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HEARINGS  REGARDING  COMMUNIST  INFILTRATION 
OF  LABOR  UNIONS— PART  1 

(Local  601,  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers 
of  America,  CIO,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 


HEARINGS 

^j  l^  '(jyi^i)iA^'     -^  •  BEFORE  THE  ^- 

COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

EIGHTY-FIRST  CONGRESS 

FIRST  SESSION 


AUGUST  9,  10,  AND  11,  1949 


Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 


UNITED  STATES 
GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
'5613  WASHINGTON  :  1949 

PUBLIC      ) 


K^)354^ 


in 


OCT  ."?  19« 


COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 
United  States  House  of  Representatives 

JOHN  S.  WOOD,  Georgia,  Chairman 
FRANCIS  E.  WALTER,  Pennsylvania  J.  PARNELL  THOMAS,  New  Jersey 

BURR  P.  HARRISON,  Virginia  RICHARD  M.  NIXON,  California 

JOHN  McSWEENEY,  Ohio  FRANCIS  CASE,  South  Dakota 

MORGAN  M.  MOULDER,  Missouri  HAROLD  H.  VELDB,  lUinois 

Prank  S.  Tavennee,  Jr.,  Counsel 

Louis  J.  Russell,  Senior  Investigator 

John  W.  Caerington,  Clerk  of  Committee 

Benjamin  Mandel,  Director  of  Research 

II 


CONTENTS 


August  9,  1949: 

Testimony  of —  Page 

Louis  J.  Russell 542 

Joseph  Zack  Kornf eder 545 

Charles  Edward  Copeland 580 

William  Henry  Peeler 587 

Blair  ISeese 591 

Stanley  E.  Glass 595 

August  10,  1949: 
Testimony  of — 

Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick 599 

Frank  Panzino 607 

Robert  C.  Whisner . 611 

August  11,  1949: 
Testimony  of — 

Thomas  Quinn 633 

Louis  J.  Russell 636 

Joseph  Zack  Komfeder 637 

Louis  J.  Russell 643 

Appendix 650 

*  III 


HEAEINGS  REaAKDING  COMMUNIST  INFILTRATION  OF 

LABOR  UNIONS-PART  1 

(Local  601.  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers 
of  America,  CIO,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.) 


TUESDAY,  AUGUST  9,   1949 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 
Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities, 

Washington^  D.  G. 

public  hearings 

A  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  met 
pursuant  to  call  at  10 :  30  a.  m.,  in  room  226,  Old  House  Office  Building, 
Hon.  John  S.  Wood  (chairman)  presiding. 

Committee  members  present:  Representatives  John  S.  Wood, 
Francis  E.  Walter,  Burr  P.  Harrison,  and  John  McSweeney. 

Staff  members  present :  Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  counsel ;  Louis  J. 
Russell,  senior  investigator ;  Donald  T.  Appell,  investigator ;  John  W. 
Carrington,  clerk;  Benjamin  Mandel,  director  of  research;  and  A.  S. 
Poore,  editor. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  committee  will  be  in  order,  please. 

The  record  will  disclose  that  Mr.  Walter,  Mr.  McSweeney,  and  Mr. 
Wood  are  present. 

Mr.  Attorney,  do  you  have  something  this  morning? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  purpose  of  this  hearing  is  to; 
inquire  into  the  question  of  Communist  affiliation  or  association  of 
certain  members  of  Local  601  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio  and 
Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO,  which  is  engaged  in  work  at  indus- 
trial plants  important  to  the  national  defense. 

Tlie  advisability  of  recommending  legislation  providing  for  security 
standards,  and  the  advisability  of  tightening  present  security  require- 
ments in  industrial  plants  working  on  certain  Govermnent  contracts, 
was  considered  by  the  committee  in  both  its  open  and  executive  ses- 
sions on  June  6, 1949,  as  a  result  of  the  testimony  of  Leona  and  Joseph 
Franey  and  Loren  G.  Haas. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Wood,  tlie  chairman  of  this  com- 
mittee, offered  H.  R.  3903,  section  2  of  which  would  make  it  an  offense 
for  any  individual  employed  in  connection  with  the  performance  of 
any  national  defense  contract  "(1)  to  become  or  remain  a  member  of, 
or  affiliated  with,  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica, or  any  organization  which  shall  have  been  designated  as  subversive 
by  the  Attorney  General;  (2)  to  contribute  funds  or  services  to  the 
Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  of  America  or  to  any  organiza- 
tion which  shall  have  been  designated  as  subversive  by  the  Attorney 

541 


542  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

General;  or  (3)  to  advise,  counsel,  or  urge  any  other  individual  em- 
ployed in  connection  with  the  performance  of  any  national  defense 
contract  to  perform,  or  to  omit  to  perform,  any  act  if  such  act  or 
omission  would  constitute  a  violation  of  clause  (1)  or  (2)  of  this  sec- 
tion.''   This  bill  was  referred  to  this  committee. 

It  is  the  further  purpose  of  this  hearing  to  develop  facts  for  the 
committee's  consideration  in  connection  with  this  resolution. 

I  desire  to  call  as  the  first  witness,  Mr.  Russell. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Russell,  will  you  hold  up  your  right  hand,  please. 
Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  will 
be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you 
God? 

Mr.  Russell.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  LOUIS  J.  EUSSELL 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  your  name  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Louis  J.  Russell. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  the  record  show  Mr.  Harrison  is  here. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  what  capacity  are  you  employed  by  this  com- 
mittee ? 

Mr.  Russell.  As  senior  investigator. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  so  employed  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Since  May  1945. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Prior  to  that  time,  where  were  you  employed  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  By  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell,  in  the  course  of  your  investigations, 
did  you  ascertain  that  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission  had  issued  an 
order  relative  to  loyalty  in  certain  labor  unions  engaged  in  classified 
atomic  energy  work  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  I  did. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  have  before  you  the  letter  of  the  Atomic 
Energy  Commission  of  November  1, 1948,  addressed  to  Mr.  Charles  E. 
Wilson,  president  of  General  Electric  Co.  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  I  do. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  read  it  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes.  The  letter,  dated  November  1, 1948,  is  addressed 
to  Mr.  Charles  E.  Wilson,  president.  General  Electric  Co.,  570  Lexing- 
ton Avenue  at  Fifty-first  Street,  New  York  22,  N.  Y. 

Dear  Mr.  Wilson  :  Under  date  of  September  27,  1948,  the  Atomic  Energy  Com- 
mission directed  that  the  General  Electric  Co.  not  recognize  the  United  Electrical, 
Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO  (UE),  as  the  bargaining  repre- 
sentative of  any  persons  to  be  employed  by  it  at  the  new  Knolls  Atomic  Power 
Laboratory,  Schenectady,  N.  Y.  This  direction  was  based  upon  information  con- 
cerning alleged  Communist  affiliation  or  association  of  various  officers  of  UE.  The 
positions  occupied  within  UE  by  these  officers  are  such  that  they  exercise  ad- 
ministrative, negotiating,  or  disciplinary  authority  within  the  union  over  General 
Electric  Co.  employees  engaged  at  other  atomic  energy  facilities  at  Schenectady 
where  UE  is  the  recognized  bargaining  agent. 

This  information  when  taken  together  with  the  failure  of  these  officers  to  file 
non-Communist  affidavits  under  the  Labor  Management  Relations  Act,  led  the 
Commission  to  conclude  that  thei-e  is  a  very  serious  question  as  to  whether 
representation  of  atomic  energy  workers  at  Schenectady  by  a  union  in  which 
such  officers  occupied  important  positions  is  consistent  with  that  full  and  un- 
qualified adherence  and  loyalty  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States  that  the 
security  of  the  Nation  and  the  policy  of  the  Atomic  Energy  Act  of  1946  require. 

Under  dates  of  October  6  and  October  22,  1948,  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  543 

wrote  Mr.  Albert  J.  Fitzgerald,  general  president  of  the  UE,  in  connection 
with  the  Commission's  direction  to  the  General  Electric  Co.  The  Commission 
concluded,  however,  that  unless  this  very  serious  question  should  be  cleared 
up  satisfactorily  the  Commission  intended  to  take  such  further  steps  as  may  be 
necessary  to  assure  that  these  officers  do  not  exercise  administrative,  negotiating 
or  disciplinary  autliority  over  CJeneral  Electric  Co.  employees  engaged  in 
atomic  energy  work,  at  Schenectady.  The  Commission  offered  the  officers  of  UB 
every  opportunity  to  participate  in  a  fuller  exploration  of  this  issue. 

On  October  26,  1948,  Mr.  Fitzgerald  replied  to  the  Commission's  letters  of 
October  6  and  22,  1948.  From  this  reply  it  appears  that  the  officers  of  UE 
do  not  intend  to  avail  themselves  of  this  proffered  opportunity  to  participate 
in  a  fuller  exploration  of  this  question.  In  particular  it  api)ears  that  the 
officers  do  not  intend  to  answer  questions  or  submit  facts  concerning  their 
loyalty  and  their  associations  with  Communist  Party  organizations,  as  in  our 
view  they  must  do,  in  their  capacity  of  officers  of  unions  who  have  wide  authority 
•over  atomic  energy  activity  personnel. 

Accordingly  the  Atomic  Enery  Commission  now  directs  that  General  Electric 
Co.  withdraw  and  withhold  recognition  from  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and 
Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO,  in  respect  to  any  employees  of  General 
Electric  Co.  engaged  on  work  at  AEC-owned  or  AEC-leased  installations  in  the 
Schenectady  area  or  engaged  on  atomic  work  which  is  defined  as  classified  by  the 
Atomic  Energy  Commission  and  being  performed  by  the  General  Electric  Co. 

A  reappraisal  of  the  situation  will  be  made  within  a  reasonable  period  of 
time  after  you  have  taken  the  necessary  action  to  comply  with  this  directive. 
You  will  thereafter  be  advised  as  to  any  further  steps  that  may  be  necessary. 

We  wish  to  emphasize  that  this  action,  while  made  necessary  by  this  refusal 
•of  these  particular  union  officers  to  accept  obligations  as  to  loyalty  investiga- 
tions (which  their  own  members  engaged  in  classified  atomic  energy  work  have 
all  accepted),  is  in  no  wise  a  reflection  on  the  membership  of  this  union,  em- 
ployees of  your  company,  who  have  been  investigated  and  cleared.  Further,  we 
take  this  opportunity  again  to  make  it  clear  that  the  Commission  does  not  object 
to  General  Electric  Co.  extending  recognition  as  bargaining  agent  for  atomic 
energy  workers  to  any  labor  organization  whose  officers  have  met  the  requisite 
standards  in  respect  to  full  and  unqualified  adherence  and  loyalty  to  the  interests 
of  the  United  States. 
Sincerely  yours, 

United  States  Atomic  Energy  Commission. 
David  E.  Liuenthal,  Chairman. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell,  are  you  familiar  with  the  magazine 
known  as  New  Times  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  is  that  magazine  published? 

Mr.  Russell.  In  Moscow. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  it  a  Communist  organ  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  It  is.  It  is  an  international  organ  of  the  Communist 
Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  the  action  of  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission 
reported  to  this  international  organ  of  the  Communist  Rarty  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  it  was.  In  the  issue  of  January  1, 1949,  volume  1, 
of  New  Times,  which  is  published  by  the  newspaper  Trud  in  Moscow, 
there  is  contained  an  article  on  page  30  which  refers  to  "The  American 
Electrical  Workers'  Union  and  its  enemies."  The  article  states,  in  the 
first  paragraph : 

Julius  Emspak,  general  secretary-treasurer  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio  and 
Machine  Workers  of  America,  a  Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations  affiliate, 
has  sent  us — and  other  publications — a  copy  of  a  letter  which  his  union  some  time 
ago  addressed  to  David  E.  Lilienthal,  chairman  of  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission. 
In  the  covering  message  Mr.  Emspak  writes: 

Do  you  want  me  to  read  the  letter? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  No,  I  will  not  ask  you  to  read  the  letter,  but  I  will 
ask  you  to  state  whether  or  not  this  organ  of  the  Communist  Party 


544  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

upheld  Mr.  Emspak  in  his  objection  to  the  order  of  the  Atomic  Energy 
Commision  ? 
Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  it  did.    The  last  sentence  of  the  article  states : 

*  *  *  the  activities  of  the  UE  and  the  stand  taken  by  its  officers  are  proof 
that  the  course  now  pursued  by  the  right  wing  A.  F.  of  L.  and  CIO  leaders  does 
not  correspond  to  the  needs,  interests,  and  sentiments  of  the  trade  union  rank 
and  file. 

Mr.  Taa^nner.  With  regard  to  the  stand  taken  by  the  CIO  labor 
union  at  that  time  in  regard  to  the  order  which  you  read,  was  that  the 
subject  of  litigation?  That  is,  did  the  CIO  contest  in  the  courts  the 
legality  of  the  directive  of  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission  with  re- 
gard to  loyalty  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Not  the  CIO ;  the  UE  did.  They  filed  suit  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  in  a  ruling  issued  by  F.  Dickinson  Letts, 
judge,  it  was  stated : 

The  action  of  AEC  of  which  the  plaintiffs  complained  was  authorized  by  the 
Atomic  Energy  Act ;  the  court  lacks  jurisdiction  over  the  subject  matter  of  the 
action  in  that  the  complainant  seeks  to  control  executive  action  committed 
by  law  to  the  discretion  of  the  AEC,  and  this  court  will  not  interfere  with  the 
exercise  of  such  discretion ;  the  complaint  contains  no  suflicient  allegation  that 
the  action  of  the  AEC,  complained  of,  was  arbitrary,  capricious,  or  an  abuse  of 
discretion ;  no  substantial  constitutional  question  is  presented ;  the  Adminis- 
trative Procedure  Act  is  not  applicable  to  the  case. 

Counsel  for  defendants  will  submit  appropriate  orders  dismissing  the  com- 
plaint. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  the  date  of  that  order  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  April  25,  1949. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  desire  to  offer  in  evidence  the  letter  of  November 
1,  1948,  read  by  Mr.  Russell,  mark  it  "Exhibit  Russell  1";  the  issue 
of  New  York  Times  of  January  1,  1949,  mark  it  "Exhibit  Russell  2']; 
and  the  decision  of  the  court  which  was  read,  and  mark  it  "Exhibit 
Russell  3."  1 

Mr.  Wood.  Without  objection  they  will  be  admitted. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell,  the  order  of  the  Atomic  Energy  Com- 
mission was  directed  to  the  General  Electric  Co.  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  That  is  true. 

Mr,  Tavenner.  With  what  industrial  plant  is  the  union,  local  601, 
associated  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Westinghouse  Electrical  Manufacturing  Co, 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  it  engaged,  to  your  knowledge,  in  work  for  de- 
fense projects  at  this  time? 

Mr.  Russell.  Not  at  the  present  time,  to  my  knowledge,  but  it  has 
been  engaged  in  defense  projects  in  the  past  and  has  performed  work 
for  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission. 

I  would  like  to  bring  out  the  fact  that  statements  have  been  issued 
that  these  hearings  were  hastily  arranged  without  committee  consent. 
I  think  the  record  should  show  that  this  local  601  was  first  investi- 
gated in  1946.  I  personally  conducted  that  investigation  and  made  a 
report  which  is  in  the  files  of  this  committee.  The  present  investiga- 
tion was  instituted  in  April,  and  three  of  the  witnesses  who  will  ap- 
pear this  morning  were  contacted  by  Investigator  Alvin  Stokes.  He 
submitted  a  report,  contained  in  the  fileji  of  this  committee,  and  on 
the  basis  of  information  contained  in  that  report  these  hearings 
were  set  up. 

*  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Exhibits  Russell  1,  2,  and  3. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS  545 

]\rr.  Taa'enner.  Was  that  April  1949? 

Mr.  Russell.  April  1949. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  No  further  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mv.  Walter.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  back  in  April  this  phase  of  the 
inquiry  was  in  connection  with  evidence  developed  concerning  the 
Buffalo  situation,  was  it  not  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  sir. 

I\Ir.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr.  Harrison.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  McSweeney. 

Mr.  McSweeney.  No  questions. 

Mr.  AVooD.  The  investigation  of  this  local  conducted  in  1946,  Mr. 
Russell,  was  a  rather  intensive  investigation  and  was  under  your 
supervision  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  there  was  a  report  filed  with  this  committee  in 
connection  with  that  investigation  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Ta\t:nner.  Before  hearing  testimony  of  the  officers  and  mem- 
bers of  local  601  I  desire  to  offer,  as  general  background  material,  the 
testimony  of  Mr.  Joseph  Zack  Kornfeder,  who  will  describe  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Communist  International  of  Moscow  over  a  broad  field  of 
activity,  including  that  of  labor  unions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Kornfeder,  do  you  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you 
are  about  to  give  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but 
the  trutli,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  do. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  a  seat  and  give  the  reporter  your  name  and  present 
address  and  identification. 

TESTIMONY  OF  JOSEPH  ZACK  KORNFEDER 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Mr.  name  is  Joseph  Zack  Kornfeder.  My  address 
is  3210  Book  Tower,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Kornfeder,  are  you  now  or  have  you  ever  been 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  U.  S.  A.  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  have  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party, 
from  1919  until  1934. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Under  what  name  were  you  a  member  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  was  known  in  the  party  under  the  name  of 
Joseph  Zack. 

Mr.  Ta\tsnner.  How  do  you  account  for  the  fact  that  you  used 
the  name  Joseph  Zack  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  used  the  name  Joseph  Zack  in  a  legal  sense ;  that 
was  the  maiden  name  of  my  mother. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  positions  have  you  held  in  the  Communist 
Party,U.  S.  A.? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  started  as  tlie  branch  organizer  in  New  York 
City;  and  then  became  a  section  organizer  of  the  Communist  Party 
in  New  York  City  for  Yorkville  and  Harlem ;  and  then  became  a  sub- 
district  organizer,  the  subdistrict  at  that  time  including  a  part  of 
New  York  City  and  upper  New  Jersey;  and  then  became  district 


546  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

organizer  of  the  Communist  Party,  New  York  City,  which  covered 
New  York  State,  Connecticut,  and  New  Jersey. 

Then  I  became  a  member  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  of  the  United  States  and  the  director  of  labor-union 
activities  of  the  Communist  Party  on  a  national  scale;  and  later  on, 
on  a  limited  scale,  in  the  East  and  in  Ohio  and  Kentucky. 

Then  I  was  sent  to  Moscoav  for  further  training  in  the  arts  of 
organization  and  political  warfare  in  1927,  and  remained  in  Moscow 
until  April  or  May  1930.  During  my  stay  in  Moscow  I  was  a  member 
of  the  Anglo-American  secretariat  of  the  Communist  International 
for  a  period  of  nearly  2  years,  and  was  a  member  of  the  same  type  of 
secretariat  of  the  Red  International  of  Labor  Unions. 

Upon  completing  my  studies  in  the  Lenin  School  and  my  activities 
at  the  headquarters  of  the  Communist  International  I  was  sent  as  a 
representative  of  the  Communist  International  to  South  America, 
and  stayed  there  from  about  June  1930  until  October  1931,  being  in 
charge  of  the  Communist  Party  of  Colombia  and  Venezuela. 

Upon  my  return  toward  the  end  of  1931,  I  was  placed  in  charge 
again  of  the  Communist  Party's  labor-union  activities  in  the  eastern 
area,  and  also  in  charge  of  the  party's  activities  among  the  unemployed 
in  the  same  area. 

I  became  a  member  of  the  district  committee.  New  York  district, 
of  the  Communist  Party,  and  later  on  was  transferred  for  the  same 
type  of  activities  to  Ohio,  with  headquarters  in  Cleveland.  I  remained 
in  charge  of  these  activities  until  about  May  or  June  1934. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  ever  written  for  the  Communist  press,  or 
have  you  been  referred  to  officially  in  the  Communist  press  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Yes,  I  have. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  hand  you  copies  of  four  issues  of  the  Daily  Worker. 
Will  you  examine  them  and  state  to  what  they  refer? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Exhibit  No.  1 

Mr.  Ta\^nner.  Suppose  I  introduce  that  issue  of  the  Worker,  bear- 
ing date  April  7, 1923,  in  evidence,  and  have  it  marked  "Exhibit  Korn- 
feder  1." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^ 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  This  was  an  article  in  the  Worker,  which  was  the 
predecessor  of  the  Daily  Worker.  The  Worker  at  that  time  was  a 
weekly.  This  was  an  article  by  Earl  Browcler,  at  that  time  asso- 
ciate editor  of  the  Labor  Herald,  a  special  monthly  publication  of  the 
Trade  Union  Educational  League.  I  am  mentioned  there  as  secretary 
of  the  International  Committee  of  the  Needle  Trades  Section,  TUEL 
which  I  was  at  that  time.  The  Trade  Union  Educational  League  was 
the  first  big  effort  of  the  Communist  Party  to  infiltrate  American  labor 
unions,  especially  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  and  railroad 
brotherhoods. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  now  wish  to  offer  in  evidence  a  copy  of  two 
pages  of  the  May  14,  1927,  issue  of  the  Daily  Worker,  and  mark  it 
"Exhibit  Kornf  eder  2,"  and  ask  you  to  state  to  the  committee  the  nature 
of  the  article  contained  on  those  two  pages, 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^ 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  In  this  issue  an  article  appears  by  Joseph  Zack,. 
which  is  myself,  on  the  subject  of  The  New  Open  Shop  Drive. 

2  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Kornfeder  exhibit  1. 
^  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Kornfeder  exhibit  2. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  547 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Then  did  you  write  an  additional  article  which  ap- 
pears in  the  May  28, 1927,  issue  of  the  Daily  Worker? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Yes.  This  was  an  article  in  two  series  on  the  Com- 
munist politics  at  that  time  in  the  labor-union  field,  in  which  I  had  a 
part. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  paper  in  evidence  and  mark  it 
"Exhibit  Kornf  eder  3." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.* 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  refer  to  the  September  6,  1927,  issue  of 
the  Daily  Worker  and  state  what  appears  on  pa^e  5  of  that  issue  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  this  issue  of  the  Daily  Worker  there  appears  a 
portrait  sketch  of  myself  as  a  delegate  to  the  convention  of  the  Work- 
ers Party.  The  Workers  Party  was  then  the  name  of  the  Communist 
Party.  The  reason  they  called  themselves  the  Workers  Party  is  that  a 
few  years  previously  the  party  had  been  underground,  and  they  decreed 
a  legal  party  in  the  open  and  called  it  the  Workers  Party  of  America, 
and  I  was  a  delegate  to  one  of  the  conventions  of  this  Workers  Party. 

Mr.  Ta\^nner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  paper  in  evidence  and  mark  it 
"Exhibit  Kornfeder  4." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^ 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  order  to  further  identify  the  wit- 
ness, I  desire  to  read  into  the  record  at  this  point  the  statement  of  Otto 
Kuusinen,  secretary  of  the  Communist  International,  May  12,  1929,  as 
published  in  the  hearings  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties, volume  11,  page  7127 : 

1  tell  Comrade  Foster  quite  plainly  that  anyone  who  advises  him  to  go  on  with 
the  factional  strife,  be  he  ever  so  much  a  good  friend  of  his,  is  rendering  him  a 
very  bad  service,  whether  it  be  Comrade  Bittelman,  Comrade  Zack,  Comrade 
Browder,  or  anyone  else. 

I  desire  to  introduce  in  evidence  the  statement  which  I  have  just 
read,  and  mark  it  "Exhibit  Kornfeder  5." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^ 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  hand  you  now  a  pamphlet  entitled  "The  Commu- 
nist" and  ask  you  what  it  contains  on  pages  67  to  80  ? 

JNIr.  Kornfeder.  The  Communist  was  then  the  theoretical  journal  of 
the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States,  published  monthly. 
.    Mr.  Wood.  What  date  is  that? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  January  1930.  There  appears  an  article  written 
by  me  the  title  of  which  is  Against  the  Labor  Party  (Militant  Reform- 
ism) in  the  U.  S.  A.  This  article  was  written  by  me  in  Moscow  on  the 
basis  of  a  study  of  material  and  information  available  to  me  in  Moscow 
through  the  Comintern,  and  was  ordered  published  by  the  American 
Communist  Party  by  the  Agitation  and  Propaganda  Department  of 
the  Communist  International. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  led  up  to  your  writing  the  article? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  At  that  time  there  was  an  opinion  in  certain  circles 
of  the  American  Communist  Party,  and  also  discussions  on  this  subject 
in  the  leading  committees  of  the  Communist  International,  as  to  wheth- 
ei  the  Communist  Party  in  the  United  States  should  favor  the  setting 
up  of  a  labor  party.  The  decision  at  that  time  was  that  a  labor  party 
would  be  a  reformist  party,  and  since  the  Communist  International 

*  See  appendix,  p.  050,  Kornfeder  exhibit  3. 
^  See  appendix,  p.  G^O,  Kornfeder  exhibit  4. 

*  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Kornfeder  exhibit  5. 


548  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

is  in  reality  against  all  reforms  in  capitalist  countries,  because  tliey 
consider  them  an  impediment  to  their  objectives,  I  was  ordered  to  write 
an  article  on  this  subject  against  the  theory  and  proposed  strategy  of 
organizing  a  labor  party  by  using  the  organization  of  the  Communist 
Party  as  a  background  for  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  By  whom,  or  by  what  group,  were  you  ordered  to 
write  that  article? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  By  the  then  head  of  the  Agitation  and  Propaganda 
Department  of  the  Communist  International. 

Mr.  Ta\-enner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  document  in  evidence,  mark  it 
''Exhibit  Kornfeder  6." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.'^ 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  hand  you  now  another  article  appearing  in  The 
Communist  of  March  1930,  and  ask  if  you  wrote  that  article « 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  This  article  is  entitled  The  Era  of  Partners  and 
is  a  review  of  the  American  Federationist,  official  organ  of  the  Amer- 
ican Federation  of  Labor,  and  a  review  of  decisions  of  the  1929  con- 
vention of  the  Anierican  Federation  of  Labor.  This  article  was  also 
written  on  the  basis  of  material  available  at  Communist  International 
headquarters  in  Moscow,  to  which  I  had  access,  and  first  appeared  in 
the  official  organ  of  the  Communist  International. 

Mr.  Wood.  Was  it  also  written  by  you  in  Moscow  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  It  was  written  by  me  while  I  was  in  Moscow,  and 
was  ordered  printed  here  in  the  United  States  in  the  Communist,  the 
monthly  organ  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  offer  it  in  evidence  and  ask  that  it  be  marked  "Ex- 
hibit Kornfeder  7." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^ 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  now  hand  you  another  issue  of  the  Communist,  of 
July  1932,  containing  an  article  entitled  "Place  the  Party  on  a  War 
Footing"  by  Earl  Browder,  and  on  page  601  appears  this  language : 

Comrade  Zack  gave  us  a  very  rich  and  fruitful  discussion  and  demonstrated 
again  in  his  speech  that  he  is  one  of  our  most  reliable  and  productive  workers— 
an  essential  part  of  the  leadership  of  the  party. 

Will  you  identify  that  as  an  article  written  by  Browder  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes.  I  remember  this  article  and  I  also  remember 
the  report  Browder  made  at  that  time  to  the  meetings  of  the  central 
committee  and  the  district  convention,  at  both  of  which  I  was  present. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  paper  in  evidence  and  mark  it 
"Exhibit  Kornfeder  8." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^ 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  now  hand  you  four  more  photostatic  copies  of 
articles  written  by  you  and  by  others.  Will  you  examine  them  and 
merely  identify  them,  and  we  will  place  them  in  the  record  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  one  entitled  "The  Trade  Unions  in  New  York 
and  the  Unemployed"  which  appeared  in  the  Daily  Worker  of  March 
1, 1933,  was  the  summary  of  a  report  that  I  made  as  general  secretary 
of  the  Trade  Union  Unity  Council,  which  was  the  Communist  Party's 
labor-union  front  in  New  York  City.  It  just  contains  a  summary  of 
the  problems  that  in  my  view  were  then  faced  by  the  Communists  in 
the  activities  in  that  area,  both  in  labor  union  and  unemployed  fields. 


'  See  appendix,  p.  630.  Kornferter  exhibit  6. 
®  See  appendix,  p.  fi.^O.  Kornfeder  exhibit  7. 
^  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Kornfeder  exhibit  8. 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  549 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  offer  tliat  article  in  evidence  and  ask  that  it  be 
market  ''Exhibit  Kornfeder  9." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  bo  admitted.  ^« 

]Mr.  KoKNFEDER.  The  next  one  relates  to  a  trade-union  conference 
for  united  action,  which  is  in  the  form  of  an  appeal  to  all  American 
Federation  of  Labor  unions,  central  labor  bodies,  railroad  biother- 
hoods,  lodges,  independent  trade-unions,  and  unemployed  organiza- 
tions, and  pertains  to  a  conference  then  engineered  through  the  initia- 
tive of  the  Connnunist  Party,  and  I  was  a  cosigner  of  the  call  for  this 
conference,  in  the  capacity  of  secretary  of  the  Council  of  Industrial 
Unions,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  offer  that  document  in  evidence  and  ask  that  it  ba 
marked  "Exhibit  Kornfeder  10." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted." 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  next  one  appears  in  the  Connnunist  of  Febru- 
ary 1934,  the  Communist  being  the  official  theoretical  organ  of  the 
Communist  Party.  This  article,  by  myself,  is  entitled  "How  to  Apply 
the  Open  Letter"  and  is  a  discussion  of  techniques  and  methods  of 
operation  and  criticism  of  same  in  connection  with  the  activities  of 
labor  unions  and  among  the  unemployed. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  offer  it  in  evidence  and  ask  that  it  be  marked 
"Exhibit  Kornfeder  11." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted.^- 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  refer  to  the  Open  Letter.  What  is  meant  by  the 
open  letter^ 

"Sir.  KoKNEKDKR.  The  Open  Letter  was  a  new  directive  of  the  Com- 
munist International  to  the  Connnunist  Party  of  the  United  States, 
in  which  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  was  criticized  for 
mistakes  and  shortcomings  and  so  on,  and  was  directed  to  change  its 
methods  and  techniques  in  various  fields  in  order  to  conform  with  the 
line  of  the  Communist  International. 

Next  is  an  article  in  the  Communist  of  April  1934,  by  myself.  The 
title  is,  "The  Line  Is  Correct,  To  Realize  it  Organizationally  Is  the 
Central  Problem."  I  open  up  the  discussion  with  the  then  current 
or  proposed  line  of  policy  of  the  American  Communist  Party  in  the 
labor-union  field.  It  is  this  presentation  of  disagreement  which  later 
on  directly  led  to  my  leaving  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United 
States. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  offer  that  document  in  evidence  and  ask  that  it  be 
marked  "Exhibit  Kornfeder  12." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Chairman,  rather  than  ask  questions  and  solicit 
answers,  I  believe  it  would  expedite  the  hearing  if  the  witness  would 
read  a  prepared  statement  which  we  have  asked  him  to  make  regarding 
the  operations  of  the  International  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Wood.  Is  that  the  statement  a  copy  of  which  is  on  the  desk? 

Mr.  Ta\t:nner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  Very  well.    You  may  proceed. 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  may  interpolate  some  additional  explanations  as  I 
go  along,  if  that  is  agreeable  to  the  connnittee. 

'"  See  appencHx.  p.  (>')(),  Kornfeder  exliibit  9. 
"  See  apiieiiilix.  p.  fioO,  Konifeder  exhibit  10. 
"  See  appendix,  p.  G.")0.  Kornfeder  exhibit  11 . 
"  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Kornfeder  exhibit  12. 


550  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  quite  all  right,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  I  might  add  if  the  members  of  the  committee 
desire  to  ask  any  questions  during  the  course  of  the  reading,  not  to 
hesitate  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Does  this  statement  give  the  circumstances  under 
which  you  ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  No ;  it  does  not,  but  I  expect  that  members  of  the 
committee  will  ask  me  that  question. 

Mr.  McSwEENEY.  Does  it  mention  your  war  service  ?  You  served  in 
the  First  World  War? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  I  was  in  the  Second  World  War. 

Mr.  McSwEENEY.  That  is  a  Legion  button  you  are  wearing? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  YcS. 

Mr.  McSwEENEY.  You  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  at  that  time,  did 
you  not  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.   I  did. 

How  Joseph  Stalin  Runs  the  International  Communist  Movement 

The  program  and  objectives  of  the  international  Communist  move- 
ment have  been  laid  down  in  the  resolutions,  theses,  and  decisions  of 
the  various  congresses  of  the  Communist  International  and  in  the  writ- 
ings of  Nicolai  Lenin,  the  founder  and  organizer  of  this  insurrectionary 
organization  known  as  the  Communist  International  and  its  affiliated 
parties. 

All  of  these  resolutions  and  decisions,  as  well  as  the  writings  of 
Lenin  and  Stalin,  definitely  set  forth  the  necessity  and  advisability  of 
overthrowing  all  non-Communist  governments  and  the  social  struc- 
ture upon  which  our  present-day  democratic  system  is  founded,  by 
force  and  violence,  and  advocate  the  use  of  any  and  all  means  to  achieve 
that  objective. 

The  Communist  International  organization  and  its  affiliated  parties 
are  built  with  that  perspective.  They  are  not  political  parties  in  the 
accepted  democratic  sense.  They  are  parties  of  destruction  of  the 
democratic  system  and,  for  that  reason,  their  organizational  structure, 
methods,  and  ways  of  doing  things  are  entirely  diff3rent. 

May  I  at  this  point  quote  from  a  pamphlet  in  German  written  by 
Ossip  Piatnitzky,  the  head  of  the  Organization  Conference  of  the  Com- 
munist International  in  Moscow  in  1925.  In  this  pamphlet,  in  para- 
graph 10,  relating  to  the  organization  structure  of  affiliated  Commun- 
ist Parties,  he  says  the  following : 

In  reference  to  organization  forms  to  be  pursued  by  the  affiliated  parties  of 
the  entire  world — the  difference  between  Communist  Parties  and  other  parties 
such  as  the  Social  Democratic  Party  is  that  the  latter  are  only  electioneering 
machines  to  gather  votes.  For  that  reason,  this  type  of  parties  are  organized  on 
the  basis  of  the  election  districts  where  voters  reside. 

The  Communist  Parties,  on  the  other  hand,  have  as  their  objective  the  or- 
ganization of  an  active  fight  against  capitalism  and  the  governments  upon  which 
capitalism  is  based.  Our  function  is  to  organize  in  such  a  fashion  that  we  can 
take  over  the  entire  production  and  state  machinery  of  capitalist  society.  For 
that  reason,  the  main  basis,  the  very  foundation,  of  our  party  organization  must 
be  based  on  factories,  industrial  enterprises,  mines,  shops,  offices,  commercial 
enterprises,  etc.,  where  workers  and  employees  work. 

Election  to  Parliament  or  municipal  councils,  etc.,  for  us  is  only  a  means 
for  additional  propaganda  to  diffuse  our  ideas  along  the  broader  lines  of  Com- 
munist politics. 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  551 

Mr.  Walter.  By  wliom  is  that  written? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  By  Ossip  Piatnitzky. 

Mr.  Walter.  When? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  1925,  ri^ht  at  the  foundation  of  the  Communist 
movement,  this  basis  has  been  laid  down. 

Now  I  will  quote  you  further  in  substantiation  of  this  difference  an 
excerpt  from  a  speech  made  by  Stalin  at  the  Presidium  of  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Connnunist  International  on  May  14,  1929, 
as  to  the  concept  of  the  type  of  or^janization  as  exists  in  their  minds 
and  is  operated  in  the  form  of  Communist  Parties : 

Soon  the  earth  will  be  too  hot  for  world  capitalism.  The  task  of  the  Com- 
munist Parties  is  to  begin  right  now  with  the  development  of  mass  preparatory 
work  for  the  combats  to  come.  Tlie  struggle  against  reformation,  the  struggle 
for  the  forging  of  genuine  revolutionary  cadres  and  for  the  selection  of  genuine 
revolutionary  party  leaders,  people  capable  of  going  to  war  and  leading  the  masses 
with  them,  people  who  will  not  retreat  before  the  storm  and  will  not  be  panic- 
stricken,  but  will  face  that  storm. 

This  speech  was  made  by  Stalin  in  connection  with  the  affairs. of 
the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States,  which  were  then  under 
discussion  in  Moscow  in  connection  with  the  faction  fight  then  raging 
in  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States. 

I  may  also  quote,  in  this  connection,  point  3  of  the  Twenty-one 
Conditions  of  Affiliation  with  the  Communist  International,  which 
every  Communist  Party,  in  order  to  be  a  part  of  the  Moscow  set-up, 
has  to  accept  and  practice.    Point  3  says  as  follows : 

The  class  struggle  in  almost  all  the  countries  of  Europe  and  America  is  enter- 
ing the  phase  of  civil  war.  Under  such  conditions  the  Communists  can  have 
no  contidenee  in  bourgeois  law.  They  must  everywhere  create  a  parallel  illegal 
apparatus,  which  at  the  decisive  moment  could  assist  the  party  in  performing 
its  duty  to  the  revolution. 

Then  point  14  of  the  same  Twenty-one  Conditions  of  Affiliation 
says  the  following : 

Every  party  that  desires  to  belong  to  the  Communist  International  must  give 
every  possible  support  to  the  Soviet  Republic  in  their  struggle  against  all  counter- 
revolutionary forces.  The  Communist  Parties  must  carry  on  a  precise  and  defi- 
nite propaganda  to  induce  the  workers  to  refuse  to  transport  munitions  of  war 
intended  for  enemies  of  Soviet  Russia,  carry  on  legal  or  illegal  propaganda 
among  the  troops  which  are  sent  to  fight  the  Soviet  Republic,  etc. 

These  quotations  are  to  illustrate  the  different  character  of  party 
organization  inherent  in  the  Communist  Party  and  all  its  practices  as 
compared  with  other  party  organizations.  There  is  much  more  along 
these  lines  that  I  could  quote  from  all  the  principal  leaders  of  the 
Communist  International,  past  and  present,  including  Stalin  and 
Molotov. 

On  the  basis  of  this  concept  of  organization,  every  Communist  Party 
engages  in  concealed  or  underground  activities,  even  though  the  party, 
as  such,  is  permitted  to  operate  in  the  open.  Every  party  is  duty  bound 
to  infiltrate  and  create  secret  organizations  in  the  armed  forces  of  its 
own  country.  Every  party  must  engage  in  secret  infiltration  in  Gov- 
ernment departments  of  enemy  countries.  Every  country  not  con- 
trolled by  Moscow  is  considered  an  enemy.  Every  party  is  obliged 
to  infiltrate  labor  unions  and  use  them  for  economic  and  political  war- 
fare against  the  enemy  countries. 

Every  party  is  obliged  to  set  up  a  separate  organization  for  activi- 
ties among  the  youth  in  order  to  alienate  the  youth's  loyalty  from 


552  COMMUNIST    IXFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

his  own  country.  Every  party  is  obliged  to  systematically  and  de- 
liberately support  the  Soviet  Union  in  all  of  its  policies  up  to  the 
point  of  civil  strife  and  insurrectionary  activities  in  case  of  war  against 
Soviet  Russia.  Every  party  is  duty  bound  to  prepare  itself  for  in- 
surrectionary activities  for  the  day  when  the  overthrow  of  the  existing 
government  and  society  will  be  deemed  opportune  and  timely. 

I  shall  later  on  say  some  more  about  the  training  for  insurrectionary 
activity  which  is  received  in  the  special  training  colleges  in  Moscow. 

These  are  only  some  of  the  activities  and  corresponding  organiza- 
tional set-ups  which  illustrate  that  the  organizational  structure  of  the 
international  Communist  movement  and  its  affiliated  parties  corre- 
spond to  its  objectives  of  overthrowing  governments  and  the  social 
structure  upon  which  they  are  founded.  In  short,  the  Communist 
Party's  organizational  structure  and  activities  reveal  more  than  any- 
thing else  that  may  be  said  its  true  character. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  explain  how  this  whole  world-wide  organiza- 
tion is  operated  and  controlled  from  its  Moscow  headquarters.  My 
description  of  its  methods  of  operation  are  based  on  my  stay  at  the 
Moscow  headquarters  of  the  Communist  International  from  1927  un- 
til 1930,  during  which  time  I  was  associated  with  the  operations  of 
the  Communist  International  as  a  member  of  the  Anglo-American 
Secretariat  of  the  Communist  International  and  of  the  Anglo-Ameri- 
can Secretariat  of  the  Red  International  of  Labor  Unions,  and  hence 
had  the  opportunity  to  learn  first  hand  how  the  Communist  Inter- 
national works. 

THE    ROLE    OF    STALIN 

To  start  with  I  must  say  a  few  words  about  the  personal  role  of 
Stalin  in  this  set-up. 

Joseph  Stalin,  dictator  of  Russia,  has  since  1928  been  the  political 
czar  of  the  international  Communist  movement.  No  decision  on 
major  aspects  of  policy  or  organizational  operation  could  be  made, 
effective  without  his  initiative  or  consent.  Stalin  personally  has  been 
in  charge  of  Communist  operations  in  areas  of  major  importance, 
such  as  China,  since  1926,  and  Germany  since  1928,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  in  my  mind  that  since  the  United  States  and  Britain  have  be- 
come now  of  major  interest,  nothing  of  consequence  in  those  coun- 
tries can  pass,  as  far  as  the  Communist  movement  is  concerned,  with- 
out Stalin's  initiative  and  consent. 

It  is  as  a  result  of  the  experiences  that  Stalin  had  in  connection 
with  the  Chinese  situation  that  Stalin,  at  the  Sixth  Congress  of  the 
Communist  International  in  1928  in  Moscow,  introduced  a  new 
formula,  a  new  concept  of  strategy  as  to  the  operation  of  Communist 
parties  in  backward  countries.  In  the  thesis  presented  at  that  con- 
gress relating  to  problems  in  colonial  countries,  Stalin  set  up  the  con- 
cept that  in  colonial  countries  it  is  not  the  workers  that  should  be 
the  basis  of  Communist  organizations,  but  the  peasants;  that  the 
peasants,  that  is,  the  farm  population,  are  the  true  basis  of  colonial 
revolution.  And  on  the  basis  of  that  new  concept  the  entire  conquest 
of  China  has  been  built.  Prior  to  that  time  the  concept  was  that  the 
workers  are  the  only  basis  for  the  organization  of  Communist  move- 
ments. 

As  a  result  of  this  change  of  policy,  the  Communist  Party  of  China 
developed  very  much  activity  specially  designed   for  effect  among 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  553 

the  peasants  of  China.  It  appears  that  as  a  result  of  this  change  of 
policy  many  people  in  the  United  States  have  been  led  to  misunder- 
stand the  entire  China  situation  and  to  conclude  that  the  Communists 
in  China  are  merely  agrarian  reformists,  whereas  they  were  follow- 
ing from  the  beginning  the  decision  of  the  Sixth  Congress  of  the 
Communist  International,  which  bases  the  movement  in  this  type  of 
countries  not  upon  the  workers,  but  upon  the  peasants ;  and  naturally, 
in  order  to  make  headway  on  the  basis  of  this  kind  of  polic3^,  they  had 
to  set  up  attractive  demands  and  formulas  in  order  to  organize  the 
Chinese  peasants  for  their  purposes. 

It  may  sound  incredible  that  the  dictator  of  a  large  country  can 
find  time  to  preoccupy  himself  seriously  with  tlie  affairs  of  so  many 
other  countries  and  keep  a  tight  rein  on  the  activities  of  Communists 
in  several  countries  of  special  interest  at  the  same  time.  The  fact  is, 
however,  that  even  while  Stalin  was  personally  in  charge  of  Com- 
munist affairs  in  China  and  Germany,  he  found  time  to  preoccupy 
himself  quite  extensively  with  the  affairs  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  which,  from  a  long-range  point  of  view,  he  even  then  con- 
sidered as  the  major  and  ultimate  enemy.  It  was  his  as  well  as  Lenin's 
concept  that  capitalism  on  this  earth  and  democracy  will  not  be  done 
away  with  until  the  United  States  is  conquered. 

My  knowledge  of  his  preoccupation  with  the  United  States,  even  in 
those  years,  is  based  on  the  role  I  then  played  in  the  affairs  of  the 
American  Communist  Party.  As  a  member  of  the  central  committee 
of  the  Connnunist  Party,  USA,  I  represented  in  Moscow  what  then 
was  known  as  the  Foster  faction.  As  a  representative  of  that  faction, 
which  was  favored  by  Stalin,  I  had  the  opportunity  of  meeting  Stalin, 
Molotov.  Manuilsky  (present  representative  of  Ukraine  at  the  UN), 
and  other  leaders  of  the  central  committee  of  the  Russian  Communist 
Party. 

The  reason  why  Stalin,  as  well  as  Molotov  and  other  leaders  of  the 
Russian  Communist  Party,  spent  that  much  time  on  this  faction 
fight  in  the  United  States,  was  because  Stalin,  considering  this  country 
of  utmost  importance  in  the  total  scheme  of  strategy,  wanted  to  retain 
a  reliable  ba.se  by  securing  control,  absolute  control,  for  his  faction 
of  tlie  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States.  He  was  then  looking 
far  ahead  when  he  spent  that  nmch  time  on  the  faction  fight  in  the 
American  Communist  Party. 

Stalin  personally  directed  all  the  major  phases  of  the  fight  against 
the  then  majority  of  the  American  Communist  Party,  led  by  Jay 
Lovestone,  who  was  considered  anti-Stalinist.  The  instructions  from 
Stalin  in  this  fight  were  usually  transmitted  to  me  through  Losovsky, 
then  head  of  the  Red  International  of  Labor  Unions,  and  occasionally 
also  througli  Manuilsky,  Piatnitzky,  and  others. 

In  this  fight,  Stalin  was  willing,  if  necessary,  to  spend  as  much 
as  a  million  dollars  out  of  the  Russian  Treasury  to  defeat  the  Love- 
stone  faction  in  the  American  Communist  Party  and  retain  control 
of  that  party  for  himself.  In  the  wind-up  of  that  fight,  he  and 
Molotov  even  participated  as  members  of  the  commission  that  tried 
Lovestone  and  other  members  of  the  central  committee  of  the  Ameri- 
can Conmumist  Party  siding  with  Lovestone,  and  he  made  a  speech 
on  the  affairs  of  the  American  Communist  Party  which,  in  expurgated 
form,  has  been  published  and  should  be  available  for  the  record. 

95613—49 — pt.  1 2 


.554  COMMUNIST    liSTFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Now,  to  give  you  an  idea  how  possessive  Stalin  and  Molotov  felt  it 
necessary  to  be  in  regard  to  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United 
States,  I  will  make  a  few  quotations  from  their  speeches  in  reference 
to  the  situation  in  the  American  Communist  Party  at  that  time. 

This  was  marked  "confidential,"  to  be  used  only  for  the  minutes  of 
the  Communist  International.  The  speech  was  made  at  the  Presidium 
on  May  14,  1929.    Stalin  speaking,  I  quote : 

If  the  comrades  of  the  American  delegation  accept  our  terms — good  and  well ; 
if  they  don't,  so  much  the  worse  for  them.  The  Comintern  will  take  its  own 
under  any  circumstances.     You  can  be  sure  of  that,  dear  comrades. 

Another  part  of  his  speech  on  the  same  occasion  says : 

Do  you  think  that  the  American  Communists  will  follow  you  against  the 
Comintern?  The  history  of  the  Comintern  knows  a  series  of  instances,  when 
popular  leaders,  more  popular  than  you  are,  became  isolated  just  as  soon  as  they 
raised  their  banner  of  revolt  against  the  Comintern.  Do  you  think  that  you  will 
be  luckier  than  those  leaders?  No  hopes,  comrades.  Now  you  will  still  have  a 
formal  majority.  But  tomorrow  there  will  be  no  majority  for  you,  and  you, 
and  you  will  be  hopelessly  isolated  if  you  try  to  fight  against  the  decisions  of 
the  Presidium  of  the  Communist  International. 

I  remember  this  scene  very  well.  I  was  present  during  all  the 
sessions  at  Comintern  headquarters  that  took  place  at  that  time.  It 
was  one  of  the  rare  moments  Vvhen  Stalin  completely  lost  self- 
control.  He  was  goaded  into  intolerance — I  mean  open  manifesta- 
tion of  intolerance — by  some  of  the  speeches  that  were  made  there  by 
the  leaders  of  the  American  Communist  Party,  like  Ben j  amin  Gitlo w, 
and  as  a  result  he  really  let  fly.  I  remember  parts  that  are  not  in 
the  transcript,  where  he  said,  pointing  at  Gitlow  and  Lovestone: 
"After  I  get  through  with  you,  all  you  will  have  left  will  be  your  wives 
and  your  sweethearts." 

Here  is  another  part  which  shows  their  intense  interest  in  retaining 
control,  even  of  the  then  relatively  small  organization  that  existed  in 
the  United  States.     I  quote  from  Stalin : 

Comrades  Lovestone  and  Bittelman  must  be  recalled  and  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Comintern  so  that  the  leaders  of  the  American  Communist  Party  may 
realize  at  last  that  the  Comintern  is  in  real  earnest  about  combating  faction- 
alism. 

I  call  your  attention  to  the  concept  that  they  must  be  recalled.  In 
other  words,  these  two,  who  were  leaders  of  the  American  Communist 
Party,  are  in  this  concept  not  considered  as  leaders  of  the  American 
Communist  Party,  but  they  are  considered  as  instruments  designated 
by  Moscow  to  perform  a  certain  function,  and  whenever  Moscow  wants 
to  eliminate  them  from  that  function,  they  recall  them  back  to  Moscow. 
This  was  a  concept  previously  not  existent. 

Before  I  proceed  I  may  at  this  time,  in  connection  with  this  fight, 
also  introduce  parts  of  the  speech  of  Molotov,  who  attended  all  the 
discussions  and  followed  Stalin.     I  quote : 

Comrades,  I  have  very  little  to  add  to  what  Comrade  Stalin  has  said. 

I  may  interpolate  he  always  has  very  little  to  add  after  Stalin  speaks. 
[Continuing  reading:] 

I  fully  agree  with  his  estimate  of  the  situation  in  the  American  party  and  his 
estimate  of  the  various  sections  of  that  party. 

I  may  say  at  this  point  that  Molotov,  for  6  months  prior  to  this 
occasion,  had  been  directly  in  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  American 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  555 

Communist  Party  at  Communist  International  headquarters.  He  had 
two  parties  under  his  direction  at  that  time,  the  Communist  Party 
of  the  United  States  and  the  Communist  Party  of  France.     I  continue : 

What  we  have  in  America  now  is  unreliable  and  unsound.  A  ruthless  struggle 
is  necessary  for  Comintern  principles ;  i>ersistent  work  must  be  conducted  for 
the  ideological  consolidation  of  the  party. 

The  Comintern  would  be  no  Comintern  if  it  were  not  to  effect  at  the  present 
time  a  decisive  change  in  the  struggle  against  factionalism  in  the  American 
party.  The  struggle  against  factionalism  now,  in  the  present  phase,  must  be 
different  from  what  it  was  in  tlie  past. 

Let  me  explain  there  used  to  be  disputations  in  the  Communist 
Party  in  the  past  before  Stalin  came  into  complete  control.  These 
disputations  were  considered  a  natural  part  of  the  growth  of  an 
organization,  and  differences  in  the  eyes  of  individuals  even  if  they 
are  agreed  on  general  theory. 

But  when  Stalin  came  into  complete  control,  disputations  of  this 
kind  were  called  factionalism,  and  they  were  completely  suppressed. 
Stalin  transformed  the  Communist  parties  into  centralized  totali- 
tarian parties.  When  Molotov  says,  "The  struggle  against  faction- 
alism now,  in  the  present  phase,  must  be  different  from  what  it  was 
in  'the  past,"  he  means  that  from  then  on  Stalin  will  take  over  the 
parties  and  there  will  be  no  more  factions  except  his  own. 

I  continue  quoting  from  Molotov's  speech : 

That  is  why  it  would  not  do  to  stop  merely  at  the  sending  of  an  open  political 
letter  without  taking  certain  organizational  measures,  measures  mapped  out  by 
the  Comintern  prior  to  the  convention. 

I  may  say  the  organizational  measures  meant  the  Communist  Inter- 
national will  appoint  all  the  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party  hence- 
forth, and  all  the  heads  of  the  important  sections  of  that  party,  at  its 
own  discretion  and  will.    I  continue : 

The  carrying  out  of  these  decisions  is  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  stop  the 
factional  fight  in  the  party.  The  time  has  come  for  the  Communist  Party  of  the 
United  States  of  America  to  get  on  a  new  track,  and  with  the  support  of  the 
Comintern,  to  insure  the  proper  development  of  the  party,  insure  the  liquidation 
of  factionalism  not  in  words  but  in  deeds. 

The  interesting  part  of  all  these  speeches  about  factionalism  by 
Stalin  and  Molotov,  which  indicates  at  least  in  part  their  methods  of 
operation,  which  I  intend  to  deal  with  later,  is  that  while  all  these 
speeches  were  being  made  I  was  the  one  who,  at  the  direction  of  Stalin 
and  Molotov,  was  told  how  to  carry  out  the  factional  fight  in  the  Amer- 
ican Party  and  to  transmit  Stalin  and  Molotov's  wishes  to  William  Z. 
Foster  and  others  in  the  United  States  carrying  on  that  fight. 

stalin's  battery  of  secretaries 

Now  I  come  to  the  next  part  in  the  illustration  of  Stalin's  personal 
role  in  the  direction  of  the  Communist  International  organization. 

In  1928,  Stalin  added  to  his  personal  secretariat  a  number  of  secre- 
taries to  double-check  on  his  appointees  in  the  Communist  Interna- 
tional and  keep  him  informed  on  the  carrying  out  and  enforcement  of 
his  orders.  Each  of  these  secretaries  had  a  special  area  of  operation. 
There  was  a  secretary  on  German  affairs,  a  secretary  on  Chinese 
affairs,  a  secretary  on  French  affairs,  a  secretary  on  American  affairs, 
and  so  forth.     The  secretary  on  American  affairs  was  B.  Mikhailov, 


556  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

who  in  1930,  under  the  name  of  George  Williams,  became  Stalin's  per- 
sonal representative  in  the  purging  and  reorganization  of  the  Com- 
munist Party,  USA. 

I  met  ^likhailov  several  times  in  his  Moscow  apartment  and  later  on 
in  the  United  States.  Although  his  authority  designated  him  as  Com- 
intern representative,  I  knew  from  my  own  knowledge  of  things  be- 
hind the  scenes  in  Moscow  that  he  was  Stalin's  personal  representative. 
His  word  was  law  in  the  American  Communist  Party,  and  he  ruth- 
lessly purged  the  party  in  the  United  States  of  all  adherents  or  sus- 
pected adherents  of  Lovestone.  He  had  at  his  disposal  unlimited  funds 
for  that  purpose. 

I  remember  an  incident  where  he  had  received  a  cable  in  code  from 
the  Paris  bureau  of  the  Communist  International  (Paris,  France), 
which  he  could  not  decode  on  the  basis  of  the  key  that  he  had  for  de- 
coding and,  since  ,he  knew  that  I,  myself,  was  to  go  to  South  America 
(Colombia  and  Venezuela)  as  a  representative  of  the  Connnunist  In- 
ternational, he  asked  me  whether  I  could  decode  it  on  the  basis  of  my 
key,  but  I  could  not.  Apparently  the  Paris  bureau  of  the  Communist 
International  used  the  wrong  key,  and  he  was  very  angry  about  this. 

In  later  years,  Stalin's  battery  of  secretaries  became  in  fact  the  con- 
trolling and  ruling  body  through  which  Stalin  controlled  and  op- 
erated the  international  Communist  movement.  So  when,  in  1943, 
the  Communist  International  was  formally  dissolved,  the  dissolution 
was  in  fact  only  a  deception.  In  reality,  the  Communist  International 
organization  continued  to  operate  under  direct  control  of  Stalin 
through  his  special  secretaries. 

As  will  be  seen  from  what  follows,  Stalin's  special  secretaries  were, 
of  course,  only  one  of  the  instrumentalities  of  control.  The  Commu- 
nist International  organization  is  dependent  upon  Moscow  in  many 
other  ways,  which  I  shall  herewith  enumerate. 

FINANCES 

The  question  of  finances.  To  start  with,  the  salaries  for  all  em- 
ployees working  in  the  headquarters  of  the  Communist  International 
are  provided  by  the  Russian  Treasury.  The  same  is  true  as  to  salaries 
and  expenses  for  all  agents,  representatives,  and  instructors  sent  out 
from  Moscow  to  control  and  direct  the  various  Communist  Parties  on 
the  spot.  Moscow  headquarters  also  provides  for  subsidies  for  the 
Communist  press  in  the  various  countries.  It  also  provides  subsidies 
intended  to  channel  Communist  activities  into  strategic  industries, 
such  as  maritime,  transportation,  communication,  and  the  infiltration 
of  steel,  mining,  oil,  and  other  industries  deemed  of  strategic  impor- 
tance to  Moscow's  over-all  military  strategy  of  conquest.  Without 
these  subsidies,  various  Communist  Parties  could  not  carry  through 
the  policies  dictated  by  Moscow,  and  would  become  dependent  upon 
revenue  from  their  own  home  countries. 

(Representative  McSweeney  leaves.) 

Mr.  Walter.  Do  you  know  how  the  funds  are  transmitted  for  the 
carrying  out  of  these  purposes  ? 

Mr.  KoKNFEDER.  I  know  some  of  the  methods. 

Mr.  Walter.  For  example,  how  are  the  representatives  of  the  Mos- 
cow organization  paid  in  this  country  ? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATIOiN^    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  557 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Well,  the  ones  that  represent  the  Communist  In- 
ternational are  paid  out  of  the  subsidies  that  Moscow  allocates  for  the 
operations  of  that  particular  representative.  For  instance,  when  I 
went  to  South  iVmerica  as  a  representative  of  the  Comnumist  Interna- 
tional, I  had,  for  the  first  6  months  of  operation  in  Col()ml)ia,  an  initial 
appropriation  of  $15,000. 

Mr.  Walter.  Where  did  it  come  from  ? 

Mr.  KoRXFEDER.  The  $15,000  were  received  by  me  in  the  following 
fashion:  They  were  first  sent  to  Berlin  to  a  banking  concern  whose 
name  I  do  not  know,  and  then  transmitted  to  New  York,  and  from 
New  York  transferred  to  me  to  a  certain  bank  in  Bogota,  Colombia, 
and  I  drew  the  funds  from  there. 

Mr.  Walter.  Is  that  the  pattern  followed  in  all  cases?  Is  the 
money  transferred  from  Kussia  to  a  New  York  bank  and  there  picked 
up? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes. 

Mr.  Walter.  Do  you  know  what  banking  institutions  participate  in 
those  activities? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  American  Communist  Party  used  to  get  some 
through  the  old  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  later  on  through  the 
Amalgamated  Bank,  which  still  exists.  I  don't  know  if  the  same 
channel  is  still  used  for  the  transmission  of  funds. 

But  that  is  only  one  way  of  receiving  funds.  The  other  way  is 
through  the  Soviet  commercial  agencies ;  and  the  third  way  is  through 
individuals  of  confidence  to  whose  account  the  money  may  be  banked, 
say,  in  Germany,  and  then  transferred  to  another  individual  of  con- 
fidence in  the  United  States  to  his  personal  account. 

Mr.  Walter.  When  the  money  is  transmitted  to  a  bank  in  the 
United  States  to  somebody's  credit,  then,  of  course,  that  person  has  to 
go  to  the  bank  in  order  to  pick  up  the  money  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes. 

Mr.  Walter.  Who  does  that,  many  individuals,  or  just  one  or  two? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Whoever  is  designated  by  the  general  secretary  of 
the  party,  with  the  consent  of  the  representative  of  the  Communist 
International,  who  may  be  then  resident  and  operating  behind  the 
scenes. 

I  may  at  this  point  say  that  the  subsidies  of  the  Communist  Party, 
both  for  its  national  headquarters  and  its  press,  have  a  great  deal  to 
do  with  the  nature  of  the  Communist  Party.  If  a  party  were  entirely 
dependent  upon  contributions  from  its  own  members  or  sympathizers, 
it  would  have  to  listen  to  their  opinions  and  to  their  wishes.  The 
l>arty  could  not  become  as  thoroughly  a  totalitarian  organization  as 
the  Communist  Party  has  become.  But  if  the  center  can  become 
independent  of  the  membership  by  subsidies — and  whenever  there 
is  a  dispute  in  the  party,  Moscow,  even  if  the  income  of  the  party 
drops,  will  subsidize  that  center — then,  of  course,  the  party  becomes  a. 
tool  of  those  who  dispense  the  subsidies,  irrespective  of  the  attitude 
of  its  own  members. 

Of  course  the  same  holds  true  with  the  party  investing  funds  in 
organization  campaigns  that  financially  would  not  be  remunerative, 
but  because  Moscow  is  interested,  let  us  say,  to  organize  deep-seamen 
for  strategic  reasons,  it  will  furnish  the  necessary  subsidies  to  operate 
in  that  field  for  strategic  reasons,  even  though  the  party,  on  the  basis 
of  its  own  income,  could  not  afford  it. 


