? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. Yes, the McCarran-Walter bill ; it is Public Law 414. 

I was duly informed about the thing, and was supposed to talk with 
regard to the American Legion. 

The Chairman. Is that the act that has been endorsed by the 
American Legiom by a resolution you said? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. Yes; by mandate at the convention. Then, I might 
state at this time that officially the American Federation of Labor 
was originally against the act for certain reasons, which are not too 
well-known to me. However, it soft-pedaled its attitude to it when 
it became known that the act was used by a good many subversive 
groups as an instrument to further their own interests. 

The Chairman. You don't mean the act? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. I mean the intent of the act. 

The Chairman. No ; I think you have got it wrong. The act wasn't 
used by subversive groups — the act was intended to protect against 
subversive groups. 

Dr. ZiEGLER. Yes; that's the reason it was opposed by the subversive 

The Chairman. That's different. 

Dr. Zh:gler. And the American Federation of Labor felt that the 
subversive groups would use the arguments 

Commissioner O'Giudy. Is that a proper interpretation of the reso- 
lution passed by the American Legion in New York? 

The Chairman. IMonsignor O'Grady wants to know whether that 
was a ]n-oper inter])retation of the resolution passed by the American 
Fedei'ation of Labor. Have vou read the resolution? 


Dr. ZiEGLER. I liave been given to understand that the American 
Federation of Labor originally endorsed the act and was against the 

The Chairman. What do you mean you were "given to under- 
stand" ? Did you read it ? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. The resolution? 

Commissioner O'Grady. The resolution at the recent convention in 
New York. 

The Chairman. Did you read the resolution? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. Well, I saw the headlines in official papers — the Ameri- 
can Federation's official paper. 

The Chairman. Did you read the resolution? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. No; I did not. 

The Chairman. You never have read it? 

Dr. ZiEGLER. I did not. 

The CiiAiRMAx. Is there anything else you want to say ^ 

Dr. ZiEGLER. I don't believe so. 

The Chairman. Thank j'ou. 

Are Reverend O'Dwyer and Reverend Lani here ? 


Reverend O'Dwyer. I am here this morning, Mr. Chairman, and 
members of the Conunission, as the director of the Catholic resettle- 
ment conmiittee of the archdiocese of Los Angeles, 407 Chicago Street, 
Los Angeles. I am the secretary and treasurer of this committee. 

Rev. jViathias Lani, our executive secretary, is also with me this 
morning, and together we have prepared a statement, and these few 
suggestions for the members of the Commission, and with your per- 
mission I shall read it. Mr. Chairman, we have had 5 years with other 
organizations in the securing of sponsors and securing employment 
and the placement of displaced persons, and so, as a result of our 
experiences, I wish to read our statement. 

The Chairman. We will be pleased to hear it. 

Reverend O'Dwyer. The Displaced Persons Act has been a political 
and economical necessity. The inroads made by communism in the 
present communistic dominated countries has displaced millions of 
substantially well-situated people and put them on the economy of the 
occupied forces and native population of Austria, Germany, and Italy. 
The United States Government has taken leadership in solving the 
economic, as well as the human problem, and followed the great ex- 
ample of other nations in absorbing as many as the country's economy 
would justify. 

The Displaced Persons Act has solved only a small portion of the 
problem and because of its limitations, the law did not accomplish its 
purpose entirely. 

1. While in the preliminaries of the displaced persons law, it is 
stated that no discrimination could be made, the subsequent paragraphs 
proved the contrary. The human element in the administration made 
this discrimination still more conspicuous. Furthermore, the purpose 
of the law was to keep families united. In the practical solution, many 


families who had been separated on account of slave labor and deporta- 
tion for years, then happily united in the occupational zones, were 
separated again and part of the family is now in the United States; 
the other ])art still remaininir in the pipeline of immigrational proc- 
essing. Children — grown-u}) sons and daughters, who assumed the 
responsibility for their elderly parents — ap])lied for immigration to- 
gether, but were left in Europe, while their helpless parents received 
immigration visas; and vice versa, children had to leave old parents 
behind in Europe. 

2. In our activity in the resettlement work, we did not encounter 
any difficulty in placing the new arrivals in jobs for which they were 
trained. In spite of language difficulties, about 95 percent of the dis- 
placed persons have utilized their training to the advantage of the 
plant or factory where they were hired to do work. There is still a 
vital need in many professional fields and a great number is still needed 
to do these jobs. 

3. The constant threat to the freedom and liberty of our country 
is and will continue to be communism. We are looking daily for people 
who joined the forces of freedom and reliable, vigorous fighters against 
communism. Almost 100 percent of the displaced persons have felt 
the whip of comnnmism on their own backs and the mute graves of 
starved, innocently executed people are resting heavily on their minds, 
prompting them to do everything in their power to stop persecution 
and slavery, which spells communism. 

4. The inadequate immigration laws of 1924 caused humanists to 
readjust these inadequacies, attempting to find a more just and work- 
able solution for immigration problems. But instead of rectifying 
injustices and broadening immigration, extending it to overpopulated 
areas, it became even more restrictive and discriminatory than the law 
of 1924. Certain areas of the world are given preferences and others 
are practically prevented from immigration. Therefore, the discrim- 
ination in the law is obvious in our judgment. 

It is a Hitlerian idea to hand-pick certain nations as superior to 
others and to overestimate their desirability, w'hile other nations are 
looked upon as inferior races. Though the Displaced Persons Act 
permitted over 20 different races to enter this country, it has been 
proven definitely that there is no such thing as inferior races — not in 
skills and not in good moral character. 

Therefore, it is the unanimous opinion of those who have served on 
our committee for immigration that — 

(a) A temporary (established time limit) new displaced persons 
law should be enacted, processing those cases which were left in the 
pipeline, giving an opportunity to the new legal residents to be reunited 
with their families. 

(b) An affidavit of support signed by an American citizen, guaran- 
teeing the 5 years of not becoming a public charge, constitutes an 
insurmountable obstacle for these newcomers, not in G or 8 months, 
or even a year or two is there sufficient time to accumulate enough 
finances which would be accepted by the American consuls abroad. 

(c) In order to solve this problem, statements from legal resident 
aliens in favor of their blood relatives should be sufficient for their 
immigration as a guaranty of not becoming a public charge. It is not 
the amount of property or the baidv accounts, but the working ability 
and earning power should be the determining factors. Even if a bond 


in an established amount sliould be posted under favorable conditions, 
the interest on this bond should be paid by the relatives here for the 
5-year period. 

(d) The allocation of quotas not used, should be extended to those 
countries which are in urgent need of the emigration, giving prefer- 
ence again to those who have already relatives or friends with estab- 
lished residence in this country. 

Keverend O'Dwyer. And just to sum up then, and to repeat what 
has been said by leaders throughout the country and leaders of the 
National Catholic Welfare Conference, and the resettlement commit- 
tees, it is our suggestion that suggested laws and proposed measures 
are discriminatory toward certain nationality groups. Secondly, re- 
quirements for eligibility to enter this country and the process of 
deportation should be tempered. Thirdly, unused quotas of a par- 
ticular year should not be lost but distributed to other nationals where 
the need is greatest. The hope has been expressed time and again 
that another formula might be involved to replace the present national 
origins formula which always has carried the stigma of discrimina- 
tion against the people of Southern and Eastern Europe, and it is our 
hope, Mr. Chairman, and members of the Commission, that these sug- 
gestions will be kept in mind in presenting your report, and in fram- 
ing legislation which we deem to be necessary for a proper solution 
of this world-wide problem, and we express our thanks for the oppor- 
tunity to present these suggestions. The executive secretary of our 
organization, Father Lani, has spent many months in Europe in 
visiting these camps, and will be glad to answer any questions. 

The Chairman. I would like to ask one question — I will ask it of you 
or Father Lani, whichever wants to answer it: If you have been here 
any time this morning, you would have noticed that the Commission 
has heard testimony, and certainly from conscientious people, that 
the McCarran Act containing the provisions that you have criticized is 
nevertheless a proper piece of legislation to have been passed when it 
was passed because it contains provisions that are designed to limit 
the activities, and the opportunities of subversives. Now, I take it, 
you are just as interested in stamping out subversive activities in this 
country, and also preventing any subversive persons from reaching 
these siiores, and yet you tell us that the same act is detrimental to the 
United States because it contains the discriminations that you have 

Now, what would you have the Commission do in the light of the fact 
that persons who agree as to the end to be reached, differ as to whether 
the legislation that contains the provisions that have been discussed 
is in the best interests of the United States, or is detrimental to the 
United States? 

Reverend O'Dwyer. We feel, Mr. Chairman, and members of the 
Commission, that the McCarran Act was modeled largely upon the 
laws of 1924, and 1929, and in view of world situations as they are at 
this hour, I believe that another formula, a better formula in keeping 
w^ith the spirit of our American way of life, and our American democ- 
racy could be evolved. We feel that the Commission, and members of 
the staff of the Commission, have legal knowledge, and the technical 
knowledge to devise a formula which would give consideration on a 
fair and equitable basis to many countries that have apparently been 


overlooked here entirely, and liave very little opporl unity under the 
present act to press — those nations who come to our country. There 
must be some Avay that thin<j^s formerly established could be revamped 
and revised, and we feel there should be no let-up in observing the 
requirements for health, security, and education, and so forth, and 
other requirements that are already in the inunigration laws of our 
country. But some method must be devised whereby the peoples of 
other nationalities, especially in the Southern European countries, 
should be given a fairer treatment than can be given under the 
present act. 

The Chairman. Are you saying, then, that both ends can be 

Reverend O'Dwyi^r. Well, in our opinion, they can be accom- 
plished — necessary safeguards can be maintained as they are at the 
present time, but at the same time the quota basis, the formulas for 
determining the number that should come from any one country in 
any one year can be and should be revised, and we feel that it is 
legally and technically and otherwise possible to do that. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Is Mr. Kushida here ? 


Mr. KusiiiDA. I am Tata Kushida, regional director of the Japanese- 
American Citizens League. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the Commission: I want first of 
all to thank you for the opportunity to testify briefly. I would also 
like to say that I am not an attorney. I am representing an organ- 
ization which is part of a national organization — 17 chapters in the 
Pacific Northwest — of American citizens of Japanese ancestry. There 
are 17 chapters in Arizona and southern California. 

Without commenting on the desirability of codification, which we 
believe is good, I would like to say that this bill is of great significance 
to persons of Japanese ancestry because for the first time 

The Chairman. When you say "this bill" you mean 

Mr. Kushida. Public Law 414, the Walter-McCarran omnibus bill. 

This bill for the first time limits racial restrictions in our immigra- 
tion and naturalization laws so that its effect has to be to emancipate 
our ))eople from the stigma of ineligibility and inadmissibility, and 
in addition it has had the effect of eliminating or invalidating the 
effect of alien land laws in some 10 western States. You gentlemen 
may know something of our background. 

We were evacuated by the Army in 1942 and when we were per- 
mitted to return our self-sustaining economy was disturbed to the 
point that for the first time our people have had to rely on public 
assistance. But because they were ineligible for citizenship they could 
not apply for California State old-age pensions, to which they are 
now eligible. So we feel that that has been a substantial assistance to 
our group. In our 48 States there are some 500 laws which restrict 
aliens from entering certain occupations and professions, which has 
been a handicap to our people, but that has also been eliminated. 


We feel too that in foreign relations the enactment of this bill has 
had a very salutary effect for America, particularly in the Orient and 
especially in Japan. We know that thei'e is very good feeling in Japan 
because the fundamental cause of Pearl Harbor, the 1924 exclusion law, 
has been repealed by this Public Law 414. 

While this is an omnibus bill and not a perfect piece of legisla- 
tion, we know that good legislation is evolutionary and we feel this 
is definitely a step in the right direction. 

We would like to see further liberalizations of this bill in keeping 
with the internal and external security of the United States. We re- 
call that Emanuel Celler, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee of 
the House, in the last page of the House report accompanying this 
bill stated that without doubt this is an improvement over existing 
law. And if there is any way in which the law can be further liberal- 
ized we would like to see the liberalizations extended in keeping with 
security and in fairness to all groups. 

The Chairman. Thank you. Is Mr. Sheffield here? 


Mr. Sheffield. I am John F. Sheffield, attorney at law, 412' West 
Sixth Street, Los Angeles, and am accompanied by Manuel J. Avila, 
1230 West Second Street, Los Angeles, also an attorney. We repre- 
sent the Confederation of Mexican Chambers of Commerce of the 
United States of America. 

The confederation has requested us to prepare and submit a state- 
ment for the record. Our complaint particularly is directed to section 
244, subsection b, and especially to the last sentence of that section 
which makes an arbitrary and a disadvantageous discrimination 
against those aliens and citizens of Mexico. I think that in view of 
the fact that the United States has a boundary of about 3,000 miles 
■which is wholly undefended on the south with Mexico, it is incumbent 
upon the United St-ites to display an imderstanding of problems with 
our neighbor republic to the south. 

I might say that the section to which particular objection is made 
by the persons of Latin descent in the United States reads as follows: 

The provisions of the subsection relating to the granting of suspension of de- 
portation shall not be applicable to any alien who is a native of any country 
contiguous to the United States or of any adjacent island. 

Obviously, that refers to Mexico and at least the Mexican popula- 
tion in the United States. I have so construed it. And they have con- 
sidered that as somewhat of an affront to them and for that reason 
it is not for the best interests of the United States. 

In due deference to the committee and the persons and organiza- 
tions who originally were responsible for the inclusion of this pro- 
vision in Public Law 414, it was argued at that time that the proper 
visas could be readily obtained at an American consulate at the border ; 
that is, Mexican territory. Actually, in practice any citizen of Mexico 
who is required to go to the border or to the American consulate in 
Mexico suffers just as great a hardship as any other person who is 
required to get an immigration visa or who comes within the provision 


of the law by which he may obtain suspension of deportation. Like- 
wise, any alien whether he be a citizen of Mexico or any other country 
can go to the nearest American consulate and obtain a visa, so why 
segregate and separate those citizens of Mexico and make them in- 
eligible for obtaining suspension when actually they would suffer 
just as much? The}^ have theii- homes. They liave their families. 
They have their economic life that is being disrupted just as much as 
any other alien and the hardship is just as serious to them. 

If I may, I would like to submit our prepared statement for the 

The Chairman. Thank you. We will put it into the record at this 

(The statement submitted by Mr. John F. Sheffield follows:) 

Confederation of Mexican Chambers op 
Commerce of the United States of America, 

Coi-pus Christi, Tex., October 15, 1952. 
Joint Committee on Immigration and Nationality Policy, 

Los Angeles, Calif. 

Gentlemen : Relative to Public Law 414, popularly Itnown as the McCarran 
Act, which purports to revise the immigration and nationality laws, we wish to 
present for your consideration objections which we consider inimical to the in- 
terests of our members and which likewise appear to be unjust and detrimental 
to the best interests of the United States. 

Your attention is called to the provisions of section 244 (b) of Public Law 414 
and particularly to the proviso section, which is the last sentence of sub- 
section (b). 

Under section 244 of this law a national of any other country in the world who 
finds himself in the United States illegally and who qualities for the discretionary 
relief of suspension of deportation is permitted to receive that relief in the dis- 
cretion of the Attorney General, except * * * "any alien who is a native of 
any country contiguous to the United States * * * " 

There can be no doubt in any member's mind and it is certainly the feeling 
and belief in the Mexican-American colony that this section is a direct affront 
to our neighbor Republic, Mexico. This section of the law places nationals of 
Mexico in a category less favorable than that of any other material in the world. 

There is a tremendous amount of feeling in the Mexican colonies throughout 
the United States against this provision of law. They believe that this law 
constitutes a direct insult to the nationals of Mexico and to the Republic of 

We in the United States are fortunate in having a friendly, cooperative neigh- 
bor Republic to the South. Thei-e exists an international border between Mexico 
and the United States approximately 3,000 miles in length which is completely 
undefended. It is incumbent upon the United States to maintain and encourage 
friendly relations with ilexico and the repeal of this obnoxious section would 
demonstrate to the ilexican people the esteem and affection in which we hold 

In due deference to the committee and persons and organizations who are 
responsible for the inclusion of this objectionable provision of the law into Public 
Law 414, it was argued by these groups that the reason for putting this proviso 
in section 244 (b) of the law was that nationals of Mexico could readily obtain 
immigration visas at the border. 

Such a supposition is false for two reasons : First, if nationals in Mexico could 
readily obtain a visa at the border then so could nationals of any other country 
obtain such a visa at the American border. Second, this argument is false for 
the additional reason that the hardship would be just as great to a national of 
Mexico as it would be to a national of any other country to have to go to the near- 
est American consulate outside of the United States for the purpose of securing 
an immigration visa. 

Nationals of Mexico who might otherwise qualify for discretionary relief under 
section 244 (a) of Public Law 414 would suffer just as great a hardshijt by having 
to go to the nearest American consulate outside of the United States as would 
the nationals of any other country. There are many nationals of Mexico residing 


as far away as 3.000 miles from the nearest American consulate in tlie Repnhlie 
of Mexico/ Tliere are many Mexican nationals residing in the New England 
States, in New York and in "the northwest portions of the United States. Tech- 
nically, of course, it is even a greater liardship if the American consn'ates are 
goingto insist that these Mexican nationals go to tlie American consulate nearest 
the place of their birth, which is the present State Department regulation. It is 
not only conceivable but it is a frequent occurrence that Mexican nationals 
residing in the United States come from the central and .southern parts of 

The Mexican nationals who would thus be affected by departing from the 
United States for the purpose of adjusting their immigration status in many 
instances have established their homes in the United States, have American-born 
wives or husbands, and American-born children. In many instances these same 
Mexican nationals or their children have served long and honorably in the 
Armed Forces of the United States. 

The foregoing being so, it is obvious that the special category created by the 
proviso which is the last sentence of section 244 (b) of Public Law 414, is 
arbitrary, unfair, and unjust. 

Considering the effect of the discrimination created by this section adverse to 
the nationals of Mexico, it must be pointed out that little more than 100 years 
ago, an area which constitutes approximately one-third of the physical area of 
the United States was Mexican territory. Many of the traditions, customs, and 
private laws in force in States within that area have their basic origin in the 
history of Mexico. The population in the Los Angeles area which can trace its 
lineage direct to Mexico comprises approximately 1 million people. Los Angeles 
is considered the second largest Mexican city in the world. The entire popula- 
tion of the United States which is of Mexican derivation probably comprises 
20 million people. It can be readily seen that this provision in i'ublic Law 414 
adver.sely affects a great many American citizens and through that medium 
causes the deterioration and disintegration of friendly relations between the 
United States and the Republic of Mexico. 

By I'eason of the foregoing it is respectfully requested that the honorable 
committee delete the following portion of subsection (b) of section 244 of 
Public Law 414 : 

" * * * The provisions of this subsection relating to the granting of sus- 
pension of deportation shall not be applicable to any alien who is a native of any 
country contiguous to the United States or of any adjacent island, unless he 
establishes to the satisfaction of the Attorney General that he is ineligible to 
obtain a nonquota immigrant visa * * *." 

This modification in the law should be made because it is an arbitrary and 
unnatural condition in Public Law 414. The category which it creates claiming 
to be based upon the facility of obtaining immigration visas for persons in this 
category is based on a false premise and in effect creates hardships which the 
purpose of the law is supposed to alleviate. This section should be deleted for 
the additional reason that it will tend to create friction, animosity, and unde- 
sirable relations with an otherwise friendly neighbor Republic. 
Respectfully yours, 

Confederation of Mexican Chambers 
OF Commerce of the United States, 
By Armando G. Tomez, 

Vice President and Chairtnan of the 
Legislative Committee. 

Los Angexes, Calif., October 15, 1952. 
Committee on Immigration and Nationality Policy, 

Los Angeles, Calif. 
: Gentlemen : As a member of the bar the attention of the committee is called 
to the following language which is found in section 103 (a) of Public Law 414. 
"Determination and ruling by the Attorney General with respect to all ques- 
tions to laws shall be controlling— he is authorized — ^to appoint such employees 
of the service as he deems necessary, and to delegate to them or to any officer or 
employee of the Department of Justice in his discretion, any of the duties and 
powers imposed upon him in this act * * *. He is authorized to confer or 
imi)ose upon employees of the United States * * * any of the powers, privi- 


leges, or duties conferred or imposed by this act or regulation issued thereunder, 
upon officers or employees of the service." 

The effect of the foregoing language in section 103 (a) of the law is such as to 
make it possible for a clerk, novice, or any inferior employee of the United States 
Government to qualify to pass upon matters of law which may be very involved 
and affect the substantial rights of an American citizen. Bear in mind, Public 
Law 414 provides for many things other than immigration of aliens. Citizens of 
the United States who are traveling abroad are within the provisions of this law 
when they attempt to reenter the United States. It is not only possible but it is 
happening frequently that immigration officers are compelled to determine the 
citizenship of an American entering the United States. 

Do you want your American citizenship determined by a jjerson inexperienced 
in the lawV 

This provision in the law makes you subject to such determination. This 
provision of the law in section 103 (a) of Public Law 414 makes it possible for 
any employee of the United States Government to make a determination on any 
matter arising under this law. 

It is respectfully submitted that section 103 (a) of Public Law 414 should be 
amended so as to provide for judicial officers and persons learned in the law to 
make determinations of questions of law. 

It is likewise respectfully requested and urged that the immigration law pro- 
vide that in all judicial or quasi judicial proceedings involving hearings on status, 
deportability, qualification for discretionary relief, right to admission into the 
United States of America, citizens, where questions of law are involved that 
the rules of evidence and testimony be the same as in any other judicial 

Respectfully submitted. 

[Signed] John F. Sheffield. 

The Chairman. Is Mr. John Despol here ? 


Mr. Despol. I am John Despol, secretary-treasurer of the California 
Council and executive secretary of the CIO California Intlustrial 
Union Council, which I represent here. 

I have a prepared statement I wish to read. 

The Chairman. You may do so. 

Mr. Despol. The CIO California Industrial Union Council repre- 
sents approximately 200 CIO unions in all parts of the State and 150,- 
000 CI() members in California who with their families, constitute a 
group of 370,000 people. 

The council represents these unions and members in legislative and 
political activity. We are concerned with social issues affecting the 
welfare of our members, the State of California, the good of the 
Nation, and our country's international relations and foreign policy. 

Consequently, we are interested in the laws which have to do with 
immigration and naturalization. Clearly legislation in this field can 
have far-reaching effects on our members, on the people of California 
and of other States, and on the health of United States foreign 

The real wealth of any country is its people. We do not want a 
restrictive immigration policy which will keep us from importing 
the most valuable jiroduct we can accept from another country — its 
people who wish to become our citizens. 



Certainly we know that agents of countries hostile to us have entered 
this country with the sole intention of using their American citizen- 
ship as a cloak for activities against us and our form of government. 

These people are agents of police states. They will use every trick 
and falsehood to gain entry to the country and we must protect our- 
selves against them. 

No agent of commimism or fascism should be allowed into the 
United States if he can be identified as such. Certainly anyone who 
declares his willingness to uphold the American form of government 
and then by regular judicial process is proven to have perjured himself 
should be subject to punishment under the law, including the possibil- 
ity of deportation. 

United States immigration laws should provide protection against 
the enemy agent. Failure to do so would be a stupid betrayal of our 
own security. And I may add this would also be betrayal to the rest 
of the free world in view of the fact that we are now the main bastion 
to freedom. 

This protection should not be loosely drawn or carelessly applied, so 
that instead of protecting us from our enemies, it excludes and insults 
our friends. 


We need the immigrant. We are still a vigorous, expanding coun- 
try and haven't reached a point, yet, where we are content to stop 
growing and adding to our skills and ability to produce. 

The State of California has been able to absorb a 100-percent in- 
crease in population in the last 10 years. We are not the only State 
that can benefit from the influx of new workers and new consumers. 
California's strength lies in its growing population. 

California has reaped plenty of benefits from the contributions of 
tlie foreign -born worker, too. Some of our major industries — for ex- 
ample, canned tuna and wine growing and grape industry — were 
brought into being by foreign-born citizens of our State. 

Particularly wlien production is vital to our success in the world 
struggle against communism and fascism, we have increased need of 
the skills available to us through the immigrant. 


We cannot calculate what skills are needed in this country, or to 
what extent we are able to alleviate misery in other countries by apply- 
ing a national origins formula which was of doubtful value when it 
was adopted nearly 30 years ago. 

It is unrealistic to govern the number of immigrants allowable in 
this country eacli year by a formula as inflexible as the national origins 
concept, to say nothing of the other dangers of the national origins 

Our present needs and our present ability to accept immigration 
have no relation to the numbers of people we admitted to this country 
in the 1920's. 

Wliat we are in effect arguing for here is a modern and more effective 
immigration law. 


At present the countries assigned large quotas under the antiquated 
national origins formula are not using up their quotas. Small-quota 
countries have been additionally penalized by having charged against 
their quotas disphiced persons already in this country before the act 
even goes into effect. 

In other words, the McCarran Act will not even allow into this 
country the number it has set — albeit in arbitrary fashion — as per- 

What the McCarran Act gives with one hand it takes away with the 


In no respect is this more apparent than the way in which the Mc- 
Carran Act has handled the question of racial origins of immigrants. 

According to the philosophy underlying this act, a person's entry 
into the country depends on his racial origins, favored races being 
given larger quotas. This is of one piece with Hitler's philosophy of 
master and inferior races. It is the reverse side of Stalin. The 
McCarran Act makes a lie of our protestation of our concern for 
human brotherhood and a blatant hypocrisy of our claims to a demo- 
cratic way of life. 

The bill has the meritorious feature of removing the automatic bar 
to immigration and naturalization of various Asiatics on racial 
grounds alone. 

But the bill then sets up a racial ancestry test singling out orientals 
for special, prejudicial treatment. 

Orientals and half -orientals are charged to the extremely limited 
quota of their ancestral lands, regardless of in what country in Europe 
or South America, for example, they are born. 

Racial bias thus scores another damaging victory in a new provision 
limiting colonial quotas. The effect of this section is to exclude from 
the United States Negroes from the Caribbean Islands and to accom- 
plish a drastic cut in immigi'ation from, the British West Indies, 
notably Jamaica. 

These provisions will do harm of far wider consequence than simply 
offending the sensibilities of the Negro and Asiatic residents already 
in the United States and causing shame and disgust to those really 
believing in our philosophy of equality regardless of race or color. 

Communists delight in this ammunition we have so thoughtlessly 
furnished them. They will see to it that these damaging provisions are 
well publicized throughout the world. 


On one hand we are allied with countries of Southern and Eastern 
Europe for mutual protection in a North Atlantic Treaty Organi- 

AVe are expending funds to beam information about American demo- 
cratic ideas to foreign populations and governments. 

At the same time, we are sabotaging these sincere efforts at friend- 
ship with European and Asiatic peoples by declaring in our basic 
immigration policy that we do not consider their people fit for Ameri- 
can citizenship. 



We are opening to question our consistency and integrity in con- 
demning iron-curtain countries when we permit iron-curtain legisla- 
tion of our own. 

Other antidemocratic provisions of the McCarran Act have been 
publicized as having no place in our democratic philosophy. The 
measure automatically bars many refugees fi'om totalitarian nations, 
it sets up literacy requirements for victims of religious persecutions, 
and abolishes existing statutes of limitations in deportation cases. 

Besides barring many of the political and religious refugees who 
need our aid, and would strengthen our country, we treat in a strange 
fashion those who are able to meet the stiff requirements of entrance. 

What a poor impression of democracy we are giving the people who 
are able to enter the country and whose first direct impression of us 
is obtained by tangling with our immigration procedures. 

These new citizens must learn with dismay that under our present 
laws they are expected to remain in a special kind of second-class 
citizenship and that their grant of citizenship is conditional. 

Aliens and even naturalized citizens suspected of undesirable polit- 
ical opinions, or running afoul of our laws, are subject to deportation 
instead of to equal treatment with American-born citizens under the 

The law sets up the possibilities for deportation without judicial 
review and in some cases without even an administrative hearing. 

In an effort to achieve security from the subversive, the McCarran 
Act has introduced some ugly provisions that contain neither sense 
nor security in disregarding our well-founded traditions of fair play 
and due process. 


Unfortunately, other nations able to absorb some of Europe's and 
Asia's distressed populations will follow the lead of the United States 
in restricting immigration. 

If the United States takes its fair share of immigrants, then it can 
be an influence in persuading nations such as Canada and Australia 
to do the same. Certainly we are in no position to encourage other 
countries to act in alleviating the displaced persons and surplus popu- 
lation problems of the world when we show unwillingness to do our 
own share. 

And now I come to a personal suggestion which we haven't taken 
up in our organization. Our convention will be coming up in No- 
vember, and this is on.e of the suggestions I am going to make then 
TiUd am going to make to the Commission now. 

I personally am in favor of reversing our present restrictive policy 
so completely that we would organize and open ari "underground rail- 
way'" into the countries behind the iron curtain. I believe that we 
should actively assist victims of tyi-anny behind the iron curtain lo 
escape to our shores; we should be delighted to welcome here, too, the 
skilled craftsmen now forced to produce for enemy countries. 

This is the example we should be giving the world, instead of a 
picture of fear of the newcomer. 


Our forefatliei-s Avere aliens. This country was established and 
built by the foreign-born. 

The world has become more complicated since our forefathers ar- 
rived here, but the value of people has not changed. 

The wealth of this country still lies in its people. To the extent 
we have been a refuge for the opi)ressed, downtrodden, and freedom- 
loving people of the Avorhl, we ourselves have prospered. 

We will not go wrong if in changing our immigration and naturali- 
zation policies, we are guided by the welcoming words on the Statue 
of Liberty, ''Give me the wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send 
these the homeless, tempest-tossed to me." 

Tlie refugees, the homeless, the tempest-tossed — these are the people 
who have made America a great country where there is room for more 
people who will do the same so far as America's future. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Is Mr. Rogers here ? 


Mr. Rogers. I am William F. Rogers, Jr., 77 S Street, Chula Vista, 
Calif., representing the San Diego County Farm Bureau, Chamber 
of Commerce Building, San Diego 1, Calif. 

The Chairman. You may proceed, sir. 

Mr. Rogers. As we understand the purpose of this Commission it 
is to determine, or at least in an advisory capacity recommend, what 
the future immigration law might be in the United States. We con- 
sider the law might have a deficiency of what it says as well as what 
it may fail to say. We are not prepared to talk aoout the quotas as 
pertaining to Asia or pertaining to Europe, but rather a problem to 
us, who are only 6 miles from the international border, which is very 
pressing and certainly a financial problem to the United States Immi- 
gration Service, the so-called wetback situation. 

AVe feel, and we are certain to this extent, that the present regula- 
tions do not have the confidence of anybody who has had anything 
to do with the present international program and that includes the 
Immigration Service in Washington in which we have gone to the 
extent to check with to see what their position is. Yet we are as 
vigorously in favor of eliminating this wetback situation as anybody 
in this particular room, but like prohibition there is only one way to 
eliminate a problem and that is to have a law that has the confidence 
of the people who are familiar with the problem. It is more difScult, 
we realize, to pass legislation than to utilize existing legislation. For- 
tunately for the farmers, and we believe for the Mexicans and the 
people of the United States, there now exists in section 102 and section 
451, title 8 of the United States Code, which is sometimes referred to as 
simplified procedure for legal entry, a practical method of coping with 
this problem. It is connnonly known as the border-ci'ossing-card sys- 
tem. The system is in effect, as I undei'stand from correspondence 
we have received from the Farm Bureau in New England, on the New 
England-Canadian border. We have idso been informed by the San 

25356—52 74 


Diego Union, which is the Largest paper in San Diego, that it is the 
only one workable and the present one is absolutely abominable, and 
we have so been informed by the farmers there. The State Depart- 
ment is not for it. They have not attacked it on procedure. Mexico 
is in opposition to the same thing. In fact, after consulting with 
various Mexican authorities it does not bear out the contentions of 
either the Department of State or the Department of Labor. 

The program we would like to see is that we would have a border- 
crossing-card system which woidd only require that the Attorney 
General of the United States would issue an order to the Immigration 
Service to temporarily utilize this border-crossing-card procedure. 
Then in Tijuana, which is an area adjacent to this border, under the 
present program — I don't know whether you are familiar with it — the 
labor is being recruited from central Mexico and much of it has no 
agricultural aptitude at all. In Tijuana in particular we are familiar 
with that situation, and there is a well-trained group of agricultural 
labor which is unemployed. This is the agricultural labor that has 
been under the various programs since 1942. That help is sitting 
over in Tijuana, which is not an agricultural area, unemployed. They 
are desirous of coming into the United States under a legal basis but 
they are prevented under the present regulations which require that 
they come in under international agreement, which means a train ride 
to central Mexico and redoubling their trip. 

The crossing-card system, as we would like to see it carried out and 
as the agricultural commissioner in Imperial County would like to 
see it carried out, would be that there would be an agency in Tijuana 
to take this help and check it in order to see that it is in the bsst inter- 
ests of the Republic of Mexico that they would be allowed to be issued 
a crossing card. That is, in other words, so they don't take vital help 
from Mexican industries in order to come over here because the w^age 
scale in the United States is some eight times what it is in Mexico. 

The second procedure would be that we would have a farm-place- 
ment agency or other governmental or quasi-governmental agency in 
Tijuana which would screen the help in order to find out that they 
actually have an agricultural aptitucle, and at that point they would 
be issued a crossing card, assuming that all the other requirements of 
health and nonsubversive and so forth were qualified with. One is 
that the crossing-card system would be issued, and it would be issued 
for 6 months. It could require under the directive of the Attorney 
General certain wage conditions that must be complied with by the 
employer. It could require that the employer must pay this personnel 
in triplicate checks ; one check each week to farm placement or other 
governmental or quasi-governmental agency in order that we could 
actually correct this w^etback situation. 

You never get any connection with it now because no one absolutely 
has any confidence in the present program, and we believe the crossing- 
card system would make it possible for a Mexican to come in and work 
on a legal basis. He would therefore be in a position to complain in 
case anybody would abuse his duties toward him in any way, either 
as to wages or w^orking conditions. The present mess extends from 
an illegality of a situation and when you get a workable situation you 
could correct the abuse. You could have the Immigration Service 
possibly have 5,000 cases rather than 30,000 cases a month. There 


would only be need for a $5,000 rather than $100,000 installation, 
which they are now going to put in San Jacinto. 

We believe the border-crossing-card system would work in our own 
iirea as well as other areas more distant from the border. Our whole 
idea is to be practical. Where this system is the sound system, accept 
it, and where some other system is sound, have it. We would like this 
as a recommendation to put in the next bill. 

The easiest way to get something done is to have the Congress of 
the United States request the Attorney General to utilize the existing 
code procedures of the Immigration Code, and we believe that would 
be in the best interests of the country. 

I would like to submit for the record a letter in behalf of our 

The Chairman. It will be received. 

(The letter submitted by Mr. William F. Rogers, Jr., follows :) 

San Diego County Farm Bureau, 
San Diego, Calif., October 15, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 

Los Aftgeles, Calif. 

Dear Sirs : The public has been led to believe that the farmers are the major 
reason for the illegal entry of Mexican workers, including Communists and 
smugglers. The inference has been by reason of the fact that most illegally 
entered Mexicans seek employment in agriculture. 

Farmers are very much aware of the dangers of Communist infiltration and 
smuggling, and are very anxious that such persons be apprehended and dealt 
with immediately. 

We are highly in favor of any practical means of correcting the situation and 
still maintaining an adequate legal labor supply to grow the food needed by our 
increasing population. 

We propose that the provisions in the immigration law which permit the 
border-crossing card for agricultural workers be used in the border areas such 
as San Diego County. 

The use of this border-crossing card would : 

1. Permit the agencies of Government entrusted with the enforcement of laws 
to sceen out and apprehend the Communists and smugglers. 

2. Make possible legal entry of agricultural labor so badly needed by farmers 
in border areas. 

3. Be welcomed, we have been informed by responsible Mexican people, as an 
acceptable method for legalizing farm workers in line with the good-neighbor 

4. Benefit the consumer because the flexible labor supply will help prev-ent 
the loss of food. 


San Diego County Farm Bureau, 
S. C. Mathews, 

Chairman, Labor Committee. 

The Chairman. Is Miss Adanls here ? 


Miss Adams. I am Susan D. Adams, 536 Maple Avenue, Los An- 
geles, Calif., representing the Los Angeles Central Labor Council of 
the American Federation of Labor and its secretary, Mr. W. J. Basset. 

I would like to read a prepared statement. 

The Chairman. The Commission will be pleased to hear it. 


Miss Adams. I appreciate the opportunity of appearing before this 
Commission. The Los Angeles Labor Council of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, which I am representing, represents 227 A. F. of L. 
unions and 500,000 union members in Los Angeles County. Our mem- 
bership is composed of workers in many industries and in agriculture. 
We have in our ranks every type of employee, from the unskilled to 
the most highly trained. Our membership represents a similar variety 
in race, creed, color, and nationality. 

During the time allotted me I would like to direct your attention to 
some of the experiences of the A. F. of L. in this community which 
have a bearing on the problems of immigration and naturalization 
which you are studying as well as to my observations on the present 
legislation in this field. 


Recently, I requested a number of A. F. of L. officers and business 
agents, representing different types of unions and industries, to give 
me information about their experience with immigrant workers in 
Los Angeles. I would like to pass on to you their accounts of first 
hand, day-to-day activity with foreign-born workers and what hap- 
pens to these workers in our community. 

The International Ladies Garment Workers Union is an A. F. of L. 
union with a large percentage of foreign-born workers. This union, 
from its origin, has been highly conscious of the problems of immigra- 
tion and naturalization. Foreign-born members of the ILG in Los 
Angeles have come from eastern Europe and Italy; they include 
Poles, Russians, Belgians, a few Greeks, some Germans, some from the 
Isle of lihodes, a small number of English, a few Irish, Mexicans, and 
Japanese (Japanese workers are mainly Nisei, however). Recent 
immigi'ants have been mainly displaced persons from eastern Europe 
and from Ital3\ The industry offers employment without discrimina- 
tion because of nationality. Since the garment industry in Los An- 
geles is expanding there have been job opportunities for immigrants 
and the industry has depended on immigration for a large portion 
of its skilled labor supply. Since a large portion of its present skilled 
workers are more than 50 years old, a continuing source of skilled labor 
is a matter of concern to this industry. 

The ILG conduct classes in Americanization and English language 
for its foreign-born members. These classes are well attended — en- 
rollment is voluntary — showing a desire on the part of the workers 
to adapt themselves to life in America. 

The union has found no important differences in tlie ability or desire 
of immigrants from various parts of the world to become self-support- 
ing workers in the industry and participating citizens in the conunu- 
iiity ; Sjuthern and Eastern Europeans have been as successful in this 
endeavor as have their brotliers from Western Europe. Many of these 
workers have escaped to this country after suffering from the tyranny 
of dictatorship and thus have a deep-rooted personal appreciation of 
our form of government and an abhorrence of the evils of communism 
and fascism. 

Since the experience of tlie ILG is typical in many respects of that 
which has occurred in other Los Angeles A. F. of L. unions, I shall 
cite our other experiences more briefly. 


The laiiiKlrv workers report tliat immigrants from Czechoslovakia, 
Austria, Gerniany, and Great Britain are \vorkin«2: in tlie industry 
here. Most of these innni<:rants know some English when tliey arrive 
and make definite efforts 1o improve their knowledue oi' the En<>lish 
hmguage. There is a sliortage of help in the industry, and the union 
feels that the innniizrants have been of value in fitting the job oppor- 
tunities available. The work is semiskilled and immigrants have been 
able to learn what skills were necessary in a short period of time. The 
foreign-born workers have sliown an understanding and appreciation 
of democracy as a result of their political experiences abroad. Their 
desire to live under a free form of government, as contrasted with 
communism and fascism, is one of the reasons they express for having 
come here with their families. 

The bakers' union reports a shortage of trained men in the industry 
and states that the immigrants who have sought work as bakers are 
well trained in the countries from which they come. Some of the im- 
migrants speak excellent English ; some speak no English. The latter 
have been anxious to learn the language. 

