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Given By
U. S. SUFF. OF DOCUMENTS
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HEARINGS REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION
OF THE MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTIETH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
Public Law 601
(Section 121, Subsection Q (2))
OCTOBER 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, AND 30, 1947
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
HEARINGS REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION
OF THE MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTIETH CONGKESS
FIRST SESSION
Public Law 601
(Section 121, Subsection Q (2))
OCTOBER 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, AND 30, 1947
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
67683 WASHINGTON : 1947
DFC 9 1947
6 ^A"
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey, Chairman
KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN S. WOOD, Georgia
JOHN Mcdowell, Pennsylvania JOHN E. RANKIN, Mississippi
RICHARD M. NIXON, California J. HARDIN PETERSON, Florida
RICHARD B. VAIL, Illinois HERBERT C. BONNER, North Carolina
Robert E. Stripling, Chief Investigator
Benjamin Mandel, Director o/ Research
XI
CONTENTS
October 20, 1947:
Testimony of — Page
H. a" Smith 4
A. B. Leckie 5
Louis J. Russell 6
Jack L. Warner 7
Samuel Gros venor Wood 54
Louis Burt Mayer 69
Ayn Rand 82
October 21, 1947:
Testimony of —
Adolph Menjou 91
John Charles Moffitt . 108
Rupert Hughes 128
October 22, 1947:
Testimony of —
James K. McGuiimess 135
Robert Taylor 164
Howard Rushmore 171
Morrie Ryskind 181
October 23, 1947:
Testimony of —
Fred Niblo 189
Richard Macaulay 197
Robert Montgomery 203
George L. Murphy 208
Ronald Reagan 213~
Gary Cooper 219
Leo McCarey 225
October 24, 1947:
Testimony of —
Lela E. Rogers J :__. 229
Ohver Carlson 238
Walter E. Disney 280
October 27, 1947:
Testimony of —
John Howard Lawson 290
Louis J. Russell 296
Eric Allen Johnston 305
October 28, 1947:
Testimony of —
- Dalton Trumbo 329
Louis J. Russell 34 1
Roy M. Brewer 342
Statement of Paul V. McNutt 360
Testimony of —
Albert Maltz 363
Robert W. Kenny 367
Louis J. Russell 370
Alyah Bessie 383
Louis J. Russell 388
Roy M. Brewer (resumed) 394
ni
ly CONTENTS
October 29, 1947:
Testimony of— Page
Samuel Ornitz 402
Louis J. Russell 405
Herbert Joseph Biberman 412
Louis J. Russell 415
Emmet G. Lavery 419
Edward Dmvtryk 459
Louis J. Russell 462
Adrian Scott " 466
Louis J. Russell 468
Dore Schary 469
October 30, 1947:
Testimony of —
Ring Lardner, Jr 479
Loviis J. Russell 483
Lester Cole 486
Louis J. Russell 4*^9
Berthold Brecht 491
Louis J. Russell 5^4
Appendix 523
HEARINGS REGARDINrT THE COMMUNIST INFILTEATION
OF THE MOTION-PICTUEE-INDUSTHY ACTIVITIES IN
THE UNITED STATES
MONDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1947
House of Representati\'es,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D. C.
The committee met at 10 : 30 ca. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. The record will
show that the following members are present: Mr. McDowell, Mr.
Vail, Mr. Nixon, Mr. Thomas. A subcommittee is sitting.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, Robert B. Gaston, H. A. Smith, and A. B.
Leckie, investigators; and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Before this hearing get under way, I would like to call attention to
some of the basic principles by which the Committee on Un-American
Activities is being guided in its investigation into alleged subversive
influence in America's motion-picture industry.
The committee is well aware of the magnitude of the subject which
it is investigating. The motion-picture business represents an invest-
ment of billions of dollars. It represents employment for thousands
of workers, ranging from unskilled laborers to high-salaried actors
and executives. And even more important, the motion-picture indus-
try represents wdiat is probably the largest single vehicle of enter-
tainment for the American public — over 85,000,000 persons attend the
movies each week.
However, it is the very magnitude of the scope of the motion-picture
industry which makes this investigation so necessary. We all recog-
nize, certainl}'-, the tremendous effect which moving pictures have on
their mass audiences, far removed from the Hollywood sets. We all
recognize that what the citizen sees and hears in his neighborhood
movie house carries a pow^erful impact on his thoughts and behavior.
With such vast influence over the lives of American citizens as the
motion-picture industry exerts, it is not unnatural — in fact, it is very
logical — that subversive and undemocratic forces should attempt to
use this medium for un-American purposes.
I want to emphasize at the outset of these hearings that the fact
that the Committee on Un-American Activities is investigating al-
leged Communist influence and infiltration in the motion-picture
industry must not be considered or interpreted as an attack on the
majority of persons associated with this great industry. I have every
confidence that the vast majority of movie workers are patriotic and
loyal Americans.
1
2 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This committee, under its mandate from the House of Kepresenta-
tives, has the responsibility of exposing and spotlighting subversive
elements Avherever tliey may exist. As I have already pointed out, it
is only to be expected that such elements would strive desperately to
gain entry to the motion-picture industry, simply because the industry
offers such a tremendous weapon for education and propaganda. That
Communists have made such an attempt in Hollywood and with con-
siderable success is already evident to this committee from its pre-
liminary investigative work.
The problem of Communist infiltration is not limited to the movie
industry. That even our Federal Government has not been immune
from the menate is evidenced by the fact that $11,000,000 is now being -
spent to rid the Federal service of Communists. Communists are
also firmly entrenched in control of a number of large and powerful
labor unions in this country. Yet simply because there are Com-
munist union leaders among the longshoremen or seamen, for example,
one does not infer that the owners of the shipping industries are Com-
munists and Communist sympathizers, or that the majority of work-
ers in those industries hold to an un-American philosophy. So it is
with the movie industry.
I cannot emphasize too strongly the seriousness of Communist
infiltration, which we have found to be a mutual problem for many,
many different fields of endeavor in the United States. Communists
for years have been conducting an unrelentless "boring from within"
campaign against America's democratic institutions. While never
possessing a large numerical strength, the Communists nevertheless
have found that they could dominate the activities of unions or otlier
mass enterprises in this country by capturing a few strategic posi-
tions of leadership.
This technique, I am sorry to say, has been amazingly profitable for
the Communists. And they have been aided all along the line by
non-Communists, who are either sympathetic to the aims of com-
munism or are unwilling to recognize the danger in Communist
infiltration.
The ultimate purpose of the Communists is a well-established fact.
Despite sporadic statements made to the contrary for reasons of
expediency, the Communist movement looks to the establishment of
Soviet-dominated, totalitarian governments in all of the countries
of the world, and the Communists are willing to use force and violence
to achieve this aim if necessary.
The United States is one of the biggest obstacles to this movement.
The fact was startlingly illustrated recently by the open announce-
ment of the Communist International — a world-wide party organiza-
tion dedicated to promoting world-wide Communist revolution, which
previously operated underground.
The vituperation leveled at the United States by this new interna-
tional Communist organization clearly indicated that America is
considered the chief stumbling block in the Soviet plans for world
domination and is therefore the chief target in what we might call
the Soviet Union's ideological war against non-Soviet governments.
There is no question that there are Communists in Hollywood. We
cannot minimize their importance there, and that their influence has
already made itself felt has been evidenced by internal turmoil in the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 3
industry over the Communist issue. Prominent figures in the motion-
picture business have been engaged in a sort of running battle over
Comnumist infiltration for the last 4 or 5 years and a number of anti-
Communist organizations have been set up within the industry in an
attempt to combat this menace.
The question before this conunittee, therefore, and the scope of its
present inquiry, will be to determine the extent of Communist infiltra-
tion in the Hollywood motion-picture industry. We want to know
what strategic positions in the industry have been captured by these
elements, whose loyalty is pledged in word and deed to the interests
of a foreign power.
The conunittee is determined that the hearings shall be fair and
impartial. We have subpenaed witnesses representing both sides
of the question. All we are after are the facts.
Now, I want to make it clear to the witnesses, the audience, the mem-
bers of the press, and other guests here today that this hearing is
going to be conducted in an orderly and dignified manner at all times.
But if there is anyone here today or at any of the future sessions of
this hearing who entei'tains any hopes or plans for disrupting the pro-
ceedings, he may as well dismiss it from his mind.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman, I am attorney for the 19 subpenaed
witnesses, as is Mr. Bartley Crum. You recall that we submitted a
telegram yesterday on a motion to quash. It seems to me that the
most orderly way that we can present this would be to do so before a
witness has been sworn under any subpena as the motion would be
identical for any witness. If the committee is without constitutional
authority to proceed to
The Chairman. Just a minute. May I ask your name, please?
Mr. Kenny. Robert Kenny, and this is my associate, Mr. Bartley
Crum.
The Chairman. And you represent the 19 witnesses whose names
were listed in the telegram sent to me this morning?
Mr. Kenny. That is right, Mr. Chairman.
Tlie Ciiair^ian. INIr. Kenny, these Avitnesses of yours will not be
called until next week, they will not come up today at all, or any other
day this week. So if you will present your statement to the committee,
we will take it under advisement, and then you can argue the ques-
tion, if the committee sees fit, when your witnesses come up next Mon-
day— I believe the first witnesses are to come up Monday or Tuesday
or Wednesday. So if you will just present your statement to the
committee.
Mr. Crum. Mr. Chairman, may I file
The Chairman. Present your statement to the committee.
Mr. Crum. Thank j^ou. I would like to file this with you, Mr.
Chairman.
(A paper was handed to Mr. Stripling.)
The Chairman. That will be filed. You discuss the matter further
when you present your witnesses to tlie committee.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness today.
Mr. Stripling. I will ask Mr. H. A. Smith to take the stand.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman
4 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. I am sorry. Just a minute.
I am very sorry, but we have a certain procedure to follow. You,
as the former Attorney General in the State of California, know
how important it is to follow the procedure. You also know the
great necessity for order. It will probably be difficult to maintain
order in these hearings. So you will just have to bear with us, Mr.
Kenny. You may come back when you present your witnesses next
week.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. That is all.
Mr. Crum. May we ask if we have a right to cross-examine?
The Chairman. You may not ask one more thing at this time.
Please be seated.
Mr. Crum. Certainly American.
The Chairman. Kaise your right hand, please.
Do 3^ou solemnly swear that the testimony you shall give will be
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth?
Mr. Smith. I do.
The Chairman. Be seated, please.
TESTIMONY OF H. A. SMITH
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Smith, will you state your full name and
present address.
Mr. Smith. My name is H. A. Smith. I reside at 1514 Bel Aire
Drive, Glendale, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Smith. I was born in Dixon, 111., in October 1909.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Smith, were you ever employed by the Federal
Bureau of Investigation?
Mr. S]MiTH. I was. I was employed as a special agent of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation from 193.5 to and including 1942.
Mr. Stripling. Will you outline for the committee the various
positions you have held in the Bureau, and the nature of your work?
Mr. Smith. During that period of time I worked in a number of
various field offices, the last 5 years of which I was assigned to the
Los Angeles office. While there I was what is called a No. 1 man,
or assistant to the agent in charge.
The Chairman. Just a minute. We will have to have more order.
We will particularly have to have more order from our friends, the
photographers. We just can't hear the witness.-
Go ahead.
The Witness. During that time I was in charge of the internal
security investigations of the Los Angeles field division, which had
to do with matters relating to the national defense, espionage, sabotage,
and all of those related articles — fascism, nazism, and communism.
After resigning from the Federal Bui'oau of Investigation in 1942
I was manager of plant protection at Lockheed Aircraft in charge of
security from 1942 until 1944, since which time I have returned to the
practice of law and investigation at Los Angeles.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Smith, were you appointed on July 18, 1947, as
a special investigator to conduct investigations for the Committee on
Un-American Activities into alleged Communist influences in the
motion-picture industry ? ■
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 5
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; I was; and since that time I have been en-
o;ao;ed continuously in interviewing hundreds of people, reviewing
files, working practically night and day, and Saturday, and Sundays,
in an effort to gather information to present to this committee. Dur-
ing the ensuing session I have been assisted in the investigation by
Mr. A. B. Leckie.
The Chairman. Let the record show that Mr. Wood is present and
a quorum of the full committee is present.
Mr. Smith. I have been assisted by Mr, A. B. Leckie — L-e-c-k-i-e.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, those are all the questions I have at
this time of Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. Do any of the members have any questions of Mr.
Smith?
Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. IMcDowell?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
Mr. Stripling. This is purely for the purpose of identification.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
Mr. Wood. No.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Stripling. I now ask Mr. Leckie to take the stand.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Leckie. I do.
TESTIMONY OF A. B. LECKIE
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Leckie, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address?
Mr. Leckie. A. B. Leckie, 449 North Orlando Street, Los Angeles,
Calif.
Mr. Stripling. "Wlien and where were you born ?
Mr. Leckie. Born in Greenville, Ala., 1905.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Leckie, were j^ou ever employed by the Federal
Bureau of Investigation ?
Mr. Leckie. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you outline for the committee the positions you
held with the Bureau ?
Mr. Leckie. I served 1 year as administrative assistant to ]\Ir.
Hoover. I was a year and a half in charge of the Philadelphia office
and was assigned to other offices prior to that.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever held any other positions, either in the
Bureau or in the armed services of the LTnited States, which would
qualify you as an investigator?
Mr. Leckie. I served in a similar capacity with the United States
Navy during the war.
IVIr. Stripling. From what period ?
Mr. Leckie. From 1942 to 1945, inclusive.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Leckie, you were appointed on Julj^ 18, 1947,
as a special investigator to assist Mr. Smith in his investigation of
6 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
alleged Communist activity in the motion-picture industry; is that
true ?
Mr, Leckie. I was; and I have worked continuously with him
through the entire time.
]Mr. Stribling. That is all, Mr. Chairman, at this time.
The Chairman. Do any members of the committee have any ques-
tions ?
(No response.)
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr, Leckie.
Mr. Stribling. Next, I would like to call Mr. Louis J. Kussell.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, do you solemnly swear that the testi-
mon}^ you are about to give shall be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth?
Mr. Russell. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stribling. Will you state your full name and present address,
Mr. Russell?
Mr. Russell. Louis J. Russell, Washington, D. C.
Mr. Stribling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Russell. Louisville, Ky., December 16, 1911.
Mr. Stribling, You are presently a member of the investigative staff
of the Committee on Un-American Activities?
Mr, Russell. I am, sir.
Mr. Stribling. How long have you been an investigator for the
Committee on Un-American Activities?
Mr, Russell, Since May 1945.
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever employed by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation ?
Mr, Russell. I was employed by the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion for a period of 10 years.