558  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

TRAINING   COLLEGES 

I  will  come  to  the  next  part  of  the  set-up  as  operated  from  Moscow, 
and  this  relates  to  training  colleges. 

The  vast  Communist  International  organization  could  not  be  oper- 
ated without  trained  personnel.  Therefore,  the  Russian  Communist 
Party,  which  has  control  over  the  Soviet  Government  and  disposes  of 
all  of  its  resources,  began,  in  1926,  to  set  up  a  vast  network  of  political 
training  colleges  to  train  non-Russian  Communists  in  the  various 
arts  of  political  warfare  and  types  of  organization  and  methods  of 
operation  suitable  to  the  purposes  of  Moscow. 

All  of  these  colleges  are  under  the  direct  control  of  the  Central 
Committee  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party  and  every  non-Russian 
Communist  who  comes  to  Moscow  for  training  is,  after  90  days,  trans- 
ferred into  membership  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party  and  is  sub- 
ject to  its  dictates.  Moscow  has  five  training  colleges  of  this  type  in 
Moscow  City  itself.  There  are  others  in  other  cities.  I  will  only 
speak  of  the  ones  in  Moscow  because  I  know  personally  of  their  exis- 
tence, and  there  were  other  Americans  who  studied  m  them  whom 
I  knew  personally. 

Lenin  University :  Lenin  University  has  a  capacity  for  600  trainees 
who  are  recruited  through  the  Communist  Parties  of  industrially  de- 
veloped countries,  such  as  central  and  western  Europe,  England,  the 
Americas,  the  British  Empire,  etc. 

Eastern  University :  Eastern  University  has  a  capacity  for  2,000 
trainees,  recruited  from  China,  Indonesia,  India,  Korea,  Malaya, 
Burma,  etc. 

I  may  say  at  this  point  that  most  of  the  officers  of  the  Chinese  Com- 
munist Party  were  trained  at  Eastern  University,  and  by  the  thou- 
sands, ever  since  1926.  If  anybody  has  an  illusion  that  Moscow  has  a 
loose  control  over  the  Chinese  Communist  Party,  he  is  very  much 
mistaken. 

'Weste7-'n  University:  Western  University  has  a  capacity  for  1,200 
trainees,  recruited  mostly  from  the  then  independent  Balkan  and 
Baltic  countries. 

Academy  of  Red  Professors:  The  Academy  of  Red  Professors  has 
a  capacity  for  200  trainees,  taking  a  5-  to  7-year  course,  which  is 
more  extensive  and  thorough  than  the  other  training  colleges  in  the 
theory,  methods,  and  organization  of  political  warfare.  The  men 
trained  in  this  academy  usually  become  the  political  representatives  of 
the  Communist  International  of  the  major  Communist  Parties. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  many  Americans  attend  the  Academy  of  Red 
Professors  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  There  are  two  I  know  of. 

Mr.  Walter.  Wlio  were  they? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Sam  Don,  D-o-n,  who  later  became  editor  of  the 
Daily  Worker;  and  another  one  was  Miller,  I  believe  Clarence  Miller. 
After  his  graduation  he  was  utilized  in  the  apparatus  of  the  Commu- 
nist International.  I  don't  know  to  what  extent  he  became  active  in 
the  American  Communist  Party,  however.  I  haven't  seen  his  name  in 
any  public  activity.  Of  course  there  were  others,  but  I  don't  know 
them  personally. 

Soviet  Military  Academy:  The  Soviet  Military  Academy  has  a 
special  section  for  training  those  among  the  foreign  Communists  who, 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  559' 

because  of  their  ability  and  military  aptitudes,  have  been  chosen  for 
staff  training,  enabling  them  to  organize  and  lead  insurrectionary 
general  warfare  on  a  large  scale. 

Mr.  Walter.  Do  you  know  of  any  Americans  who  attended  the 
Soviet  Military  Academy  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  No ;  I  don't. 

Mr.  Harrison.  How  about  Lenin? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Lenin  University? 

Mr.  Harrison.  Yes. 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Yes ;  I  know  quite  a  few  who  attended  there. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Name  some  of  them, 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Charles  Krumbein.  Margaret  Cowl,  which  is  an 
assumed  name ;  her  real  name  is  Margaret  Unjus,  U-n-j-u-s.  Rudolph 
Baker,  a  Yugoslav,  I  don't  recall  his  real  name.  Clarence  Hathaway, 
who  later  became  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker. 

And  there  were  several  Negroes.  One,  I  believe,  whose  name  was 
Harry  Haywood;  and  another  one  went  by  the  name  of  Brady,  whose 
real  name,  I  believe,  is  Lightfoot.  There  were  several  others  whose 
names  offhand  I  don't  recall,  but  there  were  quite  a  batch  of  them.  And 
the  same  thing  is  the  case  in  Eastern  University.  The  mass  of  Negro 
students  from  the  United  States  they  used  to  send  to  Eastern  Univer- 
sity because  in  the  concept  of  the  leaders  of  the  Comintern  the  Negroes 
are  treated  as  colonials.  Eastern  University  is  training  personnel  for 
the  eastern  countries,  and  they  would  usually  assign  the  largest  num- 
ber of  Negroes  from  the  American  Communist  Party  to  the  Eastern 
University.  As  was  to  be  expected,  the  American  Negroes  are 
accustomed  to  a  standard  way  above  that  of  the  Chinese  and  others, 
and  they  used  to  have  a  problem  on  their  hands  from  Negro  Com- 
munists assigned  to  Eastern  University.  That  was  the  case  when 
I  was  there.  They  couldn't  stomach  the  food,  and  couldn't  stand 
the  smelly  accommodations,  and  couldn't  live  without  baths  and  so  on, 
so  they  really  had  plenty  of  trouble  on  their  hands  on  account  of  that. 

Mr.  Ta\t:nn£R.  Was  Steve  Nelson  there  while  you  were  there  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  No ;  he  came  shortly  after.  I  know  he  went  there, 
but  he  either  came  about  the  time  when  I  was  ready  to  leave  or  shortly 
after.    I  know  he  was  due  to  be  at  the  Lenin  School. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  know^  Nowell? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes. 

Mr,  Tavenner.  Was  he  there  while  you  were  there? 

jMr.  Kornfeder.  No;  Nowell  came  there,  I  think,  1  year  after  I  left. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  know  Carl  Reeve? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Carl  Reeve  was  there  at  the  same  time  I  was, 

Mr,  Tavenner,  Did  you  name  Hathaway? 

Mr,  Kornfeder.  Clarence  Hathaway,  yes, 

Air.  Tavenner.  All  right.    Proceed. 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  addition  to  the  above  training  schools  there  are- 
some  supersecret  schools  of  which  I  heard  but  have  no  personal  knowl- 
edge, which  train  non-Russian  Communists  for  the  Soviet  secret  serv- 
ice in  capitalistic  countries.  These  "hush-hush"  schools  educate  spies 
in  the  various  arts  of  underground  warfare,  espionage,  and  sabotage, 
which,  in  .the  political  warfare  colleges,  are  taught  only  in  abbreviated 
form. 

In  all  of  these  training  colleges,  10  percent  of  the  personnel  is  made 
up  of  Russians  who,  after  their  graduation,  are  used  in  the  interna- 


560  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

tional  apparatus  of  the  Communist  International  organization  or  in 
the  Soviet  diplomatic  or  secret  service. 

The  expenses  for  the  maintenance  of  the  thousands  of  trainees 
turned  out  every  year,  for  their  transportation  to  and  from  Russia  and 
for  the  salaries  of  the  teaching  staff  are  defrayed  by  the  Sotiet  treas- 
ury. All  of  the  above-enumerated  training  colleges  have  contingents 
from  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States. 

Trainees  from  the  United  States  who  are  active  in  the  various  Com- 
munist-controlled foreign-language  organizations  are,  as  a  rule,  sent 
to  the  Western  University,  and  the  native  Americans  or  naturalized 
Americans  who  have  a  good  command  of  the  English  language  are 
trained  in  Lenin  University. 

The  number  of  trainees  turned  out  by  these  schools  since  1926, 
in  my  estimation — and  I  only  take  into  account  the  ones  I  know  of 
directly  located  in  Moscow — must  be  at  least  50,000  or  more  men  and 
women. 

Mr.  Wood.  About  what  percentage  of  those,  based  on  attendance  at 
the  time  you  were  there,  were  from  the  States? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  From  the  States,  counting  all  the  different  colleges 
over  a  period  of  23  years,  I  would  estimate  the  number  trained  at  about 
900  to  1,200. 

Mr.  Wood.  About  2  percent,  then? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  were  you  paid  while  you  were  at  the  school  in 
Moscow  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Your  maintenance  is  taken  care  of  completely  right 
on  the  school  grounds.  Then  you  get  an  allowance  for  clothing  which 
is  extra.  Then  at  that  time  the  ruble  was  worth  much  more  than  now, 
and  you  had  an  extra  of  50  rubles  a  month. 

Mr.  Walter.  Who  paid  your  transportation? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  The  Soviet  treasury,  through  the  Commuunist 
International. 

Mr.  Walter.  Where  did  you  receive  that  ?    In  New  York  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  In  New  York,  yes. 

Mr.  Walter.  Who  paid  that? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  The  one  who  gave  me  the  money  at  that  time,  I 
believe,  was  Jack  Stachel,  the  organization  secretary,  who  was  then  in 
charge  of  the  organization  department. 

Mr.  Walter.  You  had  to  obtain  a  passport  to  go  to  Russia  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Walter.  'V^Hiat  reason  did  you  give  to  go  to  Russia  when  you 
made  your  application  for  a  passport  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  I  didn't  say  I  was  going  to  Russia,  I  said  I  was 
going  to  France,  Germany,  and  so  on.    Russia  was  not  mentioned. 

molotov 

Vyachislav  Molotov,  until  recently  Foreign  Minister  of  the  Soviet 
Union,  was,  beginning  in  1929,  Stalin's  deputy  and  second  in  charge 
of  the  Communist  International,  and  had  at  that  time  direct  charge 
of  the  affairs  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  and  of  the 
Communist  Party  of  France. 

Molotov's  knowledge  of  conditions  and  life  in  countries  outside  of 
Russia  at  that  time  was  very  skimpy.    I  remember,  in  the  case  of  the 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  561 

faction  fight  above  referred  to  between  the  Foster  and  Lovestone 
factions  in  the  American  Conununist  Party,  he  had  decided  that  Wil- 
liam Z.  Foster  was  to  become  the  general  secretary  to  replace  Love- 
stone,  and  I  communicated  that  decision  to  the  Foster  faction  in  the 
United  States. 

Witliin  a  week  of  Molotov's  decision,  I  was  asked  to  meet  Losovsky — 
now  reputedly  in  charge  behind  the  scenes  of  the  activities  of  the 
Japanese  Communist  Party — in  his  apartment  in  Moscow,  and  was 
told  that  there  was  some  bad  new^s.  The  bad  news  consisted  of  Losov- 
sky's  telling  me  that  Stalin  had  overruled  Molotov  for  strategic  rea- 
sons, and  tliat  Foster  was  not  to  be  the  secretary.  Instead,  there  was 
to  be  a  secretariat  composed  of  two  Lovestone  adherents  who  had 
capitulated  and  Earl  Browder,  a  Foster  adherent  then  operating  in 
China. 

I  was  not  surprised  nt  what  Losovsky  told  me  because  I  had  already 
heard  of  tlie  new  decision  from  the  editor  of  the  Bolshevik  theoretical 
journal  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party.  I  objected,  of  course,  to 
the  new  decision  but  was  told  by  Losovsky  that  if  I  did  anything 
against  it,  it  would  have  very  serious  consequences  for  me  personally. 

Mr.  Wood,  What  did  you  understand  from  that  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  From  that  you  could  easily  understand  two  things : 
(1)  That  I  wouldn't  be  able  to  get  out  of  Russia,  since  because  most 
Communists  come  there  not  on  their  own  passports,  the  Soviet  Govern- 
ment, if  it  so  wishes,  can  charge  them  with  illegal  entry  and  suspected 
espionage  because  they  came  in  on  false  passports;  and  (2)  it  could 
mean  I  would  be  sent  certain  places  from  which  Communists  usually 
don't  come  back. 

Mr.  Wood.  Is  that  what  you  understood  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Walter.  How  did  you  get  out  of  Russia  actually  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDEK,  I  remained  in  their  good  graces.  I  had  that  much 
sense. 

Mr.  Walter.  You  had  to  have  travel  visas.  When  you  came  back 
to  the  United  States,  where  did  you  sail  from  ?  When  you  left  Russia, 
where  did  you  go  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  To  New  York. 

Mr.  Wali^er.  By  way  of  what? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  By  way  of  Finland.  If  you  are  in  good  standing, 
visas  are  very  simple. 

Mr.  Walter.  You  said  you  had  no  Russian  visa  to  go  into  Russia. 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  obtained  a  Russian  visa  in  German}^  through  the 
Berlin  Communist  Party.  That  visa  was  not  placed  on  the  passport 
but  on  a  separate  piece  of  paper. 

Mr.  Walter.  It  was  called  a  travel  permit  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  That  is  right.  And  when  I  left  Russia  the  exit 
visa  was  on  a  separate  piece  of  paper  and  was  not  stamped  on  the 
passport. 

Losovsky  also  assured  me  that  this  was  only  a  tactical  change  and 
that,  in  fact,  the  Lovestone  faction  was  going  to  be  thoroughly  cleaned 
out  of  the  party,  and  that  the  adherents  of  the  Foster  faction  would 
be  put  in  control,  but  it  would  have  to  be  done  more  gradually. 

I  met  Molotov  subsequently  on  the  premises  of  the  Lenin  School 
with  an  interpreter,  and  had  an  opportunity  to  see  for  myself  how 
ignorant  he  w^as  of  American  affairs.     However,  he  remained  in 


562  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS 

charge,  under  Stalin,  of  the  affairs  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the 
United  States  and  of  the  Communist  Party  of  France  and  later  on  of 
England. 

The  regular  bodies  of  the  Communist  International,  such  as  its 
Executive  Committee,  its  Presidium,  and  so  forth,  could  not,  except 
on  formal  occasions  when  some  resolutions  had  to  be  formally  adopted, 
act  on  the  affairs  of  the  major  Communist  parties  because  their  affairs 
were  handled  directly,  either  through  Stalin  or  MolotoA'',  and  the 
affairs  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party  had  long  ceased  to  be,  even 
in  a  formal  sense,  on  the  agenda  of  the  regular  committees  of  the 
■Communist  International, 

The  Russian  Communist  Party  never  considered  itself  subject  to 
the  decisions  of  the  Communist  International,  and,  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  the  Russian  Communist  Party  who  directed  the  affairs  of  all 
other  Communist  parties  through  the  apparatus  of  the  Communist 
International. 

I  recall  the  testimony  of  Krivitsky,  which  I  think  illustrates  this 
perfectly.  Krivitsky  was  a  former  general  of  their  intelligence  serv- 
ices in  western  Europe,  and  he  said  the  following : 

The  Communist  International  is  not  an  organization  of  autonomous  and 
independent  parties.  The  Communist  parties  are  nothing  more  than  brancli 
offices  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party.  The  Communist  International  that 
operates  in  Moscow  is  nothing  more  than  an  administrative  body  which  trans- 
mits the  decrees  reached  by  the  Political  Bureau  of  the  Central  Committee  of 
the  Russian  Communist  Party. 

If  I  had  any  illusions  on  this  subject,  certainly  my  experiences  in 
Moscow  disabused  me  completely  as  to  who  really  runs  and  controls 
the  Communist  parties  outside  of  Russia. 

KEY  DEPARTMENTS 

Now  I  come  to  the  key  departments  through  which  the  actual  con- 
trol and  operation  of  the  various  Communist  parties  is  directed  and 
controlled  in  Moscow. 

The  mere  training  of  large  numbers  of  personnel  does  not,  in  itself, 
constitute  a  well-ordered  organization,  and  Stalin,  if  anything,  <i#  a 
thorough  and  despotic  organizer ;  hence,  in  what  follows,  I  shall  show 
how  all  this  personnel  is  organized. 

Moscow's  control  over  the  worldwide  Communist  Party  is  executed 
mainly  through  a  number  of  key  departments  operating  from  Moscow 
headquarters,  through  which  leadership  and  control  flows  over  the 
affiliated  Communist  parties. 

THE  AGITATION  PROPAGANDA  DEPARTMENT 

This  department  at  that  time  was  headed  by  Karl  Radek,  one  of  the 
ablest  propagandists.  It  has  control  and  supervision  over  the  entire 
Communist  press  in  all  countries.  It  also  has  charge  over  the  whole 
publishing  business  designed  for  non-Russian  Communist  parties 
inside  and  outside  of  Russia. 

In  the  course  of  time  under  Stalin,  this  and  other  departments 
tightened  their  control  over  their  respective  fields  more  and  more. 
3y  1929,  no  one  could  become  an  editor,  or  a  manager,  or  a  writer 
on  foreign  affairs,  in  any  of  the  chief  publications  of  the  Communist 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  563 

parties  without  approval  of  the  Agitation  Propaganda  Department 
in  Moscow. 

The  political  bureau  of  the  American  Communist  Party  would  then 
eitlier  have  to  seek  prior  approval  of  the  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker 
or,  if  appointed  to  that  position  by  its  own  initiative,  the  editor  would 
still  have  to  be  sanctioned  by  Moscow  headquarters.  The  Daily 
Worker,  in  fact,  was  a  creature  of  the  subsidies  emanating  from  Mos- 
cow. The  same  was  the  case  with  the  Daily  Worker  of  the  British 
Communist  Party.  The  Daily  Worker  is  regularly  analyzed  by  the 
experts  of  the  Agitation  and  Propaganda  Department,  and  detailed 
instructions  are  given  as  to  its  line  of  policy  and  contents. 

As  a  member  of  the  Anglo-American  Secretariat,  the  situation, 
financially  and  otherwise,  of  the  Daily  Worker  of  the  United  States 
and  the  one  published  in  London  came  up  periodically  for  discussion. 
The  Daily  Worker  at  that  time  was  subsidized  to  the  extent  of  70 
percent  and  more  by  Moscow.  It  was  created  by  a  lump  subsidy  from 
Moscow  in  the  first  place.  And  the  Daily  Worker  in  London  at  that 
time  was  subsidized  to  the  extent  of  95  percent  by  Moscow. 

Clarence  Hathaway,  who  was  the  first  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker 
after  the  great  purge  of  Lovestonites,  and  who  was  a  trainee  of  the 
Lenin  University,  was  made  editor  by  decision  made  in  Moscow.  That 
is,  they  devised  the  arguments  to  make  the  changes  palatable  to  the 
rank  and  file. 

The  Agitation  and  Propaganda  Department  is  in  charge  also  of  the 
formulation  of  theories  and  slogans  to  justify  various  sudden  changes 
in  party  line  dictated  from  Moscow.  It  is  this  department  that  de- 
vises the  propaganda  techniques  followed  by  the  various  Communist 
parties.  When  a  new  front  is  created,  such  as  the  former  League 
Against  Imperialism,  it  is  the  department  which  devises  the  theory 
and  platform  to  justify  the  creation  of  such  a  front.  There  was  a 
front  to  operate  against  the  United  States  in  South  America  and 
against  England  in  India  and  other  colonies  of  Britain  and  France. 

The  Agitation  and  Propaganda  Department  is  the  department  in 
charge  of  the  so-called  cultural  activities  of  the  various  Communist 
fronts  operating  amon^  professionals,  such  as  scenario  writers,  artists, 
and  intellectuals  in  various  fields.  It  directs  the  radio  set-ups  beam- 
ing propaganda  in  various  languages  to  the  four  corners  of  the  earth, 
and  is  in  charge  of  other  propaganda  fields. 

As  a  representative  of  the  Foster  faction  in  Moscow,  I  had  occa- 
sion to  write  various  pieces  of  propaganda  to  be  used  on  the  Moscow 
radio  for  the  United  States. 

The  Agitation  and  Propaganda  Department  is  also  the  department 
charged  with  recommendations  for  subsidies  for  the  Communist  press 
in  the  United  States  and  the  publication  houses  which  publish  Com- 
munist books,  such  as  International  Publishers  in  the  United  States. 
They  order  the  International  Publishers  what  to  print  and  what  not 
to  print.  International  Publishers,  headed  by  Alexander  Trachten- 
berg,  is  entirely  a  creature  of  Moscow. 

THE   ORGANIZATION    DEPARTMENT 

The  Organization  Department,  at  the  time  of  my  stay  in  Moscow, 
was  headed  by  Ossip  Piatnitzky,  assisted  by  one  Vasiliev.  Piatnitzky 
was  one  of  the  ablest  political  organizers  t  ever  met.  He  was  a  spe- 
cialist on  underground  techniques.     This  department  is  in  direct 


564  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

charge  of  all  the  organization  politics  of  the  Communist  parties  and 
has  extensive  personnel  to  enforce  its  decisions, 

I  sat  in  on  various  organization  conferences  conducted  by  this  de- 
partment, and  one  discussion  which  I  well  remember  was  on  the  re- 
sults of  reorganizing  the  entire  structure  of  the  American  Commu- 
nist Party.  The  party  in  the  United  States  had  originally  been  based 
upon  foreign-language  federations  which  had  been  taken  over  from 
the  Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States  and  continued  to  function  as 
before,  except  that  they  were  affiliated  now  with  the  Communist 
Party. 

Moscow  decided  that  this  entire  structure  had  to  be  scrapped  com- 
pletely and  that  the  members  belonging  to  the  language  federations 
would  have  to  become  members  of  the  regl^lar  territorial  units  of  the 
Communist  Party  in  order  to  have  a  more  thorough  check  on  their 
activities,  and  make  them  subject  to  the  main  objectives  of  Moscow, 
namely,  infiltration  into  labor  unions,  participation  in  the  general 
activities  of  the  party,  and  so  forth. 

The  language  federations  were,  as  a  result  of  this  decision,  replaced 
by  language  bureaus  appointed  by  the  central  committee,  thus  bring- 
ing activities  among  the  foreign  language  minorities  in  the  United 
States  under  a  more  complete  control  by  Moscow. 

Another  organization  conference  discussion  I  attended  related  to 
a.  still  further  reorganization  of  the  Communist  Party  activities  in 
the  United  States  and  other  countries,  and  the  results  of  these  dis- 
cussions were  also  applied  to  Communist  parties  in  other  countries. 
This  reorganization  called  for  organization  of  Communist  Party  units 
based  on  factories,  trades,  and  industries. 

Under  this  scheme,  Communists  who  were  union  members  or  pro- 
fessionals operating  in  the  teaching  field,  book-publishing  field,  en- 
gineering field,  and  so  forth,  were  to  be  organized  on  the  basis  of  their 
occupation,  and  would  operate  as  Communist  units  in  their  own  pro- 
fession or  occupation. 

All  members  of  the  Communist  Party  who  were  eligible  to  join  the 
unions  were  ordered  to  join  them.  The  territorial  units  upon  which 
the  party  had  been  based  formerly  were  reduced  to  a  minor  role  under 
this  scheme  of  organization.  In  the  course  of  years,  this  complete  re- 
organization plan  was  put  into  effect. 

I  am  giving  these  illustrations  to  indicate  to  what  extent  Moscow 
headquarters  has  control  over  the  organization,  practices,  and  details 
of  the  various  Communist  parties,  including  the  Communist  Party  of 
the  United  States. 

The  Organization  Department  has  also  a  great  deal  to  say  about  any 
organization  personnel  in  the  various  Communist  parties.  It  has  its 
own  instructors  to  enforce  its  decisions  upon  the  parties.  As  a  rule,  it 
chooses  the  heads  of  the  organization  departments  of  the  various 
Communist  parties,  such  as  J.  Peters,  recently  deported  from  the 
United  States,  or  Alpi,  his  predecessor,  and  the  same  applies  to  dis- 
trict organization  directors  of  the  Communist  parties  in  the  various 
States,  and  to  district  organizers. 

The  Organization  Department  also  supervises  and  directs  organiza- 
tion techniques  to  be  used  in  the  organization  of  various  types  of  Com- 
munist fronts.  It  is  the  department  which  has  the  most  to  say  as  to 
what  subsidies  should  be  granted  in  lump  sums  to  the  central  com- 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS  565 

mittees  of  the  various  Coiiinmnist  Parties,  how,  and  in  what  field  the 
subsidies  are  to  be  spent. 

THE  LABOR  UNION  ACTIVITIES  DEPARTMENT 

This  department  was  operated  by  Solomon  Losovsky,  the  ablest 
man  Moscow  had  at  that  time  for  this  tj'pe  of  activity.  The  activities 
of  this  department,  due  to  the  extraordinary  importance  which  the 
Moscow  command  attaches  to  the  conquest  of  labor  unions,  had  an 
entirely  separate  set-up  which  occupied  nearly  as  much  space  as  the 
Communist  International  headquarters  itself.  To  the  outside  world, 
this  set-up  was  known  as  the  Red  International  of  Labor  Unions, 
predecessor  of  the  World  Federation  of  Labor  Unions,  set  up  after 
the  war. 

This  department  had  charge  of  all  Communist  tactics  of  organiza- 
tion and  propaganda  in  this  special  field.  It  was  in  control  of  all 
leading  fractions  of  Communists  in  labor  unions  outside  of  Russia  and, 
through  these  fractions,  was  able  to  direct  the  activities  of  all  Commu- 
nist-controlled unions  on  the  five  continents.  /  How  thorough  that  con- 
trol was  I  may  illustrate  by  an  incident  of  which  I  have  direct  per- 
sonal knowledge. 

I  was  instructed  by  this  department,  with  the  approval  of  the  heads 
of  the  Commimist  International,  to  carry  out  upon  my  return  to  the 
United  States/the  expulsion  of  Ben  Gold,  present  head  of  the  Fur  and 
Leather  Workers  International  Union,  CIO ;  of  Irving  Potash,  present 
manager  of  the  New  York  Joint  Boai'd  of  the  Fur  and  Leather  Work- 
ers International  Union ;  and  Rose  Wortis,  then  leader  of  the  Needle 
Trades  Workers  Industrial  Union,  and  others.  These  leaders,  all  Com- 
munists, had  displeased  Losovsky,  the  head  of  this  department,  and 
although  they  had  quit  the  Lovestone  group,  they  were  considered 
deviationists. 

I  had  in  my  pocket  a  long  letter  signed  by  the  Red  Labor  Union 
International,  with  Losovsky  as  general  secretary,  which  was  to  be 
published  in  the  entire  party  press  to  justify  their  expulsion.  In 
that  letter,  they  were  denounced  as  corruptionists  and  opportunists, 
and  there  was,  of  course,  plenty  of  reason  for  that  charge,  although 
that  was  not  the  main  reason  for  the  expulsion  order. 

With  the  help  of  Earl  Browder,  I  prevailed  upon  Michailov,  per- 
sonal representative  of  Stalin,  then  carrying  out  the  purge  in  the 
American  Communist  Party,  to  send  them  instead  to  Moscow  for  fur- 
ther training.  And  that  is  how  they  happened  to  go  to  Lenin  Uni- 
versity. The  letter  of  the  Red  Labor  Union  International  was  not 
published  as  such,  but  instead,  a  toned-down  article  by  Jack  Johnston, 
then  a  member  of  the  central  committee  of  the  American  Communist- 
Party,  was  published  against  them  in  the  Daily  Worker  as  a  possible 
base  for  their  expulsion  if,  upon  their  return  from  Moscow,  they  should 
not  conform. 

The  Labor  Union  Activities  Department  had  charge  also  of  all 
the  strike  strategy  to  be  followed  by  unions  controlled  by  the  Com- 
munist Party.  It  had  charge  of  deciding  where  strikes  were  to  be 
called  in  accordance  with  the  designs  of  ISIoscow,  and  how  these  strikes 
were  to  be  utilized. 

Subsidies  for  labor-union  activities  had  to  pass  through  this  de- 
partment.    I  was  consulted  on  some  of  these  subsidies  on  activities  in 


566  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

the  United  States,  and  know  that  the  activities  in  the  maritime  field, 
in  the  mining  field,  and  activities  among  railroad  brotherhoods  re- 
ceived special  consideration  and  continued  subsidies.  In  all  of  these 
fields,  subsidies  were  continuous. 

In  addition  to  the  subsidies  for  activities  in  certain  industries,  there 
was  a  general  subsidy  for  the  Trade  Unity  League,  then  headed  by 
William  Z.  Foster.  I  remember  especially  one  discussion  relating  to 
a  subsidy  for  activities  inside  the  United  Mine  Workers,  headed  by 
John  L.  Lewis.  Present  at  that  meeting  were  Piatnitzky,  of  the 
Organization  Deartment  of  the  Communist  International ;  Losovsky, 
head  of  the  Trade  Union  Department ;  and  Melnichansky,  representing 
the  Central  Committee  on  the  Russian  Trade  Unions.  The  complaint 
was  that  large  subsidies  formerly  granted  for  infiltration  of  the  United 
Mine  Workers  had  not  brought  the  results  expected,  and  they  wanted 
my  opinion,  as  a  representative  of  the  Foster  faction,  on  a  new  request 
for  $50,000.    The  amount  was  cut  in  half. 

Moscow  had  a  great  contempt  for  the  abilities  of  American  Com- 
munists and,  for  that  reason,  they  always  took  special  organization 
measures  to  see  to  it  that  they  got  at  least  a  part  of  their  money's  worth. 
Strikes,  such  as  the  Passaic  textile  strike,  were  much  discussed  and 
criticized,  as  well  as  the  strikes  in  the  mining  and  needle  trades  in- 
dustry, in  which  the  Communists  at  that  time  had  great  influence. 
There  is  not  one  strike  in  the  United  States  that  would  not  receive 
a  thorough  analysis  as  to  its  methods  of  operation  and  its  results. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  will  take  a  recess  until  2  o'clock. 

(Whereupon,  at  12 :45  p.  m.,  a  recess  was  taken  until  2  p.  m.  of  the 
same  day.) 

AFTERNOON   SESSION 

Mr.  Wood.  The  committee  will  be  in  order.  Are  you  ready  to  pro- 
ceed, Mr.  Attorney  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes,  sir.  Mr.  Kornfeder,  you  will  resume  your 
testimony,  please. 

TESTIMONY  OF  JOSEPH  ZACK  KOENFEDER— Resumed 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  next  point  on  operations  of  the  Communist 
International  organization,  Moscow,  will  deal  with  the  Underground 
Activities  Department. 

UNDERGROUND    ACTIVITIES    DEPARTMENT 

It  is  a  must  for  all  Communist  Parties  to  carry  on  illegal  or  under- 
ground activities  side  by  side  with  legal  or  open  activities.  I  may 
illustrate  the  point  by  quoting  point  4  of  the  Twenty-one  Conditions 
of  Affiliation  with  the  Communist  International.    I  quote : 

The  obligation  to  spread  Communist  ideas  includes  the  particular  necessity  of 
persistent,  systematic  propaiianda  in  the  army.  Wherever  such  propaganda  is  for- 
bidden by  exceptional  laws,  it  must  be  carried  on  illegally.  The  abandonment 
of  such  work  would  be  equivalent  to  the  betrayal  of  revolutionary  duty  and  is 
incompatible  with  membership  in  the  International. 

For  the  efficient  operation  of  this  type  of  activity,  there  was  set  up 
at  Communist  International  headquarters  a  special  department  known 
as  OMSK,  which  in  English  signifies  General  International  Liaison 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  567 

Commission.  This  department  was  under  the  charge  of  one  Abrams, 
a  sinister  looking  individual. 

This  is  the  de])artment  in  which  I  received  training  for  the  setting 
up  of  secret  short-wave  radio  stations  in  the  countries  to  which  I  was 
assigned,  and  also  the  method  of  communicating  by  cipher  or  code. 
This  is  the  department  also  that  supplied  me  a  specialist  of  the  Red 
Army  staff  to  instruct  me  in  the  techniques  of  guerrilla  warfare,  which, 
in  the  countries  I  was  sent  to,  may  be  of  advantage  to  organize. 

The  OMSK  worked  out  the  various  techniques  of  underground 
operation  for  the  affiliated  Communist  Parties.  It  operated  the  secret, 
short-wave  radio  system  of  code  communication  between  the  Com- 
munist Parties  and  Moscow  headquarters.  It  handled  the  forging  of 
passports  and  identity  papers,  the  smuggling  of  arms  and  other  forms 
of  contraband,  and  the  routing  of  secret  agents  back  and  forth.  It 
had  special  channels  of  communication  for  confidential  reports  and 
messages. 

The  method  of  creating  a  secret  radio  station,  according  to  the 
instructions  I  received,  was  to  get  together  a  group  of  radio  amateurs 
who  were  either  Communists  or  close  sympathizers  and  utilize  them  to 
set  up  a  radio  outlet.  After  the  creation  of  such  a  set-up,  I  was  to 
communicate  with  Moscow,  and  they  were  to  send  a  specialist  trained 
in  IMoscow  who  would  know  how  to  use  our  radio  for  secret  communica- 
tion. This  department  also  works  as  a  liaison  between  the  Communist 
underground  activities  and  the  Soviet  Secret  Service  operating  in 
countries  outside  of  Russia.  Some  of  the  methods  of  operation  of  this 
department  were  revealed  in  the  exposures  of  infiltration  in  the  United 
States  Government  agencies  recently. 

This  department  also  engages  in  the  circulation  of  counterfeit 
money  printed  in  Moscow.  Among  the  first  arrests  made  in  this  con- 
nection were  arrests  made  back  in  1982  or  1933  in  connection  with  the 
circulation  of  American  bank  notes  of  high  denominations.  Infiltra- 
tion into  armed  services,  and  the  devising  of  sabotage  techniques  and 
the  supi)ly  of  armaments  for  civil  war  purposes  is  also  handled  by  this 
department. 

YOUl^H  ACTIVITIES  DEPARTMENT 

This  department  was  headed  by  Will  Munzenberg,  an  individual 
of  unusual  ability  who  in  later  years  became  the  chief  organizer  for 
the  whole  system  of  deceptive  fronts,  a  method  of  organizing  sympa- 
thizers and  innocents  which  has  been  of  such  tremendous  help  in  the 
infiltration  of  Communists  into  all  walks  of  life. 

The  Moscow  leadership  considers  activities  among  the  youth  of 
capitalist  countries  of  tremendous  importance;  hence,  the  Youth  Ac- 
tivities Department  operated  through  an  organization  then  known  as 
the  Young  Communist  International.  The  headquarters  of  the  Young 
Communist  International  was  in  the  same  building  as  that  of  the 
Communist  International  and  occupied  an  entire  floor. 

The  present  World  Federation  of  Democratic  Youth,  organized  by 
the  Communists  after  the  war,  is  the  successor  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist International.  The  principal  objectives  of  the  activities  of  the 
Young  Communist  International  were  the  infiltration  of  colleges, 
universities,  and  high  schools  of  the  various  capitalist  countries. 

It  is  the  Youth  Activities  Department  of  the  Communist  Inter- 
national which  designed  all  the  special  agitation  and  propaganda 


568  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

methods  to  be  used  among  the  youth  of  the  various  countries.  The 
Youth  Activities  Department  was  also  the  department  in  charge  of 
all  youth  organizations  and  activities  of  the  various  Communist  Parties 
in  all  industries  employing  masses  of  youth.  The  main  general  ob- 
jective of  this  activity  was  to  induce  disloyalty  to  one's  own  country 
among  the  youth  and,  by  creating  discontent,  to  transfer  the  loyalty 
of  the  youth  to  the  Soviet  Union. 

Youth  activities  are  interlinked  with  Communist  labor  union  activi- 
ties in  industries  or  institutions  employing  or  handling  masses  of 
youth.  The  Communist  Party  coordinates  its  activities  among  the 
teaching  staffs  in  the  school  system  with  the  youth  activities  among  the 
students  or  pupils  in  various  teaching  establishments. 

Infiltration  of  armed  services  and  contacting  of  armed-service  per- 
sonnel for  both  propaganda  and  demoralization  work,  form  an  im- 
portant part  of  the  Youth  Department's  activities  in  cooperation  with 
the  Communist  Party. 

women's  activities  department 

This  department,  then  headed  by  Krupskaya,  widow  of  Lenin,  is 
designed  to  prey  on  and  exploit  special  women's  grievances,  and  is  in 
charge  of  all  the  women's  fronts  created  by  the  Comintern  and  its 
affiliated  Communist  Parties.  This  department  is  also  in  charge  of 
the  techniques  of  infiltration  of  non-Communist  women's  organizations 
in  the  various  countries.  Its  direction  and  activity  is  made  effective 
by  the  control  of  Communist  leading  fractions  in  the  various  women's 
organizations. 

The  creation  by  key  Communists  of  a  World  Federation  of  Demo- 
cratic Women  after  the  war  makes  it  possible  for  this  department  to 
coordinate  all  the  women's  organizations  under  Communist  control, 
and  its  infiltration  activities  are  centralized  thus  into  one  special 
women's  agency  through  which  to  operate  its  further  activities. 

AGRARIAN  ACTIVITIES  DEPARTMENT 

This  department  was  headed  at  that  time  by  Dombrowsky,  specialist 
on  agrarian  problems.  Its  activities  were  made  effective  by  a  special 
set-up,  then  known  as  the  Peasants  International.  Its  job  was  to 
design  special  methods  of  propaganda  and  organization  adapted  to 
the  peasant  and  farm  population  of  the  various  countries. 

Stalin  considers  the  peasants  in  the  colonial  countries  as  "the  axis 
of  the  Colonial  Revolution."  In  my  time,  this  department  was  in  its 
infancy,  but  much  was  done  in  this  field  since.  The  department 
operated  in  the  various  countries  through  Communist  fractions  active 
in  the  organization  of  peasant  leagues,  farmers'  unions,  farm  coopera- 
tives, farm  labor  parties,  and  workers'  and  peasants'  fronts,  etc. 

THE  INTERNATIONAL  CONTROL  COMMISSION 

The  Control  Commission  is  a  policing  set-up  inside  the  Communist 
International  and  its  affiliated  parties,  each  party  having  a  control 
commission  of  its  own  which  operates  under  the  direction  of  the 
Control  Commission  in  Moscow. 

The  Control  Commission  keeps  a  biographical  file  of  the  officers 
and  members  of  all  Communist  Parties  and  their  activities.    I  may 


COMMUNIST    IXFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  569 

say  at  this  point  that  although  the  Communists  in  this  country  would 
reifuse  to  divulge  the  names  or  activities  of  members  of  their  organiza- 
tions, Moscow  has  a  complete  file  of  the  membership  of  tlie  Com- 
munist Tarty,  and  not  only  a  file,  it  has  a  biogra})hical  detail  of  every 
officer,  no  matter  how  small,  or  leader  of  the  Communist  Party,  from 
the  unit  up.  And  Moscow  also  has  a  file  of  all  the  leading  individuals 
in  all  the  fronts,  with  the  details  about  their  activities,  which  may 
uidicate,  incidentally,  whom  they  trust  and  whom  they  don't  trust. 

The  Control  Commission  in  Moscow  has  jurisdiction  over  all  agents 
or  representatives  of  the  Communist  International,  as  well  as  oyer 
members  of  all  Central  Committees  of  the  various  affiliated  parties. 
The  Control  Commission  of  the  individual  Communist  Parties  has 
jurisdiction  over  the  rest  of  the  personnel  of  each  individual  party. 

The  Control  Commission  may  expel  a  member,  demote  a  party  offi- 
cial, make  punitive  transfers  to  more  dangerous  or  less  desirable 
activities,  and  initiate  and  carry  out,  if  authorized  by  leaders  in 
Moscow,  entire  purges  in  the  various  Communist  Parties. 

In  fact,  the  Control  Commission  may  intervene  in  almost  any  and 
all  activities  from  the  point  of  view  of  enforcing  discipline  and  the 
strict  carrying  out  of  the  party  line  as  dictated  from  Moscow. 

COMINTERN  INFORMATION  SERVICE 

Each  Conmiunist  Party  must  send  to  Moscow  the  minutes  of  the 
meetings  of  its  Central  Committee  and  Political  Bureau,  the  minutes 
of  all  district  or  State  executive  committees,  and  tlie  minutes  of  all 
leading  fractions  operating  inside  of  Communist-controlled  or  infil- 
trated labor  unions,  and  also  the  minutes  of  Communist-controlled 
front  organization  meetings.  Moscow  also  receives  the  official  minutes 
of  all  labor  unions  and  front  organizations  controlled  by  the  Commu- 
nist Parties  in  the  various  countries. 

All  of  this  tremendous  flow  of  information,  when  it  arrives  in  Mos- 
cow, passes  through  the  hands  of  information  specialists  which  each 
of  the  parties  sends  to  Moscow  and  who  have  offices  at  Comintern  head- 
quarters. 

The  duty  of  this  specialist  is  to  dissect  that  material  and  make  it 
ready  for  use  or  perusal  by  the  various  departments  of  the  Communist 
International.  Some  of  the  departments,  such  as  the  labor  union 
activities  department,  youth  activities  department,  and  so  forth,  have 
their  own  specialists  supplied  by  the  Communist  Parties  of  the  vari- 
ous countries,  to  analyze  and  use  the  material  received  for  their  own 
special  activities. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  each  major  party  sends  a  representative  to 
Moscow  headquarters.  The  representatives  from  the  United  States 
in  my  time  were  Louis  Enghdal,  Bert  Wolfe,  and  William  Weinstone. 
The  functions  of  these  representatives  were  to  make  summaries  of  im- 
portant activities  of  the  Communist  Party  of  their  own  countries  for 
use  by  the  presidium  of  the  Communist  International,  and  to  act  in  a 
consulting  capacity  on  matters  of  their  own  parties  to  the  leaders  of 
the  Communist  International. 


95613— 49— pt.  1- 


570  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

SECRET  REPORTS 

Reports  concerning  activities  of  Communists  in  the  armed  services 
or  infiltration  in  Government  departments,  or  matters  relating  to 
technological  or  other  espionage,  are  received  through  special  channels 
and  handled  by  the  Underground  Activities  Department  (OMSK), 
above  referred  to.  In  addition  to  the  above  secret  reporting,  there  are, 
of  course,  the  reports  of  the  Soviet  Secret  Service  itself,  which  are 
handled  entirely  by  the  competent  agencies  of  the  Russian  Secret 
Service  and  often  serve  as  a  double  check  on  the  reports  received  from 
the  Communist  Party  itself. 

COMINTERN  LIBRARY 

Copies  of  all  material  publislied  by  the  various  Communist  Parties, 
whether  books,  journals,  newspapers,  pamphlets,  and  even  leaflets,  are 
sent  to  the  Comintern  Library  and  are  available  to  any  of  the  depart- 
ments of  the  Comintern. 

The  same  library  also  receives,  through  subscription,  copies  of  all 
important  newspapers,  journals,  and  other  publications  of  a  non-Com- 
munist character,  such  as  the  New  York  Times,  Wall  Street  Journal, 
and  at  least  one  important  newspaper  from  each  major  city  in  the 
United  States. 

Access  to  this  material  is  available  only  to  the  officials  of  the  Com- 
munist International,  officials  and  members  of  the  Central  Committee 
of  the  Russian  Communist  Part}^,  and  trainees  and  officials  of  the  vari- 
ous political  warfare  colleges  in  Moscow.  Thus,  the  flow  of  informa- 
tion material  on  activities  in  the  United  States  as  well  as  on  other 
countries  is  truly  tremendous. 

The  Commissariat  (Ministry)  of  Foreign  Affairs  has  its  own  set-up 
and  also  receives  a  tremendous  amount  of  material,  including  official 
reports  published  by  the  various  departments  of  the  United  States, 
congressional  committees,  and  so  forth,  which,  of  course,  is  also  avail- 
able for  perusal  by  different  agencies  of  the  Communist  International. 

The  material  and  information  thus  received,  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Agitation  and  Propaganda  Department  of  the  Communist  In- 
ternational and  the  corresponding  department  of  the  Russian  Com- 
munist Party,  is  used  in  shaping  the  material  for  broadcasts  over  the 
Moscow  radio  and  also  used  as  the  basis  for  articles  by  the  Russian 
press. 

COMINTERN  SECRETARIATS 

In  order  to  give  more  specialized  direction  to  the  various  Communist 
Parties,  Moscow  headquarters  has,  in  addition  to  the  basic  depart- 
ments above  enumerated,  a  system  of  continental  or  semicontinental 
secretariats.  There  is  the  Far  Eastern  Secretariat,  at  that  time  led 
by  Lominadse;  the  Central  European  Secretariat,  led  by  Dimitrov; 
the  Anglo-American  Secretariat  led  by  Petrowski;  and  the  Latin- 
American  Secretai'iat  led  by  Togliatti,  then  known  in  Moscow  as 
Ercoli,  present  leader  of  the  Italian  Communist  Party;  the  Carib- 
bean Secretariat,  led  by  Bittelman,  an  American  Communist  now  held 
for  deportation;  and  the  Balkan  Secretariat,  led  by  the  late  Bela  Kun, 
former  dictator  of  Hungary,  and  later  by  Rakosi,  present  dictator  of 
Hungary. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  571 

The  Anglo- American,  Far  Eastern,  and  Latin- American  Secre- 
tariats at  that  time  operated  from  Moscow  headquarters.  The  Cen^ 
tral  European  Secretariat  operated  from  Berlin ;  the  Caribbean  Secre- 
tariat operated  from  New  York ;  and  the  Balkan  Secretariat  operated 
from  Vienna,  Austria.  The  function  of  these  secretariats  is  to  sup- 
ply a  more  detailed  political  supervision  over  the  operations  of  the 
various  Communist  Parties  under  their  jurisdiction,  to  elaborate  on 
the  tactical  adaptation  of  the  directives  of  Moscow  headquarters,  to 
report  on  conditions  in  countries  under  their  supervision,  and  to  re- 
port on  matters  of  strategy  to  be  pursued  in  the  special  areas  of  the 
globe  in  which  they  operate. 

THE  SYSTEM  OF  COMMUNIST  INTERNATIONAL  REPRESENTATIVES  AND 

INSTRUCTORS 

Moscow  headquarters  is  not  satisfied  with  checking  on  the  Commu- 
nist Parties  from  a  long  distance,  however.  Hence,  a  system  of  field 
representatives  operating  right  on  the  ground  had  been  established 
early  in  the  existence  of  the  Communist  International,  and  has  been 
highly  developed  since  Stalin's  advance  to  absolute  power. 

Prior  to  the  establishment  of  complete  control  by  Stalin,  the  Com- 
munist International  used  to  send  occasional  representatives  to  re- 
solve disputes  in  the  various  Communist  Parties.  Beginning  with 
1926  and  1927,  however,  a  system  of  resident  representatives  of  the 
Communist  International  to  the  major  Communist  Parties  began  to  be 
established. 

By  1929,  this  was  followed  by  whole  staffs,  all  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Communist  International,  and  its  continental  and  semicon- 
tinental  secretariats  took  charge  of  the  major  departments  of  each 
Communist  Party. 

The  Communist  International  representative  was,  behind  the  scenes, 
the  top  political  boss  of  the  Communist  Party  to  which  he  was 
assigned.  Under  his  orders  are  Communist  International  instructors 
who  are  in  charge  of  the  Organization  Department,  the  Agitation  and 
Propaganda  Department,  Underground  Activities  Department,  Youth 
Activities  Department,  Labor  Union  Activities  Department,  and  so 
forth. 

The  Communist  International  representative  and  his  staff  operate, 
of  course,  entirely  behind  the  scenes  and  are  known  under  assumed 
names  only  to  those  supreme  inside  the  party.  The  establishment  of 
this  sj^stem  of  representatives  and  their  staffs  strengthens  the  iron 
grip  of  Stalin  upon  the  various  Communist  Parties,  reducing  the 
leaders  to  mere  "Charlie  McCarthy's"  of  those  who  stand  behind 
them. 

Ability  on  the  part  of  the  official  leaders  of  the  party  was  de- 
sirable, of  course,  but  only  if  they  were  completely  subservient  to  the 
dictates  of  Moscow. 

Moscow,  through  its  staff  on  the  spot,  made  certain,  however,  that 
the  party  was  run  according  to  its  dictates,  even  by  individuals  of 
little  ability,  if  need  be.  The  representatives  and  instructors  to  the 
Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  that  I  have  knowledge  of 
were  Gussev,  a  former  Russian  general,  alias  P.  Green ;  Poganj,  former 
Minister  of  War  in  the  former  Hungarian  Government,  alias  Schwartz, 
alias  John  Pepper;  Ewert,  former  German  Reichstag  deputy,  alias 


572  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Braun ;  Michailov,  personal  representative  of  Stalin,  alias  Williams ; 
and  Gerhart  Eisler,  alias  Edwards,  alias  Hans  Berger,  and  so  forth. 
All  the  foregoing  were  representatives  of  the  Communist  Interna- 
tional, and  there  were  others  who  were  instructors  in  charge  of  various 
departments  who  are  too  numerous  to  remember. 

THE  FORMAL  SETUP 

The  formal  set-up  through  which  the  Communist  Parties  were 
united  into  a  world  organization  during  the  time  of  my  stay  in  Moscow 
has  since  (1943)  been  abolished.  At  that  time,  there  were  periodical 
congresses  of  the  Communist  International,  to  which  all  parties  sent 
delegates,  and  those  congresses  were  authorized  to  proclaim  to  the 
world  changes  in  policy  or  strategy. 

The  congresses  elected  formally  an  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Communist  International,  which  in  turn  elected  a  Presidium,  and  the 
various  departments  then  functioned  formally  under  the  direction 
of  the  Executive  Committee  elected  by  the  congresses,  and  the  Pre- 
sidium. 

In  the  early  stages  of  the  Communist  movement,  such  a  set-up  was 
necessary  to  make  the  Communist  Parties  and  their  rank  and  file 
members  believe  that  there  was  a  certain  amount  of  democracy  in  the 
set-up  and  that  they  had  certain  rights  through  which  to  have  their 
say  as  to  the  policies  and  affairs  of  the  world-wide  organization. 

The  real  facts,  of  course,  were  that  the  Communist  Parties  outside 
of  Russia,  as  Krivitzky  in  his  testimony  before  the  House  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities  aptly  expressed  it,  were  "nothing  but 
branches  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party,"  and  upon  Stalin's  en- 
trenchment in  power,  he  more  and  more  disregarded  the  formal  set-up 
and,  through  his  special  batteries  of  secretaries  on  foreign  affairs, 
ran  the  Communist  International  organization  through  the  basic  de- 
partments above  enumerated  as  a  mere  instrument  of  the  Russian 
Communist  Party  and  Stalin's  Political  Bureau. 

Thus,  when  the  formal  set-up  was  abolished  in  1943,  the  real 
machinery  through  which  these  parties  were  operated  remained  intact, 
and  the  only  thing  that  was  changed  was  that  the  direction  and  con- 
trol from  Moscow  over  these  parties  was  more  concealed  than  before. 
The  essential  machinery  of  controlling  and  directing  these  parties 
continued  to  operate  because,  without  it,  it  would  have  been  impossible 
to  run  such  a  complex  world-wide  organization. 

Stalin  had  long  before  tired  of  the  formalities  under  the  old  set-up 
which  he  considered  a  waste  of  time,  and  the  war  gave  him  a  welcome 
occasion  to  do  away  with  it.  Today  more  than  ever  before  the 
Communist  Parties  outside  of  Russia  are  mere  rubber  stamps  with 
not  a  vestige  of  power  regarding  final  decisions. 

THE  COMINFORM 

With  the  termination  of  the  war  and  the  instigation  of  what  has 
become  known  as  the  cold  war  by  Russia,  there  arose  the  necessity 
for  some  sort  of  agency  or  committee  through  which  policy  could  be 
proclaimed,  in  a  form  separate  from  the  Soviet  Government,  as  a 
megaphone  for  Stalin's  decisions.    Hence,  the  Cominform  was  created. 

The  Cominform  is  nothing  but  an  arbitrary  executive  set-up,  a 


COMMrNlST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  573 

public  mouthpiece  under  which  to  carry  on,  and  nothing  more.  The 
Communist  Parties  have  no  formal  rights  whatsoever  under  this 
set-up.  It  should  be  obvious  to  anyone  that  without  the  basic  ma- 
chinery of  its  departments,  and  so  forth,  operating  directly  under 
Moscow  direction,  the  Cominform  would  be  entirely  inefl'ective. 

It  is  the  continuation  of  this  basic  machinery  that  explains  the 
sudden  creation  of  new  international  fronts  by  the  Comnumists,  and 
continued  unified  direction  of  the  complex  Conuuunist  activities  in  the 
United  States  and  all  other  countries. 

THE  WORKINGS  OF  STALIN's  MIND 

The  problem  of  understanding  Russian  policy  has  become  greatly 
simplified  since  Stalin  became  absolute  dictator  of  Russia  and  the 
sole  authority  for  international  Communist  policies. 

Due  to  the  fractional  fighting  existing  in  the  American  Communist 
Party  and  other  parties,  in  which  he  was  deeply  involved,  I  had  an 
opportunity,  during  my  stay  in  Moscow,  to  study  Stalin's  techniques. 

During  hearings  of  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties several  j'ears  ago,  Jay  Lovestone,  former  secretary  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  of  the  United  States,  introduced  certain  documents  re- 
lating to  the  factional  fight  in  the  American  Communist  Party,  and 
the  role  that  Joseph  Stalin  and  Molotov  directly  plaj^ed  in  the  dicta- 
tion of  policy  to  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  at  that 
time. 

Knowing  as  I  do  what  actually  took  place  behind  the  scenes,  which 
was  the  very  opposite  of  what  Stalin  then  proclaimed  in  his  speeches 
in  a  closed  meeting  of  Comintern  leaders  on  this  matter,  the  following 
pattern  as  to  Stalin's  methods  emerges. 

Stalin  prepares  with  great  thoroughness  the  strategy  and  technique 
which  he  wishes  to  use  to  defeat  an  enemy,  whether  the  enemy  be 
inside  of  the  Communist  movement  or  outside.  Thus,  Stalin,  in  fact, 
directed  from  the  beginning  the  factional  fight  against  the  majority 
led  by  Lovestone  in  the  American  Communist  Party.  I  know  that 
from  first-hand  knowledge,  because  I  was  one  of  the  principals  through 
which  this  fight  was  carried  out.  Stalin,  of  course,  remained  entirely 
in  the  background  in  this  phase  of  the  fight,  officially  denied  all 
participation  in  it,  and  operated  through  others. 

This  part  of  his  method  is  usually  very  thoroughly  worked  out  and 
is  very  important.  He  plans  all  the  organizational  fights  against  an 
opponent.  But  even  more  interesting  and  just  as  thoroughly  worked 
out  is  the  method  used  to  fool  the  enemy,  whether  inside  or  outside  of 
the  Communist  movement,  and  to  conceal  Stalin's  real  intentions. 

In  this  particular  instance,  the  factional  fight  in  the  American 
Communist  Party  was  covertly  directed  by  Stalin.  The  objective  was 
to  make  Lovestone  and  his  followers  believe  that  Stalin  had  not  taken 
sides  and  that  Lovestone  could  get  a  fair  break  if  he  did  the  right  thing 
V>y  Stalin.  Stalin  did.  in  fact,  through  the  Comintern  leaders,  pro- 
claim the  policy  against  all  factionalism,  and  for  peace  and  harmony 
in  the  Communist  Party,  and  so  forth. 

On  the  biibis  of  that.  Staliri  persuaded  Lovestone  and  the  majority 
of  the  members  of  the  Central  Committee  to  come  to  Moscow  to  settle 
the  controversy,  and  I,  as  the  representative  of  the  opposing  faction, 
in  order  to  more  thoroughly  fool  Lovestone,  received  sealed  instruc- 


574  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

tions  to  desist  from  any  activities  whatsoever  against  tlie  majority  of 
the  Central  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States 
while,  behind  the  scenes,  through  Losovsky,  I  was  told  just  the 
contrary. 

Although  I  was  not  supposed  to  carry  on  factional  activities,  I  could 
make  any  statement  on  the  situation  in  the  American  Communist 
Party,  and  that  statement  would  be  circulated  to  all  the  leaders  of  the 
Central  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party  of  Russia  and  leaders  of 
the  Communist  Parties  who  were  or  happened  to  be  in  Moscow. 

Throughout  all  the  phases  from  beginning  to  end,  sometimes  several 
times  a  week,  I  would  meet  with  leaders  of  the  Russian  Communist 
Party,  either  individually  or  in  groups,  and  discuss  how  to  cnrry  on 
this  light.  Yet,  officially,  I  was  not  supposed  to  do  it,  and  the  Russian 
leaders  claimed  they  were  not  interested  or  taking  part  in  the  fight. 

Mr.  Walter.  Who  were  the  members  of  the  Communist  Party  who 
accompanied  you  to  Moscow  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Jay  Lo  vest  one,  Benjamin  Gitlow,  Max  Bedacht, 
William  Z.  Foster,  Alexander  Bittelman,  Ella  Bloor,  and  there  were  a 
few  others. 

Mr.  Wood.  Was  one  Ben  Davis  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  No ;  he  was  not  in  that  deep  at  that  time. 

This  campaign  of  peace  and  harmony  was  effective  in  undermining 
Lovestone's  influence  in  the  party.  In  fact,  it  confused  Lovestone  him- 
self and  trapped  him  completely. 

It  is  fully  in  keeping  with  this  method  of  operation  of  Stalin  that 
in  the  present  international  situation  a  tremendous  campaign  can  be 
initiated  by  Moscow  for  peace  and  harmony  between  the  United  States 
and  Russia,  and  that  the  Soviet  diplomacy  itself  may  initiate  moves 
in  that  direction,  while  Stalin  thoroughly  prepares  for  war  and  works 
on  an  actual  timetable  for  it. 

STALIN,  MASTER  OF  THE  METHOD  OF  INDIRECTION 

Stalin  gained  control  of  the  Communist  Party  itself  by  a  pattern  of 
operation  as  illustrated  here.  While  he  was  pretending  harmony  at 
that  time,  he,  as  general  secretary  of  the  party,  was  taking  over  gen- 
erally the  outlying  portions  of  the  Communist  Party  organization 
inside  of  Russia  by  appointing  his  representatives  to  strategic  posi- 
tions without  any  noise,  in  Siberia,  in  the  Ukraine,  in  the  Caucasian 
territories.  He  does  not  like  a  frontal  fight  until  he  is  ready  for  it. 
Then  when  he  had,  without  much  noise,  displaced  those  with  whom 
there  was  disagreement,  he  tied  up  the  bag  and  took  over  Moscow  and 
Leningrad,  which  were  the  two  main  centers  of  the  party  organization. 
By  the  time  the  more  brilliant  theorists  of  the  Russian  Communist 
Party  woke  up  it  was  too  late.  He  is  a  master  politician  in  the  method 
of  indirection. 

I  might  digress  by  saying  if  you  look  over  the  present  world  scene 
you  will  see  that  the  main  Russian  effort  is  concentrated  in  the  periph- 
ery. For  20  years  Stalin  worked  on  the  conquest  of  China,  and  at  this 
time  he  is  coming  to  the  result  he  expected  to  get  before  this  time. 

The  chances  of  taking  the  smaller  spots,  of  course,  are  practically 
certain.  For  the  same  reason,  the  Comintern  machine  has  been  con- 
centrating for  many,  many  years  in  South  America.  There  is  more 
Communist  activity  in  South  America  today  than  in  the  United  States, 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  575 

and  it  operates  in  a  more  exclusive  situation.  His  idea  is,  to  judge 
by  the  pattern  he  has  followed  so  many  times  in  and  out  of  the  Com- 
munist movement,  to  surround  the  main  centers  and  make  sure  that 
when  lie  makes  the  final  attack  he  has  enough  to  attack  with. 

Stalin  always  differentiates  between  what  is  proclaimed  publicly 
and  the  actual  intentions.  The  public  policy  is  intended  always  to 
confuse  and  soften  up  the  enemy  while  he  sharpens  his  dagger  for  the 
kill. 

The  most  fatal  error  for  any  nation  to  make  when  dealing  with 
Stalin  is  to  take  his  official  attitudes  at  face  value.  My  experience, 
and  I  believe  the  experience  of  many  others  familiar  with  the  opera- 
tions of  Stalin,  indicates  that  the  only  gauge  for  Stalin's  policy  is  to 
study  all  the  manifestations  of  what  is  actually  being  done  under  his 
direction,  and  disregard  completely  what  is  proclaimed  publicly. 
"Wliat  he  proclaims  publicly  is  usually  the  exact  opposite  of  what  he 
aims  to  do,  or  has  but  a  slight  resemblance  to  it.  His  method  is  to 
make  the  other  fellow  believe  that  he  is  going  to  do  something  that 
he  does  not  intend  to  do,  and  to  surprise  him  by  what  he  actually  does. 

Those  who  analyze  Russian  policy  solely  on  the  basis  of  what  is 
officially  proclaimed  by  Stalin  and  his  agencies  are  bound  to  mislead 
their  nations,  make  the  wrong  appraisals,  and  fall  into  a  trap. 