Immigrant workers have also found employment in poultry houses 
under the jurisdiction of the Provision House Union. These immi- 
grants also are taking jobs in an industry in which there has been a 
scarcity of workers. These w^orkers are going to school in their off- 
work hours. They are anxious to make this country their permanent 
home. However, these workers are in great fear of doing anything 
which might get them sent back to the countries from which they came, 
and this fear extends even to union activity. 

Some immigrants have found employment in the cap makers field. 
Employers have not been prejudiced because of an applicant's nation- 
ality and there are opportunities in the field for skilled and nonskilled 

The printing specialties union reports that about one-third of the 
immigrants who have been placed in this industry in Los Angeles are 
skilled in the trade. Those coming from Czechoslovakia, Germany, 
and Switzerland represent some of the highest skilled and best trained 
in the industry. The vast majority of those coming over spoke Eng- 
lish and could make themselves understood. The union has been im- 
mensely pleased with their adjustment. There has been a need for 
labor, particularly skilled labor, in the industry which these workers 
have helped to meet. This union also reports that immigrants are 
afraid to join any organization, even unions, for fear of prejudicing 
their citizenship. 


This actual working experience with immigrants of different nation- 
alities in varied industries, in this community, can be summarized as 
follows : 

During the last few- years many of the immigrants wlio have come 
to us under the Displaced Persons Act are from the very countries 
allotted small quotas under the McCarran Act. Our unions have 
found these immigrants as capable of adjusting to American ways as 
workers from countries wdiich have been given more favored quotas 
in our present immigration law. 


These immigi'ants either have a knowledge of English or quickly 
make efforts to learn the langaiage of their new homeland. 

Many bring skills which are needed in American indnstry. These 
skilled craftsmen are useful in training other workers, American or 
foreign-born, so that our industries can continue to have an adequate 
supply of skilled labor. Others fill a need for labor in industries 
having a shortage of unskilled or semiskilled workers. 

The experience of our Los Angeles A. F. of L. unions reveals that 
immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, as well as from coun- 
tries favored by the McCai'ran Act quotas, rajjidly become self-sustain- 
ing in employment and a part of the community life. 

It is true that fear of jeopardizing their citizenship — fear undoubt- 
edly enhanced by the debate and discussion leading up to passage of 
the McCarran Act as well as the punitive features of the act itself as 
passed — make these immigrants hesitant about assuming certain 
responsibilities of citizenship. Although most of the immigrants 
with whom we have come in contact in Los xingeles have an apprecia- 
tion of the democratic form of government as a result of their per- 
sonal observation of the results of Communist and Fascist tyranny 
abroad, they feel an active participation in organizations — such as 
trade-unions — might lead them into trouble over their citizenship 

Such an atmosphere as fostered by the deportation proceedings of 
the immigration law prevents the immigrant from making contribu- 
tions to our industrial democracy and our community organizations 
equal to their contributions as workers. 


The A. F. of L. is concerned with the effects of our immigration 
policy in world affairs quite as much as with the limitations it puts 
on the immigrant's contribution to life within the borders of the 
United States. 

One of the most vigorously effective, although little publicized, 
activities of the American Federation of Labor on a national level is 
the Federation's role in world affairs. Practically the first item of 
business before the A. F. of L. national convention last month was a 
55-page report on what the A. F. of L. is doing in the international 

Working as "shirt sleeve diplomats" a score of the A. F. of L. repre- 
sentatives have been busy in countries like Germany, Austria, France, 
Pakistan, and Japan to promote democratic unionism, to keep check 
on United States foreign policy, to help meet human needs, and to 
cement friendship between the peoples of these countries and the 
United States. 

Certainly these efforts to extend a helping hand to the peoples of 
Europe and Asia and our assurances of American friendship for 
freedom-seeking peoples of the Avorld are handicapped and weakened 
by legislation such as the McCarran Act which announces to the world 
a contrary philosophy. 

The reaffirmation of an immigration policy based on an outdated 
formula of national origins, involving blatant discrimination against 
the people of southern and eastern Europe, and containing racist con- 


cepts directed against orientals and colonial peoples, can harm or 
completely nullify the patient work of all tliose, including A. F. of L. 
representatives abroad, who have worked for friendly ties between the 
United States and Europe and Asia. 

The nianiier in which the United States takes cognizance of the 
problems of displaced persons and overpopulation of other nations 
will have a lasting effect of our relationship with countries we are 
attempting to win or keep as friends and allies. 

This is no time for America to abandon its tradition of offering 
asylum to the oppressed and persecuted. Every effort of our Govern- 
ment envoys and of representatives of non-Ciovernment bodies, is 
being made to demonstrate the willingness and ability of this country 
to help meet human needs. 

The present immigration and naturalization policies of the United 
States will be used by our enemies as an example of our mi willingness 
to help and of our inability to understand the misery of other nations 
that may be disastrous for the international structure we have been 
attempting to build. 

Those who supported the McCarran bill claimed that it streamlined 
our immigration and naturalization laws, eliminated their racial bias, 
and closed loo])lioles through which alien criminals and subversives 
had been entei'ing this country. 

Actually the effects of our present immigration and naturalization 
laws accomplish contrary results in many respects. For example: 

1. Our present laws would exclude many aliens who would be stanch 
defenders of our American way of life. Our laws, in many instances, 
bar precisely those people who are anti-Communist and anti-Fascist 
by reason of their experiences abroad. Many families from southern 
and eastern Europe seek to enter this country because of their desire 
for freedom and their hatred of totalitarianism. They are vigorously 
democratic because they have experienced tyranny and they would be 
an asset to this country. The national origins concept in our legisla- 
tion has given small quotas to countries from which we could otherwise 
welcome people who appreciate democracy because they have been 
touched by the torture, murder, and brutality of dictatorships. 

2. Our present laws invoke a racially discriminatory ancestry test 
for the issuance of quota visas. Such racism not only violates our 
principle of equality regardless of race, creed, or color. It not only 
deprives us of the contribution of people who have everything to offer 
but the proper ancestry. This odious feature of our present policy 
insults the people of Asia. It sets up an insurmountable barrier to 
friendly international relationships between the United States and 
the countries of Asia, where we are working for an understanding of 
democracy. It cannot be acceptable to the people of Asiatic and Negro 
ancestiy within our own borders. 

3. The McCarran Act violates sound principles of administrative 
procedure, and, 

4. Our pi-esent laws attempt to protect this country from subversives 
and other desirable persons by techniques which have been described 
as "closely akin to totalitarianism." 

Furthenuore, the McCarran Act sets uj) new principles and pro- 
cedures for deportation which A'iolate the civil rights of a naturalized 
citizen and leave him forever in a second-class status of citizenship. 


What should be substituted in place of this legislation which is 
based on a philosophy of antagonism toward a large portion of the 
world's population? 

Let us face, first of all, the need for a carefully worked out, long- 
range policy of immigration and naturalization and recognize that 
piecemeal amendments of our present laws are insufficient. What is 
needed is a complete revision and liberalization of our basic immigra- 
tion and naturalization laws. 

This revision should be based on the philosophy that, properly 
regulated, immigration will be mutually beneficial to this country 
and to the immigrant. 

Immigrants should be judged as people, according to their merits 
and not according to their national origins or racial ancestry. 

Our capacity to absorb immigrants in the population and the work- 
ing force should be calculated and immigi'ation permitted according 
to that capacity. Certainly American labor unions, which have exten- 
sive knowledge of employment conditions, can be helpful and should 
be consulted in determining what amount of immigration our economy 
can absorb. 

Displaced persons already in this country should not be charged 
against the number of immigrants to be welcomed here now or in the 

Special provisions should be made to protect the unity of the 
family and to meet this country's needs for people with special skills 
and training. 

Administrative decisions of immigration and naturalization officials 
should be subject to judicial review. 

Once the immigrant is a citizen he should have all rights of citizen- 
ship and face deportation only if he entered this country through 

Such legislation would enable us to face the present and meet its 
challenges realistically. We had better stop pretending we live in 
1924 and can depend on immigration policies which were highly ques- 
tionable even then. The problems of 1952 and of the years to come are 
too urgent to permit of pretense, prejudice, isolationism or stupidity 
in our immigration and naturalization policies. 

I am glad 3'our Commission is gathering the facts which can lead 
to a replacement of our present inadequate and harmful laws by sound 

Too much is at stake to permit continuance of immigration policies 
which have already harmed and will further endanger our civil rights, 
our economy, and our international relations. 

The Chairman. Thank you. Miss Adams. 

Is Professor Beals here ? 


Professor Beals. I am Ralph L. Beals, 568 Dryad Road, Santa 
Monica, Calif., professor of anthopology. University of California, 
formerly president, American Anthropological Association. I have 
completed 6 years as a member of the Board of Social Science Re- 
search Council, which is the liaison organization of all the social 
science organizations in the United States. 


I should begin by saying that I am not appearing as a representa- 
tive of the University but as an individual and a professor. I have a 
prepared statement I would like to read. 

The Chairman. AVe will be glad to hear it. 

Mr. Beals. This statement is confined to a discussion of the effect 
of our immigration laws and their administration, including the 
national origin quota system on the conduct of the foreign policies 
of the United States. This limitation is made with full recognition 
that the fonnulation of an adequate national policy with respect to 
immigration is a very complex matter involving many other consid- 
erations besides those dealt with in this statement. In the brief time 
available I wisli to restrict myself to that area in which I believe I 
have some special qualifications. 

First a word about these qualifications. I am an anthropologist, 
which means that I have devoted my mature life to understanding and 
knowing the ways of life of other peoples and have been particularly 
concerned with their attitudes, values, and beliefs. I have spent long 
periods of time outside the United States in Latin America and I have 
visited all the major countries in that area for varying lengths of time. 
I have also discussed these problems with many anthropologists who 
have spent long periods of time in other parts of the world. I have 
been president of the American Anthropological Association. As rep- 
resentative of the association to the board of directors of the Social 
Science Research Council for the past 6 years. I also have had close 
contacts with leading members of other social sciences. I do not 
speak officially for any group, but I believe practically all anthropolo- 
gists and social scientists will support what I say. 

In their w^ork abroad anthropologists meet not only Government: 
officials of many ranks, intellectuals, and businessmen, but also work 
ing people, peasants, and primitives. I have shaken the hands ot 
Presidents and I have been the guest and sometimes the friend of 
Cabinet members, ministers, senators, and. other people of this type 
abroad. I have also slept on the dirt floor of Indian huts, and I think 
I have some idea of the range of ways of living and problems and 
feelings that people in these countries have. Our range of experience 
in a given country consequently tends to be broader than that of most 
observers from the United States. Moreover, w^e meet these people 
under circumstances which tend to produce frank and open responses. 

Regardless of stratum of society, I believe it is correct to say cate- 
gorically that throughout much of the world our quota system is deep- 
ly resented. 

Such resentment does not imply that thinking people, at least, 
recognize that it is necessary for a nation at times to place restric- 
tions on the amount and kind of immigration it permits and to specify 
conditions under which immigration may occur. In fact, most coun- 
tries have such restrictions. Our quota system, however, is general- 
ly interpreted as being a form of discrimination and an expression of 
feelings of racial superiority. 

The people of the world have long been aware of attitudes of su- 
periority expressed by members of northwest European groups to- 
ward peoples of darker skin color. An overwhelming part of the 
population of the world is darker in skin color than peo])le of north- 
west European origin. Any discrimination against people of darker 


skin in the United States is taken by people everywhere as discrimi- 
nation against them. Even where people were formerly ignorant of 
discrimination in the United States against people of dark skin color, 
the Communists have made tliem aware of these circumstances. The 
quota system is viewed then as an extension of such discrimination. 

Whether such discrimination originally was intended in the quota 
system, or not, is beside the point. In effect, the operation of the quota 
system gives the appearance of such discrimination and it is so inter- 
preted. It is my belief that no amount of explanation will convince 
most people outside the United States that the quota system is not 
intended to be discriminatory. 

As a result of this interpertation, our foreigii policy is frequently 
suspect. Even our most generous offers of technical and economic aid 
tend to be viewed either as condescension or to conceal some ulterior 
motive. Frank expression of self-interest would be understood and 
it is perhaps unfortunate that we tend to stress our generosity in tech- 
nical and economic aid programs rather than the frank statement of 
national interest which lies at the root of such programs. Peoples 
everywhere today will grant the superiority of our technical knowl- 
edge and the greatness of our wealth. They resent, however, the im- 
plication that these are the results of an inherent superiority and a 
belief that other peoples are unable to accomplish similar results in 
time. The quota system therefore clouds the bases of even the sim- 
plest understanding of us and our motives. 

All scientific evidence indicates that all peoples are inherently ca- 
pable of acquiring or adapting to our civilization. Upon this point 
the American Anthropological Association has unanimously endorsed 
an official statement by its executive board. But peoples who have 
grown up in and been adapted to a quite different way of life, that is 
a different culture, to use anthropological language, may find it dif- 
ficult as adults to adjust to new conditions. The degree of difficulty 
will vary according to the way of life in which people have developed. 
To put it in simple terms, because of their training and experience, 
some people may find it slightly easier to adapt to American civiliza- 
tion than do others, but this difference does not lie in any inherent 
qualities attaching to a particular group. This is the one sentence 
and the one thing that a couple of my colleagues disagreed with in 
this statement. They didn't want to admit that it was harder for 
some people to adapt than others on the basis of background. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. May I interrupt? Are you saying there is no 
disagreement on the point that there were no inherent differences? 

Professor Beals. Tliere is no disagreement. The difficulty is that 
some ways of life would be harder for some than others. 

The CiiAiR:\rAiV. Is that the idea that is not fully concurred in? 

Professor Beals. It is not concurred in by all people : Not the abil- 
ity to adapt, but the speed of the adaptation. 

(Continuation of reading by Professor Beals:) 

The very history of the United States is a vital witness to the truth 
of this statement, for people of many races and cultures have made 
great contributions to our way of life. However, the forces of history 
are such that I do not believe we can persuade the rest of the w^orld 
that any quota system is based upon adaptability rather than upon be- 
lief in inherent inferiority or superiority of other peoples. Conse- 


qnently, I believe the Commission in reacliinjr its conclusion should 
give serious thouo-lit to the problem of whether the d;im;i<2:e done in 
our relations with other ]ieoples by a quota system is not far (greater 
than the dama<^e to ourselves if we admit a larger number of peoples 
who may possii)ly take an additional generation to adapt to the Ameri- 
can way of life. 

Commissioner CGkadv. Is the Social Science Research Council 
doing any work in this field at the present time? 

Professor Beals. At the moment they have no such programs. 
They have in the past and are supporting such programs at present 
as the development of specialists in foreign areas. There is the de- 
partment of special training and special research programs to enlarge 
the United States knowledge of foreign areas, both from the stand- 
point of research needs and the very real needs of our expanding for- 
eign policies and our expanded position in world affairs. I think this 
is where the council's major support has gone at the present time, in 
the foreign-areas program. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. Profcssor, let me make sure that I understand 
your point. Are you telling the Commission that if there are anthro- 
pological justifications for a quota system, purportedly based on dif- 
ferences of ability of different peoples to become assimilated in the 
United States, you professionally say to us that there is no scientific 
verification for that belief? 

Professor Beals. That is what I would say. 

Commissioner O'Grady. Would you prefer to place it on an indi- 
vidual basis, rather than on any group basis? 

Professor Beals. Certainly. I certainly do not wish to imply that 
there are no individual differences. The view is that there are no 
demonstrable scientific differences in the group. 

Commissioner Gullixson. Are you suggesting then that the mat- 
ter is not one of European inter-relationships, but rather one of ad- 
justing ourselves to a world-wide problem? 

Professor Beals. I think to a world-wide problem. This is my 
13€rsonal belief : Tliat we cannot again isolate a section of this problem 
and sa}' tliat we will discuss immigration in terms of Europe and not 
in terms of the rest of the world. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. Professor Beals. 

Our next witness w-ill be Mrs. Benjamin Miller. 


Mrs. Miller. I am Mrs. Benjamin Miller, 330 South Los Palmos, 
Los Angeles, Calif., president, Women for Legislative Action. 

I happen to be here today to speak for our membership of some 
300 active women, active in understanding and studying and working 
for nonpartisan and, we hope, beneficial legislation, not only for our 
own community but for the entire country. I speak not only in the 
name of Women for Legislative Action, but also in the name of some 
600 people who attended a conference and dinner sponsored by the 
organization and cooperating organization on Saturday, October 4, at 
which time upon decision of the entire conference it was asked that 
a representative appear before this distinguished investigating com- 


mission and make known our views on the matter of the McCarran- 
Walter omnibus bill, Public Law 414, as I understand it. 

Now, it is indeed getting late and, too, to some of the presentations 
which were made here today we might very readily say a fervent 
"amen'' and leave it at that. However, there are just a very few things 
which I feel I must add in the name of the people whom I represent. 
In the first place, I have a feeling that in much of the presentation 
we had an instance of the classic story of the three blind men each 
trying to describe the elephant; the one thinking it was a snake be- 
cause he touched the tail, the other a wall because he touched the side, 
and the other a tree because he touched the leg of the elephant. 

Actually, it is an over-all picture of this omnibus bill which we 
must understand. You cannot be, for instance, against the qviota sys- 
tem, the discriminatory quota system, and forget completely about the 
rest of the bill. This is very simple. It is because they fit together 
as day follows night. 

The bill starts out with the assumption that those who come to this 
country really are second-class people. Why do we say that ? It is very 
simple. Because two-thirds of the entire quota allotment is given to 
three countries which do not simply use their allotments : Germany, 
Great Britain, and Ireland. In other words, the one-third used by the 
rest of the world is sort of a secondary hand-out to these people. As I 
say, it starts out with the assumption that those who come are inferior, 
and Dr. Beals gave a magnificent and brilliant recitation of this idea. 

Then in the provisions that deal with denaturalization and so forth 
the bill continues with an actual application of constant restrictions 
and denials of true citizenship rights. It cannot be emphasized enough 
here, as has been said here before by several gentlemen, when citizen- 
ship papers are final that citizenship should have complete meaning 
to all of the people who come to this country. I want to say just this : 
We of the Women for Legislative Action and the people at our confer- 
ence, who, by the way, represented trade-union people and church 
people and men and women from other civic and nonpartisan political 
organizations — we have studied this bill and to go into any sort of deep 
analysis here would simply be to bore you and take up unnecessary 

I think what must be pointed out is just this : In the first place, as I 
undei'stand it, this Commission was set up by President Truman, as he 
stated perhaps in his veto message originally, that we must have a 
representative commission of outstanding Americans to examine the 
basic assumptions of our immigration policy. We feel tliat the basic 
assumptions of this immigration bill, the McCarran-Walter bill, are 
not to the best interests of all of the American people and of all of the 
people who might want to come here and become good citizens. There- 
fore, I say we need not be too specific after 3'ou have heard many, many 
authorities. I think, too, that we must understand again the basic 
truth that was stated by Mr. Truman in his veto message : that seldom 
has a bill exhibited the distrust exhibited here for citizens and aliens 
alike at a time when we need unity at home and the confidence of our 
friends abroad. What, then, is the result of this bill? What will 
happen ? What can we envisage as the future as to what can be done 
about this bill? 

You have heard from many people Avho have felt that there has 
been discrimination. The Jewish people feel that tliere is discrimina- 


tion in the matter of applying for visas in ethnic and race qualifica- 
tions. The Nefjroes feel they are discriminaterl a^rainst in the West 
Indies and Caribbean quotas. The people of Asia with the tiny mini- 
mum quota of 100 for a year — and if you have 50 percent oriental 
blood this also <j:oes on the oriental quota — feel they are discriminated 
against. Tliiuk how this i)ictui'e adds up and what a tremendous force 
it is. You have heaid testimony from noted citizens, from an an- 
thropologist, and from men who are spiritually equipped to lead this 
country, and they have spoken truly in the name of an ideal, which is 
still important to the people of the United States. You have heard 
from labor people. You have heard from the CIO and from the AFL. 
All this builds itself up into a tremendous force which will not be quiet, 
which will not equivocate, which will not retreat one step in the fight 
against this bill. 

I think that you must understand, gentlemen, that we are as earnest 
about this as Avere our forefathers, whether our own forefathers were 
actually still in Europe at the end of the eighteenth century or whether 
they were in this countr3^ They are still the forefathers of every 
American citizen. At the end of the eighteenth century, American 
people, good American people, fought with blood, with their lives, 
with everything they possessed, to defeat the vicious discriminatory 
alien and sedition acts. You have heard a tremendous body of testi- 
mony. Let it just be understood tliat in this country, and we are con- 
vinced throughout the country, this fight will continue until the 
McCarran-Walter Act has been repealed and a fair, nondiscriminatory 
act has been put on the books. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Mrs. Miller. 

Mrs. Suchman, I understand you wished to testify. 


Mrs. Suchman. I am Mrs. Edward Suchman, 238 North Manhattai* 
Place, Los Angeles. 

The Chairman. Do you represent any organization? 

Mrs. Suchman. I belong to a dozen organizations, but I will speak 
for none because no one can speak for any organization. 

The Chairman. Then I take it you are not representing any group? 

Mrs. Suchman. Yes, I am, the greatest organization in the world, 
the United States of America. 

Mr. Chairman, if I get a little vociferous it is not personal. All of 
us in our hearts want the best thing for our country — I hope they do. 
But unfortunately, I came here when I was a year old. I am a Jewish 
woman, proud of my Jewish faith. My father brought me from 
Kussia when I was a year old. I am G!) today. 

Now, friends, when my father brought me here the immigrants of 
that time and of your time, my friends, were the salt of the earth. 
They didn't come here indoctrinated by organizations in Europe, 
brought here to make our country over to the totalitarian, Russian and 
Comuiunist pattern. We came here, my dad came here as a Russian to 
make a better life for his family because he loved freedom. I remem- 
ber him as a child saying, "Let's get Americanized. Let's get to know 
our neighbors." He couldn't even speak English. He was persecuted 


like many of our fine friends in Europe were, but he wanted us to learn 
how to be Americans so we could be good neighbors. We never knew 
of anything like an antidefamation league, which is just using every 
organization for its own selfishness, creating anti-Semitism. No, we 
were all Americans : black, white, Jew, Christian, partisan, everybody. 
That is the way it should be today. 

But look what is happening today. One race is fighting the other. 
You have labor bosses here advertising just what they want, their 
brands of medicine. You have ministers advertising what they are 
doing. We are all against sin. That isn't the point. I am going to 
come to the question in point, my friends. 

Whenever the trail blazers, the salt of the earth, those immigrants 
who came — my father peddled with a pack on his back the same as 
your forefather. They kissed the ground. They loved America. 
They didn't do like these organizations who say they are against 
loyalty tests and every safeguard. Pai-don my emotion, please, but 
while we are sitting here our boys are dying in Korea. 

The organizations, the American-Jewish ones want us to bring the 
scum of Europe here. Yes, when the Statue of Liberty was put up 
there, we were all for it because we wanted to help the persecuted. 
What are we doing today ? We are spreading ourselves thin all over 
the world. How about other countries taking a little bit of that im- 
migration? They don't say a word about that. Australia, South 
American, and all those countries want immigrants that work. They 
don't want a bunch of laz}^ loafers that come here and get into oui' 
colleges and indoctrinate our children. We want to stay here under 

The trail of my life is getting shorter. I leave children and grand- 
children. I thank God we have Senator McCarran here who has the 
courage. And I want to say, friends, don't — for heaven's sake, friends, 
get awa}^ from organizational phobia. The word '"organization" has 
become repulsive because most of them are self-serving rackets. '\Mien 
1 speak I speak only for myself. I am comiected with and identified 
with pro-American organizations, with the American Legion Auxil- 
iary. I give many contributions. 

I might say in passing, thi'ough the gi-eatness of this great country 
of ours, God bless America, my father came here as a Russian immi- 
grant and couldn't write his name, and he became a millionaire worth 
$2 million through the greatness of this country and the great oppor- 
tunities. That is all the more reason that we should protect this 
McCarran committee and give them every cooperation. They are 
fighting. If w^e can't have a connnittee to protect ourselves, who, in 
God's name, is going to protect our country? It is the only safe- 

I won't take up much more of your time because I have a sick hus- 
band at home. I know some of you are pleased, but you go over and 
see those boys being slaughtered in Korea with their hands being tied 
behind their backs. One is my nephew, if you please. 

All that has perhaps happened— unfortunately, I supported F. D. R. 
as a Democrat. I am sorry, and I saw him misled. I am saying a lot 
of us people were misled. We saw the results of that since the recog- 
nition of Russia. The thing has been hai:)pening year after year and 
more and more. 


Mush-headed ])rofessors and musli-headed iiiinislei-s come here with 
their sob-sister stories and want us to open the bars and take in all 
the scum that will wreck the great country our i'oundino- fathers made 
for us. 

I will say in closino:, my friends, yes, under God's name everybody 
is equal. AVe are all God's children/and those Arabs that were kicked 
out of the Zionist lands are (iod's cliildren too that are starving over 

Now, I want to say in closing, because I will be accused of being anti- 
Semitic, that I am devoting my life to sto])ping anti-Semitism. That 
is all I do day after day. You have seen me before the city council 
board of education fighting Jewish organizations that oppose loyalty 
tests, that oi)pose un-American conmiittees, that op])ose everything t© 
safeguard this country that gave a liaven to the i)ersecuted of Europe. 

Can you tell me what gets in the minds of those ])eople that they 
would try to wreck the greatest land on earth? I would be ignorant 
not to protect the country that I have today and was given you and 
eveiybody else. 

I say "yes," let everyone in here after they are screened by the 
methods used by the McCarran conmiittee whether Jew, gentile, black, 
white, or who they are. AVe are all God's children. But for God's 
sake, don't open the bars and let in the Red scum of Europe because 
some sob sisters say it is all i-ight. The organizations that are back 
of this thing are powerful. I don't have to tell you that. You know 
yourselves who they are. 

I want to say here in closing there has been a lot of talk about why 
this committee by the Congress that — some people tliink this Com- 
mission is just a political maneuver because of the elections and that 
you want to cater to the minority groups. I am not saying that is 
true or not true, but 1 think it would be more of an advantage to all 
of us if a committee would go to Korea to see why negotiations can't 
be made and why we have to send more boys to the furnace to be killed. 
I think that is more important. I have had my say and I want to 
thank you very much for 3'our attention. 

The Chairman. Is Mrs. Clara McDonald here ? 


Mrs. Mc^DoNALD. I am Mrs. Clara McDonald, 212 West Third Street, 
Los Angeles, Calif. 

I am president of the United Patriotic People of tlie U. S. A., and 
I am proud of that title. 

My remarks will be very brief. When I say that I am ])roud of an 
organization that has fought connnunistic bills in Sacramento, I mean 
just that. We fought this {jractically alone and single-lianded. We 
had no religious organization to back us up. Single-handed we op- 
posed communistic bills as they were presented in Saci-amento year 
after year from the i)eri()(l 1!)42 until l'.>4!>. Again, pat riotic organiza- 
tions joined us when they attemi)ted to memorialize in favor of Morld 
government. Anything that this connnittee of Senator McCarran's 
can do to block subversivism in the United States, I am very sure 


that the patriotic organizations that worked with me and sometimes 
through me will be very happy about it. 

When a situation is such as that, we have to watch the raising of our 
own United States flag to prevent a stampede through that gathering 
to picket not against Democrats or not against Americans, not against 
any organization or individual, but agamst America itself. 

The Chairman. Thank you. We will now recess the hearing until 
1 : 30 o'clock this afternoon. 

(Whereupon, at 12:40 p. m., the Commission recessed until 1:30 
p. m. of the same day, ) 





Los AnCxEles, Calif. 


The President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization 
met at 1 : 30 p. m., pursuant to recess, in courtroom No. 10, main floor, 
Federal Courthouse Building, Los Angeles, Calif., Hon. Philip B. 
Perlman, Chairman, presiding. 

Present: Chairman Philip B. Perlman and the following Commis- 
sioners: Msgr. John O'Grady, Mr. Thomas G. Finucane, Rev. Thad- 
deus F. Gullixson. 

Also jH'esent : Mr. Harry N. Rosenfield, Executive Director. 

The CirAiRMAx. The Commission will please come to order. 

Tliis afternoon our first witness will be Mrs. Otto Wartenweiler. 


Mrs. Wartenweiler. I am Mrs. Otto Wartenweiler, 955 West- 
chester Place, Los Angeles 19, Calif. First, I am a private citizen with 
a great interest and long experience with foreign-born people. Sec- 
ond, I am vice president of the board of International Institute of 
Los Angeles. Then third, I appear as chairman of the Displaced 
Persons Committee of the Welfare Council of Metropolitan Los 

The CiTAiRMAN. You nuiy proceed. 

Mrs. Warit.xweiler. I would like to say that these remarks I wish 
to read are the consensus of the general opinion of representatives of 
the various social agencies in the Los Angeles area connected with 
immigration and naturalization problems. The purpose of our pre- 
senting these is not criticism of any existing acts or bills, but that 
hopefully more appropriate legislation may be evolved. 

Tlie Chairman. We sliall be pleased to hear your statement. 

]Mrs. Wartexwj:iler. One of the reasons we lead the free vrorld to- 
day is that we are a nation of immigrants. We have been made strong 
and vigorous by tlie diverse skills and abilities of the different peoples 
who have migrated to this country and become American citizens. 
Past immigration has helped to build our tremendous industrial 
power. Today our growing economy can make effective use of addi- 

20356—52 75 1179 


tional manpower in various areas and lines of work. This I quote 
from President Truman's message to the Eighty-second Congi^ess ot 

March 24, 1952. ^ , • .i i i .4. 

The following principles are fundamental m the development ot 
our immigration laws with respect to admission and naturalization to 
aliens. Of these we have five to present : 

I. Principle of equality : Consistent with the American democratic 
ideals, immigration and naturalization policies and laws should give 
recognition to the equality of mankind without prejudice as to race or 

national origin. <. • t • i 1 

II. Principle of limitation : The limit of the number of individuals 
of other nations permitted to enter this Nation should be regularly 
adjusted on the basis of our population growth and our current econ- 
omy. Provision should be made for trfinsfer of unused quotas to any 
of the oversubscribed groups on an equitable basis. Any limitations 
established should be subject to reguhir quarterly review withm any 
one year. 

III. xldjustment of status cases: Provisions for adjustment of 
status of aliens who have some technical irregularity in their iinmiorji- 
tion status, should give favorable consideration to the contributions 
which they have made to our economy as well as to their integration 
into our American way of life. 

IV. Statute of limitations: To safeguard the preservation of the 
liberties of individuals who are planning to become citizens of the 
United States, a statute of limitations should be incorporated into any 
proposed legislation which would be generally consistent with previous 
immigration statutes of limitations, for instance, the 5-year provision. 
Such statutes as are proposed should not exercise any extreme or undue 
hardships on those aliens seeking to obtain citizenship in this country. 

V. Naturalization and citizenship : Status quo should be maintained 
on requirement for naturalization and citizenship to the extent that 
two cliaracter witnesses should provide a suitable basis for processing 
of citizenship applications. 

The Chairman. Thank you vei-y much, Mrs. Wartenweiler. 
Is Miss Newton here ? 


Miss Newtox. I am Eisie D. Newton, 435 South Boyle Avenue. Los 
Angeles, Calif., executive director, International Institute of Los An- 
geles, which I represent here. 

Our statement was prepared in conference with our director of 
case work Ruth E. Durward, and our workers who are continuously 
working with ])eople of foreign birth who are coming to Los Angeles 
to live. We are heartil}^ in accord with tlie objectives of the Com- 

With your permission I will read our statement. 

The CiiAiRMAX. You may do so. 

Miss Newton. The Los Angeles International Institute welcomes 
the opportunity to express its views before the President's Commission 
on Immigration and Naturalization, wliose mission we consider timely 
and much needed in view of the failure of the new Immigration and 


Nationality Act to alter materially the fuiidaniental defects of our 
old iiiiini<i"ratioii system. 

We come before the Commission with the understanding that the 
present hearings are more concerned with the development of a broad 
concept for the reorientation reorganization of our immigi'ation and 
naturalization policies and practices than a specific consideration of 
tlie new Innnigration and Nationality Act. 



The Los Angeles International Institute has had a long experience 
in working with immigrant peoples of many nationalities and back- 
grounds toward their adjustment in this country. 

Out of this experience we are convinced that peoples of all races and 
nationalities have much of value to contribute to our society and to 
our economy. 

We recognize that there are limitations on the rate at which our 
country can satisfactorily absorb new peoples. We believe that a plan 
of controlled immigration is necessary, but we also believe that it 
should be designed without racial or national discrimination and 
should be based on the recognition of the essential human value of 
all peoples. 

The national origins quota system, under which we now operate, is 
highly discriminatory and has very serious inequities in its distribu- 
tion of immigration quotas among nations. Also, its inflexible struc- 
ture is a barrier to the full use of the total quota numbers allow^able. 

The new Immigration and Nationality Act makes little funda- 
mental change in principle. 

We believe that a new plan of controlling immigration should be 
created based on scientific and up-to-date evaluation of the capacity 
of our country to use new immigration, and on a consideration of the 
needs of other countries to relieve overpopulation and other inner 
pressures. It should be more flexible than our old plan in order that 
adjustments in it may be made as conditions here and abroad may de- 
mand. Also, its" procedures should be designed to operate eiftciently 
toward permitting the full utilization of the maximum number of 
immigrant visas allowable each year. 

In addition, it should contain provision for authority to meet quick- 
ly emergency situations such as made necessary the Displaced Persons 
Act of 1948. 

This act achieved great good both for the displaced persons and for 
this country but in its attempt to operate within the inflexible pattern 
of our quota system it created liabilities against future immigration 
from the countries concerned which are unwarranted and should be 

AVe wish to comment specifically in relation to the new Immigration 
and Nationality Act that it does make a distinct advance against ra- 
cial discrimination in its elimination of racial ineligibilty to naturali- 
zation and its inclusion of all Asiatic and Pacific peoples under quota 

However, we deplore the fact that at the same time it continues our 
unfair discrimination toward these peoples by placing extreme limi- 
tations on the size of quotas allowed them and in establishing a special 


and unusual method of charging all persons of oriental ancestry to 
these quotas. 


In view of the present world situation, in which nations are both 
closer together and more in conflict with each other than ever before, 
it is not surprising that our tendency to regard aliens in our midst 
with attitudes of uneasiness and hostility is accentuated. However, it 
is at variance with the basic tenets of our Nation and the principles ex- 
pressed in our Bill of Rights to visit upon the individual the overload 
of suspicion growing out of general unrest and to deny him, through 
prejudice of either a political or ethnic nature, adequate consideration 
of his own individual case upon its own merits. Nor should we forget 
that our country has traditionally been the refuge of the religious and 
the political persecutee, as well as the individual who simply seeks a 
better life for himself and his family. Only some provision for len- 
iency in the administration of our immigration practices will preserve 
adequately basic human values and our traditional ideals. 

Unnecessarily severe penalties for infringement of immigration 
regulations are imposed at various points in the new Immigration and 
Naturalization Act. An example is that of a penalty of possible de- 
portation for failure to register change of address. 

We especially deplore the stringency of the provisions in the act in 
regard to the adjustment of status of aliens through suspension of 
their deportation. The term, "extreme and unusual hardship" is 
capable of extremely narrow interpretation. We are alarmed at its 
implications if applied to cases similar to many we have known in 
which there was truly extreme hardship but not always of such a con- 
crete and demonstrable nature as to be susceptible to complete proof 
in relation to a rigid interpretation of this term. 

We are particularly concerned about the provision against allowing 
suspension of deportation for aliens who are nationals of contiguous 
countries. This denies such a national complete consideration of his 
case on its own merits with a view to the same possible remedies as 
are available to nationals of other countries. In our experience, the 
alternative of voluntary departure is not an adequate substitute for 
suspension of deportation in all such cases. We speak especially of 
our experience with Mexican people. Though the problem of travel 
to a contiguous country is presumed not to be great, in many instances 
it is actually difficult and expensive. Also the difficulties in arrang- 
ing re-immigration to the United States are at times insurmountable, 
especially in lower income cases. In the meantime, families who may 
be American citizens will be left here without support and may often 
become public charges. If such cases, like all others, are judged on 
their individual merits, voluntary departiu'e may be granted when it 
affords adequate relief as it will in a greater proportion of these cases 
than in cases of nationals of more distant countries. Suspension of 
deportation should still be available for the cases where it is really 

In conclusion, we wish to express our appreciation for this oppor- 
tunity to present our views and our hope that from this present under- 
taking new and constructive proposals for the revision of our immi- 
gration policies may be presented to our Nation for adoption. 


The Chairmax. Thank you. 
Is Mr. Lieberman here? 


Mr. Lieberman. I am Jacob J. Lieberman, an attorney, 639 Wilshire 
Boulevard, Los Angeles, representing the Community Relations 
Conuuittee of the Los Angeles Jewish Community Council and the 
360 organizations which are a part of that council. 

In behalf of the Los Angeles Jewish Community Council, I wish 
to submit for the record a prepared statement, and the following 
papers: Analysis of Public Law 414, by Sidney Kaplan, immigration 
attorney ; statement based on interview with Los Angeles Polytechnic 
High School officials; statement on the McCarran Act prepared on 
behalf of the Council of Jewish Women of Los Angeles ; and a table 
of empirical data regarding home ownership and occupation of native- 
born and foreign-born Jewish residents of Los Angeles, Calif. 

The Chairman. Those documents will be inserted in the record. 

(The documents submitted by Mr. Jacob J. Lieberman follow :) 

Presentation Before the President's Commission on Immigration and Natu- 
ralization FOR THE Los Angeles Jewish Community Council 

Mr. Chairman and members of the Commission: My name is J. J. Lieberman. 
I represent the community relations counnittee of the Los Angeles Jewish 
Community Council and its 350 constituent organizations. 

I am aware that your Commission has heard much testimony, many state- 
ments and arguments concerning Public Law 414, the McCarran-Walters Immi- 
gration Act. In order to facilitate the work of this Commission, I will attempt in 
my presentation to stress specific facts, case histories and expert opinion drawn 
from the experience of those in the Los Angeles area who have had occasion to 
concern themselves with immigration and with related problems. 

To begin with, let me emphasize that we do not believe that each and every 
provision of the McCarran Act is bad and should be rejected. However, it is our 
opinion that viewing the measure as a whole, the number of provisions that are 
objectionable from the standpoint of justice and American liberties far outweigh 
those that are acceptable. 

Specifically, the presentation for the Jewish community will concentrate on a 
consideration of the national, and by inference racial, quota systems that are 
perpetuated by this bill. Further, I would like to consider with you the pro- 
visions i-egarding the exclusion of certain types of aliens and the provisions that 
concern the differential treatment of naturalized citizens of the United States as 
opposed to native-born citizens. 


The core of American immigration policy has been the concept of quotas based 
upon national origins. There is no question that the restrictions of immigration 
to the United States based upon this concept, grew from an era that was charac- 
terized by the violent isolationism of the years following the First World War. 
It sprung from a social climate infected by the vicious ideologies of a Ku Klux 
Klan, and it was crystallized and cast into legislative act during a time in 
which the notions of racial superiority were rampant. Witness theories not 
scientific claiming Nordic and Anglo-Saxon supremacy. 

If this is so, the question may well be asked as to why during the past several 
decades no outcry has been raised against the national origins quota principle. 
From a public relations standpoint this question is not difiicult to answer. Once 
a law is passed and once it is used on a day-by-day basis, public opinion is not 
easily aroused. Only flagrant abuse or dramatic cases of Injustice draw attention 
to its operation. 


Sometimes it is only -when the door is opened to a frank and candid recon- 
sideration of existing policy that the opinions of the American people come to 
make themselves felt. Indeed this has been the case when the McCarran-Walter 
Act was under consideration by the Congress of the United States. The legisla- 
tive history of the measure is too well known to warrant repetition. The veto 
of President Truman, which was overriden by the narrowest of margins, well 
may have been sustained but for the physical inability of several Senators op- 
posed to the bill to return to Washington in time to cast their votes. And the 
fact that the issue is one tliat continues to be of concern to mnnerous groups 
of the American population is borne out by the presence of all opposing the 
bill who are in this building in Los Angeles this morning. 