Mr. Stripling. What positions did you hold with the Bureau as an
investigative agent?
Mr. Russell. While with the Bureau I served in the Indianapolis,
Newark, Washington, Hartford, and Oklahoma field divisions.
While attached to the Newark field division I was supervising agent
in charge of accounting, criminal investigation, and allied subjects.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever at any time been detailed by the
Committee on Un-American Activities to proceed to Hollywood to
conduct an investigation into alleged Communist influences in the
motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; I was ; in 1945, during the month of August, I
conducted an approximately 3-week investigation in Hollywood,
Calif., and following that I conducted further investigation in Wash-
ington, D. C, and other cities relating to the Hollywood motion-
picture industry.
Mr. Stripling. Did you proceed to Hollywood this year for the
purpose of making an investigation?
Mr. Russell. Yes, sir ; during the month of May 1947.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr, Chairman.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 7
The Chairman. Does any rneniber of the committee have any
questions to ask ?
(No response.)
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, I desire to call
is Mr. Jack L. Warner.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth ?
Mr. Warner. I do.
TESTIMONY OF JACK L. WAKNER
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, are you accompanied by counsel?
Mr. Warner. I am.
Mr. Stripling. Will you identify your counsel?
Mr. Warner. Mr. Paul V. McNutt.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McNutt, do you have any statement you would
like to make as to whom you are representing at this hearing^
Mr. McNuTT. Mr. Stripling, I represent the Motion Picture Asso-
ciation of America, Inc., and the Association of Motion Picture Pro-
ducers, Inc., and their member companies. Mr. Warner's company
is a member of both associations.
Mr. Stripling. You will be appearing, then, with various witnesses?
Mr. McNuTT. That is true.
Mr. Stripling. From time to time?
Mr. McNuTT. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Do you represent in any way the 19 witnesses who
are represented by Mr. Kenny and Mr. Crum ?
]Mr. McNuTT. I do not.
Mr. Stripling. You do not.
Just have a seat, Mr. McNutt.
The Chairman. Mr. McNutt, the Chair would like to inform you
that it is the policy of this committee to permit counsel to advise his
client, the witness here on the stand, of his constitutional rights, and
only on the question of his constitutional rights.
I would like to say to counsel that we hope you will bear with us in
that and tliat it will not be necessary at any time to remind you of that.
Mr. McNutt. I understand, Mr. Cliairman. Of course, I should
like to make a request to be permitted to cross-examine witnesses.
The Chairman. You will not have that permission. It is not the
policy of the committee to permit counsel to cross-examine witnesses.
You will only have the right, the solemn right, to advise your client,
the witness, on his constitutional rights. Nothing else. You are no
different from any of the other attorney's who have appeared before
this committee this year in the many hearings that we have had.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, will you state your full name and
present address?
Mr. Warner. My name is Jack L. Warner, 1801 Angelo Drive,
Beverley Hills, Calif.
Mr. Strlpling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Warner. London, Ontario, Canada, 1892.
8 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Warner, you are here before the Committee on
Un-American Activities in response to a subpena served upon you on
September 29, 1947; is that correct?
Mr. Wakner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Warner. In charge of production of Warner Bros, studios at
Burbank, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a vice president of Warner Bros. ?
Mr. Warner. I am.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been associated with the motion-
picture industry?
Mr. Warner. Approximately forty-odd years.
Mr. Wood. I didn't get that last statement.
Mr. Warner. Forty-odd years.
Mr. Stripling. ]\Ir. Warner, in what various capacities have you
been associated with the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Warner. I would say writer, director, producer.
Mr. Stripling. When was the corporation known as Warner Bros.
first founded?
Mr. Warner. I just can't remember the exact date.
Mr. Stripling. Approximately when?
]Mr. Warner. I believe it was 1922 — or between 1922 and 1926. Be-
fore tliat it was a copartnership of the four brothers.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall how many people you employed at the
time the corporation was first founded ?
Mr. Warner. I haven't any recollection. No ; I don't know.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with how many people are em-
ployed at the present time ?
Mr. Warner. I would say approximately 25,000 throughout the
world.
Mr. Stripling. Throughout the world.
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. About how many pictures does your company pro-
duce a year ? That is, on an average.
Mr. Warner. At present?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. Twenty-four. In addition, what we term "short sub-
jects," and we now have a news release, the Warner-Pathe News
Release.
Mr. Stripling. When you say 20
Mr. Warner. Twenty-four full-length pictures; 50 or 60 short sub-
jects ; and 100 or more news releases a year.
Mr. Stripling. Could you give us the figure of — say, for any time
during the past 5 years — the gross income of Warner Bros.?
Mr. Warner. I am not familiar with the gross income. That was
not my end of the business — other than reading the reports.
INIr. Stripling. Is Warner Bros, one of the major studios in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Warner. One of the large studios. I don't go along with the
word "major."
Mr. Stripling. Would it be one of the four largest?
INIu. Warner. I would say it was one of the large studios in Holly-
wood.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 9
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, as the chairman lias stated, the purpose
of this hearing is to determine tlie extent of Communist infiltration
and influence in the motion-picture industry.
Since you have been in Hollywood, has there ever been a period
during which you considered that the Communists had infiltrated into
the studios?
Mr. Warner. Before we proceed, if it is proper, I would like to read
a statement that I have prepared into the record.
Mv. Stripling. ]Mr. Warner, it is not the policy of this committee
to permit witnesses to read statements. However
Mr. Wood. I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that the witness be permitted
to submit his statement.
Mr. Warner. I read the statement in Los Angeles.
The Chairman. It was the same statements
Mr. Warner. I read the statement in Los Angeles.
The Chairman. Is this the same statement you read in Los Angeles ?
Mr. Warner. Similar to a degree, more or less.
The Chairman. May I just see the statement, please?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
(The paper was handed to the chairman.)
The Chairman. It will be all right to read this statement. The only
reason we questioned it was that we wanted to make certain that it was
pertinent to the inquiry.
Mr. AVarner. Yes, sir ; it is.
The Chairman. And also will you read it into the microphone, Mr.
Warner.
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And speak just a little louder.
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
(STATEMENT OE JACK L. WARNER)
It is a privilege to appear again before this committee to help as
much as I can in facilitating its work.
I am happy to speak openly and honestly in an inquiry which has
for its purpose the reaffirmation of American ideals and democratic
processes. As last May, when I appeared before a subcommittee of
this group in Los Angeles, my testimony is based on personal opinions,
impressions, and beli/efs created by the things I have heard, read, and
seen. It is given freely and voluntarily.
Our American way of life is under attack from without and from
within our national borders. I believe it is the duty of each loyal
American to resist those attacks and defeat them.
Freedom is a precious thing. It requires careful nurturing, protec-
tion, and encouragement. It has flourished under the guaranties of
our American Constitution and Bill of Rights to make this country the
ideal of all men who honestly wish to call their souls their own.
I believe that I, as an individual, and our company as an organiza-
tion of American citizens, must watch always for threats to the Ameri-
can way of life. History teaches the lesson that liberties are won
bitterly and may be lost unwittingly.
We have seen recent tragic examples of national and personal free-
doms destroyed by dictator-trained wrecking crews. The advance
10 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
guards of propagandists nad infiltrationists were scarcely noticed at
lirst. They got in their first licks quietly, came into the open only
when they were ready to spring the trap. Heedless peoples suddenly
woke up to find themselves slaves to dictatorships imposed by skillful
and willful groups.
I believe the first line of defense against this familiar pattern is
an enlightened public. People aware of threats to their freedom can-
not be victimized by the divide-and-conquer policies used by Hitler
and his counterparts.
It is my firm conviction that the free American screen has taken its
rightful place with the free American press in the first line of defense.
Ideological termites have burrowed into many American industries,
organizations, and societies. Wherever they may be, I say let us dig
them out and get rid of them. My brothers and I will be happy to
subscribe generously to a pest-removal fund. We are willing to estab-
lish such a fund to ship to Russia the people who don't like our
American system of government and prefer the communistic system
to ours.
That's how strongly we feel about the subversives who want to
overthrow our free American system.
If there are Communists in our industry, or any other industry,
organization, or society who seek to undermine our free institutions,
let's find out about it and know who they are. Let the record be
spread clear, for all to read and judge. The public is entitled to know
the facts. And the motion-picture industry is entitled to have the
public know the facts.
Our comjDany is keenly aware of its responsibilities to keep its prod-
uct free from subversive poisons. With all the vision at my command,
I scrutinize the planning and production of our motion pictures. It
is my firm belief that there is not a Warner Bros, picture that can
fairly be judged to be hostile to our country, or communistic in tone or
purpose.
Many charges, including the fantasy of "White House pressure" have
been leveled at our wartime production Mission to Moscow. In my
previous appearance before members of this' committee, I explained the
origin and purposes of Mission to Moscow.
That picture was made when our country was fighting for its exist-
ence, with Russia as one of our allies. It was made to fulfill the same
wartime purpose for which we made such other pictures as Air Force,
This Is the Arm}', Objective Burma, Destination Tokyo, Action in the
North Atlantic, and a great many more.
If making Mission to Moscow in 1912 was a subversive activity, then
the American Liberty ships which carried food and guns to Russian
allies and the American naval vessels which convoyed them were
likewise engaged in subversive activities. The picture was made only
to help a desperate war effort and not for posterity.
The Warner Bros, interest in the preservation of the American way
of life is no new thing with our company. Ever since we began mak-
ing motion pictures we have fostered American ideals and done what
we could to protect them.
Not content with merely warning against dangers to our free sys-
tem, Warner Bros, has practiced a policy of positive Americanism.
We have gone, and will continue to go, to all ]:)ossible lengths to iterate
and reiterate the realities and advantages of America.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 11
Good American common sense is the determining factor in judging
motion-picture scripts before they are put in production and motion-
picture scenes after they are photographed. We rely upon a deep-
rooted, pervading respect for our country's principles.
One of those American principles is the right to gripe and criticize
in an effort to improve. That right to gripe is not enjoyed under
communistic dictatorships. To surrender that privilege under pres-
sure would betray our American standards.
Freedom! of expression, however, does not, under our Constitution
and laws, include a license to destroy.
We believe positive methods offer the best defense against possible
subversive activities. In my previous testimony before a subcom-
niittee of this committee, I stated certain people whom we let go were
subsequently hired by other studios.
By no stretch of the imagination can that be construed as question-
ing the loyalty of other employers. The producers who hired the
men we discharged are good Americans. There is no positive guide
to determine whether or not a person is a Communist ; and the laws of
our land, which are in the hands of you gentlemen, offer no clean-cut
definition on that point.
We can't fight dictatorships by borrowing dictatorial methods.
Nor can we defend freedom by curtailing liberties, but we can attack
with a free press and a free screen.
Subversive germs breed in dark corners. Let's get light into those
corners. That, I believe, is the purpose of this hearing and I am
happy to have had the opportunity to testify.
Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, getting back to my original ques-
tion
Mr. Warner. Do you want this statement for the record?
Mr. Stripling. That will be made a part of the record, Mr. Chair-
man ?
The Chairman. So ordered.^
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, since you have been in Hollywood, has
there ever been a period during which you considered that the Com-
munists or the Fascists had infiltrated into the studios ?
Mr. Warner. As I said in Los Angeles on May 16, I believe — 15,
rather — I have never seen a Communist, and I wouldn't know one if
I saw one.
With reference to Fascists. I have seen them. Not in America. I
mean in Europe. Therefore, I don't know if Fascists have worked
in the studios — or Communists, rather — or both.
Mr. Stripling. I have here before me, Mr. Warner, y.our testimony,
wherein the following question was asked : ^
Mr. Stripling, air. Warner, since you have been in Hollywood has there ever
been a period during which you considered that the Communists had infiltrated
into your studio?
Air. Warner. Yes. Do you mean by huge numbers, or what?
Mr. Stripling. In any degree.
Mr. Warner. Yes ; there has been a period.
Mr. Stripling. When was that?
^ See appendix, p. 52.'?, for statement exhibit l.»
2 See appeuflix, p. 523. for testimony of Jack L. Warner before the Subcommittee on
Un-American Activities, May 15, 1947, in Hollywood, Calif.
12 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Wakner. Chiefly I would say starting in about 193G or 1937. That is the
first time I started to notice that type of writing coming into our scenarios.
It is being put into scripts to this day in one form or another.
Mr. Stripling. In your studio?
Mr. Warner. In our studio and every studio ; yes. * * *
Now, that is your testimony, Mr. Warner ?
Mr. Warner. Yes; that wasn't your question. You asked nie if
there were any Communists in the industry. If you refer directly to
our studio, I would like to answer along the same lines I attempted to
answer in Los Angeles.
The Chairman. What is your answer?
Mr. Warner. The same as that.
The Chairman. What is that ?
Mr. Warner. The answer is that there are people with un-Ameri-
.can leanings who have been writing — mostly in the writing division —
that have been writing types of — what I personally term un-Ameri-
can principles, for the want of a better word.
The Chairman. You admit that there are, or were. Communists,
or Communist sympathizers, in your own industry ?
Mr. Warner. I don't know about Communist sympathizers. I
know they are un-American in their methods.
Mr. Stripling. In his studio, he means.
The Chairman. Do you mean un-American because they are Com-
munists or un-American because they are Fascists ?
Mr. Warner. No; un-American because they endeavor to put sev-
eral things into scripts that, in my opinion, are un-American, and it
is my business to see that it doesn't get in. If it eventually does creep
in, I cut it out.
The CiixViR3iAN. There is little difference whether a person is a Com-
munist or a Fascist if he is un-American; isn't that true?
Mr. Warner. I am not qualified to answer.
The Chairman. But you admit there are some people in your studio
that are un-American?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; I admit that.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
INIr. Warner. I admit it through the process which I have just
stated, in the method of writing script. Their other activities I know
nothing about.
Mr. Stripling. As I understand it, Mr. Warner, the testimony that
you gave in Los Angeles was to the effect that you detected within
your studio writers who were attempting to inject Communist prop-
aganda into pictures. Your testimony was to the effect that they
were not successful in that effort ?
Mr. Warner. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You gave us the names of a number of writers whom
you dismissed for one reason or other because you felt they were at-
tempting to inject communism or Communist propaganda into the
pictures.
Mr. Warner. I say un-American propaganda. If you want to use
the word "Communist" naturally you have that prerogative.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee the names of the
writers who were employed in your studio whom you considered were
attempting to place Communist propaganda in motion pictures?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 13
Mr. Warner. As I said, again referring to my statement, or testi-
mony, endeavoring to put in Communist propaganda, as I said in my
statement ■
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, would you prefer that we proceed this
way, I will read your testimony and you can confirm it or deny it,
as you see fit ?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. The following question was asked you :
Mr. Stripling. Is that the principal mediuin, the writers, through which the
Communists have sought to inject their Communist propaganda into fihns?