In  conclusion,  may  I  anticipate  a  question  as  to  why  I  left  the 
Communist  movement. 

I  left  this  movement,  which  I  served  from  idealistic  convictions  for 
15  years,  because  during  my  stay  in  Russia  I  had  seen  things  like  the 
arrest  en  masse  of  Connnunist  Party  members  who  disagreed  with 
the  top  leaders — their  arrest,  their  internment,  imprisonment,  and 
some  were  even  executed.  As  a  Communist,  which  I  then  still  was 
ideologically,  I  could  not  stomach  the  idea  of  a  Communist  state  using 
police  methods  to  eliminate  disagreements  inside  the  Communist 
movement.  And  I  was  even  then  already  suspicious  that  this  thing 
may  develop  into  a  m^onster  which  will  devour  its  own  children,  having 
been  prior  to  that  a  student  of  the  French  Revolution,  where  some- 
thing similar  happened ;  those  that  made  the  revolution  later  on  exe- 
cuted each  other. 

But  I  still  was  hoping  that  maybe  I  was  mistaken,  because  when 
one  spends  15  years  in  a  movement,  that  is  a  great  chunk  out  of  your 
life,  and,  well,  the  old  ego  was  in  my  way  of  admitting  that  I  perhaps 
was  wrong  all  that  time. 

But  when  the  years  rolled  on  and  I  saw  what  I  had  then  begun  to 
suspect,  namely,  that  this  thing  called  communism  had  become  a 
monster  that  indeed  was  devouring  its  own  children,  and  on  a  greater 
scale  than  the  French  Revolution  did,  and  that  unlike  the  French 
Revolution,  which  eventually  did  evolve  into  a  democracy,  the  result 
in  this  case  was  cut  out  by  the  type  of  regime  Stalin  had  inside  of 
Russia  and  outside  in  tlie  regime  implanted  in  the  Communist  Party. 
I  came  to  the  conclusion  I  was  completely  and  totally  wrong  in  the 
idealism  which  I  had  attributed  to  this  movement,  and  that  this 
movement  had  become  the  worst  despotism  in  the  experience  of  man, 
something  that  had  I  known  its  true  course,  I  would  never  have  joined, 
I  would  always  have  fought,  and  now  that  I,  like  a  great  many  other 
people,  see  what  this  thing  really  is,  I  am  willing  to  do  what  I  can 
to  prevent  its  success  and  to  prevent  the  annihilation  of  all  freedom 
and  all  liberty  and  all  rights  that  the  individual  acquired  as  the  result 


576  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

of  democracy,  by  this  movement  gaining  its  objective  and  succeeding. 
I  am  interested  in  its  defeat.  That  is  why  I  appear  before  this 
committee. 

Mr.  Wood.  Any  questions,  Mr.  Walter? 

Mr.  Walter.  In  your  judgment,  is  it  possible  that  the  Communist 
organization  as  constituted  in  Russia  today  could  ever  function  in  a 
democratic  manner? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  No.  That  is  entirely  impossible.  The  Communist 
Party  in  Russia  itself  has  been  reduced.  It  is  a  gigantic  operation  of 
secret  police  under  the  personal  and  direct  control  of  Stalin. 

Mr.  Walter.  In  other  words,  it  is  despotism  of  the  worst  sort  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Of  the  very  worst  sort. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr.  Harrison.  When  did  you  leave  Russia? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  1930. 

Mr.  Harrison.  When  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  1930. 

Mr.  Harrison.  And  you  haven't  been  back  since? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Harrison.  When  did  you  sever  your  connection  with  the  Com- 
munist Party  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  1934. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Four  years  after  you  left  Russia  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Harrison.  What  were  the  circumstances  under  which  you 
severed  your  connection  with  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  formal  circumstances  were  that  I  got  into  a 
disagreement  with  them  on  one  of  their  frequent  switches  of  party  line 
dictated  from  Moscow.  That  was  the  formal  reason.  Of  course, 
if  I  had  still  been  a  theoretical  follower,  I  would  not  have  quit  on 
account  of  a  switch  in  party  line.  But  the  thing  I  was  explaining  be- 
fore was  already  working  on  my  mind  for  sometime,  as  to  whether 
this  whole  regime  is  worth  to  be  supported  at  all  by  anybody. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Do  you  recall  the  particular  switch  in  party  policy 
that  was  the  straw  that  broke  the  camel's  back,  so  to  speak,  with  you  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Well,  it  was  a  switch  where  they  were  organizing 
unions  outside  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  known  as  the 
Trade  Union  Unity  League,  for  many  years,  and  then  they  switched 
their  policy  to  dissolve  these  unions  and  incorporate  them  into  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  for  a  new  drive  of  infiltration  inside 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  Later  on  they  switched  again 
and  pulled  all  the  unions  out  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor, 
and  got  them  into  the  newly  formed  CIO. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Why  did  you  object  to  taking  the  unions  into  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  was  of  the  opinion  then  that  the  great  mass  pro- 
duction industries  could  not  be  organized  through  the  crafts  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor,  but  could  be  organized  only  through  a 
mass  type  of  organization  such  as  an  industrial  union. 

Since  I  was  not  a  director  in  an  office,  but  one  who  was  in  the  field, 
I  could  not  face  the  same  type  of  workers  and  sell  them  one  bill  of 
goods  today,  and  when  Moscow  changed  the  policy,  face  the  same 
workers  and  sell  them  another  bill  of  goods,  without  seeming  to  be 
a  fraud. 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS  577 

Mr.  Harrison.  You  had  done  it  before,  had  you  not? 

Mr.  KoRNTEDER.  Not  as  directly  as  that.  It  is  one  thing  to  manipu- 
late party  members.  It  is  another  thing  to  do  the  same  thing  before 
masses  of  people  who  don't  know  your  ultimate  theories,  but  who  only 
know  yesterday  you  sold  them  one  bill  of  goods  and  today  you  are  try- 
ing to  sell  them  another  bill  of  goods. 

If  I  had  yet  been  at  that  time  convinced  that  the  thing  as  a 
whole  was  worth  while,  I  may  have  followed  that,  too,  but  since  it 
came  as  it  did  when  I  was  already  very  much  in  doubt  on  the  thing  as 
a  whole,  I  could  not  take  this. 

Mr.  Harrison.  How  did  you  sever  your  connection?  When  they 
issued  this  new  directive,  then  what  did  you  do? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Well,  if  I  had  been  as  clear  as  I  am  now,  I  would 
have  taken  all  the  independent  unions  out  of  the  control  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  and  just  kept  them  under  my  influence,  which  I  could 
have  done,  because  the  party  groups  in  those  unions  at  that  time  were 
very  weak ;  but  although  I  was  already  thoroughly  convinced  that  the 
Russian  regime  had  gone  to  pot  as  far  as  my  idealistic  concepts  were 
concerned,  I  still  remained  an  adherent  of  the  Communist  philosophy 
as  a  general  philosophy.  That  muddled  me  up  sufficiently  to  prevent 
me  from  making  an  effort  to  keep  control  of  the  unions  I  had  organized 
personally  in  Cleveland  and  other  cities  in  Ohio,  I  just  quit  the  party 
and  turned  over  whatever  there  was  under  my  control  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Harrison.  What  line  of  endeavor  did  you  go  into  then  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  I  wcut  back  to  New  York  and  really  began  reading, 
not  just  Communist  literature,  but  all  the  critics  who  have  criticized 
Marxism  and  Leninism  and  everything  from  50  to  100  years  back. 
That  is  all  I  did  for  months,  just  to  try  to  find  what  is  basically  wrong 
in  this  whole  concept  of  dictatorship,  either  by  a  class  or  by  a  party  or 
by  a  state,  and  so  forth.  I  had  to  do  that,  because  although  I  am  a 
practical  organizer,  I  am  also  a  theoretical  type,  and  unless  I  solved 
the  problem  in  theory,  I  could  not  satisfy  myself.  That  is  what  I 
did  for  a  whole  year,  nothing  but  read,  and  read,  and  read. 

Mr.  Harrison.  What  was  your  means  of  support  during  that  period  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Well,  at  that  time  there  was  the  depression,  so  I 
got  on  the  WPA  .  The  party  did  as  much  as  they  could,  through  their 
connections,  to  make  it  difficult  for  me,  but  they  had  then  a  sewing 
project  which  was  controlled  by  the  International  Ladies'  Garment 
Workers,  and  that  organization  was  not  sympathetic  to  the  Commu- 
nists even  then,  and  so  through  them  I  got  on  that  project  and  earned 
a  living  at  the  same  time. 

Mr.  Harrison.  What  is  your  occupation  now  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Right  now?  Well,  I  write;  I  do  considerable 
speaking ;  and  I  am  interested,  together  with  others,  in  the  promotion 
of  some  new  inventions  in  which  we  expect  to  make  good  and  get  some 
income  from. 

Mr.  Harrison.  When  did  you  first  start  exposing  these  matters 
about  which  you  have  told  us  today? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  My  first  effort  at  fighting  them  systematically 
started  in  1936.  I,  together  with  a  number  of  others  who  had  been 
in  the  party,  and  some  who  were  formerly  I  WW's,  rigged  up  a  labor 
forum  at  Fourteenth  Street  and  Second  Avenue  in  New  York,  right 
under  the  nose  of  party  headquarters,  and  ran  that  forum  for  2  years, 
and  every  session  of  the  forum  was  quite  a  blast  against  them.     At 


578  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

that  time  there  were  quite  a  few  workers  out  of  work  who  used  to 
hang  out  at  Union  Square.  They  would  jam  the  hall  every  time. 
We  did  a  pretty  good  job,  I  would  say. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Kornfeder,  I  believe  that  one  section  of  the  Russian 
Constitution  of  the  Soviet  Union  is  in  the  following  language : 

The  most  active  and  most  politically  conscious  citizens  in  the  ranks  of  the 
working  class  and  other  strata  of  toilers  shall  unite  in  the  Communist  Party  of 
the  Soviet  Union  *  *  *  which  shall  be  the  directive  body  of  all  organizations 
and  societies  of  toilers,  both  public  and  governmental. 

You  have  testified  that  people  from  outside  of  Russia  who  attended 
those  various  schools  located  in  Moscow  which  you  have  enumerated 
Were,  after  a  period  of  about  90  days,  transferred  into  membership  of 
the  Russian  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  When  a  man  gets  transferred  into  the  Russian  Commu- 
nist Party,  how  far  away  is  he  from  being  a  citizen  of  the  Russian 
Government  under  this  provision  of  tlie  Russian  Constitution  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  As  a  member  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party  he 
would  become  not  only  a  citizen  but  a  privileged  citizen. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  impliedly  he  renounces  citizenship  in  any  other 
country  by  accepting  membership  in  the  Russian  Commmiist  Party, 
does  he  not  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  don't  know  of  any  procedure  which  would  make 
that  effective  formally.    I  have  no  idea  what  law  stood  behind  it. 

Mr.  Wood.  Under  the  Russian  Constitution  it  says : 

The  most  active  and  most  politically  conscious  citizens  in  the  ranks  of  the 
working  class  and  other  strata  of  toilers  shall  unite  in  the  Communist  Party 
of  the  Soviet  Union  *  *  «  which  shall  be  the  directive  body  of  all  organiza- 
tions and  societies  of  toilers,  both  public  and  governmental. 

When  a  man  gets  into  that  party,  isn't  Russia  the  country  to  which 
he,  of  necessity,  owes  allegiance,  under  this  provision  of  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Soviet  Government  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  It  could  be  so  interpreted.  In  fact,  in  actuality, 
that  is  the  way  it  would  work  out.  However,  none  of  us  were  ever 
offered  any  formal  citizenship  papers  or  went  through  any  formality 
of  being  inducted  into  formal  citizenship. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  understand  that,  but  I  am  speaking  now  of  a  person 
who  accepted  membership  in  the  Russian  Communist  Party.  Does 
he  thereby  become  a  part  of  the  Russian  Government  under  the  pro- 
vision of  the  Russian  Constitution  which  I  have  read  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  In  effect  he  does ;  yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  believe  you  testified  in  your  estimation  there  are  in 
the  United  States  today  from  900  to  1,200  citizens  of  this  country 
who  have  been  inducted  into  the  Communist  Party  of  Russia  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes.  They  are  either  citizens  or  residents  who 
have  become  citizens. 

Mr.  Wood.  By  the  way,  have  you  any  evidence  that  the  structure 
you  have  outlined  here  today  is  still  maintained  in  Russia  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Oh,  yes.  I  think  that  is  obvious  on  the  face  of  it. 
When  they  carried  through  the  elimination  of  Earl  Browder,  who 
theretofore  had  been  unanimously  acclaimed  as  the  party  leader  and 
who  was  overnight  eliminated,  such  miracles  don't  happen  among  in- 
dividuals free  to  choose  leaders.    It  only  happens  when  the  machine 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  579 

from  Moscow  decided  to  eliminate  him  and  the  machine  here  carried 
out  that  decision. 

Mr.  Wood.  From  all  visible  evidence  today,  you  would  give  it  as 
your  opinion  that  the  structure  you  have  outlined  in  your  testimony 
still  obtains  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Definitely  so. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  you  ever  had  any  dealings,  directly  or  indirectly,, 
with  a  party  by  the  name  of  Harry  Bridges  ? 

JNIr.  KoRNFEDER.  I  kuew  of  Bridges.  I  knew  he  was  in  the  party. 
I  don't  recall  having  met  him  at  party  meetings.  I  knew  he  was  in 
the  party  from  Earl  Browder  himself  and  from  William  F.  Dunne, 
who  was  then  a  member  of  the  central  committee,  and  other  members 
high  up  in  the  party.  Yes;  I  am  sure  he  was  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  at  least  since  1934. 

Mr.  Wood.  Would  you  therefore  say  that  the  Russian  Government 
had  any  interest  in  the  present  situation  that  exists  in  Hawaii  in  the 
strike  that  is  said  to  have  been  led  b}^  Bridges  in  that  Territory? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  I  am  sure  they  have.  I  think  it  is  one  of  their 
great  experiments  in  the  art  of  how  to  use  a  union  like  the  dockers  to 
horn  in  and  take  over  places  like  Hawaii.  Of  course  that,  I  believe, 
is  fitted  into  the  whole  of  their  strategy  in  the  Pacific.  I  may  call 
your  attention  at  this  time  that  in  the  last  10  years  or  so  the  Commu- 
nist Party  has  concentrated  big  effort  in  building  their  organization 
on  the  West  Coast  and  in  the  Northwest. 

Mr.  Wood.  Isn't  that  also  true  in  the  Canal  Zone? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Ycs.  From  what  I  understand  of  their  strategic 
scheme,  this  fits  into  their  plans  of  future  attacks  by  developing  or- 
ganizations in  those  territories  through  which  they  may  decide  to 
attack. 

Mr.  Wood.  Through  the  strategy  you  have  outlined  of  isolating  and 
surrounding  before  they  take  over? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right.  I  could  illustrate  that.  You  see, 
their  whole  pattern  of  operation,  including  the  one  we  just  discussed, 
fits  into  techniques  of  political  warfare  as  taught  in  the  Moscow  train- 
ing colleges. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  have  one  further  question.  If  I  intrude  too  much  in 
your  private  affairs  you  may  refuse  to  answer.     Have  you  a  family  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Ycs.  I  lost  my  family  on  this.  I  could  not  get 
them  out  of  Russia.  My  wife  and  hoj  followed  me  to  Russia  6  months 
after  I  went  there,  and  I  could  never  get  them  out.  The  boy  was  born 
in  New  York.  My  wife  was  Polish.  I  haven't  heard  anything  of 
them  since  1936.  I  made  efforts  to  get  them  out  of  Russia.  I  asked 
the  State  Department  for  help.  They  did  instruct  the  Ambassador 
to  inquire  into  the  situation,  but  the  Commissariat  of  Foreign  Affairs 
gave  the  Ambassador  the  stock  answer  they  give  in  many  other  similar 
cases,  that  they  cannot  find  the  whereabouts  of  the  persons  complained 
about.  And,  well,  that  is  where  that  ended.  Of  course  they  knew 
their  whereabouts  perfectly  well,  because  my  wife  was  also  a  member 
by  transfer  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party,  and  they  keep  a  very 
thorough  roster  of  where  all  their  members  are  at  any  particular  time. 

Mr.  Wood.  Any  further  questions,  gentlemen  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions. 


580  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Wood.  On  behalf  of  the  committee  I  desire  to  express  the  very 
deep  appreciation  we  feel  for  your  coming  here  and  giving  us  the  very 
voluminous  information  you  have  given  us. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  want  to  call  this  witness  back 
during  these  hearings  for  specific  information. 

Mr.  Wood.  Very  well.  You  may  be  temporarily  excused  subject 
to  any  arrangement  for  further  testimony  which  you  and  counsel  may 
have. 

(Witness  temporarily  excused.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Call  Mr.  Charles  Copeland,  please. 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand.  You  solemnly  swear 
the  testimony  you  will  give  this  subcommittee  will  be  tlie  truth,  the 
whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  do. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  a  seat  and  give  the  reporter  your  full  name  and 
address. 

TESTIMONY  OP  CHARLES  EDWARD  COPELAND,  ACCOMPANIED  BY 
HIS  COUNSEL,  BENJAMIN  C.  SIGAL 

Mr.  Copeland.  Charles  Edward  Copeland,  303  Silvis  vStreet,  Jean- 
nette.  Pa. 

Mr.  Wood.  Are  you  accompanied  by  counsel  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.   Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  your  counsel  please  identify  himself  for  the  record. 

Mr.  Sigal,  My  name  is  Benjamin  C.  Sigal,  1025  Vermont  Avenue 
NW.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Sigal,  I  believe  this  is  your  first  appearance  before 
this  committee  since  I  have  been  presiding? 

Mr.  Sigal.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Wood.  Statements  to  the  contrary  you  may  have  heard  notwith- 
standing, you  have  permission  to  confer  with  your  client  at  any  time 
during  the  progress  of  his  testimony  and  give  him  any  legal  advice  you 
may  desire  without  consulting  the  Chair. 

Mr.  Sigal.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  are  Mr.  Charles  Copeland  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Jeannette,  Pa.,  November  1910. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  appearing  before  the  committee  by  virtue 
of  a  subpena  served  upon  you  by  the  United  States  marshal  for  the 
western  district  of  Pennsylvania? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  present  occupation  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Business  agent  of  Local  601,  United  Electrical,  Ra- 
dio and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Briefly,  what  are  the  duties  of  the  business  agent 
for  a  local  union  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  am  responsible  for  all  communications  coming 
into  the  local  and  going  out  to  the  plant's  grievance  committee. 

Mr.  Ta\'enner.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  the  record  should  show  that 
the  committee  has  received  a  telegram  from  Messrs.  Thomas  J.  Fitz- 
patrick,  Frank  Panzino,  Thomas  Quinn,  and  Eobert  Whisner,  who 
have  been  subpenaed  to  appear  before  the  committee  on  Wednesday 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  581 

of  this  week.  In  this  telegram  it  is  alleged  that  these  hearings  will 
interfere  with  wage  negotiations  by  local  601  with  the  Westinghouse 
Electric  Co. 

Mr.  Copeland,  the  committee  does  not  wish  to  interfere,  directly  or 
indirectly,  with  wage  negotiations  between  any  employers  and  em- 
ployees, so  I  want  to  ask  you  the  question  whether,  in  your  opinion, 
these  hearings  will  in  any  way  interfere  with  wage  negotiations  now 
being  carried  on  between  your  union  and  the  Westinghouse  Co.? 

Mr.  Copeland.  My  personal  opinion  is  that  I  don't  think  the  hear- 
ings will  in  any  way  hurt  negotiations.  I  think,  first  of  all,  we  can 
prove  that  the  overwhelming  majority  of  members  of  our  local  union 
and  of  UE  are  good  and  true  American  workers.  I  believe  the  hear- 
ings will  help  negotiations.  I  believe  they  will  help  negotiations 
because  I  believe,  in  order  to  get  support  for  wage  demands  from 
the  Westinghouse  Co.,  we  have  to  get  the  support  of  the  public,  and 
I  believe  we  can  get  the  support  of  the  public  if  the  general  public 
does  not  believe  that  the  situation  is  influenced  in  any  manner  by  the 
Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  me  ask  you  several  questions  about  the  present 
situation  of  the  wage  negotiations  that  were  referred  to. 

Mr.  Wood.  Would  you  mind  at  this  point  ascertaining  what,  if  any, 
connection  he  has  with  these  wage  negotiations  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  a  member  of  the  negotiating  committee 
yourself? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  am  a  member  of  the  national  negotiating  commit- 
tee, representing  our  local  union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  any  of  the  four  persons  whose  names  were 
signed  to  the  telegram  members  of  the  negotiating  committee  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Wliat  are  those  names  again  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick,  Frank  Panzino,  Thomas 
Quinn,  and  Robert  Whisner. 

Mr.  Copeland.  None  of  them  are  members  of  the  national  negotiat- 
ing committee  representing  local  601. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  negotiations  in  fact  being  conducted  at  this 
time  between  your  union  and  the  Westinghouse  Co.  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  There  are  no  negotiations  at  the  present  time.  Ne- 
gotiations were  broken  off  on  July  21,  I  believe.  I  believe  they  were 
broken  off  on  July  21.  We  are  not  now  in  negotiation  with  the  com- 
pany on  a  national  contract. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  mean  there  have  been  no  negotiations  since  the 
breaking  off? 

Mr.  Copeland.  We  have  had  no  negotiations  with  the  company  on  a 
national  contract  on  wages  since  July  21. 

Mr.  TA^^NNER.  Has  any  date  been  set  or  discussed  for  the  resump- 
tion of  negotiations  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  To  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  no;  there  has  been 
no  date  set. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Copeland,  what  organizations  or  industries  does 
local  601  cover? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Local  601  represents  the  check  employees  in  the 
Westinghouse  Electric  Corp.  plants  located  in  East  Pittsburgh,  Net- 
tles, Homewood,  Linhart,  Copper  Mill  Works,  and  Trafford,  and  we 
represent  a  small  paint  factory  located  in  Manor. 


582  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  For  how  long  a  period  of  time  have  you  been  em- 
ployed by  the  Westinghouse  Co.  ?  ^      <•      -.r^ 
Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  have  worked  for  the  Westinghouse  Co.  for  19 

years,  m  •  ^  ^    u- 

Mr.  Ta^tinner.  And,  having  stated  that  you  are  an  othcial  holdmg 
an  important  position  on  the  committee  of  the  union,  I  presume  you 
are  a  member  of  that  local  601  ? 
Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  that  union? 
Mr.  CoPELAND.  Since  the  early  part  of  1937. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  the  busmess  representa- 
tive or  agent  of  local  601  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.^  I  was  elected  in  December  1917,  when  the  elections 
took  place,  and  I  have  served  in  that  capacity  since  then.  I  believe 
we  were  sworn  in  on  January  10,  1948. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  ever  held  any  other  office  in  local  601  or 
in  any  other  union? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  have  held  other  offices  in  local  601. 
Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  describe  them? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  was  division  steward  of  the  Trafford  division  in 
1943,  1944,  and  1945,  which  gave  me  a  position  and  a  vote  on  the 
executive  board  of  the  local  union.  And  I  was  a  subdivision  steward  of 
the  local,  representing  a  portion  of  the  division,  from  1938  to  1943. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  addition  to  the  position  of  division  steward  en- 
titling you  to  vote  on  the  executive  board,  what  other  duties  or 
privileges  does  it  carry  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  We  present  the  grievances  of  all  people  in  that  par- 
ticular area. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  the  position  of  a  division  steward  considered  an 
important  position  in  the  union  set-up  ? 
Mr.  Copeland.  I  would  say  yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Does  a  person  occupying  that  position  have  a  right 
to  either  recommend  or  actually  pass  upon  the  discharge  of  personnel 
of  the  union  under  any  circumstances  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Well,  a  division  steward  of  the  union  could  prefer 
charges,  I  suppose,  against  an  individual  member,  but  he  would  have  to 
do  it  in  line  with  the  constitutional  provisions.  They  would  have  to 
set  up  a  trial  and  so  on. 

Mr.  Walter.  He  would  not  have  any  more  authority  than  any  other 
member  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Just  what  are  the  duties  of  a  steward  ? 
Mr.  Copeland.  A  division  steward  represents  a  division.  The  com- 
pany has  its  plants  broken  down  into  operating  divisions  for  motors, 
generators,  plastics,  foundries,  and  so  on,  and  the  division  steward 
is  in  charge  of  the  entire  division.  They  have  that  broken  down  into 
subdivisions,  and  they  have  subdivision  stewards  who  represent  a 
portion  of  that  division. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  held  any  other  positions  than  business 
agent  and  division  steward  in  your  union  ? 
Mr.  Copeland.  And  subdivision  steward. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  of  the  United  States? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  583 

Mr.  CopELAND.  I  signed  an  application  blank  to  join  the  Communist 
Party  in  1943,  while  attending  the  national  convention  of  the  UE. 

Mr.  Ta\t.nner.  Do  you  recall  the  circumstances  under  which  you 
joined  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  signed  an  application  blank  in  a  restaurant  in  New 
York  City. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  name  of  the  individual  who  recruited 
you  into  the  party  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.' Frank  Nestler,  who  was  editor  of  the  Union  Gen- 
erator. 

Mr.  Tavt.nner.  Wlio  was  he  ? 

Mr.  CoPEi.AND.  Franlv  Nestler,  N-e-s-t-1-e-r. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  position  did  Frank  Nestler  hold  in  the  union, 
if  any? 

Mr,  Copeland.  He  was  chairman  of  the  generator  committee  and 
editor  of  the  local  union  paper. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  a  member  of  local  601? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Sure. 

Mr.  Tami^nner.  And  it  was  local  union  601  which  was  the  publisher 
of  the  Union  Generator  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  That  is  the  official  publication  of  our  union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  Frank  Nestler  still  editor  of  the  Union  Generator? 

Mr.  Copeland.  No.  He  left  and  went  to  school  and  later  returned 
and  was  laid  off. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  ago  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  would  say  about  3  years. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  ever  attend  any  Communist  Party 
meetings  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  have. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  recall  how  many  and  the  various  locations 
where  the  meetings  were  held  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  attended  about  three  meetings  of  the  party,  which 
were  open  meetings  to  the  public,  in  the  Penn-Lincoln  Hotel,  at  Wil- 
kinsburg;  and  I  attended  one  meeting  in  Serbian  Hall  in  Wilmerding, 
which  was  exclusively  for  party  members. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  other  members  of  local  601  present  at  those 
meetings  ? 

Mr,  Copeland.  Yes, 

Mr,  Tavenner,  Can  you  name  some  among  those  present  ? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Myself;  Frank  Nestler;  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick; 
Frank  Panzino;  and  Robert  Whisner. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  any  of  these  persons  presently  associated  with 
local  601? 

Mr.  Copeland.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Which  ones? 

Mr.  Copeland,  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick,  who  is  chief  steward  of  thg 
local ;  and  Frank  Panzino,  who  is  assistant  chief  steward  of  the  local ; 
and  Robert  Whisner,  who  is  subdivision  steward  of  the  local  union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  are  the  duties  of  tlie  chief  stewnrd  of  the 
union,  as  distinguished  from  division  or  subdivision  steward? 

Mr.  Copeland.  The  chief  steward  is  elected  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  by  the  stewards'  council,  and  has  the  function  of  handling 
grievances. 


584  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavbnner.  Do  any  of  those  persons  hold  any  other  office  in  local 
601? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  None  that  I  know  of. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  any  one  of  those  persons  a  member  of  the  execu- 
tive board  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  The  chairman  of  the  stewards'  council  is  a  member 
of  the  plant's  grievance  committee  and  a  member  of  the  executive 
board  with  a  vote. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  would  apply  to  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  the  officers  you  named  elected  or  appointed  to 
the  various  offices  you  have  mentioned  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  Elected. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  By  whom  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  Robert  Whisner  was  elected  by  the  people  in  his 
respective  subdivision.  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  and  Frank  Panzino 
would  have  been  elected  by  the  stewards'  council. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  the  stewards'  council  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  It  is  broken  down  into  operating  divisions  and  oper- 
ating sections,  and  each  section  has  a  representative,  and  so  many  sec- 
tions have  a  subdivision  representative. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  many  compose  the  council  body? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  would  say  approximately  425  to  450. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Would  you  say  that  the  stewards'  council  in  your 
local  is  under  Communist  control  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  any  of  its  officers  Communists  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  would  say  Fitzpatrick  and  Panzino  are  party 
members. 

Mr.  Wood.  Would  you  mind  indicating  what  you  base  that  opinion 
on? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  attended  party  meetings  they  were  at. 

Mr.  Wood.  Communist  Party  meetings? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  Yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  At  that  time  you  were  affiliated  with  the  Communist 
Party  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  other  words,  you  base  your  statement  upon  the 
fact  you  attended  Communist  Party  meetings  with  them  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Has  either  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  or  Frank  Pan- 
zino stated  to  you  at  any  time  that  they  are  members  of  the  Communist 
Party? 

Mr.  Copeland.  They  have  never  come  out  and  said  they  were  mem- 
bers of  the  Communist  Party,  although  it  was  understood.  There 
was  no  discussion  of  it.    They  knew  I  was  at  meetings  with  them. 

Mr.  TA^^NNER.  Have  you  disassociated  yourself  from  all  Com- 
munist Party  activities? 
Mr.  Copeland.  I  have. 
Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  ago  ? 
Mr.  Copeland.  1945. 
Mr.  Tavenner.  1945  ? 
Mr.  Copeland.  Yes,  sir. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  585 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  consider  that  your  local  601  is  presently 
under  Communist  control  or  domination  ? 

Mr.  CoPELiVND.  I  don't  think  the  local  union  is  under  Communist 
control,  but  they  are  influential  in  getting  some  of  their  people  to 
meetings.  I  don't  think  anybody  is  too  successful  in  getting  too  many 
members  out,  but  they  are  interested  in  getting  most  of  their  members 
out  at  every  meeting. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  the  Communist  members  very  active  in  the 
affairs  of  the  local  union  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  Well,  the  ones  I  know  never  miss  a  membership 
meeting. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  With  regard  to  the  executive  board  of  your  union, 
is  it,  to  your  knowledge,  under  Comnuniist  control  ^ 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  It  is  not. 

Mr.  Ta^tsnner.  Do  you  know  of  any  persons  who  are  on  the  execu- 
tive board  who  are  active  in  Communist  Party  affairs  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  would  say  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  is  active  in  Com- 
munist affairs.  I  say  that  because  recently  the  executive  board  of  the 
union,  at  the  request  of  the  veterans'  committee,  put  a  picket  line 
around  Carnegie  Hall  in  north-side  Pittsburgh,  and  Fitzpatrick 
crashed  through  the  picket  line  to  attend  a  mass  meeting  of  the  Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  your  local  601  ever  dominated  by  the  Com- 
munist Party  as  far  as  you  know  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  would  say  at  one  time  the  executive  board  of  the 
union  had  quite  a  few  members  who  were  members  of  the  Communist 
Party  or  closely  associated  with  the  party. 

Mr.  Ta\'enner.  What  is  your  judgment  of  the  number  of  members, 
at  the  present  time,  of  local  601  who  are  either  Communists  or  follow 
the  Communist  Party  line? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  would  say  that  approximately  200  or  300  mem- 
bers are  active  supporters  of  the  left-wing  element  in  the  union.  They 
may  have  other  members  who  they  convince,  or  fool,  or  what  have  you  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  You  say  200  or  300? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  200  or  300  active  supporters. 

Mr,  Wood.  How  many  members  have  you  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  The  local  has  approximately  13,500  members. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Has  the  Communist  Party,  in  your  opinion,  pro- 
vided any  assistance  in  the  advancement  of  the  American  labor  move- 
ment? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  believe  that  the  Communist  Party  is  not  the  solu- 
tion to  the  economic  problems  of  the  people  in  this  country,  and  I  cer- 
tainly don't  think  they  have  added  anything  to  the  strength  of  organ- 
ized labor.  I  believe  the  unions  not  under  the  influence  of  the  Com- 
munist Part}'  are  getting  along  better  with  the  public.  I  don't  believe 
any  organization  that  has  to  hide  behind  closed  doors  or  pull  down 
window  blinds  is  helpful  to  anything  that  would  be  constructive.  I 
believe  the  unions  would  be  more  constructive  without  the  help  of  the 
Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Walter.  Have  you  noticed  any  difference  in  the  attitude  of 
the  Communist  members  of  your  union  since  the  recent  edict  of  the 
Pope? 

95613— 49— pt.  1 4 


586  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  That  is  a  pretty  hard  question  to  answer.  It  is 
pretty  hard  to  tell  whether  members  of  our  local  union  are  Catholics 
or  Protestants,  other  than  those  I  come  in  close  contact  with  who  talk 
the  situation  over. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Wood,  the  chairman  of  this  committee,  has 
introduced  a  bill  in  the  House  of  Representatives  which  would  make 
it  an  offense  for  individuals  employed  on  national  defense  contracts — 

(1)  to  become  or  remain  a  member  of,  or  aflBliated  with,  the  Communist  Party  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  or  any  organization  which  shall  have  been  desig- 
nated as  subversive  by  the  Attorney  General;  (2)  to  contribute  funds  or  services 
to  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  of  America  or  to  any  organization 
which  shall  have  been  designated  as  subversive  by  the  Attorney  General;  or  (3) 
to  advise,  counsel,  or  urge  any  other  individual  employed  in  connection  with  the 
performance  of  any  national-defense  contract  to  perform,  or  to  omit  to  perform, 
any  act  if  such  act  or  omission  would  constitute  a  violation  of  clause  (1)  or  (2) 
of  this  section. 

Are  you  familiar  in  a  general  way  with  that  bill  ? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  No ;  I  am  not  familiar  with  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  From  my  reading  of  it  to  you,  would  you  care  to 
express  an  opinion  or  make  any  comments  as  to  whether  or  not  it 
would  act  as  a  deterrent  to  those  unions  who  have  been  contributing 
to  organizations  declared  subversive  by  the  Attorney  General  ? 

(Witness  confers  with  counsel.) 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  would  prefer  to  study  the  bill  before  answering 
that  question.  We  have  a  legislative  committee  of  the  local  who 
handles  that. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mr.  Walter.  No  questions. 

Mr.  WocD.  Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr,  Harrison.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  me  question  you  on  the  first  paragraph  of  the  pro- 
posed legislation,  which  makes  it  unlawful  for  any  person  engaged 
on  national  defense  projects  to  be  a  Communist.  Do  you  think  it  is 
conducive  to  the  security  of  this  country  to  have  a  known  Communist 
employed  on  a  national  defense  project,  where,  in  many  instances,  the 
work  is  of  a  restricted  and  highly  confidential  nature  ?  Do  you  think 
it  would  be  conducive  to  the  security  of  this  country  to  have  that  kind 
of  person  employed  on  such  a  project? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  My  personal  opinion,  not  representing  the  local 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  what  I  am  asking  for. 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  would  say  if  they  have  definite  proof  a  person  is 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  I  would  give  different  considera- 
tion to  it,  but  in  a  large  organization  like  local  601,  a  lot  of  people  may 
follow  Communist  Party  lines  who  are  not  members  of  the  Communist 
Party.  They  might  support  them  at  a  membership  meeting  not  know- 
ing what  they  are  supporting.  So,  to  me,  to  refuse  to  give  the  Westing- 
house  Co.  orders  because  we  may  say  there  is  a  person  there  affiliated 
with  the  Communist  Party,  is  unjust  to  the  majority  of  the  people 
in  the  local  union.  As  a  member  of  the  union  I  wouldn't  have  any 
say  as  to  whether  or  not  a  member  of  the  union  was  or  was  not  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Communist  Party.     I  wouldn't  have  any  say  on  that. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  didn't  mean  I  wanted  you  to  pass  on  that  question. 
We  are  assuming  proof  would  have  to  be  submitted  in  court  demon- 
strating that  he  was  a  Communist. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  587 

Mr.  CopELAND.  If  we  have  adequate  laws — I  believe  myself  a  Com- 
munist is  a  traitor  to  the  country,  but  I  believe  if  I,  as  a  leader,  would 
be  found  guilty  of  a  crime,  I  don't  think  my  children  or  neighbors 
should  be  deprived  of  working  at  Westinghouse  because  I  am  guilty 
of  the  crime.  I  think  I  should  be  punished  and  not  the  people  I 
represent. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  bill  provides  that  it  shall  be  unlawful  for  a  per- 
son engaged  on  any  national  defense  project  to  become  or  remain  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  believe  in  1943, 1944,  and  1945  the  contract  between 
the  company  and  the  United  Electrical,  Kadio  and  Machine  Workers 
of  America  had  a  stipulation  that  no  member  should  work  for  the 
company  who  was  a  member  of  the  German  Bund.  That  is  not  in  the 
contract  now. 

Mr.  Wood.  Irrespective  of  contractual  provisions,  do  you  think  it 
would  be  dangerous  for  companies  having  contracts  of  a  confidential 
nature  to  employ  Communists? 

Mr.  CoPELAND.  I  believe  Communists  are  traitors  to  the  country 
and  I  don't  believe  they  should  work  on  secret  work. 

Mr.  Wood.  Thank  you  very  much  for  your  presence  and  for  the 
very  forthright  manner  in  which  you  have  answered  these  questions. 

Mr.  Russell.  I  have  one  further  question :  Wlien  were  you  first 
interviewed  by  an  agent  of  this  committee,  the  approximate  date? 

Mr.  Copeland.  First  of  all  I  was  subpenaed  to  appear  before  the 
Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation,  Immigration  Service,  by  a  gentle- 
man by  the  name  of  Benson,  I  believe,  to  testify  against  a  former 
member  of  the  union  who  was  up  for  deportation.  If  I  am  not  mis- 
taken, Alvin  Stokes,  who  is  a  colored  man,  first  talked  to  me  around 
February  or  March  of  this  year,  somewhere  around  that  time.  I  can't 
tie  the  dates  down,  but  it  was  around  about  the  time  they  were  pick- 
ing up  Steve  Nelson  for  questioning. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  know  Alvin  Stokes  as  an  investigator  for 
this  committee? 

Mr.  Copeland.  I  knew  he  was  an  investigator  for  this  committee 
whenever  he  appeared  in  our  local  union  office. 

Mr.  Russell.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Wood.  Thank  you  very  much. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  William  Henry  Peeler. 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand,  please,  Mr.  Peeler  ?  Do 
you  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  this  subcom- 
mittee will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so 
help  you  God? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  WILLIAM  HENRY  PEELEE,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  HIS 

COUNSEL,  BENJAMIN  C.  SIGAL 

Mr.  Wood.  Give  the  reporter  your  name  and  address. 

Mr.  Peeler.  William  Henry  Peeler. 

Mr.  Wood.  Your  address. 

Mr.  Peeler.  3140  Cordelle  Place,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Mr.  Wood.  Are  you  represented  by  counsel  here  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  same  counsel  as  the  last  witness  ? 


588  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes. 

Mi\  Tavenner.  You  are  William  Henry  Peeler  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  appearing  before  this  committee  in  com- 
pliance with  a  subpena  served  upon  you  under  date  of  August  3, 1949? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  a  member  of  Local  601  of  the  United  Elec- 
trical, Radio,  aii'^  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Y  s,  sir. 

Mr.  TAVENNEit.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  local  601^ 

Mr.  Peeler.  Since  the  first  day  I  was  hired,  8i/^  years  ago. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  positions  have  you  held  as  an  officer  of  local 
601? 

Mr.  Peeler.  We  consider  it  not  as  officers.  I  have  been  a  section 
steward,  and  a  division  steward,  which  gives  you  a  vote  on  the  execu- 
tive board. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  held  such  a  position? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  held  the  section  steward  job  1  year,  and  this  is  my 
third  year  as  an  executive  board  member. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  now,  or  have  you  ever  been,  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party  of  the  United  States? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Definitely  not. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  ever  been  approached  to  join  the  Com- 
munist Party  or  a  Communist-affiliated  organization  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  A  number  of  times. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  us  about  that  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  was  first  approached  about  1945  by  a  girl  named 
Dorothy  Faraday,  who  claimed  she  worked  as  a  secretary  in  the  dis- 
trict.   That  I  can't  verify. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  As  secretary  of  what? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Of  the  UE. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Then  what  occurred  ?    Just  tell  the  whole  story. 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  met  her  on  the  street  and  we  began  to  talk.  She  was 
telling  about  the  great  things  that  happened  to  my  race  in  America.  I 
said :  "Evidently  you  don't  know  much  about  it."  I  said :  "Let's  go 
to  my  house  and  we  will  talk  it  over." 

She  came  to  my  house  and  talked  to  me  and  my  wife,  and  we  got 
friendly,  and  after  that  she  made  weekly  visits,  and  every  time  she 
came  she  would  bring  a  card  and  say:  "What  about  signing  it?" 

I  said  no,  I  would  not  sign  it.  She  brought  numerous  leaflets  and 
pamphlets  and  Russian  literature.  I  didn't  seem  to  get  of  it  what 
she  thought  I  should,  so  I  never  became  a  Communist  Party  member. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  approached  by  others  to  become  a  Com- 
munist Party  member? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes,  at  the  office. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  office  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Local  601. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Tell  us  about  that. 

Mr.  Peeler.  A  fellow  there  told  me  he  wanted  to  talk  to  me.  His 
name  was  Nathan  Alberts.    He  approached  me. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  join? 

Mr.  Peeler.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Tell  us  what  occurred  on  that  occasion. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  589 

Mr.  Peeler.  Well,  I  was  lined  up  with  the  rank-and-file  group, 
and  he  came  up  one  evening  and  said  he  would  like  to  talk  to  me. 
He  said  what  a  bunch  of  reactionary  boys  I  was  associated  with,  and 
some  of  the  things  they  had  done  to  Negro  members  of  the  local. 

I  said  I  didn't  see  where  anybody  had  done  anything  in  particular 
for  the  Negro  members  in  the  plant.  He  said  Fitzpatrick  and  Pan- 
zino  had  done  a  terrific  job  in  getting  Negro  girls  in  the  plant.  I 
said,  "What  happened?"  He  said,  "We  got  them  in  there."  I  said, 
"Is  that  part  of  your  job?"  He  said,  "Yes."  I  said,  "I  don't  see  that 
that  is  anything  to  yell  about."  He  said,  "Why  not  join  the  party? 
We  are  the  only  ones  doing  anything  for  your  race."  I  said,  "Name 
somebody  in  your  party  who  has  done  something  for  my  race." 

He  mentioned  the  incident  of  the  Negro  girls,  which  I  mentioned 
before,  plus  a  couple  of  other  incidents  where  Panzino  and  Tom  Quinn 
had  done  something  for  them  and  somebody  had  cut  out  their  pic- 
tures and  called  them  a  " lover,"  and  so  forth. 

I  said,  "Anybody  else?" 

He  named  one  or  two  others  that  I  know  and  some  I  didn't  know.  I 
continued  listening  to  him,  and  a  couple  times  I  rode  home  with  him, 
and  I  asked  him  what  he  did  in  the  evenings,  and  he  said  he  did  his 
party  work.  I  asked  him  if  he  didn't  do  anything  but  work,  and  he 
said  no,  that  he  wanted  to  help  make  this  a  better  world.  I  said 
I  didn't  care  to  have  it  a  better  world  in  that  way.    I  didn't  join. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  his  discussions  with  you,  did  he  mention  other 
members  of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  union  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  He  mentioned  the  two  who  had  done  the  most,  as  he 
claimed,  to  help  the  Negi-o  people.  They  were  Tom  Fitzpatrick  and 
Frank  Panzino.  Another  day  he  mentioned  Ella  Pinzzo,  a  girl  in  the 
union  office. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Anyone  else  that  you  recall? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  mentioned  one  to  him,  but  he  only  knew  him  casually. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  seen  evidence  of  Communist  control  of 
local  601,  or  efforts  to  control  it,  since  you  have  been  an  officer  of  this 
local? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes ;  I  have  seen  evidence,  some  of  it  before  my  time 
and  some  since  I  was  in  the  local.  I  noticed  in  particular,  in  going 
back  through  some  of  the  minutes,  we  find  the  attitude  of  the  executive 
board  when  it  was  controlled  by  what  we  call  our  progressives,  the 
stand  they  took  of  calling  Roosevelt  a  warmonger,  and  they  went  on 
record  as  absolutely  against  war  when  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact  was  in 
effect,  and  you  can  see  in  the  same  book  the  opposite  stand  after  Hitler 
attacked  Russia.  You  can  see  where  we  have  made  contributions  to 
the  American  Slav  Congress,  the  American  Comnrittee  for  Protection 
of  Foreign  Born,  the  American  Youth  Congress,  and  various  others. 

Mr.  Tavenner.   Do  you  recall  the  size  of  the  contributions  made? 

Mr.  Peeler.  They  range  from  $10  and  $25. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  frequently  were  those  contributions  made? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  looked  through  the  minutes  and  saw  where  some  years 
back  they  were  made  almost  weekly,  $10  or  $25. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  see  evidence  of  communistic  direction  and 
influence  in  the  calling  of  strikes  and  in  the  conduct  of  strikes? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Well,  yes;  one  in  particular.  We  had  quite  a  bit  of 
work  moved  from  the  main  plant  down  to  Beaver. 


590  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Wliat  do  you  mean  by  Beaver  ? 

Mr,  Peeler.  The  Beaver  plant. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Of  Westinghouse  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes.  So  when  this  work  was  moved  down  they  wrote 
a  grievance  that  the  people  from  our  plant  who  would  be  affected  by 
the  removal  of  that  work  should  go  with  the  work.  In  the  meantime, 
at  the  Beaver  plant  they  hired  new  people,  and  conditions  got  pretty 
bad  because  they  couldn't  get  recognition,  although  most  everybody 
down  there  had  signed  with  UE.  Westinghouse  adhered  to  the  Taft- 
Hartley  law  and  refused  to  recognize  them  because  they  did  not  sign 
non-Communist  affidavits. 

We  went  down  to  check  after  we  learned  two  fellows  had  been  fired, 
alid  we.  couldn't  even  get  into  the  plant.  We  made  a  complete  com- 
mittee report,  and  in  that  report  I  came  to  a  standstill  because  I  said, 
"The  only  thing  holding  this  situation  up  is  the  fact  we  can't  get 
recognition." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  you  could  not  get  recognition  because  of  the 
failure  to  sign  the  non-Communist  affidavits  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  That  is  right.  So  at  that  time  I  made  a  motion  that 
we  instruct  our  international  officers  to  sign  non-Communist — I  beg 
pardon,  I  did  not  say  "non-Communist,"  I  said  "necessary" — affidavits, 
so  that  we  might  gain  recognition  in  new  plants. 

Tom  Fitzpatrick  was  president  of  the  district  at  that  time,  and  he 
vigorously  protested. 

I  said,  "This  is  the  only  solution  I  know  of.  Do  you  have  any 
suggestion  ?" 

He  said,  "Sure.    They  can  strike." 

Isaid,"Wliatfor?" 

He  said,  "Well,  they  can  strike." 

I  said,  "And  get  what?" 
;  He  said,  "Well,  it  will  be  a  moral  victory,  anyway." 
'  Mr.  TA-\rENNER.  Did  a  strike  result  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Yes ;  they  had  a  strike,  and  our  local  contributed  $2,000 
down  and  $800  a  week,  I  believe  that  is  the  exact  amount.  A  number 
of  other  locals  contributed,  and  the  district  contributed,  and  I  assume 
the  international  union  contributed,  even  though  we  knew  the  strike 
could  not  be  won. 

Mr.  Wood.  What  year  was  that  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  About  1947,  August  1947. 

Mr.  Harrison.  It  was  since  the  Taft-Hartley  law  went  on  the  books, 
so  it  would  be  last  year  or  the  year  before, 

Mr,  Tavenner,  What  did  it  cost  your  local  union  to  engage  in 
that  fight? 

Mr.  Peeler.  All  told,  with  lost  time  and  everything,  sending  com- 
mittees down  and  donations,  I  would  estimate  around  $16,000. 

Mr.  Harrison.  How  long  were  you  out  of  work  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  It  was  at  Beaver.  I  was  on  the  committee  to  go  down 
and  help.  But  they  removed  me  from  the  committee  after  I  made 
that  motion, 

Mr,  Tavenner,  Do  you  know  Hugh  Harley  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  do. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Does  he  have  any  connection  with  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  He  is  an  international  representative,  supposedly  sent 
down  to  work  on  our  plant  guard  situation. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  591 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  is  all,  Mr.  Chairman. 
•    Mr.  Wood.  Do  I  understand  you  to  say  that  after  you  made  the  mo- 
tion tliat  the  officers  conform  to  the  law  with  respect  to  recognition, 
that  you  were  removed  from  the  committee? 

Mr.  Peeler.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Wood.  At  whose  suggestion? 

Mr.  Peeler.  A  fellow  named  Harper.  I  was  on  two  committees, 
and  he  made  a  motion  to  abolish  both  committees,  and  then  they  re- 
formed both  committees. 

]\Ir.  Wood.  And  left  you  off  both  of  them  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  That  is  right. 

INIr.  Wood.  Any  questions? 

Mr.  Harrison.  Who  is  Russ  Nixon  ? 

Mv.  Peeler.  He  is  an  international  representative,  as  I  understand, 
the  Washington  representative. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Of  your  union? 

Mr.  Peeler.  Of  UE. 

Mr.  Harrison.  He  is  not  connected  with  local  601? 

JNIr.  Peeler.  On  paper,  no ;  but  he  has  quite  a  bit  of  contact  up  there. 

Mr.  Harrison.  He  seems  to  have  a  good  deal  to  say  about  its  affairs. 

Mr.  Peeler.  You  can  say  that  again. 

Mr.  Ta\^nner.  AVhen  were  you  first  interviewed  by  an  investiga- 
tor of  this  committee  relating  to  this  matter  ? 

Mr.  Peeler.  I  was  interviewed — I  can  tell  you  the  exact  date,  it 
was  the  27th  of  February. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Of  what  year? 

Mr.  Peeler.  This  year.  I  might  add  I  was  called  by  a  reporter  from 
the  Pittsburgh  Courier,  and  he  said :  "A  man  was  up  checking  our 
papers,  and  he  wants  to  see  you,  and  it  is  imperative  that  you  call 
him."    So  I  called  and  met  Stokes. 

Mr.  Ta\'enner.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Wood.  Thank  you  very  much. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Seese. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  will  give  this 
subcommittee  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  BLAIR  SEESE,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  HIS  COUNSEL, 

BENJAMIN  C.  SIGAL 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  you  give  the  reporter  your  full  name  and  address, 
please  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Blair  Seese,  154  Central  Avenue,  Turtle  Creek,  Pa. 

Mr.  Wood.  Is  Mr.  Sigal  appearing  with  you  also  as  your  counsel? 

Mr.  Seese.  Yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  may  confer  with  him  at  any  time  you  desire  during 
the  course  of  your  testimony. 

Mr.  Seese.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  are  Mr.  Blair  Seese  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  was  born  in  a  town  of  Dunlo,  Cambria  County,  Pa., 
October  18,  1911. 


592  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  are  you  now  employed  ? 

Mr.  Seese,  Westinghoiise  Electric  Corp.,  at  the  East  Pittsburgh 
plant. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  appearing  before  this  committee  by  virtue 
of  a  subpena  served  upon  you  on  August  3, 1949  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  certainly  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  a  member  of  local  601  of  the  United  Elec- 
trical, Eadio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  am  . 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  that  local  ^ 

Mr.  Seese.  Since  the  early  part  of  1937. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  held  any  office  within  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  have.  I  held  the  office  of  division  steward  in  1944  and 
1945. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  at  the  present  time  hold  any  elective  or  ap- 
pointive office  in  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  hold  a  position  on  the  sick  and  accident  committee  of 
local  601,  which  is  appointed  by  the  executive  board  with  the  approval 
of  the  membership. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  now,  or  have  you  ever  been,  a  member  of 
the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Seese.  At  one  time  I  signed  an  application  blank,  but  I  never 
attended  any  meetings  or  took  any  part  whatever  in  any  of  the  activi- 
ties. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Who  requested  you  to  sign  an  application  for  mem- 
bership in  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Marshall  Docherty  and  Joe  Godfrey. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  they  officers  in  local  601? 

Mr.  Seese.  Marshall  Docherty  was  an  officer  in  the  local  at  the  time, 
but  Joe  Godfrey  was  not.  He  was  known  as  an  organizer  for  the 
Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  relate  to  the  committee  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  your  being  requested  to  join  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Well,  the  thing  had  been  suggested  to  me  at  various 
times,  but  on  this  particular  occasion  I  was  approached  by  Mr. 
Docherty  on  the  street  in  front  of  the  union  office  and  he  asked  me  to 
go  to  the  bar  on  the  corner,  that  he  had  something  to  discuss  with  me. 

We  entered  the  bar  and  went  into  the  back  room,  and  this  Joe  God- 
frey was  present,  and  it  was  suggested  that  I  sign  an  application  blank, 
and  they  gave  me  reasons  that  by  signing  an  application  blank  I  could 
help  myself  politically  within  the  local  and  within  the  labor  move- 
ment. 

Mr.  Ta^^nner.  That  you  could  advance  yourself  within  the  labor 
movement  by  becoming  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  That  is  about  it,  and  the  fact  that  their  program  was 
the  program  for  tlie  working  classes  of  people. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  me  ask  you  this :  You  stated,  I  believe,  that 
you  did  not  attend  any  meetings  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Tavenner,  Did  you  pay  dues  at  any  time  after  that  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Approximately  what  was  the  date  that  you  signed 
the  application ;  the  year,  I  mean  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  The  year  was  1944. 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  593 

Mr.  Tav'enner.  Have  you  in  any  way  participated  in  Communist 
Party  movements  or  activities  since  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  None  whatsoever, 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  consider  yourself  in  any  way  a  member  of 
or  afFdiated  with  the  Connnunist  Party  at  this  time? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  do  not ;  absohitely. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  At  the  time  of  your  election  to  the  executive  board, 
was  the  executive  board  composed  largely  of  members  recognized  as 
being  members  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Well,  there  were  people  on  the  board  at  that  time,  in 
fact,  the  greater  majority  of  them,  who  were  identified  from  time  to 
time  as  being  party  members,  but  I  had  no  proof  of  any  kind  to  sub- 
stantiate that  when  I  was  elected  to  the  executive  board.  But  from 
resolutions  that  were  passed  from  time  to  time,  I  could  see  an  inkling 
of  influence  from  Communist  Party  activities. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  During  that  period  of  time,  was  Mr.  Thomas  J. 
Fitzpatrick  a  member  of  the  executive  board  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  He  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  of  your  own  personal  knowledge  know 
whether  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Other  than  the  fact  that  when  I  was  in  Tom  Fitzpat- 
rick's  presence  privately  he  had  admitted  to  me  that  he  was  a  member 
of  the  party. 

Mr.  Ta\'enner.  Have  you  observed  the  affairs  or  activities  of  the 
Communist  Party  being  carried  out  in  any  of  the  offices  of  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  The  only  activities  I  coiild  say  were  conducted  in  and 
around  the  office  were  to  the  extent  of  leaflets  showing  up  in  the  union 
office,  party-line  propaganda  signed  by  the  East  Pittsburgh  Commu- 
nist Party,  and  the  fact  there  are  people  there  who  make  solicitation 
of  union  members  to  subscribe  to  the  Daily  Worker  and  the  Sunday 
Worker. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Has  any  action  been  taken  in  your  union  with  re- 
gard to  the  Communists  now  on  trial  in  New  York? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  do  know  of  petitions  that  were  circulated  to  the  mem- 
bership in  support  of  the  12  Communists  who  are  on  trial  in  New 
York. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  any  members  of  the  union  taking  part  in  that 
solicitation  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Who  were  they  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  They  were  various  members  at  the  plant  who  circulated 
the  petition. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  spoke  of  the  solicitation  of  subscriptions  to  the 
Daily  Worker  and  the  Sunday  Worker.  Was  that  solicitation  done  by 
a  member  of  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Ta\tenner.  Who  was  that  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Nathan  Alberts,  I  know,  makes  solicitations,  because  he 
attempted  to  solicit  me  to  take  the  Daily  Worker. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  about  the  Communist  Party  literature;  do 
you  receive  it  yourself  through  the  mail  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  have  and  I  still  do  at  times  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  other  members  of  the  union  also  receive  it? 


594  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Seese.  I  know  other  members  in  the  local  who  have  Communist 
literature  mailed  to  their  homes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  those  persons,  persons  who  are  not  members  of 
the  Communist  Party,  as  well  as  those  who  are  members  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  explanation  is  there  for  members  of  the  union 
who  are  not  members  of  the  Communist  Party  receiving  this  liter- 
ature ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  have  no  explanation  for  it  other  than  the  fact  that  it 
seems  evident  that  by  some  means  the  membership  lists  of  the  stew- 
ards' council  are  available  to  the  Communist  Party,  because  if  there 
are  errors  in  the  addresses  of  any  union  members,  the  same  errors 
are  made  in  sending  out  the  Communist  literature. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  No  further  questions. 

Mr,  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mr.  Walter.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Russ  Nixon  is  not  a  member  of  local  601? 

Mr.  Seese.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Is  he  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  I  could  not  answer  that  question. 

Mr,  Harrison.  Does  he  have  access  to  your  membership  lists  ? 

Mr.  Seese.  The  only  way  he  would  would  be  as  a  representative  of 
the  international  office. 

Mr.  Harrison.  He  seems  to  be  powerfully  excited  about  these  hear- 
ings, and  I  wondered  why. 

Mr.  Seese.  I  noticed  the  release  he  made  to  the  papers. 

Mr.  Harrison.  I  wondered  if  you  could  enlighten  me  on  that  subject. 

Mr.  Seese.  No,  sir ;  I  couldn't. 

Mr.  Wood.  Thank  you  very  much. 

I  would  like  you  to  comment  on  how  you  feel  about  a  man  who  is 
a  known  member  of  the  Communist  Party  being  employed  on  a  na- 
tional-defense project  involving  work  of  a  confidential  and  secret 
character  ? 

Mr,  Seese,  If  your  question  is  in  regard  to  the  Wood  bill,  I  have 
no  knowledge  of  the  bill  whatever  and  I  wouldn't  care  to  make  an 
answer. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  am  not  asking  about  a  particular  bill.  I  am  asking  how 
you  feel  about  whether  or  not  it  is  in  the  best  interest  of  the  security  of 
this  Nation  to  have  known  Communists  employed  in  defense  plants 
handling  highly  secretive  work. 

Mr.  Seese.  I  don't  think  it  would  be  good. 

Mr.  Wood.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Stanley  Glass. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  will  give  this  sub- 
committee shall  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  do. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  a  seat,  please.  Is  Mr.  Sigal  here  representing  you 
also  ? 

Mr.  Glass,  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  have  the  privilege  of  conferring  with  him  at  any 
time  you  desire. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  595 

TESTIMONY  OF  STANLEY  E.  GLASS,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  HIS  COUNSEL, 

BENJAMIN  C.  SIGAL 

Mr.  Wood,  Give  your  full  name  and  address  to  the  reporter. 

Mr.  Glass.  Stanley  E.  Glass,  5800  Munhall  Road,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born? 

Mr.  Glass.  Charleston,  W.  Va. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When? 

Mr.  Glass.  May  24, 1912. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  appearing  before  this  committee  in  com- 
pliance with  a  subpena  served  on  you  August  3,  1919  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  That  is  correct;  I  am  appearing  here  having  been  sum- 
moned by  the  United  States  marshal.  I  personally  am  opposed  to  any 
outside  investigation  of  trade  unions  or  local  unions.  I  will  put  it 
this  way,  that  I  think  the  people  within  the  local  should  work  it  out 
through  the  democratic  processes,  and  that  is  the  chief  reason  we 
opposed  the  Taft-Hartley  Act. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Wlien  were  you  first  interviewed  by  an  investigator 
of  this  committee? 

Mr.  Glass.  To  the  best  of  my  knowledge  it  was  in  April  1949. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  a  member  of  Local  601  of  the  United  Elec- 
trical, Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  that  local 
No.  601  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  Since  November  1940. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  positions  have  you  held  as  an  officer  of  local 
No.  601  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  Steward,  subdivision  steward,  and  at  present  recording 
secretary. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  now  or  have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  have  not. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Or  have  you  ever  had  any  Communist  affiliations? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  have  not. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  ever  been  approached  to  join  the  Com- 
munist Party  or  any  Communist-affiliated  associations? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  have. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Wlien  was  that  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  In  1941  or  1942  I  was  working  in  a  shop  close  to  Thomas 
Fitzpatrick.  I  was  taking  him  home  one  night  and  he  told  me  what 
a  marvelous  country  Soviet  Russia  was,  and  asked  me  to  join  the  party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Wliat  party  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  The  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  recording  secretary  of 
local  No.  601  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  was  elected  in  the  last  month  of  1948. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  consider  local  601  to  be  under  Communist 
Party  domination  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  Absolutely  not ;  but  I  think  definitely  the  international  is. 