But let us cast aside generalities and dogma. Let us turn to fact and scientific 
investigation as beacons that may illuminate the national-origins concept. Ob- 
jective investigators such as Ashley Montague have pointed out that the common 
idea of race perhaps constitutes one of the most dangerous and tragic errors 
of our time. This i-acial concept, with its corollary of legislation based upon 
national origins, has been subjected to considerable scientific inquiry since the 
passage of the immigration law in 1924. 

For example, as early as 1931, the psychologist Otto Klineberg presented find- 
ings that suggested the absence of any sort of racial hierarchy in intelligence. 
Continuing his work in 1937, the same investigator and his associates found that 
in the area of personality, differences among racial groups were small and 

But the notion of race dies hard. The uninformed ix)ints to obvious differences 
in physical appearance and generalizes from them to conclude that differences 
in ability to adjust, intelligence and personality must follow. On the other hand, 
the biologist Dahlberg has pointed out that the finding of one racial difference, 
as for example in physical appearance, does not necessarily imply the existence 
of other differences. Indeed, peoples may differ, but their upbringing, their cul- 
ture, their relations to their fellow men may exert by far the more significant 
effects, while national origins as such are unreliable and iiseless guides in the 
study of individual differences among human beings. 

Consider for a moment the actual scholastic achievements of foreign-born stu- 
dents in an American university. According to Dr. Clifford Prator. foreign- 
student adviser at UCLA, it would appear that foreign students frequently do 
slightly better in their academic studies than the total student body. Dr. Prator 
points out that this apparent advantage in favor of foreign students may be dne 
partially to special consideration displayed by faculty members toward foreign 
students. He suggests that probably differences in achievement between foreign- 
born as a group, and native-born students are negligible. 

An examination of scholastic records of students of the University of California 
at Berkeley reveals certain interesting facts. For example, students from China 
ranked higher in their studies than did students from Canada ; students from 
Rumania and G^'rmany did better than their fellows from England and Scotland. 
Of course this by no means suggests racial superiority or inferiority. Rather 
it points out the importance of factors of motivation and interest that vary 
widely. No single student group had a monopoly on high grades or low grades, 
nor was it true that the differences of achievement varied consistently by any 
conceivable sort of racial or national-origins grouping. For example, Danish 
students did relatively poorly, and they are of early Nordic theory; Swedish 
students did rather well, another Nordic group; students from Indochina did 
better than those from .Japan. 

Similar interesting information is furnislied by some further analyses and 
data obtained in conjunction with a city-wide study of Jewish population con- 
ducted by the Los Angeles Jewish Community Council. For example, one may 
take home ownership as one measure of the extent to which the individual has 
become a stable citizen of the local community. If anv sort of national-origins 
theory has any validity we might expect significant differences in the extent to 
which persons from different parts of the world settle down in their own homes 
and become stable, resident citizens. The facts, however, are to the contrary. 
For example, among male Jewish adults 60 percent of the native-born own their 
own homes. Among the Russian- and Polish-born, the percentage is 66 percent. 
And among those in Germany the fi.gure is 60 percent. 

Similarly, differences in occupation vary but slightly and inconsistently with 
national origin. For example, 18 percent of the native-born male adult Jewish 
residents of Los Angeles are occupied in some professional or semiprofessional 


position. For German-born the percentage is 15 percent while it is 8 percent 
among tlie Russian-born. 

On the other hand, in the proprietor and manager occupations, the percentages 
for native-born and lUissian-born are very similar, 33 percent and 32 percent 
respectively, although only about lo percent of the German-born are so occupied. 
Nor is it true that those Jewish adults born in any one part of the world have 
more difficulty in finding employment. In other words, percentage of unem- 
ployed at the time of the survey not only was small but also showed no systematic 
variation with place of birth. 

According to Miss Dinah C<nuiell, director of the Jewish Employment and 
Counseling Service in Los Angeles, among the displaced persons who have come 
to Los Angeles — 

"The bulk of the people worl^ing do a variety of jobs which parallels pretty 
closely the variety which industry affords as a whole, with a noticeable difference 
that even though they have had a higher status and are more skilled at any one 
thing, they are willing to take anything which permits them to earn a living and 
carry tlieir weight in all aspects of our economy." 

Elsewhere Miss Connell states : 

"It nuist be stressed that, as through the ages, the people who have come to 
this country from foreign shores have strengthened our economy as well as other 
aspects of our life and our experience." 

Thus, it would appear that the occupational adjustment of foreign-born Jewish 
people in Los Angeles has been a positive one. It has been one that has enriched 
the life of the community nuich as the contributions of a native-born person might 
l)e enriching. 

Let us consider further the adjustment process of those who although born on 
distant shores have made this country their home. Since 1034, 4,739 emigre 
families who had come to Los Angeles have received assistance on the part of the 
Jewish Family Service. Slightly more than half of this number arrived in our 
city during the past 5 years. Of all these cases, only 287 are still currently in 
need of assistance from this agency. Miss Freda Mohr, the executive director 
of the Jewish Family Service, has pointed out that 90 percent of all emigres 
make adequate and constructive adjustments to American life within a 4-month 
l)eriod after their arrival. Further, Miss Mohr indicated that there are no differ- 
ences in the speed of adjustment between persons born in German, Austria, Eng- 
land. Sweden, or any other country. Whatever the adjustment differences are 
encountered frequently are related to conditions of age and health and to specific 
psychological difficulties that developed during the great traumatic experience 
that destroyed most of European Jewry. The success stories that we have seen 
here in Los Angeles are many. Some are the successes of everyday, common 
adjustment to a new way of life ; others represent more dramatic integration into 
American culture. 

For example, in 1948 a young European doctor came to Los Angeles. During 
a brief span of 4 years he has completed his internship and medical examination. 
He has repaid the various loans and tokens of assistance which it had been possible 
for the Jewish community to provide. He has become a respected and contribut- 
ing citizen. 

The fact that most emigres adjust quickly and effectively is borne out further 
by various scientific reports and collections of case histories that have been pub- 
lished in recent years. For example, the sociologist Maurice R. Davie in his 
i)Ook, Refugees in America, reports the following: Only 3.2 percent of young peo- 
ple who had come to this country in recent years were reported as having made 
a poor adjustment. Further investigation suggested that these persons had 
previous histories of maladjustment and of emotional instability. On the other 
hand, factors of national background seemed unimportant in the adjustment 
process. In the report of the United States Displaced Persons Commission, the 
DP Story, successful resettlements are discussed in detail and excerpts from case 
histories are given. 


American immigration policy since 1924 has been a static one. It has reached 
into the past and it has selected arbitrarily (me particular year as an unalterably 
fixed reference point. This year, 1920, and the composition of the American pop- 
ulation, as it existed then, has remained a guide line to immigration policy even 
unto this day. But social conditions are not static, even though our policies may 
be just that. This Nation's jilanning for immigration has not even considered 


census data, other than those available in 1920. It has operated on the theory 
that growth by migiation and a disturbance in the equilibrium of the American 
economy are synonymous. 

But let us consider specifically our experience here in southern California. 
For all of Los Angeles County the population increased 49 percent between the 
years 1940-50. Some areas, such as the San Fernando Valley, more than doubled 
during this 10 year span. Still the buying power of the residents of Los Angeles 
and the level of economic well-being has risen higher than ever. The lesson is 
simple. Here is a striking example of economic expansion accompanying expan- 
sion in population. A mere influx of migrants does not mean economic and social 
disaster. And we have already indicated that racial and national origins make 
no difference. Nor does mere immigration. Rather the important considerations 
relate to the power of a geographic region to absorb effectively those that come 
to settle. We are in an expanding economy. Further, we can determine with 
the aid of economists, political scientists, and sociologists, the capacity for absorp- 
tion of a country and this, much more than rigid principles based on out-dated 
information, may provide a more intelligent guide to immigration policy. 

Furthermore, dispassionate consideration of the relative importance of birth 
rates and migration points to some often overlooked facts. As has been reported 
to this Commission in another community — and it warrants repetition — in 1933, 
2,290,000 children were born in the United States ; in 1947, the corresponding 
figure was 3,908,000. The difference between these two figures, 1,618,000, is con- 
siderably in excess of the total number of immigrants that came to the United 
States during the past IS years. Thus, the factor of birth rate seemed to be 
considerably more important numerictilly than the factor of immigration in 
determining the increase in the total population of the United States. 

The existing quota concepts as codified by the McCarran Act are self-defeating. 
If there were any rational basis for deciding that 154,000 people is the ideal 
number of permissible immigrants, consistency with current law would demand 
that a purposive effort should be made to secure this number of immigrants, not 
more, not less. But with the impossilnlity of transferring unused quotas from 
one country to another, actual migration figures have been considerably 
below the hypothetical quota figure that had been set. As statistics shown by 
Davies in his Refugees in x\merica demonstrate, from 1925 through 1944, an 
average of a mere 17.5 percent of the total allowable quota actually was used. 

Thus, we wish to submit that the concept of qviotas as based upon national 
origin is unrealistic and static, and that it fails to consider the dynamic, the ever- 
changing character of the American community. While it is undoubtedly neces- 
sary to decide upon some limit to immigration to the United States, should this 
not be determined on a current basis? Should it be set once and for all and 
fortified by a specific act of Congress? Should not the test be current needs, 
current absorptive powers, current capacity? 

Specific objections to provisions concei-ning excludable aliens 

Not so many years ago, Emma Lazarus wrote her famous sonnet, the New 
Colossus, whose oft-repeated words are inscribed on the Statue of Liberty : 

* * * Give me your tired, your jjoor, 
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free. 

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. 
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost, to me, 

I lift my lamp beside the golden door. 

These words that have become a part of American folklore and a symbol of 
the enthusiasm and freedom of a growing country have become an empty and 
ironic husk in the light of the provisions of the McCarran Act. 

Consider, for example, the provisions that may exclude from the United 
States aliens who have been certified by an examining surgeon as having cer- 
tain named physical defects that may affect the ability of the alien to earn 
a living. We may well ask how many consuls would have admitted the great 
electrical genius Steinmetz, who was hunchback, or a cripple such as the artist 

Mr. Sidney Kaplan, an immigration attorney in Los Angeles, has given 
thorough consideration to some of the provisions of the Public Law 414. A 
detailed statement of the changes suggested by him is being submitted for your 
consideration. It may be worthwhile to consider Mr. Kaplan's consideration of 
the act's section 212 (9), which contains language excluding all aliens who 
admit committing acts which constitute a crime involving moral turpitude. 


Mr. Kaplan points out "that to commit a crime involves questions of intent, overt 
net, etc., far beyond the comprehension of an alien or of an immigrant inspector 
or of consuhi^" officials. Serious mistakes of law will be made in interpreting 
whether th' ^ given series of admitted acts constitute the essential elements of 
any particu^. ^ crime." 

The arbitrary nature that governs the provisions for exclusion of aliens fur- 
ther is exemplified by the power vested in the consul or the Attorney General 
to decide who, at any time, may become a public charge. The fallibility of 
human nature is such that this sort of discretion cannot but result in considerable 
and noteworthy hardships. We have taken pride in being a nation of laws, not 
men. Are we to depart from this American principle by vesting men, no matter 
how high their position, with powers which they may exercise arbitrarily or 
capriciously when no review is provided? 

Orher restrictions governing the admissions of aliens to the United Stales 
pertain to the determination of specitic skills which would be substantially 
beneficial prosjiectively to the national economy, cultural interests, or welfare 
of the United States. 

Miss Violet R. Shapiro, executive director of the Council of Jewish Women 
of Los Angeles, specifically commented in writing on this point. (And her other 
comments also are being submitted in writing for your consideration.) Miss 
Shapiro says : 

"This concept of skills involves the use of specific contracts which must show 
the special need for the applicant and for which the applicant must be highly 
qualified. Because of the length of time involved in immigration proceedings, 
such contracts may not always be fulfilled, thus creating an uncertainty of 
status. This concept negates the contribution of the so-called average man, who, 
after all, still is the creative force of any nation. It is doubtful that this portion 
of the quota can ever be used up." 

Indeed, this type of restriction makes an unwarranted assumption about human 
nature. It assumes that people trained in any one occupation cannot assume 
new skills. It runs counter to the concepts of democracy and freedom of oppor- 
tunity which believe that every man must be given a chance to contribute to! 
the common welfare in the manner in which he may make his most effective 
contribution. And, above all, this classification illustrates the vice of rigidity. 

Specific oljections to the deportation polici/ 

We believe that the McCarran Act challenges the tradition of the equality of 
all citizens before law. Any provision which applies a different set of rules to 
persons who have become citizens by way of naturalization as opposed to those 
who are citizens by birth is totally inconsistent with principles of equal duties and 
privileges that are traditionally American. The naturalized citizen, exactly like 
the native-born, assumes the obligations of taxation and the rights and privileges 
of voting. 

Another objectionable feature of the act concerns the retroactive character of 
provisions relating to deportations. Again let me quote from Mr. Kaplan's 
presentation : 

"The general criticism against the deportation features of Public Law 414 is 
the fact that such provisions are made retroactive, notwithstanding that persons 
entered prior to the date of the enactment of the act * * *." 

Banishmen as a method of punishment, applied exclusively to naturalized 
citizens who have violated specific laws, further punishes the innocent with the 
guilty. It affects the families of those who are held culpable even though these 
families are blameless, and even though they may be native-born or dependents. 

Some implications of the McCarran Act 

Throughout the world, peoples in many lands are looking to the United States 
for haven. It is probable that the United States alone cannot be a sponge able 
to absorb immediately the excess population of overcrowded areas in the world. 
But the very symbolic significance of an immigration policy hospitable to more 
than a trickle of those seeking to come to this country has considerable inter- 
national implications. There are between 100,000 and 150,000 escapees from iron- 
curtain countries. There are, perhaps, 2,000,000 of German, Greek, and Italian 
expellees. There are considerable surplus populations in Italy, Greece, and the 

A United States immigration policy that might absorb at least some of these 
many peoples well may set an example for other countries to devise similar 


Additionally, the policy exemplified by the McCai-raii Act constitutes ammu- 
nition for the verbal barrages of Conimunists everywhere. Abroad it serves 
as an example of racism and discriminatory action puriiorted bv Communists 
to be typical of the United States. In the United States the Comi'i'iuists oppose 
the McCarran Act, realizing perhaps that it has become customary to view their 
support of a measure as a "kiss of death."' Indeed, the American Communist 
vs^ould seem to have no sincere interest in desiring the abolition of this law. 
Any substitute measure would be likely to succeed in making it possible for 
some refugees from iron-curtain lands to enter the United States. These hardly 
would be desirable situations for those in this country wliose loyalties are 
to a foreign nation. 

The INIcCarran Act has created strong barriers to the free communication 
from land to land. The policies that have been carried along with the passage 
of this law already have had effects. This has been the case in the coming of 
foreign students to the United States. Currently there are 30,000 foreign students 
in the United States ; but, for example, at U. C. L. A. Dr. Clifford Prator, foreign- 
student adviser, reports in a recent interview that during this past year almost 
one-half of foreign students who had planned to come to U. C. L. A. at the 
last minute failed to do so, often without a clear-cut presentation of any reason. 
It would seem that this sudden and unusual drop in acceptable students is 
related to the fear-ridden thinking regarding any kind of visitor or migrant 
to this country. 


We wish to urge this Commission to recommend the abandonment of any 
policy based on the concepts of race and national origin. We believe that these 
concepts are inappropriate jiuidelines to inunigration policy. We believe that 
they are untenable in the light of current scientific thinking, and we believe that 
they are in clear violation of the spirit of American freedom of opportunity. 
We urge this country to recognize that immigration is a two-way street and that 
the United States not only has benefited those that have come to it, seeking exile, 
but that in turn the exiles have helped build tiie United States. 

Tlierefore, we urge that an immisration policy l)e developed which considers 
the individual dignity and rights and status of those seeking to enter. Commu- 
nism, like all forms of totalitarianism, deals with man in the masses. Men 
are like ants. Men are cannon-fodder. Men are microscopic specimens. We 
believe that man is the creature of God. We believe in tlie dignity of man. 
We believe that a permanent Commission on Immigration should be established. 
We have done this with respect to importation of goods. We now have a Tariff 
Commission. Why not do the same with respect to the admission of human 
beings. Let's have a permanent Immigration Commission to establish a primary 
guideline in deciding upon a permissible number of immigrants based on the 
concept of power to absorb, rather than a specific quota based upon a historical 
period. It would appear that scientific study by social scientists would be called 
for to define and to predict the ability of this Nation to absorb effectively and 
constructively those who seek to settle here. 

The Commission should be guided by the merits of individual applicants and 
not by the place of birth. Consideration should be given to the reuniting of 
families, but, other things being equal, admission to the United States sliould be 
based upon order of application. 

Tlie arbiti'ary powers vested in consular officials should be eliminated. Suffi- 
cient provisions for review of refused visas should be made. 

In summary, we recommend the repeal of the McCarran Act. We propose 
the adoption of a law free of racist thinking and the establishment of a perma- 
nent Commission on Immigration that shall be guided by fact and not by historical 
fancy ; by the rights and privileges of the individual and not by the ignominious 
perpetuation of dangerous fallacies. 


Analysis of Puiii.ic Law 414, With Suggested Changes oit Amendments 
(By Sidney Kaplan, inunigration attorney, Los Angeles) 

section 101 (a) (15) (ij) VISITORS FOR PLEASURE OR FOR BUSINESS 

Pnblic Law 414 reqnires that an alien coming to the United States temporarily 
as a visitor or temporarily for business must have a residence in a foreign 
country which he has no intention of abandoninii'. Sul)section (F), the student 
section, also has the same requirement. This is a departure from previous 
legislation. While at first glance it would not appear to involve any unusual 
hardship to any group of aliens, it makes it impossible for the United States 
to grant refuge to those unfortunate aliens in the future who are forced to 
leave certain countries because of religious persecution or political persecution, 
and who are unable to come to the United States because of inability to secure 
quotas. In the past sucli people would come to the United States on a temporary 
basis as visitors or for business while finding homes in other parts of the world. 
For instance, wlien the Communists tooli over all of China, under the old law 
there were many native-born Russians and other aliens living in China who were 
allowed to come to the United States as visitors, nuiny of whom later proceeded 
to other countries: otliers wei-e allowed to adjust their status in tlie United 
States. Our country was a haven for thousands of innocpnt victims '^f the 
mad rush of communism. Under Public Law 414 they could not qualify be- 
cause tliey did intend to abandon tlieir former residence. 

The classes of aliens ineligible to receive visas and excluded from admission 
to the United States have been broadened under Public Law 414. Section 212 
(a) (9) contains dangerous language wherein it excludes all aliens who admit 
committing acts which constitute the essential elements of a crime involving 
moral turpitude. To commit a crime involves question of intent, overt act, etc., 
far beyond the compreliension of an alien or an immigration inspector or of 
consular officers. Serious mistakes of law will be made in interpreting whether 
the given series of admitted acts constitute the essential elements of any par- 
ticular crime. The section is indefinite and is bound to produce hardships on 
innocent persons. 

Subdivision 212 (a) (15), which excludes aliens who are likely at any time 
to become public charges in the opinion of the consular officer or in the opinion 
of the Attorney General at time of application for admission, could result in 
unreasonable restrictions by way of interpretation in the hands of a pre.iudiced 
or too strict consular officer or Attorney General. It would seem more reason- 
able to try to establish some objective standard by which the possibility of 
public charge could be measured. 

Section 241 (a) sets forth grounds for deportation. The general criticism 
against the deportation features of Public Law 414 is the fact that such proAi- 
sions are made retroactive notwithstanding that persons entered prior to tlie 
date of the enactment of the act or that the conditions for which they are being 
deported occurred prior to the date of the enactment of the act (sec. 241 (d)). 
For instance, hardship will result in carrying out the provisions of section 241 
(a) (4). Particularly, the latter part of the section, whicli provides that an 
alien who at any time after entry is convicted of two crimes involving moral 
turpitude, regardless of whether confined therefor, must be deported. There 
M'ill be cases of aliens who have lived in tlie United States for many years who 
committed minor offenses involving "moral turpitude when quite young (such 
as petty theft involving small amounts) and who have long since reformed, have 
married American citizens and have minor children or grown children, who 
will now be subject to deportation. The fact of rehabilitation is ignored. The 
section makes any alien convicted of two crimes subject to deportation whether 
sentenced to confinement or not. 

It would seem desirable to provide safeguards for those aliens who were never 
confined in prison or who served verj' short sentences and who have been com- 
pletely rehabilitated. Making grounds for deportation retroactive is bound to 
result in hardsliip to aliens who have lived here for many years and who have 
families in the United States who now find themselves subject to deportation 
under new legislation. 


Section 244 sets forth new standards for suspension of deportation. The 
whole section borders on the ridiculous. It provides that suspension shall be 
granted only when the deportation of an alien would result, in the oninion of 
the Attorney General, in exceptional and extremely unusual hardship to the 
alien or to his spouse, parent, or child who is a citizen of an alien lawfully ad- 
mitted for permanent residence. The various subsections require that the appli- 
cation be filed within certain time limits, that the alien live in the United States 
a certain number of years, and other restrictions. 

The Immigration Act of 1917, as amended, formerly required a showing of 
serious economic detriment to a citizen or legally resident alien who is the 
spouse, parent, or minor child of such deportfible alien, or 7 years' residence in 
the United States, including residence in the United States on July 1, 1948. Even 
under the old act there was much difficulty in interpreting what was meant by 
"serious economic detriment." This difiiculty will now be magnified many times 
over by the unusual tricky language "exceptional and extremely unusual hard- 
ship." There is no objective standard by which to .iudge what is meant by 
"exceptional and extremely unusual hardship." Future suspension cases will 
more than ever depend upon the whim of the hearing officer. The exclusion- 
minded hearing officer will never make a finding of hardship that will fall within 
the meaning of section 244. The fair-minded hearing officer will find it difficult 
to determine whether the facts of any particular case fall within the meaning 
of section 244. 

The entire section should be rewritten to set forth simple, clear requirements. 
An objective standard should be set forth that can be applied. The section 
should be rewritten so that aliens cannot come into the country illegally in the 
future and acquire legal residence ahead of those aliens who are patiently 
awaiting their turn under the quotas in foreign countries. The purpose of the 
section was to provide relief for those aliens who have been in the United States 
for some time or who found themselves in the United States at the beginning of 
World War II and were unable to leave and since then have acquired deep roots 
in the United States. In other words, the section should be rewritten to solve 
the problems of those aliens who are entitled to suspensions of deportation and 
at the same time close the possibility for aliens to acquire residence in the United 
States in future years by coming illegally and then later seeking. to have their 
status adjusted. The discrimination set forth in section 244 (b) against natives 
of Canada and Mexico or any adjacent islands should be abolished. The sus- 
pension of deportation should be available to all or to none — ^not to certain 


In the administration of our immigration laws, we have never recognized the 
right of an alien to appeal from a decision of a consular officer refusing a A-isa ; 
that is, no appellate machinery has ever been set up under the laws to provide 
for a review of a consular officer's acts. Since the rights of aliens to emigrate 
to the United States is a vital matter to citizens of the United States and the 
refusal of a visa to an alien might involve the separation of families, it would 
appear that some provision should be made for reconsideration of a consiilar 
ofiicer's decision in refusing a visa, to safeguard against a hasty, unreasonable, 
or arbitrary decision on the part of a particular consular officer. An appellate 
board could be set up in the office of the Secretary of State with power to review 
the entire case and to affirm or reverse the decision of the consular officer. At 
least, it would provide an opportunity for relatives and friends in the United 
States to submit such evidence as they may have in favor of the aliens before 
designated officials in the United States, and thus safeguard the rights of all 
persons involved. 


Section 223 of Public Law 414 provides for the issuance of reentry permits 
to aliens who have been lawfully admitted for permanent residence who intend 
to depart temporarily from the United States. Prior immigration laws pro- 
vided for the issuance of reentry permits. No new ideas are carried forward 
into Public Law 414. However, the whole subject of reentry permits should 
be reexamined. The present policy of issuing permits and the manner in which 
they are issued is very misleading to aliens. It is only natural that an alien 
receiving such a permit should feel that he can safely leave the United States 
on his temporary trip abroad and return in all safety to the United States and 
be readmitted into the United States. It is true that the application for a per- 
mit and the permit itself have language warning the alien that when he returns 


he is subject to all the excluding provisions of the immigration laws, but, too 
often, an alien does not understand the warning. He leaves in good faith and 
then finds that he cnnnot reenter the United States for one of many reasons. A. 
fair method of handling this probkMU would be to ijrovide for preexamination 
of each alien who apidies for a reentry permit. At the time of the application 
for such a ixM-mit, the alien could demand the right of preexamination and be 
accorded a hearing in which any excluding feature as may apply to the indi- 
vidual alien can be brought out into the open and acted upon and the alien 
advised whether he will be readmitted or not should he leave the United States. 
The rights of an alien would thus be safeguarded and protection afforded his 

If tlie alien chose to leave the United States without availing himself of the 
right to preexamination, then he should be subject to all the provisions of the 
immigration laws. In other words, the alien could ask for the preexamination 
or could waive it. To illustrate: Many aliens are not awai'e that if they 
commit a crime involving moral turpitude after they enter the United States 
they may still be i^ermitted to live in the United States and even secure citizen- 
ship later, but should they depart from the United States they then become ex- 
cludable because of the commission of a crime prior to entry. Too often an 
alien forgets that 20, 30, or 40 years ago he did commit such a crime, applies 
for a reentry permit to take a vacation to Europe or South America with his 
family and finds upon his return that he is excludable from the United States. 
If he had submitted to a series of questions in preexamination proceedings, 
the facts of the crime would have been brought out and he would have been ad- 
vi.sed of the risk he took if he left the United States. 

We find that under present procedure many aliens are actually misled by the 
mechanics in connection with the issuance of a reentry permit. 

Statement Based on Interview With Los Angeles Polytechnic High Schooi. 



Description of the group 

At John H. Francis Polytechnic High School in Los Angeles we have at the 
moment 500 boys and girls who are called "foreign students." They come from 
more than 20 countries, and they are in this school because they do not know 
enough Ii^nglish to be able to do regular high-school work. The group is called 
"foreign students" simply because we are unable to think of a short name which 
would accurately label the 500. Actually, only 78 of the 500 are genuine foreign 
students ; the rest, chiefly immigrants, DP's, and American citizens who have 
lived in foreign countries. There is a breakdown of the group : 

Number Percent 

Foreign students (with 4E visas) 78 15.6 

Foreign visitors (with 3 (2) visas) 52 10.0 

Immigrants 52 10, 

Displaced persons 47 9. 4 

On diplomatic visa 1 

United States citizens 270 54.0 

The children who are citizens of the United States are chiefly of Chinese or 
Japanese descent; 40 are "Kiliei," or Japanese-Americans who have lived in 
Japan ; and 312 were born in China of American-Chinese parents. The remain- 
ing 17 citizens have lived in Europe or Mexico. 

Though these children are from many different places, one may make certain 
generalizations about their backgrounds: 

1. Most face grave financial problems. Many are completely self-supporting, 
either because they have no family here as in the case of many of the Kibei 
children, or because their families feel tliat their children should start to work 
at a very early age, as happens among the Chinese-Americans. 

2. As I suggested in the previous paragraph, tlie "foreign students" often have 
grave home problems. Among the "Kiliei," for example, we frequently find that 
the students are here in the United States alone because their parent's were not 
able to gain United States citizenship. Despite the heartbreaking separation in- 
volved, the parents have sent their children back to the United States because 
they feel that this is their true country. 


Observation leads me to believe that at least half of the real foreign students 
were led here by family and patriotic ties. I know of many boys and girls from 
Japan whose parents and even brothers and sisters are American citizens or 
residents of many years' standing, yet the students themselves could only enter 
the country as foreign students. 

3. Tne general physical condition of these 500 students is noticeably below 
the average for children raised in this country from birth. While dental problems 
abound, the specter we fear is tuberculosis; each year when we conduct X-ray 
programs we find four or five active cases of TB, almost always among oriental 
children who are working beyond their strength and living in the crowded con- 
ditions of Japanese Town and China Town. 

4. The outstanding character trait of the "foreign students" is their self- 
discipline and sheer bulldog determination to get an education in spite of all 
obstacles. As long as their health permits it, they will work full time, attend 
school full time, and put in hours studying each and every night. We teachers 
frequently exclaim that we could not possibly endure the hardships which con- 
tinually face most of our studeats. 

These boys and girls from other lands are deeply grateful for the schooling they 
are getting. They truly find the air of a democratic country sweet to breathe. 
The following remarks by a Chinese-American girl typify the attitudes of our 
new Americans : 

"I like America very much. * * * America, the rich, large, and .splendid 
country, is the best place to live in all the world. 

"I like to live in this Nation because we have our freedom and liberty and 
democracy of justice and equality. Also, we have the Constitution to protect 
our homes and our lives, besides we all have our opportunity to school free; that 
is the important opportunity in our lives. People have come here to seek what 
they would have, freedom. This treasure outshines all others in the world. 

"As this is so valued, we have to be sure that we are going the right ways 
and doing the right things with freedom." 

Scholastic achiercmcnfs 

1 believe our faculty in general would agree with me that the most industrious 
and cooperative students in the school are the -"iOO "foreign students." The great 
majority of these students work from 3 to 8 — ^even 10 or 11 — hours a day outside 
of school; it is rare to have a student fail to turn in assigned work. In the 
unusual case of a student who is not doing his home-work assignments, nearly 
always the is that the child is carrying an unreasonable workload. I 
believe that the reason that our students are so hard-working is principally that 
they have a much greater respect for education than do most native American 
students, who take the great facilities of our schools for granted. 

The majority of our students plan to go to college, though most of them will be 
nearly or completely self-supporting during their four or more years of higher 
education. We are frequently given cause to feel proud of the accomplishments of 
■our students in college. All of those we have sent to the University of California 
at Los Angeles are n)aking at least a B average — that is, in competition with 
native-born English-speaking students presumably of the higher levels of intelli- 

As far as I know, the only students in this .school with intelligence quotients 
of more than 140 are foreign students. No one racial group has the monopoly on 
the high scores ; they are very evenly distributed. Exact figures on intelligence 
are not available because if is generally unsatisfactory to give intelligence tests 
to students who kncjw little or no English. 

The true backbone of the scholarship society in this school is the foreign 
students, according to two of the three sponsors to whom I have talked. Although 
it is more difficult for foreign students to get into the society in the first place 
because of special regulations governing their admission, as well as the language 
handicap they all have, we usually have a higher percentage of members from 
our department than from the regular classes. 

The attendance of the foreign student group is the best in the school. In fact, 
it is too good; boys and girls sometimes drag themselves to school when they are 
really too ill to be out of bed. 

Here is the breakdown of the marks given to the foreign students in all regular 
classes, physical education excepted, for the semester ending June 20, 19r)2 : 

Of 628 marks given, 24 were Fail (3.8 percent), 258 were C or D (41 percent), 
193 were B (30.7 percent), 153 were A (24.4 percent). 


In other words, altlioufili thcso students who, in the majority of cases, had a 
language handicap were in competition with English-speaking students, 55.1 
percent of the marks they received weie A or P>. 

Furthermore, of the three Polytechnic graduates who last year received univer- 
sity scholarships, two were foreign stvulents — one a Chinese-American, the other 
a DP of German extraction. liotli of these boys made remarkable records here 
at Polytechnic. The brother of the German boy, who graduated from this school 
2 years ago, while working full-time in a chemical laboratory, is making very high 
grades at UCLA. ( I understand he is making an A average.) 

'ncidentaily, the Chinese boy is our tirst student to score 100 on the British 
Matrices Test. That percentile score indicates an I. Q. of I'nt or better. 

For financial reasons the majoi'ity of our graduates go to LACC, though we 
have sent students to many schools in the country. Those few wlio can afford 
jt go to ITSG and TTLA, and many who are interested in special courses in 
such suljects as business, sewing, design, or photography, are attending Metro- 
politan .Junior College and Los Angeles Trade-Technical College. They all do 
respectably well, even with their language handicaps, and some achieve very 
nice results. For example, we have two Chinese boys who are majoring in 
liiiotography at Los Angeles Ti'ade-Technical : One has been classified as 1-8 
by his draft board (that means a 1-year deferment because of his liigli scholastic 
achievement), and the other is in 2-S — that is a more or less permanent 
student deferment — and furthermore, he is rated first in his class. That is not 
at all bad for two little Chinese boys who couldn't even speak English 3 years 
ago. I believe that at least two of our UCLA boys have educational deferments. 

Another success story is I>ouglas Wong, a lioy who made fine grades here at 
Poly but developed TB in his last semester. Now that he is out of Olive View 
Sanitarium the State rehal)ilitation department is sending him to UCLA as a 
result of tlif'ir favorable test findings. 

We have many servicemen among our former students. At the moment, I 
know of at least 40 of our boys who are in the Armed lAjrces. Here again, these 
boys of foreign l)ackgrounds are making an amazingly line adjustment to what 
must be, at least during the first dozen weeks, a difficult new environment. We 
have several .sergeants and quite a few corporals. The held to wliich many 
are assigned is intei-preting and intelligence work, where oriental students 
a)'" especially useful for their knowledge of Chinese and Japanese. Of course 
our first draftees had to go directly overseas without the opportunity of going 
to .»Jjiecia.l scliool."?. but »-pceni,ly the cliances for special training have been 

The story of our three Miyasaki brothers may be of interest. George, Bill, and 
Bob are Kibei ; their aged .Japanese parents live in Japan. When the tliree 
1 oys returned to Los Angeles, they had no money and remembered very little 
J'higlish. but they were determined to get an education, so they struggled 
valiantly against what seemed at tinjes overwhelming odds, not only supporting 
themselves while attending school from 8 : 30 to 3 : 10 daily, but sending money 
l)ack to their needy parents. 

Bill and B;ib managed to get deferments till they could graduate, but George 
was drafted about 2 years ago. George, who is now a sergeant, has been in 
(Germany for a year. \\'e are proud of his pi'omotion because he is the only 
Jajiane.^e-American in his outfit and the only man with a language handicap. 
I'.ol), a corporal, is now in the Army school at Monterey, and Bill, also a corporal, 
is in an Intelligence school in Denver. 

The story of these boys serves as an example of tlie wliolehearted manner in 
which our "foreign students" embrace American life, overlooking hardships 
and making the best of any situation into which they are placed. 

Here is a reaction which is typical of the attitude of our children. A Kibei 
girl writes : 

"Freedom and democracy fill up in every Americans' hearts. In acts, they 
really express their fieedom. Under the strong Government, the people are 
ver\ happy in their sweet lives. 

"O America, I love you ! You are too kind to the people. I hope that you 
would lead the world into the happiness and peace way." 

Young i)eople who see so clearly the ble.ssings of this great country will 
i?ievit;ibly be useful and loyal citizens. 


Council of Jewish Women of Los Angeles, Service to Foreign-Born 
Department, Statement on the McCarran Act 

The United States of America is a Nation of immigrants developed on tlie 
principle that a society is composed of individual persons, each of whom has the 
right to be self-sufficient through his o\\n labor, to gain freedom through self- 
expression, and to pursue these objectives, which will give him happiness and 
satisfaction. These are the principles of a democratic individualistic society 
premised on the doctrine that barriers set up against free movement — economi- 
cally, socially, or politically — yield to tyranny and oppression. 

To us, who are Americans and convinced of our democracy and its intent, the 
restriction of immigration may seem to be a relatively minor matter. To the 
rest of the world looking to America for practical demonstration of democracy 
in action, the immigration code, principles and procedures, looms large. It gives 
a warped perspective of our over-all philosophy in stressing the restrictive and 
unwelcoming attitudes. Immigration legislation is the area with which most 
foreign countries and peoples come in contact. It is the keyhole through which 
the foreigner looks into the United States. We, in turn, by overly restrictive 
legislation, rule out the potential contribution and strength which immigrants 
have historically brought with them to our shores. 

The following are some of the isolation features of the McCarran Act : 

The McCarran Act creates a 100-percent-preference quota and thereby stops 
the flow of normal immigration. The first 50 percent of the quota is for the 
use of i>ersous with high skills who would be "substantially beneficial prospec- 
tively to the national economy, cultural interests, or welfare of the United States" 
(Sec. 203 (a) (1)). This concept of special skills involves the use of specific 
contracts which must show the special need for the applicant, and for which the 
applicant must be highly qualified. Because of the length of time involved in 
immigration proceedings, and because of changing conditions, such contracts 
may not always be fulfilled, thus creating an uncertainty of status. This concept 
negates the contributions of the so-called average man, who, after all, still is the 
creative force of any nation. It is doubtful that this portion of the quota can 
ever be used up. 

The nest 30 percent of the quota is for parents of American citizens, and the 
remaining 20 percent for spouses of alien residents. The reunion of immediate 
families is all to the good. However, if the quotas of these preference groups 
are not used up 2 months before the end of tlie quota fiscal year, they may then 
be shifted to other categories or to the general quota. It is almost impossible 
to process immigi-ation ca'-es in volume within 2 months. The effect of this pro- 
vision will be to practically stop immigration. The continued mortgaging of 
quotas for DP's already admitted and still coming in almost makes any con- 
tinuing quota system a farce in those instances where the quota is oversubscribed 
to the year 2000. 

The McCarran Act eliminates the 5-year statute of limitations and makes de- 
portation provisions retroactive notwithstanding that the individual had entered 
prior to the passage of the act, or that the condition causing deportation occurred 
prior to enactment. This will create a jeopardy to many persons who had entered 
and remained in this country in accordance with the then existing laws. Our 
Government has recognized the need to provide methods for adjusting the status 
of persons who have been residents for many years, or who have dependent 
family ties here. The change in the McCarran Act necessitates establishing not 
only "economic detriment" but "exceptional and extremely unusual hardship" 
to an American spouse or minor children. This leaves the complete responsibility 
of evaluating human misery on a purely subjective basis. 

By ordering a home investigation of all persons applying for citizenship we 
are making a departure from a fundamental principle of the American Constitu- 
tion which has always held that a man's home is inviolate except when a search 
warrant is issued. 

The new addition of "ethnic" to the already existing questions of race and 
nationality is a foreign note on American documentation. Ethnic in the anthro- 
pologists' language refers only to cultural patterns and mores. What can it add 
to our understanding of eligibility for admission to America? 


E)iipirical ddta rcgardino home ownership and oeeupation of native-horn and 
foreign-horn Jewish residents of Los Angeles, Calif. 

[Based on Los Angeles Jewish population study, sponsored by Los Angeles Jewish 
Conmiunity Council, 1950] 


Native-born (341 of 560) 59.9- 

Russia, roland. Baltic-boni (144 of 220) 65.5 

Gorniany. Austria-born (21 of 35) 60.0' 

Other foreign birth (89 of 125) 71,2: 


Professionals and semi-professionals : Percent 

Native-born (101 out of 501) 18.0 

Russia, Poland, Baltic-born (15 of 210) 7. 5 

(jerniany, Austria-born (5 of 34) 14.7 

Other foreign birth (17 of 118) 14.4 

Proprietors and managers : 

Native-born (1S7 of .501) 33.3- 

Russia, Poland, Baltic-born (67 of 210) 31.9 

Germany, Austria-born (5 of 34) '. 14.7 

Otlier foreign birth (44 of 118) 37.3 

Unemployed or part-time employed and looliing for other work : 

Native-born 2. 4 

Russia, Poland, Baltic-born 2. 9^ 

Germany, Austria-born 2. 9 

Other foreign l)irth 3.4 

The Chairman. Now, if it is true that the McCarran Act has the 
defects that you point out, in the prepared statements you have sub- 
mitted, how do you account for the fact that the Congress of the 
United States passed it and then repassed it over the President's veto, 
which actually requires a two-thirds vote ? 

Mr. LiEBERMAx. Well, first, I think the Members of Congress in 
large measure were influenced by the argument that here is a codifica- 
tion of immigration and naturalization laws. We haven't had natu- 
ralization and immigration laws codified for a long time. We have 
been having a crazyquilt, a patchwork thing. Each year Congress 
would adopt new laws and nobody attempted to gather them together.. 
Now here a subcommittee has diligently worked in giving us a codifi- 
cation, and they thought they ought to vote for this codification. 