Mr. Warner. Yes; I would say 95 percent.
Mr. Stripling. Ninety-five percent is through the writers?
Mv. Warner. This is my own personal opinion.
Mr. Stripling. You say at the present time to your knowledge there are no
Connnunist writers in your studio?
Mr. Warnb^;. That is correct, sir. I did not finish telling you how we released
them or got rid of them.
Mr. Stripling. Go right ahead.
Mr. Warner. I think it is worth finishing. Anyone whom I thought was a
Communist, or read in tlie papers that he was, I dismissed at the expiration of his
contract. If it was for an individual picture and we had no obligations, we
could let him go. In one fellow's case I had to hold onto him because we were
dropping them too rapidly, and it was too apparent. So we held onto him. I
held him until the last 2 weeks, and I could not stand him any longer. He was
contributing nothing by holding meetings in the offices.
Mr. Stripling. What was his name?
Mr. Warner. Kahn ; Gordon Kahn.
Mr. Stripling. Why did you say it was too apparent?
Mr. Warner. By letting them all go at oitce, in one day. When I say "all"
there were only probably a half dozen at tops. There weren't so many.
Mr. Stripling. But they were definitely entrenched in your studio?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
Now, down to that point that is the testimony you gave ; is it not ?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; it is.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I w^ant to point out that this is
sworn testimony which I am reading.
Mr. Stripling. You have since gotten them out?
Mr. Warner. Yes. If there is anyone else in there I don't know who he is.
There may be some in other places. Mr. Matthews is checking up very rigidly.
The Mr. Matthews referred to here is Mr. Blaney Matthews; is that
right ?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He occupies the position of plant
Mr. Warner. Plant personnel.
Mr. Stripling (continuing) :
Mr. Thomas. Do you want to get the names of the other writer.'^?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; I would like to have those from the record, either from
you or Mr. Matthews.
Mr. Warner. When I say those people are Communists, as I said b^^fore, it is
from hearsay. It was from printed forms I read in the Hollywood Reporter.
Mr. Thomas. But you got enough information to let them go?
Mr. Warner. I could tell in their writings and method of pi'esentation of
screen plays.
Mr. Stripling. You mean not calling them Communists?
Mr. Warner. They were un-American.
Mr. Stripling. For one reason or another you ob.lected to the lines they were
attempting to put in your scripts?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
67683 — 47 2
14 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. And you let these six people go. Can you name the six?
Mr. Warneu. Yes; I think I can. I wish you would bear with me.
I\Ir. Thomas. That is all right.
Mr. Warner. I have heard these people stand around and ridicule and rib
the committee, your full committee: "They aren't looking for Fascists; they are
only looking for Communists. They have the same routine ; to belittle the other
fellow and scheme about it."
]Mr. Thomas. If you have any names we would like to have them.
Mr. Warner. Here are the names of people who in my opinion wrote for the
screen and tried to inject these ideas, and I personally removed them — according
to my best judgment or any of my executives working with me. Whether or not
they are Communists I don't know, but some of them are, according to what I
have read and heard.
The first one is Alvah Bessie. Then Gordon Kahn. He is in charge of editing
the little journal of the Screen Writers' Guild. He is now down in Mexico
trying to write a story about a picture we were producing down there. I gave
instructions all along the line not to have him in there, but he gets in. The day I
let him go he was right on the plane for Mexico. He is writing a story for Holiday
magazine, one of the Curtis Publisliing Co.'s magazines. I tried through the
New York office to tell them the fellow was "off the beam" and should not accept
his material. I was told, "You are not going to interfere with the right of free
speech and freedom of the press." I got tJie usual run-down of a publisher. That
is what they told my man. I tried to have the story stopped for this particular
paper, but he is writing it. In fact, we were chastised for interfering with their
business, so I got off of that.
Guy Endore, Howard Koch, Ring Lardner, Jr., Emmett Lavery, John Howard
Law.son, Albert Maltz, Robert Rosson, Erwin Shaw, Dalton Trumbo, John Wexley.
You know these names.
Mr. Thomas. That is a very familiar list.
INIr. Warner. Julius and Philip Epstein, twins.
Mr. Thomas. What are they doing?
Mr. Warnek. They are at IM-G-M. I will give you my theory of what happened
to these fellows when I finish.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. W^^rner. Sheridan Gibney, Clifford Odets. That is all of my list.
Mr. Stripling. Were all of these writers that you named employed in your
studio at one time or another?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; they were.
Mr. Stripling. Could you give us the names of some of the pictures in which
they injected their lines or propaganda?
l\Ir. Warner. I would rather correct that, if you don't mind.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
Mr. Warner. They endeavor to inject it. Whatever I could do about it — I
took it out.
Mr. Stripling. Tell us some of the pictures in which they endeavored to do that.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. As I understand it, this was all sworn testimony in
executive session ; is that correct ?
Mr, Stripling. That is right, sir.
The testimony continued :
Mr. Warner. Do you want the names?
Mr. Stripling. Identify the films.
Mr. Warnfjl Alvah Bessie, The Very Thought of You. Gordon Kahn, Her
Kind of Man. I might inject there for a moment, the majority of those writers,
some of them wrote for as high as 6, 8, or 10 months, and never delivered anything.
What they were doing was taking your money and supposedly writing your
scripts and trying to get these doctrines into the films, working for the party, or
whatever the term is. The strange thing is very few of these fellows deliver.
Mr. Stripling. Is that right?
Mr. Warner. Not only in our studios, but in any of the studios. I can speak
authoritatively on that. These are the credits that these people have. They
are always in every one of them. Howard Koch, In Our Time. I might explain
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 15
how some of these stories come out. Sometimes four or five of these writers con-
tribute. These fellows contribute and then three other good writers are doing
the most of it, but they contribute some things and they get the screen credit.
I should have had more information as to who collaborated with them. They
didn't do anything in the western pictures. As far as Kocli is concerned, he was
on 20 scripts, but he never got anywhere because he always started out with big
messages and I used to take them out. This fellow was on contract and I
couldn't let him go. He is now working for Samuel Goldwyn. I can't remember
the name of the picture he is working on.
Ring Lardner, Jr., was on several pictures. He didn't put any message in The
Kokomo Kid. Or Emmett Lavery, he has no credits. We throw his stuff in all
the way and pile it up.
John Howard Lawson, Action in the North Atlantic.
Albert Maltz in Pride of the Marines.
Mr. Thomas. Did he get much into Pride of the Marines?
Mr. Warner. No ; in my opinion he didn't get in anything because everything
they endeavor to write in, if the;y photographed it, I cut it out. I ran those
films myself. There is one little thing. where the fellow on the train said, "My
name is Jones, so I can't get a .iob." It was this kid named Diamond, a Jewish
boy, in the marines, a hero at Guadalcanal. In fact, I had a couple of boys run
the picture 3 or 4 days ago and I read it. Dr. John Leach said something about
it, but there is nothing to it. If there is, I don't know where it is.
I have had experiences from 1916 or 1917. I made My Four Years in Germany
and I produced that in New York right during the First World War. I can look at
a mirror and see three faces. You can see anything you want to see and you can
write anything you want to, but there is nothing in my pictures that I cannot
qualify being there, with the exception that it might have gotten by me, because
you can't be superhuman. Some of these lines have innuendos and double mean-
ings, and things like that, and you have to take 8 or 10 Harvard law courses to
find out what they mean.
Mr. Stripling. They are very subtle.
Mr. Warner. Exceedingly so. Rossen, I gave him a credit for They Won't
Forget and Dust Be My Destiny.
Erwin Shaw, The Hard Way.
Dalton Trumbo worked in our place in 1935 and 1936. He had credit for The
Kid From Kokomo, and so has Ring Lardner, Jr. It gives you an idea ; they work
in pairs. All he is credited with is The Road Gang. I can't remember that. That
was 12 years ago.
John Wexley had a picture called City for Conquest in 1940. Some of these
pictures I have called off were produced during the war. Naturally, they were
pictures aimed at aiding the war effort. They were realistic. Take Action in the
North Atlantic, which was produced for the merchant marine because at the time
they could not get proper enlistments and all that. I made this film. We did not
pull any punches. It was a good, hard film of the real life of the merchant marine.
I don't know whether you saw it or not.
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warnke. Naturally, John Howard Lawson tried to swing a lot of things in
there, but to my knowledge there wasn't anything.
Mr. Stripling. John Howard Lawson did try to put stuff in?
Mr. WARNEK._Yes ; I would say he did in one form or another.
Mr. Stripling. All right, are you through with the list?
Mr. Warnek. No ; the Epstein brothers did very good work at one time, but
they fell off.
Mr. Thomas. Did they do any part of Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Their name is not on here as credit for that.
Mr. Stripling. Who did Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Howard Koch, 1943.
Mr. Thomas. Did he do any part of Edge of Darkness?
Mr. Warner. No ; just a moment, please. Robert Rosson did that in 1942. That
was a war subject, too.
Mr. Thomas. You did not do North Star, did you?
Mr. Warner. No ; we did not.
Mr. Thomas. You did not do Song of Russia?
Mr. Warner. No ; we did not. The Epstein brothers worked on a picture called
Animal Kingdom. As I recall, tnat was aimed at the capitalistic system — not
exactly, but the rich man is always the villain. Of course, those fellows getting
16 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
two or three thousand dollars a week aren't rich men. I don't know what you
would call them. Both of those fellows work together. They are never separated.
The rest of them are a lot of comedies : Yankee Doodle Dandy, the Man Who
Came to Dinner, Arsenic and Old Lace, Strawberry Blonde, Four Mothers — all of
those pictures are comedies and there is no taint of communism in them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, do you desire me to proceed in this
manner, that is, reading the testimony in directly, or do j'oii wish me to
proceed in question-and-answer form ?
The Chairman. We would like to know from Mr. Warner at this
point whether he still believes as he did when he testified in California
on May 15, 1 think it was, the testimony of which was just read ?
Mr. Warner. Yes, I do, with one exception, and that is referring to
the Curtis Publishing Co. I didn't elaborate too much as I have
formed sort of a habit of being very curt in my speech, having to talk
all day in my particular business, so I didn't go into too much detail
about that.
I meant this : That the Curtis Publishing Co. by refusing — at least to
iinybody from our company — to publish this Gordon Kahn's article,
good or bad, whatever it was, I don't know, proves decisively that the
American way of life, free speech and free press, is very, very important
to retain and to never let it go. If anyone could influence Curtis Pub-
lishing Co. they could influence anybodv. Tlierefore, I believe — I pay
my deep respects to the Curtis Publishing Co. for their American stand
on free press and free speech.
Tlie Chairman. On all those other names you would make the same
statement in relation to them today as you did on May 15 ?
Mr. Warner. I would with the exception that I have looked up one
or two of the men ; it has been so far back. I was naturally carried
away at the time with this testimony being taken. I was rather emo-
tional, being 111 a very emotional business, to a degree. There are sev-
eral names here, one or two that I mentioned that I haven't any recol-
lection of at this time, after careful investigation, having written any
subversive elements.
The Chairman. You better name them.
Mr. Warner. Gu> Endore — it has been so long ago.
The Chairman. Then you would take him off the list?
The Witness. Yes, sir. Sheridan Gibney. As I stated, I hope
fully here, I have referred to Julius and Philip Epstein in this one
particular picture. The rest of the time they were always on very
good American films and there is very little can be said about them.
As I said, they do it in a joking way. The rich man is alwaysj the
villain, which is as old as the world itself. Ever since one man had
$1 and the other fellow had another dollar there has always been
that envy between man and man.
Outside of that, I would say these people whom I have mentioned
have not written Communist cloctrines, or endeavored to put in Com-
munist stories.
As I explained at our meeting in Los Angeles, my understanding
of the Communists or their doctrines is that they are a nation or a
country or a party or a sect, who endeavor to overthrow a country
or a government by violence and force. That I have never seen in
an American motion picture, not only ours, but anybody else's.
The Chairman. They would not be that foolish, would they?
I
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 17
Mr. Warner, I can't answer for them. I only speak from my own
actual experiences and my relations with every man. I find there
has been very little of it — remove that, if you please. I find these
people have not attacked the Government with violence and over-
throwing.
The Chairman. Don't you think it would be very foolish for a
Communist or a Communist sympathizer to attempt to write a script
advocating the OA^erthrow of the Government by force or violence?
Mr. Warner. Do you wish me to answer that as a motion-picture
executive or as an American citizen ?
The Chairman. Either one, it makes no difference, you are both.
Mr. Warner. It would not only be foolish, it would be something
they could not get away with in the American motion-picture industry
in California, or anywhere else.
The Chairman. Exactly. So what would they do? They would
put in slanted lines wherever they could and that is what you have
been trying to keep out?
Mr. Warner. That is correct.
The Chairman. That is why you have been doing exactly the same
thing in your business that we have been attempting to do in ours ?
Mr. Warner. That is correct.
The Chairman. You have detected these slanted lines, lines that
Communists or un-Americans, as you call them, would try to put in?
Mr, Warner, Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And because of that you have discharged a number
of employees; isn't that true?
Mr. Warner. I wouldn't use the word "discharged." I have had
them fulfill their legal obligations and then didn't renew their options,
or whatever you would call it.
The Chairman. But you did not rehire them ?
]\Ir. Warner. I did not rehire them ; that is correct.
The Chairman. Does any other member of the committee have any
questions to ask of Mr. Warner at this point ?
Mr. Vail. Yes, sir, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Warner, I gathered from Mr. McNutt's opening
statement that there is an Association of Motion Picture Producers
in California. Is your own firm a member of that association?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir; the Motion Picture Producers Association
is the name of it.
Mr. Vail. Are you an officer of the association ?
Mr. Warner. I am not ; no, sir.
Mr. Vail. In your testimony, you stated certain of your employees
were discharged on suspicion, apparently, of being Communists and
they were promptly hired by your competitors. Did I understand
you correctly?
iSIr. Warner. Some of them were; yes, sir; that is correct.
Mr. Vail. What is the purpose of the association?
Mr. Warner. The purpose of the association has nothing wha|:ever
to do with the hiring or firing or making of any terms of business
contracts. The business is the motion-picture industry and the pro-
duction field is very highly competitive. The association has nothing
whasoever to do with whom we eniraee.
18 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I would call it the sort of an organization where we handle mutual
affairs as to business in general, civic matters, and things of that na-
ture that happen in Los Angeles and in the industry in general.
Mr. Vail. Does the association comprise all the important pro-
ducers ?
Mr. Warner. It comprises all types of producers.
Mr. Vail. Is it all-inclusive? Does it include all the producers?
Mr. Warner. No; it does not. There is another association that
is headed by Donald Nelson, the Society of Independent American
Motion Picture Producers; I think that is the title, which has many
more members.