Mr.  Harrison.  You  think  definitely  what? 

Mr.  Glass.  That  local  601  is  not  under  the  control  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  at  this  time,  but  the  international  is.  I  might  add  my 
reason  for  making  that  statement  is  that  the  right-wing  forces  at  the 


596  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF .  LABOR    UNIONS 

present  time  are  in  office  in  local  601;  we  are  attempting  to  carry 
out  an  American  program,  and  we  are  hampered  by  Communist  or- 
ganizers; there  are  about  12  in  the  valley.  And  I  have  just  noticed 
that  there  is  a  possibility  of  the  international  going  out  of  the  CIO 
and  affiliating  with  the  World  Federation  of  Trade  Unions.  Also, 
the  recent  copy  of  the  Canadian  UE  News  also  carried  an  article  along 
that  line,  and  that  George  Harris,  secretary  of  the  Canadian  UE,  dis- 
trict 5,  has  attended  the  international  congress  in  Italy. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Then  you  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  parent  or- 
ganization is  endeavoring  to  exert  communistic  influences  on  your 
organization  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Don't  you  think  the  Federal  Government  has  some 
interest  in  something  such  as  that,  involving  a  great  union  such  as  UE 
and  a  great  industry  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  think  the  Federal  Government  should  spend  their 
basic  time  in  education  along  the  lines  of  what  communism  means 
and  the  purposes  of  the  Communist  Party  and  so  on. 

Mr,  Walter.  Mr.  Glass,  this  may  not  be  in  point,  but  in  your  wage 
negotiations  do  the  local  people  conduct  the  negotiations,  or  are  the 
negotiations  conducted  by  representatives  of  the  union  sent  from 
other  places  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  In  the  UE  different  branches  of  the  industry,  such  as  the 
electrical  chain,  have  various  companies  represented.  For  instance, 
the  Westmghouse  chain.  In  order  to  negotiate  with  the  Westing- 
house  chain  there  is  a  Westinghouse  conference  board  set  up  in 
the  union.  Our  local  has  four  elected  national  negotiators  to  attend 
the  national  Westinghouse  board.  They  set  the  pattern  of  nego- 
tiations. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  the  district  council  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  The  district  council  is  a  division  of  the  international 
union  which  takes  in  a  territory  of  the  international.  For  instance, 
I  happen  to  c-  !e  under  district  6,  which  takes  in  tlie  western 
Pennsylvania  and  West  Virginia  section. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  consider  that  the  district  council  under 
which  you  come,  district  6,  is  under  Communist  Party  domination? 

Mr.  Glass.  Absolutely. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  has  the  Communist  Party  dominated 
this  district  council  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  would  say  from  1939  the  Communist  Party  has  had 
strict  control  over  district  6. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  With  regard  to  your  local  union  itself,  that  is, 
local  601,  has  there  been  a  time  when  it  was  under  Communist  Party 
domination? 

Mr.  Glass.  Local  601  itself  at  various  times  is  controlled  by  the 
Communist  Party.  It  is  done  through  their  methods  of  approach. 
They  themselves  attempt  to  keep  the  membership  away  and  keep  in 
control  a  small  centralized  caucus  of  the  progTessive  forces.  All  peo- 
ple who  are  members  of  the  progressive  forces  are  not  members  of  the 
Communist  Party,  but  thev  sure  follow  the  Commimist  line. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  they  are  well  organized  and  very  active? 

Mr.  Glass.  That  is  right. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  597 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  there  been  any  resolutions  passed  by  local 
No.  601  that  would  follow  the  Communist  Party  line? 

Mr.  Glass.  Yes;  there  have  been. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  elaborate? 

Mr.  Glass.  A  resolution  supporting  the  ILI) — International  Labor 
Defense — which  is  a  (-ommunist-front  orgaiiization.  A  resolution 
calling  Roosevelt  a  warmonger. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  about  a  resolution  in  regard  to  Harry 
Bridges? 

Mr.  Glass.  There  is  one  supporting  Harry  Bridges. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  there  one  supporting  American-Soviet  friend- 
ship? 

Mr.  Glass.  American-Soviet  friendship,  absolutely. 

Mr.  Ta\"enner.  American  Youth  Congress? 

Mr.  Glass.  American  Youth  Congress. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  No  further  questions,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mr.  Waltor.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison? 

Mr.  Harrison.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  me  interrogate  you  on  your  views  with  reference 
to  the  employment  of  known  Communists  in  defense  plants  where 
strategic  material  is  being  handled  or  highly  secretive  work  is  being 
performed.  Do  you  think  it  is  conducive  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
security  of  this  Nation  to  do  that  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  A  lot  of  the  people  w^ho  are  members  of  the  Communist 
Party  are  innocent  workers.    A  lot  of  people  sign  cards. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  concede  they  have  been,  but  I  don't  concede  they  are 
now,  with  the  information  being  disseminated.  I  think  most  people 
understand,  don't  you  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  I  am  following  the  CIO  policy  as  far  as  the  Wood  bill 
is  concerned,  and  I  can't  make  a  statement  on  that. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  you  think  it  is  conducive  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
country  to  employ  known  Communists  in  defense  plants  where  stra- 
tegic material  of  a  highly  secretive  nature  is  being  handled  ? 

Mr.  Glass.  In  case  of  war,  in  case  of  emergency,  I  would  say 
"Yes,"  but  I  think 

Mr.  Wood.  We  are  still  at  war,  you  know. 

Mr.  Glass.  At  war  with  the  Communists  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  No.  We  are  still  at  war.  There  has  been  no  treaty. 
I  don't  believe  fundamentally  you  and  I  are  far  apart  in  our  thinking. 
Thank  you.    We  appreciate  your  coming  here. 

The  committee  stands  adjourned  until  tomorrow  morning  at  10 :  30. 

(Whereupon,  at  4 :45  p.  m.,  an  adjournment  was  taken  until  10 :  30 
a.  m.,  Wednesday,  August  10,  1949.) 


HEARINGS  REGARDINa  COMMUNIST  INFILTRATION  OF 

LABOR  UNIONS-PART  1 

(Local  601,  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of 
America,  CIO,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.) 


WEI)NESI>AY,  AUGUST    10,    1949 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee 

ON  Un-American  Activities, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

A  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  met, 
pursuant  to  call,  at  11 :  20  a.  m.  in  room  226,  Old  House  Office  Build- 
ing, Hon.  John  S.  Wood  (chairman)  presiding. 

Committee  members  present:  Representatives  John  S.  Wood  (chair- 
man). Burr  P.  Harrison,  John  McSweeney,  Morgan  M.  Moulder,  and 
Harold  H.  Velde. 

Staff  members  present :  Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  counsel ;  Louis 
J.  Russell,  senior  investigator ;  Donald  T.  Appell,  investigator ;  John 
W.  Carrington,  clerk;  Benjamin  Manclel,  director  of  research;  and 
A.  S.  Poore,  editor. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  the  committee  be  in  order. 

Let  the  record  show  that  this  hearing  is  being  conducted  by  a 
subcommittee,  designated  by  the  chairman,  composed  of  Mr.  Moulder 
and  Mr.  Wood. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  We  are  ready  to  proceed. 

Mr.  Wood.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Thomas  Fitzpatrick. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  solemnly  swear  the  evidence  you  will  give  this  sub- 
committee will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  THOMAS  J.  FITZPATRICK 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  are  you  represented  by  counsel? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.    One  is  available  if  I  need  him. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  just  want  to  inform  you  that  you  are  entitled 
to  have  counsel  present  with  you  if  you  desire. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Yes.  I  noticed  that  yesterday,  and  I  think  it 
is  a  very  good  procedure  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  understand,  also,  that  you  are  at  liberty  to  confer 
with  your  counsel  at  any  time  you  desire  during  the  progress  of  your 
testimony. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Thank  you,  sir. 

599 


600  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  your  full  name  and  present  address 
for  the  record  ? 

Mr.  FiTzpATRicK.  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick,  915  Ramsey  St.,  Wilkins- 
bur^,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  January  15, 1903,  Lord,  Md. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  appearing  before  the  committee  in  accord- 
ance with  a  subpena  served  upon  you  August  3, 1949  ? 

Mr.  FnzpATRicK.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  present  employment? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  am  a  drill  press  operator  in  the  company,  work- 
ing for  the  Westinghouse  Corporation  in  East  Pittsburgh,  26  years' 
continuous  service  there.  At  the  present  time  I  am  on  a  full- 
time  union  job,  chief  steward  of  the  local  union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  that  local  union  601  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  That  is  right,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Please  outline  in  chronological  order  the  offices  you 
have  held  in  local  601  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine 
Workers  of  America,  CIO. 

(Representative  McSweeney  enters.) 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  In  1937  or  1938,  or  both,  I  was  a  section  steward. 
In  1940  and  1941, 1  think — this  is  tl^e  best  of  my  recollection,  I,(fflnld  be 
off  a  year — I  was  division  steward  of  the  generator  divisiqjifi  43 

and  1944  I  was  the  president  of  local  601.  In  1945  I  w£i($(ri  ivci,  >..ief 
steward  for  part  of  the  j^ear,  and  the  last  part  of  the  year  I  was  elected 
president  of  district  6.  I  was  the  president  of  district  6  until  January 
of  1948,  at  which  time  I  resigned  as  president  of  district  6  and  was 
elected  president  of  local  601  at  that  time  and  went  back  to  601. 

In  1949  I  was  elected  chief  steward  in  local  601. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  noticed  that  you  permitted  some  preliminary  re- 
marks here  yesterday,  and  I  know  it  is  the  hope  of  a  lot  of  people  that 
this  committee  will  conduct  itself  in  a  more  democratic  manner  than  it 
did  in  the  past,  so  I  would  like  to  respectfully  request  an  opportunity 
to  make  a  few  preliminary  remarks. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  Chair  will  give  you  that  opportunity,  but  not  on 
the  theory  of  the  previous  conduct  of  this  committee.  If  you  would 
like  to  make  a  few  preliminary  remarks,  the  Chair  will  permit  you  to 
do  so,  provided  it  is  not  too  lengthy,  because  the  House  meets  in  30 
minutes. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  will  not  filibuster. 

In  the  hearings  yesterday,  us  four  fellows  who  were  subpenaed  to 
appear  today  were  smeared  and  charged  with  certain  things,  and  Mr. 
Tavenner  here  read  part  of  a  telegram  that  we  sent  to  you.  He  either 
consciously  or  unconsciously  only  mentioned  part  of  that  telegram. 
He  failed  to  mention  the  fact 

Mr.  Wood.  If  you  take  exception  to  the  part  he  did  put  in,  I  will  in- 
struct that  the  entire  telegram  be  put  in  the  record. 

(The  telegram  referred  to  is  as  follows :) 

[Western  Union  telegram] 

August  7,  1949. 
Representative  John  S.  Wood, 

Chairman  of  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

House  Un-American  Activities  Committee  has  subpenaed  us  four  members  of 
Westinghouse  East  Pittsburgh  Local  601,  UE-CIO  to  testify  next  Wednesday  in 
hearing  on  ridiculous  charges  of  an  ACTU  priest  and  his  followers.    It  i»  vital  you 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  601 

understand  that  important  elections  in  which  we  are  all  candidates  will  take 
place  in  our  local  union  next  week  and  that  our  union  is  in  the  midst  of  wage 
negotiations  with  the  Westinghouse  Electric  Co.  We  strongly  protest  interfer- 
ence by  your  committee  in  our  internal  union  affairs.  We  would  like  to  point 
out  that  this  investigation  has  been  instigated  by  an  ACTU  priest,  Rev.  Charles 
Owen  Rice,  and  his  right-wing  followers  in  UB  local  601  in  order  to  maintain 
his  grasp  on  the  local.  We  are  informed  they  contacted  someone  on  your  com- 
mittee and  had  hearings  set  and  subpeiias  issued  without  the  knowledge  of  most 
members  of  the  committee.  W'e  protest  this  scandalous  use  of  the  Un-American 
Activities  Committee  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  our  union  and  aid  the 
Westinghouse  Co.  in  our  negotiations.  Now  that  your  committee  has  the  facts, 
we  respectfully  request  that  you  abandon  the  hearings  and  take  steps  to  see 
that  your  coraraittoe  is  never  again  used  in  this  manner. 

Thomas    J.    Fitzpatbick, 
Frank  Panzino, 
Thomas  Quinn, 
Robert  Whisner. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  With  the  understanding  it  is  in  the  record,  I 
would  like  to  make  this  brief  statement.  We  are  in  the  midst  of  an 
election  in  601  and  us  four  fellows  subpenaed  for  today  are  candidates 
in  that  election. 

It  was  also  stated  here  that  these  hearings  do  not  harm  the  negotia- 
tions between  the  UE  and  the  Westinghouse  Co.  The  witness  who  is 
national  negotiator  from  our  local  either  does  not  know  his  job  or  he 
has  d'-'"''^iprately  misstated  the  facts.  The  negotiations  started  in  Juno 
or  1  went  on  for  several  weeks  and  were  recessed.    Negotia- 

tion .  .io  cyt  concluded  and  they  are  subject  to  being  reopened  by  the 
union,  at  tJie  call  of  the  union. 

It  has  come  to  my  attention  that  in  the  last  day,  since  these  hearings 
became  an  issue,  one  of  the  vice  presidents  of  the  Westinghouse  Co. 
has  sent  out  a  letter  to  all  Westinghouse  employees  stating  that  irre- 
gardless  of  what  any  other  corporation  does,  Westinghouse  is  going 
to  grant  no  wage  increase  this  year. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  are  commenting  on  the  contents  of  a  letter.  Do  you 
have  a  copy  of  the  letter? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  do  not  have  it  here. 

Mr.  Wood.  Would  you  like  to  insert  that  letter  in  the  record? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  We  will  get  it  in  your  hands. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  the  record  show  that  the  witness  desires  to  incorpo- 
i-ate  in  the  record  at  this  point  tlie  letter  to  which  he  has  referred,  from 
an  officer  of  the  Westinghouse  Co." 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  would  like  to  state  that  Mr.  Kussell  went  to 
great  length  yesterday  to  explain  that  these  hearings  were  not  hurried- 
ly called,  but  that  certain  people  had  been  contacted  last  April.  That 
is  true,  and  there  was  certainly  time  to  call  the  hearings  earlier  or 
wait  until  after  our  election. 

It  is  a  known  fact  that  these  hearings  were  rigged  by  a  Jesuit 
priest,  Charles  Owen  Rice,  and  two  members  of  the  ACTU — Associa- 
tion of  Catholic  Trades  Unionists — who  contacted  a  member  of  this 
committee,  Congressman  Walter,  and  he  referred  them,  I  believe,  to 
Mr.  Russell,  and  from  that  point  on  these  hearings  were  rigged. 

I  wish  to  state,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  prestige  of  this  conmiittee 
lias  been  lowered  plenty,  whenever  they  stoop  to  interfere  in  local 
union  elections  at  the  behest  of  a  sectarian  religious  organization. 

"  Witness  failed  to  supply  letter. 
95613— 49— pt.  1 5 


602  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

I  would  like  to  say  that  I  think  this  committee  has  not  only  mis- 
used, but  abused,  the  power  granted  to  it  by  the  Congress ;  and  I  say 
they  have  prostituted  the  prestige  of  the  wliole  Congress  by  permit- 
ting this  committee  to  be  used  in  such  manner.  I  would  think  an  in- 
vestigation of  this  action  by  this  committee  would  be  in  order,  be- 
cause if  there  is  any  kind  of  un-American  activity,  I  would  put  it  in 
that  category  where  a  respected  committee  of  this  Congress  stoops  to 
be  used  by  a  sectarian  religious  organization 

Mr.  Wood.  We  don't  want  any  argument  from  you.  We  will  listen 
to  any  statement  of  fact  you  desire  to  make. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  It  interferes  in  a  factional  squabble  in  a  local 
union.  I  think  this  conunittee  was  originated  for  a  little  better  work 
than  that. 

Already  these  hearings  bring  the  phony  charge  that  it  is  defense 
work  and  secret  work  that  is  the  basis  of  this  investigation.  The  testi- 
mony yesterday  gave  the  lie  to  that  thing.  The  witnesses  all  agreed 
that  local  601  is  not  dominated  by  Communists;  therefore  it  gives  a 
lie  to  this  whole  charge.  We  have  a  half  million  people  in  UE,  and 
they  have  all  been  smeared  by  this  sort  of  thing.  All  you  have  to  do 
IS  look  at  the  record  of  UE,  before  the  war  and  during  the  war  and 
after  the  war,  and  you  will  find  that  not  one  case  of  sabotage  or  dis- 
loyalty has  been  brought  forth  and  proven.  In  addition  to  that,  you 
know,  and  everyone  else  knows,  that  everybody  on  secret  work  has 
prior  approval  of  the  Army  or  Navy  or  proper  agency  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

I  would  like  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  conclusion,  that  I  appear  here 
today  with  certain  people  questioning  my  loyalty  to  this  country.  Two 
kinds  of  people  meet  before  your  committee,  people  who  say  they  are 
good  Americans,  and  people  who  act  like  good  Americans. 

I  will  answer  all  honest  questions  put  to  me,  but  I  have  no  intention 
of  joining  with  the  people  who  seek  to  destroy  the  Constitution  of 
this  country,  whether  witnesses  or  anybody  else.  To  me,  the  Consti- 
tution of  this  country  is  not  a  scrap  of  paper.  It  is  something  to  be 
maintained.  I  have  two  sons.  I  want  them  to  have  the  same  freedoms 
and  rights  that  I  have  enjoyed.  If  I  can't  leave  this  world  a  better 
world,  I  want  to  leave  it  just  as  good. 

The  Constitution  of  this  country  provides  certain  protection  for 
minorities  and  gives  the  privilege  for  people  to  speak  and  think  as  they 
feel  that  they  should  and  want  to.  It  also  gives  the  privilege  that 
people  can  have  opinions  or  beliefs  that  may  be  unpopular.  In  my 
opinion,  it  gives  them  the  right  to  hold  those  opinions  secret  if  they 
so  desire.  This  is  a  protection  of  the  first  amendinent  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, supplemented  by  the  fifth  amendment. 

Mr.  Wood.  What  is  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  The  right  of  the  people  guaranteed  by  the  Consti- 
tution. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  are  not  trying  to  invade  anybody's  rights. 

Mr.  FITZPATRICK.  I  have  read  the  hearings  of  this  committee  for 
some  time,  and  some  are  pretty  low. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  you  have  any  questions  you  want  to  ask,  Mr.  Taven- 
ner? 

Mr.  TA^^N]s^ER.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  are  you  now  or  have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party  ? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  603 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  my  opening  remarks  1  gave 
quite  a  bit  of  my  attitude  on  this  question.  I  say  that  this  committee 
has  no  right  to  pry  into  my  mind. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  are  not  concerned  with  your  opinion  of  the  connnit- 
tee.  We  have  asked  you  a  simple  question.  Do  you  want  to  answer  it 
or  not? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  am  answering  it,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  don't  have  the  time  for  a  long  dissertation. 

Mr,  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  think  I  have  a  right  to  answer  it  in  my  own  way. 

Mr.  AVooD.  The  question  can  be  answered  "Yes"  or  "No,"  or  you  can 
decline  to  answer  it. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  Being  just  a  common  workingman,  I  will  answer 
it  in  my  own  words.  I  don't  think  the  committee  has  the  right  to  dic- 
tate the  choice  of  my  words  in  answering  it. 

JNIr.  Wood.  We  are  not  attempting  to  do  that.  You  may  answer  or 
decline  to  answer. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  will  answer  the  question.  The  Constitution 
guarantees  the  right  to  me  and  every  other  citizen  to  have  beliefs, 
^^■hether  they  are  jjopular  or  unpopular,  and  to  keep  them  to  themselves 
if  they  see  fit,  and  I  have  no  intention  of  being  a  party  to  weakening 
or  destrojnng  that  protection  in  the  Constitution.  I  feel  when  I  take 
this  position  that  I  am  one  of  the  real  Americans,  and  not  like  some 
of  the  phonies  who  appear  here. 

Mr.  Wood.  Now  will  you  answer  the  question  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  have  answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Wood.  It  is  not  an  answer  at  all. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  That  is  my  answer. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  you  mean  that  is  the  only  answer  you  are  going  to 
give? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  That  is  the  way  it  has  to  be  answered,  according 
to  my  conscience. 

Mr.  Wood.  Is  that  the  only  answer  you  will  give  to  the  question 
whether  you  are  now  or  ever  have  been  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party? 

i\Ir.  FiTZPATRiCK.  That  is  the  only  answer  I  can  conscientiously 
give  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  you  were  present  yesterday  dur- 
ing the  testimony  here.  You  heard  it  stated  under  oath  that  you  ai-e 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.    Do  you  deny  that  accusation  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  The  answer  to  my  previous  question  is  the  answer 
to  this  question.  I  have  no  intention  of  permitting  this  committee 
to  abridge  my  constitutional  rights  on  political  opinions,  associations, 
who  I  work  with,  who  I  meet  with,  what  I  read  or  think,  or  anything 
of  that  kind. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  So,  in  other  words,  you  refuse  to  answer  the  ques- 
tion ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  don't  refuse  to  answer  the  question.  I  have 
answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  think,  out  of  fairness,  I  should  read  this  affidavit 
to  you,  which  I  am  going  to  introduce  in  evidence.  It  is  an  affidavit  by 
Clarence  D.  Copeland,  in  which  he  says — 

that  he  knows  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick,  chief  steward  of  local  No.  601,  Uniterl 
Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America;  that  he  has  known  the 
said  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  for  approximately  the  last  10  years;  that  sometime 


604  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

during  the  fall  of  the  year  1943,  the  said  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  gave  to  and  re- 
quested that  he,  the  said  Clarence  D.  Copeland,  sign  an  application  and  join 
the  Communist  Party;  that  he,  the  said  Clarence  D.  Copeland,  refused  to  sign 
said  application  or  join  the  said  Communist  Party. 

Did  you  request  that  he  sign  an  application,  as  stated  in  that  affi- 
davit? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  you  want  to  ask  me  questions 
about  my  actions  of  loyalty,  question  my  loyalty,  you  have  a  right  to 
do  so  and  I  will  answer  them.  So  far  as  my  political  opinions,  I  have 
stated  my  position  on  that.  You  are  asking  the  same  question  in  a 
different  way.  But  if  my  memory  is  right,  there  was  no  such  thing 
as  a  Communist  Party  when  that  affidavit  is  supposed  to  have  been. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  1943  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  think  it  was  the  Communist  Political  Associ- 

ution  then.  .     . 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  it  the  Communist  Political  Association,  then, 

that  you  tried  to  get  him  to  join  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  I  have  given  you  my  answer. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  other  words,  you  will  not  answer  whether  you 
did  or  did  not  solicit  his  membership  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  will  not  talk  about  my  association  and  ^actions 
with  people  who  I  know,  what  I  did,  or  anything  else.  I  don't  think 
it  reflects  on  mv  lovaltv  or  disloyalty  or  anything  else. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr. 'Fitzpatrick,  did  you  ever  at  any  time  during  the 
year  1943  furnish  an  application  blank  and  request  Clarence  D.  Cope- 
land to  sign  and  make  application  for  membership  in  the  Communist 
Political  Association  or  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Mr.  Chairman,  do  I  have  to  give  you  my  answer 

again  ?  ^  n    i  ^u  • 

Mr.  Wood.  I  just  want  to  know  whether  you  did  that  one  thing. 
Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  say  if  I  did  or  if  I  did  not,  regardless  of  what 

I  did,  it  is  not  the  affair  of  this  committee  to  pry  into  this  kind  of 

action.  . 

Mr.  Wood.  And  for  that  reason  do  you  decline  to  answer  the  ques- 
tion? «   1     /-(        •     i.-        ii 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  stand  on  the  protection  of  the  Constitution,  the 

first  and  fifth  amendments. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  for  those  reasons  decline  to  answer  the  question 

further  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  have  answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  say,  do  you  decline  to  answer  it  further  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  have  no  further  comment  on  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  a  candidate  for  political  office  in  the 
Stateof  Pennsylvania  in  1948? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  reasons  that  I  have  re- 
iterated more  than  once,  this  committee  is  going  beyond  its  powers 
to  delve  into  any  of  my  political  activities,  thoughts,  or  anything  else. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  endorsed  for  office  by  the  Daily  Worker, 
the  official  organ  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  don't  know  who  endorsed  who  or  for  what.  1 
have  no  intention  of  discussing  my  political  actions  or  activities  with 
this  committee,  for  the  reasons  that  I  liave  stated  before. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  Daily  Worker  of  May  25,  1947,  pase  9.  lists 
you  as  the  signer  of  a  statement  sponsored  by  the  Civil  Rights  Congress 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  605 

opposing  attacks  on  communism.     Are  you  a  member  of  the  Civil 
Rights  Congress? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  say  it  is  no  affair  of  the  committee  what  organi- 
zations I  belong  to.     The  previous  answer  applies. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  other  words,  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  you  are  just  deter- 
mined that  you  are  not  going  to  give  any  testimony  before  this  com- 
mittee regarding  Communist  activities  in  union  601? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  came  here  and  I  stated  that  if  you  have  any 
questions  about  any  actions  that  I  have  committed,  I  will  answer. 
So  fur  as  my  beliefs,  my  political  activities,  my  associations,  affilia- 
tions, what  i  read,  those  are  rights  guaranteed  to  me  and  every  other 
citizen  of  t  his  Nation. 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  about  the  fourth  time  you  have  repeated  that, 
Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  You  can  simplify  that  and  save  time  by  saying  on 
the  grounds  you  have  previously  given  you  refuse  to  answer. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  you  will  talk  to  your  counsel 
and  ask  him  not  to  ask  the  same  question  in  six  or  seven  different  ways, 
he  wouldn't  be  getting  six  or  seven  identical  answers. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  don't  mind  getting  six  or  seven  identical  answers,  but 
I  don't  like  to  have  six  or  seven  repetitions  of  grounds  for  refusing 
to  answer.  Do  you  intend  to  answer  the  question  or  not?  If  you 
don't  want  to  answer  it  you  can  decline  to  answer  for  reasons  you 
have  already  given. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  I  know  time  is  short,  and  I  don't  want  to  take 
up  your  time  more  than  anybody  else.  Mr.  Chairman,  advise  your 
counsel  not  to  repeat  the  question. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  only  way  we  can  seek  information  is  to  ask  for  it. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  The  only  way  I  can  answer  a  question  is  to 
answer  it  when  it  is  asked. 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  your  answer  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  McSweeney. 

Mr.  McSweeney.  You  made  a  charge  against  the  committee  that 
we  were  trying  to  interfere  in  the  election  of  your  local.  May  I  say 
I  have  been  in  constant  touch  with  men,  including  Father  Eice  and 
others,  trying  to  ascertain  whether  a  delay  in  the  hearings  would  be 
beneficial.  In  other  words,  the  committee  does  not  want  to  interfere 
in  an  election.  After  getting  all  the  information  I  could  from  every 
source  I  could,  it  was  decided  it  was  best  for  the  hearings  to  proceed 
on  the  date  set  forth  in  the  subpenas.  I  think  every  member  of  the 
committee  made  a  conscientious  effort  to  find  out  the  facts,  and  we 
were  advised  it  was  best  for  the  hearings  to  proceed.  That  is  the 
result  of  my  own  investigation. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Did  your  investigation  show 

Mr.  Wood.  The  witness  has  no  right  to  interrogate  a  member  of  the 
committee. 

Mr.  Fitzpatrick.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  make  certain  allegations  here. 

The  Congressman  is  inferring  that  wliat  I  said  is  not  ti'ue. 

Mr.  McSweeney.  Not  at  all.  I  am  merely  saying  I  made  an  effort, 
and  I  think  every  member  of  the  committee  did,  to  try  to  ascertain 
whether  it  was  important  to  have  the  hearings  go  ahead  as  sched- 
uled. We  did  not  want  to  interfere  with  the  election  of  the  local  in 
any  way. 


606  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  Certainly  if  you  asked  a  murderer  if  lie  killed 
a  man,  he  would  deny  it.  Seeking  information  from  Father  Rice, 
who  instigated  this  thing,  certainly  he  would  give  information  to  fur- 
ther his  purposes.  I  think  the  evidence  will  show  this  hearing  was 
rigged  up  to  serve  as  a  sounding  board  for  the  newspapers  to  carry 
aogwash  in  601,  because  the  people  running  against  us  are  bankrupt; 
they  have  no  program  for  the  people;  and  they  are  stooping  to  this. 

Mr.  McSwEENEY.  May  I  say  it  was  because  of  a  long-distance  call 
I  received  from  Father  Rice  that  I  made  a  further  investigation.  I 
^as  not  influenced  by  him.  I  sought  every  source  I  could,  and  it  was 
determined  it  was  best  for  the  hearings  to  proceed  as  scheduled. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  The  damage  is  done.  The  committee  has  been 
used. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Moulder. 

Mr.  Moulder.  In  what  manner  and  how  will  these  hearings  affect 
your  election  ? 

Mr.  FITZPATRICK.  The  Pittsburgh  newspapers  will  have  headlines 
this  high  [indicating]  distorting  everything  that  I  say  here,  or 
reporting  very  little  of  what  I  say  here,  but  reporting  everything 
the  other  fellows  have  said. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  haven't  said  anything  yet  that  would  clear  you 
of  the  charges  made  against  you. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  The  charges  I  am  making  are  against  this  com- 
mittee for  interfering  with  an  election. 

Mr.  Moulder.  How  are  we  interfering  with  the  election  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  By  calling  this  hearing  at  this  time,  taking  us  out 
of  circulation,  and  providing  a  sounding  board  for  the  hogwash  that 
is  going  out. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  have  been  given  an  opportunity  to  deny  you  are 
u  Communist,  but  you  have  refused  to  deny  it. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  The  opportunity  you  give  me  is  to  join  with  you 
and  these  other  witnesses  who  appeared  here  yesterday  and  say  the 
Constitution  is  a  scrap  of  paper  and  it  gives  no  protection  to  the 
people  and  you  fellows  have  a  right  to  delve  into  the  mind  of  everybody 
who  comes  here.  If  I  was  a  Congressman,  I  wouldn't  say  that  was  an 
opportunity. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  say  the  hearings  were  rigged  in  order  to  affect 
your  local  election. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  And  also  to  disrupt  the  negotiations,  or  have 
an  effect  on  the  negotiations. 

Mr.  Moulder.  Do  you  mean  the  hearings  would  reveal  you  are  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party  and  a  candidate  for  election,  and 
therefore  they  might  affect  the  result  ?    Is  that  what  you  mean  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRicK.  Not  at  all. 

Mr.  Moulder.  What  are  you  a  candidate  for  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  Delegate  to  the  national  convention,  delegate  for 
district  6. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  said  you  had  been  for  many  years  reading  with 
interest  the  hearings  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

Mr.  FiTzpATRicK.  I  said  I  read  some.  I  don't  have  the  time  to  read 
them  all,  like  the  witness  here  yesterday  who  reads  months  and  months 
and  months.    I  have  to  work  for  a  living. 

Mr.  Moulder.  What  caused  you  to  be  so  interested  in  the  hearings 
of  this  committee  in  the  past  ? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  607 

Mr.  FiTZPATKicK.  This  committee  and  other  subcommittees  of  the 
Congress  seem  to  make  it  a  practice  to  find  that  it  is  necessary  to  inves- 
tigate the  UE  just  about  the  time  there  is  a  convention  or  an  election— 
in  1946, 1947, 1948,  and  1949. 

Mr.  Moulder.  This  committee  is  not  investigating  the  UE. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  That  is  what  they  have  done  in  the  papers. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  have  been  subpenaed  before  the  committee  and 
given  an  opportunity  to  clarify  all  these  "hogwashing"  charges. 

Mr.  FiTzrATRiCK.  I  have  been  given  an  opportunity  to  tear  up  the 
Constitution,  and  I  refuse  to  do  it. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  say  you  will  answer  questions  about  any  acts 
you  have  committed. 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Moulder.  Don't  you  feel  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has 
a  right  to  interrogate  people  as  to  their  beliefs  and  what  is  their  hope 
for  the  future  in  those  beliefs  ? 

Mr.  FiTZPATRiCK.  I  think  the  Congress  has  no  such  rights,  and  I 
think  if  you  will  read  the  Constitution  you  will  see  that.  Do  we  have 
thought  control  in  the  United  States  now  ?  Are  you  going  to  convict 
people  on  thinking?  I  think  maybe  you  fellows  should  read  that 
Constitution. 

Mr.  Moulder.  That  is  what  you  have  to  do  to  be  a  good  constitu- 
tional lawyer,  just  read  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr.  Harrison.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Velde. 

Mr.  Velde.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  may  be  excused.     Thank  you,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Frank  Panzino. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  solemnly  swear  the  evidence  you  give  this  subcom- 
mittee will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth, 
so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  FRANK  PANZINO 

Mr.  Tavexner.  Are  you  represented  by  counsel  here  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Counsel  is  available  in  case  I  should  request  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  merely  desire  to  inform  you  that  you  have  the 
right  to  consult  counsel  at  any  time  during  the  course  of  your  testi- 
mony if  you  so  desire. 

Mr.  Panzino.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  your  full  name  and  address  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Frank  Panzino,  20-A  Crothers  Avenue,  Turtle 
Creek,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  May  28, 1914,  Braddock,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  appearing  before  the  committee  pursuant 
to  a  subpena  served  upon  you  August  3, 1949  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  wonder  if  I  will  be  granted  the 
privilege  of  making  a  few  preliminary  remarks,  the  same  as  other 
witnesses  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  you  answer  the  question  whether  you  are  appear- 
ing voluntarily  or  under  subpena  ? 


608  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Panzino.  Under  subpena, 

Mr.  Wood.  Served  when  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  August  3. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  are  you  presently  employed? 

Mr.  Panzino.  May  I  make  a  brief  statement  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  After  you  have  been  identified. 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  am  employed  at  the  Westinghouse  Corp.  at  East 
Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavi<:nner.  Are  you  a  member  of  local  601  of  the  United 
Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  May  I  make  the  statement  now  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  When  you  get  through  identifying  yourself.  Are  you 
a  member  of  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Yes,  I  am. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  think,  Mr.  Counsel,  in  fairness  to  the  witness,  we  should 
give  him  an  opportunity  to  make  a  very  brief  statement,  but  we  will 
ask  him  to  be  very  brief,  because  we  have  only  10  minutes.  We  will 
give  him  3  minutes. 

Mr.  Panzino.  Thank  you.  I  support  the  basic  position  Tom  Fitz- 
patrick  took  in  his  preliminary  discussion,  and  I  go  further  to  say 
that  I  resent  very  much  that  this  committee  has  a  right  to  question 
me,  as  an  American  citizen,  as  to  my  loyalty  to  the  United  States 
of  America. 

Mr.  Wood.  Nobody  has  asked  you  any  such  question. 

Mr.  Panzino.  There  have  been  inferences  of  that  sort.  I  think  the 
people  who  should  be  investigated  as  to  their  loyalty  to  the  United 
States  of  America  are  those  people  who  are  willing  to  compromise 
the  basic  principles  of  the  Constitution,  which,  in  my  opinion,  has 
made  this  Nation  the  greatest  on  earth. 

I  want  to  say  that  I  will  in  no  way,  shape  or  form  jeopardize  or 
endanger  the  rights  of  the  American  people  granted  to  them  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  On  the  contrary,  I  will  at  all  times 
fight  to  see  that  every  worker  and  every  American  citizen  is  granted 
his  full  rights  under  the  Constitution. 

Thank  you,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Wood.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  set  forth  for  the  committee,  in  chrono- 
logical order,  the  elective  or  appointive  positions  you  have  held  in 
local  601  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  In  1944  and  1945  I  was  the  di^dsion  steward  of  the 
AB  division,  part  of  the  Westinghouse  plant  at  East  Pittsburgh. 

In  1946  I  was  business  agent,  elected  by  the  workers  in  the  shop  to 
both  positions. 

At  present  I  am  the  assistant  chief  steward  of  local  601.  I  have 
also  held  various  chairmanships  of  various  committees  in  local  601, 
namely,  chairman  of  the  legislative  committee,  and  chairman  of  the 
Generator  Committee,  the  union  publication. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  at  any  time  attended  a  Communist  Party 
meeting  with  Tom  Fitzpatrick? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  again  refer  to  my  original  remarks. 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  all  right,  but  don't  refer  to  them  too  much. 
Let's  just  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Panzino.  The  first  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  I  believe 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  609 

Mr.  Wood.  Please  concede  the  committee  has  some  knowled<^e  of  the 
Constitution.  I  don't  like  to  be  lectured  about  what  the  Constitution 
provides.  Some  members  of  the  committee  have  some  faint  knowledge 
of  %yhat  the  Constitution  provides,  perhaps  as  much  as  the  witness. 
Did  you  attend  a  Communist  Party  meeting  with  Fitzpatrick  ?  That 
is  the  question. 

Mr.  Panzino.  Under  the  first  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which 
guarantees  the  right  to  assembly,  I  believe  that  answers  the  question 
counsel  has  asked. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  I  understand  you  invoke  the  Constitution  as  a  reason 
for  not  answering  further? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  will  ask  you  the  question  myself,  and  I  want  a  forth- 
right answer  or  a  declination  to  answer.  Have  you  at  any  time  ever 
attended  a  Communist  Party  meeting  with  Tom  Fitzpatrick? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  again  refer  you  to  the  first  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  don't  want  to  be  referred  to  it. 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  you  attended  such  a  meeting  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  attended  many  meetings,  at  my  church 

Mr.  Wood.  We  are  not  asking  you  about  churches. 

Mr.  Panzino.  Any  meeting  I  may  have  attended  is  my  own  per- 
sonal business  and  my  right  guaranteed  to  me  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Wood.  Certainly  nobody  disputes  that,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
did  you  attend  such  a  meeting? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  answered  the  question  to  the  best  of  my  knowl- 
edge. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  me  ask  you  this :  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  you 
attended  such  a  meeting? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Mr.  Chairman,  evidently  you  asked  the  question  and 
you  want  to  answer  it. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  want  you  to  answer  it. 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  answered  it,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Is  that  your  complete  answer? 

Mr.  Panzino.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  have  spoken  of  the  rights  under  the  Constitu- 
tion. What  do  you  consider  would  become  of  the  Constitution  if  the 
Communists  should  gain  control  in  this  country  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  think  again,  Mr.  Chairman,  under  the  fifth  amend- 
ment, that  is  my  own  personal  belief.  I  think  there  are  enough  laws 
in  this  country  to  take  care  of  any  subversive  activities  within  the 
Nation. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  you  consider  communism  as  a  subversive  activity? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Again  I  say  that  what  I  think  is  my  own  business. 
I  will  answer  that  among  my  friends,  my  union  members,  and  not 

Mr. Wood.  To  this  committee  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  To  somebody,  whether  it  be  this  committee  or  any 
outside  organization,  that  is  trying  to  destroy  the  constitutional  rights 
of  the  American  workers. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  attended  Communist  Party  meetings  with 
Charles  Copeland  ? 


610  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Panzino.  Mr.  Chairman 

Mr.  Wood.  If  you  desire  to  give  the  same  answer  you  have  given  to 
other  questions,  you  may  do  so. 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  now,  or  have  you  ever  been,  a  member  of 
the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Again  I  say  that  I  have  answered  the  question  in  my 
preliminary  remarks. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  that  is  the  only  answer  that  you  desire  to  give  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  That,  I  believe,  is  the  correct  answer  to  give.  Tliat 
is  defending  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  asked  if  that  is  all  the  answer  you  will  give? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  say  I  have  answered  the  question. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  see  no  value  in  going  into  other 
questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison,  any  questions  ? 

Mr.  Harrison.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  on  this  whole  subject  we 
should  have  a  meeting  and  reach  some  decision  before  Congress 
adjourns. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  McSweeney. 

Mr.  McSweeney.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Moulder. 

Mr,  Moulder.  You  heard  Mr.  Fitzpatrick's  testimony  as  to  the  ef- 
fect this  hearing  would  have  on  an  election  to  be  held  for  the  pur- 
pose of  selecting  delegates  to  the  national  convention.  Are  you  a 
candidate  for  election  as  a  delegate  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  am  a  candidate  for  delegate  to  the  national  con- 
vention. 

Mr.  Moulder.  If  it  were  known  that  you  were  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party,  do  you  think  it  would  affect  your  chances  of  being 
elected  ? 

Mr.  Panzino.  Mr.  Congressman,  if  you  knew  the  past  history  of 
our  local  union,  you  would  know  that  in  every  election  that  we  have 
there  are  always  people  who  are  not  able  to  stand  on  their  record  of 
achievement  and  fighting  for  the  workers,  and  who  have  to  resort 
to  some  sort  of  bogeyman  in  order  to  influence  the  people  to  vote  for 
them.  This  here  question  of  communism  is  nothing  new  as  far  as 
our  local  union  is  concerned.  It  is  nothing  new.  And  I  believe  that 
the  people  who  belong  to  the  UE,  and  especially  to  local  601, 
will  judge  the  candidates  on  the  basis  of  their  record  of  fighting  for 
their  grievances.  And  at  this  time  I  certainly  feel  that  it  may  have 
an  effect.  I  definitely  know  that  it  will  have  an  effect  on  the  wage 
negotiations  that  are  going  on  at  this  particular  time  between  the 
Westinghouse  Co.  and  the  United  Electrical,  Eadio  and  Machine 
Workers  of  America. 

Mr.  Moulder.  Instead  of  this  hearing  affecting  the  election  ad- 
versely, it  gives  you  and  others  who  have  been  accused  an  opportunity 
to  deny  and  refute  the  rumors  and  hogwash  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  referred 
to,  but  you  have  refused  to  do  that. 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  have  not  refused.  I  have  answered  the  questions 
to  the  best  of  my  ability.  I  may  say  at  the  present  time  that  I  read 
in  the  press  that  Congressman  McSweeney  had  said  he  had  heard  noth- 
ing of  these  hearings  being  held  and  if  he  had  known,  he  would  have 
felt  that  the  hearings  should  be  delayed  until  after  the  election. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  611 

Whether  he  said  that  or  not,  I  don't  know,  but  it  appeared  in  the 
Pittsburgh  papers. 

Mr.  McSwEENEY.  May  I  answer  the  gentleman  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  If  the  Congressman  desires. 

Mr.  McSwEENEY.  I  desire  to.  As  I  explained  to  Mr.  Fitzpatrick, 
I  was  called,  and  when  they  accused  us  of  interfering  with  an  election, 
I  said  I  would  try  to  secure  information  as  to  whether  it  would  inter- 
fere with  an  election,  and  after  making  long-distance  calls  at  my  own 
expense  I  found  it  would  not  aflfect  an  election  and  there  was  no  rea- 
son for  delaying  the  hearings. 

Mr.  Panzino.  I  am  just  relating  the  so-called  fact  that  appeared  in 
the  Pittsburgh  press. 

Mr.  Wood.  Any  further  questions,  Mr.  Moulder  ? 

Mr.  Moulder.  No  further  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Velde  ? 

Mr.  Velde.  No  questions.  ■i 

Mr.  Wood.  You  may  be  excused. 

Mr.  TA\Ti:NNER.  Mr.  Robert  Whisner. 

(Representative  Velde  leaves.) 

ilr.  Wood.  Raise  your  right  hand.  You  solemnly  swear  the  evi- 
dence you  give  this  subcommittee  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth, 
and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  do. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  a  seat. 

TESTIMONY  OF  ROBERT  C.  WHISNER  i 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  represented  by  counsel  ?  ' 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  understand  my  counsel  is  in  the  room  here,  Mr. 
Chairman,  but  if  I  can  get  through  this  thing  myself,  without  him,  I 
would  like  to  try. 

Mr.  Taat:nner.  That  is  all  right.  I  merely  wanted  you  to  under- 
stand you  have  a  right  to  consult  counsel  at  any  time  you  desire  dur- 
ing the  course  of  your  testimony. 

What  is  your  full  name  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Robert  C.  Whisner. 

Mr.  TA^T.NNER.  What  is  your  present  address  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Irwin,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Turtle  Creek,  Pa. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  date? 

Mr.  Whisner.  August  14,  1902. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  are  appearing  before  this  committee  in  pursu- 
ance to  a  subpena  served  upon  you  August  3, 1949,  is  that  not  so? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes;  that  is  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  are  you  presently  employed  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  have  been  employed  in  the  Westinghouse  Corp  in 
East  Pittsburgh  the  past  27  years. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  a  member  of  local  601  of  United  Electrical, 
Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes.    I  have  been  since  its  inception. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member? 

Mr.  Whisner.  We  were  recognized  in  1937  by  the  United  States 
Government,  but  we  were  plugging  for  recognition  a  couple  years 
before  that,  so  I  was  in  there  since  about  1935. 


612  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  set  forth  in  chronological  order  the  offices, 
elective  or  appointive,  you  have  held  in  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes  sir.  But  1  can't  be  too  accurate  as  to  dates.  I 
was  always  a  steward.  I  believe  in  1943  I  was  recording  secretary. 
And  I  served  on  the  executive  board  for  three  consecutive  years  at 
the  beginning  of  our  organization.  Right  now  I  am  subdivision 
steward. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  say  a  few  words  if  it  is  all  right 
with  the  committee. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  will  be  delighted  to  hear  you.  There  is  a  quorum 
call  and  we  will  have  to  be  in  the  House  in  the  next  10  minutes.  Will 
you  please  make  it  brief  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  I  won't  be  very  long. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  will  give  you  3  minutes. 

Mr.  Whisner.  All  right.  I  get  more  than  that  from  the  union  some- 
times. 

I  would  like  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman  and  fellow  workers — I  forgot 
for  a  minute  I  am  not  in  the  union  hall,  but  Congressmen 

Mr,  Wood.  We  appreciate  the  compliment  because  we  are  all  workers. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  would  like  to  say  that  I  never  knew  anything  about 
this  hearing  until,  I  believe  it  was,  Wednesday,  August  3,  that  the 
news  report  came  in  just  as  I  was  getting  ready  to  go  to  work  in  the 
Inorning.  In  fact,  it  was  before  I  got  out  of  bed,  and  my  boy  ran 
in  and  said :  "Daddy,  they  are  talking  about  you  on  the  radio." 

I  missed  that  broadcast  and  waited  for  the  next  one,  and  I  heard 
I  was  subpenaed  to  Washington.  The  Pittsburgh  papers  said  I  was 
subpenaed  to  appear  here  before  the  Un-American  Committee  on 
Wednesday,  and  that  they  had  sought  us  out  but  had  been  unable  to 
get  any  statement  from  any  of  us  people. 
'  I  say  that  to  show  the  atmosphere  out  there.  I  come  from  a  respec- 
table family  out  there.  My  dad  worked  for  Westinghouse  52  years. 
I  have  a  brother  who  is  a  squire.  My  dad  served  on  the  council.  This 
thing  set  us  back  on  our  heels.  My  kids  and  wife  and  friends  have 
been  kind  of  disgraced  by  this  smear  campaign.  The  Pittsburgh 
papers  carry  headlines  like  this  [showing  paper] .  That  is  yesterday's 
paper. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Does  that  "Ex-Red  leader"  refer  to  you? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  guess  I  am  one  of  them.  There  are  four  of  us  down 
here  and  we  are  all  fighting  the  same  battle. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  will  be  given  an  opportunity  to  deny  that. 

Mr.  Whisner.  This  can  happen  to  anybody  in  the  United  States. 
You  can  be  called  anything,  and  if  the  courts  uphold  it,  there  is 
nothing  an  individual  can  do. 

I  told  the  people  at  the  plant  that  everybody  out  there  knew  my 
political  beliefs,  or  my  political  leanings.  I  am  no  right-winger.  I  am 
known  as  a  left-winger.  I  have  been  fighting  on  the  side  of  the  work- 
ing class,  and  I  have  been  elected  by  601  for  practically  everything 
I,  have  run  for. 

■  This  right-wing,  in  my  opinion,  without  the  Association  of  Catholic 
Trade  Unionists,  if  they  didn't  have  the  two  words  "Communist" 
and  "Red,"  these  boys  would  be  speechless,  because  they  would  have 
nothing  to  speak  about.  This  is  the  only  way  these  boys  can  win 
this  election.  Believe  me,  this  is  the  only  way  they  can  win  this 
election. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  613 

I  don't  say  you  people  are  consciously  trying  to  smear  us,  but  we  are 
being  smeared. 

As  far  as  my  political  beliefs  and  affiliations  are  concerned,  I  will 
take  the  same  position  the  other  boys  took.  I  consider  I  am  protected 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  under  the  first  and  fifth 
amendments. 

I  told  the  workers  I  was  coming  to  this  hearing,  and  if  you  asked  me 
any  honest  questions,  I  would  answer.  But  if  you  try  to  act  like  a 
bunch  of  brain  specialists  and  delve  into  my  beliefs,  I  am  afraid  I 
can't  answer  and  live  up  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  say  you  have  been  smeared.  The  processes  set  up 
in  this  committee  are  designed  to  offer  you  the  opportunity  to  dis- 
close whether  or  not  you  are  a  member  of  subversive  organizations, 
and  if  you  desire  to  answer  those  questions,  you  will  be  given  an 
opportunity  to  do  so. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Tavenner. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  want  to  say  something  about  the  testimony  yes- 
terday. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  heard  the  testimony  yesterday. 

Mr.  Whisner.  But  you  linked  it  up  with  our  union.  You  had  a 
man  who  told  about  a  world-wide  plot,  and  you  linked  it  up  with 
our  union.  It  is  interfering  with  our  union.  I  helped  to  build  that 
union  up. 

Mr.  Wood.  How  are  we  interfering  with  the  union  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  You  link  up  a  world-wide  plot  with  local  601. 
You  have  a  man  who  said  he  spent  15  years  with  the  Kremlin,  and  you 
link  it  up  with  our  hearing.  The  Pittsburgh  papers  will  say  we  are 
linked  up  with  the  Kremlin. 

Mr.  Wood.  Well,  are  you?    Are  you  linked  up  with  them? 

Mr.  Whisner.  What  kind  of  an  answer  am  I  supposed  to  give  to 
that?    "Yes"  or  "No?" 

Mr.  Wood.  We  just  want  the  truth.  You  say  the  newspapers  are 
going  to  say  you  are  linked  up  with  the  Kremlin,  with  the  Communist 
Party.    Are  you  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  am  linked  up  with  the  workers.  As  far  as  the 
Kremlin  is  concerned,  they  can  take  care  of  that. 

Mr.  Wood.  Are  you  linked  up  with  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  will  stand  on  my  constitutional  rights. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  refuse  to  answer  it  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  will  not  refuse  to  answer  it.  I  will  answer  it  in  my 
own  way,  as  I  did  a  while  ago. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  is  that  the  only  way  you  are  going  to  answer  it? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Wood.  All  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  will  ask  you  only  one  or  two  other  questions.  On 
April  6, 1984,  you  were  issued  a  passport  to  travel  in  Europe.  Will  you 
tell  us  the  countries  in  which  you  traveled  under  this  passport  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  sir.  I  will  be  glad  to.  I  have  nothing  to  hide. 
I  consider  myself  a  pretty  good  American. 

Mr.  Wood.  Just  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Whisner.  You  asked  a  question.  How  about  letting  me  answer 
it  my  own  way  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  Just  state  the  countries. 


614  coMMUisrisT  infiltration  of  labor  unions 

Mr.  Whisner.  Is  that  all  you  want  to  know  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  First  let's  find  out  the  countries. 

Mr.  Whisner.  First  was  the  United  States.  I  had  to  leave  the 
United  States. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  We  assumed  that. 

Mr.  Whisner.  We  landed  at  Plymouth,  England.  Then  we  went 
through  the  Baltic  Sea  and  the  North  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Finland 
into  Leningrad  and  the  Soviet  Union.  Coming  back  we  went  through 
Germany,  France,  and  so  on. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  say  "we." 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  was  a  member  of  a  trade  union  delegation.  There 
were  eight  of  us.  I  was  elected  in  East  Pittsburgh  by  workers  of  East 
Pittsburgh,  and  my  expenses  were  paid  to  the  Soviet  Union  by  workers 
in  the  East  Pittsburgh  plant. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  plant? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Westinghouse. 

Mr,  Tavenner.  I  notice  your  application  for  passport  was  for  travel- 
ing to  England  and  France  and  visiting  friends.  This  delegation  was 
not  on  a  trip  to  visit  friends,  was  it? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  know  how  the  application  for  passport  came 
about. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  signed  it,  didn't  you  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  remember  that.  If  you  can  show  me  the 
application,  I  did,  but  I  don't  remember.  That  was  in  1934.  There 
was  a  depression  on.  I  was  out  of  a  job.  I  was  working  4  days  a 
week  and  had  four  little  kids. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  only  asked  if  you  signed  the  application. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  was  in  pretty  bad  shape,  and  this  trip  was  offered 
to  me. 

Mr.  Wood.  We  all  were  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Some  didn't  do  so  bad. 

Mr.  Wood.  Did  you  sign  the  application? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  remember,  but  if  you  can  show  it  to  me, 
I  will  tell  you  if  it  is  my  signature. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  remember  the  application  was  for  permis- 
sion to  travel  in  England  and  France  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  my  passport  called  for  a  lot 
more  countries  than  that.    I  had  my  picture  taken  in  Turtle  Creek. 

Mr.  Wood.  Did  you  put  on  your  application  that  you  intended  to 
visit  Kussia  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  couldn't  tell  you  that.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with 
that  part  of  it.  I  was  just  a  working  man  going  to  take  a  trip  to 
Russia  and  see  what  was  going  on. 

Mr.  Wood.  If  you  went  to  Russia  or  anywhere  else  on  an  applica- 
tion you  did  not  sign,  you  were  violating  a  criminal  statute. 

Mr.  Whisner.  A  what? 

Mr.  Wood.  A  criminal  statute. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  remember. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  think  I  should  tell  you  that  our  investigators  have 
examined  the  application,  and  it  shows  that  the  application  was  to 
travel  in  England  and  France  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  friends. 
You  knew  before  you  signed  that  application  that  you  were  going 
to  Russia,  didn't  you  ? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  615 

Mr.  Whisner.  That  is  riji'lit,  and  everybody  in  Westin^lionse 
knew  I  was  goinir  to  Russia.  That  is  what  it  was  all  about.  There 
was  a  meeting  in  the  school  house  at  Turtle  Creek,  and  everybody 
knew  what  they  were  voting  for,  for  someone  to  take  that  trip. 

Mr.  Wood.  But  the  Visa  Division  didn't  know  anything  except  what 
you  had  on  the  application. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  didn't  go  personally  and  get  it. 

Mr.  Harrison.  Who  got  it  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  There  was  an  organization  known  as  Friends  of  the 
Soviet  Union  who  got  the  passport  for  me. 

Mr.  Harrison.  They  got  it  for  you  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  They  obtained  it  and  gave  it  to  me.  If  there  is 
anything  wrong  with  the  passport  or  visa,  I  don't  know  anything 
about  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  a  member  of  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,  sir.  To  the  best  of  my  knowledge  I  never  signed 
up  anything  with  them.  They  wanted  to  send  delegates  to  the  Soviet 
Union,  and  I  happened  to  be  the  one  elected  at  Pittsburgh. 

Mr.  Moulder.  I  would  like  to  ask  one  question. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Moulder. 

Mr.  Moulder.  You  referred  to  a  smear  campaign  to  affect  your 
candidacy  for  election  as  a  delegate  to  the  national  convention.  Do 
you  regard  the  accusation  of  being  a  Communist  as  a  smear? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  would  say,  in  view  of  the  hysteria  whipped  up  in 
this  country  in  the  past  few  years,  it  wouldn't  be  safe  for  anybody  to 
run  on  anything  that  would  resemble  a  Communist  ticket. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  committee  will  recess  until  4  o'clock. 

(Whereupon,  at  12 :  20  p.  m.,  a  recess  was  taken  until  4  p.  m.  of  the 
same  day.) 

afternoon  session 

Mr.  Wood.  The  committee  will  be  in  order. 

Let  the  record  show  that  the  following  members  are  present:  Mr. 
Walter,  Mr.  Moulder,  and  Mr.  Wood. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  would  like  to  recall  Mr.  Whisner. 
Mr.  Wood.  And  also  Mr.  Harrison  is  here. 

TESTIMONY  OF  ROBERT  C.  WHISNER   (Resumed),  ACCOMPANIED 
BY  HIS  COUNSEL,  DAVID  SCRIBNER 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Wliisner,  we  were  asking  you  about  your  trip 
to  Russia. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Ta\^nner.  I  understood  you  to  say  that  you  went  through  Eng- 
land and  on  to  Russia ;  is  that  correct? 

ISlr.  Whisner.  That  is  correct.  I  consulted  my  attorney  during  the 
dinner  hour  here,  and  he  advised  me  not  to  say  anything  more  about 
that  there,  because  it  looks  like  you  fellows  are  going  to  try  to  do  a  job 
on  me  on  the  passport  business,  and  this  thing  is  15  years  old. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  can  allay  any  fears  you  have  on  that  by  telling 
you  the  statute  of  limitations  has"  run  on  any  offense  that  might  have 
been  committed  in  connection  with  your  obtaining  this  passport,  and 
therefore  there  is  no  danger  of  self-incrimination  by  reason  of  that. 


616  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

So  if  you  would  like  to  consult  your  counsel  again,  I  would  be  glad  to 
have  you  do  so. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  do,  if  he  is  here. 

(Witness  consults  counsel.) 

Mr.  Whisner.  My  attorney  says  that  in  view  of  the  fact  you  fellows 
appear  to  be  going  to  try  to  make  a  little  trouble  for  me  here,  not  to  go 
into  it.  I  would  like  to  say,  however,  that  my  conscience  is  clear  on  it. 
I  have  nothing  to  hide. 

Mr.  Tavenjster.  Will  you  identify  your  counsel  for  the  record  ? 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  David  Scribner. 

Mr.  Tamsnner.  From  where  ? 

Mr.  Scribner.  11  East  51st  Street,  New  York  City.  I  would  like  to 
make  it  clear  just  what  it  is  I  did  tell  the  witness,  and  that  is  that  the 
witness  could,  if  he  wished,  avail  himself  of  his  right  of  not  going  into 
this  matter,  under  the  fifth  amendment. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  don't  know  if  you  understood  my  statement  that 
the  statute  of  limitations  has  run  on  any  offense  that  might  have  been 
committed  in  connection  with  the  obtaining  of  this  passport. 

Mr.  Scribner.  I  am  not  an  expert  on  the  statute  in  this  matter,  and  I 
would  like  to  suggest  to  the  witness  he  can,  if  he  wishes,  rely  on  his 
constitutional  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  understand,  of  course,  Mr.  Scribner,  if,  acting  on 
that  advice,  the  witness  refuses  to  answer  a  pertinent  question,  you  ap- 
preciate what  the  consequences  may  be  ? 

Mr.  Scribner.  I  am  cognizant  of  that.  But  a  mere  statement  by 
counsel  for  the  committee  of  what  the  law  is,  is  at  this  time  not  sufti- 
cient  for  me  to  advise  the  witness. 

Mr.  Wood.  If  the  witness  desires  additional  time  to  confer  with  coun- 
sel who  may  be  able  to  give  him  proper  information,  I  would  like  to 
give  him  that  opportunity. 

Mr.  Whisner.  You  said  something  about  penalty.  What  did  you 
mean  by  that  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  Under  the  the  law,  a  witness  who  refuses  to  answer  a 
question  asked  him  in  a  legislative  committee  that  is  pertinent  to  its 
inquiry  is  subject  to  be  cited  for  contempt  of  Congress.  I  am  trying 
to  give  you  every  opportunity  to  protect  yourself. 

Mr.  Scribner.  Suppose  we  listen  to  the  next  questions,  question  by 
question,  and  make  a  determination  as  we  go  along  'i 

Mr.  Wood.  Suppose  you  sit  right  there  by  him. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  My  question  was  whether  or  not  you  told  us,  in  dis- 
cussing this  trip,  that  you  went  to  Russia  by  way  of  England  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  That  is  right.    We  went  by  boat  to  England. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  from  England  where  did  you  go  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Through  the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic  Sea  and  the 
Gulf  of  Finland  into  Leningrad. 

Mr.  Wood.  After  leaving  England,  was  your  next  stop  Leningrad? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  after  we  left  England,  as  far  as  I  remember,  we 
went  right  through. 

(Representative  Case  enters.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  This  morning  you  were  doubtful  about  your  sig- 
nature to  the  passport  application.  I  have  subpenaed  from  the  Im- 
migration and  Naturalization  Service  a  copy  of  your  passport  appli- 
cation, which  I  now  hand  you,  and  at  the  top  of  the  second  page  I  will 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  617 

refer  to  an  oath  of  allegiance  which  is  executed  by  you.  Is  that  your 
signature  ? 

(Witness  confers  with  counsel.) 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  I  think  it  is. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  that  was  executed  before  the  deputy  clerk 
of  the  United  States  district  court  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  as  shown  by  that 
application ;  is  that  correct '? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  I  would  say  it  was.  Could  I  say  a  few  words 
on  that  ? 