The Chairman. But codification wasn't the only matter that was 
dealt with in that new act. 

Mr. LiEBERMAN. Well, here is another thing that I think possessed 
Congress. We are living in an age in which we are bordering on a 
hysteria because of the necessity to contend with Communist infiltra- 
tion into this country, and I think that has been so whipped up that 
we have a psychology of fear of foreigners. 

I mentioned in my prepared statement that maybe over a period of 
years we should have pointed out from time to time the error of the 
original exclusionist policy in its discriminatory racial features, and 
yet nothing was done about it because we were waiting until dramatic 
injustices arose. On the contrary, this anti-immigration, this anti- 
foreign feeling has been constantly whipped up over a long period of 

25356 — 52 76 


years and we are now almost bordering on a feeling of frenzy and 
fear for the foreigner. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Is Mrs. Rugeti here ? 


Mrs. Rugeti. I am Mrs. Dan Rugeti, 215 North Layton Drive, Los 

1 represent the Pacific Southwest Branch of the National Women's 
League of the United Synagogue of America, and wish to read a 
l^repared statement. 

The Chairman. You may do so. 

Mrs. Rugeti. As cochairman of the Regional Connnittee on Social 
Action of the Pacific Soutliwest Branch of the National Women's 
League of the United Synagogue of America, responsible for the 
supervision and direction of the membership of 29 synagogue sister- 
hoods, with an aggregate membership of some 6,000 members, I wish 
to voice our objections to the McCarran- Walters Inmiigration Act. 

Citizenship should assure security and stability for all on an equal 
basis. It is against American tradition and conviction to impose on 
any individual the requirement to state religious belief, whether in 
relation to immigration, voting, civil service, employment or any 
other phase of life. 

It is inconceivable to us that a country born of and developed by 
peoples of every nation and religion should pass legislation which : 

A. Creates a second-class citizenship in the last stronghold of 

B. Creates distinction between native-born and naturalized 

C. Creates prejudice against national groups, all of whom 
have made valid and important contributions to the cultural, in- 
dustrial, and political life of our country. 

We therefore add our objection to that of other organizations con- 
cerned with strengthening, not destroying our democracy. It is our 
earnest conviction that this legislation jeopardizes the freedoms and 
principles for which our ancestors, fathers, and brothers fought and 

Tlie Chairman. Thank you. 

Mrs. Rugeti. Sir, I do have anotlier statement here from the presi- 
dent of the southern California region of tlie Rabbinical Assembly of 
America, Rabbi Max Vorspan, who was not able to be present. May 
I leave it with you? 

The Chairman. We will put it in the record at this point. 

(The statement follows:) 


Statement Submitted by Rabbi Max Vokspan, President, Southeun Cali- 
fornia Region, the Rabbinical Assembly ok America 

Southern California Region, 
The Rabbinical Assembly of America, 
672 8oi(tlt Ardinore Avcuuc, Los Anyeles, Calif., October 15, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturai-ization, 
Federal BuiUUmi, Los Amivles, Calif. 
Dear Sir; As pivsident of the sontlu'rii California region of the Rabbinical 
Assembly of America, representiiii; the spiritual leaders of .'iO synagogs in 
this area, I wish to express our objections to the McCarran-Walters Imniigration 

We believe that it is contrary to American tradition and conviction to require 

any individual to state religious l)elief or origin, whether in relation to innui- 

gration. voting, civil service, edwation, employment, (jr any other phase of life. 

A country created and developed by peoples of every nation and religion should 

not pass or encourage the introduction of legislation which— 

1. Creates a second-class citizenship in a democracy. 

2. Creates distinctions between native-born and naturalized citizens. 

3. Creates jirejudice against national groups, many of which have made 
vital contributions to the cultural, economic, and spiritual life of our 

We wish to go on record as expressing the opinion that this legislation places 
the basic freedoms an<l principles on which our country was founded in the 
gravest jeopardy. 

Rabbi Max Vorspan, President. 

Tlie Chaihmax. Is Reverend O'Flaherty here? 


Reverend CPYaiierit. I am Rev. Raymond O'Flaherty, director 
of Catholic charities of the archdiocese of Los Angeles, 855 South 
Figiieroa Street, Los Angeles. 

Although the Catholic resettlement committee of the archdiocese 
jjresented a statement this morning, I have been asked, on behalf of 
Catholic charities, to present a statement in the name of the archbishop, 
the most Reverend J. Francis A. Mclntyre, archbishop of Los Angeles. 
With your permission I will read it. 

The Chairman. We shall be glad to hear it. 

Reverend O'Flaherty. Gentlemen, may I thank you for the op- 
portunity accorded me to participate in the deliberations of your com- 
mittee on a most vital problem — a problem vital for America and also, 
and especially, for the suffering peoples throughout the world. 

It is not my intention to deal with specific problems of individual 
national groups as they exist under present legi.slation. Rather would 
I use the few moments allotted to me to emphasize, and broadly to 
apply, certain ))riiiciples which in my judgment, and in the judgn'ient 
of those whom 1 represent, are basic to any sound legislation in the 
area of our present concern. 


These principles are — 

1. An American policy of immigration should be consistent 
with our American belief in the equality of all men. 

2. An American policy of immigration should be practically 
related to the laws of justice and of charity which govern men 
and nations, and to the priorities which these laws impose. 

On the basis of the above principles, broadly applied, may I submit 

1. The national origins formula, basic to ])resent legislation,, 
is not sound, since it violates both the above principles. 

2. Sound immigration legislation must basically consider the 
needs and resources of our own economy ; it must then consider 
the relative needs of those who are to be admitted into our country. 

3. The consideration of relative needs of those who are to be 
admitted into our country will, on the basis of the principles we 
have enumerated, give priority to such persons, in their own coun- 
try, here, or elsewhere, as are the victims of foreign political 
philosophies, refugees and expellees, and such persons as are suf- 
fering from widespread economic distress. It would allow of 
no such anomaly as unused quotas. 

4. Sound legislation based on the above principles is obviously 
as urgent as are the needs of those whom it would benefit. The 
law of charity would dictate that there be no delay in its enact- 
ment and that special interim legislation be promoted for the 
benefit of those persons who present urgent established needy 
such as displaced persons whose cases are already processed. 

In conclusion, may I congratulate the committee on its deep, genuine 
interest in the problems of suiTering humanity throughout the world 
and in our great country's opportunity to help. Sound immigration 
legislation will serve to establish unity and the confidence of millions 
of people the world over who look to us to lead the way in establish- 
ing a peaceful world where freedom and justice and charity will be 
the birthright of all men. 

Commissioner O'Grady. In view of your criticism of the present 
immigration system, what would you propose as a substitute? 

Reverend O'Flaherty. Monsignor O'Grady, I agree with the gen- 
tleman who second preceded me who in his statement said that you 
can't get a static substitute, I think you have to get a substitute that 
is flexible, that is based on sound principles, and then it has to be 
periodically evaluated. I don't believe that the whole United States 
can draw up such a formula. I think that the intelligence and in- 
terest of a group like this Commission after these hearings will be 
well qualified to draw up such a program. 

The Chairman. Well, we are interested in having concrete pro- 
posals also. 

Reverend O'Flaherty. I think if you get your basic principle solid 
first — it seems to me that the place where our present legislation falls 
down is that it started off on a false basis. If you are going to build 
a house on a shaky foundation, you Avill never have a house. If you 
get sound principles as a basis for legislation, then I tliink with modi- 
fication you can build a good solid program. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

Is Mr. Bozzani here ? 



Mr. BozzANi. I am Amerigo Bozzani, 401 Sunset Boulevard, and 
J represent the American-Italian Democratic Committee and the 
American Committee on Italian Migration. 

I have a prepared statement for the record and would like to make 
.a few brief remarks now. 

The Chairman. You may do so. 

Mr. Bozzani. Of course, the position of Italian immigration is 
being heard time after time, but I would like the rest of my fellow 
countrymen, the opinions of the Italians and the rest, to have the 
proper consideration at the due time. I hope you will give it to them. 

The restriction under the McCarran Act is so tightly imposed that 
most Italians could not be admitted to the United States, because you 
Jinow that not long ago our great maestro of the grand opera of New 
York was detained, Arturo Toscanini. 

I would like to emphasize at this time that the national restrictions 
of Italian immigration since 1922 have been unjust and should be re- 
moved. They are o])posed by virtually all fair-minded citizens. I 
tliink they are unrealistic, unfair factually, historically, socially, and 

As you know, strong criticism of this phase of the act have been 
voiced by Archbishop Gushing of Boston, Kabbi Nadich, Senator 
Lodge, Representative Kennedy, and President Truman himself and 
countless other outstanding authorities of our Nation. 

The Chairman. Rabbi Nadich has testified and the Archbishop sent 
a statement to this Commission. Both Senator Lodge and Representa- 
tive Kennedy have also testified. Was there anything else you wished 
to say ? 

Mr. Bozzani. Yes; I think the McCarran Act should be repealed. 
The act is unreasonable, dangerous, and discretionary. It has even 
given too much discretion and authority to the Attorney General. 
Frankly, any alien could be excluded at any time or for any cause, 
valid or invalid. 

I think the people of this country and the people of the world 
cannot possibly accept the McCarran Act, which sets up the determina- 
tion of the total number of immigrants to be admitted and the nation 
from which such immigrans must come. It is obvious that such pro- 
vision is unduly restrictive and in comparison both with needs of the 
United States and with needs di all specific countries and the needs 
■of Italy it presents an outstanding example of gross inadequacy. 

It is of course equally obvious that, in dealing with individual 
■cases, the act does not adequately protect the rights of those subject 
to deportation, exclusion, and denaturalization; and it does not pro- 
vide proper adminisrative procedures in general. 

I present to you the desire of our committee, and I hope you will 
•give them due consideration. I want to thank you gentlemen and 
■express my sincere a])preciation for permitting me to present to you 
the statement which I hope in due time you will give due consideration. 

The Chairman. Your prepared statement will be inserted in the 


(The prepared statement submitted by Mr. Amerigo Bozzani is as 

Statement of Amerigo Bozzani on Behai.f of the Ameeican-Ttalian Demo- 
cratic Committee, and American Committee on Italian Migration 

My name is Amerigo Bozzani. My home is in Los Angeles and my place of 
business is located in this city at 401 Snnset Boulevard. I am chairman of the 
American-Italian Democratic Committee, an organization which has been ef- 
fective here since 1930, and also chairman of the American Committee on Italian 
Migration of Southern California. I speak on behalf of those organizations and 
also from my own experience — havinjc been Itorn in INIodena, Italy, in 1883. I 
came to America in 1901, returned briefly to Italy at the end of 1905, and re- 
turned to the United States in 1906. I became an American citizen on November 
11, 1911, in Poughkeepsie, N. Y. I came to California at the end of 1911, and 
have lived and worked in this area since that time — especially with the Italian- 
American community here — I feel that I am familiar with many of the problems 
confronting the Italian people, and the problems confronting the Italian-American 
people here, and the problems of your Commission and this country respecting 

In 1949 I had the opportunity of making an extended visit to Italy. At that 
time, I reconfirmed many of the thoughts which we Italian-Americans have on 
the subject of immigration and naturalization and I appreciate the opportunity 
of now briefly presenting to you some of those thoughts, ideas, and suggestions. 

The Marshall plan and the KCA have done a magnificent job in Italy, but the 
serious economic problems still remain due to overpopulation — close to -50 million 
people (increasing at the rate of 400.000 per year) — who have to live in an area 
50,000 square miles smaller than the state of California — badly shaken and 
terribly impoverished by the consequences of two world wars, the African war — - 
the Albanian and Greece wars created by the blunder of 20 years of fascism. 
Millions of people, due to the lack of funds, have been forced to double up in 
small homes with no sanitation, and just enough food to exist. The soil of Italy 
is only about .33 percent arable, due to the mountainous terrain — their fertility 
is gTeatly reduced by the lack of fertilizer for the past 20 years ; consequently 
this has greatly reduced the output of agi'icultural products. 

The lack of coal, and iron, to say nothing of oil, is a severe handicap for the 
Italian economy. Italy has to get raw material from distant markets, pay for 
them at high prices, and the industry forced to employ more men than neces- 
sary in order to reduce unemployment. Consequently, the finished products be- 
come so high that it is almost impossible to compete in foreign markets. 

I believe in Italy, there are about 5 million people unemployed — three I would 
say part time; and over 2 million people permanently, who constitute the flower 
of the new generation ; highly intelligent, healthy, who detest charity, their only 
desire is to have the opportunity to be useful to our great society, willing to go 
anywhere, providing some protection is given them. 

This great army of unemployed. I have observed in hundreds of interviews 
with thfni. are looking to the United States for leadei-shij) in finding the solution 
of the distribution of this surplus of population on those continents which would 
be for their benefit. 

These 2 millions of healthy and intelligent young men. who ai'e well informed 
as to what is going on in the rest of the woi-ld. willing to work but without the 
opportunity to do so, and the doors of immigration closed to them : constitute a 
great danger and in desperation sooner or later, I fear, will join the foi'ces of 

Italy today repi-esents the great bulkhead of offenses and defenses against 
communism ; but the only way to make secure that defense will stand in the event 
of an attack by the Conununists, is to find a way that at least 300,000 a year of 
such uneraiiloyed will find a place to go for the next 10 years. 

In regard to Italy, it should be noted that in the period from 1900 to 1910 
Italians immigrated to the United States in a number over that 10 year period, 
of 2,000,045 — an average of over 200.000 a year. By the act of 1921 this had 
been decrease<l to 42,000 a year. Under the national-origins system it was 
diminished to 5,800. lliis cutting off of inmiigration from Italy was used by the 
I-talians as an excuse for the imperialistic policy which they adopted. Relief is 


even iiioie utM-t'ssnry imw fur the Itnli.-ni ii;itii>ii :iii(l IIh' jicoijles of Italy; but 
the MoCarran Ac!, instead cf (illVriiiii any such I'l'licf, makes the situation even 
worse. Tliis win-seniiiu of the situation is part icnhirly critical in the lij;lit of 
our ciiiTent forelun jiolicy. and the stron.n' need \\hich we liave for a favorable 
relatioiishiji witli the ])eoiiles of Italy, as well as of the rest of the world. 

lTnd<iuhtedly your Connnission has already heai'd a j;reat deal of testimony 
respecting;' the McCarran Act. It is my liiiess that most of that testimony, 
just as most of the opinion which has reached me in this connnunity, is negative 
and opposed to the McCarran Act. This would be expected, because that act is 
oliviously discriminatory; it is ceitaiidy opiiosed to the l>est interests of the 
Italian people, as well as a .areat many other peoples; plainly, it should be 
strinjiently revised and amended — or. even better, completely reiiealed — opening 
the way for new anil jjrojter IcLiisJation on immi,:.:ration and naturalization, wliich 
has long been reqiiii'eil. and which must now he (luickly and i)roperly enacted, in 
order to pi-eserve the best intf'icsts of this country, and of the other peoples of 
the world whose welfare and whos(» s"('<'tl will is of vital concern to us. 

The national orisjins restrictions of the RIcCarran-Walter Immi.nration Act of 
1952 are un.iust and must be removed. They are opi)()sed by virtually all faii-- 
minded citizens. They are unrealistic and unfair factually, historically, socially, 
and economically. 

As yon know, stronu criticisms of this ])hase of the act Itave been voiced by 
Archbishop Cushing-, of Boston ; Kabbi Nadich, Senator Lodge, Representative 
Kennedy, I'resident Truman himself, and countless outstanding authorities of 
our Nation. 

It is certainly not pro-American to breed hatred of foreign peoples — particu- 
larly those who have proved tiiemselves invaluable ad.iuncts to American life. 
And, wholly aside from the understandable Christian desire to aid fellow Iniman 
beings who are in distress, and who we can so easily help — is the additional 
practical consideration of not flying in the face of our own ix>licy of generating 
and preserving good will in those areas which we are trying so hard to keep on the 
side of the free world — and where we can surel.v succeed, if we will merely act 
intelligently, and not yield to isolationist errors which provide such fertile ground 
(as does the McCarran Act) for adverse propaganda. 

The act gives unreasonable and most dangerous discretion to the Attorney 
General (practically any alien could be excluded from this entry at any time, 
and for any cause, valid or invalid). 

While there are a few good features in the act (such as the ending of the bar to 
citizenship for persons of certain oriental races), the bad features by far out- 
weigh the good. 

The i>eople of this country and the peoples of the world cannot possibly accept, 
foi- example, the features in the McCarran Act which set lip determination of 
the total number of iiumigrants to be admitted and the nations from which such 
immigrants may come. It is most obvoius that such ])i'ovisions are uudul.v 
restrictive in comparison both with the needs of the United States and the needs 
of other specific countries — and the needs of Italy present an outstanding ex- 
ample of the .gross inadequacies of the McCarran Act and of our whole recent 
immigration policy. 

It is of course equally obvious that, in dealing with individual cases, the act 
does not adequately protect the rights of those sub.ject to (lei)ortation, exclusion, 
and denaturalization; and it does not provide proper administrative procedures 
in general. 

On behalf of myself, and the others whom I represent, I wish to sincerely thank 
the President of the United States and your Commission for the splendid work 
which has been done and the progress which is now being made in this extremely 
important field of innnigration and naturalization; and for the opportunities 
presented to the people by these hearings. 

In conclusion, .gentlemen, I wish to say it is my sincere feeling that everyone 
would gain, the United States in particular, by a liberalization of ou^ immigiii- 
tion and naturalization policies. The peoples of Italy need and desire the 
chance to improve their own lot in life; they would look favorably ui)on improved 
relations with the United States — certainly the best way to secure these improved 
relations would be by opening wider the door to immigration which is now, to 
all pi-actical effects, shut bltuitly and insultingly in tiieir faces. 

The Chairman. Is Albeit A. Hiitler here? 



Mr. HuTLER. I am Albert A. Hutler, representing the Coordinating 
•Committee for Ilesettlem_ent of Displaced Persons in San Diego, of 
which I am chairman, 37 Forty-third Street, San Diego, Calif. 

I am speaking as the chairman of the Coordinating Committee for 
the Resettlement of Displaced Persons in San Diego. It consists of a 
Catholic, a Protestant, and a Jew, who are interested, and it operates 
under the Commnnity Welfare Council. 

I am also speaking as an individual based on experience in Europe 
as Chief of the Displaced Persons Section for part of the Seventh 
Army, and as Chief of the Displaced Section for the Land Baden, 
which takes in some 3,000 miles. In that capacity I had the privilege 
of taking General Eisenhower, Bedell Smith, and one of your own 
members. Earl Harrison, on tours of DP camps. I had the privilege 
of shipping back to their countries some 350,000 people on a repatria- 
tion project that the Army did, and that no social agency could ever 
have done. My statement in brief is just this : That there is no dif- 
ference between a Pole, a Czech, a Greek, a Frenchman, and an Eng- 
lishman. They are all human beings. Our Immigration Act, the 
McCarran bill, and other immigration acts since 1920, are discrim- 
inatory against eastern and southern Europeans. 

I would like to tell you something on which I base this statement : 
We have taken 100 families from all nations into San Diego in the 
last 4 or 5 years. Very few of these immigrants who have come to 
San Diego are dependent in any way. Three out of the 100 families 
are now totally dependent in San Diego. And 336 persons, non- 
immigrants, out of every 10,000 are receiving some form of public 
assistance, so there isn't very much difference between our citizens and 
native-born and those who are immigrants. At least 10 of our newly 
arrived immigrants now own their own homes, which homes have 
become typical American homes containing all of the household ap- 
pliances purchased on credit for which American homes are noted. 
We have found in San Diego that in the vast majority there has been 
a rapid adjustment both economically and socially, and the place of 
birth of the immigrant has had no effect on that adjustment — well, it 
didn't make much difference Vvhat country that immigrant came from, 
^ew Americans in San Diego brought may needed skills. Three of 
the families have become farmers and own their own ranches in the 
San Diego area. Five young men and women have graduated from 
high school and three of them are attending colleges to become engi- 
rieers ; one to become a doctor. Two girls who have come to San Diego 
have married iVmerican citizens, have received their citizenship, and 
are raising American families. Several of the new Americans are in 
their own business. We list among the vocations in San Diego such 
skills as plumbers, cabinetmakers, tailors, furniture makers, concert 
pianists, a real estate operator, dungaree manufacturer, bakers, elec- 
tricians, accountants, truck driver, commercial photographer, a Diesel 
engineer, an osteopath, and a doctor of medicine. We find, in follow- 
ing up with their employers, that they make darn good and satis- 


factory employees. 'Hieir cliildren ai'e aftendiiio- schools with native- 
born children, and you can't distiiiiiuish between the native-born and 
these innnio-rant kids. In discussin<i- this with their teachers, which I 
did before we came here, we find no problem has arisen in the schools 
because the children come from immic;rant families. Fathers and 
mothers attend citizenship classes, learn to speak in En^-lish, and file 
for their citizenship. And I am very happy to say that in November, 
come our day for jirantino- citizenship, some 10 of these innnigrants 
who came almost 5 years airo to the day, will become citizens of this 
country. They value their citizenship sometimes nnicli higher than 
we value our own. 

Now, Mr. Chainnan, it is not only because I have seen concentration 
camps; I have seen slave-labor camps; I have broken into concen- 
tration camps. I have watched them break out of concentration 
camps — that I feel as intensely as I do about this problem. 

Now, you have asked for some suggestions, and in the few minutes 
more that you have allotted to me I have these suggestions to make: 
If Congress insists on a quota number of 154,000 a year, which we 
have not filled for many years, let's pool those quota numbers and 
give them to people from other countries whose quotas are filled. 
That's the No. 1 suggestion. If we can ever convince Congress that all 
people ouglit to come to the United States who meet our requirements 
on morality, on literacy, and the other requirements that are necessary, 
then let them all enter the countr}^ depending on our act to receive 
them, and our ability to adjust them in this country. 

I would suggest that one of the things that this Commission might 
consider is perpetuating itself in office by becoming a commission to 
study and evaluate the immigration policies each year. Have a com- 
mission for a scientific study, trying to make a scientific study of 
the absorption of immigrants into this country, and how fast: we can 
absorb tliem. 

I saw the other day where the former Immigration Commissioner 
said we could take 2 million today w^ithout having any ill effects on our 
economy, and that the Commission should be guided by the value of 
the immigrant coming to this country, and what he can do for this 
country as well as what this country can do for him, and by the pro- 
portionate speed of adjustment that an immigrant makes. 

I hope that this Commission will recommend that we keep the hu- 
mane traditions that we have carried on for many, many years. 
Thank you. 

I would like to submit a prepared statement for the rceorcl. 

The Chairman. Thank you. It will be inserted in the record. 

(The prepared statement submitted by Mr. Albert A. Hutler is as 
follows :) 

Since 1938, when I first became aware of the problem of immigration to the 
United States through working with newlj' arrived refugees from Hitler's totali- 
tarian nation, I have been concerned with the problems of men and women trying 
to enter the United States to begin a new life. 

The full impact of the problem came to me when I served with the United 
States Army American military government, both in France as a refugee special- 
ist, and in Germany as Chief of the Displaced Persons Section for the militaiy 
government of the Land Baden. In France and Germany in 1944 and 1945, I 
first came into contact ^^ ith people from all over Europe who had been displaced 


by the war and who for one reason or another conld not and would not return to 
the countries of their l)irth. A great many of these people had spent several years 
of their lives in concentration camps and managed to survive. Others had been 
brought into Germany as slave labor for the German war machine and they, too, 
had managed to survive. 

Most had one tiling in common — a longing to migrate to the United States which 
they felt was the one country in which they could find the freedom for which they 
would have been willing to die. These are people who really understand what 
democracy means to human dignity, and people who value freedom as their most 
prized possession. 

One who has had this experience is left with an urge to try to be of assistance 
to these people, by making every effort to gain admission for those who are able 
to meet the requirements for entrance — requirements based on health, literacy, 
and morality. 

In the past 6 years, it has been my privilege as the director of the San Diego 
Federation of Jewisli Agencies, and as the chairman of the San Diego Coordina- 
ting Committee for Displaced Persons, to help to bring to our community over 
100 families of all Tiationalities and creeds, and to watch their adjustment and 
integration into the comnumal life of San Diego. 

Very few of the inuuigrants who have come to San Diego either through 
individual or organizational affidavits have remained deiiendent. In San Diego 
we know of only three families who are completely dependent on either individu- 
als or organizations and none who have in any way become public charges. In 
San Diego County 366 persons (nonimmigrants) of every 10,000 are receiving 
some form of public assistance. Our records indicate that in the immigrant 
group who have arrived in the last 5 years only 3 families out of some 80 we have 
been able to survey are receiving total assistance. 

At least 10 of our newly arrived immigrants now own their own homes, which 
homes have become typical American homes containing all of the household 
appliances purchased on credit for which American homes are noted. 

We have found in the vast majority that there has been a very rapid adjust- 
ment both economically and socially. The place of birth of the immigrant has 
had no effect on this adjustment; whether the individual comes from Eastern, 
Southern, Western, or Northern Europe is not at all important in the rapidity of 
his adjustment to the American scene. 

New Americans have brought to San Diego many needed skills. Three of our 
families liave already found themselves in a position through saving and hard 
work to become the proud possessors of their own farms and chicken ranches. 
Five young men and v.omen who have come to our community within the past 5 
years have graduated from high school, and three are exceptionally good students 
in college. Two girls have married American citizens in the past few years. 

Several of our new Americans are now the owners of their own businesses pro- 
\'iding employment for other Americans. W> list among their vocations all types 
of jobs : Plumbers, cabinetmakers, tailors, furniture makers, concert pianist, real- 
estate operator, caterer, dvmgaree manufacturer, bakers, janitors, electrician, 
accountant. X-ray technician, truck driver, commercial photographer, Diesel 
engineer, osteopath, and doctor. 

in following up with their employers we have found that most new Americans 
have filled their responsibilities in their work in more than a satisfactory fashion. 

Their children are attending schools with native-born children. You cannot 
distinguish between them. In discussing this with their teachers, we find that 
no problems have arisen in the schools because the children come from immigrant 

Fathers and mothers attend citizenship, Americanization, and English classes 
being given by the San Diego school system at night. They have the same social 
and recreational outlets as any of our citizens. The vast majority attend their 
churches and synagogues as regularly as their neighbors. 

Over a dozen young men are or have been drafted or have enlisted in the 
armed services; others are enlisting or entering as they are called. Several 
have served in Korea and in the European theater. The attitude of those 
entering the service shows a sincere willingness to .serve the country of their 
adoption because of their feeling of indebtedness and their desire to try to repay 
this country. Their philosophy is : 


"Though we have suffered very iiiueh in Europe and we regret that we umst 
leave our homes and friends just when we are about to get started in our new 
life, we ]<now that every young American nnist <lo the same. This is our 
^country also." 

At this moment in San Diego there are at least a dozen inunigrants who arrived 
5 years ago and are now elated and excited because they know tliey will be- 
come citizens in November of this year. This has been their greatest hope. To 
them it is the end of a bad dream and the beginning of a new life. These immi- 
grants think so nuicli of American citizenship that many of them apply the tirst 
day they are eligiliie and look forward with anticipation to the linal ceremony. 

it is only because I have seen under the worst conditions — concentration 
camps, slave-labor camps, and DP camps — the people of Eastern and Western 
Europe who wish to enter the I'nited States, and know how much this country 
can do for them and they in turn can do for it that I have the temerity to come 
before this Commission to join with those who have asked and worked for the 
liberalization and broadening of our immigration laws. I cannot forget the 
Iiromise that I made to thousands of displaced persons in Europe that America 
would not forget them. 

These prospective immigrants, on whose behalf I take the liberty of speaking, 
are no different than those who helped to make this Nation the finest place in 
this world. We have grown great as a Nation of inunigrants because of the 
open-door immigration policy prior to 1920, which as much as any other single 
factor helped to bring about the development of the United States as a leader 
among the free nations of the world. Cherishing the ideals of American freedom 
and opportunity a steady stream of new Americans coming from conditions of 
economic hardship, political repression, and religious persecution have given oiir 
Nation unstiutingly of their strength and talent. 

They have suffered in their native land and when they have come to the 
United States they have demonstrated their loyalty to American concepts of 
democracy. For these reasons as well as for reasons of justice and humanity, 
the traditions of America as a haven of new opportunity should and must be 

It would only be in keeping with our humane conditions to liberalize and 
broaden our immigration laws. These laws should — 

(1) Establish a flexible quota limitation based on an annual numerical total, 
to be figured on the needs of the country and the ability of the prospective 
immigrant to contribute to America's welfare and development, rather than 
on the place of his national origin ; or if we nuist have our present quota, system, 
we should provide for the lllling of unused quotas so that such quotas would be 
liooled and given to persons without regard to quota area. Our present law 
continues the tragic Avaste of at least one-half of our allowable quota numbers 
by refusing to revise our quota system. Some countries have large annual 
(piotas which are never fully utilized. As a result over the years, only about 
<me-half of the total annual (piota of 154,<M)0 visas have ever been used. 

(2) Eliminate the existing vestiges of racial discrimination so that equal 
op[iortuuities would be afforded all races and nationalities for entrance into the 
United States. 

(?>) Make possible the admission of immigrants whose skills and talents can 
he fully utilized in the United States by expanding nonquota groups. 

(4) Eliminate mortgages or present quotas imposed bv the Displaced Persons 

(5) Substitute the year 19r)0 for 1920 as the base for quota computation. By 
perpetuating 1920 as the base year, we ignore the present computation of our 
population and thus do not achieve the quotas of many nationality groups, 
especially those from Southern and Eastern Europe whose proportions con- 
tribute to the Ignited States population and have increased during the last 30 
years. We are continuing our discrimination against Eastei'n and Southern 
Europeans for no good or logical reason. 

A Iil)eralized and broadened inunigration law will demtmstrate our eagerness 
throughout the world to assist victims of religious and political persecution. It 
would give heart to thousands of [lersons behind iron-curtain countries and to 
people everywhere to whom the United States is still the symbol of freedom 
and humanity. 

The Chairman. Is Miss Mar":iierite Weiss here? 



Miss Weiss. I am Marguerite Weiss, representing the Southern 
California Division of American Jewish Congress, 5164 San Vincente 
Boulevard, Los Angeles. 

I don't have any prepared statement to give you. Gentlemen of 
this Commission, I will just speak rather briefly and rather try to 
emphasize some of the things that have ben said here this afternoon, 
rather than repeat many of the things which I might have said. With 
respect to an alternative for the McCarran Act, I think you gentle- 
men will agree and are aware of the fact that there was a very excel- 
lent alternative to the McCarran- Walter immigration bill; namely, 
the Humphrey-Lehman bill in the House, known as the Roose- 
velt bill, which offered many excellent provisions as contrasted to some 
of the very spurious provisions that we have seen outlined in the 
present bill. And to repeat from this last gentleman that preceded 
me: One of the things that can be done and should be done is the 
pooling of the unused quotas. Some of the other defects of the 
present law as it stands provide unlimited power in the hands of 
our consulate representatives overseas. There is at present no pro- 
vision for review of consular decisions. Again, new grounds for 
deportation are incorporated in this act making these grounds ret- 
roactive to cover all immigrants already admitted to the United 
States. I think that our Congressmen before they passed on the act 
should have taken the time, although it was a 300-page document, to 
analyze, to understand, and to try to interpret this thing in the 
broadest and best interests of the people that they represent. In 
addition to that, we are the focus, we are the epitome, if you please, 
of liberal policy tliroughout the world, and if we are going to be 
burdened with this type of immigration legislation, how can these 
people overseas in countries looking to us desperately for new avenues 
and new ways of immigration — how can they feel any hope under the 
present McCarran Act ? 

I would merely say to you, gentlemen, members of the President's 
Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, that you recom- 
mend to our great President Truman, and to the Congress of the 
United States, the immediate repeal of the McCarran- Walter Immi- 
gration Act. We note that while the President's Commission on 
Civil Rights did a magnificent job in 1948 in bringing civil-rights is- 
sues to the attention of the people and to the Congress, no effective 
legislation regarding these issues was ever passed. Therefore, we 
are doubly concerned lest history repeat itself, and we urge that every 
democratic measure be used to bring about the immediate repeal of 
this discriminatory immigration law by Members of the Congress of 
the United States, in order that it might be replaced by human, intel- 
ligent, and beneficial immigration legislation. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

Is Nicholas Jory here ? 


Statement Surmittkd i!y Nicholas Joky in Behalf of the American- 
HuNOAiUAN Federation 

Mr. RosENFiELD. Ml". Chairman, earlier in the day Mr. Nicholas 
Jory, who represents the American-Hungarian Federation asked that 
vhen his name is called I submit in his behalf this document which he 
left Avith me. AVith your permission, I will give it to the reporter 
for insertion in the record. 

The Chairman. Tliat may be admitted. 

(There follows the statement submitted by INIr. Nicholas Jory in 
behalf of tlie American-Hungarian Federation: ) 

American-Hungarian Federation, 
162Jf I Street NW., Washington 6, D. C, October U,, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 
lUfO G Street NW., Washington, D. C. 

Gentlemen : I represent the American-Hungarian Federation with head- 
quarters in Washington, D. C. I thank you for this opportunity to present sug- 
gestions for desirable changes in the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. 
The changes I urge liave been discussed at great length with several national 
oiganizations other than my own, also a large number of individuals deeply 
interested in immigration and naturalization. 

My first suggestion is based upon a solemn conviction that in an effort to 
achieve the ideal of selective immigration the writers of the act through section 
203 (a) (1) have created an iron curtain. The iron curtain of the U. S. S. R. 
does more harm to that nation than to those who would enter. The iron curtain 
of the United States that will descend on December 24, 19.52 — barring all but a 
..special class — the class of "high education, technical training, specialized experi- 
ence, or execeptional ability," will most assuredly do more harm to us than to 
those wishing to enter. 

This Nation was not built or maintained by a special class such as will be 
created by the application of section 203 (a) (1). It is not such a special class 
that thrust our railroads through wilderness and desert but the brawn of Italian 
Mud Chinese laborers; it is not such a special class that builds our cities but the 
back-breaking work of Irish hod carriers and bricklayers ; it is not such a special 
class that brings coal and iron out of the depths of the earth but dangerous, lung- 
destroying labor of Hungarian, Slovak, and Polish common men ; it is not such a 
special class that grows the wheat and foodstuff needed in our great land but 
'men working witli their hands, from Sweden, Norway, and France ; it is not such a 
special class that provides the mechanics, carpenters, tanners, and other artisans 
so vital to the economic and military might of the United States but manual 
workers from Germany, Czechoslovakia, Austria, and many other nations. I 
donbt whether any of these stalwai-ts could qualify under section 203 (a) (1). 
Not 1 percent are college graduates ; probably not 10 percent liad grade schooling ; 
only a handful can boast specialized experience or exceptional ability. They 
are run-of-the-mill, decent men and women. They do however have what this 
country needed and needs — love of liberty, high manual skill and a desire for a 
better life for themselves and their children. Yet it is now proposed to relegate 
the reservoir from whence these people came to a fourth classification with an 
insignificant chance for attaining entry. May I respectfully call the conunittee's 
attention to the fact thiit Abraham Lincoln would have been barred under section 
203 (a) (1) since at the ago of 21 he was splitting rails for a living, likewise 
Thomas Edison, for of him his biographer says "his education was limited to 3 
months in the public school of Port Huron, Mich." Also Henry Ford of whom his 
biographers state "Henry Ford went to school until about the age of 1.")." And I 
could go on and on with a host of others whose uonadmittance would have been 
of inestimable loss to our country. 

It is also called to the committee's attention that the unwieldly method of seek- 
ing admission liy petition under section 203 (a) (1) will destroy all chance for 
entry of the pitifully few who woidd be admissible under section 203 (a) (4). 
The admissibility of the applicant hy the Attorney General will )uake a mockery 
•of section 203 (a) (4) and the so-called preferences it professes. 


It is my solemn conviction that aside from scrutiny of ideology, health, and' 
reasonable financial well-being, the only yardstick we must use when measuring 
admissibility to the United States is loyalty, honesty, and willingness to work. 
Our immigrants must be drawn from the same source as the men and women who 
came before and made this country so great. I maintain that to do otherwise 
is to breach the ideals of the men who founded and guided tliis Nation to world 

Therefore, I respectfully urge that secthms 203 (a) (1) and 203 (a) (4) of the 
Immigration Act of 19r)2 be deleted by congressional action, in tlieir entirety. 

I further respectfully urge that the Congress amend the Immigration Act of 
1902 to the end that the first 50 percent of all quotas l)e made available to appli- 
cants of all races, colors and creeds thereunder without the requirement of 
filing petitions by American institutions, and without discrimination as tO' 
education, technical training, exceptional ability, or any other attribute that 
would set one api»licant abo\e another. 

My second suggestion involves a moral as well as an immigration issue. I feel 
that the writers of the act have erred grievously in revisions of the nationality 
laws whereby they take away certain rights gr.-inted those who entered the- 
United States lawfully years ago and with whom this Government made solemn 
covenant. Also, these revisions urmecessarily curtail the privileges of those who 
will enter after December 24, 1952. 

Under our present nationality laws an alien may (a) become a citizen in 2 
years if married to an American citizen, and (h) 3 years if once so married but 
divorced, or the spouse has died. The new act eliminates above class (a) en- 
tirely and complicates class (&) by requiring (sec. 319 (a) ) said alien be married 
to the American citizen spouse for 3 years inunediately pi-ecediug the date of 
filing his petitions. 

I contend and earnestly call the attention of the President's Committee to 
the fact that the Congress has never before passed a retroactively harmful law. 
Here we find thousands of men and women eager to become citizens of this 
country and trusting in a solemn promise given under 8 CFR 32(5.2. or 8 CFR 326.3, 
and who now find the Government will not keep its word. What would our 
Supreme Court say if a lea.sehold to drill for oil were granted in good faitli and 
then, if oil is found, the grantor would simply refuse to honor the conti'act.. 
Would the august Court uphold such flagrant violation of covenant? I do not 
believe so. Yet the United States will on December 24, 1952, do just that — 
violate a covenant made with many thousands of men and women who would 
become eligible for citizenship under 8 CFR 326.2 and 8 CFR 326.3. 

Is it not a fact that our immigrants should be urged to become citizens — not 
have difficulties put in their way V Is there a finer spirit than that which prompts 
men and women to l)ecome citizens of their new homeland at the earliest possible 
moment? And the new act rewards this spirit with senseless ol>stacles while 
leaving unchanged CFR 326.4, whereby it is possil)le for a favored few aliens 
after indifi:'erent investigation to acquire citizenship without any prior residence 
in the United States. 

It is also to be noted that the Immigration and Naturalization Service is 
justifiably proud that humane consideration has always entered into its decisions. 
The reunion of families parted b.v limitation of quota numbers is surely most 
desirable. The deprivation of citizenship for extended periods will cause years 
of separation between thousands of fine, worth-while permanent residents and 
their parents. 

Therefore, anxious that the United States shall never break its given word 
and because the rights of our citizens and their permanent-resident wives will 
be violated, I earnestly plead that section 319 (a) of the Immigration Act of" 
1952 be deleted. 

I further urge that the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 be amended 
to include paragraphs as written in 8 CFR 326.2 and iS CFR 326.3. 

My third and final suggestion I deem so important that I earnestly request 
the President's Commission to give it special consideration. I am certain many 
others will second this appeal. 


Lithuania 2090 

Poland 2000i 

Rumania 2019 

U. S. S. R 1980 

Yugoslavia 2114 


The Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended, has taken 50 pevcentum of 
nearly all quotas; hardest hit are small countries. A statement by the Immi- 
gration Service Magazine shows some of the following mortgages of 50 percent: 


Bulgaria 1963 

China 1964 

Greece 2013 

Hungary 1989 

Latvia 2274 

The Congress of the United States could do no fin(>r ileed than to amend the 
Innnigration and Nationality Act of 1952 to the end tliat these mortgages be 
considered paid and all (juotas be restored to full numerical strength provided 
by law, as of December 24, 1952. The large quotas of countries such as Ger- 
many and Italy are current <u" soon will lie. It is the snniU ones that suffer. 
r>y satisfying these mortgages China will gain 50 quota numbers each year; 
E.stonia, 58: Greece. 155; Hungary, 432; Latvia, 118, etc.; and the United States 
would gain a great moral victory. The admission of this comparatively (now 
quotaless) small number of inmiigrants can only redound to oiu- benetit at home 
and abroad. The knowledge that years of waiting may be shortened for some 
will bring joy to many of our people whose relatives wait outside in despair. 
And all nations must acknowledge and respect such a broad and humane view of 
the world's inunigration problem. 