Mr. Vail. Wouldn't such an association provide a splendid piece of
machinery for distribution of information between producers as to
the type of individuals that are employed by the industry and who are
concerned with subversive activities?
Mr. Warner. Of course, that has never been brought up in the
association in any manner, shape, or form, by word or written form,
to my knowledge. I am rather active in the association. Of course,
I don't believe it would be legal in my opinion — speaking only per-
sonally— to have the association or any men band together to obstruct
the employment of any other man.
I don't believe the association would have anything whatsoever to
do with that type of operation. I would not be a party to it and
neither would any of the other men, from my knowledge of them.
Mr. Vail. Since we recognize the fact that motion pictures repre-
sent a forceful vehicle for the distribution of subversive information
it would seem to me that would be a very important bit of business for
your association. In other words, the association has a very grave
responsibility, it seems to me : To disseminate knowledge and infor-
mation to the American people that will not distort the viewpoint
of the people who see your pictures. So wouldn't that follow?
Mr. Warner. That sounds rather logical, but it doesn't hold water.
It doesn't happen, and I can't see- how it ever will happen unless there
are the proper laws created by you gentlemen in order to make a thing
like that legal, possible, active, and effectual. I wouldn't be a party
with anyone in an association, especially where you would be liable
for having a fellow's livelihood impaired: I wouldn't want to do
that.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Warner, would you be deeply concerned with the
assurance of a livelihood to the individual who is endeavoring to
destroy this form of government by force of arms, or violence?
Mr. Warner. Would I personally?
Mr. Vail. Or your association.
Mr. Warner. I couldn't hear you ^ery well. Would you repeat
that?
Mr. Vail. Would you be deeply interested in providing a livelihood
for the individual who was attempting by subversive methods to de-
stroy this form of government?
Mr. Warner. I cannot, at any time, during this hearing, speak for
anyone but myself in my business capacity and as an American citi-
zen. Therefore, as for myself, definitely I am against any type of
man creating, not only in motion pictures, but in any other enter-
prise, anything that would endeavor in any form, shape, or manner
to overthrow the democracv of the United States of America.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 19
I am absolutely against them and I would not engage them per-
sonally. I have said that before, and I will always say that. There
is no place for them in the American way of life ; I don't care whether
it is motion pictures, in Grand Rapids where they make furniture,
or in Detroit where they make motorcars. I am very emphatic about
that.
I feel very proud to be an American. I spent three-odd months in
Europe, and I saw the consequences of people who killed laws, who
destroyed freedom of enterprise, individual enterprise, private enter-
prise. I saw it in Europe, I saw it during the war, I saw it in Italy,
France ; and to a degree in England.
The CiTAiKMAN. Thank you.
Mr. Vail. Those are all the questions I have.
The Chairmajc. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Just one question, Mr. Warner.
You indicate Congress hasn't said what a Communist is. You know,
of course, this committee has before it a resolution outlawing Com-
munists and also another resolution defining Communists. Would
you advocate that the Congress adopt either of these resolutions ?
Mr. Warner. This is the first I knew that there was a resolution.
I never heard of it. It was probably while I was away. I would
advocate it providing it did not take away the rights of a free citizen,
a good American to make a livelihood, and also that it would not
interfere with the Constitution of the United States, as well as the
Bill of Rights.
Mr. McDowell. You know, during Hitler's regime they passed a
law in Germany outlawing communism and the Communists went to
jail. Would you advocate the same thing here ?
Mr. Warner. I am not an authority on Hitler's maneuvers and,
what is more, I don't believe I want to be — I am positive I don't want
to be, having seen the destruction of those people. It is a very sad
thing. Everyone in this room and everyone in the world knows the
consequences of that type of law.
Mr. McDowell. Canada has a similar law; also Panama, and many
South American countries. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. On that question, following up Mr. McDowell, in
view of the facts that this bill is before us to outlaw the Communist
Party and that laws have been passed outlawing the Communist Party
in other nations in this hemisphere, would you advocate that we outlaw
the Communist Party?
Mr. Warner. By the proper legal procedures.
The Chairman. If we passed a law that would be a proper legal
procedure, wouldn't it?
Mr. Warner. I, as an individual citizen, naturally am in favor of
anything that is good for all Americans.
The Chairman. Are you in favor of outlawing the Communist
Party?
Mr. Warner. You mean from the ballot?
The Chairman. Yes ; making it an illegal organization.
Mr. Warner. I am in favor of making it an illegal organization.
The Chairman. You are?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
20 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Nixon, Mr. Warner, you stated we can't fight dictatorships by
borrowing dictatorial methods. As I understand your observation
there, it is that if we adopt the same methods the dictatorships adopted
in Germany and Italy, and which the Communist dictatorships in
Russia and other Communist-dominated countries are adopting, if we
adopt those methods in fighting communism in the United States we
will be no better than they are from the standpoint of so-called free-
dom of expression, which you advocated very strongly in your state-
ment ?
Mr. Warner. By that I mean we learn the folly of the type of laws
they adopted. I am not qualified to say just what laws we should
have, but we certainly do not want to go along in their pattern.
Mr. Nixon. You think it is essential we maintain in America a
free press, free speech, and a free screen as the best safeguards against
dictatorship ?
Mr. Warner. Definitely; because if we do not — and I speak for
myself as an American, we will have a repetition of what they had
in the destroyed countries abroad. They had laws which completely
closed everything.
Mr. Nixon. Such as Germany and Italy?
Mr. Warner. Germany and Italy and when the Germans overran
these other countries everything was closed. There was not a radio
that wasn't planted; the words were put into the narrator's mouth.
There wasn't any free press; there were not any movies shown, only
as to the destruction of man by the Nazis. I saw pictures made before
the war that forecast everything that happened during the war.
That is, I saw these pictures in Europe.
Mr. NixoN. Have you had occasion during the past few years to
see any Russian motion pictures?
Mr. Warner. The only Russian picture I ever saw was an old
silent film about a battleship — Potempkin — or some name like tliat.
They put words into the actors' mouths ; they made it a talking film.
That is the only one I ever saw.
Mr. NixoN, From your knowledge and experience, would you say
they have what you would term a free screen in Russia today; that is,
they can make any kind of a picture they would like to?
Mr. Warner. Only from what I have read in the free press in
America do I know what is going on in Russia.
Mr. Nixon. What have you read in the free press in America?
Mr. Warner. My own individual conclusion is that everything is
censored, and you cannot do anything you want to do.
Mr. NixoN. In other words, from what you have read in the press,
which is free in America, the situation in Communist Russia today
is the same as it was in Nazi Germany, insofar as a free screen or
free press or free speech is concerned ?
Mr. Warner. No; I cannot say that I know that. I don't know it.
Not having been there I really don't know just how they control it.
I do know what Hitler and jNIussolini did, but I don't know what the
Russian Government is doing today.
Mr. NixoN. You think it is possible that in Russia today they do
have a free screen and free press? You follow the statements that are
made in the American press to the contrary; do you not?
Mr. Warner. I question that they have anything free there, from
what I have read of it in American newspapers.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 21
Mr. Nixon. Then so far as you are concerned, with your vital in-
terest in the free press and the free screen, and in maintaining that in
America, you believe it would be essential that we not have in the
United States a form of government, totalitarian form of govern-
ment, be it Nazi, Fascist, or Communist, which would when it came
into power immediately deny a free press, free speech, and a free
screen ?
Mr. Warner, I definitely am adverse to it with all my strength
and will oppose it with all my strength because it is my recollection
that the first thing Hitler did was to remove the press. As a matter
of fact, credit is given to Goering for taking over the important Berlin
newspapers. Hitler had always had one ; Goebbels had his in Munich
or one of the German cities.
The next thing they did was to remove the motion pictures. No one
could make pictures except the Nazis or under their direction.
Mr. Nixon. That is one of the reasons Warner Bros, before the war,
and even during the early years of the war, made so many effective
pictures describing what was happening in Fascist Germany and to a
less extent in totalitarian Italy?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir ; exactly.
Mr. Nixon. Because you were interested in maintaining a free sys-
tem here and you did not want to see that thing come over here?
Mr. Warner. Definitely, and in addition to that, we produced a film
called Confessions of a Nazi Spy where we endeavored on a free
screen by freemen to awaken the democracies of America and Eng-
land and others to this terrible menace that faced them. I may go to
Europe once or twice a year and I hear things in general that I heard
way back in 1936 and 1937. That was my last trip to Germany — in
1937. That is the reason for making the film.
Mr. Nixon. You made those films because you wanted to protect
free speech and the free press in America ?
Mr. Warner. Definitely — not only in America, but in other civilized
portions of the world where men can be freemen.
Mr. Nixon. Consequently, then, you would feel it was a patriotic
duty which you as a motion-picture producer have, to oppose as well
as you possibly can at any time the infiltration into your industry of
writers or others who in some way or other would attempt to put into
those pictures certain lines of propaganda which have as their aim and
their purpose the setting up in the United States of a totalitarian
system of government, be it Fascist, or Communist; which would de-
stroy the rights that you have now to make any kind of a picture you
want to nu.ike?
Mr. Warner. I am for everything that you have said.
Mr. Nixon. You agree with that statement?
Mr. Warner. I agree wholeheartedly.
Mv. Nixox. The statement was a little long.
Mr. Warner. It was a very good statement; it was the statement of
a real American, and I am proud of it.
Mr. Nixon. Now, I note that you made 24 pictures a year, including
60 or CO short subjects. I also notice, as probably most of us did who
go to the movies — and I saw Confessions of a Nazi Spy which, inci-
dentally was a very fine job — that you have made a considerable num-
ber of pictures in which you have pointed out the methods of totali-
tarian dictatorships — the way they deny free speech and free press,
22 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
SO that Americans would be able to watch for that sort of thing in our
own country and be able to resist it.
Mr. Warner. Pardon me. May I offer a list of 43 films — 43 of maybe
100 or more dating back to '1917, when I produced My Four Years in
Germany, under the former Annbassador to Germany at that time,
James W. Gerard.
If you go right on down through this list you will find a real effort
to do exactly as you stated a few minutes ago in your rather lengthy
speech — which was good. I want to repeat that. I don't think we
should be too tense on this. Being too tense, I think you end up
without any tense.
Here is a photostatic copy of a review in a Motion-Picture News
magazine, March 23, 1918, virtually 30 years ago. It is in 10 reels.
If you want to see it it is a silent film and runs for about an hour and
a half. It told the story of what led up to World War I and between
World War I and World War II. This is my opinion of what it did.
The pictures speak for themselves. May I offer that in evidence?
Mr. Nixon. I would like to have these pictures made a part of the
record at this point.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.^
(The documents referred to are as follows :)
March 21, 1918 My Four Years in Germany. By James W. Gerard.
December 15, 1918 Kaiser's Finish.
1919 lieware. By James W. Gerard.
December 11. 1923___ George Washington, Jr. By George M. Cohan.
March 12, 1927 The Better Ole. By Bruce Bairnsfather and Arthur Eliot.
August 10, 1930 The Dawn Patrol. By John Monk Saunders and Howard
Hawks.
June 20, 1931 Men of the Sky. By Jerome Kern and Otto Harbach.
September 12, 1931__. iVlexander Hamilton. By George Arliss and IVIary P.
Hamlin.
October 3, 1931 I'enrod and Sam. By Booth Tarkington.
February 27, 1937 Penrod and Sam (remake). By Booth Tarkington.
July 21, 1934 Here Comes the Navy (reissue June 7, 1941). By Ban
Markson.
October 12, 1935 Shipmates Forever. By Delmer Daves.
October 11, 1941 International Squadron. By Frank Wead.
August 22, 1936 China Clipper. By Frank Wead.
January 30, 1937 Black Legion. By Robert Lord.
Februiiry 20, 1937___ Green Light. By Lloyd Douglas.
November 27, 1937 Submarine D-1. By Frank Wead.
February 11, 1939 Wings of the Navy. By Michael Fessier.
May 6, 1939 Confessions of a Nazi Spy. By Milton Krims (from arti-
cles by Leon G. Turron).
January 27, 1940 The Fighting 69th. By NormaA Reilly Raine, Fred Niblo,
Jr., and Dean Franklin.
October 5, 1940 Knnte Rockne — All American. By Robert Buckner.
August 30, 1941 Dive Bomber. By Fraid< Wead.
November 1, 1!)41 One Foot in Heaven. By IIartz?ll Spence.
February 21, 1942 Captains of the Clouds. By Rohnid Gillett and Arthur
T. Horman.
July 4, 1942 Sergeant York. By Alvin C. York.
July IS, 1942 Wings for the Eagle. By Byron Morgan and Ben Harrison
Orkow.
September 5, 1942 Across the Pacific. By Robert Carson.
January 2, 1943 Yankee Doodle Dandy. By Robert Buckner.
January 23, 1943 Casablanca. By Murray IJurnett and Jean Alison.
March 20, 1943 Air Force. By Dudley Nichols.
June 12, 1943 Action in the North Atlantic. By Guy Gilpatric.
^ See appendix, p. 523, for exhibits 3 and 4.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 23
August 14, 1943 This Is the Army. By Irving Berlin.
September 4, 1943 Watch on the Rhine. By Lillian Hellnian.
October 23, 1943 Princess O'Rourke. By Norman Krasna.
January 1, 1944 Destination Tokyo. By Steve Fisher.
May 6, 1944 The Adventures of Mark Twain. By Alan LeMay and
Harold M. Sherman.
December 30, 1944__. Hollywood Canteen. By Delmer Daves.
February 17, 1945 < >l)jective Burma. By Alvah Bessie.
April 7, 1945 God Is My Co-Pilot. By Col. Robert Lee Scott, Jr.
September 1, 1945 Pride of the Marines. By Roser Butterfield.
March 30, 194(5 Saratoga Trunk. By Edna Ferber.
August 17, 1946 Two Guys From Milwaukee. By Charles Hoffman and
I. A. L. Diamone.
[Motion Picture News, March 23, 1918]
My Four Years in Germany
(My Four Years in Germany, Inc. — 10 reels)
Reviewed by Peter Milne
Ambassador James W. Gerard's widely read book, My Four Years in Germany,
relating his experiences as representative of the United States Government in the
center of Prussianism, makes a stirring patriotic propaganda as rendered into
film form by Charles A. Logue, who prepared a scenario, and by William Nigh,
who directed.
Last Sunday night at the Knickerbocker Theater when the film received its
premiere presentation, there was hardly a minutfi when the house did not ring
with applause that turned into cheers.