Mr.  Taa^nner.  Yes,  sir,  in  just  a  moment.  I  would  like  to  intro- 
duce that  application  for  passport  in  evidence,  mark  it  "Exhibit 
Whisner  1." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted." 

Mr.  Wood.  Did  you  want  to  make  some  comment  on  the  application  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  on  that  application, 
I  didn't  do  anything  wrong  myself.  I  thought  I  was  going  straight 
to  Russia,  and  I  did.  I  didn't  know  I  was  supposed  to  go  to  France 
and  England.    Is  that  what  it  says  there  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  will  read  it  to  you.  The  passport  application  re- 
cites: "I  am  about  to  go  abroad  temporarily  and  intend  to  return  to 
the  United  States  within  3  months."  Then  in  the  blank  provided  for 
the  name  of  countries  to  be  visited  there  is  written  in  "England"  and 
"France" ;  and  the  object  of  visit  is  stated  to  be  "to  visit  friends."  Now, 
how  long  a  period  of  time  did  you  spend  on  this  friendly  visit  to 
London  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  As  far  as  that  part  is  concerned,  I  don't  know  any- 
thing about  that.  That  is  my  signature,  but  that  was  a  long,  long 
time  ago.  I  don't  know  why  France  and  England  were  used,  because 
my  impression  was  I  was  going  straight  to  Russia,  and  I  did.  This 
all  came  out  of  an  election.  The  whole  thing  was  based  on  a  trip  to 
Soviet  Russia  to  see  what  was  going  on.  There  were  eight  people 
from  the  United  States,  including  myself.  The  whole  valley  knew 
what  was  going  on.  In  fact,  there  was  a  man  running  against  me  who 
is  now  serving  in  the  State  legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  I  got  more 
votes  than  he  did.  The  man  is  Red  Moran,  a  State  representative  in 
the  State  legislature.  So  I  took  the  trip.  But  I  had  nothing  to  do 
with  that  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  arrangements  for  you  to  obtain  that  passport 
were  made  by  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union  organization  ? 

Mr.  Whisner,  Yes.  They  were  all  made.  I  got  a  visa,  I  believe, 
cleared  through  the  United  States  Government,  and  as  far  as  I  am 
concerned  and  know,  that  was  a  legal  trip. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  didn't  have  any  friends  in  England  that  you 
desired  to  visit  at  all,  did  you? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  had  a  friend  in  England  I  would  have  liked  to 
see,  but  I  didn't  see  him. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  didn't  even  call  on  him  when  you  got  there, 
did  you  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  want  you  to  put  words  in  my  mouth.  I  don't 
want  you  to  try  to  lead  me  in  a  trap.    I  will  be  honest  and  answer 

"  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Whisner  exhibit  1. 
95613 — 49 — pt.  1 6 


618  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

your  questions  until  you  go  into  my  sacred  rights  under  the 
Constitution. 

Mr.  Wood.  Did  you  make  any  effort  to  see  your  friend  in  England  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,    I  had  hoped  to  see  him,  but  I  didn't. 

Mr.  Harrison.  And  that  wasn't  the  purpose  of  your  trip  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  you  didn't  stop  in  France  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  We  stopped  in  France. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  thought  you  said  you  didn't? 

Mr.  Whisner.  We  landed  in  Plymouth,  England.  From  there  we 
went  to  London.  From  there  we  got  on  a  boat  and  went  to  Leningrad. 
Coming  back  we  went  to  Le  Havre,  France. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  But  you  didn't  actually  go  to  France  to  see  friends  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  That  is  correct.    I  didn't  have  friends  in  France. 

Mr.  Ta^^nner.  How  many  days  did  you  spend  in  London  or 
England  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Thirty-six  hours,  maybe. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  many  hours  in  France  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Not  much  longer  than  it  took  to  go  through  it. 

Mr.  Ta\t^nner.  How  long  were  you  away  on  this  trip  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  think  in  the  neighborhood  of  6  weeks,  but  I  am  not 
sure.    Remember,  gentlemen,  this  thing  happened  15  years  ago. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  With  the  exception  of  the  time  you  spent  in  travel- 
ing, you  were  in  Russia  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  and  I  traveled  around  in  Russia. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  you  personally  make  the  application  for  passport 
in  the  United  States  district  court  at  Pittsburgh  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.  This  thing  was  arranged  for  me,  and  the  fellow 
who  cam.e  out  after  me,  I  forget  his  name  now,  took  me  to  Pittsburgh, 
I  think  to  the  old  post-office  building,  and  had  that  paper  all  arranged 
for  me. 

Mr.  Case.  Did  he  have  the  passport  application  written  out? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  couldn't  recall  that. 

Mr.  Case.  Did  you  make  out  the  passport  application? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Do  you  have  it  there  ? 

Mr.  Case.  Yes. 

Mr.  Whisner.  The  only  writing  on  that  is  my  signature,  isn't  it? 

Mr.  Case.  Who  filled  out  the  answers  to  the  questions  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  You  fellows  are  asking  me  about  something  that 
happened  a  long  time  ago.  If  there  was  any  smoke  connected  with 
this,  I  would  have  thought  it  would  have  been  brought  up  long  ago, 
instead  of  waiting  until  the  union  elections  come  up.  (Examining 
Exhibit  Whisner  1)  :  I  don't  see  any  handwriting  on  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  is  typed. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Do  you  mean  did  I  type  this  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Case  asked  you  the  question. 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,  sir ;  I  didn't. 

Mr.  Case.  You  didn't  have  anything  to  do  with  answering  the 
questions  in  the  passport  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,  sir.  I  couldn't  run  a  typewriter  if  somebody 
paid  me. 

Mr.  Case.  Did  someone  make  out  that  application  in  your  presence  ? 
Were  you  there  when  the  answers  were  written  in  ? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  619 

Mr.  Whisner.  If  I  remember  correctly,  this  thing  was  made  out  and 
I  was  asked  to  go  to  Pittsburgh  to  arrange  for  my  trip,  and  I  had 
to  sign — I  thought  it  was  a  passport.  What  do  you  call  this,  an  ap- 
plication for  passport  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes, 

Mr.  Whisner.  It  looks  to  me  like  it  is  all  right.  I  can't  see  any- 
thing wrong  with  it  except  the  France  and  England  end  of  it. 

Mr.  Case.  Do  you  customarily  sign  papers  like  that  without  know- 
ing what  you  are  putting  your  signature  to  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Certainly  I  don't,  but  the  thing  is  this :  We  were  liv- 
ing in  a  period  of  a  depression,  and,  like  I  was  telling  you  this  morning, 
I  was  out  of  work,  my  electricity  was  cut  off,  they  took  my  washing 
machine,  and  they  wanted  to  take  the  linoleum  off  the  floor.  They 
said :  "How  woulcl  you  like  a  trip  to  Europe  ?"  And  I  said  I  wouldn't 
mind,  I  wasn't  doing  anything  anyway.  There  was  a  big  meeting  at 
Turtle  Creek  and  I  was  elected  to  make  the  trip.  Everybody  in  the 
valley  knew  about  it.    It  was  in  the  papers. 

Mr.  Case.  But  when  you  made  application  for  passport  you  had  to 
make  it  out  or  somebody  had  to  make  it  out  for  you  and  ask  you  certain 
questions  about  your  citizenship  and  age  and  questions  of  that 
character. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  believe  they  were  asked  me  at  the  old  post-office 
building  in  Pittsburgh,  but  I  am  not  clear  about  it.  I  never  thought  I 
would  hear  any  more  about  this. 

Mr.  Case.  You  must  have  been  asked  the  question  as  to  where  you 
were  going.     That  is  one  of  the  questions  answered  on  the  application. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Isn't  that  on  there? 

Mr.  Case.  Yes.  The  point  is,  on  that  application  apparently  you 
answered  the  question  as  to  the  places  you  expected  to  visit,  and  listed 
them  as  England  and  France  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  friends, 
rather  than  stating  you  expected  to  visit  Russia.  I  haven't  had  an 
opportunity  to  examine  the  passport  application.  What  I  have  said 
is  based  on  what  I  have  just  heard.  But  the  questions  asked  on  a 
passport  application  are  usually  questions  only  the  applicant  can 
truthfully  answer,  because  he  is  the  one  who  is  going  to  sign  the 
application. 

Mr.  Sc'ribner.  I  make  a  suggestion.  I  am  not  fully  familiar  with 
the  statute  of  limitations  in  a  matter  such  as  this,  and  I  would  very 
much  appreciate  it  if  an  opportunity  would  be  given  to  me  to  look  into 
that  matter  so  that  I  can  advise  Mr.  Whisner  as  to  what  the  actual 
score  is. 

Mr.  Walter.  The  statute  has  run. 

Mr.  Scribner.  The  statute  has  run  ? 

Mr.  Walter.  Yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  Two  j^ears. 

Mr.  Moulder.  And  in  addition  to  that,  any  testimony  given  by  this 
witness  here  could  not  be  used  as  a  basis  for  prosecution. 

]Mr.  Scribxer.  I  appreciate  the  statement  by  Congressman  Walter, 
and  if  he  says  it  is  so  I  have  no  doubt  about  it.  I  think  the  witness 
has  been  frank,  and  I  don't  think  any  purpose  could  be  served  by  con- 
tinuing interrogation  on  this  subject.  I  am  not  intending  to  take 
away  the  prerogative  of  this  committee,  but  in  the  light  of  my  general 
unfamiliarity,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  the  witness  has  been  making 


620  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS 

frank  answers  on  this  and  everything  else,  I  think  the  committee  has 
what  it  needs. 

Mr.  Case.  If  he  is  unfamiliar  with  the  things  to  which  he  subscribed 
in  that  application  and  wants  the  record  to  show  he  did  not  himself 
make  out  the  ap]:>lii  ation,  it  would  be  appropriate  to  show  who  made  it 
out  for  him  and  put  in  the  answers  which  he  himself  says  now  were 
not  true  answers,  namely,  that  he  was  going  to  France  and  England  to 
visit  friends. 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  The  witness  said  it  was  so  long  ago  he  didn't  recall 
the  name  of  the  man  who  brought  him  down,  and  I  don't  see  what  con- 
ceivable application  this  has  to  this  inquiry. 

Mr.  Wood.  Maybe  counsel  is  not  familiar  with  the  rules.  Counsel 
has  no  right  to  make  objections  to  questions  asked.  He  has  the  right 
to  advise  his  client. 

Mr.  Moulder.  The  witness  testified  it  was  Friends  of  the  Soviet 
Union  who  made  out  the  application. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  question  by  Mr.  Case  was  whether  he  actually  did 
the  writing  on  the  application,  other  than  the  signature. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  the  other  men  who  accompanied  you  on  this  trip 
sign  the  applications  for  their  passports  at  the  same  time  you  signed 
this  one? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.  These  other  jjeople  came  from  other  parts  of 
the  country.  I  never  saw  them  before  or  since.  In  fact,  at  that  time 
Canada  sent  11  delegates,  and  Mexico  sent  some.  I  believe  there  were 
200  from  all  over  the  world.  They  were  trade-union  delegates.  If  I 
did  anything  wrong  on  this  here,  I  didn't  know  anything  about  it.  I 
don't  believe  I  did,  and  if  I  had  thought  it  was  illegal  I  never  would 
have  taken  the  trip. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  are  leaving  it  now  that  that  is  your  signature  but 
that  the  typing  done  in  the  application  was  not  done  by  you  because 
you  didn't  use  a  typewriter  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Everything  in  my  handwriting  is  mine. 

Mr.  Wood.  But  the  rest,  you  had  nothing  to  do  with  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  you  know  who  did  it  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,  I  couldn't  tell  you. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  a  clerk  fill  in  the  answers  after  asking  you  the 
questions  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  believe  you  are  right  about  that,  but  it  is  pretty 
hazy.    That  was  a  long  time  ago.    Fifteen  years  ago  is  quite  a  while. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  some  member  of  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union 
indicate  the  answers  that  should  be  filled  in,  instead  of  you  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  recall.  Don't  they  ask  you  the  questions  on 
there  and  you  fill  them  in  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes.  I  am  wondering  if  you  gave  the  answers  or  if 
a  member  of  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union  answered  them. 

Mr.  Wood.  As  I  remember,  this  morning  you  said  somebody  else,  the 
Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union,  fixed  up  this  paper  and  that  you  signed  it. 
Is  that  what  you  said  this  morning? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  believe  I  said  something  to  that  effect. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  impression  I  had  from  your  testimony  this  morning 
was  that  it  was  all  filled  out  and  all  you  did  was  sign  it.  Is  that  correct 
or  not  ? 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  621 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes.  As  I  remember,  all  it  needed  was  my  sio;nature 
to  make  it  legal  for  me  to  go  to  Europe.  I  never  took  a  trip  to  Europe 
before.  I  thought,  well,  I  wasn't  working,  and  the  workers  got  up 
enough  money  to  send  me  over  there,  and  I  think  the  workers  contrib- 
uted $10,  $12,  or  $15  a  week  to  my  wife  and  kids. 

Mr.  Case.  Mr.  Whisner,  your  name  is  Robert  C.  Whisner? 

Mr.  WiiiSNER.  Yes. 

Mr.  Case.  What  is  your  father's  name  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Robert  R.  Whisner. 

Mr.  Case.  Where  was  he  born  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  West  Virginia. 

Mr.  Case.  Do  you  remember  the  town  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Case.  What  was  it  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Berkeley  Springs. 

Mr.  Case.  Where  were  you  born  ^ 

Mr.  Whisner.  Turtle  Creek,  Pa. 

Mr.  Case.  When  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  1902. 

Mr.  Case.  Those  are  questions  asked  and  answered  in  this  passport 
application  which  someone  must  have  written  in  here  who  knew  those 
answers,  and  then,  along  with  questions  of  that  character,  the  passport 
application  states,  in  printing,  "I  am  about  to  go  abroad  temporarily 
and  intend  to  return  to  the  United  States  within,"  and  "3  months"  is 
filled  in,  then  there  is  a  place  for  the  names  of  countries  to  be  visited, 
and  the  answer  is  given  "England,  France,"  and  a  place  is  given  for 
the  object  of  the  visit,  and  the  answer  is  given  "to  visit  friends." 

The  questions  first  asked,  about  when  you  were  born  and  where  you 
were  born,  are  questions  that  would  normally  be  asked  of  you. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Are  they  correct  ? 

Mr.  Case.  Apparently  they  are.  They  correspond  with  the  answers 
you  have  just  given.  But  whoever  prepared  the  application  must  have 
asked  you  or  someone  who  knew  the  answers  for  those  answers. 

Mr.  Whisner.  To  the  best  of  my  knowledge  that  was  filled  out  in 
the  Old  Post  Office  Building  in  Pittsburgh.  I  am  not  too  sure  about 
it,  but  I  think  it  was.    All  I  did  was  answer  questions. 

Mr.  Case.  Orally,  and  somebody  filled  in  the  answers  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Then  I  signed  my  name  to  it  and  took  off. 

Mr.  Case.  When  they  asked  where  you  were  going  to  visit,  you  said 
England  and  France,  and  when  they  asked  the  object  of  your  visit  you 
said  to  visit  friends. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  didn't  say  that.     That  was  a  long  time  ago. 

Mr.  Case.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  that  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union 
arranged  for  the  passport.  Did  they  also  arrange  for  your  transpor- 
tation, the  cost  of  your  trip,  in  part  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  The  Westinghouse  workers  took  up  a  collection  to 
send  me  on  that  trip.  It  was  well  advertised.  I  think  I  was  supposed 
to  go  in  April  for  the  May  Day  demonstration  on  May  1,  but  they 
didn't  raise  the  money  in  time  so  I  went  the  following  November.  I 
left  here  in  October.  As  far  as  the  money  is  concerned  from  Friends 
of  the  Soviet  Union,  I  never  saw  no  money  from  them.  This  was 
$225  or  $250. 


622  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  entire  program  of  the  trip  was  arranged  by 
the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union ;  isn't  that  true  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  That  is  true. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  that  association  make  any  contribution  to  the 
expense  of  your  trip  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  just  told  you  that  the  $225  or  $250  was  collected 
from  the  workers  in  Westinghouse. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes,  but  you  have  not  said  there  were  not  additional 
funds  made  available  to  you  for  transportation  expenses  by  Friends 
of  the  Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  didn't  say  there  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  didn't  say  there  wasn't. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  know.  My  impression  was  it  was  all  col- 
lected in  the  shop. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  But  you  don't  know  to  what  extent  part  of  the  ex- 
pense was  paid  by  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  you  say  $225  or  $250  was  raised  locally,  you 
don't  mean  by  any  organization  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No  ;  workers  in  the  shop.  The  thing  was  advertised 
and  these  people  chipped  in. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  was  not  any  union  action  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.    We  had  no  union  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  funds  thus  collected  by  contributions  from  your 
fellow  workers,  were  those  funds  turned  over  to  you  to  purchase  your 
ticket  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.    It  was  already  bought. 

Mr.  Wood.  By  whom  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  know  the  fellow's  name. 

Mr.  Wood.  He  was  a  stranger  to  you  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  knew  him,  but  I  wouldn't  want  to  implicate  the 
guy  and  get  him  in  any  trouble. 

Mr.  Wood.  Was  he  working  at  the  plant? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.  He  was  a  member  of  FSU,  Friends  of  the 
Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  your  ticket  had  been  purchased  before  the 
monejT^  was  made  available  from  your  friends  at  home  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  didn't  say  that. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  understood  you  to  say  that.     What  are  the  facts  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  They  couldn't  raise  the  money  in  time  to  send  me  for 
tlie  May  Day  demonstration,  so  I  had  to  wait  until  the  fall  of  the  year, 
and  I  went  over  in  October.     I  left  here  in  October. 

Mr.  Ta^^nner.  What  was  this  celebration  that  you  are  speaking 
of? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Well,  it  is 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  Red  Army  celebration  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  The  November  7  celebration,  I  think,  is  the  anni- 
versary of  the  overthrow  of  the  Czar,  and  they  hold  a  big  celebration 
over  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  is  called  Revolution  Day  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  never  heard  it  called  Revolution  Day.  But  any- 
how, I  witnessed  it :  I  saw  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  would  like  to  read  to  you  a  resolution  adopted  by 
the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  during  one  of  its  conven- 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  623 

tions,  which  was  contained  in  the  Connnunist,  official  organ  of  the 
Communist  Party,  issue  of  October  1931,  page  832,  and  which  states: 

The  Central  Committee  calls  attention  to  the  task  assigned  by  the  11th  Plenum 
of  the  ECCI  which  calls  upon  every  member  of  the  Communist  Party  to  regard  as 
a  task  of  first  importance  Ihe  struggle  against  the  war  danger  and  the  fight  for 
the  defense  of  the  Soviet  Union.  As  an  important  means  to  develop  the  struggle 
for  the  defense  of  the  Soviet  Union  is  the  building  of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet 
Union  into  a  mass  organization.  The  Communist  Party  oi'ganizations  must  assist 
in  the  building  of  the  FSU  and  in  the  organization  of  a  workers'  delegation  to 
the  November  7th  celebrations,  consisting  chiefly  of  industrial  workers  from  the 
basic  industries. 

Mr.  Whisner,  when  you  went  to  the  Soviet  Union  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union,  were  you  following  this  resolution 
adopted  by  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  in  support  of 
the  resolution  of  the  eleventh  plenum  of  the  executive  committee  of  the 
Communist  International  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  What  you  have  just  read  is  news  to  me.  I  never 
heard  of  it  before  in  my  life.    Could  I  say  a  word,  please? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  This  morning  you  stated  you  were  not  a  member 
of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  W^HisNER.  I  didn't  say  that. 

Mr.  Ta\t:nner.  I  asked  you  if  j^ou  were  a  member. 

Mr.  Whisner.  1  said  I  didn't  think  I  was.  I  can't  remember  ever 
signing  an  application. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Then  there  is  some  doubt  in  your  mind  as  to  whether 
or  not  you  were  a  member? 

Mr.  Whisner,  Yes,  that  is  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  There  is  doubt? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  us  see  if  we  can  clear  that  up.  I  show  you  a 
leaflet  which  advertises  a  meeting  at  Irving  Plaza  Hall,  in  which  it  is 
stated : 

Come  and  listen  to  our  brothers  who  just  returned  from  the  Soviet  Union  where 
they  were  sent  as  delegates  by  their  respective  locals. 

This  leaflet  contains  the  name  of  Eobert  Whisner,  elected  at  a  meeting 
called  at  Turtle  Creek.  Will  you  examine  that  and  state  whether  or 
not  you  are  still  in  doubt  as  to  whether  you  were  a  member  of  Friends 
of  the  Soviet  Union  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Where  does  this  say  I  was  a  member  of  Friends  of 
the  Soviet  Union  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  It  says  you  were  a  delegate. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Of  course,  I  was  a  delegate.  I  was  elected  at  Turtle 
Creek. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  ordinarily  become  a  delegate  from  an  or- 
ganization of  which  you  are  not  a  member  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  was  a  delegate  from  Westinghouse.  Are  you  trying 
to  lead  me  into  a  trap  ?  Look,  I  am  trying  to  be  honest  with  you.  I 
took  a  trip  to  the  Soviet  Union,  and  I  took  it  honestly.  That  leaflet 
advertises  a  meeting  that,  after  we  returned,  was  arranged  to  hear  us 
speak.  At  that  meeting,  not  being  a  very  good  public  speaker,  I  didn't 
make  much  of  a  speech,  and  I  folded  up  on  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  think  you  are  too  modest.  I  think  you  do  very 
well. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  may  have  improved  since  then. 


624  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Case.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  leaflet  says:  "Auspices:  New  York 
District,  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union."    And  the  heading  says : 

Come  and  listen  to  our  brothers  who  just  returned  from  the  Soviet  Union 
where  they  were  sent  as  delegates  by  their  respective  locals. 

Mr.  Wood.  Maybe  we  can  clarify  this  by  asking  the  witness  if  the 
Robert  Wliisner  mentioned  there  is  himself. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  imagine  it  was  me. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  says  you  were  a  delegate  from  your  local  organi- 
zation.   Wliat  local  organization  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Westinghouse.  We  had  no  union  at  our  plant  at 
that  time.  We  had  a  couple  of  company  unions  prior  to  that  time, 
but  in  1934  we  didn't  have  any  union.  In  fact,  we  hardly  had  any- 
body in  Westinghouse.     We  were  in  bad  shape. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Wasn't  there  a  local  of  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union 
at  that  place? 

Mr.  Whisner.  At  Turtle  Creek? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  At  Westinghouse. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Not  that  I  know  of. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  desire  to  offer  the  leaflet  in  evidence;  mark  it 
"Exhibit  Whisner  2." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admit^^ed." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  show  you  another  leaflet  which  states : 

Join  in  the  reception  of  our  worker's  delegation  just  returned  from  the  Soviet 
Union. 

It  contains  the  name  of  an  electrical  worker,  R.  Whisner.  This 
leaflet  was  also  distributed  by  the  New  York  district,  Friends  of  the 
Soviet  Union,  and  it  says : 

Hear  reports  of  five  persons  on  what  they  saw  as  delegates  in  the  Soviet  Union. 

Among  the  five  delegates  your  name  appears. 

Mr.  Scribner.  Is  that  the  leaflet  that  includes  Judge  Tulin? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Whisner.  To  the  best  of  my  knowledge  I  only  spoke  once  in 
Irving  Plaza  Hall.     Is  this  the  same  meeting? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes.  You  were  in  some  doubt  as  to  whether  or  not 
you  were  a  member,  and  I  asked  you  to  look  at  that  reference  to  your 
being  a  delegate  and  state  whether  or  not  you  were  a  delegate  in  the 
Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  Whisner.  You  mean  I  was  a  member  of  the  Friends  of  the 
Soviet  Union?     Is  that  what  you  are  trying  to  establish? 
^  Mr.  Tavenner.  That  is  what  I  am  trying  to  refresh  your  recollec- 
tion about. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Whisner,  you  stated  a  while  ago  you  were  in  doubt 
as  to  whether  or  not  you  were  a  member  of  that  organization.  These 
documents  are  for  the  purpose  of  refreshing  your  recollection.  After 
looking  at  them,  are  you  still  in  doubt  as  to  whether  or  not  you  were 
a  member  of  that  organization  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,  I  am  still  in  doubt.  I  don't  see  here  that  I  am 
a  member  of  FSU.  It  advertises  a  meeting  and  says  I  am  to  speak. 
1  was  in  that  delegation ;  yes. 

*«  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Whisner  exhibit  2. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  625 

Whisnek  Exhibit  No.  2 

Members  of  Trade  Unions! 
Members  of  the  Socialist  Party! 


HEAR 

Reports    of 

Fred  Gunner 


V.  Modjesky 


•>f  America. 


I 


Philadelphia,  Pa.      Member   of   So-     I 
cialist  Party.  Member  of  Local  706, 
Branch   I  of  the  American  Federa- 
tion    of     Full     Fashioned     Hosiery 
Workers,  an  A.  F.  of  L.  Union. 


Pawtucket,  R.  I.  Local  Organizer 
of  Socialist  Party  in  Pawtucket. 
Member     of     the     United     Textile 


Julius  Walstad, 

Claire  City,  South  Dakota.  Vice- 
President  of  the  Farmers  National 
Committee  of  Action.  State  Sec- 
retar>'  of  the  United  Farmers 
League. 

Robert  Whisner, 

Turtit  Creek,  Pa.  Westinghouse 
^vorker,  elected  at  meeting  called 
at  Turtle  Creek,  a  Westinghouse 
Company  city. 

J.  W.Sheffield,  Jr. 

Bostor,  Mass.  Seaman  from  the 
coalbotts  plying  in  and  out  of 
Bostoi. 


COME  AND  LISTEN  TO 
OUR  BROTHERS  WHO 
JUST  RETURNED  FROM 
THE    SOVIET   UNION 

■where   they  were  sent  as  Delegates 
by  their  respective  Locals. 

Wednesday,    December    12  th 

8:30  p.  m. 

Irving  Plaza  Hall 

Irving    Place    and     1 5  th    Street 

The  Workers'  Delegation  wil!  arrive  December  tlth 
and  will  leave  New  York  City  December  13  th  in  order 
to  make  reports  tc  their  respective  Locals.  We  have 
arranged  this  meeting,  so  as  to  enable  the  workers  of 
Ne^v  York  City  to  get  correct  information  from  eye- 
witnesses as  to  conditions  of  the  Tt'orkers  in  the  Soviet 
Union — in  the  factories  and  shops,  as  to  their  condi- 
tions and  cultural  development. 


^iispics:  NEW  YORK  DISTRICT,  FRIENDS  OF  THE  SOVIET  UNION,  799  Broadway 


REA3      AND      SUBSCRIBE      TO     "SOVIET      RUSSIA       TODAY" 

Mr.  Wood.  If  an  organization  of  my  church  would  refer  to  me  as 
"brother"  you  would  infer  I  was  a  member,  would  you  not  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  It  would  seem  so,  but  it  wouldn't  have  to  be. 

Mr.  Walter.  Who  prepared  those  circulars,  if  you  know  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  know.  It  tells  you  on  here,  Friends  of  the 
Soviet  Union.    I  had  nothing  to  do  with  these  leaflets. 

Mr.  Wood.  But  I  understand  you  did  appear  at  the  meeting  and 
address  it? 


626  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Whisner,  I  appeared  at  that  one  meeting.  I  think  it  was  the 
next  night  after  the  boat  came  in. 

Mr.  Case.  Where  is  the  Irving  Phiza  Hall  ?    Is  it  in  New  York? 

Mr.  Whisner.  It  is  in  New  York.  I  wouldn't  be  able  to  tell  you 
where. 

Mr.  Case.  Did  you  go  to  your  home  after  your  return  to  this  country, 
or  did  you  attend  that  meeting  while  you  were  still  in  New  York  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  attended  that  meeting  while  I  was  still  in  New 
York,  then  I  went  home. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  leaflet  in  evidence,  mark  it 
"Exhibit  Whisner  3." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  admitted." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  at  the  bottom 
of  each  of  those  circulars  appears  the  number  209.  Do  you  know 
what  that  refers  to  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  know  what  that  209  means  at  all.  It  looks 
to  me  like  a  union  button. 

Mr.  Walter.  That  merely  indicates  it  was  printed  in  a  union  shop  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  that  a  union  shop  which  prints  Communist 
material ;  do  you  know  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  know. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Your  counsel  made  reference  to  this  leaflet  con- 
taining the  name  of  Pat  Toohey. 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  I  made  reference  to  Judge  Tulin.  He  was  a  judge 
in  New  York  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  misunderstood  you.  I  notice  the  chairman  of  that 
meeting  was  Pat  Toohey.  Is  he  the  same  person  who  was  organizer 
of  the  Communist  Party  in  eastern  Pennsylvania;  do  you  know? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  couldn't  tell  you.  All  I  can  tell  you  is  that  Toohey 
was  at  that  meeting. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  if  he  is  the  same  person  who  was  a 
member  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the  Communist  Party  in  1936, 
and  a  candidate  for  State  treasurer  of  Pennsylvania  on  the  Com- 
munist Party  ticket  in  1936  ?  ^^ 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,  sir.  I  wasn't  that  much  interested  to  go  into 
that  kind  of  stuff. 

(Representative  Harrison  leaves.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  now  show  you  a  copy  of  the  magazine  entitled 
"Soviet  Russia  Today,"  the  special  Lenin  issue  of  January  1935, 
which,  on  page  19,  carries  a  letter  entitled  "U.  S.  S.  R.  Points  Way 
for  American  Workers."  The  letter  appears  over  your  name,  Robert 
Whisner,  Westinghouse  Electrical  Works,  Turtle  Creek,  Pa.  In  this 
letter,  in  the  last  paragraph,  the  statement  appears : 

I  am  now  convinced  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  worker  in  the  U.  S.  A.  to  defend 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.  in  every  way  possible,  for  the  Soviet  workers  have  shown  us  the 
way  out. 

Is  that  your  letter  ? 

^'  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Whisner  exhibit  3. 

«The  Daily  Worlver  of  September  28,  1935,  p.  3,  and  October  11,  1935,  p.  2,  shows  Pat 
Toohey  as  district  orf^anizer  of  tlie  Communist  Party,  United  States  of  America,  in  Phila- 
delphia :  the  Daily  Worker  of  November  3,  1936,  p.  2,  shows  Pat  Toohey  as  candidate  for 
Pennsylvania  State  treasurer  on  the  Communist  Party  ticket ;  the  Daily  Worker  of  No- 
vember 28,  1936,  p.  5,  shows  Pat  Toohey  as  a  member  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the 
Communist  Party. 


nOMMTTlSTTST    TNFTT.TRATIOIST    OF    T;AROR    TTNTONa  627 

Whisner  Exhibit  No  3 


join 


in  the  reception  of  our 


Worker's  Delegation 

Just  returned  from  the  Sotiet  Union 

Wednesday,  December  12th 

8:30  P.  M. 

IRVING  PLAZA  HALL 

Irving  Place  and  I3th  Street 


Hear  JUSTINE  WISE  TULIN 

speak  on  "SIGNIFICANCE  OF  TRADE  UNION 
DELEGATIONS    TO    THE    SOVIET    UNION" 


Reports  of: 
Textile  Worker— V.  MODJESKY 

(Endorsed  by  the  Socialist  Party  Local  of  Pawtucket ) 

Hosiery  Worker — F.  GUNSSER 

Electrical  Worker— R.  WEISNER 

Seaman  —  J.  W.  SHEFFIELD 
F  a  r  m  e  r  —  J.  WALSTAD 
on  what  they  saw  as  Delegates  in  the  Soviet  Union 

Chairman:  PAT  TOOHEY 


F.  S.  U.     Balalaika    Orchestra 
Admission  10c 

Auspices:  New^  York  District,  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union 

For  correct  information  Read  and  Subscribe  to  SOVIET  RUSSIA  TODAY 


628  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Mr.  Whisner.  Well,  it  is  over  my  signature.  It  is  not  my  signature, 
but  I  think  I  had  something  to  do  with  that  article,  and,  I  tell  you, 
my  opinions  today  have  not  changed  much  from  what  they  were  then. 
I  don't  think  we  ought  to  be  enemies  with  the  Soviet  Union.  To  me 
they  were  friendly  people.  They  were  working  people  like  we  are, 
trying  to  get  along. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  question  is,  Are  you  the  author  of  that  letter? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  would  say  I  had  something  to  do  with  it,  but  it  was 
a  long  time  ago.  They  asked  us  for  a  statement  when  we  came  back. 
The  date  of  it  is  what  ? 

Mr.  Wood.  1935. 

Mr.  Walter.  You  say  "they"  asked  for  a  statement.  To  whom  do 
you  refer  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  The  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union  asked  each  of  us 
for  a  statement. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  This  letter  appears  in  a  document  printed  in 
Russia? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.    That  was  printed  in  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Scribner.  I  think  counsel  sliould  be  accurate  in  what  he  says, 

Mr.  Wood.  He  is  not  making  a  statement.    He  is  asking  the  question. 

Mr.  Scribner.  It  is  absolutely  misleading. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  may  advise  with  your  client. 

Mr.  Scribner.  I  would  like  to  advise  with  him,  because  he  has  been 
very  frank 

Mr.  Wood.  Advise  your  client.  We  don't  care  to  hear  any  argu- 
ments. 

(Counsel  confers  with  the  witness.) 

Mr.  Scribner.  While  I  was  conversing  with  my  client,  the  hearing 
reporter  was  taking  notes. 

The  Reporter.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  was  making  a  notation  that  counsel 
was  conferring  with  the  witness. 

Mr.  Wood.  And,  Mr.  Counsel,  I  will  say  for  your  benefit  that  the 
reporter  taking  this  testimony  is  not  connected  with  the  committee. 

Mr.  Scribner.  I  was  not  suggesting  that.  I  was  making  the  ob- 
servation. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Counsel  advises  that  this  thing  has  taken  on  the 
proportions  of  a  frame-up,  and  I  will  stand  on  my  constitutional 
rights  under  the  first  and  fifth  amendments. 

Mr.  Wood.  Just  a  moment.  Your  statement  that  it  has  taken  on 
the  proportions  of  a  frame-up  is  entirely  inaccurate.  There  is  nothing 
of  that  kind.    If  you  desire  to  answer  the  C[uestion  you  may  do  so. 

Mr.  Whisner.  It  looks  like  you  are  trying  to  get  me  into  a  political 
discussion,  and  I  would  prefer  you  talk  to  somebody  who  knows  more 
about  it,  because  I  am  not  too  well  versed  in  communism.  All  I  know 
is  that  I  took  that  trip. 

Mr.  Wood.  Nobody  knows  more  about  whether  you  are  the  author 
of  that  article  than  you  do. 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  said  I  thought  I  had  something  to  do  with  it.  My 
signature  is  not  on  there.    I  am  trying  to  be  as  honest  as  I  can. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  believe  you  say,  since  you  read  it,  that  you  still  sub- 
scribe to  it  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No.    I  haven't  seen  this  book  for  years  and  years. 

Mr.  Wood.  What  about  the  article  that  is  over  your  name? 

Mr.  Scribner.  I  will  advise  the  witness 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS  629 

Mr.  Wood.  You  may  advise  him. 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  That  this  is  now  a  motion 

Mr.  Wood.  Advise  him  quietly. 

(Counsel  confers  with  the  witness.) 

Mr.  Whisner.  Under  the  first  and  fifth  amendments  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  don't  think  I  will  go 
any  further  with  this  here  right  now. 

Mr.  Wood.  Wliat  "further"  do  you  mean  ? 

Mr.  Wiiisnj;r.  I  won't  allow  you  fellows  to  drive  me  into  a  dis- 
cussion here  that  might  incriminate  me. 

Mr.  Wood.  Is  anybody  trying  to  do  that  to  you  ? 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  If  I  might  say,  there  are  12  people  under  indictment 
now  in  New  York  for  being  Communists,  or  thinking  as  Communists. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  can  confer  with  your  client.  I  will  have  to  ask 
you  to  leave  the  room  if  you  do  not  observe  the  rules. 

Mr.  WiiisNER.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  looks  like  a  job  is  being  done  on 
me  here.    I  don't  like  it. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  asked  you  a  simple  question.  You  can  answer  or 
decline  to  answer,  as  you  see  fit.  Do  you  today  subscribe  to  the  article 
that  has  been  shown  to  you  in  the  magazine,  over  your  name  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No;  I  don't  subscribe  to  this  today,  because  it  does 
not  fit  in  with  the  conditions  today.  We  had  16,000,000  people  unem- 
ployed at  the  time  I  was  over  there,  and  I  felt  the  workers  over  there 
were  better  off  than  here,  but  now  things  are  better  here  and  everybody 
has  a  little  more  money,  so  I  don't  subscribe  to  it. 

Mr.  Wood.  At  that  time  did  you  subscribe  to  the  statements  con- 
tained in  that  article? 

Mr.  Whisner.  At  that  time  there  was  a  lot  of  unemployment  and 
poverty  and  I  didn't  think  there  was  much  difference  between  the 
American  worker  and  the  Russian  worker. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  have  read  that  last  paragraph? 

Mr,  Whisner.  Yes. 

Mr,  Wood.  At  that  time  did  that  reflect  your  sentiments? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes,    I  think  it  is  the  duty  of  everybody 

Mr.  Wood.  I  just  asked  you  if  at  that  time  it  reflected  your  senti- 
ments.    Is  that  the  way  you  felt  about  it  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Case.  May  we  have  that  last  paragraph  read  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  Do  you  want  me  to  read  it  ? 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  It  is  in  the  record.  I  don't  know  why  you  want 
Mr.  Whisner  to  read  it,  but  it  is  all  right. 

Mr,  Wood.  Let  Mr.  Case  read  it. 

Mr.  Case.  This  is  the  last  paragraph  of  the  letter  which  has  been 
referred  to.  over  the  name  of  Robert  Whisner,  Westinghouse  Electrical 
Works,  Turtle  Creek,  Pa. : 

I  am  now  convinced  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  worker  in  the  U.  S.  A.  to  defend 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.  in  every  way  possible,  for  the  Soviet  workers  have  shown  us  the 
way  out. 

That  was  your  feeling  about  it  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  It  must  have  been. 

Mr.  Case.  Do  you  still  have  that  feeling? 

Mr.  Whisner.  I  don't  think  we  should  go  to  war,  no ;  if  that  is  what 
YOU  mean. 


630  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr,  Case.  No  ;  I  didn't  mean  that.  I  am  not  trying  to  lead  you  into 
anything,  nor  is  the  committee.  What  we  are  trying  to  find  out  here 
is  the  way  in  which  communism  works  and  operates,  and  that  goes  back 
to  how  they  may  have  operated  to  get  some  support  here.  You.  may 
or  may  not  have  been  a  Communist.  I  don't  know.  I  am  proceeding 
in  an  exploratory  way  and  give  you  an  opportunity  to  say  whether  or 
not  now  you  feel  the  same  way  you  did  when  you  wrote  that  letter. 
You  have  said  at  that  time  it  represented  your  views.  In  the  light  of 
your  having  said  that,  it  seems  to  me  you  would  want  to  state  whether 
or  not  it  represents  your  views  now. 

Mr.  Whisxer.  I  said  it  must  have  represented  my  views.  I  can't  say 
whether  I  wrote  that  or  not.  You  don't  have  my  signature  there,  you 
know. 

Mr.  Case.  Wouldn't  you  like  to  say  now  whether  or  not  that  repre- 
sents your  views  today  ? 

Mr.  Whisner.  No  ;  I  wouldn't  like  to  say  that.  We  are  living  in  a 
state  of  hysteria,  and  I  think  I  am  protected  by  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Case.  You  think  it  is  better  for  the  record  to  show  that  at  the 
time  this  appeared  it  represented  your  views,  and  as  of  today  you  don't 
want  to  disavow  those  views  ? 

Mr.  ScRiBNER.  I  think  it  is  improper  to  continue  this  line  of  ques- 
tions, in  view  of  the  fact  this  witness  has  stated  his  position  under  the 
Constitution. 

Mr.  Moulder.  Mr.  Chairman,  will  we  have  a  recess  ? 

In  consideration  of  the  fact  this  witness,  and  other  witnesses  this 
morning,  made  very  serious  charges  against  this  committee,  charging 
the  committee  with  interfering  with  union  elections  and  trying  to 
smear  the  witnesses  here  today,  and  they  also  said  they  were  represent- 
ing the  workingmen's  interests,  as  one  member  of  the  committee — and 
I  am  sure  I  am  joined  by  all  members  of  the  committee,  we  are  all  inter- 
ested in  the  workingman — I  think  the  record  will  show  I  have  always 
favored  the  workingman.  But  we  are  opposed  to  the  infiltration  of 
communism  in  organized  labor,  and  wish  to  do  everything  possible  to 
prevent  Communists  from  taking  over  organized  labor  in  this  country. 
I  would  like  the  record  to  show  my  sentiments. 

Mr.  Walter.  You  stated  that  upon  your  return  from  this  trip  to 
Russia,  "we  were  asked  to  write  our  views."  Who  asked  you  to  express 
your  views? 

Mr.  Whisner.  One  of  the  officials  of  FSU.  I  don't  remember  who 
it  was.    This  was  too  long  ago. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  believe  counsel  said  he  had  one  more  question. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  There  is  an  article  entitled  "The  FSU  in  Action," 
appearing  on  page  21  of  the  December  1934  issue  of  Soviet  Russia  To- 
day, a  paragraph  of  which,  headed  "Return  of  the  Delegation,"  reads 
as  follows : 

Our  delegates  are  returning  on  December  11  after  a  5-week  stay  in  the  Soviet 
Union  and  meetings  are  now  being  arranged  for  them  in  a  number  of  cities. 
The  first  of  these  will  be  a  welcome  meeting  held  in  New  York  City  at  Irving 
Plaza  on  December  12.  All  meetings  for  the  returning  delegates  should  be  utilized 
for  the  launching  of  the  campaign  for  our  May  1  delegation,  directions  for  which 
will  be  sent  to  the  branches  shortly. 

Does  that  not  refresh  your  recollection  further  as  to  your  membership 
in  the  organization  of  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union  ? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  631 

Mr.  Whisner.  No,  sir ;  it  does  not. 

Mr.  Ta\^nner.  Did  you  participate  in  a  plan  to  speak  in  various 
cities,  places  other  than  the  city  of  New  York? 

Mr.  WiiisNER.  I  never  spoke  in  any  city  outside  of  New  York  and 
Pittsburgh,  and  I  would  like  to  stand  on  my  constitutional  rights  here 
at  this  time  and  refrain  from  incriminating  myself. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  committee  has  no  further  questions  to  ask  you.  You 
may  be  excused. 

Mr.  Whisner.  Can  I  say  a  few  words?  I  would  like  to  say  for  the 
record  that  I  tried  to  do  an  honest  job  here,  and  I  can't  understand 
why,  at  this  time,  when  our  elections  are  going  on,  this  thing  is  brought 
out  and  rehashed.  It  should  have  been  done  15  years  ago  if  something 
was  wrong  with  it. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  think  myself  it  should  have  been  brought  out  15  years 

ago. 

Mr.  TA^^ENNER.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  the  January  1935  issue  of 
Soviet  Russia  Today  in  evidence,  and  ask  that  it  be  marked  "Exhibit 
Whisner  4;"  and  I  offer  the  December  1934  issue  of  Soviet  Russia 
Today  in  evidence,  and  ask  that  it  be  marked  "Exhibit  Whisner  5." 

Mr.  Wood.  Without  objection,  they  will  be  received.^^ 

The  committee  stands  adjourned  until  tomorrow  morning  at  10 :  30. 

( Wliereupon,  at  5 :  10  p.  m.  an  adjournment  was  taken  until  Thurs- 
day, August  11, 1949,  at  10 :  30  a.  m.) 

1*  See  appendix,  p.  650,  Whisner  exhibits  4  and  5. 


heaeinctS  regarding  communist  infiltration 
of  labor  unions-part  i 

(Local  601,  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of 
America,  CIO,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.) 


THURSDAY,   AUGUST    11,   1949 

United  States  House  of  Representative's, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee 

ON  Un-American  Activities, 

Washington^  D.  C. 

A  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  met, 
pursuant  to  call,  at  10 :  50  a.  m.  in  room  220,  Old  House  Office  Building, 
Hon.  John  S.  Wood  (chairman)  presidinjij. 

Committee  members  i)resent :  Re]>iesentatives  John  S.  Wood  (chair- 
man), Francis  E.  Walter,  Burr  P.  Harrison,  and  Harold  H.  Velde. 

Staff  members  present:  Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  counsel;  Louis  J. 
Russell,  senior  investigator;  Donald  T.  Appell,  investigator;  John  W. 
Carrington,  clerk;  Benjamin  Mandel,  director  of  research;  and  A.  S. 
Poore,  editor. 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  the  committee  be  in  order. 

This  hearing  is  being  conducted  today  by  a  subcommittee  composed 
of  Messrs.  Walter,  Harrison,  Velde,  and  Wood.  Mr.  Walter,  Mr. 
Harrison,  and  Mr.  Wood  are  present. 

(Representative  Velde  enters.) 

Mr.  Wood.  Also  Mr.  Velde  is  present. 

Are  you  ready  to  proceed  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes,  sir.    Mr.  Thomas  Quinn. 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  you  hold  up  your  right  hand,  please.  You  sol- 
emnly swear  the  evidence  you  give  to  this  subcommittee  will  be  the 
truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  do. 

Mr.  Wood.  Have  a  seat. 

TESTIMONY  OF  THOMAS  QUINN 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Quinn,  are  you  represented  by  counsel? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  have  counsel  available.  I  don't  feel  that  I  am  on 
trial,  but  if  the  turn  of  events  seems  to  indicate  that,  I  may  call  for 
counsel. 

Mr.  Taat:nner.  I  merely  mention  it  so  that  you  may  understand 
you  have  the  right  to  consult  counsel  at  any  time  you  may  desire  in 
the  course  of  your  testimon3^ 

Mr.  Quinn.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  please  state  your  full  name? 

95613 — 49— pt.  1 7  633 


634  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  QuiNN.  Thomas  Quinn. 

Mr.  Tavexner.  What  is  your  place  of  residence  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  201  Beach  Street,  East  Pittsburgh. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born? 

Mr.  Quinn.  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  August  10,  1917. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  appear  here  as  a  witness  before  the  com- 
mittee in  pursuance  to  a  subpena  served  on  you  on  August  3,  1949  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  do. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  are  you  presently  employed? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  am  presently  employed  by  the  International  Union 
of  the  United  Electrical,  Eadio  and  Machine  Workers.  I  am  on  leave 
of  absence  from  the  Westinghouse  Electric  Corp. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  what  capacity  are  you  employed  by  the  union? 

Mr.  Quinn.  As  a  field  organizer. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  that  a  field  organizer  of  the  local,  or  of  the  na- 
tional organization? 

Mr.  Quinn.  The  national  organization. 

Mv.  Tavenner.  Are  you  also  a  member  of  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member? 

Mr.  Quinn.  Since  1940. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  please  state  for  the  record,  in  chronological 
order,  the  various  positions  that  you  have  held  in  that  union  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  In  local  601  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  was  a  section  steward  from  1944  until  1947. 

Mr,  Tavenner,  Have  you  held  any  other  positions  than  the  one  you 
have  mentioned  in  the  parent  organization? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  was  a  district  representative  working  in  district  6 
from  1947  until  1949. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  hold  any  position  in  the  Civil  Rights  Con- 
gress at  the  present  time  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  am  chairman  of  the  Western  Pennsylvania  Civil 
Rights  Congress. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  hold  any  position  in  the  East  Pittsburgh 
section  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Quinn.  No ;  I  don't. 

Mr.  Ta^t.nner.  Are  you  now  or  have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  would  like  to  make  a  statement  along  the  lines  that 
Mr.  Fitzpatrick  made  yesterday  in  regard  to  a  question  of  that  nature, 
I  feel  that  the  political  beliefs,  opinions,  and  associations  of  the  Amer- 
ican people  can  be  held  secret  if  they  so  desire. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  for  those  reasons  do  you  decline  to  answer  that 
question  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  didn't  say  I  was  declining  to  answer  the  question. 
Before  I  do  answer  the  question  I  should  like  to  say  that  I  support  the 
position  taken  by  Brother  Fitzpatrick  yesterday. 

Mr.  Wood.  Did  you  hear  his  statement  yesterday? 

Mr.  Quinn.  Yes ;  I  did. 

Mr,  Wood.  Do  you  support  it  in  its  entirety  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  In  its  entirety. 

Mr.  Wood.  Is  there  anything  else  you  want  to  add  to  it  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  No ;  I  don't. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATIOivr   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  635 

Mr.  Wood.  Will  you  accept  it  as  the  expression  of  your  views,  then? 

Iklr.  QuiNN.  You  may.  I  may  add  I  feel  I  have  no  other  choice 
in  this  matter,  because  the  defense  of  the  Constitution,  I  hold  sacred. 
I  don't  feel  I  am  hidino-  behind  the  Constitution,  but  in  this  case  I 
am  standing  before  it,  defending  it,  as  small  as  I  am. 

Mr.  Wood.  Having  made  that  statement  and  subscribed  to  the 
sentiments  expressed  by  the  witness  yesterday  to  whom  you  referred, 
will  you  now  answer  the  question  wdiether  you  ai*e  now^  or  have  ever 
been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  QuiNN.  I  hold  that  the  Constitution  holds  sacred  the  rights  of 

people 

Mr.  Wood.  You  have  stated  your  position.  Having  enunciated 
your  sentiments  and  your  position,  will  you  now  answer  the  question 
whether  you  are  now  or  ever  have  been  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party,  or  do  you  decline  to  answer? 

INIr.  QuiNN.  I  decline  to  discuss  with  the  committee  questions  of 
that  nature. 

Mr.  Wood.  Proceed,  Mr.  Tavenner. 

Mv.  Tavenner.  I  believe  in  the  light  of  that  answer  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  ask  you  any  further  questions  relating  to  those  matters,  so  I 
will  ask  you  this :  Do  you  know  Mr.  James  J.  Matles? 

Mr.  QuiNN.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  positirn  does  he  hold  in  this  union? 

Mr.  QuiNN.  He  is  director  of  organization. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  For  the  parent  organization? 

Mr.  QuiNN.  For  the  international  union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  Mr.  Julius  Emspak,  vphat  position  does  he 
hold,  do  you  know^  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  Secretary-treasurer. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  Mr.  James  Lustig,  what  position  does  he  hold? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  don't  know  Mr.  James  Lustig. 

Mr.  Wood.  Spell  it,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  L-u-s-t-i-g. 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  don't  know  him. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mr.  Walter.  No  quastions. 

Mr.  Wood.  ]Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr.  Harrison.  I  have  no  questions. 

]VIi\  Wood.  Mr.  Velde. 

Mr.  Velde.  Are  you  acquainted  with  Mr.  Steve  Nelson  ? 

Mr.  Quinn.  I  am  not. 

Yestei'day  one  of  the  Congressmen  on  the  committee  made  the  state- 
ment that  people  brought  down  here  were  being  given  an  opportunity 
to  clear  tliemselves,  as  it  were.  I  would  like  to  say  I  don't  feel  it  is 
an  opportunity  to  clear  myself.  I  feel  the  opportunity  I  am  given 
here  is  a  choice  of  clearing  myself  at  the  price  of  assisting  this  com- 
mittee and  destroying  the  Constitution,  and  I  could  not  join  the  com- 
mittee in  doing  that. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  have  made  quite  clear  your  position.  T,  for  one, 
do  not  agree  with  it,  but  I  appreciate  your  forthrightness  in  stating 
it  to  us. 


636  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr,  QuiNN.  I  think  it  is  clear  this  hearing  was  called  solely  for 
the  purpose  of  interfering  with  our  election. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  concede  you  have  the  right  to  have  that  opinion. 

Mr.  QuiNN.  The  Pittsburgh  papers  yesterday  indicated  that  clearly. 
I  would  like  to  call  attention  to  an  article  that  appeared  in  the  Pitts- 
burgh Post-Gazette  yesterday.  It  was  written  by  Ingrid  Jewell,  who 
is  sitting  back  here. 

Mr.  Wood.  There  is  nothing  in  the  newspapers  that  emanates  from 
this  committee. 

Mr.  QuiNN.  The  thing  I  wanted  to  point  out 

Mr.  Wood.  You  can't  charge  against  this  committee  or  its  activities 
anything  a  newspaper  says,  so  I  am  not  going  to  permit  you  to  read 
into  the  record  anything  from  a  newspaper. 

Mr.  QuiNN.  Very  well. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  will  be  excused. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Russell  was  sworn  in  this  hearing  previously? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

TESTIMONY  OF  LOUIS  J.  RUSSELI^-Recalled 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell,  as  the  senior  investigator  of  this  com- 
mittee, did  you,  in  the  course  of  your  investigation,  arrange  for  the 
taking  of  several  affidavits  to  be  presented  to  this  committee? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  first,  I  believe,  is  the  affidavit  of  Mr.  Clarence 
Copeland.    Do  you  have  that  affidavit  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  No.    It  was  read  into  the  record  yesterday. 

(The  affidavit  referred  to  was  produced  by  the  reporter.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  don't  believe  it  was  read  in  full.  Will  you  read 
the  affidavit  into  the  record,  please  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  sir : 

Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania, 
County  of  Westmorcla7id,  ss: 
Before  me,  a  notary  public,  in  and  for  said  county  and  State,  personally 
appeared  Clarence  D.  Copeland,  who,  first  being  duly  sworn  according  to  law, 
doth  depose  and  say,  that  he  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  America  and  a 
resident  of  the  city  of  Jeannette,  Pa.;  that  he  knows  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick, 
chief  steward  of  local  No.  601,  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of 
America;  that  he  has  known  the  said  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  for  approximately 
the  last  10  years;  that  sometime  during  the  fall  of  the  year  1943,  the  said 
Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  gave  to  and  requested  that  he,  the  said  Clarence  D.  Cope- 
land, sign  an  applicaticm  and  join  the  Communist  Party:  that  he.  the  said  Clar- 
ence D.  Copeland,  refused  to  sign  said  application  or  join  the  said  Communist 

Clakence  D.  Copeland. 
Sworn  to  and  subscribed  to  before  me  this  6th  day  of  August  A.  D.  1949. 

l-gEAL]  CaKL  M.    SEILER, 

Notmy  Public. 
My  commission  expires  February  1,  1953. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  affidavit  in  evidence  and  mark 

it  exhibit  Russell  4. 

Mr.  Wood.  Without  objection  it  will  be  received.-" 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  was  testified  yesterday  morning  that  Mr.  Hugh 

Harley  is  the  international  organizer  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio 

20  See  appendix,  p.  651,  Russell  exhibit  4. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS  637 

and  Machine  Workers  of  America.    Do  you  have  an  aflidavit  relating 
to  him  ? 

Mr.  RussEiJL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Whose  affidavit  is  it? 

Mr.  Russell.  Richard  AV.  McClellan. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  read  it? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes,  sir. 

State  of  Pennsylvania, 

County  of  Erie  ss: 
I,  Richard  W.  McClellan,  being  duly  sworn,  depose  and  say : 

( 1 )  That  I  was  president  of  local  631,  United  Electrical  Workers  of  America 
at  the  Erie  Resistor  Co. ; 

(2)  I  was  elected  to  that  office  on  or  about  January  17,  1943,  and  held  that 
office  until  my  resignation  in  April  1945; 

(3)  I  was  instrumental  in  affiliating  the  Erie  Resistor  Co.  union  with  the 
UE-CIO.  In  my  work  with  the  UE-CIO,  I  became  acquainted  with  and  worked 
closely  with  Hugh  Harley.  Harley  was  an  international  organizer  of  the  UE. 
Harley  informed  me  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  and  showed 
me  his  dues  book  as  such  member.  At  the  invitation  of  Harley  I  attended  meet- 
ings of  the  Communist  cells  in  the  city  of  Erie.  I  attended  a  meeting  in  the 
summer  of  1943  at  a  house  located  on  the  southwest  corner  of  Twenty-fifth  and 
Penn.sylvania  Avenue  in  the  second  floor  flat  in  the  evening.  This  meeting  was  a 
meeting  of  the  General  Electric  cell  of  the  Communist  Party.  At  the  meeting  was 
held  a  discussion  of  the  party  platform.  Communist  literature  was  sold  and 
Communist  dues  were  collected.  John  Nelson,  the  present  president  of  local 
506,  who  was  then  also  a  shop  stewai-d  at  the  General  Electric,  was  present  at 
that  meeting,  took  part  in  the  discussion,  bought  Communist  literature  and  paid 
party  dues.  I  saw  him  pay  the  dues  to  a  woman  who  was  in  charge  of  the 
meeting  and  acted  as  chairman. 

Richard  W,  IMcClellan. 

Sworn  to  and  subscribed  before  me  this  12th  day  of  May,  1949. 

[seal]  John  W.  English, 

Notary  Public. 

My  commission  expires  April  27, 1953. 

Mr.  Ta\t2nner.  I  desire  to  offer  that  affidavit  in  evidence  and  mark 
it  exhibit  Russell  5. 

Mr.  Wood.  Witliout  objection  it  will  be  received.^^ 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  is  all. 

I  would  like  to  call  now,  Mr.  Kornfeder. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr,  Kornfeder,  you  were  sworn  before  in  this  hearing 
in  connection  with  your  previous  testimony,  were  you  not? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes,  sir. 

TESTIMONY  OF  JOSEPH  ZACK  KORNFEDER— Recalled 

Mr.  Ta\t:nner.  Mr.  Kornfeder,  you  have  previously  testified  in  this 
hearing,  have  you  not  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  have. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  Mr.  James  J.  Matles,  who  is  an  inter- 
national organizer  for  the  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine 
Workers  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  do. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  known  him? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  have  Imown  him  since  1925? 

Mr.  Taatenner.  Are  you  familiar  with  any  Communist  activities  on 
his  part? 

"  See  appendix,  p.  651,  Rnssell  exhibit  5. 


638  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  to  the  committee  just  what  you  know 
of  your  own  personal  knowledge? 

Mr.  Kornfedee.  Well,  I  was  a  member  of  the  district  committee  of 
the  Communist  Party,  district  No.  2,  in  New  York  State,  and  he  was 
a  member  of  the  district  committee  at  the  same  time  with  me.  He 
was  also  the  organization  secretary  of  the  district  committee  of  the 
Communist  Party  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Wood.  Do  you  remember  the  year  or  years  that  was  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  refer  specifically  to  this  instance  to  1931  and 
1932. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  what  position  Matles  holds  nx)w,  if 
any,  in  the  Communist  Part}^  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  do  not. 

Mr.  Taatenner.  Do  you  know  what  position  he  now  holds  with  the 
union? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes.  He  is  organization  secretary  of  the  interna- 
tional union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  to  the  committee  what  you  know  of 
the  activities  of  Matles  in  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Well,  during  my  membership  as  a  member  of  the 
district  committee  of  the  New  York  district,  I  was  at  the  same  time  the 
general  secretary  of  the  Trade  Union  Unity  Council,  central  bodj'^  of 
all  unions  controlled  by  the  Communist  Party  in  that  area,  and  James 
Matles  was  then  a  member  of  the  leading  fraction  of  what  was  then 
known  as  the  Steel  and  Metal  Workers'  Industrial  Union. 

The  Steel  and  Metal  Workers'  Industrial  Union  was  a  union  affiliated 
with  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League,  a  national  labor-union  front  for 
the  Communist  Party. 

Upon  my  initiative  as  a  member  of  the  district  committee,  he  was 
assigned  to  be  secretary  of  the  New  York  committee  of  the  Steel  and 
Metal  Workers'  Industrial  Union.  James  Matles  also  had  a  number 
of  other  assignments.  His  assignments,  as  I  remember  them  at  this 
time,  were  to  represent  the  district  committee  of  the  Communist  Party, 
New  York  district,  to  a  number  of  Communist  Party  fractions  like  the 
Communist  Party  fraction  in  the  International  Typographical  Union, 
Local  6,  I  believe;  and  the  Communist  Party  fraction  in  the  food 
workers ;  and  a  number  of  other  fractions  of  the  Communist  Party 
inside  of  American  Federation  of  Labor  unions  and  inside  of  unions 
outside  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  Julius  Emspak  ? 