Thei-efore. I earnestly plead that the President's Commission make recom- 
mendation that legislation be brought immediately for enactment of an amend- 
ment to the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, whereby all mortgages 
imi>osed upon quotas by the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended, be 
con.sidered as paid in full and that quota numbers shall inure to all countries 
as provided in section 201 (a) and following, of the Immigration Act of 

I again thank the President's Commission for myself, the American-Hungarian 
Federation, and all others I represent, for the opportunity to present my views 
to them. 

Faithfully yours, 

(Signed) Nicholas Jory. 

The Chairman. Is Mr. Hari-y F. Kane here ? 


Mr. Kane. I am Harry F. Kaite, representing Eiverside County 
Council Independent Progressive Party, 40G0 Ahnond Street, River- 
side, Los Angeles. 

I am appearing here on behalf of the Riverside County Council 
Independent Progressive Party. I congratulate this Commission 
in its efforts to obtain some sense of direction from the American 
people, but I regret that it is not sufficiently broad in the sense that 
1 day's hearing does not give tlie j^eople of a city like Los Angeles the 
opportunity to be heard. J am not going to present to you any long- 
winded affair. I wish simply to dwell upon the deportation matters 
connected with those who are of foreign birth. I wish to resent the 
provisions of the McCarran law which deal with the arrest and grilling 
of aliens without granting sufficient bail, or without granting even 
any bail. I resent the exclusion by the Attorney (leneral of foreign- 
ers who miglit be dangerous. And I resent the a])plication of the 
princii)]e of preventive arrest of those who might be dangerous ami. 
therefore, must he rounded up. 


I have heard very much today of the matter of patriotism, and com- 
parisons are odious, but I wish to say that my father came to this 
country an alien from Scot Land, a man who was not well educated ; but, 
God, how he could quote Burns the poet. Now, he volunteered his 
life in the interests of this country to put clown traitorous disunion 
and to stand for the freedom of chattel slaves. I question the attitude 
or the patriotism of no man, or no American, but I wish to say for the 
foreign-born that the man who is a noncitizen if he conducts himself 
like a man, especially if he is married, and his wife has brought chil- 
dren into the world, if he has given of his work to create the wealth 
of the Nation, or to help create that wealth, I say he is worthy of any- 
thing that I, as a citizen have, or anything that I want. A man must 
strike against oppressive conditions, the right to organize in a union 
<jf his own choice ; the right to criticize public officials and the damn- 
able officials who are crooked today. He has the right to say, "We 
shall wipe out filth of corruption." He has the right to criticize 
and the right to conduct himself like a man so long as he violates no 
laws. Therefore, I wish to say our party stands for the rights of the 
foregin-born so long as they conduct themselves like men and like 
American citizens. I have \erj little more to say except that we 
resent these restrictive laws which convict people before they have been 
heard or proven guilty, and my recommendation — and my organiza- 
tion's — about the McCarran law is : Wipe the thing off the statute 
books. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Is Roscoe L. Warren here? 


Mr. Warren. I am Roscoe L. Warren, of Whittier, Calif. I am 
speaking only for myself today, but I am a member of the American 
Friends Service Committee and the Friends Connnittee on National 

The Chairman. We will be pleased to hear from you. 

Mr. Warren. I have a brief statement today to make that is in op- 
position to the present McCarran bill, and I am only presenting it 
briefly in that it indicates my opinion as to the objectionable features 
of the law as it now stands on the books. It a])pears to be designed 
to exclude immigrants rather than to admit them. 

It poses a danger to our ideals of justice and equity. 

The law has within its provision a strong suspicion and prejudice 
of foreigners based on the discredited theory of racial origin. It re- 
flects basic discrimination against people from eastern and southern 
Europe, as well as against Negroes. 

It facilitates deportation of thousands now residing in the United 

It makes denaturalization an easy possibility of naturalized citi- 

The law gives virtually unlimited power to our oversea consuls in 
the refusal of visas without provision for review of the consular de- 

It has retroactive provisions for deportation of all immigrants who 
liave ])een hitherto admitted to the United States. 

Too much final authority is given to individuals rather than to 
boards of review. 


I will be o-lad to leave this statement witli yon if yon care to have it. 
The Chairman. Tliank yon very innch. 
Is Mrs. xVrlhnr L. Sliellhorn here? 


Mrs. SiiEM.n(»KN. 1 am Mrs. .Vrthnr L. Shellhorn, rei)resentin<j^ Na- 
tional Defense, California Society of the I)an<iliters of the American 
Kevohition, of wliicli I am vice chairman, 4:44 North Daroca Avenue, 
San (lahriel, Calif. 

I tlionoht that the State regent was to be here until last night, and 
I am representing her on this. So, I have no prepared statement ex- 
cept to pass over the i-esolutioiis passed on this matter which will give 
the stand of tlie national society. I want to state before I get into our 
stand as a national society that the National Society of the Daughters 
of the American Revolution have between 200,000 and 300,000 mem- 
bers in the United States — a])proximately 6,000 chapters — and in 
California alone we have 121 chapters, 6,650 members. 

I think those of you who know anything about the Society of the 
Daughters of the Amei-ican Revolution all know we are rather black- 
ened many times and called ancestor worshipers and a few more 
things of that kind. Those of you who know anything of the work- 
ings know that thei'c is no organization in the United States which 
stands more firmly for onr American way of life and against com- 
munism tlian the >s^ational Society of the Daughters of the American 
Revolution. AVe have fought for many years, long before it was popu- 
lar even to mention the word, on immigration hiAvs and infiltration 
into the United States, and have taken some very strong stands on 
this matter. 

There are three resolutions which I am g'oing to present very briefly. 
I am not going to read the resolutions, but I will give you the gist of 
them, and the resolutions will be filed. These have come from indi- 
vidual studies in all the chai)ters, from the chapters to the State so- 
ciety where resolutions along this matter were passed unanimously, 
and then to the natiomil congress which met in Wasliington this year, 
the 1951 congress of the National Daughters; and these three resolu- 
tions on immigration were passed unanimously. I will just give you 
the gist of the resolutions and let them speak for themselves. The 
first one : The national societies liave taken a definite stand and passed 
a resolution at the last continental congress held in Washington ay)- 
proving the McCarran-Walter bill and approving the principle that 
no immigration over and above the present quota system be ])resented 
in the United States. We feel that since a special subcommittee of 
the Judiciary has made an exhaustive study over 3 years, and with a 
study of our present immigration and naturalization, that such an 
adequate screening of aliens as regards subversive aliens should be 
included in this bill, this law, togetlier with other protective measures 
for the preserving of our foi'in of government against subversives. 
We unanimously a})proved this measui'e and passed a resolution iniani- 
moHsly to tliat eifect at the 11>51 national congress — this \vas in INfay. 

25.So6— .52 77 


We took a definite stand as being opposed to Senate bill 2343, intro- 
duced in the closing days of the Eighty-second Congress and spon- 
sored by Senators Lehman, Humphrey, Gillette, Kef auver, and others, 
which would etlect certain basic changes in the present immigration 
and naturalization laws. We take the stand that the principles of the 
Lehman-Humphrey bill would, in effect, destroy our national-origin 
quota system. 

Third, we also feel that while citizenship is offered to aliens who 
meet necessary qualifications of admittance to the United Stcites and 
registration is required of displaced persons when entering this coun- 
try, but no further supervision of their movements is required, and 
aliens remain in this country many years without becoming citizens 
while enjoying the rights and privileges of American citizens, there- 
fore, we urge that further investigation and study be made toward 
enacting appropriate legislation that, after a certain period of time, 
all aliens permanently residents of the United States make applica- 
tion for naturalization papers, and, if application is not pending, said 
aliens would be obliged to show cause why they should be permitted 
to stay in the United States. 

If I may, I will submit these resolutions for the record. 

The CiiAiKMAN. Thank you. They will be inserted in the record. 

(The resolutions are as follow :) 

Resolutions Adopted by the Sixty-First Continental Congress, National 
Society, Daughters ov the American Kevolumon, April 14-18, 19.">2 


Whereas a special suhcomnuttee of the Senate Conimittee on the .ludiciary. 
over the course of approximately 3 years, has conducted an exhaustive in- 
vestigation and study of our present immigration and naturalization system; 

Whereas, as a result of such investigation and study. Senator Pat McCarran, 
chairman of this subconunittee. introduced Senate hill 2550. which merges, re- 
vises, and codifies all of the immigration and naturalization laws, and a com- 
panion bill (H. R. 5678) was introduced by Representative Francis E. Walter 
in the House of Representatives ; and 

Whereas these bills provide for screening aliens more carefully as regards 
potential subversives: Therefore be it 

Resolved, That the National Society, Daughters of the American Revolution, 
reassert its principle that no immigration over and above that provided under the 
present quota system shall be permitted into the United States. 

Resolved, That the National Society, Daughters of the American Revolution, 
go on record as congratulating the Senate and House Committees on the Judici- 
ary in reporting to their respective Iwdies the McCarran-Walter bill and urging 
Congress to enact said bill into law. 

immigration quotas 

Whereas in the closing days of the first session of the Eighty-second CongTess 
there was introduced in the Senate S. 2343, sponsored by Senators Lehman, 
Humphrey, Gillette, Ives, Kefauver, and others, to effect certain ba.sic changes 
in the present immigration and naturalization laws ; and 

\\ hercas a comparative analy.sis of the McCarrau-Walter bill with the Lehman- 
Humphrey bill shows that the Lehman-Humphi-ey bill would, in effect, destroy 
our national-origin quota .system : Therefore he it 

Resolved, That the National Society, Daughters of the American Reovlution, 
support and urge the Congress to enact, at the earliest possible moment, the Mc- 
Carran-Walter omnibus immigration and naturalization bill now pending in the 
Senate and House of Representatives, and that Congress reject the Lehman- 
Humphrey immigration biU. 


Whereas citizenship is offereil to aliens who meet necessary qualifications of 
admittance to the Unite<l Srates. and retastration is required of displaced per- 
sons when entering this country, hut no further supervision of their movements 
is required, and aliens remain in this country many years without becoming 
citizens while enjoying the rights and privileges of American citizens: There- 
fore l>e it T^ . 

Resolved, That the Sixty-first Continental Congress, National So<iety, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution petition Congress that further investigation and 
study he made to enact appropriate legislation that after a certain period of time 
all aliens permanently resident in the United States make application for natural- 
ization and if said application is not pending said aliens would show cause why 
they should be permitted to remain in the United States. 

Tlifc Chairman. Is Mrs. Schultz here ? 


Mrs. ScHiiLTz. I am Mrs. Grace Schultz, 43431^ Grifiin Street, Los 
Angeles. Calif. 

I can't count very well, but I think I am an eighth generation im- 
migrant. My little grandmother was one of the three lieal Daughters 
of the American Revolution, buried in California. 

I represent my own self only. 

1 am a member of the American Defense League and the California 
Republican Women,, and the Freedom Club of the First Congrega- 
tional Church. 

I am a gentile, and I seem to be in the minority. 

One of the most important businesses of government is making 
citizens, and out of pretty raw material, both native and foreign, 
both of which have become stupid subversive stooges. Some people 
make better citizens than others ; in spite of carefully planned quotas^ 
we have human blocks of indigestible subversives, and it is time we 
began to shop around for our citizens. 

The founders of America invented democracy for a modern world, 
but it took 50 years to develop democracy here in America. Mrs, 
Katherine Carr. our teacher at Los Angeles High School 50 years 
ago has just been on a flight around the world with 16 lady lawyers^^ 
including Judge Florence Allen, who, as you gentlemen know, i& 
judge of the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. 

Statistics are difficult for me. She has had nmnerous conferences 
with inside authorities, and she reports that democracy is a mysterv 
all over the world. We found that out here with our orientals whom 
we welcomed to a heaven of soil and protit. All we asked was one 
generation for the impact of democracy, and that restriction had 
loopholes in it, and some of them — not all — but some of them betrayed 
us. They were moved to a camp in comfort and security iox the first 
time in history, and for 7 years we have been trying our very best to 
te^cli democracy. We have sent a perfect delugeof teachers to Japan,. 
and in 7 years we have made very little progress in teaching democracy 

My son has a Dutch boy friend, a DP, who has been processed and 
sponsored, and all of that, and he is an expert radio-radar and movie 
projectionist man. Here he is, he can't get a job, he can't get a joh 
because of the union laws. He can't join the union. So, there are 
lots of problems. 


The mill race of propaoation goes on here and over the world, and 
Ihat is going to give ns headache enough. I have not read the Mc- 
Carran bill, I never will, nor any other bill — I have seen them. But 
I do know that Senator McCarran and his committee have made an 
exhaustive study of the tangle of immigration laws, and have come 
up with wise pronouncements without emotion. The quota system is 
a valuable safeguard, and gives us all the people that we can possibly 
absorb well. The west European quotas had better stay unused th^an 
to be abused by bringing in nationalities of which we already have a 
saturate solution. We need land immigrants, not city herders, such 
as Jew York. ]\lany immigrants who wail about their unpopularity 
have made themselves unpopular. 

My little granddaughter has just entered kindergarten. I called her 
up on noon of the first day and I said : "Are you a school girl ?" And 
she said : "Yes, I have been." And she has rules and a vassal. Every- 
one has to have rules, and they have always worked hardships to some, 
and we must respect the working vassals. Jesus Christ gave two basic 
political pronouncements ; that is, "Do unto others as you would have 
them do unto you," and the fruit, the results, which means that we are 
to study a problem, and then use horse sense about it. We are diluting 
democratic peoples to a dangerous degree, it is time to call a halt. For 
with the vassal of the McCarran Act it lets our light be lost. There 
are grand citizens who have come from other countries. I have been a 
teacher : I have taught the Mexicans, I have taught Armenians, and I 
know that they are better citizens than our own people. I have had 
Armenians weep and tell me what it meant to them to see the Statue 
of Liberty, but if we took in a million people a day, or an hour, people 
are wanting to come here from Timbuktu, and all over the world — no 
matter how many we took in there would be just as many more who 
would feel that we were unjust. 

I want to thank this committee for the work they have done in try- 
ing to safeguard our principles before they are gone. 

The Chairman. Is Eod Flewelling here? 


Mr. Flewelling. I am Rod Flewelling, 2230 Del Mar Road,, Mon- 
trose, Calif. 

I was excused from school today to come down here as an individual. 
I speak for no one, but I think I speak for most everyone. I attend 
Del Mar Jefferson High School in Burbank, it is a co-ed parochial 

The Chairman. What year? 

Mr. Flewelling. I am a senior. I am a member of the Young 
Democratic Club of Glendale, and Burbank. I know all those people 
are against the JNIcCarran bill — I am not speaking for them, I am 
speaking as a youth of America, who is interested in the problems. I 
think too many people have gotten away in this deal on both sides — 
I don't think Ave slioidd ever accept Communists or Fascists in any- 
thing we do. We have people who testified today who belong to the 
IPP. I do not believe the IPP is doing right because they are Com- 
munist-controlled. Neither do I believe the people on the other side 
who employ Fascists in their beliefs should do that. The Independent 
Progressive Party is the one that Henry A. Wallace broke away from 


when lie foiiiid out they were the Red Party. We should employ the 
pi'inciples of Christianity, and the McCarran bill violates the prin- 
ciples for which Jesus Christ died on the cross 2,000 years ago. It 
took ns 2,000 years to apply the principle he did with this terrible 
innnio-ration bill. 

First and foremost, it is morally wrong to discriminate against the 
Greeks and tlie Italians. I recommend to the Commission that they 
remedy this situation, and that the national quotas be put up to the 
present (hi(e as Senators Humphrey, Lehman, and the great late Sen- 
ator Brien McMahon wanted. I hope they will remedy this situation 
so we will have a fine bill. True, there are a lot of complexities in 
an immigration hiAv, but I am sure this Commission can figure out 
something that will be great, and bring justice to the people of the 
world. And also the people that holler "communism" all the time, 
like the little Senator from Wisconsin, and the little Senator who is 
seeking Vice Pi-esidency in this State — these people have voted for 
the McCarran immigration law. They have helped to abet Com- 
munists because the Communists are using that as their policy. They 
don't care about immigration laws, they are only interested in it be- 
cause they want their aliens to come into this country. I agree with 
that point of the McCarran bill : Tliat aliens who are Communists or 
sympathetic, or Fascists or Red Fascists, as I would rather call the 
Commuiiists, should not be admitted into the country. But the good 
people should be admitted, and I am sure there are a lot of good ones 
and most of them are good, and I appreciate this opportunity to speak 
before you, and thanks a lot, and I hope the McCarran bill is repealed, 
and lots of thanks to Truman. 

The CiiAiRMAX. Thank you. Mrs. Rosalind G. Bates, you are next. 


Mrs. Bati-^s. I am Mrs. Rosalind G. Bates, rei)resenting Southern 
California ^y omen Lawyers, of which I am chairman. My address 
is 354 South Spring Street, Los Angeles 13, Calif. 

I wish to submit a letter for the record in behalf of my organization 
and then make a few remarks. 

The Chairman. You may do so. 

(The letter submitted by Mrs. Rosalind G. Bates, chairman. South- 
ern ('alifornia Women Lawyers is as follows:) 

Southern California Women Lawyers, 

Los Angeles Vf, Calif., October 15, 1952. 
Re GI Babies 

Mr. Haruy Rradenbirg, 

United States Post Office, Courthouse, 

Los Angeles 12, Calif. 

Dear Mk. Bradenhlrg : Since the letter of Dr. Stewart G. Cole, educational 
director of the National Conference of Christians and Jews, Inc., on ()c1ol)er !), 
asking that Mrs. Rosalind G. Bates be allowed to appear on behalf of .Tapanese- 
American war orphans, apparently arrived too late to give us a place on the 
agenda, we would like to state that the present situation respecting GI baliies not 
only in Germany, Japan and the Philippines and now in Korea, is tlie urgent 
responsibility of the American people and the American Government. We wish 
to go on record with your committee as follows : 

'In order to solve the problems of new minorities l)eing created in various coun- 
tries, whose fathers are Americans, we believe that alter a careful check of the 


facts in each case and a medical clearance, our immigration laws should be 
amended to allow the adopting parents to give their nationality to the adoptee. 
All of the usual safeguards to protect the adopted child, as well as the adopt- 
ing parents, can be given consideration. 

Our organization is on record in favor of giving to the adoptee the nationality 
of the adopting parent, regardless of whether or not the baby is a war orpJian. 
Yours vei-y truly, 

Southern California Women Ij.\wyers, 
(Signed) Rosalind G. Bates, Chairman, 
(Signed) Patricia ,7. Hofstetter, 
(Signed) Della G. ]\Iaeoaine, 


Mrs. Bates. Ours is one of the various organizations which met in 
an ad hoc- committee concerned with the welfare of Japanese- Ameri- 
can babies, under the auspices of the National Conference of Christians 
and Jews. The group present, and on the memorandum of which I 
am speaking, was Father Evatt F, Briggs; Mrs. Lilly Kahn, Inter- 
national Women's Club; Dr. G. Stewart Cole, of the organization just 
mentioned; Mrs. Suzy Ihara, International Institute; Rev. Clinton 
Naiman, chaplain, USN; Mrs. Elizabeth Sands, AAUN; Mr. Edward 
Sanders, American Friends Service Committee — AAUN means Ameri- 
ican Association of University Women — Mrs. Frederic Schrader, 
president, YWCA; Mrs. Sumner Spaulding, Los Angeles Welfare 
Council. Then, there were various members of the same committee 
who were unable to be present. And, as a result of their deliberations 
they arrived at a request to -have me appear before you in their behalf 
stating the following conclusion : "That a method of American adop- 
tion, of an increasing number of these children, referring to the GI 
war babies" — and, gentlemen, I think you know the press has said 
there ai'e 250,000 in Japan alone, but our committee does not believe 
that. After a careful check we think the number would be closer to 
20,000 or 30,000. If so, the immigration laws in this country should 
have to be revised or a new statute introduced to cover this situation. 
And I might add that after careful checking of the various institu- 
tions in Japan we found there were prospective parents for most of 
the children could the adoption laws be changed to permit the entry 
of those children into the United States. 

I thank you. 

Commissioner O'Grady, Doesn't this involve more than the adop- 
tion laws, and especially the question of obtaining visas for these 
children ? 

Mrs. Bates. The immigration laws, that's the whole tiling, that's 
why we are here. 

Commissioner O'Grady. Besides the question of visas, you also have 
the question of finding sponsors, homes, studies, and so on. 

Mrs. Bates. I think you will find that all of that has been done. 
The studies are being made by the various church groups as well and 
the homes have been found for many of them, but the immigration 
law does not permit them to come across to the United States, not 
only a GI baby, but the Italian baby or any other kind of baby who is 
adopted, he is not given the nationality of the adopted parent, which 
would be the American nationality. If you could adopt a Japanese 
baby with an American father, whether GI or an Italian one, and 
make him an American by adopting him, there would be no necessity 
of a quota or visa. 


Mr. RosENFiELD. Mi's. Bates, I am not ([iiilc sine that 1 understand 
your proposal. Are you pi'oixjsiuii- to the Couimissiou that these 
chihli-eu be allowed in iu)n([uota, or merely that the inHni<i;ratioii law 
be ariieiuled to allow the adoptive parent to ijive, to eonfer his or her 
nationality on the ehihl^ W'liich is it that you are i)n)posing? 

Mi's. Bates. The last. AVe think that does everythin<^, because if 
you can give American citizenship to that chiUl you have solved all 
the i)roblenis and if he is to come to this country he must be an Ameri- 
can citizen. If he is to renuiin in Japan, he nuist be thoroughly 
Ja{)anized for his own protection because these children are the chil- 
dren of the ccmquerors foisted on an unwilling country, and an entirely 
different type of child. 

Commissioner O'Grauy. Then you ^^•ould make them citizens before 
you bring them here ? 

Mrs. Bates. That's right, exactly. What England has done. We 
will send you a copy of the English law. We think it is very fine and 
it covers the proposition entirely. 

Connnissioner O'Grady. How would the adoption be handled, and 
what safeguards would there be for the child ? 

Mrs. Bates, You will notice part of our letter covered that; that 
all of the usual safeguards that are used in the adoption processes 
would be used in this ])rocess as well. There would be the same safe- 
guards thrown around them as are thrown in the State of California 
about the adoption of children here, or in anj^ other State where we 
feel the adoption process is a careful one. 

Commissioner 0'(Jrady. I see. You would have to study the par- 
ents, and study the children, in accordance with the usual provision 
of American law ? 

Mrs. Bates. That's correct. 

We will be very happy to submit complete data. In fact, I even 
suggested the women lawyers give you the exact amendments the way 
we suggested them — we ])robably will in time, if you desire. 

The Chairman. We will be very glad to have any information that 
you will submit to us. Thank you very much, indeed, for your 

Tlie Chairman. Is Miss Eaton here ^ 

Mrs. Carmin. May I speak a word for Miss Eaton in her placed 

The Chairman. All right. 



Mrs. Carmin. I am Mrs. Pearson Carmin, representing Miss Eaton, 
4220 Victor Avenue, Los Angeles. 

This is all new to me. I didn't read about it until Monday in the 
paper and I came down today, and I have been listening to these people 
speak, and I am aniaze.l that I find, for the most part, that they are 
listed in these House Un-American Activities in California reports,^ 
and I would like to submit these to you to check with these and put 
them in the record. 

The Chair:man. Everybody that spoke? 

Mrs. Carmin. No, not evervbody. I haven't had time to check them 

1 Un-American Activities in California, published by tlie Senate of the State of California. 


The Chairman. How mtiny? 

Mrs. Cakmin, Well, I would like to have time to go through the 

The Chairman. You said people are listed. How many of them i 

Mrs. Carmin. I haven't had time to cheek them. I would like to 
check them and submit them to you. I just went down to the State 
office and got the books, and have had them only about 5 minutes, but 
I would like to check through here and submit them to the Commission. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether any of them are in there? 

Mrs. Carmin. 1 have had time to go through the books just in the 
last few minutes. 

The Chairman. You have? 

Mrs. Carmin. Yes, I have. 

The Chairman. And how many did you find? 

Mrs. Carmin. Oh, maybe four or five, or six. 

The Chairman. Exactly how many ? 

Mrs. Carmin. Well, say six, but there will be a great deal more if I 
have time to check through, Init I realW haven't had time. 

Commissioner O'Grady. You don't mean tliat these large religious 
organizations are listed ? 

Mrs. Carmin. Reverend Fritchman is in here. This is the Un- 
American Activities in California report — the California Senate 
Investigating Committee on Un-American Activities. A great many 
of them are the Congress of American Women. As I have said, I have 
had a few moments to go through it, but in going through it I do come 
across a great number that liave been represented liere today, and I 
think for the record, and in view of the fact that I haven't had time 
to look into this, that it would be no more than fair that I submit these 
books to you, and let you, as a Commission, check through them. Or I 
will check for them, if I may. 

The Chairman. You may do it, and let us know. 

Mrs. Carmin. Thank you. jNIay I have the names of the organiza- 
tions that have spoken today then, so I can check through thoroughly? 

The Chairman. Well, you have been here all day, and they have 
been speaking and I have asked everyone to give his name and address 
very loudly and distinctly so that anybody could have it that wanted it. 

Mrs. Carmin. May I write them down, and submit them to you 
before I leave ? 

The Chairman. Yes; you can do so. Is Rev. Sung Tack Wliang 
here ? 


Reverend Whang. I am Rev. Sung Tack Whang, pastor of the 
Korea Gospel Church, 1226 West Fourth Street, Los Angeles. 

Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great privilege foi' me to have this 
opportunity to speak to you. I have been living in America prac- 
tically 50 years, but I was unable to become a citizen of the United 
States, but I am very happy to say that I have that opportunity right 

The Korean quota is very small, but they are all looking forward 
to coming to America in future days. I would like to cite just one 
instance here. Wlien I Avas o\er there in Korea during the Com- 

COMMISSION ON IMAIHiHA IIOX AND XATIHALIZATION 1219 reo;inie it so happoiuMl that rlu'v captured me. They ques- 
tioned ine to know if 1 was a citi/en of tlie I'liited States, and if I 
had been a citizen of tlie United States I don't think I would have 
the privilege of coniinu" here toihiy. But 1 was fortunate enou<ih 
that I wasn't a citizen of the Ignited States, so they U>t nie <ro after a 

At that time 1 wasn't very sorry that 1 wasn't an American citizen. 
However, that was just that incident. I am quite over 60 years old. 
I always wanted to be a citizen of the United States and here I got 
the chance, and I appreciate it very much. 

Another thing, we have a ]:)roblem in the Orient today — and I just 
came from there — of these so-called GI babies. They are many of 
them, thousands in Japan and hundreds in Korea, too. They are 
from colored and ISIexican and American bi-eed, you know. Some 
of those babies we are raising in our orphanages. We have a ques- 
tion : Should Uncle Sam give us a special privilege for putting some 
of those children into America in future days to care for them or 
should they become the citizens of that very country where they were 
born ? That is really one of the problems that w^e are up against over 
there, and especially in Korea. There we have not only (il babies but 
Korean babies, and because of this war they are deserted on the street 
corners and in shelters. There are thousands of these babies wdio 
lost their mothers and fathers. They are just innocent victims of 
this war. Of course, the Korean Government and the society are 
trying to do all they can. but, as you know, the Korean population 
is having a hard time to keep up its life itself. So they are looking 
forward to some sort of arrangement to be made either by the United 
Nations or the United States so that we could bring some of these 
little children into the United States just as well as some of those 
little children were brought fi-om Europe. 

These are the problems today in the minds of the Korean people 
which I represent, and also I imagine some other countries too. 

The Chairman. You say "children that were brought from Eu- 
rope." I didn't quite understand that. 

Eeverend Whang. Well, I w^as told that some of the European or- 
phans were brought to America by individuals or by societies to be 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Reverend Whang. But I understand this innnigration law pro- 
hibits bringing Korean children here from Korea. As a result of 
my investigation with the American consulate over there, I under- 
stand our Korean children cannot be brought to America unless he 
■or she becomes 14 or 15 years of age, you see. It is a kind of problem 
there. You know the entire population is in a turmoil and they are 
going through the agony of this war. Really, they are looking for- 
ward to America for some sort of help to be extended to them, especial- 
ly for these little children. Of course, we are taking care of them, 
but we can't take care of all of them. 

This is one of our problems that we have here. Of course, m_> 
wife and I were raised in America and we have the privilege to be- 
come citizens now. We are happy about it, and some of those Ko- 
reans are looking forward to this new innnigration bill so that they 
might come over here, but they don't know how to go about it, So, it 
is a problem. 


I have inquired with some of these immigration officers and the 
immigration officer here locally says tliey really don't know them- 
selves what status these people will take to come to America. So, 
there are the problems. Of course, I won.'t go into any more detail 
other than that. 

I am hoping that in the future some provisions will be made tor 
those children who lost all their parents and are totally dependent 
on grovvm-ups. They are dependent on the United Nations today and 
hoping that such a time will come when we can all travel freely and 
without any discrimination. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Reverend Whang. Thank you for the privilege to be here. 

The Chairman. Is Dr. Donald S. Howard here? 


Dr. Howard. I am Dr. Donald S. Howard, dean, School of Social 
Welfare, University of California, Los Angeles. 

I am apearing here in a personal capacity rather than as a repre- 
sentative of any institution. I am here in the capacity of an Ameri- 
can citizen, and I think as one of a vast number of American citi- 
zens who like to think that humane interests of this country in pro- 
viding refuge and asylum is an important consideration in this com- 
plex question that you are considering. 

The one point to which I would like to direct attention is the 
perpetuation under the new immigration law of a quota system that 
has grown up over the past years and in response to quite different 
economic, social, religious, and political pressures which have oper- 
ated in various parts of the world. 

It seems to me that it is not desirable to think that the same pres- 
sures which have operated in the past, giving rise to immigration 
from certain countries because of certain political, social, economic, 
and religious pressures, are necessarily going to be the same kiiids of 
pressures in the same kinds of places which will be stimulating immi- 
gration in the future. The thing that occurred to me was that per- 
haps consideration might be given to two devices whereby the anomaly 
that certain quotas from particular countries may be used up where 
quotas from other countries would not be used up would cease and 
a dual policy instituted whereby the administration itself could be 
given the authority to reallocate within the present prescribed quota 
for the whole country in response to pressures and demands from par- 
ticular countries as wherever the reasons for discomfiture might arise. 
Congress in that way could prescribe for the total number of people 
to be welcomed into the country and yet leaving, apart from broad de- 
termination of quotas, possible redetermination in the hands of the 
administration as needs from particular countries arose. 

It seems to me that, in addition to this, consideration might also 
be given to a further device which Congress might authorize. They 
could authorize tlie continuation of this Commission, or the establish- 
ment of some similar commission, to act in case of emergency, and 
Congress might define the nature of these emergencies that might arise. 
Then, this Commission, or an authorized commission, would have the 
authority to declare such an emergency, again, within limits that 


Jiii^ht be pi-escribed on a pei-cpntao:e basis, a percentage above the 
total this authorized body would be empowered to declare that quotas, 
even total quotas after they have been rescrambled. might be up witliin 
certain limits in order to take care of groups which found themselves 
discomforted in countries of their origins because of religion or eco- 
iiomic or political or racial pressures. 

It seems to me that some flexibility of this kind is needed if the 
countiy is to serve in the future the purpose it has served in the past 
for providing for peo):)le of different countries a place of haven wdien 
their position becomes untenable because of these kinds of pressures 
which I have suggested. 

I have one final Avoi'd. I^ersonally, I am not sure that w^e know^ the 
total number that this country can with advantage take in a given 
year or a 5-year period. So, it seems to me that consideration might 
well be given to a definitive study of the absorptive capacity of the 
country, assuming, of course, certain economic conditions which one 
would have to assume. But it has occurred to me that the total quota 
system is somehow plucked out of the air in terms of a grand total 
that might be admitted without a definitive analysis of the real absorp- 
tive caj)acity of the country under any given set of assumptions, mostly 
economic I guess, as to what production is, what the levels of employ- 
ment are. 

That, in short, is the word I would like to leave, simply to wonder 
if there are not ways in which the quota system can be made somewhat 
more flexible so that admission in the future can better reflect the 
pressures arising in different countries and not to be so tied to the 
present distribution under the quota system which reflects these pres- 
sures, not as they will be in the future but as they have existed for 
several generations. 

The Chairman. Under the suggestion you make, I assume that 
regardless of the pressures, you would not want any action taken that 
wasn't in the l)est interests of the United States? 

Dr. HoAVARD. That is right. 

Connnissioner O'Grady. Are you then advocating that our immi- 
gration system be a flexible one which would also be an instrument 
of our foreign policy? 

Dr. Howard. I definiteh^ Avould. And it seems to me that within 
the total numbei's that Congress might prescribe this might well be 
left to an administrative determination, so that tlie administrative 
arm would not be raising the quotas, but insofar as certain quotas are 
unused and (juotas from other countries are used up, these reallo- 
cations might be made to take care of situations like you describe. 

Then, beyond that, it is a common pattern in government that 
commissions and the President and others be authorized to declare 
emergencies, and then imder these emergency powers certain things 
could then ensue. I should think that within limits certain percent- 
ages, 10 or 15 or some percentage above the total quota limits, such 
a comiriissioii might authorize an increase in immigration within any 
year and whetlier it is chai-ged against future quotas, I think, would 
be a matter of determination. 

The Chair^l^x. Would that be determined by Congress? 

Dr. How'ARD. It could be. It could be charged against future 
quotas. It is a matter of policy. But the apparent closing of doors 
so tliat it makes impossible turning to this countiy as a place of 


refuge seems to me something that a lot of Americans with humane 
sentiments would be opposed to as I am as a person. 

I might add. Mr. Chairman, that I do speak with some experience 
with work in other countries. I worked in two continents in a dozen 
countries in international relief and welfare work. I have some 
basis of feeling for the problem to which I speak. 

The Chairman. Thank you, sir. 

Is Mr. Thomas liere '^ 


Mr. Thomas. I am Richard ^I. Thomas, regional chairman, World 
Student Service Fund, 715 South Hope Street, Los Angeles. 

I am here also as an individual and not representing the organiza- 
tion for which I work. I would like to say, however, that it is my 
clear conviction that more liberalized immigration and naturalization 
laws should be passed by the Congress of the United States, and 
roughly for three major reasons. 

I have been dealing with an organization that has been trying to 
do something about the thousands of refugee students who are flooding 
into the Western European countries, especially West Germany and 
P"' ranee. We have found that the consequences of these students, who 
a few years ago were classified as displaced person students, was to 
flow into the western areas of Euro])e and congest in the large cities 
and former concentration camps which became known as DP camps. 
These students faced severe hardships and, of course, this organization 
along with others attempted to do something about it. 

In the past 3 years we have brought into this country approximately 
800 of these refugee displaced-person students, and these students 
have been fitted into scholarship opportunities opened up by the 
American universities. Some of them have come over on what we 
call work scholarships, but it has been our feeling that many, many 
more of these I'efugee students and displaced-person students could 
have been brought into this country if it had not been for a very severe 
screening process. Let me explain this. Former Xazis were not 
billowed to come and any student that had been in a Communist area 
had to convince a screening board that he in no way was a member 
rf)f the Conimunist Party. Also, another thiixl severe screening process 
was that in terms of health. While this country insisted that students 
pass these strict health examinations, many of the Scandinavian coun- 
tries were forced to say, "Well, give us the hard core cases, the students 
who have TB and otlier diseases. We will take the left-overs." It 
is true that we had many more places to be filled for these DP's than 
we were able to get screened through the process. 

My second reason for feeling that there should be a liberalization 
of the immigration and naturalization laws has to do with the diffi- 
culties facing foreign students who are studying in American univer- 
sities at this time. Due to fluctuations in currency values many of 
these students are left actually stranded here in the American uni- 
versity community without adequate funds to carry on. And due to 
the inflexibility of immigration laws they are unable to secure em- 
ployment except in extra special cases. This has created a severe 


problem on the Ainericaii university ciinipiis, which many of you 
know about ah'eady. 

A third reason 1 am so concerned about this is that America has 
liistorically been known as a country whose doors have been open to 
the destitute and oppressed people of many lands. The Statue of 
liiberty, for example, was elected or oiven to this country by the 
French, and T think it stands as a tribute to this Nation in terms of the 
initial desires of our foundino- fathers of this Nation. I don't know 
how many people know the inscri])tion on the Statue of Liberty, but 
it goes soinething like this: ''Give me your tired, your poor, your hud- 
dled masses yearnina- to breathe free, the wretched refuse of your 
teeming shores; send these the homeless, the tempest-tossed. to me. I 
lift my lamp beside the golden door." 

1 would say that we nuist as a Nation, in terms of the tremendous 
land area that we have in this country and the lack of pressure from 
l)opulation on this land comi)ared to countries of the world, 
open our doors to some of the I'efugee peoples who are flooding out 
from behind the iron curtain. 

1 would say also that the Voice of America and some of the other 
programs which are being piped by radio into the iron-curtain coun- 
tries are indii-ectly causing many of these refugees to seek freedom in 
Western Europe. Our own program of this nature, it seems to me^ 
must justify our clianging our innnigration laws in such a way that we 
can bring in some more of these ])eoi)le who are very courageous and 
who, man}' of them and particularly the group I am familiar with 
(the student), are very, very able people. It seems to me that our 
country has everything to gain from some of the best scliolai's of 
Europe, who see the real need for academic freedom and who have 
made a very dear sacrifice, and often paid with their lives, in an 
attempt to seek this freedom. 

I think that is the statement I would like to make. 

Connnissioner O'Gr^xdy. I gather you have had some difficulty about 
students being permitted to work? 

Mr. Thomas. Not with the displaced-person students. I am talk- 
ing abojut the foreigii students, not to be confused with the displaced- 
person students. 

That is one of the things that I would like to see made a little moi-e 
flexible, to meet the needs of some of the students who actually have 
severe hardship cases. 

Commissioner OXtkaoy. Have you been able to work it out Avith the 
Innnigration kSer^•ice around here? 

Mr. 'I'iiOMAs. There have been a number of cases where we liaven^t 
l)een able to work it out. 

Connnissioner O'Gkady. Can you work it out with jobs w^ithin the 
college campus? 

Mr. Thomas. AVell, often, as is the case with the University of 
California, there are State charters to deal with also in this regard.. 
Of course, that doesn't affect this body here. There are local and 
State charters that sometimes interfere. 

Connnissioner O'GiiAuv. Witli the students finding opportunities 
for work? 

Mr: Thomas. Yes; in the colleges. 

If I may, I would like to submit for the record a statement I pre- 
pai'ed, with some supi)orting documents. 

1224 cojvizviissiox on immigration and naturalization 

The CHAiRMAisr. That may be inserted in the record. 
(The statement and supporting docmnents submitted by Richard 
Thomas follow:) 

WoRTD Stttdent Ser\t:ce Fund, 
715 South Hope Street, Los Aitf/eles 11,, Calif., Ocioher IB, IM'^. 
To : The President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization 
From : Richard M. Thomas, Pacific Southwest Regional Secretary, World Stu- 
dent Service Fund 
Re Effects of Current Immigration and Naturalization Laws on Displaced and 
Other Foi-eign Students Wishing to Study in the United States. (This report 
represents the personal testimony of the undersigned ; it is not an official 
statement for World Student Service Fund.) 
It is my conviction that more liberalized immigration and naturalization laws 
should be passed by the Congress of the United States for the following reasons : 

1. Refugee students are flooding into Western Europe by hundreds each month 
in search of new freedom. Our Voice of America radio broadcasts, as well as the 
Radio Free Europe broadcasts, are encouraging these flights to freedom from 
the Eastern Euroi>ean countries. When the refugees arrive, their hopes for a 
new and better future are shattered as they face the congestion of West German 
and French cities and the hostility of the i)eople who know the results of an 
already overstrained economy. They (the refugees) dare not return to their 
points of origin in Eastern Europe and must turn in despair to the displaced 
person camps, or worse, the city shims, because the International Refugee Or- 
ganization has ceased its operations. I. R. O. was their one great hope for re- 
settlement. These refugee students are therefore faced with two hopeless al- 
ternatives : to return home to almost certain imprisonment or to remain as citi- 
zeuless persons in an economy which cannot yet absorb them and in which there 
is now no central agency for working on their problems. 