All the wily diplomacy with which the heads of the German Nation sought to
deceive the United States through its representative, all the atrocities witnessed
by Mr. Gerard, such as the mistreatment of the English prisoners, the deportation
of helpless Belgian women, perpetrated without regard for any sense of inter-
national law- — -these and a large assortment of views of Allied troops on the
march make capital seeing for tlie man who goes into the theater ready to have
his emotions stirred against the common enemy.
While there is no personal story interwoven with the facts, these in themselves
are fully dramatic enough to make the 10 reels pass tirelessly. There is no stone
left unturned to arouse the audience to a sense that the German manner of
conducting war is synonymous with barbarism.
One witnesses the heartrending sight of helpless prisoners shot down before
German tiring squads because "there will be less mouths to feed," of English and
Russian soldiers placed in the same pens together so that the former contract
diseases common among the latter, and feeding of the prisoners as dogs.
All of which Mr. Gerard was an eyewitness — and more — is utilized to spread
the propaganda.
The sense of humor of the director is oftimes obvious. It was, indeed, a praise-
worthy sense when it came to the production. One long line of actual horrors
and of German intrigue would be rather fatiguing without some relief. This is
introduced in the way of an element of burlesque (m the German Emperor, the
Crown Prince, and the other war lords of Germany. These touches registered
every time during the initial showing; and they are the kind that will be appre-
ciated by any audience.
The scenes of real troops with which the fihn is crowded are well woven into
the matter picturized from Mr. Gerard's book, and usually to more rousing effect
than if tliey liad merely been shown by themselves. When the Kaiser laughs at his
enemies it makes one feel pretty fine when these same enemies are shown pre-
p;a-ing for battle with a vengeance.
Halbert Brown, a man who might be mistak"/i for Mr. Gerard by his best friend,
impersonates him in the picture. He mnkes an impressive and dignified figure
of tiie American diplomat. Mr. Gerard himself cannot complain — at least he
didn't in his speech last Sunday night. Louis Dean presented a good make-up as
tiie Kaiser and had he been imbued with some sense of the autocratic majesty
of the part, his characterization might have been perfect.
Fred Hern and I'ercy Standing, respectively, playing Minister Von Jagow and
Secretary Zimmerman succeeded in l)ringiiig out the cunning German diplomacy
in realistic .style. Earl Schenck as the Crown Prince, George Riddell as von
24 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Hindenbiirg, Frank Stone as Prince Henry, Karl Dane as Betlimann-Hollweg, and
Arthur C. Duvel as von Falkenhayn generally have convincing make-ups and
play to good effect.
IMr. Nigh himself plays the part of a German social democrat whose excellent
convictions are finally overwhelmed by inborn patriotism. His tragic story,
terminating with his final stand tor helpless prisoners, adds a valuable ijersonal
touch to the picture, though it is not \<.ny prominent. A. B. Conkwright, as his
companion in the Reichstag, in whom blood lust predominates after the outbreak
of the war, also contributes a valuable characterization.
My Four Years in Gt^rmany exposes the inner workings of the German jwlitical
and military machine and lets its audience know why America is at war as
clearly as did Mr. Gerard's book.
Mr. Warner. I have 39 subjects here, all pro- American short sub-
jects.
Mr. Nixon. How many of those are there, Mr. Warner?
Mr. Warner. Thirty-nine. This is a list of those really to the point.
It starts out with Song of a Nation, and runs right on down to one
called It Happened in Springfield.
The Chairman. Without objection, that will be placed in the record.^
(The document referred to is as follows:)
Pro-Amekican Short Subjects
Release date Title
July 4, 1936 Song of a Nation (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Frank McDonald.
Writers : Screen play by Fori-est Barnes.
Stars: Donald Woods, (Jlaire Dodd, Joseph Crehan.
February 20, 1937 Under Southern Stars (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Nick Grinde.
Writers : Story and screen play by Forrest Barnes.
Stars : Fred Lawrence, Jane Bryan, Wayne Morris.
December 19, 1936 Give Me Liberty (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: B. Reeves Eaton.
Writers : Story and screen play by Forrest Barnes.
Stars: John Litel, Nedda Harrigan.
November 27, 1937__. Man Without a Country, the (patriotic series).
Produ -er : Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbur.
Writers: Screen play by Forrest Barnes; adapted
from story by Edward Everett Hale.
Stars: John Litel, Gloria Holden, Theodore Osborne
February 24, 1939_— Romance of Louisiana (patriotic series).
Pi-oducer : Gorden Hollingshead.
Written and directed by Crane Wilbur.
Stars: Addison Richards. Crane Wilbur, Orville Al-
derman.
August 19, 1939 Bill of Rights (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars: Ted Osborne, Maroni Olson.
May 27, 1939 Sons of Liberty (patriotic series).
Prcducer: Gordon Hollingshead.
Director : Michael Curtiz.
Writers : Original screen play by Crane Wilbur.
Stars: Claude Rains, Gale Sondergaard, Donald
Crisp.
■* See appendix, p. 523, for exhibits 5 and 8. 'H
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 25
Pro-American Short Subjects — Continued
Release date Title
February 11, 1939 Lincoln in the White House (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: William McGann.
Writers: Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars: Frank McGlynn, Sr., Dickie Moore.
November 26, 1938 Declaration of Independence (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars: John Litel, Ted Osborne, Roselle Towue.
July 1, 1939 Right Way, the.
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbui".
Writers : Original screen play by Dore Schary.
Stars: Irene Rich, Gabriel Dall, Hanry O Neill.
August 31, 1940 Service With the Colors (dedicated to U. S. Army).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Writers : Original screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars : Robert Armstrong, William Landigan.
February 24, 1940 Teddy the Rough Rider (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Ray Enright.
Writers : Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars : Sdney Blackmer, Pierre Watkin, Theodore
Von Eltz.
December 23, 1939 Old Hickory (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Lew Seller.
Writers : Screen play by Don Rayn and Owen Crump.
Stars: Hugh Sothern. Nana Bryant, Victor Kilian.
October 14, 1939 Monroe Doctrine (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers: Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars : Grant Mitchell, James Stephenson.
October 19, 1&40 Flag of Humanity (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Jean Negulesco.
Writers : Written by Charles Tedford.
Stars : Nana Bryant, Fay Helm.
June 20, 1942 March of Ame'ica.
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Writers : Written by Owen Crump, narrated by Rich-
ard Whorf.
November 28, 1942__ Spirit of West Point, The.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Jean Negiilesco.
September 5, 1942 Spirit of Annapolis, The.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Jean Negulesco.
February 27, 1943 Armv Show.
Director: Jean Negulesco.
Writers : Based on radio program Soldiers With
Wings.
November 4, 1944— Champions of th*^ Future.
Producer: Howard Hill.
Director: Howard Hill.
Writers: Narration written by Roger Z. Denny.
March 18, 1944 Chinatown Champs.
Producer : Van Campen Heilner and A. Pam Blumen-
thal.
Director: Andre De La Varre.
W iters: Narration written by Jack SchoU.
November 6, 1943 Our Alaskan Frontier.
Writers : Narration written by Carl Dudley.
26 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
PROnAMKRicAN Short SUBJECTS — (^ontimiefl
Release date Title
April 29, 1944 Our Frontier in Italy.
Writers: Narration written by Saul Elkins.
August 12, 1945 Devil Boats.
April as, 1945 It Happened in Sprinsfield.
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Crane Wilbur.
Stars : Andrea King, Warren Douglas, Charles Drake>
John Qualen.
November 11, 1944___ I Won't Play.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbur.
Writei-s : Story by Laurence Schwab. Screen play by
James Bloodworth.
Stars: Dane Clark, Janis Paige, Warren Douglas,
Robert Shayne, William Haade, William Benedict.
December 23, 1944 I Am an American.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Written by Crane Wilbur.
August 4, 1943 America the Beautiful.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Writers : Narration by Owen Crump and Saul Elkins.
February 3, 1945 Pledge to Bataan.
Producer: Gordon Holingshead ; associate, Herbert T.
Edwards.
Director: David GrifRn.
Writers: Narration by Ralph Schoolman 'and Charles
L. Tedford.
September 1, 1945— Miracle Makers (reissue).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Owen Crump.
Writers: From additional film by Lester Ilfeld.
October 13, 1945 Star in the Night.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Don Siegel.
Writers : Screen play by Saul Elkins. From a story
by Robert Finch.
Stars : J. Carrol Naish, Donald Woods, Rosina Galli.
October 10, 1945 Sports Go to War.
Producers : A. Pam Blumenthal and Andre De La
Varre.
Supervised by Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Van Campen Heilner.
Writer : Narration written by Charles L. Tedford.
March 30, 1946 All Aboard.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Carl Dudley.
Writer: Saul Elkins.
August 24, 1946 Men of Tomorrow.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Saul Elkins.
Writer: Saul Elkins.
June 15, 1946 Hawaiian Memories.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : John D. Craig.
Writer: Narration by Saul Elkins.
October 19, 1946 Star Spangled City.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Carl Dudley.
Writer : Narration written by Charles Linton Tedford
1945 Divide and Conquer.
1946 Hitler Lives. Academy award winning short.
Power Behind the Nation.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 27
[Congressional Record — Proceedings and debates of the 80th Cong., 1st sess.]
Statement of Senator Martin, of Pennsylvania, on Education in Patbiotism
Through Motion Pictures
In the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, July 16, 1947
Mr. Martin. Mr. President, there is before the Senate a measure by the dis-
tinguished senior Senator from Vermont recommending Government production
of films about the American system of constitutional government. It is proposed
to make these films available to schools as educational documents in order to
inculcate into our young people a better understanding of the American system.
This is a notable purpose. But I should like to see such films shovpn to that
very large portion of our adult population vphich attends the motion-picture
theaters. In my opinion it is just as important for our adults to see such motion
pictures as it is for our children.
In this connection, I want to call the attention of this body to an important
venture of a. similar nature already accomplished through private enterprise.
During the past decade there has been produced a series of patriotic featurettes
in color about American history. Not only have they been widely exhibited in
theaters, but they have been available in recent years without profit for non-
theatrical showings by churches, educational institutions, patriotic organizations,
and clubs. The Treasury Department, itself, distributed the most recent of the
series — America the Beautiful, a technicolor production.
These films were made by Warner Bros., one of the great motion-picture pro-
ducer.s, with a fine sense of civic responsibility and good citizenship. When their
theater engagements had been completed, they were made into 16-millimeter films
for schools and civic bodies to show. Some of the finest actors of the motion-
picture industry appeared in them, and the productions were of the highest
artistic caliber.
Because of the new bill, I am glad to call attention to the timeliness of the
Warner Bros, featurettes, and to mention some of their titles and topics.
The first was The Song of a Nation, which told the story of how the Star-Span-
gled Banner came to be written. Released to theaters on June 4, 1946, it proved
so successful that a whole series of historical shorts followed.
Give IMe Liberty made moviegoers part of the audience which heard Patrick
Henry make his stirring speech to the Virginia House of Delegates in 1775.
Other outstanding pictures of these series have been :
The Declaration of Independence, showing the signing of that historic docu-
ment; The Bill of Rights, in which audiences saw the fight for a free press and
free speecli ; Sons of Liberty, portraying Haym Soloman ; the Romance of Louisi-
ana, with James Monroe negotiating the great Louisiana Purchase.
Theater audiences also saw President Monroe read his historic message to
Congress in The Monroe Doctrine ; saw the defense of New Orleans by Andrew
Jackson in Old Hickory ; and a dramatization of the famous Man Without a
Country. There were also Lincoln in the White House, to give one side of the
War Between the States ; and Under Southern Stars, to give the other. The final
picture was Teddy, the Rough Rider.
Song of a Nation was reissued last May and is again being shown in the
theaters, while I understand that Teddy, the Rough Rider, will come out once
more next season, with some of the others to follow.
This is a good time to take note of these fine productions. World affairs are in
an uncertain state, and there is a tug of war between our kind of country and
communistic dictatorship. Our people tend to take America for granted and to
forget why it came about and the heroism and sacrifice which went into making
our Nation's greatness.
I am so glad that this splendid series of patriotic motion pictures is available
not only to schools but to the adult population as well. It is important that movies
like these be shown in our theaters today, not only to educate the children but
also to reeducate the adults.
The skill and patriotic effoi-ts of those at the Warner Bros, studios who pre-
pared the.se dramatizations of the making of our Republic should be given full
recognition. It is proper and fitting that Warner Bros, should be commended
here in the United States Senate for this important contribution to good citizen-
ship. It is an outstanding example of this kind of service that motion pictures
can render to the Nation.
Mr. Warner. I just want to give you the last one or two. One is
running now — I won't say at what tlieater — but one is running. It is
28 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
in technicolor, and it is worth seeing. Every American should see it ;
not only every American, but every foreigner who thinks he wants to
be an American.
The Chairman. ;Mr. Warner, I hope some of these other producers
speak as well for some of their pictures.
Mr. Warner. You can find in tliese pictures, gentlemen, pictures
like Give Me Liberty, Man Without a Country, Romance of Louisiana;
also the Bill of Rights, Lincoln in the White House, Declaration of
Independence, Teddy, the Rough Rider, Old Hickory, Monroe Doc-
trine, Flag of Humanity. A good one to see is March On, America. I
Am an American ; that is a very good film we should all see again to
reaffirm what this country is all about. It was written during the
height of the war in England. America the Beautiful
The Chairman. Go ahead with your questions.
Mr. Warner. I want the American people to know about that.
The Chairman. They will know about it. It will be in the record.
Mr. Warner. I want to make sure it is in the record. Also, here
is a pro-American film produced by Warner Bros, studies, without
profit, in cooperation with the United States armed forces. The last
one was called The Last Bomb. It is in technicolor. It was made by
the United States Army Air Force and is worth seeing. These are 26
pictures. I won't give you the names of all, but they were all for the
war effort.
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Warner, I think I can see why you have been so
successful in selling your pictures to the American public.
Getting back to my original point, Warner Bros, has made a great
number of very effective antitotalitarian pictures in which they pointed
out the dangers of fascism and nazism. They have also made some
very effective films under what we might term "selling America" pic-
tures, in which you point out the benefits of our American system and
in which you describe the freedoms which we have here.
You have also said you make about 24 full-length pictures a year
and 50 or 60 short subjects. You have indicated here in your state-
ment that you are willing to establish a fund to ship to Russia the
people who do not like our system of government and who prefer the
Communist system to ours.
You have also indicated from some of your observations that you
question the fact that there may be free speech or a free screen in
Russia. You have questioned some of the methods; and I am sure
if you have just returned from Europe, as I have, and have seen the
conditions in Italy and Yugoslavia and in France, you have no ques-
tion but that the totalitarian methods used bv the Communists are no
different from those used by the Fascists or Nazis.
Under those circumstances, I would like to know whether or not
Warner Bros, has made, or is making at the present time, any pictures
pointing out the methods and the evils of totalitarian communism, as
you so effectively have pointed out the evils of the totalitarian Nazis.