(Representative  Moulder  enters.) 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  cannot  say  that  I  do  not  know  him 

Mr.  Wood.  Let  the  record  show  that  Mr.  Moulder  is  present. 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  But  I  do  not  recall  specific  instances  of  my  rela- 
tions with  him  while  I  was  an  official  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  James  Lustig  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes,  I  do. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  he  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes,  he  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  t/)  the  committee  what  you  know 
regarding  his  activities  in  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Wliile  I  was  in  charge  for  the  Communist  Party 
of  labor  union  activities  in  the  New  York  district,  there  was  great 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  639 

need  for  able  individuals  to  carry  on  this  type  of  activity,  so  I  requisi- 
tioned James  Lustig,  who  was  then  active  in  the  Bronx  section  of  the 
Communist  Party,  and  had  him  assigned  to  the  Steel  and  Metal 
Workers'  Industrial  Union  for  activity.  During  that  entire  period 
that  I  was  in  charge  of  this  type  of  activities  in  the  New  York  area, 
he  worked  under  my  direction. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  recall  anything  else  regarding  his  activities 
in  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Well,  he  was,  prior  to  that  assignment,  active  in 
a  strike  of  hosiery  workers  across  the  river  in  New  Jersey,  which  was 
then  led  by  the  Communists ;  and  I  also  recall  him  as  business  manager 
of  the  Hungarian  Communist  paper  UG  Elore.  He  also  was  the 
section  organizer  of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  Bronx. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  in  what  work  he  is  now  engaged? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  So  far  as  I  know  he  is  in  charge  of  the  New  York 
district  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mr.  Walter.  A  moment  ago  you  spoke  of  the  unions'  control  by  the 
Communists.     To  what  extent  was  that  control  exercised,  and  how? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  At  that  time  the  Communist  activities  in  labor 
miions  were  along  two  lines.  One  was  iniiltration  into  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor,  which  was  mostly  in  the  form  of  secret  Com- 
munist groups  inside  the  local  unions  of  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  those  secret  groups  attempt  to  elect  the  officers 
and  thereby  capture  control  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes ;  to  get  control  of  the  principal  offices  was  one 
of  the  main  objectives.  Another  activity  at  that  time  was  to  set  up 
unions  outside  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 

Mr.  Walter.  I  would  like  to  direct  your  attention  at  that  point  to 
the  attempted  infiltration  and  control  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  unions.     How  successful  was  that  attempt  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  It  was  successful  in  quite  a  number  of  instances. 
It  was  successful  among  the  food  workers  and  the  painters,  and  was 
partly  successful  among  some  of  the  local  unions  of  the  building 
trades. 

Mr.  Walter.  Do  you  have  any  idea  what  percentage  of  the  mem- 
bership of  those  unions  was  recruited  into  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  percentage  of  recruitment  into  the  party  was 
relatively  small,  but  the  recruitment  of  sympathizers  was  more 
successful. 

Mr.  Wood.  You  started  to  say  something  about  unions  outside  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor. 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes.  That  was  in  the  form  of  a  national  organi- 
zation then  known  as  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League.  The  Trade 
Union  Unity  League  was  affiliated  with  the  Red  International  of  Labor 
Unions,  which  had  its  headquarters  in  Moscow.  The  Trade  Union 
Unity  League  would  organize  unions  independent  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  along  the  lines  of  an  industrial  pattern,  that  is, 
to  take  in  everybody  in  a  plant  or  shop,  irrespective  of  crafts.  These 
were  unions  that  were,  from  the  ground  up,  set  up  by  the  initiative  of 
the  Communist  Party,  and  that  was  the  case  with  the  Steel  and  Metal 


640  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Workers'  Industrial  Union,  which  in  time  became  the  basis  for  the 
United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers. 

Mr.  Wood.  To  what  extent  was  the  effort  made  to  invade  the  textile 
industry  successful  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  lu  the  textile  industry  they  had  a  union  known  as 
the  National  Union  of  Textile  Workers.  That  is  the  one  that  con- 
ducted some  strikes  down  South.  One  of  the  most  known  strikes  was 
the  strike  in  Gastonia. 

Mr.  Wood.  North  Carolina? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  Were  they  also  connected  with  the  disturbances  in  a 
place  known  as  Honea  Path,  S.  C.  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Walter. 

Mr.  Walter.  So  that  from  its  inception,  the  United  Electrical 
Workers  Union  was  Communist-dominated? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Yes.    It  was  set  up  by  them. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Harrison. 

Mr.  Harrison.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Moulder. 

Mr.  Moulder.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Velde. 

Mr.  Velde.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Wood.  Wliile  you  were  attending  the  school  at  Moscow — which 
one  did  you  attend  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Leuiu  School  in  Moscow. 

Mr.  Wood.  I  believe  you  testified  there  were  quite  a  large  number 
of  people,  at  the  time  you  were  in  Moscow,  training  in  the  various 
schools  you  enumerated  in  your  testimony  the  other  day  when  you 
were  on  the  stand  before,  and  you  said  that  quite  a  few  of  those  were 
from  America  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  How  long  were  you  there  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  was  there  from  October  1927  until  May  1930. 
That  is  over  21/2  years. 

Mr.  Wood.  During  the  time  you  were  in  Russia,  were  there  any 
political  elections  held  there? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Oh,  yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  Were  members  attending  these  schools  from  other  coun- 
tries permitted  to  participate  in  those  elections  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes,  they  were  allowed  to  participate  in  the  elec- 
tion of  delegates  to  the  Moscow  Soviet.  At  that  time  elections  took 
place  on  the  basis  of  factories,  offices,  and  institutions,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Lenin  School,  that  is,  the  trainees,  had  one  or  two  dele- 
gates to  the  Moscow  Soviet  which  they  elected  right  on  the  premises 
of  the  Lenin  School  in  the  large  assembly  hall. 

Mr.  Wood.  What  is  the  Soviet  ?  Does  that  correspond  to  the  leg- 
islative body  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  The  Moscow  Soviet  is  like  a  city  council. 

Mr.  Wood.  Did  the  trainees  in  those  schools  participate  in  those 
elections  ? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Yes. 

Mr.  Wood.  Actually  voted  in  them? 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  641 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr-  Wood.  Were  there  any  elections  involving  the  national  gov- 
ernment ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  There  is  no  direct  voting  for  national  officials  of 
the  Soviet  Union.  There  was  not  at  that  time.  The  procedure  there 
is  to  elect  delegates  to  a  local  Soviet,  and  they  in  turn  elect  delegates 
to  what  you  may  call  a  state  soviet,  and  from  there  on  to  the  national 
soviet,  and  the  national  soviet  elects  what  was  then  known  as  the 
People's  Commissars,  and  they  in  turn  elect  the  Chairman,  President, 
and  so  on. 

Mr.  Wood.  Then  the  delegates  to  the  Moscow  Soviet,  who  were 
chosen  in  the  elections  in  which  the  students  and  trainees  participated, 
ultimately  had  a  voice  in  the  selection  of  delegates  to  the  State  Soviet? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  thence  to  the  national  Commissar? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Wood.  Would  you  say,  then,  in  view  of  the  participation  of 
the  trainees  in  those  schools  in  the  elections,  that  they  had  the  same 
rights  and  privileges,  and  exercised  them,  as  other  citizens  of  Russia? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  They  certainly  did. 

Mr.  Wood.  And  did  they  exercise  those  rights  and  participate  in 
those  elections? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Ycs,  tlicy  did. 

Mr.  Wood.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Velde.  Did  the  United  States  citizens  who  attended  this  Lenin 
school,  in  your  opinion,  contemplate  returning  to  the  United  States 
after  finishing  their  education  ? 

Mr.  KoKNFEDER.  Oh,  yes.  They  were  there  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
turning after  they  received  the  training  to  which  they  were  assigned. 
That  was  the  entire  purpose,  to  return  for  activity  in  their  own 
countries. 

Mr.  Veij)e.  There  were  citizens  from  other  countries  besides  the 
United  States  attending  these  schools,  I  take  it? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.    YcS. 

Mr.  Velde.  The  idea  was  to  conduct  activities  throughout  the  vari- 
ous nations  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  That  is  right, 

Mr.  Velde.  What  were  some  of  the  subjects  taught? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Thesc  schools  were  political  warfare  colleges.  The 
subjects  taught  there  were  the  doctrines  of  the  Communist  movement, 
based  on  the  teachings  of  Karl  Marx,  Lenin,  Stalin,  and  others;  and 
the  method  of  Communist  Party  organization  in  all  its  ramifications, 
based  upon  the  experiences  of  the  Communist  Party  in  Russia  and 
some  of  the  other  major  Communist  Parties  in  other  countries;  and 
techniques  of  labor  union  organization  and  infiltration ;  techniques  of 
propaganda  in  the  various  fields  in  which  Communists  were  su])posed 
to  be  active ;  and  also,  in  the  last  3  months — you  see,  I  took  a  full-time 
course — in  the  last  3  months  the  techniques  of  seizure  of  power,  how 
to  capture  a  city,  how  to  organize  armed  groups  for  that  purpose,  what 
to  take  first  in  a  plan  to  seize  a  city,  what  to  do  after  a  city  is  seized, 
and  so  on.  Of  course,  in  all  these  subjects  there  was  very  much  litera- 
ture available,  but  you  were  not  permitted  to  take  any  of  that  litera- 
ture out  of  Russia.  Those,  in  brief,  are  the  subjects  taught  there  dur- 
ing a  3-year  course. 


642  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  Velde.  You  recall  the  5-year  plan  established  in  Russia.  Were 
you  informed  as  to  the  reasons  for  that  plan  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Well,  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  accelerating  the 
industrialization  of  Russia,  and  especially  accelerating  the  building 
of  armament  industries. 

Mr.  Velde.  I  have  understood  that  the  first  5-year  plan  was  estab- 
lished to  educate  the  masses  in  Russia  to  the  ways  and  principles  of 
communism,  and  that  during  this  5-year  plan  it  was  thought  it  was 
necessary  to  have  a  very  strong  central  government,  in  fact,  a  dicta- 
torship, in  order  to  teach  the  masses  the  doctrine  of  Marxism.  Did 
I  get  the  right  impression  of  the  5-year  plan  ? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  No,  I  am  afraid  you  did  not.  The  teaching  of  the 
doctrine  and  philosophy  of  communism  is  a  continuous  process,  every 
day.  That  is  the  function  of  all  the  organs  of  the  Communist  Party 
and  of  the  government  in  Russia.  The  5-year  plan  itself  was  primarily 
for  the  purpose  of  building  industry  at  a  very  rapid  pace,  irrespective 
of  what  effort  would  be  required  on  the  part  of  the  masses  to  do  it, 
that  is,  even  if  the  standard  of  living  had  to  go  down  in  order  for 
industry  to  go  at  an  accelerated  pace,  it  was  done,  especially  in  the 
armament  industry.  The  theory  at  that  time  was  that  the  whole  world 
is  bent  upon  attacking  Russux,  and  therefore  everything  has  to  be  spent 
in  armament. 

Mr.  Velde.  That  necessarily  would  lead  to  a  strong  central  govern- 
ment, in  order  to  promote  increases  in  industrial  facilities,  wouldn't 
it? 

Mr.  KoRNFEDER.  Oh,  yes.  The  processes  of  centralization  of  gov- 
ernment progressed  during  the  5-year  plan.  In  fact,  the  first  part 
of  the  5-year  plan  was  to  change  agriculture,  abolish  the  individual 
farm  holdings,  and  create  an  organization  which  would  permit  the 
central  government  to  subject  the  farm  population  to  their  own  dic- 
tates. While  I  was  there,  the  result  was  that  supplies  to  the  cities 
began  to  dry  up.  Even  the  Lenin  school  began  to  cut  down  portions, 
because  the  farmers  resisted,  and  that  created  a  food  shortage  for  the 
big  cities.  It  was  a  very  tragic  situation  at  that  time.  That  was 
part  of  the  5-year  plan,  centralizing  agriculture  in  the  hands  of  the 
government. 

Mr.  Velde.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Anna  Louise  Strong? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  I  know  her ;  yes. 

Mr.  Velde.  I  wonder  if  you  feel  that  the  Russian  Government  to- 
day is  actually  based  on  the  Marxist  principles  of  communism? 

Mr.  Kornfeder.  Marx  conceived  a  collectivism  which  was  much 
more  democratic  than  the  one  that  has  been  implanted  in  Russia.  Of 
course  Marx  did  not  have  to  run  a  government,  but  his  theoretical  con- 
ception was  a  democratic  collectivism  instead  of  a  super-centralized 
autocracy  such  as  Russia  actually  is  today. 

Mr.  Wood.  Thank  you  very  much,  Mr.  Kornfeder. 

Any  further  witnesses  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  thought  it  would  be  well  to  place  in  the  record 
in  this  hearing  certain  testimony  that  has  been  previously  presented 
to  this  committee,  and  material  which  is  in  our  file,  regarding  James 
J.  Matles,  Julius  Emspak,  and  James  Lustig. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS  643 

TESTIMONY  OF  LOUIS  J.  RUSSELL— Recalled 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  give  us  a  resume  of  the  information  con- 
tained in  our  files  and  in  previous  hearings  before  this  committee 
with  regard  to  James  J.  Matles? 

Mr.  Russell.  Yes. 

References  to  James  J.  Matles  will  be  found  on  pages  42,  88,  104, 
165,  and  183  of  report  No.  1311  of  the  Special  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities. 

References  to  Mr.  Matles  will  also  be  found  by  on  pages  145, 153, 170, 
176,  177,  200,  219,  and  226  of  the  hearings  regarding  communism  in 
labor  unions  in  the  United  States. 

A  leaflet  entitled,  "To  the  Delegates  to  the  Emergency  Peace  Mobi- 
lization," lists  James  J.  Matles  as  a  member  of  the  national  council 
of  that  organization.  The  Emergency  Peace  Mobilization  was  cited 
as  a  Communist-front  organization  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities  in  report  1311. 

In  tliis  same  Report  No.  1311,  the  special  committee  revealed  that 
the  Daily  Worker,  the  Communist  newspaper,  "over  a  period  of  20 
years  has  published  a  larger  volume  of  subversive,  seditious,  and  trea- 
sonable utterances  than  any  other  publication  ever  known  in  this 
country."  The  December  6,  1933,  March  21,  1934,  and  June  9,  1937, 
issues  of  the  publication  contain  articles  written  by  Mr.  Matles. 

New  Order  of  March  1938,  page  8,  lists  Mr.  Matles  as  a  member  of 
the  International  Workers  Order,  an  organization  which  has  twice 
been  cited  as  a  Communist  front  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities  (reports  of  January  3,  1940,  and  June  25,  1942). 
Attorney  General  Biddle  called  the  organization  "one  of  the  strongest 
Communist  organizations"  (Congressional  Record,  September  24, 
1942,  p.  7688) .  The  organization  was  also  cited  by  Attorney  General 
Clark  as  "^nhversive  and  Communist  in  lists  furnishpd  to  the  Loyalty 
Review  Board,  which  were  released  to  the  press  on  December  4,  1947, 
and  September  21, 1948. 

In  lL'33,  James  Matles,  secretary  of  the  Steel  and  Metal  Workers 
Industrial  Union,  was  reported  to  have  endorsed  the  Communist 
Party  program.  This  claim  was  made  in  an  article  which  appeared 
in  the  Daily  Worker  of  November  6, 1933,  page  2. 

In  testimony  before  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties on  August  13,  1938,  John  P.  Frey,  president  of  the  Metal  Trades 
Department  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  charged  that  James 
Matles  was  a  Communist. 

On  page  219  of  the  hearings  regarding  communism  in  labor 
unions,  Mr.  Salvatore  M.  Vottis,  a  former  Communist,  testified  under 
oath  that  Mr.  Matles  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

That  is  all. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now  will  you  proceed  with  your  resume  as  to  Mr. 
Julius  Emspak? 

Mr.  Russell.  In  sworn  testimony  of  Salvatore  M.  "Vottis  before 
this  committee  during  the  hearings  regarding  communism  in  labor 
unions,  he  made  the  following  statement  concerning  Julius  Emspak 
and  James  Matles : 

Mr.  Stripling.  Is  it  your  opinion  that  James  Matles  and  Julius  Emspak  are 
members  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Vottis.  Yes ;  they  both  are  members  of  the  party,  to  my  knowledge. 
Mr.  Stripling.  You  sat  in  meetings  with  them? 


644  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Mr.  VoTTis.  I  sat  in  meetings  with  them.  They  have  met  in  my  home  as  mem- 
bers of  the  Communist  Party.  (See  hearings  regarding  communism  in  labor 
unions,  p.  219.) 

Eeport  1311  of  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities, 
dated  March  29,  1944,  contains  a  chapter  dealing  with  the  activities 
of  Julius  Emspak,  secretary-treasurer  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio, 
and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO,  beginning  on  page  103. 

Julius  Emspak  has  been  affiliated  with  the  National  Federation 
for  Constitutional  Liberties  as  one  of  the  signers  of  a  statement  spon- 
sored by  that  organization  which  hailed  the  War  Department  order 
on  commissions  for  Communists.  (See  Daily  Worker  of  March  18, 
1945,  p.  2.) 

The  conjTressional  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  cited  the 
National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties  as  being  among  a 
"maze  of  organizations"  which  were  "spawned  for  the  alleged  pur- 
pose of  defending  civil  liberties  in  general  but  actually  intended  to 
protect  Communist  subversion  from  any  penalties  under  the  law" 
(Eept.  No.  1115,  September  2, 1947,  p.  3). 

In  a  report  dated  March  29,  1944,  page  50,  of  the  Special  Commit- 
tee on  Un-American  Activities,  it  was  stated  that — 

There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  about  the  fact  that  the  National  Federation 
for  Constitutional  Liberties — regardless  of  its  high-sounding  name — is  one  of 
the  viciously  subversive  organizations  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Attorney  General  Francis  Biddle  cited  this  group  as — 

part  of  what  Lenin  called  the  solar  system  of  organizations,  ostensibly  having 
no  connection  with  the  Communist  Party,  by  which  Communists  attempt  to 
create  sympathizers  and  supporters  of  their  program  *  *  *.  (it)  was  estab- 
lished as  a  result  of  a  conference  on  constitutional  liberties  held  in  WashiuKton, 
D.  C,  June  7-9,  1940  *  *  *.  The  defense  of  Communist  leaders  such  as  Sam 
Darcy  and  Robert  Wood,  party  secretaries  for  Pennsylvania  and  Oklahoma, 
have  been  majoi-  efforts  of  the  federation.  (See  Congressional  Record,  Septem- 
ber 24,  1942,  p.  76S7.) 

Attorney  General  Tom  Clark  cited  this  group  as  subversive  and 
Communist  in  lists  furnished  the  Loyalty  Review  Board,  which  were 
released  to  the  press  on  December  4,  1947,  and  September  21,  1948. 

According  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  March  5,  1946,  Emspak  was  one 
of  the  sponsors  of  the  Win-the-Peace  Conference  which  was  held  in 
Washington,  D.  C,  April  5-7, 1940. 

Win-the-Peace  Conference  or  National  Committee  to  Win  the  Peace 
was  cited  by  Attorney  General  Tom  Clark  as  subversive  and  Com- 
munist in  lists  furnished  the  Loyalty  Review  Board,  which  were  re- 
leased to  the  press  on  December  4, 1947,  and  September  21, 1948. 

Julius  Emspak  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  telegram  sent  to  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  by  tlie  Joint  Committee  for  Trade-Union  Rights  in 
behalf  of  the  International  Fur  and  Leather  AYorkers  Union,  de- 
fendants.    (See  Daily  Worker  of  November  11,  1940,  pp.  1  and  5.) 

The  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  cited  the  Joint 
Committee  for  Trade-Union  Rights  as  a  "Communist  front  which, 
jointly  with  the  International  Labor  Defense,  supported  and  defended 
Communist  Party  leaders  of  the  International  Fur  and  Leather  Work- 
ers Union  when  they  were  serving  prison  terms."  (Report  dated 
March29, 1944,p.  102). 

A  letterhead,  dated  September  3,  1938,  lists  Julius  Emspak  as  one 
of  the  sponsors  of  the  American  Relief  Ship  for  Spain. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS  645 

Tlie  American  Relief  Ship  for  Spain  was  cited  by  the  Special  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities  as  "one  of  the  several  Communist 
Party  front  enterprises  which  raised  funds  for  loyalist  Spain  (or 
rather  raised  funds  for  the  Communist  end  of  that  civil  war)*'  (Re- 
port, March  '2d,  1944,  p.  102) . 

Both  a  letterhead  of  September  28,  1939,  and  an  undated  circular 
list  Emspak  as  a  member  of  the  labor  advisor}'  committee  of  the  Con- 
sumers Union,  an  organization  which  was  "'founded  in  the  winter  of 
19;35— 3()  and  o;rew  directly  out  of  a  strike  at  Consumers  Research. 
The  Communist  Party  looked  upon  Arthur  Kallet.  founder  of  the 
Consumers  Union,  as  its  chief  representative  in  the  party's  effort  to 
exploit  the  n'rievances  of  consumers'"  (Report  1311  of  the  Special  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities). 

In  testimony  of  Mr.  Walter  S.  Steele  before  the  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities,  in  July  1947.  pajxe  14.  we  find  Julius  Emspak 
listed  as  one  of  the  initiators  of  the  National  Congress  on  Civil  Rights 
on  April  27-28.  1946.  at  which  the  civil-rights  congress  was  born.  In 
the  committee's  report  on  the  civil-rights  congress  we  find  the  follow- 
ing reference  to  Julius  Emspak : 

JTember,  initiatin,?  committee  of  Civil-Rights  Congress;  cited  by  Louis  F. 
Budenz  as  "Comrade  Juniper."  a  secret  member  of  the  Communist  Party, 
United  States  of  America,  in  1047;  sponsor  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization 
and  its  successor,  the  Win-the-Peace  Conference. 

Attorney  General  Tom  Clark  cited  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  as  sub- 
versive and  Communist  in  lists  furnished  to  the  Loyalty  Review  Board, 
which  were  released  to  the  press  on  December  4,  1947,  and  September 
21,  1948.  The  congressional  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
cited  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  as  an  organization  formed  in  April 
1946  as  a  merger  of  two  other  Communist-front  organizations — Inter- 
national Labor  Defense  and  the  National  Federation  for  Constitu- 
tional Liberties — "dedicated  not  to  the  broader  issues  of  civil  liberties, 
but  specifically  to  the  defense  of  individual  Communists  and  the  Com- 
munist Party"  and  "controlled  by  individuals  who  are  either  members 
of  the  Communist  Party  or  openly  loyal  to  it."  (Report  No.  1115, 
September  2, 1947,  pp.  2  and  19.) 

Mr.  Emspak  is  referred  to  on  pages  145, 149,  151,  152,  153,  170, 172, 
176,  195,  215,  217,  219  of  hearings  regarding  communism  in  labor 
unions. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  proceed  as  to  James  Lustig  ? 

Mr.  Russell.  In  1931  James  Lustig  was  the  Communist  Party 
candidate  for  alderman,  Twenty-fifth  District,  Bronx  County,  N.  Y,, 
according  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  November  3, 1931,  page  6.  Reference 
to  his  candidacy  also  appeared  in  the  October  30,  1931  issue  of  this 
same  publication,  page  2.  According  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  Novem- 
ber 6,  1933,  page  2,  James  Lustig,  as  organizer  of  the  Steel  and  Metal 
Workers'  Industrial  Union,  endorsed  the  Comnumist  F'arty  program. 

James  Lustig  protested  banning  the  Communist  Party,  according  to 
the  Daily  Worker  of  March  20,  1947,  page  7.  He  participated  in  a 
demonstration  for  Communist  defendants  held  for  deportation,  ac- 
cording to  the  March  5,  1948,  issue  of  the  Daily  Worker,  page  2. 

Jmes  Lustig  was  a  member  of  the  United  May  Day  Provisional  Com- 
mittee in  1938,  as  shown  in  the  Daily  Worker  of  March  19, 1938,  page 


646  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

4 ;  he  was  a  member  of  the  United  May  Day  Provisional  Committee  in 
1939,  according  to  An  American  Holiday,  May  Day  1939,  page  2 : 

The  May  Day  parade  in  New  York  City  is  an  annual  mobilization  of  Communist 
strength.  1 

Ferdinand  Smith,  high  in  the  circles  of  the  Communist  Party,  was  a — 

member  of  the  United  May  Day  Provisional  Committee  in  1939     *     *     *     (Report 
1311,  March  29,  1944,  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  p.  179). 

The  call  to  the  United  May  Day  Conference  was  signed  by  James 
Lustig,  according  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  March  19, 1988,  page  4.  The 
Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  in  Report  1311  of 
]\Iarch  29,  1944,  pages  124  and  139,  found  that  the  United  May  Day 
Conference  was  "engineered  by  the  Communist  Party  for  its  1937  May 
Day  demonstrations"  and  also  organized  by  the  party  in  1938. 

A  leaflet  entitled  "Invitation  to  Second  United  May  Day  Con- 
ference, April  20,  1940,"  which  was  held  at  Webster  Hall,  119  East 
Eleventh  Street,  New  York  City,  lists  James  Lustig  as  a  member  of 
the  United  May  Day  Committee.  The  United  May  Day  Committee 
was  cited  by  Attorney  General  Clark  in  lists  prepared  by  him  for  use  of 
the  Loyalty  Review  Board  as  subversive  and  among  affiliates  and  com- 
mittees of  the  Communist  Party,  United  States  of  America  (press  re- 
lease of  the  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission,  dated  December  4,  1947) . 

James  Lustig  was  one  of  the  endorsers  of  the  Memorial  Day  Youth 
Peace  Parade  Committee,  according  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  May  16, 
1938,  page  2.  The  Memorial  Day  Youth  Peace  Parade  (1938)  was 
cited  as  a  Commiuiist  front  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  in  the  report  of  March  29, 1944,  page  83  : 

Reference  to  reports  made  by  James  Lustig,  district  organizer  for 
New  York  and  northern  New  Jersey,  at  the  annual  convention  of  the 
United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Macliine  Workers  in  Cleveland  is  noted 
in  the  Daily  Worker  of  September  7,  1940,  page  3. 

James  Lustig  was  one  of  the  signers  of  a  letter  to  President  Roose- 
velt, issued  by  the  Trade  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder,  a  division 
of  the  Citizens'  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder,  according  to  the 
Daily  Worker  of  February  5, 1942,  pages  1  and  4 : 

When  Earl  Brovpder  (then  general  spcretary,  Comnmnist  Party)  was  in  Atlanta 
Penitentiary  serving  a  sentence  involving  his  fraudulent  passports,  the  Communist 
Party's  front  which  agitated  for  his  release  was  known  as  the  Citizens'  Com- 
mittee to  Free  Earl  Browder  *  *  *  (Report  1311,  March  29,  1944,  Special 
Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.) 

The  Citizens'  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder  was  cited  as  a  Com- 
munist organization  by  Attorney  General  Francis  Biddle  (Congres- 
sional Record,  September  24,  1942,  p.  7687). 

A  list  which  was  submitted  by  Helen  Bryan,  executive  secretary  of 
the  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee  Committee,  on  February  26,  1946, 
lists  James  Lustig  as  a  member  of  the  executive  board  of  the  organiza- 
tion. He  was  a  speaker  at  a  meeting  of  the  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee 
Committee  held  in  Los  Angeles,  as  shown  in  the  Daily  People's  World 
of  August  22, 1947,  page  2.  Reference  to  his  affiliation  with  this  organ- 
ization is  noted  in  a  biographical  sketch  vhich  appeared  in  the  Daily 
Worker  of  June  16,  1948,  page  11,  which  was  accompanied  by  his 
photograph. 

The  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee  Committee  was  cited  as  a  Com- 
munist front  organization  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  647 

Activities  in  Report  1311  of  March  29, 1944,  page  174 ;  the  organization 
has  been  cited  by  Attorney  General  CLark  as  subversive  and  Communist 
(press  releases  of  the  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission,  dated  December 
4,  1947,  and  September  21,  1948). 

On  March  29,  1946,  the  chairman  of  the  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee 
Committee,  and  on  April  16, 1946,  the  executive  secretary  and  members 
of  the  executive  board  were  cited  for  contempt  of  Congress  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  refusal  to  produce  records  of  the  organ- 
ization.   All  were  convicted  in  Federal  court  on  June  27,  1947. 

James  Lustig  was  a  speaker  at  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science, 
as  shown  in  the  Daily  Worker  of  December  18, 1947,  page  4 : 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  year,  tiie  old  Conmuinist  Party  Workers  School 
and  the  School  for  Democracy  were  merged  into  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social 
Science  (Keport  1311  of  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities, 
March  29,  1944,  p.  150). 

The  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science  has  been  cited  as  "an  adjunct 
of  the  Communist  Party"  by  Attorney  General  Clark  (press  release  of 
the  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission,  dated  December  4,  1947). 

A  photostatic  copy  of  a  letter  dated  November  16,  1945,  which  was 
signed  by  James  Lustig,  gives  endorsement  to  the  application  of  the 
People's  Radio  Foundation,  Inc.,  for  an  FM  broadcasting  license.  In 
connection  with  this  endorsement,  James  Lustig  signed  the  letter  as 
]'>resident  of  tlie  National  Council  of  Hungarian-American  Trade 
Unionists,  affiliated  with  the  Hungarian-American  Council  for 
Democracy. 

Both  the  People's  Radio  Foundation,  Inc.,  and  the  Hungarian- 
American  Council  for  Democracy  have  been  cited  by  Attorney  General 
Clark  as  subversive  and  Communist  organizations  (press  releases  of 
the  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission,  dated  December  4,  1947,  and 
September  21,  1948). 

James  Lustig  w\as  the  winner  of  a  contest  for  selling  subscriptions  to 
the  Daily  Worker  as  shown  in  the  August  27,  1926,  issue  of  this  publi- 
cation, page  4.  His  address  was  given  as  New  York  City.  He  sent 
greetings  to  this  publication  on  its  eighth  anniversary,  according  to 
the  January  2,  1932,  issue,  page  5.  The  January  16,  1 939,  issue  of  the 
Daily  Worker,  page  3,  carried  his  greetings  to  the  Sunday  Worker 
(Sunday  edition  of  the  Daily  Worker) .  He  was  identified  in  this  con- 
nection as  business  representative,  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Ma- 
chine Workers.  Photographs  of  James  Lustig  appeared  in  the  Daily 
Worker  issues  of  April  12, 1938,  page  3,  and  September  18, 1941,  page  5. 

The  Daily  Worker  has  been  cited  as  the  chief  journalistic  mouth- 
piece of  the  Communist  Party  in  reports  of  the  Special  Committee  on 
Un-American  Activities. 

An  official  program  of  the  American  People's  Meeting  lists  James 
Lustig  as  one  of  the  sponsors.  The  American  People's  Aleeting  was 
cited  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  as  a  Com- 
munist front  in  report  1311,  page  106. 

References  to  James  Lustig  appear  in  the  testimony  of  John  P. 
Frey,  president  of  the  metal  trades  department  of  the  American  Fed- 
eration of  Labor,  befoi'e  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Ac- 
tivities on  August  13,  1938.    These  references  follow : 

Mr.  Frey.  With  regard  to  the  United  Radio,  Electrical,  and  Machine  Workers 
Union,  CIO  affiliate,  this  organization  has  on  its  pay  roll  a  number  of  Communist 
leaders. 


648  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

A  preliminary  check-up  of  this  union  lists  some  of  the  Communists  who  are 
officially  connected  with  this  organization  *  *  *  James  Lustig,  Brooklyn,  N- 
Y.,  organizer     *     *     *_ 

I  have  here  a  copy  of  a  circular  issued  by  the  Communist  Party  in  San  Fran- 
cisco in  connection  with  the  general  strike  in  that  city. 

The  provisional  committee  for  support  of  the  San  Francisco  general  strike  was 
largely  made  up  of  Counnunists  *  *  *.  The  members  of  the  Communist 
Party  who  issued  this  circular  in  connection  with  the  support  of  the  general  strike 
are :  *  *  *  J.  Lustig — this  is  the  Lustig  who  has  replaced  Sentner  in  Newton, 
Iowa     *     *     *      (public  hearings,  vol.  1,  pp.  lOG  and  271). 

In  connection  with  his  testimony,  Mr.  Frey  submitted  certain  rec- 
ords, in  which  the  following  reference  to  James  Lustig  appears : 

James  Lustig,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. :  Organizer  for  district  No.  4,  United  Electrical, 
Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  Union,  which  is  the  CIO  outfit. 

Lustig  was  a  former  national  officer  of  the  Steel  and  Metal  Workers  Independ- 
ent Union,  an  affiliate  of  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League,  which  was  organized 
and  controlled  l)y  the  Communist  Party  under  William  Z.  Foster.  Left  New  York 
August  6  to  take  charge  of  Maytag  strike  (public  hearings,  vol.  1,  p.  127). 

In  testimony  before  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties on  April  23,  1940,  concerning  various  unions,  Thomas  Humphrey 
0"Shea  made  the  following  reference  to  James  Lustig : 

Mr.  O'Shea.  *  *  *  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  principal  officer  of  his  group 
*  *  *  in  New  York  City  *  *  *  is  a  man  by  the  name  of  Lustig.  Now, 
Lustig  was  at  one  time  organizer  in  the  Bronx,  one  of  the  biggest  sections,  1,.^00 
Communists,  prior  to  going  in  and  becoming  a  functionary  in  the  trade-union  field. 

Mr.  Matthews.  You  mean  section  organizer  for  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  O'Shea.  Section  organizer  for  the  Communist  Party.  And  he  had  the 
official  position — I  think  you  will  find  that  in  the  public  records — and  he  is  now 
regional  director  of  New  York     *     *     *     (public  hearings,  vol.  XIII,  p.  7945). 

On  July  25,  1947,  James  Joseph  Conroy,  business  agent  of  local  1237 
of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers,  testified  before 
the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  concerning  communism  in 
labor  unions  in  the  United  States.  In  the  course  of  his  testimony,  he 
referred  to  James  Lustig,  as  follows : 

sir.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  do  you  know  James  Lustig,  who  is  an  international 
officer  of  UEV 

Mr.  Conroy.  I  know  James  Lustig.  He  is  not  an  international  representative 
of  the  union.  He  is  a  district  representative.  *  *  *  jje  is  a  district 
representative  of  district  4. 

*  ****** 

Mr.  Striplijmg.  Is  James  Lustig  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party? 
Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  he  is. 
Mr.  Stripling.  How  do  you  know  that? 

Mr.  Conroy.  I  attended  party  meetings  with  him  (hearings  before  the  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities,  July  25,  1947,  pp.  195-196). 

On  July  21, 1947,  Walter  S.  Steele,  chairman  of  the  national  security 
committee  of  the  American  Coalition  of  Patriotic,  Civic,  and  Fraternal 
Societies,  and  managing  editor  of  the  National  Republic  magazine, 
testified  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  concerning 
activity  in  the  United  States  of  the  Communist  Party.  In  his 
testimony,  Mr.  Steele  referred  to  James  Lustig,  as  follows : 

Mr.  Steele.  Joint  Conference  Against  Intervention  in  Greece  was  formed  in 
answer  to  the  call  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship  at  a 
meeting  held  in  the  Capitol  Hotel  in  New  York  City  on  March  18,  1947.  *  *  * 
The  continuation  committee  is  composed  of  *  *  *  James  Lustig  (CIO  United 
Electrical  Workers)  (hearings  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities, 
July  21,  1947,  p.  131 ) . 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  649 

The  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship  was  cited  by 
the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  as  ''the  Connnunist 
Party's  principal  front  for  all  things  Eussian"  in  report  1311,  dated 
;Marcli  2[),  1944,  page  150.  The  organization  has  been  cited  by  the 
Attorney  General  as  subversive  and  Conmumist — press  releases  of  the 
United  States  Civil  Service  Commission,  December  4,  1947,  and  Sep- 
tember 21,  1948. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Russell,  I  vrould  like  to  get  yon  to  offer  in 
evidence  the  testimony  of  J.  B.  Alatthews  before  the  House  Education 
and  Labor  Subcommittee  on  September  29, 1948,  relating  to  Matles  and 
others,  which  I  w  ill  not  ask  you  to  read,  but  simplj-  tile,  and  mark  it 
'Tiussell  exhibit  6." 

Mr.  Wood.  It  will  be  received." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Wood.  The  committee  will  stand  adjourned. 

(Whereupon,  at  12:  15  p.  m.,  the  committee  adjourned.) 

^  See  appendix,  p.  651,  Russell  exhibit  6. 


95013-49   -pt.  1 8 


APPENDIX 


Exhibits  received  during  testimony  of  August  9,  10,  and  11,  and  retained  In 
the  files  of  the  committee. 


Russell : 

Exhibit  No.  1. 


Exhibit  No.  2. 

Exhibit  No.  3. 

Kornfeder : 

Exhibit  No.  1. 

Exhibit  No.  2. 

Exhibit  No.  3. 

Exhibit  No.  4. 

Exhibit  No.  5. 

Exhibit  No.  6. 

Exhibit  No.  7. 

Exhibit  No.  8. 

Exhibit  No.  9. 

Exhibit  No.  10. 
Exhibit  No.  11. 
Exhibit  No.  12. 


Whisner : 

Exhibit  No.   1 


Letter  dated  November  1,  1948,  from  United  States  Atomic 
Energy  Commission  to  Charles  E.  Wilson,  president,  Gen- 
eral Electric  Co. 

New  Times,  January  1,  1949,  article  The  American  Electri- 
cal Workers'  Union  and  Its  Enemies,  page  30. 

Copy  of  Informal  Memorandum  of  F.  Dickinson  Letts,  judge, 
dated  ADril  25,  1949. 

Article  entitled  "International  Committee  in  Action,"  by 
Earl  R.  Browder,  The  Worker,  April  7,  1923,  page  4. 

Article  entitled  "The  New  Open  Shop  Drive,"  by  Joseph 
Zack,  The  Daily  Worker,  May  14,  1927,  pages  3  and  7. 

Article  entitled  "The  New  Open  Shop  Drive,"  by  Joseph 
Zack,  The  Daily  Worker,  May  28,  1927,  page  3. 

Sketches  showing  Workers  Party  Convention  delegates.  The 
Daily  Worker,  September  6,  1927,  page  5. 

Statement  of  Otto  Kuusinen,  secretary  of  the  Communist 
International,  May  12,  1929,  Hearings,  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities,  volume  II,  page  7127. 

Article  entitled  "Against  the  Labor  Party,"  by  Joseph  Zack, 
The  Communist,  January  1930,  pages  67-80. 

Article  entitled  "The  Era  of  Partners,"  by  Joseph  Zack,  The 
Communist,  March  1930,  pages  257-267. 

Article  entitled  "Place  the  Party  on  a  War  Footing,"  by 
Earl  Browder,  The  Communist,  July  1932,  pages  590-605. 

Article  entitled  "The  Trade-Unions  in  New  York  and  the  Un- 
employed," by  J.  Zack,  The  Daily  Worker,  March  1,  1933, 
page  4. 

Leaflet,  Trade-Union  Conference  for  United  Action,  August 
26-27,   1933. 

The  Communist,  February  19.34,  pages  207  to  217,  article 
entitled  "How  to  Apply  the  Open  Letter,"  by  Joseph  Zack. 

The  Communist,  April  1934,  pages  356  to  362,  article  entitled 
"The  Line  Is  Correct — To  Realize  It  Organizationally  Is 
the  Central  Problem,"  by  Joseph  Zack. 


Photostat  of  passport  application  of  Robert  C.  Whisner, 
executed  April  4,  1934. 
Exhibit  No.  2 :  Leaflet  advertising  meeting  at  Irving  Plaza  Hall,  under 
auspices  New  York  District,  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union, 
listing  Robert  Whisner  as  a  speaker.  (Reproduced  in 
text.) 

Leaflet  advertising  meeting  at  Irving  Plaza  Hall,  under 
auspices  New  York  District,  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union, 
listing  R.  Weisner  as  one  who  would  report  on  what  he 
saw  as  a  delegate  in  the  Soviet  Union.  (Reproduced  in 
text.) 

Article,  U.   S.   S.  R.  Points  Way  for  American  Workers, 
by  Robert  Whisner.    Soviet  Russia  Today,  January  1935, 
page  19. 
Article,  The  FSU  in  Action,  by  Bella  Phillips.     Soviet  Rus- 
sia Today,  December  1934,  page  21. 


Exhibit  No.  3; 


Exhibit  No.  4: 


Exhibit  No.  5: 
650 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS  651 

Russell : 

Exhibit  No.  4 :  Affidavit  of  Clarence  D.  Copeland. 

Exhibit  No.  5 :  Affidavit  of  Richard  W.  McClellan. 

Exhibit  No.  6:  Testimony  of  J.  B.  Matthews  before  House  Education  and 

Labor  Subcommittee,  September  29,  1948.      (Printed  in 

full  following  list  of  exhibits.) 

United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Wokkeus  of  America 

The  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  having  be- 
tween six  and  seven  hundred  thousand  members,  is  the  largest  Communist- 
dominated  organization  in  the  American  labor  movement. 

This  vast  segment  of  American  labor,  together  with  their  dependents,  make 
up  a  group  of  some  2,000,000  persons.  They  have  economic  interests  which  ai-e 
vitally  affected  by  the  fact  that  this  union  is  under  Communist  control. 

Incredible  as  it  may  seem,  they  are  to  a  great  extent  at  the  mercy  of  a 
Hungarian-born,  alien  Communist. 

This  man  is  .James  Matles.     His  title  is  UE  Director  of  Organization. 

Assisting  Matles  in  this  Communist  control  are  roughly  4r)0  Communist  Party 
members  or  ardent  fellow  travelers. 

These  men,  whom  I  shall  presently  name,  follow  both  the  Communist  Party 
"line"  and  the  orders  of  James  Matles  with  complete  fidelity.  I  shall  submit 
their  records  to  the  committee. 

How  an  organization  representing  the  interests  of  so  many  loyal  citizens  can 
be  dominated  by  a  numerically  insignificant  group  of  Communists  will  be  a 
profound  mystery  to  all  but  those  who  have  been  initiated  into  the  techniques 
of  Communist  control. 

A  group  of  Communists  anywhere,  outside  Soviet  Russia  and  its  captive  states, 
is  synonymous  with  a  fifth  column.  The  Communist  leadership  of  the  UERMWA 
is  a  fifth  column  which  reaches  into  some  of  the  most  important  sections  of  the 
American  industrial  establishment. 

The  UERMWA  has  Nation-wide  bargaining  relations  with  such  giants  as 
Westinghouse  Electric  Corp.,  General  Motors  Corp.,  General  Electric  Co.,  Radio 
Corporation  of  America,  and  Sylvania  Electrical  Products. 

The  fraud  by  which  the  Communists  took  over  control  of  the  union  in  the 
General  p]lectric  plant  at  Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  is  illustrative  of  some  of  their 
unscrupulous  tactics. 

In  i\Iay  193.5,  Israel  Amter,  then  New  York  State  chairman  of  the  Communist 
Party,  went  to  Schenectady  where  he  gathered  a  small  group  of  GE  employees 
and  local  Communists  together,  to  confer  on  strategy. 

At  this  meeting  Amter  appointed  Sadie  Doran.  local  Commiuust  Party  organ- 
izer, to  direct  the  strategy  of  taking  over  the  union  in  the  GE  plant.  She  was 
in  Schenectady  imtil  late  in  1936  when  the  party  sent  Dorothy  Loeb  and  Joseph 
Klein  to  replace  her.  In  recent  years,  Dorothy  Loeb  has  written  the  lai)or  news 
column  of  the  Daily  Worker. 

Later  on,  it  has  been  learned  from  competent  witnesses,  the  Schenectady 
Communists  were  told  that  they  would  receive  their  instructions  on  union  mat- 
ters from  James  Matles.  In  1936,  the  Communist  Party  strength  in  Schenectady 
was  a  half  dozen  active  members,  and  the  union  had  enrolled  between  2.")0  and 
300  members.  A  half  dozen  obscure  employees  set  about  to  pit  their  strength 
against  a  lullion-dollar  corporation. 

After  learning  that  npi)roximately  3,500  dues-paying  union  members  would  be 
recpiired  before  the  NLRB  in  Washington  would  authorize  a  collective  bargain- 
ing election,  the  half  dozen  Communist  zealots  sat  down  night  after  night  to 
make  out  tlmt  mnny  fraudulent  union  cards  and  dues  receipts.  They  simply 
<-opied  nnmes  and  addresses  from  the  telephone  directories  of  the  vicinit.v. 

The  NTiRB  then  sent  a  representative  to  Schenectady  from  Washington.  This 
representative  took  a  casual  glance  at  the  fraudulent  cards  and  ordered  an  elec- 
tion. The  Communists  won  the  election,  and  from  that  time  to  the  present  day 
they  have  doniinate<l  the  union  local  at  the  GE  plant — local  301  which  at  times 
has  reached  a  membership  as  high  as  27,000. 

There  is  evidence  that  the  same  kind  of  fraud  was  practised  elsewhere  in  the 
country  by  the  Communists. 

UE  Lo^al  301  at  S'lincclady  is  looked  upon  as  something  of  the  "mother  local" 
throughout  the  UERMWA.  Reliable  witnesses  report  that  the  Communist  Party 
has  pinsued  a  coui'se  of  relentless  determination  to  retain  control  of  the  local 
regardless  of  cost,  having  .sent  in  scores  of  organizers  and  spent  thousands  of 


652  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS 

dollars  whenever  its  grip  seemed  threatened.  Probably  no  other  industrial 
plant  in  the  United  States  is  more  important  to  the  national  defense  than  the 
GE  plant  at  Schenectady. 

Like  all  Commuuist-controled  unions,  the  UERMWA  toes  the  Kremlin  line  on 
all  questions.     It  has  never  been  guilty  of  a  deviation,  however  slight. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  union,  the  Communist  Party's  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism  represented  the  foreign  policy  of  Moscow's  Politburo.  The 
UERMWA  gave  its  whole-hearted  support  to  the  league,  urging  its  locals  to  par- 
ticipate actively  in  its  agitation  and  propaganda.  Tlie  first  point  in  the  pro- 
gram of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  read  as  follows : 

"To  work  toward  the  stopping  of  the  manufacture  and  transport  of  inunitioiis 
and  all  other  materials  essential  to  the  conduct  of  war,  through  mass  demon- 
strations, picketing,  and  strikes." 

The  significance  for  national  defense  of  the  UERMWA's  commitment  to  that 
kind  of  treason  is  at  once  apparent. 

Late  in  1937,  the  Communist  Party  "line"  shifted  to  what  it  called  "collective 
security  of  the  democracies  against  fascism."  At  that  time,  the  American  League 
Against  War  and  Fascism  became  the  American  league  for  Peace  and  Democracy, 
and  all  talk  of  stopping  manufacture  by  political  strikes  was  dropped.  The 
UERMWA,  with  complete  servility,  shifted  its  position  to  conform  with  the  new 
Communist  Party  "line."  The  UE  News,  whose  editor  is  Julius  Emspak,  lias  al- 
ways been  a  mere  echo  of  the  Daily  Worker. 

The  American  Communists  were  quite  imprepared  by  Moscow  for  the  signing 
of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact  by  the  beaming  Molotov  and  Ribbentrop  in  August  1939. 
Nevertheless,  they  proceeded  to  bury  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  De- 
mocracy without  the  usual  respect  which  is  accorded  the  dead.  They  went  over 
to  the  new  foreign  policy  of  Ribbentrop.  The  UE  News  and  Emspak,  Matles  and 
company  went  along  obediently  with  Molotov  and  Ribbentrop.  The  new  UERMWA 
and  Commimist  Party  slogans  were  "The  Yanks  Are  Not  Coming,"  and  "No  Con- 
voys, No  AEF."  UE  locals  across  the  country  adopted  these  slogans  and  j^assel 
resolutions  in  conformity  with  them.  The  new  foi-eign  pnlicy  culminated  iT> 
September  1940,  in  the  formation  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization.  Tlie 
White  House  was  picketed  and  Wall  Street  was  cursed  with  the  old  fervor.  The 
UE  leadership  gave  overwhelming  evidence  of  its  fifth  column  character. 

On  June  22,  1941,  everything  changed  once  more.  The  UE  News  shrieked  a 
war-mongering  patriotism.  So  did  the  Daily  Worker.  The  UERMWA  formally 
pledged  a  "No  strike"  policy  and  held  labor-management  conferences  on  all-out 
production. 

In  the  middle  of  1942,  the  Communist  Party  received  instructions  from  the 
Kremlin  to  begin  N'ati<m-wide  agitation  for  a  "second  front."  UE  leaders  and 
many  locals  began  to  flood  the  White  House  with  demands  for  a  second  front, 
without  the  slightest  regard  for  our  military  readiness.  The  sole  consideration 
was  the  new  set  of  instructions  dictated  by  Moscow. 

The  conclusion  of  tlie  war  brought  a  new  agitation  calculated  to  serve  the 
interests  of  the  Soviet  Foreign  OiRce.  This  time  the  slogan  was  "Bring  the  boys 
home."  Once  more  the  UE  leadership  was  weighed  in  the  BoJshevik  balance  and 
found  not  wanting. 

Today  the  UE  leadership  has  pitched  its  tents  in  the  Wallace-Communist  camp. 
UE  genei'al  president.  Albert  J.  Fitzgerald,  presided  at  the  Philadelphia  conven- 
tion of  the  Progressive  Party.  UE  leaders  in  many  parts  of  the  country  are 
running  for  office  this  year  on  the  Progressive  Party  ticket.  The  UE  News  is 
currently  devoting  many  pages  to  news  and  pictures  of  the  fifth-columnist  party. 

It  will  come  as  a  surprise  to  some  to  learn  that  the  UE  News,  otficial  organ  of 
the  UERMWA,  is  not  published  by  the  union  but  by  the  Trade  Union  Service, 
Inc.,  an  entirely  independent  concern ;  not  a  single  owner  of  the  Trade  Union 
Service,  Inc.,  is  a  member  of  the  UERMWA.  Among  the  owners  are  Corliss 
Lamont,  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  and  James  Waterman  Wise — all  of  whom 
have  extremely  long  records  of  affiliation  with  Communist-front  organizations. 

Last  Saturday,  Attorney  General  Clark  caused  to  be  published  a  revised  list 
of  subversive  organizations.  This  newest  list  included  the  People's  Radio  Foun- 
dation. AVlien  the  People's  Radio  Foundation  applied  to  the  Federal  Commu- 
nications Commission  2  years  ago  for  an  FM  broadcasting  license,  it  listed  its 
stockholders.  It  was  then  revealed  that  district  4  of  the  UERMWA  is  the 
largest  single  stockholder  in  this  subversive  Communist  enterprise.  Next  in  order 
of  their  stockholdings  in  the  People's  Radio  Foundation  are  the  Communist  Party 
auxiliary,  the  International  Workers  Order ;  the  Russky  Golos  Publishing  Corp 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS  653 

which  publishes  a  Communist  Party  newspaper  in  the  Russian  lanf;uage;  and 
the  Communist-controlled  International  Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union. 

Although  it  is  a  Communist-controlled  union,  the  TTERMWA  does  not  adhere 
to  class-struggle  practices  in  all  of  its  conti'actual  relaticms  with  business  con- 
cerns.    One  exception  is  the  Electronics  Manufacturers  Association. 

The  secretary-treasurer  of  the  Electronics  Manufacturers  Association  is  none 
other  than  Samuel  J.  Noviok,  its  founder  and  most  influential  member.  Novick 
heads  a  concern  known  as  the  Electronic  Corp.  of  America. 

The  UE  News  of  July  31,  194S,  has  a  picture  of  a  smiling  group  of  men  signing 
a  contract  between  UE  Local  430  and  the  Electronics  iNIanufacturers  Association, 
There  are  no  expressions  of  class  struggle  on  their  faces. 

The  Communist  Party's  Sunday  newspaper,  the  Worker,  devoted  more  than 
two  pages  of  its  issue  of  December  10,  1944,  to  a  highly  eulogistic  article  on 
Samuel  J.  Novick  and  his  Electronic  Corp.  of  America.  The  article  says:  "The 
("lO-UE  considers  ECA's  labor-management  committee  as  a  model."  This  is 
characteristic  of  the  praise  which  both  the  UERMWA  and  the  Daily  Worker  have 
meted  out  to  Samuel  J.  Novick. 

The  Communist  Party  newspaper  then  makes  the  astonishing  statement  about 
the  ECA  (Electronic  Corp.  of  America)  :  "ECA  is  making  money  producing  radios 
and  scieutitic  electronic  gadgets,  most  of  them  of  secret  nature,  for  the  United 
States  armed  forces."  When  it  is  remembered  tliat  this  was  written  during  the 
war,  the  question  naturally  arises :  How  did  the  Communist  Party  know  about 
Novick's  secret  scientific  gadgets  in  wartime  and  why?  The  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities  has  just  reported  as  follows :  "During  the  war,  Electronic 
Corp.  of  America  performed  secret  Government  contracts  in  the  amount  of  some 
.*'''6.000,C0O.  l''nr  a  time  it  was  the  only  (•f)ntractor  engaged  in  producing  certain 
highly  secret  items  for  use  in  radar  installations." 

It  is  not  hard  to  guess  how  the  Communist  Party  knew  about  Novick's  secret 
items  for  use  in  radar  installations  while  the  war  was  still  on.  Novick's  public 
relations  director  was  Carl  A.  Bristel,  who  was  business  manager  of  the  Com- 
munist Party's  New  Masses  under  the  name  of  Sol  P.ecker,  in  1942.  Further- 
more, the  UE  leaders  who  negotiated  labor  contracts  with  Novick  and  praise  him 
so  highly  are  Anthony  Salese,  president  of  UE  Local  430;  and  A]  Stearn,  business 
manager  of  the  same  local.  Both  Salese  and  Stearn  have  been  positively  iden- 
tified as  members  of  the  Communist  Party.  In  other  words,  all  of  Novick's 
employees  are  under  the  control,  in  their  union  activities,  of  two  members  of 
the  Communist  Party. 

Since  Novick  liimself  is  something  of  a  veteran  Communist  fellow  traveler, 
it  would  appear  that  UB  Local  430  is  a  "company  union"  so  far  as  its  relations 
with  Novick  are  concerned.  Novick  was  one  of  tlie  original  sponsors  of  the 
People's  Radio  Foundation  which  Attorney  General  Clark  says  is  subversive 
and  in  which  UERMWA  District  4  is  the  largest  stockholder.  Novick  was  also 
a  sponsor  of  the  National  Negro  Congress  and  of  an  auxiliary  of  the  Interna- 
tional Labor  Defense,  both  of  which  the  Attorney  General  listed  as  subversive 
last  Saturday.  Furthermore,  Novick  lias  been  a  member  of  the  board  of  directors 
of  the  Coramnnist-controlled  American-Russian  Institute  whose  executive  director 
is  Henry  Collins.  Jr.,  who  was  named  j'ecently  as  a  member  of  the  Communist 
underground  cell  in  Washington,  D.  C.  Novick  has  also  been  aiffiliated  with 
the  Ambijan  Committee  for  Emergency  Aid  to  the  Soviet  Union.  In  view  of 
all  the  facts,  including  his  false  statement  which  facilitated  the  entrance  of  a 
Soviet  spy,  Arthur  Adams,  into  the  United  States,  it  is  pertinent  to  ask  if  Novick 
drew  any  line  anywhere  on  the  type  of  "emergency  aid"  which  he  was  prepared 
to  render  to  the  Soviet  Union.  Noviclc  was  treasurer  of  the  Communist-controlled 
American  Committee  for  Spanish  Freedom. 

Novick's  relations  with  the  Communist  leaders  of  the  tTERMWA  raises  the 
question  of  the  possibilities  of  easy  espionage  in  such  a  situation. 

When  we  come  to  the  matter  of  individual  UB  leaders,  we  find  that  the 
records  show  that  several  hundreds  of  these  leaders  are  members  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  or  have  had  significant  affiliations  with  subversive  Communist- 
front  organizations.     I  shall  take  up  100  cases  of  individual  leaders. 

Pat  Amato,   president,   UE  Local   1150,   Chicago,   delegate   to   19.'i7   and  lO'/S 
UE  conventions 
Pat  Amato  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Star,  weeldy  Communist 
Party  newspaper  published  in  Chicago  whose  name  was  changed  to  the  Illi- 
nois Standard  in  September  1948.     (See  Chicago  Star,  April  26,  1947.) 


654  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Amato  was  a  member  of  the  Chicago  Star  subscription  of  Local  1150,  thus 
indicating  his  more  than  casual  interest  in  the  circulation  of  this  Communist 
Party  newspaper.     (See  Chicago  Star,  March  20, 1948.) 

Amato  signed  the  manifesto  defending  the  Communist  Party  which  was  pub- 
lished under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  in  May  1947.  (See  The 
Worker,  May  25,  1947. )  The  Civil  Rights  Congress  is  on  'Attorney  General 
Clark's  list  of  subversive  organizations.  It  was  formed  in  1946  by  a  merger 
of  the  International  Labor  Defense  and  the  National  Federation  for  Constitu- 
tional Liberties,  both  of  which  have  been  officially  cited  as  subversive  by  many 
Government  agencies. 

R.  W.  Bergstrom,  business  agent,  JJE  Local  1139,  Minneapolis,  delegate  to  1948 
VE  convention 

R.  W.  Bergstrom  was  one  of  the  numerous  CIO  leaders  who  were  affiliated 
with  the  Citizens  Committee  To  Free  Earl  Browder.  (See  Daily  Worker,  Jan- 
uary 25,  1942.) 

The  Citizens  Committee  To  Free  Earl  Browder  was  a  strictly  Communist 
Party  affair.  Its  executive  secretary  was  the  well-known  Communist  Elizabeth 
Gurley  Flynn.  Miss  Flynn  is  not  only  a  member  of  the  national  committee  of 
the  Communist  Party  but  also  a  columnist  for  the  Daily  Worker.  Louis  Wein- 
stock,  administrative  secretary  of  the  Citizens  Committee  To  Free  Earl  Browder, 
is  now  a  member  of  the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Bergstrom  was  also  a  meml)er  of  the  Minnesota  State  Committee  To  Free 
Earl  Browder.     (See  Daily  Worker,  November  8,  1941.) 

Bergstrom  was  also  affiliated  with  the  National  Federation  for  Constitutional 
Liberties. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Bergstrom  signed  a  state- 
ment denouncing  the  recent  indictment  of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist 
Party.     (See  Daily  Worker,  September  23,  1948.) 

JoJm.  T.  Bernard,  TIE  political  action  director,  district  11,  Chicago,  UE  field 
organizer 

John  T.  Bernard,  former  Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  long  ago 
acquired  a  reputation  as  a  Communist.  A  mere  listing  of  his  affiliations  is  suf- 
ficient to  confirm  the  accuracy  of  the  charge  that  he  has  been  an  effective  agent 
of  the  Commu-iist  Party. 

He  has  been  an  instructor  in  the  Abraham  Lincoln  School,  the  Communist 
Party's  training  school  in  Chicago  which  Attorney  General  Clark  has  listed  as 
subversive. 

He  has  been  affiliated  with  the  following  Communist  front  organizations  and 
enterprises : 

American  Committee  for  Defense  of  Puerto  Rican  Political  Prisoners. 

American  Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born. 

American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy. 

American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

American  Peace  Mobilization. 

American  Rieief  Ship  for  Spain. 

American  Writers  Congress. 

Ben  Leider  Memorial  Fund. 

Citizens  Committee  for  Harry  Bridges. 

Committee  for  a  Democratic  Far  Eastern  Policy. 

Conference  on  Constitutional  Liberties  in  America. 

Council  of  U.  S.  Veterans. 

Daily  Worker. 

Friends  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade. 

Howard  University  Student  Strike. 

Illinois  People's  Conference  for  Legislative  Action, 

International  Labor  Defense. 

International  Workers  Order. 

Mother  Bloor  Celebration  Committee. 

Motion  Picture  Artists  Committee. 

National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties. 

New  Masses. 

Open  Letter  Protesting  the  Ban  on  Communists  in  the  American  Civil 
Liberties  Union. 

United  American-Spanish  Aid  Committee. 

Veterans  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade. 

Washington  Friends  of  Spanish  Democracy. 

Workers  Alliance. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  655 

Neil  Brant,  TIE  international  representative 

The  New  York  Times  of  December  S,  1945,  reported  that  Neil  Brant  was  the 
spolvesman  for  30,000  employees  of  the  General  IMotors  Corp.  in  rejecting  an  offer 
by  GM  of  331'2-cent-an-hour  increase  in  wages  for  these  employees  in  its  plants 
in  four  cities.  It  is  apparent  that  Brant's  position  in  the  United  Electrical, 
liartio,  and  INIachine  Workers  of  America  is  a  key  one. 

On  February  14,  1941,  Neil  Brant  was  arrested  and  charged  with  "defiling 
the  United  States  flag"  in  the  State  of  New  Jersej\  His  police  description 
attached  to  the  record  of  his  arrest  reads  as  follows  : 

"AVhite,  male,  37,  5  feet  6  inches,  145  pounds,  gray  eyes,  dark  brown  gray 
hair,  slim  build,  sallow  complexion,  small  mustache;  occupation,  labor  organizer; 
birthphice,  Russia." 