Among these refugee students are many freedom-loving and brilliant schol- 
ars, who would be an asset to any nation. 

2. Many foreign students studying in this country are faced with difficulties 
due to fluctuations in currency values. For this reason they are left often des- 
titute because our immigration laws prohibit their seeking employment in the 
United States while they are on student visas. Besides this, many students who 
would normally be able to work part-time at our universities cannot do so 
because of university and State charter laws which prohibit employment of for- 
eign nationals. 

3. America has historically been known as a country whose doors have been 
open to the oppressed peoples of every land. The Statue of Liberty was a gift 
from the French Government in gratitude to the American ideal of liberty, 
equality, and opportunity to all. We are denying the free peoples of the world 
and those who in spite of many hardships are still seeking freedom if we do not 
now pass legislation designed to modernize our immigration and naturalization 
laws so that these laws are flexible enough to permit sanctuary to all who need 
it while at the same time providing adequate safeguards to our own people. The 
current laws are designed to screen people on a political basis, which i.s counter 
to the initial interests of our founding fathers. 

The inscription on the Statue of Liberty says : 

* * * Give me your tired, your poor. 
Your huddled masses, yearning to breathe free. 

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore : 
Send these, the homeless, tempest tossed to me ; 

I lift my lamp beside the golden door. 

I would call the Commission's attention to the attached letter written by an 
art student named Peter Paul Ornstein, written on April fi, 19.">0. Mr. Orustein's 
plight has been duplicated many times and with far more tragic consequences. 
Appended to this report are sections of letters and documents which help to 
point up the severe difficulties facing refugee students due to the complex nature 
of our immigration and naturalization policies. 

It is my conviction that the United States, because of its great land areas, its 
wealth and economic vitality, can absorb many more of Europe's refugees and 
other persons wishing to emigrate to this country. The record of success of dis- 


placed-person students in this country brought in under the Displaced Persons 
Act of tiic Congress luis been phenomenal. Out of nearly 8(X} placements in the 
last 3 years, less than a dozen have failed to a<l.just satisfactorily to their new 

Respecttully submitted. 

Richard M. Thomas, 

Regional Secretary. 

Enclosure : Peter Orustein letter. W. S. S. F. Form letter re Sponsors and Job 
Opportunities Information Release, Students Behind the Iron Curtain. 

Apkil 0, 1950. 

My name is Peter Paul Ornstein : I am 117 years old and a former Czechoslovak- 
Ian citizen, born in Hungary while my parents were on a trip. In 1938 I left 
Czechoslovakia with my family for Lithuania and after the annexation of this 
country by Russia we were forced to escape via Siberia to Japan, and later China. 
There I was put into a Japanese camp after the outbreak of the Pacific war. 
Lucky enough to survive this ordeal I immediately offered my services to the 
United States Army and have served as pronaganda artist and art teacher in 
their employ. My family and I desperately tried to leave China but could not 
at this point return to Czechoslovakia because of the iwlitical situation. I 
also hoped to gain a long overfhie art education in the United States before re- 
turning to a free and democratic Czechoslovkia. 

Since I could not obtain the necessary papers for that in China, 
my father was helpful in obtaining a visa to Uruguay and on my transit through 
the United States 1 obtained a working scliolarship at tiie Chouinard Art Institute 
at Los Angeles and I proceeded to South America in order to await my student's 
visa. My papers were in order soon enough and I went to see the American consul 
In Montevideo. He, after inspecting my Czechoslovakian passport, informed me 
that I would have to have it extended, since the expiration date was only 4 
months off. The Czechoslovakian consul in the same city advised me though that 
my passport was still valid and that there was no reason for extension at this 
point, but if I insisted I would have to wait 6 to 8 months for a new passport. 
Since my stndenfs visa was valid for traveling within 4 months only and I also 
had a steamship reservation, he advised me to have all tliis done after my arrival 
in the United States, whereas the American consul first refused to give me the 
visa on these grounds, but later in order to help me suggested getting a Uruguayan 
paper from the authorities stating that 1 could return to Uruguay until June 
19o0. The local authorities obliged me in this matter. 

After my arrival in New York I encountered unexpected difficulties at the 
Czechoslovakian Embassy where I was informed that it would take some time 
to get my papers in order. I was anxious to start with my studies and proceeded 
to California where, at Los Angeles, I started attending school with the financial 
help of my father. 

In the meantime the Czech Government went from bad to worse causing my 
father financial losses and he had to discontinue sending me funds because of 
financial, and later, political reasons (new Baluta laws in Argentina). 

My consisient attempts to get my Czechoslovakian papers straightened out 
were foiled by the final Communist coup in Czechoslovakia and the Communist 
influenced Czechoslovakian consul who, since it had been obvious for some 
tinie that I am anti-Counnunisr, tried to force me to return immediately home 
under the pretext of my having to do military service. Officially though, he 
stated that he could not extend or renew my passport since I lost my certificate 
of nationality some time during the war and he knew it was impossible to get 
one from the present government. 

Since I wanted to contintie my studies, cost what it might, I was forced to 
ask for permission to furnish my own livelihood and was granted such. Soon 
my situation became very unfavorable to my studies, since I had to work for 
my tuition later after school hours and afterward found it very hard to earn 
enough for art sui)plies, food, and lodging. This left no time for necessary 
home work. 

As my possibilities of returinng to Czechoslovakia were nullified and my 
family was living in Argentina where I did not want to go, since I treasure my 
freedom, I applied for (|ualification under the new DP law. I also temix)rariry 
discontinued my schooling .so that I could earn enough money to return to school 


at a later date. This was not as easy as I expected and 1 was unable to earn 
steadily until recent months. Now I expect to have enough money saved, by 
September, to allow me to continue my schooling. I am now learning fashion 
designing while I am working and have received glowing praise iind encourage- 
ment from my present employers. Not only that, but my work has received 
attention in many newspapers all over the country and I have had write-ups 
and reproductions in magazines such as Life, the New Yorker, the California 
Magazine, Quick, etc. 

My return to Uruguay is extremely undesir:ible for the reason that I wish 
to continue my studies here. L'ruguiiy never was my place of residence, that 
I have no ties" there whats(;-ever and do not speak the language, and that I am 
in love with a local girl whom I hope to marry eventually. 

On the other hand, it is clear that I am a DP. since I have been persecuted 
for a number of years, fleeing Europe across Asia to the American Continent, 
where I eventually entered the United States with a valid Czechoslovakian 
passport and have in the process of change of the Czechoslovakian Government 
during my stay in the United States become homeless again. 

The permiso de returno was one of the papers thtit the American consul re- 
quired for my visa, so I .pis^t had to get it. You understand that my position 
is desperate since my whole newly started life and future as an artist is at 

At my hearing at the Los Angeles Immigration Department it was determined 
that since I had permission to return to Uruguay I was not a DP and if 1 do 
not leave voluntarily I am in danger of deportation, which would leave me 
stranded and still without a home. 
Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) Pkter Oknstein, 
538 North Alexandria, Los Anijclca, Calif. 

Uprooted Students From Behind the Iron Curtain 

Among the 300,000 human being who have fled through the iron curtain 
since the end of the war. the plight of the students who have interrupted their 
education is among the most severe. This is a tragedy, not only from a humani- 
tarian point of view, but also because these students represent the real hope 
for the future of these nations. Their idealism and courage are unmatched 
among the refugees from Soviet Tei-ritory. In many instances they are the 
first of the refugees who courageously attempt new lives and by any means 
possible to try to finish their careers in the west. Most of them have made 
their way to France where by working at night and carrying a full daytime 
academic load they attempt to prepare themselves fen- professional careers. 

The World Student Service Fund lias recently received i-eports from I'Entre'- 
Aide Universitaire Francaise, the comparalile French organization set up to 
provide aid for deserving students, summarizing critically increased need for 
aid to highly qualified students who liave fled countries within the Communist 

The emergency stems from two key factors: Cessation of operation by the 
U. N. International Refugee Organization, and inability of the French economy 
to care adequately for the requirements of refugees who constitute as many as 
one-sixth of all persons now in Western Europe. 

Fi(nfl.s formerly tiraUaUe have teen cut. — The IRO, which furnished SO i>ercent 
of credits suppoi'ting the E. U. F.'s grants to stateless students, is ending all 
(tperations belond liaison services for mass resettlement schemes. The French 
<TOvernment cannot take on this new burden, having committed a large part of 
its current budget to rearmament in conformity with North Atlantic Pact agree- 
ments, and has even reduced social-security assistance to French students by 
oO percent. 

.\ higher proportion of refugee student applicants for scholarships are un- 
eommonly gifted individuals, academically eligible for grants in a far higher 
proportion than was the case in any year since the war. This higher proportion 
of superior applicants is emphasized by comparison of the rates of rejection by 
specialized examining boards. Approximately 60 percent were rejected in 1948^9, 
50 percent in 1949-50, and 30 percent in 1950-51. In the summer and autumn 
sessions this year, about 65 percent of refugee scholarship students were suc- 
cessful in their examinations, in contrast with 40 percent of all students enrolled 
in French imiversities. 


In the fall of 1J)50 there were liTli new a])i)lic"Uils, pins 412 requests for re- 
newals from students who had not yet eouipk'ted their studies, a total of 684 
when the assurance of IHO iieJi) remained. For the year V,)~>l-~\2, when this 
main source of support is lackinjH', it is necessary to reckon on 42U scholarship 
students who will continue to need aid to finish their studies, distributed as 
follows: Law, 00; medicine, 83; science, 110; line arts, TO; humanities, 73. Last 
spring, 2(i out of .">() new recpiests were recounnended by tiie professors respon- 
sible for tiieir respective disciplines : Law, 4 : medi<-ine, 2 ; science, (J ; tine arts, 8 ; 
humanities, (i. These two ;iroups total r»12 students, a nunil)er we must con- 
ser\atively estimate will lie douitled because of the influx of new refugees fi-om 
inm-curtain coiuitries, and becjiuse of delays in emigi'ation cnntinsents headed 
for Canada, Australia, tiie United States, and South America. The E. U. F. 
exiK'cts a minimum lU'ed for 1.200 scholarships, between new a])plicants and 
anticipated renewals from scholars who have deinonsti-aled their (pialifications, 
<luring l!)r)]-.")2. 

Lest these statistics fail to convey the quality of need, we suhnnt brief de- 
scriptive material regarding a few of the i*epresentative students whose future 
is at stake. It is necessary to bear in mind the very grave trials these young 
men and women have suffered, and to remember that the health of these exiles 
is far from that of students who have enjoyed gooil diet and relatively uneventful 
growing years. There are at most 2,000 refugee students in all of France, yet 
ai the sanatorium of St. IIilaii-e du Touvet alone (1 of 12 Fivnch university 
sanatoriums) . a recent census included .'50 refugee cases of active tuberculosis. 

The Paris office of the International Rescue Conunittee has furnished these 
notes regarding a few of the young people concerne<l. 

S. B. is a young Jugoslav physicist of great promise, a collaborator of the 
celel)rated I^ouis de ISi'oglie. one of the fathers of modern nuclear physics. An 
emigree in Belgium in 1047, he received his licentiate in science with highest 
distincTion in 104S froni the University of Limvain. Since 1048 he has been 
woi-king with Louis de I'woglie toward a doctorate in mathematical physics, 
which he has less than 1 year of study to complete. At the present time unless 
financial assistance is made available to him he will be forced to discontinue his 

F., born in 1022 at Perbata in Slovakia, received his maturitat with distinction 
from the lycee in Bratislava in 103s. From 1042 until 1040 he studied agri- 
cultural engineering at the School of Agriculture in Bratislava, gaining his 
diploma with the citation Ti'es Bien. He sought to supplement his agronomic 
studies with law and ecoiionncs at Slovak ITniversity, but after the Czechoslovak 
coup of the Cnnnnunists he went to Paris. There he undertook work in biological 
chemisti'y ;it the Conservatoire National des ^Metiers, with a view toward 
a doctorate in science, while workiuo- as a laborer in a factory to earn his tuition. 
When proposed foi' a scholarship grant, he declined it in favor of another refugee 
student too weak for physical labor. He is secretary of the Slovakian refugee 
student organization in Paris, is i-egarded a born leader, and speaks French, 
liussian. German, and FiUglish fluently. The combination of factory labor and 
full-time university study is currently such a burden on F. that he is seriously 
considering the necessity of giving up his studies. 

G. M. was liorn in Taroslaw, Poland, in 1025, had begun to study science when 
the Germans invaded Poland. lie and his family were evacuated by the Soviet 
foi'ces of occuiiation to the Ural forests, then to Samarkand, and linally to the 
sliive-labor camp at Alma-Ata in the heart of central Asia. His father died 
en route. G. M. was imijrisoned at Alma-Ata in 1042, where he remained until 
sent to a Siberian concenti'ation ciini]) for 14 months. After his liberation he 
woi'ked at manual trades in various Asiatic centers, first in a textile plant, then 
in a tannery, then in a fisheiy. After G years, he obtained a i-epatriation order, 
left the Soviet Union in 104(t. and managed to get to France. He immediately 
resumed his studies in physics and chemistry at the Faculte des Sciences of the 
Uinversity of Paris. He needs two more years' work to win his science degree. 

K. H. is of Ru.ssian ancestry, born at Lidice. Czechoslovakia, in 1024. She 
studied in Moscow secondary schools until 1041, when depoi-ted by the Soviet 
authorities. An orphan, she arrived in Paris in December 104r», in extremely 
]ioor health after years in concentration camps. After work as a textile designer, 
slie won a scholarship in chemistry. She is continuing her schooling but this 
scholarship will hardly suffice to cari-y her through the coming jieriod. 

K. K. was born in Zaieszczyk, Poland, in 1025. After the German invasion he 
managed to escape to France, where he falsilied liis age to join the French Army 
2r);jr)«— •-,2 ts 


at the age of 15. By ^lay 1940 he was a prisoner of war after participation in 
the Battle of France, and was sent with other French prisoners to a German 
camp in Silesia, where his knowledge of local language and customs assisted 
many of his comrades to escape. After 5 years' captivity, R. resumed his studies 
and earned his baccalaureate degree in 11)48. He worked as a laborer after 
classes to support his wife and two children, and hopes to complete graduate 
studies to qualify as an apprentice chemist. Immediate assistance is necessary. 

C. was born in Bucharest, has been a refugee in Paris since 1948. Of 2,000 
candidates for admission to the Faculte de Medicine, taking examinations in 
physics, chemistry, and biology, he placed fifth. Dr. Rene Couteaux, chairman 
of the Faculte de Sciences, has voviched fur (J's "great ardor and remarkable 
gifts." Prior to coming to France he and his family tied Rumania and were 
interned in Jugoslav concentration camps. 

The minimal budget for a university student in Paris today calls for a monthly 

grant of 10,000 francs : 


Furnished room in University City 3,000 

Subway and bus fares 1,000 

Meals in university halls at 60 francs 4, 000 

Books, fees 2, 000 

At the current rate of exchange, this comes to $25 per month. 

Unless immediate action is taken now to give financial assistance to these 
highly qualified young men and women, a vast reservoir of creative talent will be 
lost to the western world. 

WoKLD Student Service Fund, 
20 West Fortieth Street, Nev: York, N. Y. 

To : DP sponsors with job opportunities still unfilled. 

Dear Friend : As promised in my letter of July 11, asking for your judgment 
on the possibility of keeping Campus Job Assurances open up to October, it is 
now necessary to report to you on the present state of the DP operation. Of 
the 335 Campus job opportunities olTered, 169 have been filled to date. The 
chief reason for failure, thus far, to nominate candidates for the other assurances 
is that persons with the requisite skills needed for the assurances, or able to 
meet the otlier conditions, have not yet been found. INIoreover, as has been 
explained before, by the time many of our assurances were received, so great 
had been the pressure on DP's still overseas to accept any available offer, that 
many of them, who were in need earlier, accepted opportunities in Canada, 
Australia, New Zealand, etc., where the immigration laws are not so rigid. 

Another factor also in the picture is the fact that, faced with the expiration, 
as of June 30, of the DP Act, all resettlement agencies offered blanket assurances 
to assure some emigration possibility to all eligible persons. This means that 
many DPs have more than one assurance. We realize the difticulties this has 
caused sponsors who had campaigned on the platform (which was true 
fall) that only their efforts would save worihy DP students. However, since 
emergency action had to be taken, we hope sponsors will interpret this situation 
to student conunittees, community employers, etc. 

As to tlie present situation, we need an immediate judgment from sponsors 
having assurances still outstanding. Legal action having been taken to extend 
the processing time, the situation now is that any DP w^ho was in processing 
as of July 1, 1951, will be permitted to continue his emigration to the United 
States ofAmerica until December 31, 1951. While there is no guarantee that 
candidates for all the remaining oi>enings will be found, it is necessary for 
WSSF to know the sponsor's decision on them. WSSF will continue to work on 
all open assurances, up to the end of the year, but we expect, as rapidly as 
possible thereafter, to terminate this emergency project. 

According to our records out of offered 

by or through you are still unfilled. 

Please let us know immediately whether you wish to keep these open until 
the end of the immigration period, December 31, 1951, or wliether you wish us 
to cancel them. 

While it is not now a question of your assurance being a DPs only emigi'ation 
opportunity, it is still true that the most significant aspect of the student resettle- 
ment program is that of relating a DP student to an academic community. We 
regret the many difficulties caused by delays, changes in DP's plans, etc., but 
we continue to believe that the operation which in 2y2 years produced a total of 


7.'!5 scholiirship or job opvort unities, mesmt iiicalcubible bcnelits botli to the 
Dl* students and (he cumpiisi'S which have assisted them. An operation involv- 
ing the lives, plans, and hopes of people could not help but be sul)je(t to many 
kinds of change? without notice. We appreciate the generous understanding 
and iiatieuce sponsors have brouglit to this project, especially where inunigration 
and Government regulations were invohtd and which were outside the scope of 
WSSF to ahVct. These ;ire highlighted by the rec'ent famous locomotive dash 
ol ;!2 Cicechs who, having deterniint'd to escape, were resettled immediately in 
Canada. Kditorial conunent in the New York Times stated : 

"We are glad that tiie M'i wlio henefifd from a locomotive engineer's wild ride 
to freedom are being resettled so pronii)tly. This is a tribute to the promptness 
of a private organization, the International Rescue Committee, and also to the 
flexibility of Canada's inunigration laws. P>ut the questi<ni natiu'ally arises why 
they are not being resettled liere, for (*anada's gain is certainly our loss. The 
answer lies in the complexity of our immigration laws and the barriers they set 
up against iujmigration of refugees fiom iron-cuilain countries who may have 
been connected, e\eu involuntary, with the Communist I'arty or its affiliates. 
The prompt and humane action in this case also contrasts strongly with the 
slow grinding of the resettlement process in the case of tens of thousands of 
other refugees, many of whom live in want and near despair in Western Europe. 
Is the publicity a refugee generates by the mode of his escape to be the criterion 
for the rapidity with whieli he Is given a chance to start anew and build a useful 
life in the free world?" 

In spite of our complex laws and the other barriers to i-esettlement, colleges 
and universities in the TTnited States of America have an outstanding record, 
not oniy of rescuing Dl* students, but of giving them education opportunities to 
build a useful life in their new home. 

We shall hope to hear from you as soon as possible regarding the disposition 
of your remaining assurances. 
Sincerely yours, 

IMUKIKL W. Jacobson, 
Director, Placement DP Students. 

The Chairman. Is Mrs. Weiss here^ 


Mrs. Weiss. I airi Mrs. Margaret Weller AVeiss, pttblic relations 
representative of the Small Property Owners League, 200 Lucas Ave- 
nue, Los Angeles, Calif. 

Mr. Chairiiiiin tuid gentlemen of the conniiittee, rabbits are more 
numerous than mink, and the small property owners of America are 
legion in immber. There are a great number of them in the city of 
Los Angeles, and I am one of them. 

Heretofore we have been an unorganized minoritj- and for the first 
time in this city and for a very few times in America we are becoming 
organized. We are now organized all over the city of Los Angeles 
and down into the comity. We are launching a national effort now in 
the very near future. 

We are deeply concerned in this matter of immigration, but per- 
haps for a reason that some of the visionaries, the do-gooders, the very 
yotmg idealists, aiul others who may not know the problems of the 
very small proi)erty owners have never even thought of. But it is a 
matter which your committee should consider very deeply, gentle- 
men, because it is fundtunental to the rabbits who are more numerous 
than mink, the small property owners of America. 

Fundamentally and before everything else that a small property 
owner thinks of, secondarily only to his idetis of worshi}) and his free- 
dom, are the ever-pressing claims of how to nuike a living, how to meet 


the payments on tlie liome, how to clothe and keep the rhikiren in 
school" We are the peo})le whose boys are in Korea. 

I liave no sons but my brother has "two, and they are the boys in our 
family. One boy just came home 3 months aiio from Korea. We 
are grateful that 'in America we had a chance to pray and the boy came 
home unharmed. The other boy, in our family of the two, faces the 
prospect of going. He is in college at this time. My brother has 
not found it a very simple matter to educate his two sons. 

Countless are the members of our organization, which includes in 
its ranks every kind of a citizen except the very wealthy. We have 
none of those". But the small property owners, who are the share- 
holders of America, know no colors or divisions among them. Any 
man in this blessed country or any wonuui who can get together 
the price of a small piece of property has been here privileged to 
possess it. We are struggling to kee]) that precious privilege, which 
we think is one of the rarest things on earth and here it is a connnon 

\Ye feel that we want to see innnigration tighter, not looser. We 
well remember, gentlemen, the last de))ression, and we are well 
acquainted and well versed in the fact that following every war in our 
country there has been a bust. First there has been a boom created by 
the war, and that was as far back as the Civil AVar for my people were 
here then and they were h^re at the time of the Revolution. There 
has been a boom during every war and a bust wliich followed, and we 
Avill have another one, just as sure as tlie sun rises tomorrovr, when 
this thing is finally resolved. 

The thing we ai'e concerned with here is. how are we going to have 
jobs^ Following tlie bust of 11)30 and 11>32 my husband, who was a 
young man then, lost his job. AVe had a little two-room house, which 
Was at the time our sole worldly possession, that we had sacrificed a 
good deal to make the down payment on when we bought it, which was 
during the boom. It is ordy by our combined efforts that we were 
able to hang on to our house. He lost his job. And the country, 
when President Truman, or President Hoover, closed the banks — we as 
a family have never forgotten the incident. We did hang on to the 
house, but we had a vei-y big struggle. 

I see a gentleman (member of the press) laughing over here, but if 
he had walked the floors like we had to he wouldn't look at it with any 
laughter. To have lost that place would have wrecked us, and I don't 
know whether we would have had the courage to try again, for we had 
several years of hardship. 

My brother's boys were born at this time. This boy in college costs 
money. If my brother were to lose his job, he couldn't keep his boy in 
college. A boy in college these days can hardly completely support 
himself. He can contribute, but with the distances they go to school 
and all the other things entering into it make it so they can hardly 
completely make a living and go to college at the same time, unless he 
goes a good many years and works a year in between. 

We remember the difficulties my husband and my brother had, and 
there are many other housewives like me. There are some of our 
members in this room tonight, up there and back of me. There are 
some members here of the Small Property Owners League who remem- 
ber wliat it was like to be out of a '^war boom and we remember that 


it' v.e liiid liad unliinitcd imiiii«ii';it ion ^vo couldiri li!i\H' foiiiul very 
many jobs because Ave eouUlirt lind any as it was. 

Now. then, charity be<iins at home. We are practical ))e()|)le. We 
are the ])eoi)le wlio pay tiie bills. We build tlie schoolhouses and 
fdl them, and we buihl the post oilices and we use them, and we pay the 
salaries of all levels of governmeut from the city hall to the town hall 
up to the Members of Conoj-ess and the Piesideut of the United States. 
We must find the money to do that or a terrible thinj^ happens: The 
(government throuiih the taxation will t^dce away those little prop- 
erties, the small proi)erties, which we are or<ranized to defend. 

Now then, as a small property owner wdu) speaks for very many 
others in this irreat city, I am askin<>' you to consider how you expect 
us to have jobs when thini;s begin to get tough, ;ind they will. IIow' 
will we pay our taxes and keep our children in school if you give 
lis competition more than we have now ? A man doesn't find it so easy 
between the wars. We always have the ever-present unemployment 
proldem, which some of you must be familiar with. In the jobs 
you have you may not have such keen competition, but in those jobs 
which are open to small property owners there are always competitors 
and when you get a little older it steps up. When wars end and a 
great ninnber of fine young fellows come home their fathers begin to 
find it a little tougher to hang on, especially when a good-looking Army 
officer or buck private will come in to the boss and offer something 
about as good as he can give plus the advantages of being a young man. 

Now, then, it is one of the primary things in which we are interested, 
the job proposition. We women are desperately concerned about that, 
those of us who make homes. Those of us wdio hold jobs face just: 
exactly the same thing as the men do. One w-oman spoke here today 
about the lady garment workers. I have two friends who are members 
of the garments union and they have gone through a tough time trying 
to hang on there right now. 

So, let us as American taxpayers and voters bespeak before this 
grave and earnest matter of opening the doors wider to immigration. 
And, remember, we stand before you upholding with all our strength 
the McCarran bill and an ever-strengthening effort to protect first and 
last of all the home owners, the parents and children of free America. 

Shakespeare said : "To thine own self be true and it must follow 
as the night, the day ; thou canst not be false to any man." George 
Washington said : "Friendship is all. Trade with all and entangling 
alliances with none." 

Gentlemen, don't entangle our right to keep our homes and to earn 
a living. 

The CHAiR3iA]sr. Thank you. 

I have been handed a prepared statement which w'as submitted for 
Prof. Dean E. McHenry, professor of political science at the Univer- 
sity of California. The prepared statement will be inserted in the 
record. However, I w^ant these remai'ks I am about to make to appear 
in the record also. 

I have been informed that Professor McHenry is the Democratic 
nominee for Congress in the Tw^enty-second District of California. 
According to his statement he represents Clinton JNIcKinnon of the 
Democratic State Central Connnittee of California. 

What this Commission decided in the very beginning w^as that it 
would not invite statements from those engaged in the prepolitical 


campaign. We think our task makes it mandatory that we approach 
the problem in a strictly nonpartisan manner and so we do not invite 
statements from those who might think it is politically wise to make 
statements at this time. We are not interested, as a Commission, in the 
political campaign, and we certainly want to employ every effort we 
can, to make it clear that nothing we do has any bearing on the polit- 
ical situation. 

I am willing to accept this statement for the record as Professor 
McHenr3''s personal views, b^^t I am not willing to accept it as the 
representative of anj'body connected with the Democratic State Cen- 
tral Committee of California. I don't think that has any bearing on 
what we are doing. With that understanding. Professor McHenry's 
statement will be inserted in the record as coming from him per- 

One further comment. When we were in Boston, for instance, we 
received personal statements — aisd tliey appeared before the Commis- 
sion — from Senator Lodge, wlio is a candidate for reelection, and Rep- 
resentative Kennedy, who is also a candidate for the same seat. We 
have taken the position that we will not knowingly invite any candi- 
date for public office to appear before the Commission, but if they 
make requests and we have the time we won't deny them the privilege 
of placing their views into our record. So, this will go in as a personal 

(The statement of Prof. Dean E. McHenry follows:) 

Statement Submitted by Dean E. McHenry 

I am Dean E. McHenry, Democratic nominee for Congress in the Twenty- 
second District of California. I am also professor of political science in the 
University of California, Los Anceles, on leave. I represent Clinton McKinnon 
of the Democratic State central committee of California. 

In my opinion there are several objectionable features of the McCarran-Walter 
Immigration Act. 

In general, I believe that some more rational basis than "national origins in 
1020" should be found. Many of us who have been in the United States for 
generations cannot say precisely what elements have gone into the making of 
an American. I would like to see the eventual abandonment of race and na- 
tional origin in the deterjnination of quotas. 

Instead of a flat number of permissible immigrants I should prefer a flexible 
arrangement, within minimum and maximum limits, administered by a perma- 
nent commission on immigration. Such a commission should be charged with 
setting precise limits based upon the capacity — economic and social — of the 
country to absorb migrants. 

If it is not possible to abolish the rigid quota system, I would suggest that 
the imfilled quotas of countries be made available the following year for na- 
tionals of other countries that have exhausted their quota numbers. 

I am concerned over deportation provisions of the act, particularly the retro- 
active features under which fully rehabilitated persons may be deported for 
crimes — even petty ones — committed years before the act was adopted. 

The Chairman. Is IMr. Meyer here ? 


]\Ir. ISIeter. I aan Edward L. Meyer, chairman of the Americanism 
Committee, Native Sons of the Golden West, 839 Rowan Building, 
Los Angeles. 

Briefly, I wanted to state that the committee has just received copies 
of the McCarran-Walter immigration bill. We haven't had an oppor- 
tunity to discuss any of the provisions of the bill, but we would like 


at fi Inter date to siibiuit our thon<;hts in a statement and forward it 
to the Commission. 

I would also like to sa}' that we have no quarrel with Senator Mc- 
Carran or Eepresentative Walter. We think they are fine Americans 
and they are doin<»; a <;ood job. 

I believe that is all. 

The CiiAiKMAX. Mr. JNIeyer, can you give me an idea of when you 
will be able to forward a statement? 

Mr. Meter. I think within the next 2 weeks or so. 

Thank you for the opportiniity to appear. For the record, I would 
like subsequently to submit a brief statement to supplement my 
i-emarks here. 

The Chairman. That will be inserted in the record at tliis point. 

(The prepared supplemental statement submitted later by Edward 
L. Meyer, chairman, Americanism Committee, Native Sons of the 
Golden West, is as follows :) 

Grand Parlor, Nati\^ Sons of the Goldex West, 

Past Grand President's Association, 

Los Angeles 13, Calif., October 23, 1952. 
Mr. IIaurt X. Rosenfiei.d. 

Erecntive Director, President's Commission on Iinmigratlon and 

Dear Sii: : Supplementing the brief statement made by Eldrea L. :Meyer, State 
eliairman, Americanism committee, Native Sons of the Golden West, when appear- 
ing before the President's Connnission on October 15, 1952, in the Federal Building 
at Los Angeles, at which time permission was granted to submit the committee's 
position on the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Naturalization Act, we submit 
the following for your consideration : 

Our committee has made a study of the McCarran-Walter Immigration Act, and 
we offer the following comments and suggestions to the President's Commission 
for their consideration, when they report their findings on Californians' attitude 
toward the present McCarran-Walter Immigration and Naturalization Act. 

At the outset, we would like to point out that the Native Sons of the Golden 
West have never taken a positit)n on European immigration, but have confined 
their efforts toward halting the fiow of Asiatics to the Pacific coast and especially 
Califoi-nia. Representative Samuel I-.. Dickstein, chairman of the House Com- 
mittee on Immigration and Naturalization for many years, complimented the 
Native Sons of the Golden West for being consistent through the years when he 
and his Subcommittee on Immigration and Naturalization held hearings in Los 
Angeles in August 1945. There has been no departure from the traditional policy 
of the Native Sons of the Golden West discouraging Asiatic immigration to the 
United States. The Native Sons of the Golden AVest are unalterably opposed to 
having any new measures passed which would further liberalize and open the 
door for Asiatic immigration and naturalization. 

This is not a new question in California, as citizens of the Golden State have, 
for over a half century, always expressed themselves in the majority to secure 
legislation on immigration which prevented the hordes of the Orient from making 
a dumping ground of California, for nationals of 19 pui'portedly overcrowded 
Asiatic countries. In the first 20 years of the twentieth century, Japan was 
the principal offender in violating immigration agreements. The Japanese popu- 
lation in California grew as follows: 


1900 10,151 

1910 41,35e 

1920 71,952 

United States census figures for the three Pacific Coast States combined were 
as follows: 


1900 18,269 

1910 57,703 

1920 93,490 


To stop this influx of Japanese, and to prevent the Pat-ific r<iast from ultimately 
becoming a Jai)anese colony, the oriental exclusion provisions were made a part 
of the immigration lavs* of 1924. This law prevented the immigration to the 
United States of all persons not eligible for United ^itates citizenship. Over 
half of the population of the world falls into this category. 

It is signiflcant that tlie organizations in securing adequate exclu- 
sion laws l)efore the l'.>2-t Immigration and Naturalization Act was made into 
law (and which l;avo since continuously defended it) while differing widely in 
membership and imrpose, have no seltish or class interest in this matter. They 
have been actuated by what they conceive to be the vital concern of the Nation. 
These organizations include the National and California State bodies of the 
American Legion, American Federation of Labor, Grange, the Native Sims and 
Native Daughters of the Golden West, and the American Coalition of Patriotic 
Societies, comprising over 90 affiliated organizations. Today many new names 
are added to those protesting enlargement of quotas for Asiatics. Some had 
representatives ami spokesmen appearing at the public hearings of the Presi- 
dent's Commission. 

Taking a position oi)posite to our viewpoint are some organizations which can- 
not be taken for leadership in either the comnninity in which they reside or at 
the national level. On August 27, 194."), representatives of the southern California 
chapter of the National Citizens Political Action C(mimittee appeared before the 
Dickstein House SulKH)mmittee on Immigration and Naturalization. The follow- 
ing is quoted from paragraph 3 of their organization's prepared statement: 

"We submit that the question of immigration has become a world question and 
should be studied and investigated as such by tlie Economic Council of the United 
Nations Organization. Similarly the United Nations should be ;isked to under- 
take the preparation of a uinform Innnigration and Naturalization Code, to be 
submitted for ratification approval to the various member nations of the United 

The Native Sons of the Golden West, in convention assembled, are on record as 
being opposed to the United States surrendering any further rights to the United 
Nations or any one-world federation. To do so would be to trade our Constitu- 
tion, Bill of Rights, and the flag of the United States of America for something 
still not realized by the dreamers and architects of the one-world philosophy. 
All first-class nations reserve the right to regulate the flow of innnigration into 
their country, and the United States will never willingly relinquish this right. 
The Native Sons of tlie Golden West will strive at all times to prevent a greater 
number of Asiatics from immigrating to the United States. . 

While we opposed quotas for Asiatics as people ineligible for United States 
citizenship, let us look at the average present quota for these people : Roughly 
about 1(X) persons per year are permitted Innnigration, per Asiatic country, into 
the United States. As this applies to at least 19 <'ountries, it would mean 
admitting some 1,900 Asiatics per year. As so well predicted many years ago 
by our pioneer in this field, the late V. S. INIcClatchy, executive secretary of the 
California .loint Immigration Committee, "Once a quota would be granted, a 
later Congress would be appealed to for a larger quota," and that is just what 
the enemies of the McCarran-Walter Act are now attempting to do. Doubling 
of the present quota by a future Congress would admit to our shores ;->,800 or 
more Asiatics per year, and again, some future Congress might fix a different 
fornuila. and we would see tlie number skyrocket to very large proportions. It 
is not too difficult for us to predict, for the not too distant future, that China, 
east India, or Japan w-ould request to be admitted on the case basis as that 
granted to the assimilable races of the nations of Europe, and we would then 
see their dream come true: the hordes of Asia peacefully taking over the lands 
of California and the Pacific coast. We have no quarrel with Senator Pat 
McCarran oi- Representative Frank Walter, or their committee. On the con- 
trary, we think they deserve credit for tackling a momentous of rewriting 
an Inuiugration and Naturalization Act which has been amended for many years 
past, antl is a vexing problem which will never satisfy 100 percent of the people 
of the United States. The Americanism Conunittee of the Native Sons of the 
Golden West is especially gratified to see the security provisions in the new 
law pertaining to strengthening deportation and exclusion procedures against 
Communists and other subversives. 

Past Grand President Raymond T. Williamson, attorney at law in San Fi-an- 
cisco, attempted to represent the Native Sons before the President's Commis- 
sion there, Imt due to an overcrowded agenda was unable to testify. He did 
act as an observer for our organizatioTi. and passed on to the umlei'signed the 
comments of a young man from Washington State College, in Pulliiian, Wash. 


His view was in dirtHt (iiMiositioii to tiiose lestifyinji that iniiniKvants would Ik^ 
liriiiiarily rariiiors and that thi-y wouUl take tlieir place on the family larnis. 
The yonnn man fi-om rullmaii pointed out that there was no criteria by which 
a fannly farm miirhl he fixed as to size, productivity, or anything else, and 
explained t(t your comnuttee that the farmers of eastern Washington were large 
operators and the only way tliey could produce to he successful financially and 
otherwise, was to keep their operations on a large scale. He went on to explain 
that their hoj) yards are of great siz >. and that ju-evious to their mechanization, 
It took 2.."()(» employees to do the work that was now accomplislied by approxi- 
mately (i(Mt. and that these (500 employees were not constantly on the joh, hut 
were merely used seasonally. 

The above testimony coincides with a recent press release about Califorina's 
native son Governor. Earl Warren, who stated that the past year alone saw 80,000 
less jobs for cotton workers in one section of the San Joaquin Valley due to 
the successful operation of mechanical cotton picking devices. His remarks 
were dii-ected toward the urgency of new developments, to avoid a local unem- 
ployment problem. The Governor did not mention immigration, either directly 
or otherwise, but it is aiiparent that a large influx of Asiatic farm laborers would 
add to American unemployment. 

We ni-ge that a thorough, long-range study of this serious question be made 
before making any reconnnendations for enlarged quotas for the peoples of Asia 
for the following reasons: 

1. >'onassimilability of Asiatics. 

2. Low standards of living of those peoples. 

.S. Alien laborer's willingness to work for low wages. 
4. Many States forliid marriage between Asiatics and whites. 
Larger (piotas \\-oukl not increase our foreign trade relations, each country 
Iniying in the best-priced markets. Asiatics living hei'e develop foreign colonies, 
which lead to friction and misunderstanding. Finally, our first consideration 
in all inimigr.ition matters should be the permanent welfare of tliis Nation, 
notwithstanding the desires of foreign nations or the interest of classes, sections, 
or groups in this country. Above all, we are unalterably opposed to enlarging 
the immigration quotas for eacli Asiatic country as being inimical to the best 
interest and welfare of the people of California and the United States. 
Resjiectfully submitted. 

(Signed) Eldred L. Meyer, 
CliiniDid'i. Gr<!)i(] Parlor Americanism Commitfec, Native Sons of the 
Goldni WeKt. 

Committee Members: Seth Millington, Frank J. Collins Sr., Bernard G. Hiss, 
B. W. Gearhart. 

The Chairman. The Commission has received a number of com- 
munications since its arrival here. Many of them are statements 
which are desired to be inserted into the record. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. Mr. Chairman, to the end that you have just stated, 
there is a statement from the Masaryk Alliance of the Czechoslovakian 

The Chairman. That may be inserted into the record at this point, 
as well as the other statements received. 

(The statement submitted from the Masaryk Alliance of the Checho- 
slovakian Citizens is as follows:) 

Statement SuuMirrEo by the Masaryk Aleiance of the Czeckoseovakian 


Reasons advanced in favor of tlie change of the Czechoslovak innnigratibn 
quotas at a hearing October lo, held by the President's Commission at the 
Federal Courtliouse in Los Angeles. Calif. : 

As American citizens, we feel to be our duty of primary importance, to pro- 
tect the interest and welfare of the United States of America. But being of 
Czechoslovak extraction, we also feel it to be our duty to call to the attention 
of all this ciuntry. that the Czechoslovak, as a nation, was one of tlie most 
fateful friends of the Ihiited States and deserves to be regarded as an ally. 