Mr. Warner. We are preparing, and will make, one film called Up
Until Now. That picture has been in the process of writing, but it
is a very serious subject, and we have been criticized by some people in
messages. I am sure we will come to it a little later. We want to be
positive we know what we are doing.
Mr. Nixon. The reason you have not made pictures pointing out
the evils of the totalitarian system on the left, as well as on the right,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 29
is, as you have indicated here, that if you did so you wouhl have tre-
mendous objection from within the industry itself?
Mr. Warner. Not the industry.
Mr. Nixon. When I speak of the industry, I mean the people em-
})loyed by the industry, the writers', and the people outside who think
tliey have a vested interest in it.
Mr. Wakxek. I am not worried about those in the industry who
will object, because since the beginning of the ages people have been
objecting to what others are doing in their own ranks, but I want
to be positive when we make a film pertaining to the activities of the
Communists in America, and the Fascists as well, we want to be right
in our presentation.
Then we have made, as I told you, 500 subjects showing the positive
American way of life. I think that is a great counter to the Communist
and Fascist way of life.
Mr. Nixox. I agree with you absolutely, Mr. Warner. I believe
it is essential, as you have put it so well in your statement, we must
attack with a free press and a free screen. I also believe that you
have stated in your statement freedom of expression does not include a
license to destroy.
But I think the point still must be well taken ; and from your obser-
vations, I think you will agree with it, that there is not only a positive
duty on the part of you as an xVmerican citizen to point out the benefits
of our way of life as you are doing so effectively, but also when we
see a real, present danger to our system, a danger which would impose
upon America a system of government which would deny to all of us
the freedoms we now have — as was the case with the Nazis back in
1989 and 1940 — it is not only your duty to point out the truth but
also the facts, so that the American people will be able to make a choice.
If they want that sort of thing, then they should know what it is.
Under the circumstances. I think this committee is glad to hear that
Warner Bros, is contemplating for the first time now making a motion
l)icture in which they point out to the American people the dangers of
totalitarian comnumisni as well as fascism.
Mr. AVakxer. There is one other film we made some years ago called
the Black Legion. It Avas an actual-fact story. It caused quite a
furor, down to threats upon lives, and so on. We will certainly con-
tinue, as long as we are in the motion-picture industry, to aid this great
country of the United States with every ounce of energy we possess.
1 speak for my brothers and myself.
^Ir. Nixox. Thank you very much.
Mr. Warner. I would like to have this additional list placed in the
record; these 26.^
The Chair.aiax. Without objection, it will be done.
(The list referred to is as follows :)
Pro-American Shobt Subjects PRODrcF;u bv Warner Bros. Stluids
(Produfetl in cooperation with United States aimed forces)
Jielra.se date Title
Nov. 2. 194(5 Last Uonib, The.
In cooperation witli United States Army Air Forces.
Sui)ervised by Frank Lloyd.
' .Sfe appcmlix. p. .")2.'i. for cxliibit 7.
67G83— 47 -3
30 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Pbo-American Short Subjects Produced by Warner Bros. Studios — Continued
Release date Title
Apr. 13, 1946 Gem of the Ocean (U. S. Navy).
Narration by Cliarles L. Tedford.
September 29, 1945-- Here Comes the Nqvy Biuid.
Director: Dave Gould.
Photographed in cooptn-ation with (U. S. Navy).
January G, 1945 Beaelihead to Berlin ( U. S. Coastguard). ♦
Narration written by Charles Linton Tedford.
August IS, 1945 Orders From Tolvyo.
In cooperation with the Philippine government and
the Office of Strategic Services.
Prologue by Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, Resident
Commissioner of the Philippines, to the United
States photographer and narrated by David C Grif-
fin, captain, United States Marine Corps.
September 23, 1944__. Proudly We Serve (U. S. Marine Corps).
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writer: Written by Crane Wilbur.
Stars : Andrea King, Warren Douglas.
March 3, 1945 Nav.v Nurse (U. S. Navy).
Director : D. Ross Lederman.
Stars : Andrea King, Marjorie Riordan, Warren
Douglas.
July 7, 1945 Live an<l Learn (U. S. Army).
Writer : Charles Tedford.
July 21, 1945 Yankee Doodle's Daughters (U. S. Army and Navy).
Director : Dave Gould.
October 2, 1945 Women at War (U. S. Army).
Director : Jean Negulesco.
Writer : Screen play by Charles L. Tedford.
Stars : Faye Emerson, Dorothy Day, INIarjorie Hosh-
elle, Virginia Christine, Robert Warwick.
December 11, 1943— Task Force (U. S. Coast Guard).
January 1, 1944 Into the Clouds (Office of the Quartermaster General,
U. S. Army).
October 10, 1942 Ship Is Born. A (U. S. Maritime Commission and U. S.
Coast Guard).
Director : .Jean Negulesco.
Writer : Written by Capt. Owen Crump.
January 2, 1943 Fighting Engineers. The (U. S. Engineering Col-ps).
Director : B. Reaves Eason.
Writers: Screen play by Charles Tedford and Owen
Crump.
Stars : Richard Ti-avis, Robert Armstrong, and James
Flavin.
August 7, 1943 Mountain Fighters (U. S. Army).
Director : B. Reaves Eason.
Writer : Screen play by Charles L. Tedford.
Stars : John Ridgely, Peter Wiiitney, Warren Douglas.
June 26, 1943 Champions Training Champions.
Photographer by Bureau of Aeronautics, United States
Navy.
Writer : James Bloodworth.
November 7, 1942 Beyond the Line of Duty.
Produced with War Department cooperation.
Director : Lewis Seller.
Writer: Edwin Gilbert.
Star: Capt. Hewitt T. Wheless, United States Army
Air Force.
April 10, 1043 Rear Gunner, The.
Produced with cooperation of War Department.
Director : Ray p]nright.
Writer: Written by Edwin Gilbert.
Stars: Burgess M 'rcdith, Ronald Regan, Tom N:^al,
Bernard Zanville, Jonathan Hale.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 31
Pro-Amekican Short Subjects Produced by Warner Bros. Studios — Continued
Release date Title
October 4, 1941 Tanks Aie Coming, Tlie (U. S. Army).
Writer : Original screen pl;iy by Owen Crump.
Stars : George Tobias, WMIiani Justice.
February 7, 1042 Soldiers in Wiiite (U. S. Army).
Writer : Original screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars: William Orr, John Litel, Eleantu- Parker.
July 25. 1042 Men of tlie Sky (U. S. Army Air Forces).
Director : B. Reaves Eason.
Wi-iter: Written and narrated by Owen Crump.
Stars : Michael Ames, Eleanor Parker.
December 14, 1940— March on Marines (U. S. Marine Corps).
Director : B. Reaves Eason.
Writer : Screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars : Dennis Moran, John Litel.
February a 1941 Meet the Fleet (U. S. Navy).
Director: B. Reaves Eason.
Writer : Original screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars : Robert Armstrong, William T. Orr.
April 5, 1941 Wings of Steel (U. S. Army Air Corps).
Director : B. Reaves Eason.
Wiiter : Original screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars : Douglas Kennedy, Hei-bert Anderson.
June 28, 1941 Here Comes the Cavalry (U. S. Cavalry).
Director: D. Ross Lederman.
Writer: Oi'iginal screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars: William Justice, Ralph Byrd.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. Mr. Warner, I can, of course, appreciate the extreme
difficulties confronting producers of pictures in undertaking to screen
every employee engaged in the various activities of the picture indus-
try; but what I am concerned with is to ascertain whether or not
there is now any producer in America, or responsible studio head, who
knowingly maintains undei- his employment any person w^ho under-
takes to inject into pictures un-American doctrines or ideologies which
seek to weaken or destroy the form of government under which this
Nation has grown to its place amongst the nations of the earth. Do
you know of any such producer, and, if so, I would like to have the
name.
]\Ir. AVarner. I personall}^ do not know anj^one employing anyone
who is willfully or otherwise endeavoring to do anything to the sys-
tem of American government. As I said earlier — it is what I have
read — certain writers have a membership in communistic parties.
Some of them haven't denied it after being accused by the press, so I
don't know whether they stand convicted or not. I am not the one
to judge whether they are Communists or not.
Mr. Wood. That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
]\Ir. McDowell. Mr. AVarner, I would like an opinion from you.
You are a very astute man. I recently discovered tliat some people who
hel))ed set up tliat thing in Europe, in Germany and Italy, have gotten
into America. Would you agree with this committee or with me that
it woidd be good for America to take these folks down to Ellis Island
and ])ut them on a boat and send them home.?
Mr. AVarxei;. You mean that if anyone comes into this country who
eiideavois to irain admittance
32 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. INIcDcAVELL. I mean actual Fascist political figures from Ger-
many and Italy; we have cliscovered some of them here in the United
States. Would you agree with me they ought to be given back to Italy
and Germany ?
Mr. Warner. Are they motion-picture people?
Mr. McDowell. No; politicians.
Mr. Nixon. It wouldn't make any difference whether they were mo-
tion-picture people or otherwise, would it ?
Mr. Warner. This being as to the motion-picture industry I want
to be careful what I say; I don't want to get into politics too rapidly.
Mr. McDowell. All right.
Mr. Wx\rner. Don't let them in; not only send them back, but don't
let them get off the boat.
Mr. McDowell. Thank you.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, in mentioning the pictures which you
have produced, I noticed you did not mention Mission to Moscow.
Mr. Warner. What list are you referring to ?
Mr. Stripling. You referred to the pictures you have made.
Mr. Warner. Do you want me to read the list ?
Mr. Stripling. No; but we want to get to Mission to Moscow.
Would you like to testify about that here, or do you want me to read
your former testimony?
Mr. Warner. I would like to correct one error that I personally
committed by not having the facts in Los Angeles. It is not a great
error.
Mr. Stripling. I ask, Mr. Chairman, that the witness be permitted
to correct that statement when we reach it. Shall we proceed with your
testimony on Mission to Moscow ?
Mr. Warner. Very well.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, this is the testimony which was given
in Los Angeles before the subcommittee regarding the picture Mission
to Moscow.
Mr. Stripling to Mr. Warner :
Mr. Stripling. Were you asked to make Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. There is a correction I wish to make.
Mr. Stripling. Let me read your first statement.
Mr. Warner. I just wish the record to show that I want to make a
correction.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Mr. Warner. I would say we were to a degree. You can put it in that way
in one form or another.
Is that what you want to correct ?
Mr. Warner. I would appreciate if I could correct it.
Mr. Stripling. Just that answer, or are there other answers?
Mr. Warner. No ; it is on that point.
I would say we were to a degree. You can put it in that way in one form or
another.
Then Mr. Thomas said : "Who asked you to make Mission to Mos-
cow?'' And I replied, "I would say the former Ambassador Davies."
That is not correct. Since making that statement I have gone over
the authentic details of wjiat occurred, and here they are in sequence.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 33
On page 19 at the bottom that question was asked, and if you will
i>o to page 22, you will find that I replied — well, it refers to who con-
tacted us about making the film. I said :
At the time I can't remember if he contacted us, or my brother who was in
New York contacted Mr. Davies. I can't say who contacted whom, but I know
that we went ahead with it.
Here is the story of what occurred. My brother contacted Mr.
Davies after reading Misson to Moscow as a best seller on the stands
and in the new\spapers. Mr. Davies stated, "There are other com-
panies wanting to produce this book and I would be very happy
to do business with you if you want to make it," or words to that
effect. My brother made the deal with Mr. Davies to make it and it
was at my brother's suggestion and not Mr. Davies'. I am rather
surprised I said what I did. but I want to stand corrected, if I may.
Mr. Striplixg. All right, Mr. Warner. Now, I would like to read
further. Mr. Chairman.
The Chaikman. Proceed.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Mr. Stripuxg. Did Mr. Davies coni'e to Hollywood to see you relative to the
making of Mission of Moscow, or did you confer with him at any time about it
in person?
Mr. Warnek. I conferred with him in AVashington and we made the deal in
the East, in New York or Washington ; I have forgotten which. But he did
come here when the film was being produced, and he also acted in an advisory
capacity throughout tlie making of the film. As a matter of, fact, he appeared
in a slight prologue of the picture.
Mr. Stripling. Don't you consider very frankly that the film Mission to Mos-
cow was in some ways a misinterpretation of the facts, or the existing
conditions'/
Mr. Warner. Of the time, you mean?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. In 1942?
Mr. Stripling. In other words, certain historical incidents which were por-
trayed in the film were not true to fact?
Mr. Warner. Well, all I could go by — I read the novel and spoke to Mr. Davies
on many, many occasions. I had to take his word that they were the facts. He
had published the novel and we were criticized severely by the press in New
York and elsewhere. As I remember, it was started up by this Professor Dewey
from Columbia University. From what I read and heard, he was a Trotskyite
and tliey were the ones who objected mostly to this filia because of Lenin versus
Trotsk.v
Mr. Stripling. That is Dr. John Dewey?
Mr. Warner. Yes. That is what I read. He made statements in the New
York Times which were as long as the paper was, but as to the actual facts,
if they weren't portrayed authentically — I never was in Russia myself and I
don't know what they were doing in 1942, other than seeing the events of the
battles for Stalingrad and Moscow, which we all saw in the films and read about.
But I talked to ^Ir. Davies about that after we were criticized, and there is only
one thing tliat happens which is a license, what we call condensation in the
making of films. We put the two trials in one and the two trials were condensed
because if you ran the two trials it would go on for 20 reels. I personally did
not consider that film pro-Communist at the time.
Mr. Thomas. Now, it is 1947. Do you think it is pro-Coninmnist now?
Mr. Warner. That I would have to think over. Let me pause for a minute
and ask you a question or two, if you don't mind. You mean by saying that the
type of scenes shown in that film today would that make the picture pro-Com-
munist ; is that it?
Mr. Thomas. You said in 1^942.
Mr. Warner. It was made in 1942.
Mr. Thomas. You did not believe it wns pro-Communist?
Mr. Warner. No. We wei'e at war at that time.
Mr. Thomas. Now it is 1947. Do you believe it is pro-Communist?
34 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Would yon release the film now, in other words?
Mr. Warner. No ; we would not release the film now.
Mr. Thomas. Why not release the film now?
Mr. W^\RNE2i. Because of the way Russia is handling international affairs since
the cessation of the war. I consider, in my opinion as an American, that they
are advocating communism throughout the world and I am not in any shape,
manner, or form in favor of anything like that. In fact, I despise and detest
the very word.
Mr. Thomas. You say Mr. Davies got in touch with you. He was the first
one to get in touch with you about the idea of producing this film ; is that correct?