It  will  be  noted,  of  course,  that  Brant's  arrest  for  defiling  the  United  States 
flag  occurred  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact  when  the  American 
Peace  Mobilization  was  engaged  in  its  Nation-wide  seditious  activities  and  when 
the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States  was  lending  every  possible  aid  to 
Hitler  by  obstructng  the  Nation's  military  preparedness  program.  Brant's  atti- 
tude toward  the  United  States  flag  during  that  period  accurately  reflected  the 
Communist  Party's  views  as  they  have  been  expressed  throughout  most  of  the 
party's  25-year  history  in  this  country.  For  example,  when  William  Z.  Foster, 
national  chairman  of  the  Communist  Party,  was  a  witness  before  a  committee 
of  Congress,  he  was  asked  the  following  question  : 

"Do  you  owe  allegiance  to  the  American  flag;  does  the  Communist  Party  owe 
allegiance  to  the  American  flag?" 
After  some  sparring,  Foster  replied  : 

"And  all  capitalist  flags  are  flags  of  the  capitalist  class,  and  we  owe  no  alle- 
giance to  them." 

In  the  Daily  Worker  of  July  14,  1936,  there  appears  the  following  question : 
"Should  Communists  salute  the  American  flag?"  And  the  Daily  Worker  answered  : 
"Our  flag  is  the  red  flag  of  the  international  working  class."  Also,  when  one 
of  the  leading  members  of  the  Communist  Party  returned  from  the  Soviet  Union, 
he  engaged  in  a  demonstration,  during  which  he  clashed  with  the  local  police, 
and  the  Communist's  own  account  of  his  words  was  published  in  the  Daily 
Worker,  as  follows : 

"I  told  the  police  to  hell  with  the  U.  S.  A.  flag.  I  said  that  the  flag  I  claimed 
was  the  one  with  the  hammer  and  sickle,  the  red  flag,  which  we  will  have  some 
day." 

On  December  15,  1940,  the  New  Jersey  State  Industrial  Council  had  before  it 
a  resolution  which  read  as  follows  : 

"The  council  condemns  the  dictatorships  and  totalitarianism  of  nazism,  com- 
munism, and  fascism  as  inimical  to  the  welfare  of  labor  and  destructive  of  our 
form  of  government." 

Brant  led  the  fight  to  delete  "communism"  from  the  resolution. 
Neil  Brant  was  a  member  of  the  executive  board  of  the  National  Federation  for 
Constitutional  Liberties,  one  of  the  most  influential  of  the  Communist  Party's 
fronts  of  recent  .vears,  and  also  an  organization  which  Attorney  General  Clark 
named  as  subversive. 

In  1937  the  International  Labor  Defense  set  up  a  trade-union  advisory  com- 
mittee, of  which  Neil  Brant  was  a  member  (Labor  Defender,  October  1937, 
p.  18).  The  International  Labor  Defense,  as  almost  evex-yone  knows,  was  the 
legal  arm  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Neil  Brant  was  an  instructor  in  the  Communist  Party's  Workers'  School. 
(See  school  catalog,  1037.)  It  may  be  assumed  that  such  an  instructorship  could 
be  held  only  by  a  card-holding  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  In  1941  the 
Workers'  School  became  the  School  for  Democracy,  and  Neil  Brant  was  a  lecturer 
in  that  institution. 

Brant  was  a  participant  in  the  April  6  peace  rally,  a  Communist  Party  demon- 
stration held  at  Madison  Square  Garden  which  was  part  of  a  Nation-wide  move- 
ment leading  up  to  the  formation  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization.  (See 
Daily  Worker.  Apr.  4,  1!I40.) 

Brant  was  a  speaker  for  the  American  Student  Union,  another  Communist-front 
organization.     (See  Daily  Worker,  Dec.  26,  1941.) 

Alhert  Casale,  business  agent,  TJE  local  1225,  Neio  York 

When  Israel  Amter,  veteran  leader  of  the  Communist  Party,  ran  for  the 
governorship  of  New  York  on  the  Communist  Party  ticket,  his  fellow  Commu- 
nists organized  the  Labor  Committee  for  Amter  as  a  part  of  their  campaign 
for  votes. 


656  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Albert  Casale  was  a  member  of  tbe  Labor  Committee  for  Amter. 

Since  Amter  has  always  been  openly  a  member  of  tbe  Communist  Party  and 
since  his  candidacy  for  the  governorship  of  New  York  was  openly  a  candidacy  of 
the  Communist  Party,  it  must  be  assumed  that  the  members  of  his  campaign 
committee  had  fully  apprised  themselves  of  these  facts,  and  were  knowingly 
giving  their  support  to  the  cause  of  communism  in  this  instance. 

Albert  Casale  is  one  of  the  many  strategically  placed  officials  of  the  UERMWA 
•who  have  given  their  support  to  communism. 

Casale  was  also  affiliated  with  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 
(See  the  Worker,  January  25,  1942.) 

Tony  Cattonar,  Msiness  agent,  UE  local  475,  Brooklyn,  delegate  to  1947  and 
1948  UE  conventions 

Tony  Cattonar  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  He  is  also  an  alien, 
having  been  born  in  Italy. 

Formerly,  he  went  luider  the  name  of  Carlo  Andrea,  and  later  Carlo  di  Andrea. 

For  a  brief  period,  Cattonar  was  business  manager  of  L'Unita  del  Popolo,  the 
Communist  Party  newspaper  which  is  published  in  the  Italian  language  in  this 
country. 

Cattonar  is  the  son-in-law  of  the  veteran  Communist  Party  leader,  Israel 
Amter.  It  may  be  noted,  parenthetically,  that  Amter  and  his  wife,  Sadie  Van 
Veen,  were  prominent  in  the  early  organization  days  of  the  UERMWA,  par- 
ticularly in  Schenectady. 

David  Davis,  husltiess  agent,  local  155,  Philadelphia,  delegate  to  1947  and  1948 
UE  conventions 

David  Davis  is  one  of  the  UE  leaders  who  openly  acknowledges  his  member- 
ship in  the  Communist  Party.  He  is  a  member  of  its  national  committee,  the 
highest  governing  body  of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  United  States.  (See  Daily 
Worker,  July  30,  1945.) 

Davis  was  also  a  member  of  the  national  committee  of  the  now  defunct  Com- 
munist Political  Association,  and  a  member  of  the  constitution  committee  at  its 
founding  convention  in  May  1944.  (See  Proceedings  of  Communist  Political 
Association.) 

Davis  has  also  been  affiliated  with  numerous  Communist  Party  projects  and 
front  organizations. 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  United  May  Day  Conference  in  Philadelphia,  a  Comv 
munist-controlled  affair  in  1946.     (See  Daily  Worker,  April  4,  194f5. ) 

In  1944,  he  shared  the  platform  with  William  Z.  Foster,  head  of  the  Com- 
munist Party,  at  a  Philadelphia  celebration  of  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  the 
Communist  Party's  Daily  Worker.  (See  the  Worker,  January  9,  1944.)  He 
sent  a  personal  message  to  this  Communist  Party  paper,  in  which  he  said  :  "Today 
we  observe  with  justifiable  pride  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  the  Daily  Worker." 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties, 
he  signed  an  appeal  to  Governor  Olson  on  behalf  of  the  California  Communist 
leader,  Sam  Darcy.  (See  Daily  Worker,  December  19,  1940.)  Attorney  General 
Tom  Clark  has  listed  the  NFCL  as  a  subversive  organization.  Also  under  the 
auspices  of  the  NFCL,  Davis  signed  a  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
calling  for  the  end  of  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

He  was  the  signer  of  a  letter  to  President  Roosevelt  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder,  a  Communist  front  whose  ob- 
jective was  the  release  of  Earl  Browder  from  the  Atlanta  Federal  prison  where 
he  was  serving  a  4-year  term  in  connection  with  his  conviction  for  passport 
fraud.     (See  Daily  Worker,  March  19,  1942.) 

According  to  Soviet  Russia  Today,  he  sent  greetings  to  the  Soviet  Union.  ( See 
November  1935  issue  of  magazine.) 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  he  signed  a  manifesto  in  de- 
fense of  the  Communist  Party.  (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.)  The  Civil 
Rights  Congress  is  also  on  Attorney  General  Clark's  list  of  subversive  organi- 
zations. 

Anthony  DeMaio,  UE  representative,  district  11,  Minneapolis,  delegate  to  1947 
UE  convention 
The  UE  News,  official  organ  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine 
Workers  of  America,  proudly  announced  tliat  Anthony  DeMaio  was  back  from 
the  war,  and  is  now  on  the  pay  roll  of  the  international  office  of  the  UERMWA, 
assigned  to  Minneapolis.  He  is  a  brother  of  Ernest  DeMaio,  president  of  UE 
district  11. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  657 

Anthony  DeMaio  of  UERMWA  was  in  another  war  several  years  ago.  He  was 
one  of  the  big  shots  in  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  in  Spain.  Witnesses  who 
had  been  in  Spain  with  Anthony  DeMaio  testified  under  oath  to  acts  of  extreme 
sadism  committetl  by  DeMaio  against  men  who  were  trying  to  get  out  of  Spain, 
At  tlie  same  hearing,  on  April  12,  li)4(),  there  was  sworn  testimony  tliat  DeMaio 
was  a  "liiller" ;  that  lie  shot  defenseless  American  boys  down  in  cold  blood.  The 
whole  sickening  story  of  Anthony  DeMaio  may  be  found  in  detail  in  volume  13 
of  the  hearings  of  the  Special  Connuittee  on  Un-American  Activities  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  I,  personally,  conducted  the  questioning  of  DeMaio 
when  he  was  on  the  witness  stand  before  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities. 

As  to  DeMaio's  identity  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  the  following 
questions  and  answers  appear  in  the  printed  record  of  the  above  date: 

"Mr.  MATTHEWS.  Were  you  ever  a  member  of  the  Communist  I'arty? 

"Mr.  DeMaio.  I  was. 

"Mr.  Matthews.  When  did  you  join  the  Communist  Party? 

"Mr.  DeMaio.  I  don't  recall  the  exact  date.  It  was  when  I  returned  from 
Spain. 

"Mr.  MATTHEWS.  You  did  travel  on  a  false  passport  when  you  went  to  Spain, 
didn't  you,  Mr.  DeMaio?" 

"Mr.  DeMaio.  I  still  refuse  (to  answer)." 

Tlie  UE  News  further  proudly  offers  the  interesting  bit  of  information  that 
while  DeMaio,  the  alleged  brutal  killer  in  Spain,  was  wearing  a  uniform  in 
Europe  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  a  camp  of  700  women  in  Czechoslovakia  by 
the  United  States  Army. 

In  other  words,  in  spite  of  the  oflBcial  sworn  testimony  as  to  the  character  of 
this  man,  known  to  the  FBI,  and  easily  accessible  to  the  United  States  Army, 
he  was  accepted  for  service,  and  was  placed  in  a  position  of  trust  and  re- 
sponsibility. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  DeMaio  signed  a  statement 
denouncing  the  recent  indictment  of  the  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist 
Party.     (See  Daily  Worker,  September  23,  1948.) 

Ernest   DeMaio,    UE  International   vice   president,   president,    UE   distHct   11, 

delegate  to  19Jf7  and  19^8  UE  conventions. 

Ernest  DeMaio's  Communist  affiliations  are  such  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that 
he  is  a  Communist  and  not  just  a  casual  supporter  of  one  or  two  Communist 
enterpri.ses. 

He  Is  on  the  board  of  directors  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  School,  the  Communist 
Party's  training  school  in  Chicago. 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  seditious  American  Peace  Momilization. 

Together  with  fellow  otlicers  of  the  UERMWA,  DeMaio  sent  formal  greetings 
to  the  American  Slav  Congress. 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  Friends  of  the  New  Masses  in  Chicago.  The  New 
Masses  was  the  weekly  publication  of  the  Communist  Party. 

DeMaio  is  a  sponsor  of  the  Joint  Anti-Fa.scist  Refugee  Committee,  IG  of  whose 
rational  officers  were  convicted  of  contempt  of  Congress.  He  has  spoken  for 
the  JAFRC  in  Chicago.     ( See  Chicago  Star,  June  26,  1948.) 

He  was  one  of  144  Comunist  CIO  leaders  who  publicly  liailed  the  Daily  Worker 
on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth  anniversary  in  January  1944. 

In  the  Daily  Worker  of  May  19,  1947,  Ernest  DeMaio  anepared  as  one  of  the 
signers  of  a  manifesto  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress. 
He  sponsored  the  1947  conference  of  the  American  Committee  for  Protection 
of  Foreign  Born. 

DelMaio  is  a  member  of  the  National  Wallace  for  President  Committee,  and 
is  president  of  the  Illinois  labor  division  of  Wallace's  Progressive  Party.  (See 
Chicago  Star,  May  8,  1948.) 

Six  of  the  organizations  with  which  DelMaio  has  been  affiliated  are  on 
Attorney  General  Clark's  list  of  subversive  Communist  fronts. 

Joseph  Dermody,  UE  international  representotive,  district  h 

At  the  request  of  Edgar  L.  Warren,  head  of  the  Conciliation  Service  of  the 
United  States  Department  of  Labor,  five  leaders  of  the  UERMWA  went  to 
Washington,  D.  C,  on  December  26.  1945,  to  confer  with  tlie  Government  rep- 
resentative on  the  UER^IWA's  negotiations  with  General  P^lectric,  Westingliouse, 
and  General  Motors.  These  five  leaders  were  James  Matles.  Joseph  Dermody, 
Edward  Matthews,  Neil  Brant,  and  Nathan  Spero.      It  is  very  significant  that 


658  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

four  of  these  five  leaders  of  the  UERMWA  (all  hut  Spero)  have  snhstantial 
Communist  records,  a  fact  which  amply  attests  the  Communist  leadersliip  of  this 
CIO  union. 

Joseph  Dermondy  was  a  memher  of  the  Communist  committee  which  was  known 
as  the  Joint  Connnittee  for  Trade  Union  Rights,  a  group  whose  avowed  objec- 
tive was  to  defend  the  Communist  leaders  in  the  fur  industry.  (See  Daily 
"Worker,  November  11,  1940.) 

Dermody  was  also  a  member  of  the  Progressive  Committee  to  Rebuild  the 
American  Labor  Party,  a  strictly  Communist  group  which  was  set  up  for 
the  purpose  of  capturing  the  ALP,  an  objective  wliich  was  eventually  achieved. 

Dermody  endorsed  the  American  Youth  Congress  and  urged  all  locals  in 
UE  district  4  to  send  delegates  to  it.  (UE  News,  June  17,  1939.)  Attorney 
•General  Clark  lias  listed  the  AYC  as  subversive. 

In  his  position  as  secretary  of  UE  district  4,  Dermody  was  a  member  of  the 
New  York  Peace  Committee  for  April  6.  (See  letter  dated  ISIarch  25,  1940.) 
This  committee  was  a  predecessor  of  the  American  Peace  IVtobilization. 

Dermody  protested  to  Gov.  Herbert  H.  Lehman  that  there  was  a  wide- 
spread movement  to  "intimidate"  the  Communist  Party.  ( See  Daily  Worker, 
October  28,  1940.) 

Thomas  F.  Dwyer,  business  agent,  UE  local  ^75,  New  York 

Thomas  F.  Dwyer  has  made  no  secret  of  his  membership  in  the  Communist 
Party.  In  1937,  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  New  York  Assembly  on  the  Com- 
munist Party  ticket.  In  1940  he  ran  for  Congress  on  the  Connnunist  Party 
ticket.  In  1941  he  was  the  Communist  candidate  for  sheriff  of  Kings  County, 
N.  Y. 

Dwyer  has  spoken  frequently  at  Communist  Party  meetings. 

In  the  elections  of  1945,  Dwyer  was  a  member  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to 
Re-Elect  Councilman  Peter  V.  Cacchione.  Cacchione,  was,  of  course,  a  well- 
known  leader  of  the  Communist  Party. 

William  B.  Elconin,  UE  international  representative,  Los  Angeles,  delegate  to 
1947  and  194S  UE  conventions 

William  B.  Elconin  is  the  top  leader  of  the  UERjNIWA  on  west  coast. 

Elconin  is  one  of  the  numerous  CIO  leaders  who  were  affiliated  with  the 
Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 

Elconin  was  a  speaker  for  the  seditious  American  Peace  Mobilization  in  Los 
Angeles. 

According  to  the  reports  of  the  Tenney  Committee,  Elconin  has  publicly  de- 
fended the  west-coast  Communist  Party  newspaper.  People's  Daily  World. 

He  has  also  iniblicly  defended  Communist  Party  deportees. 

At  the  present  time  Elconin  is  a  trade-union  sponsor  of  the  Independent 
Progressive  Party,  the  name  by  which  the  Wallace  party  goes  in  California. 

Frank  Emspak,  for  president,  UE  local  301,  Schenectady 

Frank  Emspak  is  the  brother  of  Julis  Emspak  and  like  him  has  been  identi- 
fied as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  He  was  recruited  for  the  party  in 
1936  by  Salvatore  M.  Vottis. 

Julius  Emspak,  UE  general  secretary-treasurer,  delegate  to  191/7  amd  19Jf8  UE 
conventions 
Julius  Emspak  has  been  identified  as  "Comrade  Juniper,"  top-labor  union  com- 
missar of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  United  States. 

Emspak's  only  rival  for  complete  power  in  the  UERMWA  is  James  Matles. 
By  any  reasonable  definition,  Emspak  is  clearly  a  Communist.      As  editor 
of  UE  News,  he  has  plugged  the  Communist  Party  "line"'  in  all  o  fits  twists  and 
turns. 

Emspak  lias  been  aftlliated  with  the  following  Communist-front  organizations : 
American  Peace  Mobilization,  member.  National  Council,  folder. 
American  Relief  Ship  for  Spain,  sponsor,  letterhead,  September  3,  1938. 
American  Slav  Congress,  sent  greetings,  program,  Augvist  6,  1944. 
Committee  to  Defend  America  by  Keeping  Out  of  War,  sponsor,  letter- 
head, August  10,  1940. 
Consumers  Union  of  United  States,  Inc.,  member,  Labor  Advisory  Com- 
mittee, letterhead,  September  28,  1939. 
Emergency  Peace  Mobilization,  sponsor,  official  program  and  call,  August 
31-'September  2,  1940. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  659 

Joint  Committee  for  Trade  Union  Rights,  signer  of  telegram  to  President 

Roosevelt,  Daily  Worker,  November  11,  1940,  page  1. 
National  Committee  to  Abollsli  the  Poll  Tax,  sponsor,  PM,  May  12,  1944, 
.{,;>••      pages.  •  . 

■    Science  and  Society,  contributor,  Science  and  Society,  winter,  1943,  page  88. 

Charles  Ftjy,  president,  TJE  Local  475,  vice  president,  VE  district  4,  delegate  to 
lO.'il  and  19.'iS  UE  conventions 

Charles  Fay  was  a  delegate  to  the  meeting  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization 
which  convened  in  New  York  City  on  April  0,  1941,  and  which  was  featui'ed 
in  the  Daily  Worker  of  May  2,  1941.  It  will  be  recalled  that  the  APM  was  the 
notorious  Connuunist-front  organization  which  propagandized  for  the  Commu- 
nist Party  "line"  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact.  It  is  hardly 
possible  that  any  of  those  who  participated  in  the  activities  and  meetings  of 
the  APJM  were  unaware  of  its  completely  Communist  complexion. 

Charles  Fay  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder 
while  he  was  in  attendance,  as  a  delegate,  at  the  meeting  of  the  American  Peace 
Mobilization. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Fay  signed  a  manifesto  in 
defense  of  the  Communist  Party.     (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

Henry  Fiering,  TJE  international  representative,  delegate  to  19^8  UE  convention 

In  the  Daily  Worker  of  March  8,  1942,  Fiering's  name  appeared,  a  signer  of  a 
statement  released  by  the  National  Free  Browder  Congress. 

In  1941,  Fiering  was  a  prominent  leader  of  the  Vincent  Favorito  Defense 
Committee.  Favorito  was  a  Communist  Party  member  in  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
under  a  Government  deportation  order  for  illegal  entrance  into  the  United 
States. 

On  June  5,  1946,  Ralph  E.  Moses  and  Ben  H.  Cromwell,  president  and  secre- 
tary, respectively,  of  UE  Local  801  in  Dayton,  Ohio,  resigned  their  oflSces  and 
charged  that  Henry  Fiering  was  the  Dayton  leader  of  the  Communist  Party 
and  that,  as  such,  he  held  complete  dictatorial  control  over  local  801.  The 
international  office  of  the  UERMWA  named  Arthur  Garfield  to  take  over  the 
affairs  of  local  801.     Fiering  was  shifted  to  Winston-Salem,  N.  C. 

Fiering  was  one  of  550  signers  of  a  public  manifesto  issued  by  the  Civil  Rights 
Congress  in  defense  of  the  Communist  Party,  for  release  on  May  25,  1947. 

Charles  Fisher,  negotiator,  UE  local  llJf5 

Charles  Fisher  was  a  delegate  to  the  meeting  of  the  American  Peace  Mobiliza- 
tion which  convened  in  New  York  City  on  April  6.  1941.  Tlie  APM  was  the 
notorious  Communist-front  organization  which  propagandized  for  the  Commu- 
nist Party  "line"  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  i>act. 

It  is  pertinent  to  note  that  one  filorton  Friedman  was  dismissed  from  his 
position  on  the  War  Manpower  Commission  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been 
affiliated  with  the  American  Peace  Mobilization,  and  that  Friedman's  dismissal 
was  upheld  in  the  courts  to  which  he  appealed.  In  March  1947,  the  Supreme 
Court  refused  to  review  the  decision  of  the  lower  courts  in  the  Friedman  case 
and  thus,  in  effect,  ruled  that  affiliation  with  this  one  Communist-front  organiza- 
tion (the  APM)  was  sufficient  ground  for  challenging  the  loyalty  of  a  Govern- 
ment employee.     The  same  applies  to  labor-union  leaders. 

Charles  Fisher  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl 
Browder  while  he  was  in  attendance,  as  a  delegate,  at  tlie  meeting  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Mobilization.      (See  Daily  Worker,  May  2, 1941.) 

In  1940,  Fisher  was  aflSliated  with  the  Joint  Conunittee  for  Trade-Union  Rights, 
a  Communist-front  set-up  to  defend  the  Communist  leaders  in  the  fur  industry. 
(See  Daily  Worker,  November  11,  1940.) 

He  was  also  a  sponsor  of  the  Wisconsin  State  Conference  on  Social  Legislation 
in  the  year  1940. 

Albert  J.  Fitsgerald,  UE  general  president,  delegate  to  1941  and  1948  UE  con- 
ventions 

The  consensus  of  opinion  on  Albert  J.  Fitzgerald  among  those  who  have  studied 
the  Communist  Party  leadership  of  the  UERMWA  is  that  he  is  a  willing  stooge 
for  the  Emspak-Matles  Communist  machine. 

At  the  present  time  Fitzgerald  is  in  the  forefront  of  the  Wallace  third  party 
movement,  a  movement  which  is  now  engaging  the  principal  energies  of  the  Com- 
munist Party. 


060  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Fitzgerald  has  been  affiliated  with  the  following  Communist-front  organiza- 
tions : 

American  Slav  Congress,  sent  greetings,  program,  August  6. 1944. 

Greek  American  Council,  signer  of  open  letter  on  Greece,  the  Bulletin, 

January  1946,  page  1. 
National  Citizens  Political  Action  Committee,  committee  member,  folder. 
National  Committee  to  Abolish  the  Poll  Tax,  sponsor,  PM,  May  12,  1944, 

page  3. 
National   Committee   to   Combat   Anti-Semitism,   sponsor,   news  release. 

May  24,  1944. 
National  Wallace  for  President  Committee,   cochairman,   news   release, 

March  23,  1948. 

Michael  Fitspat rick,  former  president,  JJE  district  6,  leader,  JJE  local  601 

Michael  Fitzpatrick,  brother  of  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick,  has  been  identified  as 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  in  sworn  testimony  before  the  Committee  on 
Un-American  Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

While  he  was  president  of  UE  district  6,  Michael  Fitzpatrick  signed  a  "peace 
proclamation"  which  was  an  enterprise  of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  period  of 
the  Stalin-Hitler  Pact  and  which  was  part  of  a  Nation-wide  Communist  agitation 
leading  up  to  the  formation  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization.  (See  Daily 
Worker,  January  3,  1940.) 

Thomas  Fitzpatrick,  president,  JJE  local  601,  East  PittsMrgh,  delegate  to  1947 
and  WlfS  UE  conventions 

Last  year  at  a  meeting;  of  the  Pennsylvania  Industrial  Union  Council,  CIO, 
there  was  "a  bitter  floor  fight  over  communism."  After  this  debate,  it  was  voted 
to  ban  Communists,  Fascists,  Nazis,  members  of  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  and  other 
hate-disseminating  organizations  from  holding  any  of  the  12  offices  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Industrial  Union  Council. 

Thomas  Fitzpatrick  led  the  fight  against  this  ban  on  the  totalitarians  and  the 
hate-mongers.  His  fight  against  the  move  was  in  the  strictest  conformity  with 
the  "line"  of  the  Communist  Party.     (See  New  York  Times,  April  26,  1947.) 

Fitzpatrick  has  not  been  a  frequent  joiner  of  Communist-front  organizations, 
but  he  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Party.     (See  Daily  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

There  is  sworn  testimony  given  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties that  Thomas  Fitzpatrick  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Thomas  F.  Flanagan,  business  agent,  JJE  local  611,  Sharon,  Pa.,  delegate  to  1947 
and  19/fS  JJE  conventions 

Thomas  Flanagan  was  a  delegate  to  the  1947  national  convention  of  the  Ameri- 
can Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born,  held  in  Cleveland,  October  25-26. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  resolutions  committee  of  the  convention.  (See  proceed- 
ings of  the  1947  convention  of  the  ACPFB.)  The  ACPFB  was  cited  as  subversive 
by  Attorney  General  Clark  on  September  25,  1948. 

Thomas  Foley,  JJE  field  organizer,  Minneapolis 

Thomas  Foley  has  been  an  open  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  In  1932,  he 
ran  for  attorney  general  in  Minnesota  on  the  Communist  Party  ticket. 

In  1944,  Foley  sent  greetings  to  the  Daily  Worker  on  the  occasion  of  its  twen- 
tieth anniversary.  He  wrote:  "Cordial  greetings  to  the  Daily  Worker,  a  win- 
the-war  labor  paper  and  many  more  successful  anniversaries."  (See  the  Worker, 
January  9,  1944.) 

James  Garry,  business  manager,  JJE  local  1227,  delegate  to  19.i7  and  1948  UE 
conventions 

James  Garry  has  been  seen  going  and  coming  at  the  national  headquarters  of 
the  Communist  Party. 

In  1940,  Garry  presided  over  the  youth  session  of  the  May  Day  Conference, 
which  was  in  charge  of  planning  the  Communist  Party's  Mav  Dav  parade.  (See 
Daily  Worker,  April  21,  1940.) 

On  May  26, 1941,  the  National  Labor  Committee  Against  War,  an  affiliate  of  the 
seditious  American  Peace  Mobilization,  held  a  confei-ence  in  New  York  City. 
James  Garry  was  one  of  the  labor  union  leaders  who  signed  the  call  to  this 
conference. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Garry  signed  a  manifesto  in 
defense  of  the  Communist  Party.     (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  661 

Garry  is  a  member  of  a  Communist-front  organization  which  is  known  as  the 
Citizens  Committee  to  Defend  Representative  Government,  the  object  of  which 
is  to  place  Communist  Simon  W.  Gerson  on  the  New  York  City  Council.  (See 
New  York  Times,  February  19,  1948.) 

Leo  Gaudreau,  recording  secretary,  UE  local  271,  Beverly,  Mass.,  delegate  to  19^7 
UE  convention 
Leo  Gaudreau  publicly  announced  his  membership  in  tlie  Communist  Party. 
The  Daily  Worker  of  March  28,  1943,  printed  a  letter  from  (iaudreau  which  read 
in  part  as  follows:  "I  am  joining  the  Communist  Party  because  I  am  convinced 
that  it  is  a  100-percent  win-the-war  prolabor  organization." 

Carl  Geiser,  former  president,  UE  local  1227,  Long  Island  City 

Carl  Geiser  is  an  avowed  member  of  the  Comnuuiist  Party.  He  went  to  Spain 
to  aid  the  Spanish  Loyalists  in  tlie  civil  war  in  tluit  country.  He  traveled  on 
passport  No.  380olS,  dated  March  29,  1937,  and  gave  his  age  as  28.  Earl  P.rowder 
testified  under  oath  that  60  percent  of  the  Americans  who  went  to  Spain  to  fight 
with  the  so-called  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  were  members  of  the  Comnuuiist 
Party.  The  1938  New  York  Yearbook  of  the  Young  Communist  League  listed 
Geiser  as  one  of  its  members  who  had  fought  in  Spain.     (See  page  4.) 

In  the  Daily  Worker  of  December  5,  1946,  Geiser  signed  a  protest  of  the  Queens 
County  (New  York)  Connuunist  Party  against  the  refusal  of  Borough  I'resident 
Burke  to  grant  the  use  of  the  Lost  I5atlalion  Hall  for  an  election  rally  of  the 
Communist  Party. 

In  1933,  the  Communists  set  up  a  front  organization  known  as  the  American 
Committee  for  Struggle  Against  War.  The  executive  director  of  this  organiza- 
tion was  Donald  Hendei'son,  an  avowed  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  Carl 
Geiser  was  a  member  of  the  national  committee  of  this  organization.  (See  ap- 
pendix IX  of  tlie  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  p.  409.) 

Geiser  was  a  member  of  the  arrangements  committee  which  set  up  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism  in  September  1933.  This  was  a  Communist- 
front  organization  which  the  FBI,  in  an  official  memorandum  of  May  7,  1942, 
cited  as  subversive.  The  name  of  the  organization  was  later  changed  to  the 
American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy.     (See  appendix  IX,  p.  428.) 

Carl  Geiser  was  a  member  of  the  national  committee  for  the  Student  Congress 
Against  War  which  was  held  at  the  University  of  Chicago,  December  27-29,  1932. 
It  was  a  part  of  the  Communist-front  movement  which  was  launched  at  Amster- 
dam, Holland,  in  August  1932.    See  appendix  IX,  p.  1620.) 

After  his  return  from  Spain,  Geiser  became  executive  secretary  of  the  Friends 
of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade,  a  Communist-front  organization.  (See  Daily 
Worker,  July  21,  1939.) 

Geiser  was  a  speaker  for  the  Sunnyside  Peace  Council,  one  of  the  many  pred- 
ecessors of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization.  (See  Daily  Worker,  April  18, 
1940.) 

Samuel  Goldberg,  business  representative,  UE  local  ISJ^,  Camden,  N.  J.,  delegate  to 
19. 'p  and  19Jf8  UE  conventions 

Samuel  Goldberg  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the 
Communist  Party.     ( See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947. ) 

In  September  1948,  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  took  a  statement  to  the  White 
House,  denouncing  the  recent  indictment  of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist 
Party.  Samuel  Goldberg  was  one  of  the  signers  of  this  statement.  (See  Daily 
Worker,  September  23,  1948.) 

The  Civil  Rights  Congress  was  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark 
on  September  2.5,  1948. 

Jack  Goreliek,  field  organizer,  UE  district  1,  Scranton,  Pa. 

Jack  Goreliek  is  a  member  of  the  Comnuuiist  Party.  He  is  a  protege  of  Joseph 
Dougher,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party  in  Pennsylvania,  and  a 
member  of  the  national  committee  of  the  party.  It  was  through  Dougher's  in- 
strumentality that  Goreliek  received  his  appointment  as  a  VK  organizer. 

Goreliek  attends  the  Communist  Party  meetings  which  are  held  in  Ukraine 
Hall,  Scranton,  and  the  executive  committee  meetings  of  the  Communist  Party 
which  are  held  in  the  home  of  Joseph  Dougher  in  Wilkes-Barre.  In  May 
194H,  he  attended  a  Communist  Party  leadership  training  school  in  Scranton. 

Last  year,  Goreliek  negotiated  a  UE  collective-bargaining  contract  with  the 
Teleradio  Engineering  Corp.  of  Wilkes-Barre. 


662  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

William  Harper,  chief  steward,  UE  local  601,  Pittsburgh,  delegate  to  1947  and 
19Ji8  UE  conventions 

William  Harper  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the 
Communist  Party.     (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

In  September  1948,  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  took  a  statement  to  the  White 
House,  denouncing  the  recent  indictment  of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Com- 
munist Party.  William  Hari)er  was  one  of  the  signers  of  this  statement.  (See 
Daily  Worker,  September  23,  1948.) 

Tlie  Civil  Rights  Congress  was  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark 
on  September  25,  1948. 

Clarence  A.  Hathaway,  business  agent,  Local  1139,  Minneapolis,  delegate  to  lO^I 
and  1948  UE  conventions 

Clarence  A.  Hathaway  was  for  many  years  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker, 
Evidence  of  how  fearful  that  paper  was,  and  is,  of  deviating  from  the  correct 
Moscow  line,  is  found  in  an  exchange  of  cables  between  Hathaway,  as  editor, 
and  RUNAG,  the  official  Soviet  press  bureau,  on  April  16,  1939,  via  RCA- 
Communications. 

RUNAG  cables  Hathaway  as  follows : 

DAIWORK  New  York  for  Hathaway  Stop  Referring  to  your  request  Colon 
Nothing  known  here  about  your  concrete  question  Paragraph  USSR  foreign 
policy  clearly  formulated  in  Stalins  report  on  Eighteenth  Party  Congress  as 
published  SUNWORKER  special  supplement  Alarch  12  page  2  columns  3  and  4 
RUNAG 

DAIWORK  is  the  cable  address  of  the  Daily  Worker. 

On  October  10,  1940,  a  sensation  was  cause  by  Hathaway's  expulsion  from  the 
Communist  Party  while  still  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker  and  a  member  of  its 
"big  three"  central  executive  committee.  His  expulsion  was  for  "failure  to 
meet  personal  and  political  responsibilities  assumed  by  him;  for  deserting;  and 
for  failing  and  refusing  to  take  steps  to  rehabilitate  himself." 

Hathaway  then  dropped  out  of  sight  for  more  than  a  year,  when  he  showed 
up  in  New  York,  to  serve  a  30-day  workhouse  sentence  for  criminal  libel.  After 
that  time,  he  kept  in  the  backgroimd  of  party  affairs,  although  being  seen  at 
party  demonstrations  and  in  conversation  with  party  leaders. 

When  he  popped  up,  safe  in  the  arms  of  the  UERMWA  as  business  agent,  there 
was  ample  proof  of  his  readmission  to  the  Communist  fold. 

Hathaway  was  a  member  of  the  national  board  of  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism,  and  was  prominent  in  a  score  of  other  Communist  front 
organizations. 

Fred  Haug,  business  agent,  UE  Local  707,  Cleveland,  delegate  to  1947  and  1948 
UE  conventions,  former  field  organizer,  UE  district  6,  Pittsburgh 

Fred  Haug  has  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  for  many  years. 

Haug  was  one  of  the  550  signers  of  a  public  manifesto  defending  the  Com- 
munist Party  issued  by  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  for  release  on  May  25,  1947. 

On  June  22-23,  1935,  the  Communist  Party  held  a  conference  in  Washington, 
D.  C.  The  gathering  was  known  as  the  National  Emergency  Conference  Against 
the  Government  wage  program.  Five  well-known  Communist  Party  members 
were  appointed  as  a  "continuations  committee"  to  carry  on  the  work  of  this 
conference.  One  of  the  five  was  Fred  Haug.  The  secretary  of  the  "continua- 
tions conmiittee"  was  Phil  Frankfeld  who  has  been  a  top  leader  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  for  about  20  years.  (For  the  official  Communist  Party  report  on 
this  conference,  see  appendix  IX,  pp.  1217-1221,  of  the  Special  Committee  on 
Un-American  Activities  of  the  Hottse  of  Representatives.) 

In  the  elections  of  1936,  Fred  Haug  was  a  candidate  for  "presidential  elector" 
on  the  Communist  Party  ticket  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  The  record  of  Hang's 
candidacy  is  on  file  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey. 

Hatig  has  been  one  of  the  top  leaders  of  the  Commtinist  Party  in  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  since  he  tran.sferred  his  activities  from  New  Jersey. 

Haug  was  a  signer  of  a  Pittsl)tirgh  Peace  Proclamation,  a  forerunner  of  the 
American  Peace  Mobilization.   (See  Daily  Worker,  January  3,  1940.) 

Frank  Hellman,  UE  Leader  in  Philadelphia 

Frank  Hellman  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  and  also  an  alien,  having 
been  btu'ii  in  Rtimania.     Early  this  year  he  was  arrested  for  deportation. 

In  reporting  Hellman's  arrest,  the  UE  News  declared :  "A  wave  of  protest  is 
sweeping  UE  locals  all  over  the  country  against  the  Justice  Department's  depor- 
tation campaign  against  progressive  labor  leaders."     Like  all   of  the  official 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  663 

Communist  Partv  publications,  the  UE  News  describes  the  arrested  Communists 
as  "progressive  labor  leaders."      (See  UE  News,  Marcli  20,  1048.) 

For  many  years,  Frauli  Hellmau  was  district  organizer  ot  tlie  International 
Workers  Order  in  Philadelphia.  Tlie  IWO  is  an  auxiliary  ol  the  Communist 
Party  and  has  been  cited  as  sul)versive  by  Attorney  General  Clarl<. 

Hellman  was  a  sponsor  of  the  Tallentlre  Jubilee  Committee,  a  Communist 
organization  fornied  to  celebrate  one  of  tlie  anniversaries  of  the  veteran  Com- 
munist Party  leader,  Norman  Tallentire. 

C.  S.  Jackson,  UE  international  vice  president,  president,  UE  district  5,  delegate, 
to  JD'fl  and  19^8  UE  conccntions 

Clarence  S  Jackson  is  president  of  tlie  Canadian  district  of  the  UERINIWA,  and 
by  virtue  of  that  position  one  of  the  UE  international  vice  presidents. 

Early  in  World  War  II,  the  Canadian  Government  interned  Jackson  as     a 

dangerous  Communist."  .  „  ^,      -r-.^-m^j-.nT  \ 

Althoutih  Jackson  was  a  delegate  to  the  1948  convention  of  the  UERMWA, 
he  did  not  attend.  He  was  stopped  at  the  border  and  denied  entrance  into  the 
United  States  by  our  immigration  authorities. 

Leo  Jandreau,  UE  international  vice  president,  president,  UE  district  3,  htisiness 
agent,  UE  local  301,  Schenectady,  delegates  to  lOJ,!  and  lOJ/S  conventions 

Leo  Jandreau  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  by 
Salvatore  M.  Vottis  in  sworn  testimony  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Vottis  testified  that  he  had  col- 
lected Jandreau's  Communist  Party  dues  for  a  period  of  2  or  3  years*.  Vottis 
was  also  financial  secretary  of  UE  Local  301.  According  to  Vottis,  Leo  Jandreau 
was  signed  up  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  by  Dorothy  Loeb,  a  writer 
for  the  Communist  Party's  Daily  Worker.  (See  hearings  of  the  Committee  on 
Un-American  Activities,  July  25,  1947,  pp.  220-221.) 

In  January  1948,  the  Communists  set  up  a  front  which  was  called  the  Citizens 
Legislative  Conference  of  New  York.  The  Communist  character  of  this  con- 
ference was  fully  exposed  by  Frederick  Woltman  in  the  New  York  World- 
Telegram.  Leo  Jandreau  was  a  member  of  this  Communist  front  organization. 
(See  program,  January  10,  1948.)  .,     ^^ 

Leo  Jandreau  is  a  member  of  the  National  Wallace  for  President  Committee, 
the  outstanding  Communist  front  movement  of  the  present  time.     (See  press 
release,  March  23,  1948.) 
Sam  Kanter,  organizer,  UE  Local  ^15 

Sam  Kanter  is  an  avowed  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  Unlike  many 
other  members  of  the  party,  Kanter  makes  no  secret  of  his  membership. 

Kanter  was  a  speaker  for  the  Communist  Political  Association,  the  organization 
which  temporarily  replaced  the  Communist  Party  from  May  1944,  to  July  1945. 
(SeeDaily  Worker,  September  12,  1944.)  .  „       ^ 

On  January  22,  194(>,  Kanter  was  one  of  the  featured  speakers  at  a  rally  ot 
the  Communist  Partv  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y,  (See  Daily  Worker,  January  20,  1946.) 
Headlined  on  this  program  with  Kanter  was  Elizabeth  Gurley  Flynn,  one  of  the 
two  or  three  outstanding  women  Communists  in  America. 

Fred  Keller,   -field   organizer,   UE  district  7,   delegate   to  1947   and  19J,8   UE 
conventions 

Fred  Keller  testified  under  oath  before  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  that  he  went  to  Spain  as  a  member  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  at 
the  age  of  23  and  became  a  "commissar  of  war."  Inasmuch  as  Earl  Browder  tes- 
tified that  60  percent  of  the  members  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  were 
members  of  the  Communist  Party,  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  Keller  could 
not  have  risen  to  the  rank  of  "commissar  of  war"  unless  he  had  been  a  member 
of  the  Communist  Party.  Two  other  UE  officials,  Anthony  DeMaio  and  Carl 
Geiser,  who  also  went  to  Spain  with  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  have  admitted 
that  tliey  were  members  of  the  Communist  Party. 

When  Keller  returned  from  Spain,  he  became  an  official  of  th.e  Communist- 
controlled  Friends  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade.  ( See  vol.  13,  p.  7780,  hear- 
ings of  the  Special  Conunittee  on  Un-American  Activities.) 

Keller  was  also  a  post  commander  of  the  Communist-controlled  Veterans  of 
the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade.   (See  Daily  Worker,  April  21,  1940.) 

Keller  was  a  member  of  the  board  of  directors  of  the  New  York  branch  of 
the  American  Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign-Born,  listed  as  subversive 
by  Attorney  General  Clark  on  September  25,  1948.  (See  organization's  letter- 
head, January  2,  1941.) 


664  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Riglits  Congress,  Keller  signed  a  manifesto 
defending  the  Communist  Party.  (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.)  The  CRC 
is  also  on  Attorney  General  Clark's  latest  list  of  subversive  organizations. 

Jolin  Kelliher,  president,   UE  Local  115^,  Chicago,  delegate  to  1947  and  1948 

TIE  conventions 

John  Kelliher  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the 
Communist  Party.     (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

Kelliher  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Star,  Communist  Party 
newspaper  in  Chicago  vphose  name  vpas  recently  changed  to  the  Illinois  Standard. 
(See  Chicago  Star,  April  26,  1947.) 

Alex  Kempf,   secretary-treasurer,   TJE  Local  1119,   Chicago,   delegate   to   19^7 

VE  convention 

Alex  Kempf  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Com- 
munist Party.     (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

Kempf  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Star,  Communist  Party  news- 
paper in  Chicago  which  is  now  known  as  the  Illinois  Standard.  (See  Chicago 
Star,  April  26,  1947.) 

Morris  Kerstein,  member  negotiating  committee,  VE  Local  430,  Neiv  York,  N.  Y., 

delegate  to  1947  UE  convention 

UE  Local  430  has  collective  bargaining  relations  witli  the  employers  associa- 
tion covering  15,000  employees  in  radio  and  radio  parts  establishments  in  New 
York  Citv.  Morris  Kerstein  is  one  of  the  important  contract  negotiators  of 
this  UE  local. 

Morris  Kerstein  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
sworn  testimony  by  James  Conroy,  former  member  of  the  party,  before  the 
Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Robert    Kirkwood,    UE    international    representative,    delegate    to    1948    UE 

convention 

Robert  Kirkwood  was  a  speaker  at  the  Communist  May  Day  parade  in  Chicago 
in  1941.  According  to  the  Daily  Worker,  one  of  the  banners  which  was  featured 
in  the  parade  was  "No  Convoys,  No  AEF."  This  was  in  keeping  with  the  line 
of  the  Communist  Party  in  that  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact.  Cospeakers  at 
the  parade  were  Alfred  Wagenknecht,  then  Illinois  State  secretary  of  the  Com- 
munist Party,  and  Ernest  DeMaio,  now  president  of  UE  district  11.  Another 
slogan  featured  in  the  parade,  according  to  the  Daily  Worker,  was  "Free  Earl 
Browder."     (See  Daily  Worker,  May  4,  1941.) 

Kirkwood  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Commu- 
nist Party.     (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

Irving  Krane,  business  manager,  UE  Local  1150,  Chicago,  delegate  to  1947  and 
1948  UE  conventions 

There  can  be  little,  if  any,  doubt  that  Irving  Krane  is  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party. 

For  a  number  of  years,  Krane  was  Illinois  State  secretary  of  the  International 
Labor  Defense.  The  ILD  was  accurately  described  by  the  FBI  as  "the  legal  arm 
of  the  Communist  Party,"  and  it  follows  tliat  any  State  secretary  of  the  organiza- 
tion would  undoubtedly  be  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  ( See  ILD  letter- 
head, January  20,  1939.)  Krane  was  a  delegate  to  the  national  conference  of 
the  ILD  in  1939  in  Washington,  D.  C.  (See  Equal  Justice,  July  1939.)  He  was 
also  a  member  of  the  national  conunittee  of  the  International  Labor  Defense. 
(See  letterhead,  December  25,  1939.) 

A  number  of  years  ago,  the  Communists  organized  a  front  which  was  known 
as  the  Better  Chicago  League.  Irving  Krane  was  one  of  its  sponsors.  (See  Equal 
Justice,  February  1939.) 

Krane  sent  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Star,  Communist  Party  newspaper,  on 
May  Day  of  1047.  (See  Chicago  Star,  April  26,  1947.)  Furthermore,  he  is  a 
member  of  the  Chicago  Star  (now  the  Illinois  Standard)  subscription  committee 
of  UE  Local  1150,  thus  indicating  a  more  than  casual  interest  in  this  Communist 
Party  newspaper.     (See  Chicago  Star,  March  20, 1948.) 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Krane  signed  a  manifesto 
defending  the  Communist  Party.  (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.)  On  Septem- 
ber 25,  1948,  Attorney  General  Clark  listed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  as  a  sub- 
versive organization. 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS  665 

It  is  apparent  that  Irvinir  Kraiu'  is  ons'  of  the  romnimrsrs  in  the  UERMWA  on 
whom  the  Communist  Party  calls  for  support  of  its  enterprises  and  front  organ- 
izations. 

Joseph  Krcs,  vice  president,  UE  (Jistrict  7,  business  (uient,  TJE  Local  735,  Cleveland, 
(leleqate  to  J9.',7  ntuJ  UI'iH  UN  cniirentions 

Aceordin<x  to  UE  News.  Joseph  Kres  was  named  to  lead  CIO-PAC  work  in 
Ohio  and  Kentn  kv  dnriim  the  11)40  election  campaign.  He  is  now  a  memhei-  of 
the  National  Vv'allace  for  I'l'esident  Committee.  (See  press  release,  March  23, 
194S.) 

In  January  ir44.  the  Daily  Woi-ker.  newspaper  of  the  Comnmnist  Party,  cele- 
hrat''d  its  twentieth  anniversary.  In  two  decades  whicli  (<nd(Hl  that  month,  the 
I)aily  Worker  had  demonstrated  a  thousand  times  over  that  it  was  the  qnisins 
n'onthpiece  of  the  Kremlin  in  the  United  States.  Despite  this  evident  fact,  144 
CIO  leaders  hailed  the  paper  on  its  twentieth  anniversaiy.  Amen-?  them  was 
Joseph  Kres. 

Kres  signed  a  letter  denouncing  the  Cleveland  Press  for  publishinc;  the  names 
of  Ohio  siirnei-s  of  Communist  Party  election  petitions.  (See  Daily  Worker,  Sep- 
tember 19,  1940.) 

I^nrin^v  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact,  Kres  denounced  United  States 
naval  convovs.  in  keeping  with  the  Communist  Party's  position  on  that  question. 
(  See  Daily  Worker.  ]May':?0,  1941.) 

Kres  was  a  sponsor  of  the  Schappes  Defense  Committee,  a  Communist  front 
oriranization  set  up  to  defend  Morris  U.  Schappes  who  had  been  convicted  for 
periury.     (See  Daily  Worker.  October  13,  19^1.) 

Kres  was  a  siL-'ner  of  the  "six-point  program"  of  the  Council  on  African 
Affairs,  a  Communist  front  organization  on  Attorney  General  Clark's  list  of 
September  25,  1948.     ( See  New  Africa,  October.  1945.) 

Ki-es  sent  greetings  to  the  194 "i  national  conference  of  the  American  Committee 
for  Protection  of  Foreign-Born,  an  organization  also  on  the  Attorney  General's 
latest  list  of  subversive  groups.    ( See  the  Lan)p,  November  1945. ) 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Kres  signed  a  manifesto 
defending  the  Communist  Part.v.     (See  the  Worker.  May  25,  1947.) 

t'^am  Kiishver,  business  manager  UE  Local  1110.  Cliicago,  delegate  to  1947  and 
19 'jS  UE  conventions 

Sam  Kushner's  adherence  to  communism  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  he  sent 
greetings  to  the  Daily  Worker  on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth  anniversary  in 
January  1944. 

He  also  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Star,  a  Communist  Party  news- 
paper which  changed  its  name  to  the  Illinois  Standard  in  September  1948.  (See 
Chicago  Star,  April  26,  1947.)  He  has  contributed  an  article  to  the  Chicago  Star. 
(See  issue  of  August  21.  1948.) 

Kushner  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Part.v.  (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.)  He  is  head  of  the  labor  committee  of 
the  Illinois  Civil  Rights  Congress.  (See  Chicago  Star,  February  28,  1948.)  The 
CRC  was  listed  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark  on  September  25,  1948. 

il/?7o  T^athrop,  legislative  represenative,  UE  district  3 

Milo  Lathrop  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
testimony  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.  In  this  testimony,  he 
was  alleged  to  have  been  secretary  of  the  Yale  University  unit  of  the  Communist 
Party. 

Several  years  ago,  Lathrop  was  on  the  staff  of  Consumers  Union  v/ith  the 
designatiim  of  field  i-epresentative.  (See  Consumer  Reports,  November  1942.) 
Consumers  Union  is  the  Commxmist  front  organization  whose  director  is  Arthur 
Kallet  who  used  the  Communist  Party  alias  "Edward  Adams." 

Lathrop  was  a  speaker  for  the  League  of  Women  Shoppers,  a  Communist 
front  organization.     (See  New  York  Herald  Tribune,  September  28,  1941.) 

James  Lcrner,  staff  loriter,  UE  Neics 

James  Lerner's  by  line  appears  frequently  in  the  UE  News,  oflScial  organ  of 
the  UERMWA. 

Lerner  joined  the  l^oung  Communist  League  many  years  ago.  He  was  a 
sponsor  of  the  YCL-controlled  American  Committee  for  the  International 
Student  Congress  Against  War  and  Fiscism.     (See  program,  December  29,  1934. 

Lerner  was  a  member  of  the  national  executive  committee  of  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  a  Communist-front  organization  cited  as  sub- 

95613 — 49— pt.  1 9 


666  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

versive  by  Attorney  General  Clark  on  September  25,  1948.  (See  organization's 
letterhead,  August  22,  1935.)  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  secretarial  stafi 
of  tiie  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Lerner  was  a  member  of  the  national  council  of  the  Communist-controlled 
American  Youth  Congress. 

He  was  a  staff  member  of  Champion,  official  organ  of  the  Young  Communist 
League. 

As  a  member  of  the  YCL-coutrolled  International  Youth  Commission,  Lerner 
was  a  visitor  to  Spain  during  the  civil  war  in  that  country. 

Lerner  was  a  delegate  to  tlie  Communist-controlled  World  Youth  Congress 
which  was  held  at  Vassar  College  in  August  1938. 

Richard  Linsley,  international  representative,  VE  district  2 

Richard  Linsley's  Communist  connections  are  such  as  to  make  it  reasonably 
clear  that  he  is  a  Communist. 

In  July  11343,  Linsley  was  a  member  of  the  Greater  Boston  Reception  Com 
mittee  to  the  Russian  delegation. 

Richard  Linsley  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  to  Sponsor  the  Daily  Worker 
and  the  Worker  1945  fund  campaign.  This  connection  alone  would  make  it 
clear  that  Linsley  is  a  Communist,  by  any  reasonable  definition  of  that  word. 

Linsley  was  also  a  niemijer  of  the  Reiciistag-  Fire  Trial  Anniversary  Committee 
whose  announced  purpose  was  the  honoring  of  George  Dimitroff,  head  af  the 
Communist  International. 

Linsley  is  a  member  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  the  Samuel  Adams  School  foi 
Social  Studies,  the  Communist  Party's  training  school  in  Boston. 

In  1941,  Linsley  sent  an  Armistice  Day  message  to  President  Roosevelt  pledg 
ing  "all  production,"  thus  reflecting  the  change  in  the  Communist  Party  "line' 
which  occurred  on  June  22,  1941,  when  Hitler  attacked  the  Soviet  Union.     (See 
Daily  Worker,  November  11,  1941.) 

Stanley  Loney,  UE  international  vice  president;  president,  VE  district  6;  dele- 
gate to  1947  and  19. '18  VE  conventions 

Stanley  Loney  is  a  member  of  the  National  Wallace-for-President  Committee, 
by  far  the  outstanding  Comnumist-front  movement  of  the  present  time. 

Early  this  year  when  Loney  succeeded  Thomas  J.  Fitzpatrick  as  president  of 
UE  district  6,  the  district  council  urged  all  its  locals  to  give  "serious  thought"  to 
the  candidacy  of  Henry  A.  Wallace.  The  Communist  Party  is  the  most  influen- 
tial group  in  the  Wallace-for-President  movement,  and  the  UERMWA  is  the 
largest  single  reservoir  of  votes  for  the  Progressive  Party. 

Stanley  Loney  was  a  delegate  to  the  1947  national  conference  of  the  American 
Committee  for  Protection  of  Foroiiui  Born,  the  oldest  Communist-front  organi- 
zation in  the  United  States  and  one  of  the  subversive  organizations  listed  by 
Attorney  General  Clark  on  September  25,  1948.  Loney  was  a  member  of  the 
nominating  committee  of  the  1947  conference  of  the  ACPFB.  (See  Proceedings 
of  the  conference.) 

hee  Lundgren,  international  representative,  VE  local  1150 ;  delegate  to  19^7  and 
19Jf8  VE  conventions 

Lee  Lundgren  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Star,  Communist  Partj 
newspaper  in  Chicago.     (See  Chicago  Star,  April  26,  1947.) 

He  is  a  member  of  the  subscription  committee  of  the  Chicago  Star  (now  the 
Illinois  Standard)  in  UE  local  1150.     (See  Chicago  Star,  March  20,  1948.) 

James  Lustig,  VE  representative,  district  4,  delegate  to  1947  and  191^8  VE 
conventions 

James  Lustig  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  many  Communist  Party  mem- 
bers who  hold  strategic  positions  in  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine 
Workers  of  America.  Lustig  has  not  concealed  his  membership  in  the  Com- 
munist Party,  as  have  many  others.  In  1931,  he  was  candidate  for  alderman  in 
the  Bronx  on  tlie  Communist  Party  ticket. 

In  1933,  Lustig  was  organizer  for  the  Steel  and  Metal  Workers  Industrial 
Union.  This  union  was  one  of  the  affiliates  of  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League, 
the  federation  of  Communist  unions  in  the  days  when  the  Communist  Party 
maintained  its  own  trade-union  organizations.  Lustig  publicly  endoi-sed  the 
Communist  Party  program,  and  said  "Only  the  Communist  Party  as  the  party 
of  the  working  class  represents  the  interests  of  the  entire  working  population." 
(See  Daily  Worker,  November  6,  1933.) 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS  667 

Lustig  was  a  delejrate  to  the  eiiilitli  convention  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
1934,  and  his  convention  speecii  was  published  in  the  May-June  issue  of  Party 
Organizer  tliat  year. 

Lustig  was  one  of  the  144  CIO  Communist  U-aders  who  hailed  the  Daily 
Worker  on  its  twentieth  anniversary  in  1944.  (See  the  Worlcer,  January  t), 
1944.) 

Lustig  was  a  sponsor  of  the  seditious  American  Peace  Mobilization,  and  its 
meeting  of  April  5.  1941. 

He  was  also  a  sponsor  of  a  Communist  front  organization  which  was  linown 
as  the  Citizens  Emergency  Conference  for  Interracial  Unity. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Trade  Union  Committee  to  Elect  Win-the-War  Candi- 
dates, a  Communist-front  organization. 

In  Oct;  ber  1937,  James  Lustig  and  his  fellow  oflScers  in  what  was  then  known 
as  district  12  of  the  United  Electrical  and  Radio  Workers  of  America  urged  all 
their  affiliated  locals  to  send  delegates  to  the  Pittsburgh  congress  of  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

In  1940,  Lustig  was  a  member  of  the  Provisional  May  Day  Committee,  the 
Communist  group  which  planned  the  party's  May  Day  pam<le  and  other  cele- 
brations.    ( See  Daily  Worker,  March  23,  1940.) 

He  was  a  participant  in  the  Communist  Party's  April  6  peace  I'ally  in  1940. 
This  was  one  of  the  Nation-wide  affairs  which  led  up  to  the  formation  of  the 
American  Peace  Mobilization. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  twenty-fourth  anniversary  of  the  Bolshevik  Revolu- 
tion, Lustig  hailed  the  Soviet  Union  and  joined  in  the  Kremlin's  croy  for  "a 
second  front."     ( See  Daily  Worker,  November  9,  1941. ) 

As  a  member  of  the  national  board  of  the  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee  Commit- 
tee Lustig  has  been  convicted  of  contempt  of  Congress. 

In  1947,  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship  called  a  joint 
conference  against  intervention  in  Greece  and  Turkey.  Lustig  was  made  a 
member  of  the  continuation  committee  of  the  conference.  (See  Daily  Worker, 
March  19,  1947.)  Lustig's  participation  in  this  affair  was  simply  one  of  an 
endless  series  of  ways  in  which  the  leaders  of  tlie  UERMWA  have  demonstrated 
their  subservience  to  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Kremlin. 

Lustig  has  been  a  sponsor  of  the  American  Russian  Institute,  a  Communist 
front  which  disseminates  pro-Soviet  propaganda. 

Walter  Mandra,  recordiny  secretary,  TJE  Local  1J19,  Chicago 

Walter  Mandra  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  tlie  Chicago  Star  (now  renamed  the 
Illinois  Standard),  the  Communist  Party  newspaper  of  Chicago.  (See  Chicago 
Star,  April  26,  1947.) 

Mandra  signed  the  Civil  Rigiits  Congress  manifesto  defending  tlie  Communist 
Party  in  IVIay  1947.  (See  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947.)  The  Civil  Rights  Congress 
was  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark  on  September  25,  1948. 

James  E.  Marino,  field  organiser,  UE  district  2 

James  E.  Marino  teaches  at  the  Samuel  Adams  School  for  Social  Studies,  the 
Communist  Party's  training  school  in  Boston.  This  undoubtedly  means  that  he 
is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Marino  was  affiliated  with  the  seditious  American  Peace  Mobilization  which 
carried  out  the  Communist  Party  "line"  in  the  I'eriod  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  Pact. 
According  to  the  Daily  Worker  (May  2,  1941),  James  E.  Marino  was  a  delegate 
to  the  convention  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  which  was  held  in  New 
York  City  on  April  6,  1941. 

While  attending  the  convention  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization,  Marino 
affiliated  himself  with  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 

Marino  was  a  speaker  for  tlie  Massachusetts  Peace  Council,  an  affiliate  of  tlie 
American  Peace  Mobilization.     (See  Daily  Worker,  June  19,  1941.) 

Lemu-el  Markland,  TJE  international  vice  president,  president,  UE  district  7, 
delegate  to  19'i7  and  10.'/8  VE  conventions 

Lemuel  Markland  is  a  member  of  the  National  Wallace  for  President  Commit- 
tee, the  outstanding  Communist  front  movement  at  the  present  time.  (See  press 
release,  March  23,  1948.) 

Markland  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  denouncing  the  recent 
indictment  of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party.  (See  Daily  Worker, 
September  28, 1948.) 


66S  COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

Sidney  Mason,  Justness  manager,  UE  Local  475.  delegate  to  19.'i7  UE  convention 

Sidney  Mason's  record  discloses  tlm.t  he  is  one  of  the  numerous  Communists 
who  occupy  strate.iac  leadership  of  the  UERMWA. 

According  to  the  Daily  Worker  (June  6,  1946),  Sidney  Mason  is  a  member  of 
the  executive  committee  of  the  American  Jewish  Labor  Council.  This  council 
is  not  even  thinly  veiled  as  a  Communist  organization.  The  ma.iority  of  its 
15  members  are  well-known  members  of  the  Communist  Party.  With  one  excep- 
tion, all  of  the  others  are  well-known  adl)erents  of  the  Communist  Parry  line 
in  all  matters.  This  single  exception  is  M.  Hedley  Stone.  For  years  Stone 
also  followed  the  Communist  Party  line,  but  as  treasurer  of  the  National  Mari- 
time Union  he  has  recently  broken  with  the  Communist  Party  leadership  along 
with  NMU's  president,  Joseph  Curran. 