In that aspect the (|Uota system, based on the statistic of ISilO. cannot do 
any .justice to the Czechoslovak people, because at that time the Czechs coming 


to America were regarded as Austilans and the Slovaks as Hungarians. But it 
were mostly only the Czechs and Slovaks who were coming here, because of the 
oppression at home. 

It might be very seriously doul)ted, that after 30 years, when this system was 
first adopted, there were any means to distinguish between a Czech and an Aus- 
trian and between a Slovak and a Hungarian. Names and places, to enable 
a fair judgment, do not mean anything. One of the most known cultural and 
social workers we ever had, Vojta Naprstek, came to America under tlie name of 
Albert Fiugerhut. He had to tlee to America, because of some remarks he made 
about the then ruling Habsburg dynasty, but who ever would seek, under such 
name a Czech. That is only one example, but such ones were by thousands. 

But since the First World War the Czeclioslovaks established their own record, 
a record of the most ardent devotion to the United States of America. They were 
allies of America in the First World War and remained faithful in the second. 
American parachutists w^ere always safe with the Czechoslovak people. Some- 
times, they did not understand their language, but the mere fact that they are 
Americans was suflicient to provide them with a hiding place and provisions even 
by risking their own lives. As conditions are there today it might be safely as- 
sumed, that should the Voice of America direct a call across the border line from 
Germany "come to our banners," it would take more than the Russian machine 
guns to stop them. This is also why the communistic masters of Czechoslovakia 
are conducting such a vicious campaign of hatred against America and why so 
many Czechoslovaks had to pay with their lives. 

The devotion to America and its ideals is in Czechoslovakia universal and 
cannot be erased even by the horrors of conmiunism. When they flee to Ger- 
many, they don't come to the Germans. They come to the Americans. They 
have to wade through the hatred of the Germans just as well now, as they did 
during the last war. There is a reason for that. They helped all they could to 
crush Hitler's imperium. And therefore there were many instances, where the 
German authorities turned the Czechoslovak refugees back to their communistic 
masters, even to be executed and an attempt was made to make this a regular 

As citizens of this country, we will stand comparison with the most patriotic 
groups. Our record is one of the most favorable and although even we have 
some Reds among us, we believe in our ability to weed out the dupes and turn in 
the rascals. x\ll we ask for the people of Czechoslovakia is fair deal, based on 
their own record not as Austrians or Hungarians but as Czechoslovaks. In 
this the United States of America will never be disappointed. 

Mr. KosENFiELD. There is also a communication from Sybil Apgar, 
3305 Bayview Drive, Manhattan Beach, Calif. 
(The communication follows:) 

Statement Submitted by Sybil Apgar 

October 14, 1952. 
McCarran Committee, 

Board of Immigration and Naturalization, 

Court Room, Federal Building, Los Angeles, Calif. 
My Dear Mr. Chairman : George Sokolsky, the columnist and radio com- 
mentator, suggested that the public write you encouragement in your great 

Please do everything possible to keep the Harry Bridges, Serve Rubinsteins, 
Charles Chaplins, etc. out of our United States. I speak for many friends and 
relatives who are outraged by the flaunting of our laws and principles of Gov- 
ernment and ideals — all that has made this country great. 

We consider communism as treason and expect our (Government to treat it 
as such. 

(Signed) Sybil Apqab. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. We are also in receipt of a postal card from J. W. 
Miller of Los Ansreles. 


(The communication follows:) 

Statement St'hmittei) hy J. W. Mir,i.i:ij 

October 13, 1952. 
This country m'ods an Ininiisratiou law liko tlie McCarran-Walter bill. 
Our population or stock is boint; too nuicli diluted. 

Too many undesirable immigrants (poor citizenship materials) have been 
allowed to come into the country in the past iew years. Imniigratiou should be 
limited and only the best admitted. 

(Signed) J. W. Milxer. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. We have a letter from Mrs. Helen Schredder, 3823 
Alsace Avenue, Los Angeles 56, Calif. 
(The communication follows:) 

Statement Submitted by JIbs. Helen Schredueu 

3823 Ar.sAOE Avenue, Los Angeles. Calif., 

October IS, 1952. 
Commission on Immigkation and Naturalization. 

Dear Sirs : We are strongly opposed to the McCarran-Walter Act as it now 
stands. It is not in keeping with America's ideals of justice and democracy. 

(Signed) Mrs. Helen Schkedder 

Mr. RosENFiELD. We have a joint statement from Alexander S. and 
Katherine Macdonald, 1722 Virginia Road, Los Angeles 19, Calif. 
(The statement follows:) 

Statement Submitted by Alexander S. and Katherine Macdonald 

1722 Virginia IIoad, Los Angeles 17 ok 18, Cal]F., 

October 14, 1952. 
Mr. Hakry N. Rosenfieij), 

President's Commission on Immigration, 

Federal BviJding, Los Angeles, Calif. 
Dear Mr. Rosenfield : We, as citizens of the Untied States, wish to lend our 
support to the McCarran-Walter immigration and nationality bill. It represents 
the will of the majority of our people and is a necessary guardian against the 
increase of subversive elements in our country. 

How can a Commission report on the merits or demei'its of this bill when it 
has not yet gone into effect and had a fair period of operation upon which to 
l)ase recommendations for changes? The bill represents, we understand, 4 years 
of study by Congress and experts from the State and Justice Departments. 

Will you kindly Include this letter of objection to these hearings in the report 
<»f the hearing held tomorrow in Los Angeles? 
Yours very truly, 

(Signed) Alexander S. Macdonald. 
(Signed) Katherine Macdonald. 

Mr. Rosenfield. We also have a letter from Frances M. Bacon, 849 
Mullen Avenue, Los Angeles 5, Calif. 
(The communication follows:) 

Statement Sui!MItted i;y Frances iNI. Bacon 

849 Mullen Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif., 

October U, 1952. 
Mr. Harry N. Rosenfield, ' 

Executive Director, Coinini-txion an Immiyration, 

Los Angeles, Calif. 
Deiar Mr. Rosenfield : As an American citizen, I wish to say that I am in favor 
of the McCtirran-Walter immigration and nationality bill. The law was enacted 
after a 4-year study of the problem hy Congress during which time everyone 


who wanted to testify was heard. I believe that our country cannot absorb the 
great number of people who wisli to enter without chaos to our laboring groups. 
Since this bill was passed by Congress, it represents the will of the majority, 
and I feel that it should have a fair i>eriod of operation. 

[Signed] Frances M. Bacon. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. We have a stateineiit from Sylvia Saraff of the 
Beverly Hills Chapter of Hadassah. 
(The statement follows:) 

Statement Suiiiiitted by Sylvia Saraef, on Behalf of the Beverly Hills 

Chapter of Hadassah 

October 15, 1952. 

On behalf of the 3,000 members of the Beverly Hills Chapter of Hadassah we 
wish to record our opposition to the McCarran-Walter bill, and to urge immediate 
repeal of the bill. 

Sylvia Saraff, 
Beersheba American Affairs, Chairman. 
Bertha. Sperbeb, 
Frieda Lawitz, 


Mr. RosENFiELD. We have a statement from Virginia Baskin, 11901 
Saltair Terrace, Los Angeles 49, Calif. , vice president of the Brent- 
wood Chapter of the Pioneer Women's Organization. 

(The statement follows:) 

Statement Submitted by Vihginia Baskin for Pioneer Women's Organization, 

Brentwood Chapter 

11901 Saltair Terrace, Los Angeles 49, Calif. 

Our national organization, as well as each chapter, wishes to put itself on record 
as being opposed to the McCarran-Walter Act. 

We feel tb.e immigration quotas established are definitely an attempt to ex- 
clude all but non-Aryans from entering the United States. 

We feel the United States has traditiou;illy been the refuge, the haven, for 
those abroad who wished to espouse the cause of liberty. By this act, we are 
limiting injmigration and so cutting our country oil' from a rich supply of freedom- 
loving people who can eventually contribute much to our country's culture. 

AVe also feel that the act makes a discrimination in penalty between citizens 
and noncitizens. This certainly violates our concept of equality before the law. 

For these and many other reasons, our organization urges that tlie act be 
abolished, or else vital changes be made to eliminate racist and oppressive as- 
pects of this law. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Virginia Baskin. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. We have too a statement from Anthony Aroney, 
Jr., past supreme vice president of the Order of the Ahepa, the 
American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association. 

(The statement follows:) 

Statement Submitted by Anthony Aroney. .Jr., Past Supreme Vice President, 

Order of Ahepa 

October 15, 1952. 

To the Special Commiasion <>n Imiiiigration an<] Xattiralization Hearing, Federal 
Buildinf/, Los Angeles, Calif.: 

Thank you, on behalf of AHEPA whom I i-e[iresent at this hearing, for the 
opportunity to appear liefore this committee and express the opinions of our 
organization concerning the immigration and naturalization of Greek nationals. 

AHEPA is an organization whose memiiershij) is comprised of peoi)le of Greek 
ancestry in the T'nited States. Originally, we organized for the pm-pose of 
lielping innnigrant Greeks adjust themselves to the ways of this country, to learn 
the language and to iind employment. 


Eventually, our or.uani/.ation incivascd in iuuiiIht and our services extended 
into the fields of cliarity and social assistance. 

Today, AHFI'A has many pro.manis which incluch' tlie maintenance of facilities 
for the care of Ihe aiied ; i)ro.urams intended to stimulate the ;ictivities of youns 
people of (Ireek extraction in the lieids of athletics, science and art; programs 
for the purpose of renderiiiji' aid to jn'opie of (Jreek extraction in time of emer- 
.i;ency and disaster; and a continuin;; prouram aimed at helping immi?j;rant 
Greeks to hecome (pilcUly ad.justed to our American econom.v. 

It shoulil he emphasized that, while AIIEI'A is an oi-jnaiiization of people whose 
ani'(>stry was in (Greece, it is foremost an American organization with its alle- 
giance to the Ignited States of America and with its objective to serve the United 
States throuiih service to tlie Greek jieoiile wlio have come to this Nation. 

I believe that this brief explanation of AIIEI'A is necessary it helps 
to establish the fact that (mr oruani/ation is always at the disposal of the United 
Slates (Jovernment or its agciK ies, t^sjecially in matters such as this when we 
<-an give you an expression of the opinion of the (ireek-Ameritan conuuunity, in 
America concerning policies of immigration, naturalization, exclusion, and de- 

It is not my purjiose nor that of AHEPA to present a program f(n- inunigration 
This, we properly believe, is the concei'u and prerogative of the conuuittees and 
comnnssions. such as this, who have made extensive studies of the conditions 
resulting from existing naturalization policies and who are thei-eby enabled to 
make certain i-ecommendations and suggestions for improving, restricting, or 
expanding the (piotas for nationals from various foreign countries. 

\\'e are, however, s(>riousIy com-e'.ned with the future of the Greeks in America. 
These who have been i)ei'mitted to enter this Nation since the beginning of im- 
migration (piotas. have shown themselves to be good citizens and have made im- 
]n>rtant and valuable contributions in every walk of American life. Greek ini- 
nngrants have entered commerce ;ind the fields of education, science, business, 
art, and politics and have demonstrated themselves to be capable and trust- 

The American Greek is iuialter!iJ>ly opixxsed to every form of communism and 
sees in today's American Government a kind of government that was denied 
to his ancestors for hundi-eds of years. He is willing to do everything in his 
power to help maintain that government and is willing to lay down his life to 
preserve it when necessary. 

This has been demonstrated many times during the past two ma.jr.r wars and 
today on the battlefields in Korea. 

I am mentioning this not because there is anything unusual in the willingness 
of a good American citizen to die for his country but because I want it clearly 
under.'^tood that neither AHEPA, the Greeks w;ho have come to America and 
ther children after them, nor the Greeks who have longingly turned their eyes 
in this direction, can ever be anything other than good citizens, good people who 
realize that, while this country has much to give them, they are obligated to 
give it their best effort, their loyalty, and their devotion in return. 

On November 17, l!»oO. the Order of AHP]PA was accepted for registration 
with the Advisory Connnittee on Voluntary Foreign Aid with the Department 
of the State and was assigned registration number YFA-0.")S. 

Our function was to handle tlie difficult problem of clearing, selecting and 
settling Greek people who came to this country under the dlsplaced-persons 

TJie report of the w^irk of .NHEPA is available to this Commission from our 
naticmiil headipiarters at 1420 K Street NW.. Washington, D. C. 

I should like to point out that the displaced Greeks who were broiight to this 
(duntry under the progiam and \\hose ad.justment was under the direction of 
AIIEPA are eniplo.\ed and are self-sustaining. 

I do not know of a singl(> instance where any persc-n was brought into the 
United States from Greece and where that person l)ecame a public charge. 

As a matter of fact, in most instances, the persons in charge of the Greek 
displaced-persons program made a distinct and successful effort to create ,iohs 
foi- people, so that tliere would not be an occasion or instance where some other 
person faces lessened job opportunities because of the adjusting immigrant. 

AHEPA has shown itself to be a responsible organization with regard to the 
handling of (ireek nationals into the Ignited States. Our experience has shown 
us and the United States G<;vernment that the entrance of Greeks into America 
is a good thing, that it contriliutes to society by bringing culture, a willingness 
to work and a high degree of hiyalty for an adopted land. 


AHEPA respectfully iirges your most serious consideration to the matter of 
increasing the quotas for Greeks to enter America rather than lessening the op- 
portunities for these people to find a richness of freedom here that is not to be 
found elsewhere. 

Currently, only 308 persons from Greece are permitted into the United States 
during a year under the quota system. It is my opinion tliat this figure can 
be increased substantially and that any reduction of this quota — and I under- 
stand that the McCarran-Walter bill proposed such a reduction — would be adverse 
to public interest and contrary to tlie traditional policies and practices of the 
United States immigration system. 

The success of the recently concluded displaced-person program has been 
amply proven. What is vitally needed now is an extension of this program 
that wid permit more Greeks, particularly those from the northern part of Greece 
who have been displaced during recent Communist uprisings, to enter the United 

I recommend that this Commission consider a 10-year displaced-person pro- 
gram with regard to the immigration of displaced persons from Greece. I 
recommend that the figure be fixed at 50,000 displaced pei'sons, witli the limita- 
tion set at 5,000 annually. The Greek organizations in the United States can 
readily cope with this number of displaced persons, and I am certain that such 
a program will redound to the benefit of our entire international policy with 
regard to our relations with Greece. 

Tl-e figures I am recommending will, of course, be in addition to the regular 
quota figures fixed for immigrants from Greece. 

I suggest for your consideration the plight of many young Greeks who have 
come to the United States for the purpose of education. Subsequent to entering 
the country, they have registered for the draft program and many of themi have 
become a part of the United States Armed Forces. 

Some consideration should be given to the nationalization of these young 
Greeks, who, without exception, will want to remain in this country and seek 
the advantages and opportunities of American citizenship when their periods 
of services in the Armed Forces are over. Extensions of permits to remain in 
the United States should be the least of your consideration. Here, again, we 
have a dramatic example of the Greek in America showing his ready willingness 
to do his part, even when he may only be here as a visitor. 

It has been said that the principal reason for a bill restricting the immigration 
of people from foreign countries is that continuing immigration provides an 
opportunity for the entrance of people with subversive objectives. 

I cannot speak for any other country but Greece, but in this instance I can 
say with authority that Greek immigrants make good Americans. I know of 
no instance of a Greek subversive element, and I certainly know of many 
instances wliere Greeks have made substantial contributions toward bettering 
our American way of life. 

The practices of the Immigration Service of the United States Government 
cannot be criticized by our organization. They have been most helpful and 
have certainly functioned with the l)est interests of the United States and the 
problems of our immigrants foremost in their minds. 

The question posed by the McCarran- Walter bill is whether or not immigration 
should be restricted. 

Speaking for AHEPA and on the side of the Greek immigrant, we ask that 
it not be restricted, but that, instead, it be expanded to afford more opportunity 
for more people to share their loyalty and their talents with the United States. 

Mr. RosENFiELD. Then, we have a statement from Frank P. Tripp, 
also of the Ahepa. 

The Chairman. I recall he appeared before us in San Francisco tO' 
say he would file his statement here. 


(Tlie statement is as follows :) 

Statement Sthmitteu iiy Frank P. Tripp, in Behalf of the Okdeu of American 
Hellenic Educational I'nociREssiVE Association (Aiikpa) of the West 

If one is to review and analyze the record of the Greek immigrant in America 
he will quickly fin<l in it the story of a iwople, whose energy, resourcefulness, and 
enterprising spirit contrihuted measurably to the earthly growth of young Amer- 
ica. While it is my ajipointed (ask lo lay before you the views of the members of 
tliat great American-Greek organization, the Order of Ahepa, particularly as it 
relates to the acconiplishineiits of west c(tast (ireck inunigraiits. I should not 
desire to leave the impression that my statements are with bias since I, too, came 
here as a 4-year-old boy with my parents. Well, after living in a country for 
40 years, you soon tind that there is only love for one — America. Therefore, the 
same reasons that would make the Greek inmiigrant a highly desirable Ainericau 
citizen apply to other nationalities. The important thing to remember in apply- 
ing the yardstick of qu.ililicat ion is, how does it benefit and strengthen America,, 
first, last, and always. 

It is my opinion, and one which I hope the Commission will adopt, that however 
deserving or humanitarian may lie the cause of Greece and the hope of thou- 
sands of her citizens io come to this land, unless it is to the economic interest 
of America, unless these new inmiigrants can contribute to the growth and 
expansion of this country every other argument, however meritorious, is only 
secondary. We Americans must first consider and keep before us the reasoning 
that we cannot afford the luxury of being a bui'ianitarian nation unless we keep 
powerful and wealthy and that every natural resource be utilized to keep us so. 
The prime factor and the yardstick that must be employed in the processing of 
immigrants, whatever their nationality — will these people add to the wealth and 
prosperity of America ? AVill they preserve the citadel of freedom that free people 
created in this srrange landV 

Now. let us take the history of the Greek immigrant of the west coast, since, 
it was here, as most other Americans, he was last to settle. Is he industrious? 
Is he enterprising? One has but only to observe the hundreds upon hundreds 
of various business establishments flourishing up and down the coast to attest 
to this fact. While in many instances, he has taken to the professional world in 
the fli'ld of medicine, in the field of law and science, it is in the business world that 
his greatest contributions to the stability of the economic life of this Nation 
have been. I am sure that few- will argue the point that our Nation today owes, in 
a large measure, its success to the fact that it is small businesses throughout the 
country that constitute the true prosperity of America. Consequently, our coun- 
try will forever need that type tif innnigrant whose tenacity, resourcefulness, and 
ingenuity is such as to overcome the many reverses and problems besetting the 
businessman of today. It is in this way that the millions of jobs necessary in 
our present day economy can be continuously augmented, and the abundant life 
as we know it today, particularly as it has been in the last 20 years under the 
Democratic Pai'ty. 

One wonders what Senator McCarran could have been thinking of when he 
pushed Public Law 414 through the Congress and thereby disregarded not only 
the true interest of the United States but reaffirmed the stigma of the 1924 law 
based on national origin quota system that singled out immigrants from certain 
parts of Europe as undesfrable. How, in the light of history, and particularly to 
the cause of world peace and freedom from tyranny that the Greek people, per- 
haps more than any nation in the whole of Europe, contributed could this dis- 
regard of all moral and humane reasoning be enveloped in one law is beyond 
my comprehension and I am sure the understanding of millions of American 
citizens. It is fortunate, indeed, that we are blessed with a I'resident whose 
capacity to understand and fight for the large overwhelming majority of American 
people is without parallel in our time. That very veto of this unfair, discrim- 
inatory, and very isolationistic law took a man, with the feeling for his piMiple, 
and their true desires, as only President Truman possesses. 


Mr. Cliairman and members of this Commission I urge you to do everything 
in your power in correcting this had piece of legislation before it causes America 
irreparable harm. The present law is a bill written by the will of the minority 
groups and does not recognize that the United States is committed to the world 
to be tile champion of fair play in full recognition of the rights of luuuan beings 
before God and the laws of man. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Frank P. Tkipp. 

Mr. RosEXFiEij). We have a statement from Mr. Boyd H. Reynoldrf, 
attorney, suite 331, Douglas Building, 257 South Spring Street, Lo-.i 
Angeles 12, Calif. 

(The statement follows:) 

Statement Submitted uy Boyd H. Reynolds, Attorney 

Boyd H. Reynolds, 
Counselor on Immigration and Naturalization, 
257 So-uth Spring Street, Los Avr/eles, Calif., October 15, 1952. 
Re McCarran-Walter immigration and naturalization bill. 
Chairman, President's Co^r^nssiON on iMiiioRATiON and Naturalization 

Sib: I represent a great proportion of the Chinese population of southern Cali- 
fornia in matters concerning inunigration and naturalization. I also have a 
large clientele of persons of the Mexican race. 

The Congress of the United States in passing Public Law 414 over the Presi^ 
dent's veto stated that it realized that tliere were imperfections which could be 
remedied by later amendment. 

In my opinion, section 3G0 (a) of I'ulilic Law 414 is entirely unconstitutional 
for the reason that it states in substance that the right of habeas corpus shall 
be denied to any person within the United States who claims American citizen- 
ship, and his citizenship is an issue in any exclusion proceeding. This is defi- 
nitely a denial of the right of hal)eas corpus to citizens of the United States and 
in violation of the Constitution, which states that the right of habeas corpus 
shall not be denied except in cases of war. This section 360 of the law also gives 
absolute power to the Immigration Service and the Board of Immigration Ap- 
peals on matters of citizenship which is contrary to the American concept of 
government, our Government being a government of checks and balances. It is 
also a maxim of American law that there should be an appeal from the decisioa 
of any administrative official. 

Paragraph (b) of section 360 is also unconstitutional in that it gives the same 
power as cited above to an American consul abroad. Both sections deny the 
right of judicial determination of citizenship and are abhorrent to the American 
way of life. It also states that a person in order to apply under subsections (b) 
and (c) must be under the age of 16 years or wlio has lived in the United States 
at some prior time. This is definitely unconstitutional. 

This section 360 of Public Law 414 is abhorrent to all American citizens as it 
denies the right of judicial determination of citizenship. It sets up an adminis- 
trative official as a czar who by a wave of bis hand can deny you or me the right 
to bring our foreign-born children to the United States. I would suggest that 
section ;^60 of Public Law 414 be entirely repealed and section 503 of the Na- 
tionality Act of 1940 (903 Federal Statutes) be reenacted of the law. A few 
of the rights of American citizens who have children abroad would thus be 

The Department of State has repeatedly and continuously over a nuinl)er of 
years demonstrated its inability to act in a judicial or semijudicial capacity. 
The State Department is always going off on some tangent. At the present time 
it is inflicting untold indignities upon perscms of the Chinese race who claim 
citizenshiii under section 1993 of the Revised Statutes. They have devised the 
diabolical scheme of forcing every person of tlie Chinese race who claims Amer- 
ican citizenship l)y derivation to submit to blood typing wliich is not autliorized 
by law and to have X-rays taken of his knee joints, pelvis, etc., and so-called 
radiological examinations. These indignities are not inflicted on persons of 
any other I'ace than Chinese. My suggestion is that the Congress of the United 
States prohibit the State Department and/or the Immigration and Naturaliza- 
tion Service from requiring either lilood typing or radiological examinations in 
the cases of persons claiming United States ( itizensliip by derivation. 


As an example of the assininity of the State Dep.niincrit I niii cnclosinj; iicic- 
with copies of a few of their letters of recent date taken at raiuloiii from tiiv 

Under I'lihlic Law 414, section 201 to 2(t7, incUisive. provide that the alien 
hiishand and alien wife and alien children of an American citizen are entitled 
to non(inota status. However, it is re;L;retted that the said law oidy Ki^mts 
second preference to the fatluM- ov mother of a citizen of the United States. 
This is a useless |^;esture especially under the Chinese quota of 1()."(, as it means 
nothing:. The hiw should lie so ameiide<l to provide noncpiota status for the lather 
and mother of an American citizen. 

Our Slate Department of tlu- (^.ovcrnnienr of the United States has long 
bomharded the S[ianish-speakint;- peoples of the Western Ilemisphert' with the 
so-called "j;ood-nei,sihlior" policy and it has always been the policy of the United 
States to follow the ■•most-favored-nation clause." 'I'he entire I'uhlic Law 414 
is anti-lMexican and esiH'cially section 244, paragraph ."> (b), reading as follows: 
"The i)rovisions of this stibscction relating to the granting of suspension of 
deportation shall not he applicable to any alien who is a native of any country 
contiguous to the United States, etc." This is a direct slap in the face to Mexico. 
With one hand we are asking her cooperation and with the other we slap her in 
the face. 

Section 405 (a) contains a .ioker stating that an application for susjiension 
' f deportation which is pending on the date of "enactment" shall he regarded 
as a proceeding within the meaning of this subsection. Please note that the 
author of the bill apparently deliberately used the word enactineid rather than 
effective date to preveiU the thousands of persons who had applications pending 
from having their cases satisfactorily ternunated by suspension of deportation. 
Among my own clients alone I have seen nniny of alien husl)an(ls or alien 
wives or both separated from their American citizen children to satisfy the 
author of the bill. Untold agony has been caused by Public Law 414 <lenying 
suspension of deportation to persons of the Mexican race. 

I recommend that section 244 (5) (b) be amended to grant citizens of Canada, 
Mexico, and adjacent islands the same privileges and rights that are accorded 
■itizens of the most-favored country. 

Respectfully submitted. 

(Signed) P.oyd 11. Keyxoi.ds. 

Depaktmext of State, 
WdHhlnfiton, K^ciifenihcr 22, Idoi. 
Mr. IloYD H. Reynolds. 

Suite 214, DoufiJa.^ Biiihliiif/, 2.77 South Spring Street, 

Los Aiigeten 12, Calif. 
My- Dear Mi;. Reynolds : With reference to your letter of July 7, 11).'')2, file num- 
l)er l/r)22 and your telegram of September 12. 19.">2, concerning the citizensbii» 
«-laim of Woo Dung Dai, who ai)pears also to be known iinder the name of Woo 
Yee Lim, you are informed that the Dei)artnient has again reviewed the citizen- 
ship claim in the light of the residts of the investigation condticted by an agent 
of the Department and in the light of the material which you have jn-eviously 

The Department does not consider that the identity of the person who presented 
himself at the American Consulate General at Hong Kong as Woo Dtnig Dai has 
been established to any reasonable degree, and upon the basis of the record as it 
.stands, the I>e])artment would adhere to its previous decision in the case, that 
the action of the American Consulate Geiiei'al at Hong Kong in denying docu- 
meidation to the applicant for travel to the United States was justified. Never- 
theh'ss, if you will advise the Department that the applicant's alleged mother 
will be available for blood typing ;ind, in that event, will advise the Department 
of the address at which she may be located, the Department will arrange to have 
her blood type and the applicant's Idood type ascertained at Hong Kong. The 
Department will also, in the event that the applicant's alleged mother will be 
available, arrange to havt> the Itlood types of the other members of the family in 
the United States ascertained thr(»ugh the Inunigration and Naturalization Serv- 
ice, and will give further consideriit ion to the case in the liglit of such blood-t.vpe 

Sincerely yours, H. Yor.N'c;. 
AetiiKj Chief, Pasxport Dirixinu. 

25356 — 52 79 


Department of State, 
Washington, September 23, 1952. 
Mr. Boyd H. Reynolds, 

Sicite 214, Douglas Building, 257 South Spring Street, 

Los Angeles 12, Calif. 
My Dear Mr. Reynolds : With reference to yonr letter of July 18, 1952, files 
number 1/355 concerning the citizenship claims of Hom Kin and Horn Sing, in 
which you state that the alleged motlier of the applicants is unable to secure 
permission to leave China for Hong Kong, it is suggested that any other letters 
which the alleged father of the applicants may have received from his wife and 
which indicate that she cannot arrange to proceed to Hong Kong from China, be 
submitted to the Department for its consideration. 

It is also suggested that if the applicants have received communications from 
their alleged mother indicating that she cannot arrange to leave China and show- 
ing what efforts were made to obtain permission to depart, such communications 
be submitted to the American consulate general at Hong Kong for its considera- 
tion in regard to the bona fides of the claim that this identifying witness cannot 
appear at the consulate general. 

Since the material hitherto submitted in the case as bearing upon the identity 
of the applicants consists of aflidavits of interested parties and since, therefore, 
the credibility of the aflfiants is the prime factor in connection therewith, it is 
suggested that the alleged father of the applicants support the case and evidence 
his good faith by submitting certifications as to the blood types of all his alleged 
sons in the United States, as well as a certification of his own blood type, for 
comparison pui-poses. Such blood typing should be arranged through the appro- 
priate ofl3ce of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. 

The Department will give further consideration to the case upon the receipt of 
the information and evidence mentioned above. 
Sincex'ely yours, 

Willis H. Young, 
Acting Chief, Passport Division. 

Department OF State, 
Washington, October 7, 1952. 
Mr. EoYD H. Reynolds. 

Suite 214 Douglas Building, 

257 South Spring Street, Los Angeles 12, Calif. 
My Dear Mr. Reynolds : With reference to your letter of July 18, 1952, your 
iBle No. 1/823, concerning the citizenship claims of WOO Kock Han, WOO Kock 
Chuey, and WOO Kock Soon, you are informed that the Department has care< 
fully reviewed the files in these cases, but is of the opinion that the evidence 
and information available do not establish the identity of the claimants to 
American citizenship to any reasonable degree. 

Medical evidence available indicates that the purported twins, WOO Kock 
Han and WOO Kock Chuey, differ in age by 3 to 4 years. The record of the 
testimony taken at the American consulate general at Hong Kong shows that 
the claimants and their alleged mother were unable to agree concerning the 
applicants' schooling, the location of the native village of the alleged mother, 
the circumstances of the Japanese occupation of the area and recent asosciation 
of the applicants with their alleged mother, including association as late as the 
night before the interview. 

In view of the adverse record, briefly summarized above, the Department 
does not consider that it would be warranted in authorizing documentation to 
enable the claimants to American citizenship to proceed to the United States. 
Nevertheless, if you will advise the Department that the applicants' alleged 
mother will be available for blood typing and, in that event, will advise the 
Department of the address at which she may be located, the Department will 
arrange to have her blood type and the applicants' blood type ascertained at 
Hong Kong. The Department will also, in the event that the applicants' mother 
will be available, arrange to have the blood types of the other members of the 
family in the United States ascertained through the Immigration and Naturaliza- 
tion Service, and will give further consideration to the case in the light of such 
blood-type evidence. 

Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) Willis H. Young, 
Acting Chief, Passport Division. 


Mr. KosENFiELD. We have a written request from Ella Kiibe, chair- 
man of the researcli connnitee of the Los An<i;eles County Conference 
on Connnunity Rehitions that the conference be permitted to file a 
written brief. 

{Submitted statement follows:) 

Statkment Submitted by tiik Los Angeles County Conference on Community 


Los Angeles County Conference on Community Relations, 
3J25 ^yest Adams Boulevard, Los Anrjeles, Calif, October II,, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 
Federal Building, Los Angeles, Calif. 
Dear Sir : I understaiul from Mr. Zane Meckler that the name of the Los 
Angeles County Conference on Connnunity Relations was tentatively placed 
on the list of individuals and organizations reporting at the hearings of the 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization tomorrow. We 
had hoped to have a report ready, but, unfortunately, time was too short to 
prepare an adequate brief; will you, therefore, please withdraw the name of 
the Los Angeles County Conference on Connnunity Relations. 

However, we should like to ask permission to present a written brief concern- 
ing the MtCarran-Waltcr Act, to be prepared by the legal committee and the re- 
search committee of the Los Angeles County Conference on Community Relations, 
at a later date. We would greatly appreciate it if we were given the opportunity 
to do so. 

Yours very truly, 

Research Committee, Los Angeles County 
Conference on Community Relations, 
(Signed) Ella Kube, Chairman. 

(T]ie brief follows :) 

Los Angeles County Conference on Community Relations, 

Los Angeles, Calif., October 31, 1952. 
Mr. Philip Perlman, 

President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 
17/,2 G Street N\V., Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Perlman : The Los .Angeles County Conference on Community Rela- 
tions appreciates the opportunity to present to the President's Commission on 
Inunigration and Naturalization a statement concerning American immigration 

Tbe Los Angeles County Conference on Community Relations is a coordinating 
and referral agency working to bring about better intergroup relations. A list 
111' its menil>er agencies is attached. 

The major emi»hasis (jf tiie Los Angeles County Conference on Community 
Relations and of its memlicr agencies lies in the field of human relations, where 
i! is guided by a basic philosophy of the dignity of the individual and by the 
lirinciple of the equality of all, regardless of race, creed, or national origin. The 
county conference through its nieml)er agencies is working in many areas affecting 
tlie well-being of the individual and the connnunity, such as housing, employ- 
ment, education. It has been our experience that individuals, irrespective of 
race, creed, or national origin, make valuable contributions to good community 

In the field of employment we concur with a statement prepai'ed by the Los 
Angeles Central Laltor Council, American Federation of Labor, which is a member 
agency of the county conference, presented to the President's Commission by Susan Adams. 

The county conference is concerned about immigration policies because it is 
our beli(>f that the kind of attitudes and practices which prevail at the local 
ccninnniity level and those that characterize our relationships with people intei'- 
nationally arc mutually reinforcing. Specifically, discriminatory clauses in 
inimigiation laws reflec-t on tl\e status of American citizens of vai'ious ethnic and 
national backgrounds, and lend sui)port to the belief that individuals of certain 
ethnic backgrounds are sui)eri(u- to individuals from other backgrounds. To 
the extent that immigration liiws reflect such biases, tbe work toward better, 
more democratic community relations at the local level is handicapped. 


We find in the MoCarran-Walter Act strong evidence of such discriminatory 
clauses as indicated in the disproportionately small quotas allowed to persons 
from south and east European countries, to persons from Asia and to persons 
of Negro ancestry. However, not only is the size of different quotas discrimina- 
tory in nature, the very hasis of the quotas in terms of national or racial origin 
seems to us an undemocratic and unscientific basis for selection. We strouglj 
urge that such discriminatory clauses be eliminated from immigration laws. 
We should like to support the statements that have been made by Dr. Ralph 
Beats, of the department of anthropology of UCLA, and that of Mr. J. J. Lieber- 
man for the Los Angeles Jewish Comnumity Council, both of which were made 
at the hearings of tiie President's Commission at Los Angeles. 

A brief prepared by one of our member agencies, the National Association for 
the Advancement of Colored People, Los Angeles branch, dealing specifically 
with the immigration laws as it affects immigrants of Negro ancestry, follows 
under separate cover. 

The second major point which we should like to select for emphasis is that 
of the differential treatment of native Itorn and naturalized citizens. We endorse . 
wholeheartedly the point made by Dr. Forrest Weir of the Southern California 
Council of I'rotestant Cluirches when he stated that, once citizenshiij is granted, 
an immigrant should be treated as a full American, .subject to the normal laws 
and penalties of the land. If this is not done, we create two levels of citizenship, 
one inferior to the other, which is a violation of democratic principles. 

We join with those church, civic, and lab(n- groups who have appeared before 
your committee hearing in Los Angeles, urging serious consideration of the 
present immigration and naturalization laws and urging changes which will 
exemplify the American spirit and ideal more fully. 
EespectfuUy yours, 

George L. Thomas. 
E.vccutk-e Director. 

(Note. — Prepared by the research cnminittee with the help of the legal com- 
mittee of the Los Angeles County Conference on Connnunity Relations.) 


American Council on Human Rights 

American Federation of Labor 

American Jewish Committee 

Anti-Defamation League, B'nai B'rith 

B'nai B'rith Young Adults 

B'nai B'rith Youth Organization 

Claremont Intercultural Council 

Christian World Mission Committee, Hollywood Congregational Church 

The Christines 

Department Christian Social Relations. Episcopal Diocese of Los Angeles 

Duarte Citizens' League 

Eaule Rock Council for Civic Unity 

Episcopal League for Social Action 

Federated Community Service Organizations 

Greater Los Angeles CIO Council 

Japanese American Citizens' League 

Community Relations Committee, Los Angeles Jewish Community < 'ouncil 

J'ewish Committee 

Jewisli Personnel Relations Bureau 

International Ladies' Garment Woikers' LTnion. Pacific Coast Office 

Los Angeles County Commitee on Human Relations 

Los Angeles District Council, Jewish War Veterans, U. S. A. 

Los Angeles Urban League 

los Ang.^les Cloak Joint Board, ILGWU 

Los Angeles Dress Joint Board. ILGWU 

Los Angeles Sportswear Joint Council, ILGWU 

Metropolitan Los Angeles YWCA 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 

National Conference of Christians and Jews 

Naticmal Congress of Anierican Indians 

National Council Negro Women 

Our Author's Studv Club 


I'aifiits for Better Schools 

Coniiiiuiiity Relations ('oniiiiittee. Welfare Council, Pasadena and Altadena 

I'asadetia ("tmunisslon (in (Jroup Relations 

rasnilena YWCA 

Santa Monica YW("A 

Social Action Deiiartnient, ConfireKational Conference. Southern California and 

the Southwest 
Social Action Committee. Christian Churches of Soutliern California 
Social Acti<in Committee. Minnit Hollywood Contiregational Church 
Social Profjress Commission, First Baptist Church of Los Anjreles 
Southern California Conference, B'nai IVrith Women 
Southern California Society for Mental Hygiene 
So\ithern I)ivisi<.n. California Cooperative League 
I'nitt'd Auto Workers (CIO) 
Women's International Cluh 

The Chairman. Is that all the commiiiiications ? 

Mr. RosENFiELD. That is all I have, sir. 

The Chairman. The Comniission has completed the schedule that 
it had and has also given an opportunity to a number of other repre- 
sentatives or organizations to appear here. We are long past the time 
we had hoped to adjourn this meeting in order to receive all these 
communications and all these other statements in the record. We 
will now adjourn this hearing. 

Dr. Cn»u)XER. Mr. Chairman, I am Dr. Sanford (iroldner and last 
evening — in fact, in the middle of the day 1 |)h()ned for the Los 
Angeles Lodges of the Jewish People's Fraternal Order and spoke 
to Mr. Shirk and Avas assured that our name would tentatively be on 
the list. 

The Chairman. We had your name tentativel}^ on the list, but we 
have heard from a number of Jewish organizations here and in view 
of our time limitation, we feel that their viewpoint has been ade- 
(piately expressed. 

Dr. GoLDNER. Well, we feel that we have a particular interest in 

The Chairman. Well, if you desire anything to be added to our 
record we would suggest that you prepare a statement and send it to 
us in Washington. We will be glad to incorporate it. 

Dr. GoLDNER. This can be done, but I would like earnestly to ask 
that, since Los Angeles is the city it is, the Commission extend these 
hearings, if possible, until tomorrow'. I see the Connnitfee for the 
Protection of the Foreign Born Mants to be heard, and I recognize 
that Los Angeles is perhaps a city of a million or a million and a half 
Mexican-Americans, whose case in actual day-to-day travail has not 
been heard. I think the Commission will make a serious error if it 
leaves without hearing these people. 

The Chairman. We think the viewpoint you will express here has 
been adequately covered by representatives of similar organizations, 
and if you want to file a statement we will be glad to have it. We are 
not going to hear any more oral testimony today. 

^Nliss Rose Chernin. Mr. Chairman, my name is Rose Chernin, 
representative of the Los Angeles Committee for Protection of the 
Foreign-Born and 

The Chairman. Just a moment! 

Miss Chernin. Mr. Chairman, I just want to Hnish and -that is all. 
I have a right to ex])ress myself. I have been sitting here on your 
assurance that T would be li(\'(r(l. 


The Chairman. Nobody said you would be heard. 

Miss Chernin. Yes, you did, and this morning the gentleman sit- 
ting right next to you said that I would be heard. Mr. Shirk said so 
last night. 

- The Chairman. I understand that you — and I inquired into it be- 
cause we have tried to give everybody an adequate hearing — have been 
indicted and you have been tried and convicted of a violation of the 
Smith Act. If that is true, the Commission is not interested in hear- 
ing anything you have to say. 

Miss Chernin. Mr. Chairman, I demand that you accept this 
statement on behalf of our organization in your public hearing. 

The Chairman. I have said that the meeting is adjourned and we 
are not hearing any more oral testimony today. 