Mr. Warner. At the time I can't remember if he contacted us, or my brother
who was in New York contacted Mr. Davies. I can't say who contacted whom,
but I know that we went ahead with it.
Mr. Thomas. Did any other person in the Government contact either you or
your brother in connection with producing Mission to Moscow?
]\Ir. AVarner. Not to my knowledge ; no.
Mr. Stiupling. What about the State Department?
Mr. Warnek. You mean anyone in the State Department that asked us to
make it?
Mr. Stripling. Were they consulted in any way in this film, or did they consult
with you?
Mr. Warner. I am trying to think hard who
Mr. Stripling. I am being very frank, Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. If you will give me a couple of minutes.
Mr. Stripling. I will be very frank with you. The charge is often made and
many statements have been made to the committee to the effect that Mission to
Moscow was made at the request of our Government as a so-called appeasement
or pap to the Russians ; in other words, it was produced at the request of the
Government. Now, is such a statement without foundation?
Mr. Warner. I^ee what you mean. No ; it is not without foundation. That is
why I am very happy you put it that way. In order to answer that question
correctly, I would say there were rumors and many stories to the effect that
if Stalingrad fell, Stalin would again join up with Hitler because, naturally,
the way the stories were that far back, during the hardest days of the war, fi-om
what I could get out of it, is that the authorities in Washington who were con-
ducting tlie war were afraid if Stalin would make up with Hitler they would
destroy the world, not only continental Europe and Russia, but Japan and
everything else. And we know what the scheme of things was, that the Japs
and Germans were to meet in India or Egypt, I forget just which.
IMr. Thomas. Do you mean to say some of the Government officials in Wash-
ington informed you that they were fearful that Stalin might hook up with
Hitler?
Mr. Warner. No ; but that was the tenor of things. It would be pretty hard
for me to say that someone told me that, but that was just the general feeling
in Washington. Every time I would go there that would be it.
Mr. Thomas. Mr. Stripling asked a question that I don't think we have had
an answer to yet.
Mr. Stripling. Let me state further, Mr. Chairman, it has also been charged
that this film had the tacit approval, if not the request, of the White House.
Mr. Warner, was there anything that occurred prior to the production of this
film which led you to believe that the Government, the Federal Government,
desired that this film be made as a contribution to the war effort? In other
words, what I want to make clear, there is no desire on the part of the sub-
committee to put you or your company on the spot for making Mission to ^Moscow
but if it was nuide, as in other films, at the request of the Government as a
so-called patriotic duty, you would have no other course to follow and you would
naturally be expected to do so.
Mr. Warner. The general feeling as I found it in Washington was a tre-
mendous fear that Stalin might go back with Hitler because he had done it before.
Mr. Thomas. No. What we want to get at is the reason, not the general
feelings.
IMr. Warner. Yes ; but I am just going to come back to that.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. Warner. The Russians were very discouraged and they figured that the
United States was not going to back them up with lend-lease and so on and so
forth in sufficient quantities to beat Hitler, wliich was very, very important) to
civilization, and the feeling was if a film could be made — and I imagine other
things were being done — to assure the Russians and Stalin
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 35
Mr. Thomas. Can't you be more specific. You say a feeling existed.
Mr. Warner. Yes.
Mr. Thomas. We want to Ivuow more about the specific tiling, something more
than just a general feeling. We want to know the persons in the Government
who got in touch with you concerning the making of this film.
Mr. Warner. Well, I don't think Mr. Davies was in the Government then. He
was then ex-Ambassador to Russia and almost everything was dealt tlirough him.
Mr. Thomas. Did anyone in the State Department get in touch with you or not?
Mr. Warner. No. I don't know. Not to my knowledge. No one here or in
New York.
Mr. Thomas. Did anyone in the White House get in touch with you?
Mr. Warner. No, not directly in touch ; no, sir.
Mr. Thomas. Not directly in touch?
Mr. WABNEm. Do you mean did anyone in the White House say we should
make the film for reasons along those lines?
Mr. Thomas. Directly or indirectly?
Mr. WiUiNER. Well, as I understood at the time through Mr. Davies that he had
contacted the White House and for all of the reasons I recited it was good for
the defense and for the prosecution of the war to' keep the Russians in there
figliting until the proper time when the United States and Britain could organize,
in other words, give us time to pi'epare.
Mr. Thomas. Let's have the date you started producing that film.
Mr. Warner. We started November 9, 1942.
Mr. Thomas. And you completed production when?
Mr. Warner. On February 2, 1943. It took a little under 4 months.
Mr. Stripijng. That is rather a quick production, isn't it?
Mr. Warneoi. No ; that was about the usual length of time. They are usually
8 or 10 weeks.
Mr. Stripling. From a commercial standpoint the film was not very successful,
was it?
Mr. Warner. No ; it was not exceptionally successful. It was not successful
to any great degree. It did very good at first.
Mr. Stripling. I mean from what I lieard. In fact, there has been testimony
it was not very successful.
IMr. Warner. No ; I would not call it very successful. Commercially it wasn't
exceedingly successful ; no, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, there is one question which I think the subcom-
mittee would like to have cleared up and I think that you as a studio executive,
could probably give them some information about it.
That testimony, Mr. Chairman, does not deal with Mission to
Moscow.
I would like to skip over to the next page, which picks it up again
[reading] :
Mr. Stripling. If you had not been approached by Mr. Davies or by anyone in
the Government indirectly it would have been very likely that you would not
have filmed Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. No ; we would not.
Mr. Stripling. I think the writers are the most important people in this investi-
gation. I believe you mentioned Koch.
Mr. Warner. Howard Koch.
Mr. Warxer. Pardon me, yon missed some very important infor-
mation here.
ISIr. Stripling. I am sorry.
Mr. Warxer. You said the next page, and you skipped a page.
Mr. Stripling. I am .sorry, Mr. Warner, I clid.
Mr. Warner. If you will go back to page 28 you will find it refers —
oh, yes; at the bottom of page 27 [reading] :
Mr. Wariter. —
this is myself speaking —
I was going to say something about that after I recited some of the chronological
events of the war in order to confirm my feeling for the reasons that the Gov-
36 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
eriiment was interested in tlie making of the pieture. This is one of the reasons.
I am not here to defend tiie (lovernnient hecause that is their business.
Mr. Thomas. We will he glad to have it.
Mr. VVaknkr. When the Germans were halted at Stalingrad, that was one of
the things Mr. Davies told my brother, that it was essential to keep the Russians
in there —
Mr. Thomas said "pitching," and I replied:
* * * pitching to give our country a chance to arm. the Navy, the Army,
airpower, and everything else, which we were not prepared for at the time, and of
course history ha.s told the story.
And I want to introdnce the front pages of a New York newspaper,
starting with the day following Pearl Harbor, December 8, 1941, right
np to December 30, 1942, which gives a very vivid history of the
process of the war by the Russians.
The Ctiairman. How many pages are there, Mr. Warner?
]\Ir. Warner. I am going to read them.
The Chairman. No. How many are there?
Mr. WARNf:R, There are about 25 — just papers.
The Chairman. We will take that as an exhibit."
Mr. Stripling. Is that the chroiiological statement which you gave
to the committee?
Mr. Warner, It is, to one degree or another. And I have a copy
of the chronological statement, too. I will give you another one,
if you want,
Mr, Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. But this tells the story of Russia's distress, Russia
getting beaten.
The Chairman, We will be glad to receive those as an exhibit.
Go ahead with the questioning, Mr, Stripling,
]\Ir, Stripling. Now, Howard Koch wrote the script for Missior
to Moscow ?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; he did.
Mr. Stripling, Was Howard Koch one of those writers whom you
.subsequently dismissed?
Mr, Warner. Let us get it correct, I never dismissed anyone for
any activity. His contract expired and we didn't renew his contract.
Mr, Stripling. You haven't employed him since?
Mr, Warner, We didn't make a new deal with him,
Mr. Stripling. Now, when the picture Mission to Moscow was
made, were you aware that there were certain historical events
which were erroneously portrayed in the picture?
Mr, Warner. I stated the only historical events that I know, by
claim of many people — the press and public, in general — were the
trials of the purge, or whatever they called it at the time in the book,
which was condensed.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner
Mr.' Warner. I told you, I don't know if it Avas all correct or not.
Mr, Stripling, Yes,
Mr. Warner, Mr, Davies was
Mr, Stripling, The ])oint is this, Mr, Warner, that here was a
picture which was produced and shown to the American people, and
it was shown in other countries, I presume, was it not?
' See appendix, p. 523, for exhibit 8.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 37
Mr. Warnkr. I tliink it was shown in England and several other
countries.
Mr. Stripling. It was also shown in Moscow, to Mr. Stalin ?
Mr. Warner. In Moscow and to Stalin ; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Here is a picture, however, which portrayed Russia
and the Government of Russia in an entirely different light from what
it actually was?
Mr. Warner. 1 don't know if you can prove it, or that I can prove
that it was.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to read one quotation. I have here,
Mr. Chairman, a book entitled "The Curtain Rises," by Quentin
Reynolds
Air. Warner. What year was that published in ?
Mr. Stripling. Copyrighted in 1944.
Mr. Warner. Well, I had nothing to do with Russia in 1944. I
want no part of it. I am not interested — unless you want to put it in
the record — in what happened then. That book ended in 1937, when
ex-Ambassador Davies returned here.
Mr. Stripling. Mi'. Reynolds qualifies himself as being a Moscow
correspondent.
Mr. Warner. He wasn't there in 1937.
The Chairman. Just a minute, Mr. Warner. Let Mr. Stripling
continue.
Mr. Stripling. On page 80, he says [reading] :
June 8: Joseph E. Davies left today after a 2-week visit wliich has left us
bewildered. Mr. Davies said that he had come mei-ely to deliver a letter to
Stalin. Although he didn't say what the letter contained, we are all convinced
that it was a suggestion from President Roosevelt, that he, Stalin, and Churchill
meet. What bewilders us (and we are sure bewilders Stalin) is the fact
that the President has sent Mr. Davies to deliver the letter. Our Embassy is
just across the street from the Kremlin and Ambassador Standley is never too
busy to walk over to the Kremlin with a letter.
Ihere was a distinct Hollywood tinge to the Davies visit. The huge DC-4
whi(h brought Davies to Moscow must weigh about 56,0C0 pounds. It had a
crack crew of nine men. Mr. Davies brought his nephew witli him to act as
his secretary (his nephew is Lieutenant Stamm, a naval officer). Mr. Davies
brought his former valet with him to supervise the preparation of his food (his
former valet is now a corporal in the United States Army). Mr. Davies brought
his personal physician with him, a necessary precaution because Mr. Davies is
not in good health. We all admired the courage of Mr. Davies in undertaking
a very difficult 16.000-mile trip by air. No one here questi<ms his need of a
secretary, a valet, and a physician. But everyone in journalistic and diplo-
matic circles here questions the necessity of such a formidable entourage to
deliver 2 ounces of mail.
Maxim Litvinov arrived a day or so after Mr. Davies, and latvinov brought
a print of the Warner r>ros. picture. Mission to Moscow, with him. Stalin
tendered a dinner to Mr. Davies at the Kremlin a few days after his arrival. It
was a typical Kremlin show reserved for visiting big sliots with the usual 20
or so courses and 30 or so toasts. The press, of course, is never permitted
to breathe the rarified air of Kremlin dinners, but our friends in the various
embassies always give us accurate reports of sucli dinners. To us the real big
news of the dinner was the fact that Nikolai Palgunov attended. That meant
that he was still in high favor. We had been hi>ping that liis efficiency and
poor judgment would by now have percolated up to the sacro.sanct presence of
Vishinsky or Moloiov and that he might be on his way out. The fact that he
was at the dinner meant that he was still the white-haired boy in the press
department of the foreign office, which is the pressing news for us. The other
news was that the film, Mission to Moscow, was shown in Stalin's private pro-
jection room after the dinner. Some of the British and Americans who have
38 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
been here for many, many years, and who re;illy know Russia, told us that
Stalin gave a magnificent performance during the showing of the picture.
"Walter Huston was fine," a British member of the diplomatic corps told us,
"but he couldn't compare with Stalin. Do you know that Stalin kept a straight
face througliout the showing? He didn't laugh once."
A few days later the film was sliown at our embassy at one of the usual
Saturday afternoon shows. It was a beautiful technical job and the perform-
ances of the character actors who figured in the trial scenes were especially
magnificent. But the film portrayed a Russia that none of us had ever seen.
This would have been all right except that the picture purported to be factual
and the Russia shown in the film had as much relation to the Russia we all
know as Shangri-la would have to the real Tibet.
Correspondents like Henry Shapiro, Jean Champenois, and Alfred Cholerton
who had been in Moscow for many years were bewildered. The film had tele-
scoped two purge trials into one and had not presented them with any degree
of accuracy; no fault, of course, in a picture which did not claim to be factual.
But this picture did. We all had copies (in English) of the testimony given
at the trials and it varied considerably from what was shown on the sci-een.
In the actual trials Radek's had been impassioned and brilliant and Bukharin's
vituperative come-backs at Prosecutor Vishinsky's expense masterpieces of in-
vective. The Warner Bros.' or Davies' version differed considerably. In the
film Radek is condemned to death. Actually he was sentenced to 10 years'
imprisonment.
The veteian diplomats were also astounded at the treatment given Lord
Chislen in the picture. Chislen was British Ambassador to Russia during Mr.
Davies' tenure of the American ambassadorship. In the film he was made out
to be a half-wit. Veteran embassy officials and correspondents couldn't under-
stand that at all.
"Litvinov once told me during those days," a correspondent said, "that there
were only two foreign diplomats in Moscow he had any respect for. They were
Chislen and the German Ambassador Von Schulenberg."
We were all frankly embarrassed by the picture. I was especially amazed
because I know the Warner Bros, and their brilliant staff that so faithfully
mirrored the careers of men like Dr. Erlich, Pasteur, Zola, and others whom they
made sub.iects of pictures. It was hard to believe that they had made this
factually incorrect film. It would have been so easy for Warner Bros, to have
called in any correspondent who had spent some time in Russia to check up
on factual details. If the purpose of the picture was to improve relations be-
tween America and Russia it was completely defeated by the obvious inaccur-
acies shown on the screen. It was such a pity that no one with any knowledge
of Russia was called in to advise on the story. It could have been a great
picture and an honest one.
I met one of the officials of Vox the day after the picture was shown to us.
Vox passes on all foreign pictures before they are shown in Russia. I asked
him if Mission to Moscow would be released to the public.
"Well," he hesitated, "we'd like to release it but, of course," he added in perfect
seriousness, "we have to cvit a great deal of the Russian parts out of it."
Have yoii ever seen that statement which appeared in Reynolds'
book?