Mason  was  a  member  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder.  This 
committee  was  an  auxiliary  of  the  Conununist  Party,  having  the  objective  of 
securing  the  release  of  Earl  Browder  from  the  Atlanta  Federal  prison  (see  Daily 
Worker,  December  28,  1941). 

He  was  also  a  sponsor  of  the  Committee  for  Jewish  Writers  and  Artists.  This 
committee  was  organized  in  the  summer  of  1943  to  support  the  propaganda 
mission  of  two  Soviet  Government  agents.  Solomon  Michoels  and  Itzik  Feffer, 
who  were  sent  to  this  country  to  counteract  the  adverse  effect  which  the  Soviet 
executions  of  Ehrlich  and  Alter,  Polish  Socialists,  occasioned  in  the  United  States. 
The  committee  sponsored  a  meeting  at  the  Polo  Grounds  on  July  8,  1943. 

Sidney  Mason  was  one  of  the  144  CIO  Communist  leaders  who  publicly  bailed 
the  Daily  Worker  on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth  anniversary  in  January  1944. 
The  Daily  Worker  is  the  seditious  newspaper  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mason  was  also  a  member  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Brooklyn  Non- 
partisan Legislative  Conference,  a  Communist-front  organization  which  convened 
in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  on  February  27,  1944.  The  chairman  of  this  organization 
was  the  pro-Communist  clergyman,  William  Howard  Melish.  It  numbered 
among  the  members  of  its  executive  committee  well-known  Communists  such 
as  Peter  V.  Cacchione,  Leo  J.  Binder,  and  Arthur  Osman. 

Mason  has  been  a  sponsor  of  the  American  Paissian  Institute,  a  Communist- 
front  propaganda  agency. 

Mason  was  a  member  of  the  resolutions  committee  of  the  1947  Clevohind 
national  conference  of  the  American  Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born, 
an  organization  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark. 

Dave  Mates,  district  representative,  TJE  district  9,  delegate  to  19-'i7  and  19^8 
UE  conventions 
A  number  of  the  veterans  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  who  fought  in 
Spain  have  obtained  jobs  with  the  UERMWA.  Dave  Mates  is  listed  by  the 
State  Department  as  one  of  those  v\ho  went  to  Spain  during  the  civil  war  in 
that  country.  Earl  Browder  testified  before  the  Special  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities  that  60  percent  of  the  members  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln 
Brigade  were  members  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Ashton  Marshall,  negotiator,  UE  Local  7/75 

Ashton  Marshall  was  a  delegate  to  the  meeting  of  the  American  Peace  Mobiliza- 
tion which  convened  in  New  York  City  on  April  6,  1941.  It  will  be  recalled  that 
the  APM  was  the  notorious  Communist-front  organization  which  propagandized 
for  the  Communist  Party  line  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact.  It 
is  hardly  possible  that  any  of  those  who  participated  in  the  activities  and  meetings 
of  the  APM  were  unaware  of  its  completely  Communist  complexion  (see  Daily 
Worker,  May  2,  1941). 

Ashton  Marshall  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl 
Browder  while  he  was  in  attendance,  as  a  delegate,  at  the  meeting  of  the  American 
Peace  Mobilization. 

William,  Mastriani,  chief  shop  steivard,  UE  Local  301,  Schenectady,  delegate  to 
19.'i7  and  19Jf8  UE  conventions 

William  Mastriani  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party 
by  Salvatore  M.  Vottis  in  sworn  testimony  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives  (see  hearings,  July  25,  1947,  p.  221). 
Vottis  was  financial  secretary  of  the  Communist  Party  in  Schenectady  for  a  period 
of  9  years. 

Mastriani  signed  the  Communist  Party's  nominating  petition  in  1946. 

The  position  of  chief  shop  steward  in  local  301  of  the  UERMWA  is  of  the  great- 
est importance,  inasmuch  as  this  local  represents  some  13,000  members  in  the 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF    LABOR   UNIONS  669 

highly  important  General  Electric  plant  in  Schenectady,  N.  Y.  The  evidence 
that  William  Mastriani,  who  holds  this  position,  is  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  is  overwhelming. 

Matthew  Matison,  field  organiser,  VE  district  2 

Matthew  Irving  Matison  went  to  Spain  as  a  member  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln 
Brigade  in  1937  at  the  age  of  23.  lie  was  another  of  the  members  of  this 
Communist-controlled  outfit  who  graduated  into  the  ranks  of  UE  officials. 

In  keeping  with  the  Communist  Party  line  of  the  day,  Matison  participated  in 
a  Boston  demonstration  demanding  a  second  front  in  1942  (see  Daily  "Worker, 
May  7,  1942). 

James  Mattes,  UE  Director  of  Organization 

Since  his  retirement  from  the  armed  forces  in  October  1945,  the  power  of  James 
Matles  in  the  UP^KMWA  has  grown  by  leaps  and  bounds.  It  is  safe  to  say  that 
neither  Albert  J.  Fitzgerald  nor  Julius  Emspak  is  a  more  dominant  figure  in  the 
affairs  of  the  UERMWA  than  James  Matles.  He  was  a  key  figure  in  the  union 
prior  to  his  entering  the  armed  forces  of  this  country. 

James  Matles,  although  still  a  young  man,  is  an  old-time  Communist.  At  the 
age  of  24  (in  1933),  he  had  already  attained  prominence  as  a  Communist  leader 
in  the  trade-union  field.  At  that  time  he  was  secretary  of  the  Steel  and  Metal 
Workers  Industrial  Union.  This  latter  union  was  an  affiliate  of  the  Trade  Union 
Unity  League.  In  those  days  the  Communist  Party  liad  its  own  federation  of 
trade-unions  known  as  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League  which  was  headed  by 
William  Z.  Foster,  national  chairman  of  the  Communist  Party. 

According  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  November  6,  1933,  James  Matles  publicly 
endorsed  the  program  of  the  Communist  Party. 

The  best  evidence  that  Matles  is  a  Communist  is  to  be  found  in  the  following 
statement  which  he  signed  for  release  to  the  press :  "Only  the  Communist  Party 
as  the  party  of  the  working  class  represents  the  interests  of  tne  entire  working 
population     *     *     *." 

Matles  and  three  of  his  fellow  officers  in  the  UERMWA  sent  greetings  to  the 
American  Shxv  Congress  in  August  1944.  The  American  Slav  Congress  is  the 
principal  Communist-front  organization  for  persons  of  Slavic  descent  in  the 
United  States.     It  has  been  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark. 

Numerous  former  Communist  Party  members  are  able  to  identify  Matles  as  a 
member  of  the  parts'.  He  is  still  an  alien,  having  been  born  in  Hungary  and 
never  naturalized. 

Edward  Matthews,  UE  international  representative,  delegate  to  19/(7  UE  con- 
vention 

Edward  Matthews  is  international  representative  of  the  United  Electrical, 
Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO,  in  charge  of  that  union's  dealings 
with  Westinghouse.  That  highly  responsible  position  makes  it  clear  that  Mat- 
thews is  one  of  the  key  figures  in  the  UERMWA. 

Matthews  was  a  member  of  the  National  Labor  Committee  Against  War,  an 
affiliate  of  the  seditious  American  Peace  Mobilization. 

New  significance  has  been  added  to  affiliation  with  the  American  Peace  Mobili- 
zation by  virtue  of  a  recent  decision  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  One 
Morton  Friedman  was  dismissed  from  his  Federal  job  with  the  War  Manpower 
Commission  because  he  had  been  affiliated  with  the  APM.  Friedman  appealed 
his  case  to  the  courts,  which  sustained  the  Government.  The  case  was  carried 
to  the  Supreme  Court,  which,  in  the  middle  of  March  1947,  refused  to  review  it, 
thus,  in  effect,  upholding  the  verdict  of  the  lower  courts. 

Matthews  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  in  sworn 
testimony  before  a  congressional  committee. 

William  Mauscth,  field  organiser,  UE  Local  II46,  Minneapolis  delegate  to  1948  UE 
convention 

William  Mauseth  is  a  self-declared  member  of  the  Communist  Party  (see  New 
Leader,  January  3,  1948). 

Mauseth  was  a  speaker  for  the  Communist-controlled  Civil  Rights  Committee 
in  Minneapolis  (see  Sunday  Worker,  May  5,  1940). 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Minnesota  State  Committee  To  Free  Earl  Browder 
(see  Daily  Worker,  November  S,  1941). 

He  was  also  a  signer  of  the  nationally  organized  Citizens  Conunittee  To  Free 
Earl  Browder  (see  Sunday  Worker,  January  25,  1942). 

95613—49 — pt.  1 10 


670  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

On  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  the  Daily  Worker,  Mauseth  sent  his  greetings 
to  that  newspaper  of  the  Communist  Party  (see  tlie  Worker,  January  9,  1944). 
Mauseth  wrote  the  Daily  Worker,  as  follows:  "Please  accept  my  greetings  and 
congratulations  upon  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  your  service  to  the  American 
labor  movement.    Yours  for  speedy  victory  over  the  enemies  of  the  people." 

Mauseth  was  1  of  the  550  signers  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto 
defending  the  Communist  Party  (see  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947). 

Victoria  Mazzie,  field  organizer,  UE  Local  1225,  field  organiser,  UE  Local  JpS 

Victoria  Mazzie  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  In  1940,  she  was 
described  as  a  member  of  the  Young  Communist  League  in  an  article  in  the  Daily 
Worker  which  told  of  a  protest  rally  in  front  of  the  French  consulate  in  New 
York.  Speakers  at  this  Communist  Party  demonstration  included  Robert  Minor 
and  Peter  V.  Cacchione  (see  Daily  Worker,  April  10,  1940). 

Victoria  Mazzie  was  also  a  candidate  for  Congress  from  Brooklyn  on  the 
Communist  Party  ticket  (see  Daily  Worker,  August  5,  1940). 

Clifford  T.  McAvoy,  TIE  international  representative 

Clifford  T.  McAvoy  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party 
by  Salvatore  M.  Vottis  in  sworn  testimony  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives  (see  hearings,  July  25,  1947). 

McAvoy  was  ousted  from  his  position  as  deputy  welfare  commissioner  of  New 
York  City  as  a  result  of  charges  of  communism  against  him. 

McAvoy  has  long  been  known  as  a  veteran  Communist  fellow  traveler,  even  if 
not  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  His  affiliations  with  Communist-front 
organizations  include  the  following : 

American  Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born. 

American  Society  for  Cultural  Relations  with  Italy. 

Citizens  Committee  for  Harry  Bridges. 

Citizens  Emergency  Conference  for  Interracial  Unity. 

Committee  for  Citizenship  Rights. 

Committee  for  Equal  Justice  for  Mrs.  Recy  Taylor. 

Council  for  Pan  American  Democracy. 

National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship. 

National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties. 

Nevt'  York  Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born. 

New  York  Conference  on  Inalienable  Rights. 

New  York  State  Conference  on  National  Unity. 

Open  Letter  for  Closer  Cooperation  with  the  Soviet  Union. 

S<'happes  Defense  Committee. 

School  for  Democracy. 

Soviet  Russia  Today. 

Statement  Defending  the  Communist  Party. 

Statement  Against  United  States  Policy  in  Mexico. 

Veterans  of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade. 

Win-the-Peace  Conference. 

Bernard  J.  McDonongh,  president,  UE  Local  1119,  Chicago,  delegate  to  19'it  and 
1948  UE  conventions 

Bernard  J.  McDonough  is  unquestionably  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 
This  conclusion  is  based  on  the  fact  that  he  is  the  president  of  the  People's 
Publishing  Association,  the  organization  which  published  the  Communist  Party 
newspaper  in  Chicago,  the  Chicago  Star  (see  Chicago  Star,  May  15,  1948). 

McDonough  is  candidate  for  auditor  in  Illinois  on  the  Progressive  Party  ticket, 
the  party  of  Henry  A.  Wallace  and  the  Communists  (see  Chicago  Star,  May  15, 
194S). 

McDonough  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Com- 
munist Party  (see  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947). 

James  McLeish,  international  UE  vice  president,  president,  UE  district  4,  delegate 
to  1947  and  1948  UE  convention 

James  McLeish's  record  of  Communist  affiliations  is  such  as  to  mark  him 
definitely  as  a  Communist. 

In  May  1946,  McLeish  was  a  sponsor  of  a  conference,  held  in  Newark,  N.  J., 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  funds  for  the  Communist  Party's  newspaper,  the  Daily 
Worker.  This  affiliation  alone  is  sufficient  to  indicate  where  McLeish's  ideologi- 
cal sympathies  lie.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Committee  to  Sponsor  the 
Daily  Worker  and  the  Worker  1945  fund  campaign.     In  January  1944,  McLeish 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  671 

was  one  of  144  CIO  Communist  leaders  who  publicly  hailed  the  Daily  Worker 
on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth  anniversary. 

McLeish  was  a  participant  in  the  April  6  peace  rally  (1940)  which  was  staged 
by  the  Communists  as  a  part  of  a  Nation-wide  movement  leading  up  to  tlie  forma- 
tion of  tlie  seditious  American  Peace  IMohilization.  Always  obedient  to  the  line 
of  the  Communist  Party,  McLeish  hailed  the  twenty-fourth  anniversary  of  the 
Bolslievik  Revolution  and  joined  the  Kremlin's  cry  for  "a  second  front."  This 
latter  position  taken  by  McLeish  was  diametrically  opposed  to  his  position  at 
the  April  C  peace  rally. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  McLeish  signed  a  public  mani- 
festo in  defense  of  the  Communist  Party  (see  tlie  Worker,  May  25,  1947).  The 
Civil  Rights  Congress  appears  on  Attorney  General  Clark's  list  of  subversive 
organizations. 

He  was  also  affiliated  with  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Citizens  Nonpartisan  Committee  for  the  reelection  of 
Benjamin  J.  Davis,  Jr.,  to  the  city  council.  Davis  is  a  publicly  avowed  member 
and  leader  of  the  Communist  Party. 

McLeish  was  also  affiliated  with  the  Committee  for  Jewish  Writers  and  Artists, 
a  Communist-front  organization  which  staged  a  pro-Soviet  rally  at  the  Polo 
Grounds,  New  York  City,  in  1943. 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  End  Jim  Crow  in  Baseball  Committee. 

In  December  1943,  McLeish  was  a  member  of  the  Reichstag  Fire  Trial  Anni- 
versary Committee  which  was  set  up  to  honor  Georgi  Dimitrov,  former  head  of 
the  Communist  International. 

Wesley  Mitchell,  executive  hoard  member;  UE  district  council  4,  delegate  to  19^7 
and  IdJfS  conventions 

Wesley  Mitchell  sent  May  Day  greetings  to  the  Daily  Worker  in  1946  when 
he  was  a  member  of  the  strike  committee  at  the  Phelps-Dodge  plant  at  Eliza- 
beth, N.  J.     ( see  Daily  Worker,  April  28, 1946) . 

Mitchell  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Party  (see  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947). 

Herbert  Morais,  UE  research  assistant,  international  office 

The  Rapp-Coudert  committee  of  the  New  York  State  Legislature  found  in  1942 
that  Herbert  Morais,  then  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  Brooklyn  College,  was  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party.  As  a  result  of  his  exposure  by  the  Rapp-Cou- 
dert committee,  Morais  was  forced  out  of  his  position  in  Brooklyn  College.  The 
committee  found  that  Morais  used  the  Communist  Party  alias  "Richard  Enmale." 
The  name  "Enmale"  was  derived  from  the  tirst  syllables  of  the  names  of  Engels, 
Marx,  and  Lenin — the  three  founding  fathers  of  the  Communist  movement. 

Today,  Herbert  Morais  is  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  the  Jefferson  School  of 
Social  Science.  This  is  the  Communist  Party's  training  school  which  is  on  Attor- 
ney General  Clark's  list  of  subversive  organizations. 

A  few  years  ago.  International  Publishers  brought  out  a  volume  of  Jack  Hardy 
which  was  entitled  "The  First  American  Revolution."  Jack  Hardy's  real  name 
is  Dale  Zysman.  Under  the  latter  name,  he  taught  in  the  New  York  public 
schools  until  his  membership  in  the  Communist  Party  was  highlighted  by  expos- 
ures of  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives and  later  by  the  Rapp-Coudert  committee  of  the  New  York  State 
Legislature.  The  First  American  Revolution  was  a  part  of  the  Comnumist  Party's 
program  to  rewrite  American  history  according  to  the  theories  of  communism. 
Herbert  Morais,  under  the  alias  of  Richard  Enmale,  wrote  the  preface  to  Jack 
Hardy's  First  American  Revolution. 

Herbert  Morais  was  an  editor  of  New  Currents.  New  Currents  was  the  organ 
of  the  American  Committee  of  Jewish  Writers,  Artists  and  Scientists.  It  was 
subsidized  by  the  Sound  View  Foundation,  repository  of  Communist  I'arty  funds. 
The  Sound  View  Foundation  was  headed  by  three  well-known  Communists,  Alfred 
Hirsch,  Robert  W.  Dunn,  and  Joseph  R.  Brodsky.  It  dispensed  funds  to  Com- 
munist enterprises  only.  For  example  on  April  20,  1943,  it  made  out  a  check 
to  the  Daily  Worker  for  $1,000. 

Morais  has  written  for  the  Communist  Party's  New  Masses  (see  issue  of  June 
11, 1946).  He  has  been  a  contributing  editor  of  the  Communist  quarterly.  Science 
&  Society,  and  contributed  an  article  entitled  "Marx  and  Engels  on  America"  to 
the  winter  1948  issue  of  that  publication. 

Morals'  position  In  the  UE  organization  is  one  of  great  strategic  importance. 
He  is  assistant  to  James  Matles. 


672  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Sylvia  Muth,  member  executive  board,  TIE  Local  103,  Camden,  N.  J.,  delegate  to 
lOJtl  UE  convention 

Sylvia  Muth  was  a  delegate  to  the  1941  convention  of  the  American  Peace 
Mobilization  and  a  signer  of  the  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl 
Browder,  both  of  which  organizations  were  notoriously  controlled  by  the  Com- 
munist Party  (see  Daily  Worker,  May  2,  1941). 

Miss  Muth  is  a  member  of  the  small  Communist  group  which  controls  UE  Local 
103,  the  local  of  the  UERMWA  which  has  collective-bargaining  relations  with 
the  very  important  Radio  Corp.  of  America  at  Camden,  N.  J. 

Tom  Neill,  business  agent,  TIE  Local  427,  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  former  executive  secre- 
tary, UE  national  veterans  committee 

At  the  height  of  the  Communist  sabotage  strikes  in  this  country  during  the 
period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact,  Tom  Neill  signed  a  statement  defending  the  Com- 
munist Party  which  received  a  full-page  spread  in  the  Daily  Worker  (see  Daily 
Worker,  March  5,  1941). 

Neill  was  one  of  the  American  delegates  to  the  World  Youth  Conference  held 
in  London,  October  31  to  November  9,  1945.  This  gathering  was  under  the  com- 
plete domination  of  Communists  from  many  countries.  It  set  up  a  new  Com- 
munist international  called  the  World  Federation  of  Democratic  Youth. 

Neill  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Party  (see  the  Worker,  May  25,  1947). 

Russell  Nixon,  UE  Washington  legislative  representative 

As  early  as  1940,  Russell  Nixon  appeared  as  one  of  the  signers  of  a  petition 
to  Governor  Olson  of  California,  to  free  Sam  Darcy.  Darcy,  whose  real  name 
is  Dardeck,  had  been  extradited  by  the  State  of  California  from  Pennsylvania 
where  he  was  State  chairman  of  the  Communist  Party.  Darcy  was  wanted  in 
California  for  false  registration  as  a  voter  in  1934.  This  i>etition  was  circulated 
and  published  by  the  National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties.  This 
latter  organization  was  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark.  The 
NFCL  was  subsequently  merged,  in  the  spring  of  1946,  with  the  International 
Labor  Defense  to  form  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  also  on  Attorney  General 
Clark's  list. 

Came  the  war,  and  it  was  the  same  old  story.  In  spite  of  his  obvious  Communist 
connections,  Nixon  was  given  a  commission  in  the  Army.  He  was  released  from 
military  service  when  wires  were  pulled  for  his  appointment  to  an  extremely 
important  office,  namely,  that  of  American  member  of  the  German  external- 
property  commission,  with  the  assent  of  the  State  Department.  Although  he  was 
the  American  member  of  this  commission,  Nixon  listened  to  his  Moscow  master's 
voice  and  fought  furiously  for  Russian  j)articipation  in  the  search  for  German 
assets  in  western  Europe.  When  defeated  on  this  Soviet-inspired  front,  he 
resigned  with  a  blast  against  the  State  Department,  charging,  among  other  tilings, 
a  plot  against  Russia.  The  State  Department  promptly  abandoned  diplomacy 
long  enough  to  call  Nixon  a  liar,  in  effect. 

Immediately  on  his  resignation  from  his  post  in  Germany,  Nixon  resumed  hia 
job  with  the  UERMWA  in  Washington,  and  again  became  active  in  Communist- 
front  organizations.  He  was  a  member  of  the  resolutions  committee  of  the  Win- 
the-Peace  Conference  held  in  Washington  in  April  1946.  This  was  the  confer- 
ence where  one  of  the  principal  Communist  fronts  of  recent  years  was  launched, 
namely,  the  National  Committee  To  Win  the  Peace. 

In  February  1946,  Nixon  was  the  principal  speaker  at  a  mass  meeting  In 
Washington,  D.  C,  under  the  auspices  of  the  International  Workers  Order  which 
the  FBI  has  called  one  of  the  largest  of  the  Communist-front  organizations. 

During  the  war,  Nixon  was  a  principal  speaker  for  the  National  Wartime  Con- 
ference of  the  Professions,  the  Sciences,  the  Arts,  etc.  This,  too,  was  an  obvious 
front  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Nixon  was  a  speaker  at  the  Communist  May  Day  Rally  in  Philadelphia  in 
1948.  One  of  his  colleagues  on  the  program  was  Louis  Weinstock,  a  member  of 
the  national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party  (see  the  Worker,  April  28,  1946). 

He  was  a  .sponsor  of  a  Communist  front  which  called  itself  the  National  Con- 
ference on  the  German  Problem  (see  official  press  release,  March  G,  1947). 

He  was  a  speaker  for  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  one  of  the  organizations  listed 
as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark  (see  Daily  Worker,  October  6,  1947). 

He  was  affiliated  with  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship, 
also  branded  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark  (see  Soviet  Russia  Today, 
November  1947 ) . 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR   UNIONS  673 

Nixon  participated  in  the  National  Legislative  Conference  on  Naturalization 
and  Deportation  which  was  held  in  Washington  at  the  call  of  the  American 
Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born  (see  the  Lamp,  January-February 
194S). 

He  has  contributed  articles  to  the  Communist  magazine,  Soviet  Russia  Today, 
issues  of  January,  March,  May,  and  June.  1918. 

He  was  a  speaker  in  Chicago  for  the  Communist  front  which  called  itself  the 
Committee  To  Defend  the  Bill  of  Rights  (see  Chicago  Star,  June  5,  1948). 

Andrew  Overgaard,  business  agent,  TIE  Local  .'i20 

Andrew  Overgaard  has  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  for  many 
years. 

In  1933,  Overgaard  publicly  declared  liis  support  of  the  Communist  Party 
program  along  with  such  UE  leaders  as  James  Matles  and  James  Lustig  (see  Daily 
Worker,  November  6,  1933). 

In  1934,  Overgaard  was  secretary  of  the  Trade  Union  Unity  Council,  a  Com- 
munist Party  organization  headed  by  William  Z.  Foster. 

Overgaard  supported  the  friends  of  the  Soviet  Union.  He  had  gone  to  Moscow 
as  a  delegate  to  the  Red  international  of  labor  unions. 

Victor  Pasche,  leader,  UE  Local  301,  Schenectady 

Victor  Pasche  is  a  member  of  the  editorial  committee  which  publishes  the 
Eletcrical  Union  News,  official  organ  of  local  301  at  the  General  Electric  plant  in 
Schenectady,  N.  Y. 

Pasche  has  been  associated  with  Communist-front  groups  for  a  number  of 
years.  In  1940,  he  was  a  sponsor  of  the  American  Committee  for  Democracy  and 
Intellectual  Freedom  when  that  Communist-front  organization  was  agitating 
against  the  Rapp-Coudert  investigation  into  communism  in  the  State-supported 
schools  of  New  York. 

In  1938,  considerable  publicity  centered  on  the  issue  of  Simon  W.  Gerson's 
position  as  administrative  assistant  to  the  borough  president  of  Manhattan. 
Victor  Pasche  was  one  of  the  Communists  and  fellow  travelers  who  rushed  to  the 
defense  of  Gerson  (see  Daily  Worker,  February  10, 1938) . 

Henry  Phillips,  delegate  to  IdJfl  UE  convention  from  TJE  Local  Ji2'i 

Henry  Phillips  attended  a  Communist  Party  training  .school  for  UE  organizers 
in  February  1938.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  course  of  study,  Phillips  and  his 
fellow  students  (one  of  whom  was  Ruth  Young)  adopted  a  resolution  calling  for 
the  building  of  a  more  powerful  Communist  Party  looking  toward  a  Communist 
revolution  in  the  United  States. 

Ernst  Pollock,  busines  agent,  UE  Local  JfSl,  Neicark,  delegate  to  19.'f7  and  19^8  UE 

conventions 

Ernst  Pollock  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Com- 
munist Party.      ( See  The  Worker,  May  25,  1947. ) 

Pollock  also  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  statement  denouncing  the  recent 
indictment  of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist  Partj'.  (See  Daily  Worker, 
September  23,  1948.) 

On  September  25,  1948,  Attorney  General  Clark  cited  the  Civil  Rights  Congress 
as  a  subversive  organization. 

Sol  Potegal,  business  manager,  UE  Local  Jf27,  Bayonne,  N.  J. 

Sol  Potegal  and  his  fellow  officers  of  what  was  then  known  as  District  12  of 
the  United  Electrical  and  Radio  Workers  endorsed  the  American  League  Against 
War  and  Fascism  in  a  letter  dated  October  6, 1937. 

Potegal  was  affiliated  with  the  Citizens  Committee  To  Free  Earl  Browder.  ( See 
Daily  Worker,  March  16,  1942.) 

Potegal  sent  greetings  to  the  Daily  Worker  on  the  occasion  of  the  twentieth 
anniversary  of  that  Communist  Party  newspaper.  (See  The  Worker,  January 
9,  1944.) 

James  Price,  UE  international  vice  president,  UE  president,  District  1,  delegate 
to  W-iy  and  1948  UE  conventions 

James  Price  is  a  member  of  the  National  Wallace-for-President  Committee,  the 
outstanding  Communist-front  movement  at  the  present  time.  (See  press  release, 
March  23,  1948. ) 

Price  sponsored  the  Communist-controlled  United  May  Day  Conference  in 
Philadelphia  in  1946.     (See  Daily  Worker,  April  4,  1946.) 

Price  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Party.     ( See  the  Worker,  May  25, 1947. ) 


674  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Archie  Rappaport,  leader,  VE  District  4 

Archie  Rappaport  was  a  student  in  a  Communist  Party  training  school  for 
UE  leaders  in  February  1938.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  course  of  study  Rappaport 
and  his  fellow  students  adopted  a  resolution  calling  for  a  more  powerful  Com- 
munist Party  and  looking  toward  a  Soviet  America. 

Rappaport  was  a  delegate  to  the  convention  of  the  American  Peace  Mobiliza- 
tion in  April  1941.  At  the  meeting  of  this  notorious  Communist-controlled  organ- 
ization he  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 
(See  Daily  Worker,  May  2,  1941.) 

Marie  J.  Reed,  business  agent,  UE  Local  7S5,  Cleveland,  delegate  to  19Jf7  and 
19Jf8  UE  conventions 

At  the  height  of  the  Communist  sabotage  strikes  during  the  period  of  the 
Stalin-Hitler  pact  in  1941,  Marie  J.  Reed  signed  a  statement  in  defense  of  the 
Communist  Party,  a  statement  which  received  a  full-page  spread  in  the  Daily 
Worker.     ( See  Daily  Worker,  March  5, 1941. ) 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Miss  Reed  signed  a  manifesto 
defending  the  Communist  Party.     ( See  the  Worker,  May  25, 1947. ) 

Henry  Rhine,  UE  international  representative,  delegate  to  19^7  and  1948  UE 
conventions 

Henry  Rhine  works  for  the  UERMWA  in  the  eastern  Pennsylvania  region  or 
UE  District  1.    He  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Late  in  1933  Rhine  was  appointed  a  junior  assistant  in  the  NRA  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.  For  6  years  he  was  national  organizer  of  the  United  Federal 
Workers  of  America,  CIO.  Since  1943  he  has  been  working  for  the  UERMWA 
in  district  1. 

Rhine  has  been  a  teacher  at  the  Philadelphia  School  of  Social  Science  and  Art, 
the  Communist  Party's  training  school  in  Philadelphia. 

Rhine  is  prominent  in  UE  negotiations  with  the  important  Radio  Corp.  of 
America. 

Ben  Riskin,  UE  international  representative,  delegate  to  1948  UE  convention 

Ben  Riskin  has  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  for  many  years.  His 
party  membership  book,  issued  for  the  year  1943,  was  numbered  37414  and  was 
made  out  to  "R.  Burns." 

Riskin  was  the  originator  of  the  idea  of  the  portal-to-portal  suits. 

In  1935  he  was  an  associated  editor  of  the  New  Order,  official  organ  of  the 
International  Workers  Order.  The  IWO  is  an  auxiliary  of  the  Communist  Party. 
An  official  memorandum  of  the  FBI,  dated  ]\Iay  7,  1942,  described  the  Interna- 
tional Workers  Order  as  "one  of  the  strongest  Communist  organizations."  The 
masthead  of  the  New  Order  for  April-May  1935,  shows  Ben  Riskin  as  one  of  the 
magazine's  associate  editors.  The  table  of  contents  given  on  this  masthead 
indicates  that  Ben  Riskin  was  the  author  of  an  article  entitled  "May  1,  1935." 
This  issue  of  the  New  Order  was  a  special  May  Day  issue. 

Excerpts  from  Riskin's  article  in  the  New  Order  read  as  follows : 

"Over  one-sixth  of  the  earth  has  been  established  a  workers'  and  farmers'  land, 
rising  with  incredible  speed  to  a  state  of  real  general  security  and  comfort, 
crowned  with  an  ever-growing  richness  of  science  and  life. 

"Like  rats  in  a  corner,  the  bosses  with  their  backs  against  the  wall  resort  to 
their  last  resort — war.  They  hope  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  workers  from 
them  to  'foreign  foes' — that  is,  to  brother  workers,  gleefully  hoping  that  the 
damned  nuisances  will  end  the  problem  of  unemployment  by  killing  one  another 
off  and  make  lots  of  profits  for  the  bosses  through  munitions  and  high  prices  on 
necessities  in  the  meantime. 

"And  thus  we  find  our  present  problems  already  outlined.  *  *  *  They  are 
the  fight  against  imperialist  war  and  thus  for  the  defense  of  Soviet  Russia  and 
Soviet  China,  the  only  workers'  and  farmers'  lands." 

These  quotations  clearly  reflect  Riskin's  Communist  attitudes  toward  American 
industry  and  leave  no  doubt  whatever  that  Riskin  is  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party. 

In  1937  Riskin  was  on  the  staff  of  People's  Press,  a  Communist  Party-line 
publication  which  was  used  as  the  official  organ  of  the  UERMWA. 

Subsequently  People's  Press  changed  its  name  to  Trade  Union  Service,  Inc. 
The  latter  is  now  located  at  17  Murray  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  and  is  the  pub- 
lisher of  UE  News,  official  weekly  organ  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  675 

Machine  Workers  of  America.  Trade  Union  Service,  Inc.,  is  owned  by  a  group 
of  Communists  and  fellow  travelers  which  includes  Corliss  Lamont  and  Frederick 
Vanderbilt  Field. 

Charles  Rivers,  executive  secretary,  VE  District  3,  delegate  to  19Ip  and  1948 
VE  conventions 

Witnesses  are  available  who  can  testify  of  their  own  personal  knowledge  that 
Charles  Rivers  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  Rivers  was  on  the  scene 
in  Schenectady  in  the  early  days  of  the  organization  of  UE  Local  301  in  that 
General  Electric  city. 

Rivers  and  his  fellow  officers  of  the  United  Electrical  and  Radio  Workers 
endorsed  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  in  a  letter  dated  Octo- 
ber 6,  1937. 

Rivers  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  To  Free  Earl  Browder. 
( See  Daily  Worker,  November  15,  1941. ) 

Anthony  Salese,  president,  Local  JiSO,  New  York  City,  delegate  to  19^7  UE 
convention 

Local  430  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America 
(CIO)  is  one  of  the  most  important  locals  in  the  whole  UERMWA,  having  bai:- 
gaining  representation  for  15,000  radio  and  radio-parts  employees  in  New  York 
City. 

According  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  March  5,  1947,  Anthony  Salese  (also  known 
as  Tony)  was  a  member  of  the  Provisional  May  Day  Committee. 

This  committee  had  charge  of  all  arrangements  for  the  Communist  Party's 
May  day  parade  and  celebrations  in  New  York  City.  There  was  no  secret  what- 
ever about  this  committee's  being  the  instrument  of  the  Communist  Party. 

It  is  clear  from  the  personnel  of  the  Provisional  May  Day  Committee  that  it 
was  the  agent  of  the  Communist  Party.  Most  of  the  members  of  the  committee 
are  publicly  avowed  members  of  the  Communist  Party.  The  rest  are  Commu- 
nist fellow  travelers.  Other  radicals,  such  as  Socialists,  are  conspicuous  by  their 
absence. 

Among  the  more  prominent  members  of  the  Communist  Party  who  served  with 
Salese  on  this  committee  were  the  following:  Irving  Potash,  Jack  Paley,  Sam 
Burt,  Revels  Cayton,  Albert  Kahn,  Lewis  Weinstock  (member  of  the  national 
committee  of  the  Communist  Party),  Rockwell  Kent  (president  of  the  Interna- 
tional Workers  Order),  Bonita  Williams,  Esther  Letz,  and  Leon  Wofsy. 

Salese's  membership  on  the  Provisional  May  Day  Committee  clearly  identifies 
him  as  a  Communist.  Whether  he  holds  a  Communist  Party  membership  card  or 
not  is  beside  the  point. 

During  the  present  year,  Anthony  Salese  has  served  as  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist-front organization  which  bears  the  imposing  title  of  Citizens  Committee 
To  Defend  Representative  Government.  The  objective  of  this  front  is  to  gain  a 
seat  on  the  New  York  City  Council  for  Communist  Simon  W.  Gerson. 

In  February  of  this  year  Salese  was  a  sponsor  of  the  National  Youth  Assembly 
Against  Universal  Military  Training,  a  Communist-front  organization  set  up  to 
serve  the  ends  of  the  Kremlin. 

Marcel  Schei'cr,  UE  representative.  District  4  delegate  to  1947  UE  convention 

Marcel  Scherer  is  a  veteran  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  His  membership 
in  the  party  is  established  conclusively  by  the  fact  that  he  ran  for  alderman  on 
the  Communist  Party  ticket  in  Brooklyn  in  1931.  (See  Dail  Worker,  November 
3,  1931.) 

During  the  First  World  War,  Scherer  was  dismissed  from  Erasmus  Hall  High 
School  in  New  York  for  pacifist  agitation.  He  was  at  that  time  an  active  member 
of  the  Young  People's  Socialist  League.  In  1919,  he  achieved  notoriety  as  an 
agitator  at  the  City  College  of  New  York. 

On  September  11,  1939,  Benjamin  Gitlow,  former  secretary  of  the  Communist 
Party,  testified  under  oath  concerning  Scherer,  as  follows :  "Scherer  has  held  all 
kinds  of  positions  in  the  Communist  Party.  He  has  held  various  positions  as  a 
section  organizer  and  has  been  assigned  by  the  executive  committee  to  all  kinds  of 
party  work ;  he  is  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  trusted  members  of  the  Communist 
Party."  On  October  13,  1939,  Maurice  Malkin,  a  former  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party,  testified  before  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
concerning  Marcel  Scherer,  as  follows:  "The  leader  of  that  (FAECT)  is  Marcel 
Scherer.  a  charter  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ;  joined  the  Communist  Party 
at  Williamsburg  branch,  Brooklyn,  1919." 


676  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION    OF    LABOR    UNIONS 

One  of  the  most  strategic  assignments  ever  given  Scherer  by  the  Communist 
Party  was  the  national  secretaryship  of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union,  the  Com- 
munist-front predecessor  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship. 
The  FSU  maintained  a  special  department  for  the  sending  of  technological  in- 
formation, industrial  and  military,  to  the  Soviet  Union.  This  work  has  been 
carried  on  previously,  beginning  in  1921,  by  the  Society  for  Technical  Aid  to  Soviet 
Russia,  one  of  the  very  first  Communist-front  organizations  in  this  country  which 
was  later  merged  into  the  FSU.  The  Society  for  Technical  Aid  to  Soviet  Russia 
was  set  up  in  this  country  by  A.  A.  Heller  on  specific  instructions  from  Moscow. 
Its  purpose  was  to  cultivate  and  woo  American  scientists  and  technicians  in  the 
hope  that  they  would  provide  Soviet  Russia  with  our  industrial,  scientific,  and 
military  secrets  and  processes.  Any  information  which  they  were  willing  to  pass 
on  to  Russia  was  sent  through  the  medium  of  Heller's  organization,  and  later 
through  Marcel  Scherer's  FSU  . 

After  his  work  with  the  FSU,  Scherer  became  one  of  the  founders  and  inter- 
national vice  president  of  the  Federation  of  Architects,  Engineers,  Chemists  and 
Technicians  (FAECT),  an  affiliate  of  the  CIO  which  is  now  a  division  of  the 
United  Office  and  Professional  Workers  of  America.  The  FAECT  had  many 
collective-bargaining  contracts  with  the  most  important  defense  industries  in  the 
United  States,  including  our  Navy  yards. 

Today,  Marcel  Scherer,  UE  representative,  is  an  instructor  in  two  Communist 
Party  training  schools,  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science  and  the  George 
Washington  Carver  School.  He  has  contributed  articles  to  the  Communist  Party's 
New  Masses,  and  he  has  been  affiliated  with  the  following  Communist-front  or- 
ganizations :  American  Peace  Mobilization,  American  Relief  Ship  for  Spain, 
Campus  Peace  Strikes,  Council  for  Pan-American  Democracy,  Coordinating  Com- 
mittee to  Lift  the  Embargo,  International  Labor  Defense,  and  North  American 
Spanish  Aid  Committee. 

( See  also  testimony  of  Paul  Crouch  regarding  Marcel  Scherer,  before  the  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities,  U.  S.  House  of  Representatives,  May  24, 1949.) 

William  Scntner,  TJE  international  vice  president,  president  JJE  District  8,  dele- 
gate to  1947  and  19Jf8  UE  conventions 
Although  one  of  the  highest  officials  in  the  UERMWA,  William  Sentner,  has 
never  been  an  electrical,  a  radio,  or  a  machine  worker.  He  studied  architecture 
in  Washington  University  in  St.  Louis,  but  never  completed  his  studies.  As  an 
artist,  he  joined  the  John  Reed  Club,  a  Communist-front  organization  named 
after  one  of  the  founders  of  the  American  Communist  Party,  and  became  one  of 
the  club's  national  officers.  He  also  spent  some  time  at  sea.  In  other  words, 
Sentner  owes  his  present  strategic  union  post  in  a  key  industry  to  the  operations 
of  the  Communist  Party's  patronage  machine  and  not  to  any  experience  or  special 
qualifications  in  this  field  of  industry. 

Sentner  was  classified  as  1-A  by  his  local  draft  board,  but  he  was  given  defer- 
ment at  the  request  of  the  UERMWA.  Moreover,  he  was  selected  as  a  member 
of  the  National  War  Labor  Board  for  Region  No.  7  (Missouri)  on  February  17, 
1943,  and  served  in  that  capacity  until  his  Communist  record  caught  up  with  huu 
and  he  was  forced  to  resign  on  February  10, 1944. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  prove  by  documentary  evidence  that  William  Sentner  is  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party.  He  admits  it.  He  is  proud  of  it.  He  has  held 
a  number  of  official  positions  in  the  Communist  Party  since  1934.  "When  I 
joined  [the  Communist  Party],"  he  declared  in  an  interview  published  in  Fortune 
magazine  of  November  1943,  "I  told  everybody  in  town."  He  told  Fortune  that 
he  still  solicits  new  Communist  Party  members,  although  he  devotes  most  of  his 
time  to  union  activities. 

Sentner  has  been  arrested  on  numerous  occasions.  In  1938,  he  was  tried  and 
■found  guilty  of  criminal  syndicalism  in  connection  with  the  Maytag  strike  at 
Newton,  Iowa.  He  was  sentenced  to  10  years  in  jail  and  a  fine  of  $5,000.  When 
the  Iowa  criminal  syndicalism  law  was  found  unconstitutional,  he  was  released. 
At  the  present  time,  Sentner  is  on  the  National  Wallace-for-President  Commit- 
tee. 

Sentner  has  been  affiliated  with  the  following  Communist-front  organizations : 
American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy. 
Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 
Civil  Rights  Congress. 

Committee  to  Sponsor  the  Daily  Worker  and  the  Worker  1945  Fund  Cam- 
paign. 

Commonwealth  College. 
International  Labor  Defense. 


COMMUNIST    INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  677 

John  Reed  Club. 

National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties. 

National  Wallace  for  President  Committee. 

New  Theatre  League. 

Scottsboro  Defense  Committee. 

Harold  Simon,  fortner  president,  UE  Local  1227 

Up  until  2  years  ago,  Harold  Simon  was  a  leading  Communist  Party  functionary 
in  the  UERMWA.  The  Communist  Party  then  promoted  him  to  position  on  the 
New  York  State  secretariat  of  the  Communist  Party.  While  still  holding  his  \)0- 
sition  as  president  of  TE  Local  1227,  Simon  was  a  publicly  avowed  member  of  the 
Communist  Party. 

Simon  was  a  speaker  at  the  founding  convention  of  the  Commxmist  Political 
Association  in  May  1944. 

He  has  been  affiliated  with  the  Greek-American  Council,  a  Communist-front 
organization  which  has  been  renamed  the  American  Council  for  a  Democratic 
Greece.     (See  bulletin  of  the  organization,  January  1946.) 

Adam  8tnit7i,  vice  president,  UE  Local  1119,  Chicago 

Adam  Smith  sent  greetings  to  the  Chicago  Communist  Party  newspai)er,  the 
Chicago  Star,  for  its  May  Day  issue  last  year.  (See  Chicago  Star,  April  26, 
1947.) 

Smith  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Party.     (See  The  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

Albert  Smith,  LIE  international  representative,  delegate  to  1948  UE  convention 
Albert  Smith  was  a  signer  of  a  statement  in  defense  of  the  Communist  Party 

which  received  a  full-page  spread  at  the  height  of  the  Communist  sabotage  strikes 

in  the  spring  of  1941,  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact.     (See  Daily 

Worker,  March  5,  1941.) 

In  1942  Smith  joined  with  other  pro-Soviet  UE  leaders  in  demanding  a  "second 

front."     This  was  a  subject  of  considerable  Communist  Party  agitation  at  the 

time.     (See  Daily  Worker,  July  26,  1942.) 

Smith  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens'  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder.     (See 

Daily  Worker,  January  25,  1942.) 

Alice  Smith,  vice  president,  UE  Distirct  11,  delegate  to  19^7  and  1948  UE  con- 
ventions 

Alice  Smith  is  an  instructor  in  the  Abraham  Lincoln  School,  the  Communist 
Party's  training  school  in  Chicago,  an  institution  listed  as  subversive  by  Attorney 
General  Clark. 

She  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist  Party. 
(See  Daily  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

At  the  present  time  she  is  a  member  of  the  national  committee  of  the  Progres- 
sive Party,  the  party  of  Henry  A.  Wallace  and  the  Communists.  (See  Chicago 
Star,  July  31,  1948.) 

Al  Steam,  business  agent,  UE  Local  4S0 

Al  Stearn  was  one  of  the  144  Communist  leaders  who  publicly  hailed  the  Daily 
Worker  (Communist  Party  newspaper)  on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth  anni- 
versary in  January  1944. 

It  scarcely  needs  to  be  said  that  anyone  who  sponsors  the  Communist  Party's 
newspapers,  the  Daily  Worker  and  the  Worker,  is  actively  supporting  the  cause 
of  communism.  It  makes  little  or  no  difference  whether  such  a  sponsor  is  a 
card-holding,  dues-paying  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Stearn  signed  a  statement  of  .Jewish  labor-union  leaders  defending  the  Soviet 
Government's  execution  of  the  Polish  Socialist  trade-unionists.  Alter  and  Ehrlich. 
(See  Daily  Worker,  March  25,  1943.) 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  Stearn  signed  a  manifesto 
defending  the  Communist  Party.      (See  The  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 

It  is  significant  that  Al  Stearn  was  named  chairman  of  the  New  York  Trade 
Union  Committee  for  Wallace  and  Taylor.     (See  Chicago  Star,  March  13,  1948.) 

Albert  Stonkus,  business  agent,  UE  Local  475 

Albert  Stonkus  was  a  member  of  the  National  Labor  Committee  Against  War, 
an  affiliate  of  the  seditious  American  Peace  Mobilization. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  for  Jewish  Writers  and  Artists,  which 
defended  the  Soviet  execution  of  the  Polish  trade-unionists.  Alter  and  Ehrlich. 
(See  Daily  AVorker,  July  6,  1943.) 


678  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

He  was  also  one  of  the  144  Communist  CIO  leaders  who  publicly  hailed  the 
Daily  Worker  on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth  anniversary  in  January  1944. 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  Consumers'  National  Federation,  an  organization 
described  as  a  "transmission  belt"  by  Earl  Browder. 

The  Communist-front  affiliations  of  Albert  Stonkus  go  back  more  than  a  decade. 
He  was  a  delegate  to  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  a  front 
cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark  last  Saturday.  ( See  Daily  Worker, 
August?,  1947.) 

Victoj-  Teich,  shop  chairman,  TIE  Local  1227 

Victor  Teich  was  a  member  of  the  American  Student  Union's  national  executive 
committee,  a  Communist-front  organization  which  operated  in  schools  and  colleges 
from  coast  to  coast. 

Teich  publicly  declared  his  support  of  Israel  Amter  for  Governor  of  New  York 
in  1942.  Amter  was  the  candidate  of  the  Communist  Party.  ( See  Daily  Worker, 
October  27,  1942.) 

Ernest  Thompson,  delegate  to  19^7  HE  convention 

Ernest  Thompson  signed  a  manifesto  of  Negro  leaders  against  outlawing  the 
Communist  Party.  All  of  the  signers  were  persons  of  substantial  Communist- 
front  records.     (See  press  release,  April  21,  1947.) 

Thompson  teaches  at  the  George  Washington  Carver  School,  Communist 
Party  training  school  in  Harlem  which  Attorney  General  Clark  has  listed  as 
subversive. 

Thompson  is  a  sponsor  of  the  Negro  Labor  Victory  Committee,  also  listed  as 
subversive   by   the  Attorney   General.     (See  letterhead,   October   11,   1943.) 

He  has  written  for  the  Communist  Party's  New  Masses.  (See  New  Masses, 
August  7,  1945.) 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  Win-the-Peace  Conference,  a  Communist-controlled 
gathering  held  in  Washington,  D.  C,  in  April  1946. 

He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Citizens  Emergency  Conference  for  Interracial 
Unity,  another  Communist-front  organization. 

He  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder.  (See 
Daily  Worker,  March  16,  1942.) 

He  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  statement  denouncing  the  recent  in- 
dictment of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist  Partv.  (See  Daily  Worker, 
September  23,  1948.) 

He  is  a  sponsor  of  the  newest  Communist-front  organization  for  Negroes, 
known  as  the  First  Line  of  defense.     ( See  the  Worker,  August  29, 1948. ) 

'Nicholas  Tomasetti,  UE  field  organizer,  delegate  to  19^7  and  19^8  UE  conventions 

Nicholas  Tomasetti  was  a  signer  of  a  petition  of  the  American  Committee  for 
Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom,  a  Communist-front  organization. 

Tomasetti  was  a  sponsor  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization.  ( See  program, 
April  5,  1941.) 

Tomasetti  signed  a  statement  In  defense  of  the  Communist  Party  at  the 
height  of  the  Communist  sabotage  strikes  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin- 
Hitler  pact.     (See  Daily  Worker,  March  5, 1941.) 

Tomasetti  was  also  affiliated  with  the  Schappes  Defense  Committee.  (See 
New  York  Times,  October  9,  1944.)  Morris  Schappes  was  a  Communist  Party 
professor  at  New  York  University  who  had  been  convicted  for  perjury. 

Jeffrey  Van  Clief,  negotiator,  UE  Local  430,  New  York,  delegate  to  1947  and 
1948  UE  conventions 

Jeffrey  Van  Clief  has  been  identified  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party 
in  sworn  testimony  by  James  Conroy  before  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

UE  Local  430  has  bargaining  relations  with  radio  and  radio-parts  manu- 
facturers covering  15,000  employees  in  New  York  City. 

Philip    Van    Gelder,    UE   international   representative,    delegate    to   194^    UE 
convention 

Philip  Van  Gelder  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Industrial  Union  of  Marine 
and  Shipbuilding  Workers  of  America  (CIO).     He  was  its  secretary-treasurer 
until  he  was  inducted  into  the  armed  services.     When  he  came  out  of  the  Army, 
his  old  union  defeated  him  for  reelection  to  his  former  position  in  a  bitter 
fight  over  the  issues  of  communism.    Van  Gelder  was  thereupon  promptly  taken 
to  the  arms  of  the  UERMWA  as  an  international  representative. 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  679 

Van  Gelder  was  a  member  of  the  Communist-controlled  National  Mooney 
Council  of  Action.     ( See  Daily  Worker,  May  12, 1933. ) 

Van  Gelder  is  a  sponsor  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friend- 
ship.    (See  letterhead,  May  4, 1948.) 

He  was  a  sponsor  of  the  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee  Committee.  (See  sur- 
vey of  work,  March  11,  1942.) 

He  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  manifesto  defending  the  Communist 
Party.     ( See  The  Worker,  May  25,  1947. ) 

He  also  signed  the  Civil  Rights  Congress  statement  denouncing  the  recent 
indictment  of  12  national  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party.  (See  Daily  Worker, 
September  23,  1948.) 

Edicard  Waishington,  president,  Local  1221,  New  York  City,  delegate  to  19^7  and 
1948  UE  conventions 

Local  1227  of  the  UERMWA  claims  3,500  members  with  contracts  in  52  plants 
in  Queens,  Manhattan,  and  Brooklyn. 

From  a  report  in  the  Daily  Worker,  it  is  learned  that  Edward  Washington 
got  his  job  as  a  milling-machine  operator  largely  through  the  efforts  of  the 
Negro  Labor  Victory  Committee.  This  committee  is  a  notorious  Communist- 
front  organization.  (See  Daily  Worker,  December  3,  1946.)  It  is  also  ap- 
parent that  Washington  rates  very  favorable  publicity  in  the  Communist  Party's 
Daily  Worker.  This  kind  of  publicity  is  usually  reserved  for  the  faithful  mem- 
bers of  the  Communist  Party. 

Edward  Washington  is  a  member  of  the  executive  board  of  UE  District  Council 
Four.  He  was  also  a  delegate  to  the  1947  UE  convention  and  in  that  capacity, 
according  to  the  Daily  Worker,  "helped  rout  the  red-baiters  *  *  *."  The 
Daily  Worker  also  stated  that  Washington  was  "proud  that  'in  our  own  UE' 
those  who  sought  to  'discredit  Communist  unionists'  had  been  defeated."  This 
is  sufficient  to  indicate  quite  clearly  that  Edward  Washington  is  wholly  on  the 
side  of  the  Communists. 

According  to  the  Daily  Worker  of  March  5,  1947,  Edward  Washington  was 
a  member  of  the  Provisional  May  Day  Committee  of  1947.  This  was  the  com- 
mittee which  made  all  preparations  for  the  Communist  Party's  May  Day  parade 
and  celebrations.  Among  the  well-knovrn  Communist  Party  members  on  this 
committee  were  the  following :  Irving  Potash,  Louis  Weinstock  ( member  of  the 
national  committee  of  the  Communist  Party),  Nicholas  Carnes,  Rockwell  Kent, 
Howard  Fast,  Joseph  Winogradsky,  Audley  Moore,  Bonita  Williams,  Leon  Wofsy, 
and  Samuel  Patterson. 

Local  1227  of  the  UERMWA  and  its  officials  have  long  been  identified  with  the 
Communist  Party.  In  fact,  this  local  has  been  one  of  the  most  notoriously 
Communist-controlled  units  of  the  UERMWA.  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising 
that  it  should  elect  a  man  with  Edward  Washington's  Communist  record  as  its 
president. 

The  Daily  Worker's  reference  to  Washington  as  a  "church  leader"  was  just 
so  much  typical  Communist  double-talk. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  a  Communist  front  on  Attor- 
ney General  Clark's  list  of  subversives,  Edward  Washington  signed  a  manifesto 
in  defense  of  the  Communist  Party.     (See  the  Worker.  May  25,  1947.) 

All  of  the  foregoing  constitutes  cumulative  evidence  which  leaves  no  doubt 
that  Edward  Washington  is  a  Communist. 

Robert   Whisart,  member,    UE  General  Executive  Board,   secretary-treasurer, 

UE  District  11 

Robert  Whisart  was  affiliated  with  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Fi-ee  Earl 
Browder.     ( See  Sunday  Worker,  January  25,  1942. ) 

Whisart  sent  greetings  to  the  Daily  Worker  on  the  occasion  of  its  twentieth 
anniversary.     (See  the  Worker,  January  9,  1944.) 

Whisart  was  a  signer  of  a  petition  of  the  National  Federation  for  Constitu- 
tional Liberties  in  January  1943. 

Tom  Wright,  managing  editor,  UE  Netvs 

Tom  Wright  was  a  delegate  to  the  convention  of  the  American  Peace  Mobiliza- 
tion in  April  1941.     (See  Daily  Worker,  May  2,  1941.) 

At  the  convention  of  the  APM,  Wright  signed  a  petiton  of  the  Citizens  Com- 
mittee to  Free  Earl  Browder. 


680  COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS 

Jack  Young,  secretary-treasurer,  XJE  Local  llJ/3,  Minneapolis 

Jack  Young  was  a  member  of  the  Minnesota  State  Committee  to  Free  Earl 

Browder.     ( See  Daily  Worker,  November  8,  1941. ) 

Young  also  signed  a  petition  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 

(See  Sunday  Worker,  January  25,  1942.) 
Young  signed  a  petiton  of  the  National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties 

in  January  1943. 

Ruth  Young,  executive  secretary,  TJE  District  h,  meni'ber,  VE  general  executive 

hoard,  delegate  to  1947  and  1948  VE  conventions 

Ruth  l''oung's  married  name  is  Mrs.  Irving  C.  Velson,  and,  as  such,  she  Is  a 
member  of  the  New  Yoi'k  State  committee  of  the  Communist  Party.  She  occupies 
one  of  the  most  strategic  positions  in  the  UERMWA.  Miss  Young  has  been  an 
avowed  member  of  tlie  Communist  Party  for  many  years. 

Her  Communist-front  affiliations  include  the  following: 

(1)  American  Youth  Congress — member  of  presiding  committee  of  the  New 
York  State  Model  Legislature  of  Youth,  January  28-30,  1933. 

(2)  Civil  Rights  Congress — signer  of  manifesto.  (See  The  Worker,  May  25, 
1947.) 

(3)  Committee  for  Equal  Justice  for  Mrs.  Recy  Taylor — sponsor. 

(4)  Committee  to  Sponsor  the  Daily  Worker  and  the  Worker  1945  Fund 
Campaign — member. 

(5)  Congress  of  American  Women — vice  chairman.  (See  The  Worker,  June 
23,  1946.) 

(6)  International  Women's  Day — signer  of  greetings  to  the  Soviet  Union. 
(See  Sunday  Worker,  March  8,  1942.) 

(7)  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science — member  of  the  board  of  trustees. 

(8)  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship — sponsor  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Women.     (See  Daily  Worker,  February  10,  1944.) 

(9)  National  Wallace-for-Pi-esident  Committee — member.  (See  press  release, 
March  23,  1948.) 

(10)  Schappes  Defense  Committee— sponsor.  (See  Daily  Worker,  October  18, 
1941.) 

(11)  School  for  Democracy- — lecturer.     (See  Daily  Worker,  January  21,  1942.) 

(12)  World  Youth  Congress — delegate. 

Ruth  Young  was  one  of  the  speakers  at  the  CIO  Political  Action  Committee's 
New  York  conference  of  January  14-15,  1944.  In  February  1938,  she  signed  a 
manifesto  of  the  Young  Communist  League  which  read,  in  part,  as  follows: 
"Forward  to  build  a  strong  and  powerful  Communist  Party !  Forward  to  the 
American  October !" 

The  reference  to  "October"  is  to  the  Bolshevik  Revolution  of  Russia.  When 
Ruth  Young  was  confronted  at  the  1941  convention  of  her  union  with  the  fact 
that  she  had  signed  this  manifesto,  she  made  no  denial. 

Peres  Zagorin,  VE  international  field  organizer 

There  is  overwhelming  evidence  that  Perez  Zagorin  is  a  Communist. 

Zagorin  is  an  instructor  in  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science,  the  Com- 
munist Party's  training  school  for  Communist  organizers,  propagandists,  and 
agitators. 

Zagorin  was  affiliated  with  the  Citizens  Committee  of  the  Upper  West  Side. 
This  was  a  Communist-front  organization  which  received  extraordinary  publicity 
in  the  Daily  Worker.  This  committee  was  cited  as  subversive  by  Attorney  Gen- 
eral Clark  on  September  25,  1948.     (See  Daily  Worker,  July  4,  1943.) 

He  is  also  affiliated  with  the  Communist-front  organization  which  is  known 
as  the  People's  Radio  Foundation,  also  listed  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General 
Clark. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  the  Communist  Party's  Daily 
Worker,  Perez  Zagorin  was  one  of  a  large  group  of  Communist  leaders  in  the 
CIO  who  publicly  hailed  that  seditious  newspaper. 

In  December  1943,  a  Communist-front  organization  was  set  up  to  honor  the 
former  head  of  the  Communist  International,  Georgi  Dimitrov.  Perez  Zagorin 
was  a  member  of  this  committee  which  was  known  as  the  Reichstag  Fire  Trial 
Anniversary  Committee.     (See  New  York  Times,  December  22,  1943.) 

Zagorin  has  written  for  the  Communist  quarterly  magazine,  Science  and  So- 
ciety.   ( See  issues  of  summer  1945  and  spring  1948. ) 


COMMUNIST   INFILTRATION   OF   LABOR   UNIONS  681 

Jack  S.  Zucker,  UE  organiser,  District  I,  Baltimore 

For  a  number  of  years,  Jack  Zucker  was  national  legislative  representative  of 
the  United  Siioe  Workers  of  America  (CIO),  with  headquarters  in  Washington, 
D.  C.  Both  of  the  CIO  unions,  with  which  Zucker  had  been  connected,  are  among 
the  most  clearly  Communist-dominated  in  the  entire  CIO. 

For  many  years,  Zucker  has  been  known  as  a  Communist.  His  public  affilia- 
tions give  substantial  support  to  his  reputation  as  a  Communist.  He  has  been 
affiliated  with  the  following  Communist-front  organizations  : 

American  Peace  Mobilization. 

Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder. 

Civil  Riglits  Congress. 

National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties. 

National  Negro  Congress. 

Washington  CIO  Committee  to  Reinstate  Helen  Miller. 

Washington  Peace  Mobilization. 
Zucker  was  an  active  delegate  to  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  in  New  York, 
April  5,  1941.  This  fact  was  established  in  sworn  testimony  before  the  Special 
Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on  May  21, 
1941.  This  testimony  established  the  fact  that  Zucker  was  a  member  of  a  "lobby 
committee"  from  Washington,  D.  C,  at  the  meeting  of  the  American  Peace 
Mobilization  in  New  York  City. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization,  Zucker  signed  a  petition 
of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Free  Earl  Browder.  This  petition  and  its  list  of 
signers  were  publised  in  the  Daily  Worker  of  May  2, 1941. 

In  May  1947,  Zucker  signed  a  manifesto  defending  the  Commimist  Party,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress.  (See  The  Worker,  May  25,  1947.) 
Last  week,  he  was  a  member  of  a  nine-man  delegation  to  the  White  House,  bear- 
ing a  statement  denouncing  the  recent  indictment  of  12  national  Communist 
Party  leaders.  The  statement  was  reported  to  have  been  signed  by  1,100  labor 
union  leaders,  and  was  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the  Civil  Rights  Congress, 
an  organization  listed  as  subversive  by  Attorney  General  Clark.  (See  Daily 
Worker,  September  23, 1948.) 

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