Mr. KosENFiELD. Mr. Chairman, may I request that the Los An- 
geles record remain open at this point for the insertion of statements 
submitted by persons unable to appear as individuals or as repre- 
sentatives of organizations or who could not be scheduled due to in- 
sufficient time. 

The Chairman. That may be done. 

This concludes the hearings in Los Angeles. The Commission will 
now be adjourned until it reconvenes in Atlanta, Ga., at 9 : 30 a. m., 
October 17, 1952. 

(Whereupon, at 5 : 45 p. m., the Commission was adjourned to re- 
convene at 9 : 30 a. m., Friday, October 17, 1952, at Atlanta, Ga.) 


(Those submitted statements follow : ) 


September 30, 1952. 

President's Commission ox Immigration and NatuualtzAtion, 

Washington, D. C. 

Gentlemen : Thanking you for this opportunity, I would like to present my 
views on the matter under consideration. Although these are my ixn-sonal 
deductions I am sure that any American of Czechoslovak extraction would 
heartily subscribe to it. Limited time though prevents my seeking their sanction. 

Having taken a keen interest in public life of our minority and consider- 
ing the news we are getting from our old homeland. I must say that it was 
highly unfortunate that the conditions in iron curtain countries in general 
and Czechoslovakia in particular, were not sufficiently investigated and eval- 
uated. Immigration is. to some extent, like the foreign-trade policy. Any un- 
just discrimination causes bad feelings. 

As conditions in Europe are, the ('zechoslovak refugees, running away from 
the horrors of communism, come to the American zones of Germany in their 
belief into Americans, not Germans, who are very much inclined to regard 
them as national enemies. This is the result of the Czechoslovak fight of 
Hitler's imperialism. Yet just because of this and the common cause against 
the Communists, the Czechoslovaks became used to regard the Americans as 
allies. Thus it does not seem to be right to be telling them: "We do not want 
you, we prefer those always hostiUj to us." 

Having lived for the past 20 years in a freedom of American coinage the 
Czechoslovaks are very likely to be the first to rebel against the oppression and 
exploitation of the Ked regime. How this spirit will lie affected by such a 
discrimination of the past Congress is easy to imagine. The Communist 
authorities will exploit it to the most. That might be more effective than 
the trenches and barbed wire all along the border. 

Besides this, there are other disillusionments. When they come to Ger- 
many they are seized as violators of the border by the German patrols. These 
patrols claim the right to punish them for illegal crossing of the border and 
to turn them bade to the communistic authorities in Czechoslovakia to be exe- 
cuted. Of course, America has a treaty with Germany assuring the political 
asylum which Adenauer signed Imt a powerful local official does as he pleases. 

This is supposed to attain double goal. The first is to crush the spirit of 
resistence in Czechoslovakhi by offering no other choice but either a slave labor 
camp or a lied firing sipiad and when there would be no refugees, point out 
that the Czechoslovaks are 100 percent Communists and do not deserve any 
liberation. The second reason is still more cunning and wants to get rid of all 
the people, who see through all their tricks, which might seem plausible to 
Americans, but which, nevertheless, are a conspyiracy against the very American 
interests. I want to draw your attention to an article, printed in the Saturday 
Evening Post, July 12, written by Arthur No.ves, but inspired b.v a German 
denazified official, Stahl, where this intention is demonstrated most clearl.v. 
One communistic spy was caught and that was sullicient proof to charge to 
being at least 25 to 50 percent Communist all of the Czeclioslovak refugees. 

The case of Ma.j. Gen. Robert Brown and his diary, although it happened in a 
villa, where all the personnel were thoroughly screened Germans, was handily 
thrown on the heads of the Czechoslovak refugees .lust as well. But most in- 
teresting is the case of Maria Hablick, the wife of a Bavarian land ofiicial. 
This lady was selling to the Czechoslovak communistic authorities of Czecho- 



Slovakia the protocols her husband extracted from the Czechoslovak refugees 
and had it not been for the fact, that she in her zeal included also informa- 
tion about the American forces and had not had, at that time, arrived another 
refugee from Czechoslovakia, who brought the complete carthotek of com- 
munistic spies in Bavaria, she might have gone free, entirely. The crimes, 
committed against the Czechoslovak refugees were, at the trial not even men- 
tioned. But those people were, to some extent, some kind of wards of the 
United States. 

Yet in that article in the Evening Post a small communistic spy is used to 
charge the Czechoslovak refugees and it is done by a high police commissar, who 
should know better. The fact is that the Czechoslovaks never Germany 
for permanent residence, because of the hostility of the population. They want 
to pass through it as fast as possible. It is only for the sick and too old to stay. 
Nobody wants them. Yet this German police official does not hesitate a mo- 
ment to brand them as the Stalin forces to operate in back of the American 
Army, in the case of war. Stalin recruited this old and sick people and did 
entirely overlook the mighty corps of German Communists, who steadily write, 
on the address of the Americans, on each wall : "Ami, go home" ! 

So gentlemen, you may draw your own conclusions, how unfortunate it 
was when the United States Congress told these people, eager to cooperate and 
ready for sacrifice : "You are not wanted !'' What inducement could anybody 
find to risk his life to exchange communistic slave camp for a German prison 
camp and after it return to face the Red firing squad V And that is exactly what 
this police commissar wants. Will America subscribe to that? 

Any more detailed information about the Czechoslovak refugees and their 
cooperation may be had from the American Intelligence Service in Germany. 

I remain most sincerely yours, 

F!eank Kubac. 


Palo Alto Fair Play Council, 
180 University Avenue, Palo Alto, Calif, October 11, 1952. 

Hon. Philip B. Peklman, 

Chairman, Special Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 
Courtroom 261, Post Office Building, San Francisco, Calif. 

Dear Sir: The Palo Alto Fair Play Council is a nonprofit, community-wide 
organization which works in a democratic manner for equal rights and fair 
opportunities for all people, regardless of color, race, creed, or national origin. 
To promote these aims the organization respectfully urges your consideration of 
the following reconnuendations for changes in Public Law 414 (McCarran Im- 
migration and Naturalization Act) : 

Section 201 (a) : Whereas the national origins system of determining quotas 
based on the 1920 United States census was valid in 1924 when this system became 
law, it no longer represents a just basis for the allocation of quotas. Since the 
1920 census no longer represents the population composition of the United States 
it does not assign to the countries from which immigrants mainly have come 
since 1920, their fair share of the total inuuigration of 154,657. Thus this sec- 
tion discriminates against many who have come since l!i20 and who wish to 
bring friends and I'elatives from their native lands to the United States. 

We urge therefore, that the 1950 census be made the basis for determining 
national quotas 

Section 202 (a) : Provides that racial ancestry and not national origin shall 
determine the quota country to which shall l)e assigned persons 50 percent of 
whose racial ancestry can be attributed to the "Asiatic Pacific Triangle," but who 
are born outside that area. 

We urge that this new racial discrimination be removed. 

Section 202 (c) : Limits to 100 the visas to be granted annually to immigrants 
born in a colony or other component or dependent area of a governing country, 
thereby virtually creating new bars to Negro immigration. 

W^e reconnnend the areas concerned shall share as heretofore, in the visa allot- 
ments of their governing countries. 

Section 212 (a) (25) : Pertains to the entry of displaced persons and the 
repeal of the provisions of the 1917 law allowing entry of victims of religious 


persecution who are illiterate. Tliis set-tion of I'lildic Law 414 would bar dis- 
placed iiersoiis of Jewish and other n'lijj:it)us .m-oiipiiifis. 

Wt' rt'comnHMid that tht' text of tin* 1!)17 law be followtMl to admit victims uf 
racial and religious persecution who are illiterate. 

Section 287 (a) (3) : Ternnnatinjij the rij^ht of American citizens to be im- 
mune froni search or oliicial interrogation without a warrant, would work undue 
hardship on many Mexican-Americans residiiii,' in the border areas of the South- 

We recommend that safef,aiards for the protection of these citizens l)e included 
in tlie law. 


Elsa Ai-sbkko, llrccutive Dhcvtor. 


The Chinese Weekly, 
J,2Jt Bernard Street, Los Angeles, Calif., October 15, 1952. 

The I'kesident's Commission on Immigration and Natuualization, 
Washington 25, D. C. 

(Jentlemen : The undersigned takes this great opportunity to convey his opin- 
ions pertaining to the controversial McCarran- Walter Act, or the omnibus bill, i. e., 
Public Law 414, passed by the Eighty-second Congress of the United States of 
America on June 2G, 1952. 

After a careful study of the provisions provided in the Public Law 414, he 
discerns, besides the red tapes exi.sting in procuring of (piota and nonquota im- 
migrant visas, the numerical limitations imposed on aliens of the so-called "Asia 
and Pacific triangle" are appalling as compared to those being granted to Euro- 
pean nations ; two thousand (piotas for Asiatic nations versus some 1(K),(MK> (piotas 
(according to statistics from unolficial source) granted to European nations 
annually. Aliens who have found that this is the laud of liberty, fraternity, and 
equality, find likewise this is the country tif immigration red tapes and extreme 
difficulty in securing visas and to live in this great Nation thereafter. This is a 
Nation of immigrants, it was so from the very beginning when our forefathers 
migrated into this laud of promise and more so as it is today, for "one world one 
family" and world peace can only be achieved through practicing of whnt is 
stipulated in the United States C(mstitul:ion and Bill of Rights. Therefore, not 
to confuse the issues, the act of immigration and naturalization and the tight 
against communism are two problems of different natures ; thus the fight against 
communisu] should not l)e used as a pretext to bar alien immigrants who seek 
the same creeds That our forefathers struggled for. Des|)ite the fact that some 
public institutions have developed a habit to label those who speak up in favor 
and for the l)enefits of the racial mint)rity, he hereby submits some opinion.^, 
that he is familiar with, that are critical to the perpetuation and fulfillment of 
true democratic spirit: 

1. Revision of Public Law 414, or the ^NlcCarran-Walter Immigration and 
Naturalization Act of June 26, 1952: 

(a) The total numerical allotment to quota areas should be equally divided 
by all nations. Thus, the so-called ".Vsiji-Pacific triangle" immigration program 
should be nullified. ( Sees. 201-207, title 11. I'ublic Law 414. ) 

(h) Necessary procedures pertaining to the securing of immigrant status 
should be simplified for both (piota innnigrants and nonquota inunigrants. ( Sees. 
211-215, title 11, i'ublic Law 414.) 

(c) Instructions should be directed to immigrant officers that their duty is to 
help, in accordance with laws, alien inunigrants, not to discourage them by un- 
friendly attitudes. 

(</) Alien inunigrants arriving at jiorts of United States, after securing re- 
quired passports and visas from autliorized consulates or foreign affair offices 
stationed outside I'nited Stati's territory should be admitted without further 
detention, unless proved to be members of subversive activity or carrying epidemic 
diseases; inuuigi'ant officers shall not have the power of detention without direct 
direction fiom the Attorney General. (Sees. 2.")l-24(), title 11, Pultlic Law 414.) 

2. Cleaning up of religious, financinl, and social discriminating factions and 
groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. resti'ictive covenants. anti-Senutism, etc. 


Equal business opportunity sliould be enforced among and extended to all 

The immigration and naturalization issue is something that can be done .iustice 
to provided we study it from moral and ethical point of view other than those 
of political, economical, or racial superiority complex. 
Respectfully yours, 

Yankee P. Tsang, Editor. 



Santa Monica, Calif., October 17, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration, 
Executive Office, Washington, D. C: 
We protest the McCarran-Walter bill as being discriminatory. 

YoMA Club Pioneer Women, 
Secretary, 3130 Mountain View, Los Angeles, Calif. 



University of California, 

October 20, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 
President's Executive Office, Washington 25, D. C. 
Gentlemen : Enclosed please find a statement prepared for your Commission 
for the public hearing of October 15, 1952, in Los Angeles. I was present at 
the hearing but on the suggestion of the secretary. Miss Navarro, I withheld 
its personal presentation. Since your calendar was crowded, and you were 
pressed for time, I acceded to her suggestion so as not to add to your burdens. 
I shall greatly appreciate receiving three copies of your report to the President, 
if one is made, two of which to be filed with the university. 
Respectfully yours, 

Constantine Panunzio, 
Professor Emeritus of Sociology. 

Statement of Mr. Constantine Panunzio, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, 
University of California, Los Angeles 

October 15, 1952. 
The President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 
Federal Building, Los Angeles, Calif. 

Distinguished Gentlemen : My statement differs from those already presented 
in two respects : ( 1 ) I speak not as a representative of any specific organization, 
and (2) I shall not dwell on those aspects already well brought out by previous 
speakers, but shall point out one aspect of present immigration laws which is 
seldom emphasized, namely, their subversive character. I speak as an immi- 
grant, who for nearly five decades has worked among or in behalf of immi- 
grants and who has devoted most of his professional life to a study of immi- 
gration and immigration laws, particularly as these affect the relations between 
nations and peoples. My published writings on migration, citizenship, and nat- 
uralization, deportation and on immigrant life in this country reveal a life- 
long and intense interest in the very questions which are under discussion here 

Permit me, first, gentlemen, respectfully to call your attention to the fact 
that the policy underlying recent United States inmiigration laws is not native 
to American soil, but is a foreign importation of dark origin. It originated in 
Australia in the 1850's; and since Australia was originally a penal colony, the 
conditions which gave rise to the white Australia policy were certainly markedly 
different from those established on this continent by the Pilgrim fathers and 
Plymouth Rock, and the Thirteen Colonies. It bespeaks of farsighted statesman- 
ship that the British Privy Council foresaw the destructive possibilities em- 


boiliud in that policy and strongly repudiated it; for the white Australia policy, 
with the discrimination and racial hatreds it incorporated came to play a 
no small part in fomenting the deep-seated discontent and detestation which in 
time — worked rather rapidly by the mills of the gods — undermined, weakened, 
and almost completely destroyed the British Empire. 

And it speaks of considerable statesmanship that President after President — 
Theodore lioosevelt, William Howard Taft, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Delano 
Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman — have seen the same destructive potentials in that 
policy, as it has step by step invaded American soil, and have firmly disapproved 
it. Recent immigration laws, embodying as they do the deep-seated discrimi- 
nations and racial hatreds of the white Australia policy, have the distinction, 
unparalleled in American legislative history, if my knowledge serves me right, 
of having been vetoed and having become laws without the President's signa- 
ture more times than any other laws ; vetoed at least seven times ; failed to pass 
over the veto three times ; twice becoming law without the President's signature. 

Why all this vetoing, this becoming law without Executive signature? Because 
recent immigration laws do not represent the heritage which brought the United 
States into existence and raised it to greatness ; because those laws do not embody 
the spirit of freedom the founding fathers fought for. It was freedom of migra- 
tion, and not discrimination, which brought to these shores most of the 39 millions 
of people from the four corners of the globe since 1820 "to build the Nation's 
walls." Down to the passing of the literacy test in the heat of war in 1917, 
America's immigration laws contained not an item of restriction or of the dis- 
crimination and hate that have crept into them since that time. 

"Having decided to go to America," writes Norman Angell in his very recent 
autobiographic "I needed no passport, no visa, no landing permit, no place on 
an immigration quota, no permission to convert sterling into dollars. I did not 
possess a passport and it occurred to no one to inquire about one. Beyond a 
few perfunctory questions by the customs people on arrival in New York there 
was no inquiry, check, control of any kind. I walked ashore as one might walk 
ashore crossing to the Isle of Wight. There seems to be a feeling in this genera- 
tion that if the freedom of movement which existed then were permitted now, 
society would fall to pieces, or blow up in disorder. But when that freedom 
of movement did exist society did not go to pieces or blow up. It was in many 
respects a great deal more stable and a great deal freer than is society today" 
(After All, p. 33). 

That freedom brought to these shore Andrew Carnegie, John Jacob Astor, 
Michael (^udahy, Charles Fleishman, David Sarnoff, William S. Knudsen (.Gen- 
eral Motors), Joseph Bulova, Pulitzer, Steinmetz, Pupin, Tesla (of Westinghouse 
fame) Einstein, and scores and scores of other stalwarts whom even the most 
unlettered American can name. 

No wonder that so many Members of the Eighty-second Congress voted against 
the so-called McCarran-Walter bill. We honor the President for vetoing that 
act and bemoan the fact that the absence of Senators, away on vote-getting busi- 
ness, made the passage of that law possible, over the President's veto, by a 
single vote. 

That law. going into effect on Christmas Eve 1952. of all things on Christmas 
Eve, is a subversive act of the greatest magnitude. By establishing the so-called 
Asiatic-Pacifie triangle, that law widens the sweep of and intensifies previous 
discriminatory laws; it erases the last trace of what the Burlingame Treaty 
of 1868 called the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and 
allegiance ; it makes the first inroad on the application of restriction to the 
Western Hemisphere, by virtually excluding Negroes from the West Indies; 
it labels all Asians (including those having .51 percent "Asian blood," as if there 
were such a thing as "Asian blood") as inferior people; and for good measure 
it adds most Jews, Eastern Europeans, Negroes to the same category. Thus 
the McCarran Act perijetuates, deepens, the racist hatreds which contributed 
so greatly to the horrors of Nazi Germany, to war, and to the destruction of that 
country. That law affronts, hurts, wounds nearly two-thirds of the human race 
and therefore is a myriad times more subversive than a few more immigrants, 
however subversive, could possibly be by residing in this country. 

The McCarran law is subversive to America's tradition in another respect : It 
jilaces enormous power in the hands of one governmental official, the Attorney 
(General, a power which in an emergency may cost us all that xVmerica means. 
It gives that one official and his subordinates the power to select immigrants; 
to arrest, sometimes without warrant; to hold in custody, sometimes without 
l)ail or with impossible, excessive bail; to deport, even into the jaws of death; 
to denaturalize even long-standing citizens, to create and maintain concentration 


camps; and to carry on many similar activities — all of which hetrays an utter 
torjietfulness of the terror days of Mitchell Palmer at the close of World War I 
or of the methods which Mussolini and Hitler employed, in time of stress, in 
plunging their countries headlong into ruin. 

We rightly denounce the iron curtain: still look at "the McCarran curtain" we 
are building : 

"A series of episodes, magnified l)y transatlantic transmission, lias nourished 
the feai's of our friends ami helped to build the picture of a nation which is for- 
getting its pioneer dedication to individual liberty. The stiff inmiigration bar- 
riers against even our most respected foreign visitors; the personal questions 
asked of anyone desiring to visit our shores, the whole series of exclusions of 
distinguished European scholars and intellectuals ; the refusal of visas to equally 
distinguished American scholars; the threat of debarring an outstanding re.sident 
of many years recently gone on a visit to (ireat Uritain unless the succession 
of such episodes is checl<ed, the abnormal and the exceptional may become the 
ti'ue reflection of America. Americans are aware of the iron curtain that Moscow 
had erected to cut its people off from cultural contact. Many of our friends 
abroad fear we are building an iron curtain of our own. and to their eyes it 
is not alwa.vs distinguishable from Moscow's" (Abstract, Joseph C. Harsch, 
The Reporter, New York, September 30, V.)~yl. p. 15). 

And if the qxiestion is asked, as it was a moment ago by your cliairman, "If the 
immigration laws are as undesirable as some of you claim, how explain their 
being passed by Congress and their being favored l)y the pulilicV", the answer 
may be given in the words of as able a statesman and journalist as Norman 
Angell : 

'"Let us keep two things clear. To give tlie public wliat it wants may be at 
times * * * extremely bad f(u- it. When it liappens to have [been fed] and 
acquired certain prejudices that may create a good deal of havoc in the world, 
it does the world ill service to feed that prejudice, persuade its victims that it is 
virtue. * * * To pander to public weakness is in some circumstances a very 
mischievous occupation. * * * q^j^p knowledge of what the public wants can 
be used to better ends" (After All, pp. 132-133). 

And if the question is asked again as it was a moment ago. "What would you 
do? Throw the gates wide open to a flood of immigrants?" The answer is, 
"Not at all." Safeguard America's acliievement and integrity in every way pos- 
sible. An immigration law could be enacted that would be in spirit, and in form, 
worthy of the country wliose name it woidd bear. Restrict but do so with 
moderation; and if the needs of the country would c.all for it, restriction could 
be flexible. Select, preferably at points of origin, but not in terms of creed, race, 
color, or culture. Every applicant could be received on the basis of his charac- 
ter, ability, occupation, health, and what not. but every applicant could be 
treated equally, in keeping with the noble tradition of equality established and 
followed throughout most of the history of this countr.v. 

I repeat, gentlemen, the present immigration law contains subversion of the 
first magnitude; it endangers — miwittingly. no doul)t, on the part of its au- 
thors — the very foundation of America. 

In all humility and with respect. I beg your honorable Commission, and 
through you the President, to do all Tn your and his power to mitigate that law 
and pave the way, in every possible way, for its repeal and replacement. 

And if you \\ill, gentlemen, will you permit me to quote a few lines from Kip- 
ling witli which, of course, you are thoroughly familiar? I quote tlieni not for 
their poetic eloquence, not for the warning which they once sounded. I quote 
them because they have liecome stark and unforgettable history. 

"The tumult and the shouting dies — 
The Captains and the Kings depart — 
Still stands Thine ancient sacrifice, 
An humble and a contrite heart. 

If, (li'unk with sight of power, we loose 

Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe — 

Such boastings as the Gentiles use. 
Or lesser breeds without the Law— • 

For heathen heart that puts her trust 

In reeking tube and iron shard — 
All valiant dust that builds on dust. 

And guarding calls not Thee to guard — 

Judge of the Naticms, spare us yet. 
Lest we forget — lest we forget!" 




Law 414 

It is urged that the Mc-Canaii-Walter bill, Immi.m-ation ami Nationality Act, 
Public Law 414. be reiiealed or anieuded to remove those elements of the law 
which are unconstilutioiial. 

This contention of uneonstilutionality is based upon the fact that this law: 

1. Contravenes the United Nations Treaty as a law of the land. 

L'. Contravenes the United Nations Treaty, if not as a law of the land, 
as an aspiration or statement of policy of the United States. 

.">. Contra\t'nes the basic i)bilosophical concept uiiou which our Nation and its 
laws are based, i. e.. Christian concept of the di.unity of human beiui;s, the 
eipiality of humans l)efor<' God, 

4. Cont ravent's the I iiittd Nati<ins (barter of l!»4r) as a law of the land: 

'•AH treaties made, or which shall be iiiade. uundcr the authority of the United 
States shall be the supreme law of tlie land"; article VI of the ConstitutU)n of 
the United States. 

Under the above, if has l)ecii held that a treaty has at least etjual force with 
the Constitution itself. 

In 'Ware v. HyJton {'.\ Dall VM) Justice Cushing said: "The treaty, then, as 
to the pctint in question, is of eipial force with the Constitution itself, and cer- 
taiidy, with any law whatsoever."" 

Under the decision of Mo. v. Holland the following doctrine is operative: Acts 
of Congress are the supreme law of the land only When made in pursuance of 
the Constitution, while treaties are declared to be so when made under the 
autb(-rity of the United States. 

Under the United Nations Charter, chapter IX, article 55, the United Nations 
shall promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fiinda- 
luental freeilom for all withcnit distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. 

Chapter IX, article 50: ■"All members pledge themselves to take .joint and 
separate action in cooperation witii the organization for the achievements of the 
purpose set forth in article 55. "" 

In December 194S, the General Assembly of the United Nations passed a 
universal declaration of liumau rights atlirming among other tilings that "All 
bunian beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They should act 
toward one another in a spirit of brotherhood." Article I : Everyone is entitled to 
all the rights and freedoms in this declaration without distinction of any kind, 
such as race, color, sex, language, religion, pt^ilitical or other opinion, national 
or social origin, property, birth, or other status. 

A pi rusal of tiie Charter renders it manifest that the restrictions contained in 
the McCarran-Walter bill are in direct conflict with the plain terms of tlie 
Charter above-quoted. It is incompatible with article 56 of the United Nations 
Charter, whicli has the status of :i treaty, under the authority of the United 
States and thus is a suprenu' law of tlie land of like status as the Constitution 
of the United Slates. 

Tb.e right to legislate en immigration qnd naturalization is a power granted to 
the Congress. Section S, article I, however, now with the lecognition of the 
United Nations, the United States occupies a position to the United Nations 
sinular to a State to the National Government, hence like a State which has b?en 
denied the use of race or language as a mode of classification for the purpose 
of the law (art. 18) so Congress in exercising its power to legislate on inuni- 
gration is limited as to its use of religion, sex. race, and language in tiie ( xercise 
of its constitutional power. 

Thus it is contended that the legislation of Congress in the above bill is 
uncoiistitutiomd the <iuota system is arliitrary, unreasonable, and l)a.sed 
upon race. sex. language, as for e::ample : 

(a) The quota of an immigraiu who is attributable by as mucii as one-iialf 
of his ancestry to a people ov peoples indigenous to the Asia Pacific triangle is 
determined by the following rules: 

1. An imnugrant born within a separate (piota area situate wholly within 
the Asia-Pacific triangle is chargeable to the quota for the separate (piota area 
in which he was born. For exanqde, a i)erson of Japanese ancestry born in 


Korea is chargeable to the quota of Korea ; and a person of Korean ancestry 
born in Japan is chargeable to the quota of Japan. 

2. An immigrant born within a colony or other dependent area situate wholly 
within the Asia-Pacific triangle is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific quota. For 
example, a Japanese immigrant born in Hong Kong is chargeable to the Asia- 
Pacific quota of 100, and now to the quota of Great Britain or of Japan. 

3. An immigrant born outside of the Asia-Pacific triangle who it attributable 
by as much as one-half of his ancestry to a people or peoples indigenous to not 
more than one separate quota area situate wholly within the Asia-Pacific tri- 
angle is chargeable to the quota of that quota area. For example, an immigrant 
born in France of an English mother and an Indonesian father is chargeable 
to the quota of Indonesia. 

4. An immigrant born outside the Asia-Pacific triangle who is attributable by 
as much as one-half of his ancestry to a people or peoples indigenous to one 
or more colonial or other dependent areas situate wholly within the Asia-Pacific 
triangle is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific quota. For example, an immigrant 
born in the Netherlands of Malayan ancestry is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific. 

5. An immigrant born outside the Asia-Pacific triangle who is attributable 
by as much as one-half of his ancestry to peoples indigenous to two or more 
separate quota areas situate wholly within the Asia-Pacific triangle or to a 
quota area or areas and one or more colonies and other dependent areas situate 
wholly therein, is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific quota. For example, an immi- 
grant born in France of a Japanese father and a Malayan mother, or of a 
Korean father and an Indonesian mother, is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific quota. 

6. An immigrant child, who is attributable by as much as one-half of his 
ancestry to a people or peoples indigenous to the Asia-Pacific triangle, when 
accompanied by his alien parent or parents, may be charged to the quota of thie 
accompanying parent or to the quota of either accompanying parent, if such 
parent has received or would be qualified for an immigrant visa, if necessary 
to prevent the separation of child and parent. For example, a child born in 
China of a Japanese mother and a British father may be charged to the British 

7. An immigrant who is attributable by as much as one-half of his ancestry 
to a people or peoples indigenous to the Asia-Pacific triangle, may not be charged 
to the quota of his accompanying spouse, but is chargeable to a quota as de- 
scribed above under (1) to (5). For example, the alien wife of the Chinese 
ancestry who accompanies a British or a Japanese husband is chargeable to the 
Chinese quota. 

8. A Chinese person, that is a person who is attributable by as much as one- 
half of his ancestry to the Chinese people, is, regardless of place of birth, always 
chargeable to the Chinese quota of 105, unless he is entitled to nonquota status 
under one of the classes described below under ( ?) ) , or imless he may be charged 
to the quota of a parent as described above under (6) (sees. 201 (a). 202 (a) (b)). 

The quota for China of 100 is available to persons who are not Chinese persons 
and who are chargeable to it under the general rules described above governing 
.|uota chargeability. 

For example, a quota immigrant who is a Chinese person is chargeable to the 
CThinese quota whether born in Great Britain, China, or Argentina. A quota 
immigrant born in China of Korean or of French parents is chargeable to the 
quota of China. 

It is the above regulations which are arbitrai'y. discriminatory, unreasonable 
in their quota classification, and taint the law as unconstitutional, because the 
quota classifications are based on race and language. Also the over-all deter- 
mination of the quota to which an immigrant is chargeable is also tainted. 
In its discrimination against Negroes, orientals, and non-Caucasians and colonials, 
therefore the act of Congress is contrary to the supreme law of the land and 
treaties made pursuant thereto. 

An immigrant born in a colony or other dependent area for which no separate 
or specific quota has been established is chargeable to the quota of the governing 
country, but not more than 100 quota numbers from the quota of the governing 
country may be issued in any one year for immigrants born in a particular colony 
or dependent area. For example, an immigrant born in Malta or Jamaica is 
chargeable to the British quota, but not more than 100 immigrants born in Malta 
and not more than 100 immigrants born in Jamaica may be issued visas within 
1 year (sec. 202 (a) (3)). 

2. Contravenes the United Nations treaty, if not as a law of the land, as an 
aspiration or statement of policy of the United States. 


If, as some contend, the United Nations Treaty is but a statement of policy 
or aspiration, tlie RlcCarran Act for tlie reasons mentioned under I are con- 
trary to the public policy of the United States, in basin;^ its quota system on race, 
language, which are arbitrary and unreasonable classification. 

3. Contravenes the basic philosophical concepts upon which our Nation and 
its laws are based. 

The idea behind this discriminatory policy was, to put it baldly, that Ameri- 
cans with English or Irish names were better people and better citizens than 
Americiins with Italian or Greek or Polish names. It was thought that people 
of West European origin made better citizens than Rumanians or Yugoslavs or 
Ukrainians or Hungarians or Baits or Austrians. 

Such a concept is utterly unworthy of our traditions and our ideals. It violates 
the gi'eat politie-al doctrine of the Declaration of Independence that "All men are 
created equal." It denies the humanitarian creed inscribed beneath the Statue 
of Liberty proclaiming to all nations : 

"Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses, yearning to breathe 

It repudiates our basic religious concepts, our belief in the brotherhood of man, 
and in the words of St. Paul that "there is neither .lew nor Greek, there is neither 
bond nor free * * * for ye ai"e all one in Christ Jesus." 

Text of President's message of June 25, 1952, vetoing the McCarran-Walter bill. 

Submitted this day, November 3, 1952, by Los Angeles Branch of NAACP. 

(Signed) Evebette M. Porter, 
Chairman Legal Redress Committee, 

Los Angeles Branch of NAACP. 


11650 Kittridge Street, 
North ffollytvood, Calif., November 12, 1952. 
President's Commission on Immigration and Naturalization, 

Washington, D. C. 

Gentlemen : I made the trip from the San Fernando Valley to Los Angeles 
when your commission met here, but as you will remember, some of us who were 
scheduled to speak could not be heard. But I well remember the Jevv'ish groups 
who insisted on being heard — including Rose Chernin Kusnitz, Communist con- 
victed under the Smith Act in our courts here. 

It is my belief tliat it is chiefly Jewish pressure groups w^hich have tried to 
influence the President to circumvent the actions of both the Congress and the 
Senate in their passing of the McCarran bill. I enclose newspaper clipping (1) 
as proof of the desire of Israel to have our laws changed in order that they may 
have dual citizenship. Would they object to this change applying to German 
soldiei'S? Or would the rest of us object to its application to Russian soldiers? 

Jewish pressure groups put those of us who have been tolerant and broad- 
minded in the past in an impossible situation — they force us to say, "Your race 
has come in under all quotas — more than any other ; you have used the Nazi 
persecution as the opening wedge which you pry further and further open until 
you would change the face of our people by your numbers. And now you want 
dual citizenshiii — you want the United States to be both the banker and protector 
of Israel." 

We have heard too much of minority-group persecution ; majorities have rights, 
too. As a member of (he majority group may I point out tliat it appears that 
as a minority they furnished us with a disproportionate number of spies and 
traitors — Judith Coplon, Gold, Greeiiglass, the Rosenbergs, Rose Chernin Kus- 
nitz. (However, do not misunderstand me. I have explained to many that 
while this woman was present at the hearing that your chairman refused to 
let her proceed.) But, may I ask, would you have known she was a convicted 
Comnuinist had not some alert good American pointed the fact out to you? 
Would her testimony have been carried back to the President as an "expression of 
the peoples desires?" (And I trust you read the Tenney reports handed you.) 

For the record I want it clearly known that I am not opposed to any good 
American of the Jewish race or religion, or whatever one may designate these 
citizens. I would defend them just as royally as the President or any so-called 
"defender of the peoples rights." Perhaps in the end I might be a better friend. 


liecause I would say to them, "You are going to become heartily disliketl, maybe 
even persecuted, if you don't stop this clamor for special privilege." 

Setting up of Israel appears to have been done with American money, and at 
tlie expense of oiir good relations with the Arab countries. We are supposed 
to pay (in money) for that, too. Tlierefore, we woo one group and alienate 
another. And that, for my money, is plain stupid. I lielieve that if the Jews of 
Israel expect $715,000,000 reparations from Germany that they should be forced 
to pay reparations to the Arabs whom they, in turn, drove from their homes. 
The Germans drove out the Jews — the Jews drove out the Aralis. What differ- 
ence is there except pressure groups who try to prove the Jews lily white and 
"persecuted" V And maybe American boys will die fighting the Arabs. 

I quote Representative Celler of New York, "As a Zionist, he (Kabbi Silver) 
should be on his hands and knees to Truman." This gags me — on his liands and 
knees for wliat? Special privilege? Successful lobliying for Jews and Israel? 

If I have anti-semitism it came from the Jews themselves. For 7 years I had 
a family of Kussian Jews from Odessa (»n the Black Sea move in next door to 
me and make my life a hell on earth. I had to use almost every law-enforcing 
body to convince them that America is not simply a land of gimme, but that 
we are a great Nation because we believe in justice for all, including ourselves. 

And yet I had to weep when my Jewish doctor died, a wonderful American 
citizen who once said to me, "I don't know what's the matter with some members 
of my race — they are never satisfied; they want to corner everything." And 
that to my mind should lie taken to heart by every Jew who wislies his race to 

In writing this letter I am fully in mind of the Jewish Anti-Defamation League. 
Now isn't that something? A Jewish Gestapo which aims, evidently to silence, 
to persecute, to threaten, to intimidate all who dare to criticize. I am not 
against any man because of his race, but neither will I excuse any man because 
of his race. I am probably on tlieir black list already because I help; d evict 
a Zionist-Communist group from a civic association when they taught children 
from known Connnunist books, and had the Zionist tlag above the American 
tlag! And that, gentlemen, is where, in the books of many Jews, the Zionist 
flag is — right above the American flag. Are you going to uphold that? As a 
plain American citizen I say that you had better look twice before advocating 
any lowering of immigration laws — in fact, I think you should advocate a 
detinite check on Jewish immigration and see that the present unbalance is cor- 
rected at once. 

There is also the economic angle. Here in the San Fernando Valley I have 
heard of Jewish immigrants who aren't musicians being placed in orchestras, 
of seamstresses who can't sew being placed in wardrobe departments of the 
studios, of refugee painters replacing gentile ones of American born — I could 
cite numerous others. I have helped build our scliools and watched them talve 
over — so on ad in nitum. 

The $50,000,000 bond drive for Israel was bad enough, but if they are at the 
root of the attenn>t to change our protective laws, as the news dispatches seem 
to indicate, then American citizens will have to take more positive action even, 
than they did in the recent elections — and I ask you, do you expect anything 
clearer than that from the American people? Tinman should quietly slide out 
of oflice. But for God's sake don't let him slip in some luiderground last-minute 
changes for wliich the rest of us will have to suffer. 

American citizen ( and believe it or not, a Democi-at). 

Mrs. Mildred J. Field. 

P. S. — My own nice manuscript paper, my own morning, my own 4-cent 
envelope. For what? Believe me, for America ! 

Israeli Asks I'NTTEn States To Sift Conflicting Laws 

(New York Times News Service) 

Tel Aviv. Israel, November 4. — The Israeli Government has instructed Abba 
S. Eban, its Ambassador in Washington, to approach the State Department with 
a series of proposals in an urgent effort to overcome tlie conflict between the 
Israeli military service law and the ]McCarran Act. 

The conflict may force some Americans who are residents hei-e to choose be- 
tween giving up United States citizenship or deserting from the Israeli army. 

Under Israeli law, every i>ermanent resident of the country, regardless of 
nationality, is liable to military service — men from 18 to 45, and women without 


children from IS to 34. Alioul i2,(KM> Tnitcd States citizens nre included in 
these fii-oups. 

Tiie United States hitherto had raised no olOection to such service provided 
the American citizen took no oalli of allegiance to a forei'-ni state. 

But according: to the McUairan Act. winch jioes iido effect l)ecenil>er 24. any 
United States citizen who scrvi-s in the armed forces of another country will auto- 
matically lose his citizenshii). Many American residents, ^^■ho asserti'd their de- 
sire to retain American citizenshiit when Israel's Nationality Act went into effect 
last July, thus may lose their citizenshii) after all if they comply with the 
Israeli law. 

Ueller (in a statement issued in New York) : "Silver's action is in liad taste 
and an alTront to Zionists like myself. It all proves that when a rabbi steps 
off his pulpit and turns ])olitician, he lu'comes a liad rahl>i and a worse politi- 
cian. . As a Zionist. li(» (Siivei'i should be on his Iiands and knees in 
iiralitude to Truman." 

ISKAEL Economic Paulj:y Opknku T'o I'itsh I'.onos 

The first west coast economic conference for Israel opened a 2-day session 
in the Embassy Koom of the Ambassador last nii:lit. 

Harold J. (lOldeni)erg, director of the Israel Investment C'entei-. and Virgil 
Pinkley, editor-publisher of the Los Angeles Mirror, wei'e princij>al speakers at 
the initial session. 

Goldenberg stressed the point that private iu\estments in Israel cannot continue 
unless bonds are sold to rinance the nation's basic needs for transportation and 
other industries, without which the new nation cannot advance economically. 

However, he pointed out. this is one time in which a people can invest in the 
future of a nation whose determination is to carve an economic security out 
of a heritage that dates back thousands of years. 

lj:adkrs of drive 

Max Lapin, Los Angeles Israel bond chairman, was in charge of the opening 
session, as.-isted by Mrs. Isadove Roseuus. chairnuin of the wiunen's division 
for the Los Angeles Connnittee f(U' Israel Bonds. Also among the speakers was 
Harry Beilin, Israel consul for the west coast. 

A workshop session will lie held starting at 10 a. m. today in the Ambassador 
Theater, when Henry Montor. Israel bond executive, will lead a discussion of 
means to realize the full $.3(M).(K)0,()U() Israel independence bond issue. There 
will be a luncheon in Cocoanut Grove today with r>en Swig of San Francisco as 
chairman and Lt. Gov. Goodwin Knight, Leon H. Keysei-ling and Maurice Samuel 
as speakers. 


Cairo, November 8 (UP). — Seven Arab states were reported today to have 
threatened to bi-eak off economic relations with West Germany unless the Ger- 
mans within 24 hours renounce their agreement to pay Israel $715,000,000 in 

The lionn government is expected to ignore or iv.1ect the reported ultimatum. 

An informed but nnoflicial source said Egyptian Premier Mohammed Naguib 
handed the ultimatum to Gnenther Pawelke, German Ambassador to Egypt, 
immediately after a meeting of the Arab League Political Connnittee last night. 

Naguib said he will meet Pawelke again today, just before the next meeting of 
the committee, to hear (iermany's reiily. The Arab League comprises Egypt, 
Saudi-Arabia, Syria, Lebanon. Iraq, Jordan, and Yemen. 

Naguib, who is chairman of the political connnittee, said the German-Israeli 
reparations agreement rei)resenls a greater threat to the Arab world than the of trade with (Germany. 

Other Arab sources said Germany's payment of $715,000,000 worth of repara- 
tions to Isiael would almost nullify the Arab states' blockade of the Jewish state 
and give a shot in the arm to any Israeli nulitary preparations against its Arab 

1'Iie German-Israeli reparations agreement was .signed in Luxend)urg last 
September 10. It was designed to compensate Jews for their suffering at the 
hands of Nazis. 

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