Mr. Warner. No ; it is the first time I ever knew that Mr. Reynolds
had been in Russia or wrote a book, and if he did it is his own personal
opinion. I have nothing to say other than Reynolds speaks of 1944.
Our picture, under the guidance of Mr. Joseph E. Davies, speaks up
to and including his leaving of the Embassy in Russia in 1937. Again,
I have little or nothing to comment. I know nothing about it, other
than what you have just read.
Mr. Stripling. Well, is it your opinion now, Mr, Warner, that
Mission to Moscow was a factually correct picture, and you made it
as such ?
Mr. Warner. I can't remember.
Mr. Stripling. Would you consider it a propaganda picture?
Mr. Warner. A propaganda picture
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 39
Mr. Warner. In what sense?
Mr. Stripling. In the sense that it portrayed Russia and com-
munism in an entirely different light from what it actually was ?
Mr. Warnp:r. I am on record about 40 times or more that I have
never been in Russia. I don't know what Russia was like in 1937 or
1944 or 1947, so how can I tell you if it was right or w^rong?
Mr. Stripling. Don't you think you were on dangerous ground to
produce as a factually correct picture one which portrayed Russia
Mr. Warner. No ; we were not on dangerous ground in 1942, when
we produced it. There was a war on. The world was at stake.
Mr. Stripling. In other words
Mr. Warner. We made the film to aid in the war effort, which I
believe I have already stated.
Mr. Stripling. Whether it was true or not?
Mr. Warner. As far as I was concerned, I considered it true to the
extent as written in INIr. Davies' book.
Mr. Stripling. Well, do you suppose that your picture influenced
the people who saw it in this country, the millions of people who saw
it in this country?
Mr. Warner. In my opinion, I can't see how it would influence any-
one. We were in war and when you are in a fight you don't ask who
the fellow is who is helping you.
]Mr. Stripling. Well, due to the present conditions in the interna-
tional situation, don't 3^011 think it was rather dangerous to write about
such a disillusionment as was sought in that picture?
Mr. Warner. I can't understand why you ask me that question, as
to the present conditions. How did I, you, or anyone else know in
1942 what the conditions were going to be in 1947. I stated in my
testimony our reason for making the picture, which was to aid the war
effort — anticipating what would happen.
Mr. Stripling. I don't see that that is aiding the war effort, Mr.
Warner — with the cooperation of Mr. Davies or with the approval of
the Government — to make a picture which is a fraud in fact.
Mr. Warner. I want to correct you, very vehemently. There was
no cooperation of the Government.
Mr. Stripling. You stated there was.
Mr. Warner. I never stated the Government cooperated in the
making of it. If t did, I stand corrected. And I know I didn't.
Mr. Stripling. Do you want me to read that part, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairman. No; I think we have gone into this Mission to
Moscow at some length.
Mr. Warner. I would like to go into it at great length, in order
to make the Warner Bros.' position to the American public clear, as
to why we made the film. You couldn't be more courageous, to help
the war effort, than we. Certainly there are inaccuracies in every-
thing. I have seen a million books — using a big term — and there have
been inaccuracies in the text. There can be inaccuracies in anything,
especially in a creative art. As I said, we condensed the trials
The Chairman. We only have 5 minutes this morning. Can w^e
finish wnth Mr. Warner this morning?
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
If you would like some qualified reviewer who has seen the picture to
give the committee
40 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. That ma}- come at a later date.
Mr. Stripling. I ask that the complete testimony of Mr. Warner
[before the sulwonnnittee on Un- American Activities on May 15, 1947,
Iieard in Los Angeles, Calif.] be included in the record at this point.
The Chairman. So ordered.
(The testimony of ]SIr. Jack L. Warner is as follows :)
Testimony of Jack L. Wakxki:
(The witness was first duly sworu.)
Mr. Thoma.s. Mr. Stripling, you may take the witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, will you state your full name and present address,
please?
Mr. Warner. My name is Jack L. Warner. Do you want my business or home
address?
Mr. Stripling. Your business address.
Mr. Warner. Warner Bros. Studio, Burbank, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Where were you born, Mr. Warner?
Mr. Warner. I was born in London, Ontario, Canada.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Warner. I am vice president of Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., and I am in
charge of production of films at our studios.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood ?
Mr. Warner. Since 1912. It was about 1912. I went to San Francisco and
came here in 1912.
Mr. Stripling. This is a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-Aiuerican Activi-
ties of the United States House of Representatives. It is sitting here in Los
Angeles to receive any testimony, evidence, or opinion concerning Communist
influences or infiltration into the motion-picture industry. The committee in
Washington has received during the past 4 months many requests to investigate
Communist" activities. The subcommittee is here for the purpose of determining
whether or not these allegations deserve or require a full-scale investigation.
As a motion-picture executive, you have been invited here by the subcommittee
to give them the benefit of your views or any information you might have rehiting
to this subject. You can either give a general statement if you like, or if you prefer
we will ask you questions.
Mr. Warner. I think I would prefer questions.
Mr. P. Blayney IMatthews. Do you want to read that statement?
Mr. Warner. At this point I have a statement that I have given to the press
and it was run virtually verbatim, of my views, my brother's, or the company's,
being the views as I see them of the motion-picture industry.
Mr. Thomas. When was that statement given to the press?
Mr. Matthews. April 21.
Mr. Warner. Just a couple of weeks ago.
Mr. Thomas. How long a statement is it?
Mr. Warner. It is very short.
Mr. Thomas. You can go ahead and read it.
Mr. Warner. I will leave it with the reporter. This statement was released for
the press Monday, April 21, 1947, announcing production of the picture Up Until
Now.
Backslid Americans, as well as outside enemies of our free institutions, will
be exposed in this story of a Boston family. Here at Warner Bros, we have no
room for backslid Americans and wishy-washy concepts of Americanism. We
believe that our films must reflect positive Americanism founded on the funda-
mental principles of the Declaration of Independence, our Constitution, and our
Bill of Rights.
Up Until Now will not be a "middle of the road" picture about democracy. We
do not believe democracy has middle lanes, left detours, or right alleys. The
great highway of American liberty is sufficiently broad and straight for all to
travel in peace, prosperity, and happiness.
Up Until Now is but another chapter in our war against threats to American
democracy. It is not the opening gun by 40 years. It will not be a single bar-
rage. We are working on other topical stories to combat any insidious influ-
ence that threatens our country. We will shoot them as rapidly as they are
ready for production.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 41
From the cliiy it was founded under the same management that now exists,
Warner Bros, has been wholly dedicated to the system of government that has
made the American way of life a shining example to peoples throughout the
world.
We have been aggressive in our defense of that way of life because we feel
we must crusade for the things in which Americans believe. We are happy that
other motion-picture producers are joining in the aggressive course Warner
Bros, has pioneered, and we hope still others will follow. We cannot combat
the enemies of freedom by closing our eyes, shutting our ears, aud sealing our
mouths. It's better to fight with words, pictures, and ballots than with guns,
atomic bombs, and poison gas. American needs awakening.
The backsliders, the in-betweeners, and the straddlers are too content to drift
with the dangerous tides the subvei-sive elements are stirring. Aud too many
sound-to-the-core Americans are thoughtlessly ignoring those tides. We've got
to jar ourselves into alert awareness of what is going on.
This company has endeavored with all the means at its disposal to keep
America alert against the loss of liberties which, if lost, must be redeemed in
blood. Through topical entertainment features and short subjects we have retold
the lessons so simply and clearly expounded in the three great basic documents
of our Government. Through the same media, we have warned of dangers
ahead.
One of our first major feature pictui'es, My Four Years in Germany, based on
the experiences of former Ambassador James Gerard, was inspired by the dangers
facing our Nation in World War I. A short generation later we were first to
warn of another and greater peril in Confessions of a Natzi Spy.
During the tragically brief interim between our two World Wars we made the
short historical films based on the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution,
and the Bill of Rights. Our feature films before and during World War II in-
cluded, among many others, the inspiring life stories of such great Americans
as Sgt. Alvin York, Knute Rockne, Mark Twain, and George M. Cohan. At the
same time we were filming I Am a Fugitive From a Chain Gang, Black Fury,
Black Legion, and other pictures which exposed various evils threatening the
American way of life.
During the war period Warner Bros, film production was dedicated to the cause
of Allie<l victory. With the conflict ended, we turned to the urgent task of
pi'eserving the peace, which to our wa.y of thinking means preserving the Gov-
ernment of the United States and the American way of life. Our academy-win-
ning documentary Hitler Lives was the first postwar picture of perils ahead,
using the most flagrant example of what happens to an inert people as warning
of what can happen again.
I cite that record in sketchy outline not alone as a matter of pride but as a
testimony of the earnestness of the course Warner Bros, will continue to pursue.
We never have used kid gloves or appeasement or middle-of-the-road tactics
in dealing with American problems.
Mr. Stripi.ixg. Mr. W^arner, since yoii have been in Hollywood has there ever
been a period during which you considered that the Communists had infiltrated
into your studio?
^Ir. Wakxer. Yes. Do you mean by huge numbers or what?
Mr. Stripiing. In any degree.
Mr. Warner. Yes; there has been a period.
Mr. SriiiPMNG. When was that?
Mr. Warxek. Chiefly I would say starting in about 1936 or 1937. That is the
first time I started to notice that type of writing coming into our scenarios. It
is being put into scripts to this day in one form or another.
Mr. Stripling. In your studio?
Mr. Warner. In our studio and every studio: yes. At present I say there is
none of it in ours. No one in our studio is working, to my knowledge, that is a
member of any party — Communist or Fascist. On the other hand, I would call
tliem good Amei'ican men.
Mr. Stripiing. Is that due to an effort on the part of the studio management
to inirge these peo])le from the studio?
Mr. Warner. Absolutely. I wouldn't know about "purge." That is a tough
word. If you don't mind my saying it.
Mr. Sn:lpiiNG. No.
Mr. Warner. Becau.se that is the thing they use every time we let one go,
that here comes a brown shii-t or storm trooper.
42 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. StbipiJng. How were tliey removed? We will use that word. You don't
choose to use the word "pnrse." How were y(»u successful in elimiuating these
influences from your studio?
Mr. Waknek. By dismissing them, if they were engaged by a picture. There
are several methods of hiring writers. I am referring to writers only at this
time.
Mr. Stkipijno. Is tluit the principal medium, the writers, through which the
Communists have sought to inject their Communist propaganda into tilms?
Mr. Warnkr. Ye.s; I would say 95 percent.
Mr. Stkipi.ing. Ninety-five percent is through the writers?
Mr. Wabxkr. This is only my own per.scmal opinion.
Mr. Stripling. You say at the present time to your knowledge there are no
Communist writers in your studio?
Mr. WARNER. That is correct, sir. I did not finish telling you how we reloa.sed
them or got rid of them.
Mr. STRIPT.ING. Go right ahead.
Mr. Warner. I thinlc it is worth finishing. Anyone whom I thought was a
Communist, or read in the papers that he was, was dismissed at the expiration of
his contract. If it was for an individual picture and we had no ohligations, we
could let him go. In one fellow's case I had to hold onto him because we were
dropping them too rapidly, and it was too apparent. So we held onto him. I
held him until the last 2 weeks, and I could not stand him any longer. Ho was
contributing nothing Init holding meetings in the offices.
Mr. Stmplixg. What was his name?
Mr. Warner. Kahn — Gordon Kahn.
Mr. Stripling. Why did you say it was too apparent?
Mr. Warner. By letting them all go at once, in 1 day. When I say "all"
there were only prabably a half dozen at tops. There weren't so many.
Mr. Stripling. But they were definitely entrenched in your studio?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. You have since gotten them out?
Mr. AVarner. Yes. If there is anyone else in there I don't know who he is.
There may be some in other places. Mr. Matthews is checking up very rigidly.
Mr. Thomas. Do you want to get the names of the other writers?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. I would like to have those for the record, either from
you or Mr. Matthews.
Mr. Warner. When I say these people are Communists, as I said before, it is
from hearsay. It was from printed forms I read in the Hollywood Reporter.
Mr. Thomas. But you got enough information to let them go?
Mr. Warner. I could tell in their writing and method of presentation of screen
plays.
Mr. Stripling. You mean not calling them Communists?
Mr. Warner. They were un-American.
Mr. Stripling. For one reason or another you objected to the lines they were
attempting to put in your scripts?
IMr. Warner. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. And you let these six people go. Can you name the six?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; I think I can. I wish you would bear with me.
Mr. Thomas. That is all right.
Mr. Warner. I have heard these people stand around and ridicule and rib the
committee, y(mr full committee : "They aren't looking for Fascists ; they are only
looking for Communists. They have the same routine — to belittle the other fellow
and scheme about it."
Mr. Thomas. If you have any names we w<mld like to have them.
Mr. Warner. Here are the names of people who in my opinion wrote for the
screen and tried to inject these ideas, and 1 personally removed them — according
to my best judgment or any of my executives working with me. Wliether or not
they" are Communists T don't know, but some of them are, according to what I
have read and heard.
The first one is Alvah Bessie. Then Gordon Kahn. He is in charge of editing
the little journal of the Screen Writers' Guild. He is now down in Mexico trying
to write a story about a picture we were producing down there. T gave instruc-
tions all along" the line not to have him in there, but he gets in. The day I let
him go he was right on the plane for Mexico. He is writing a story for Holiday
magazine, one of the Curtis Publishing Co.'s magazines. I tried through the New
York office to tell them the fellow was "off the beam" and should not accept his
material. I was told, "You are not going to interfere with the right of free speech
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 43
and freedom of the press." I got the usual run-down of a publisher. That is
what they told my man. I tried to have the story stopped for this particular
pajMjr, but ho is writing it. In fact, we were chastised for interfering with their
business, so I got off ot that.
Guy Kndore, Howard Koch, King Lardner, Jr., Emmett Lavory, John Howard
Lawson, Albert Maltz, Robert Kosson, Krwin Shaw, Dalton Trumbo, Jolm Wexley.
You know these names.
Mr. Thomas. That is a very familiar list.
Mr. Waknkb. Julius and Philip Epstein, twins.
Mr. Thomas. WTiat are they doingV
Mr. Wakner. They are at MGM. I will give you my theory of what happened
to these fellows when I finish.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. Wakner. Sheridan Gibney. Clifford Odets. That, is all of my list.
Mr. SriiirLiNG. Were all of tlmse writers that you named employed in your
studio at one time or another?
Mr. Wakneu. Yes; they were.
Mr. Stkii'lino. Could you give us the names of some of the pictures in which
they injected their lines or jiropaganda?
INIr. Warner. I would rather correct that, if you don't mind.
]Mr. Stripling. All right.
Mr. Warner. They endeavor to inject it. Whatever I could do about it — I
took it out.
Mr. Stripling. Tell us some of the pictures in which they endeavor to do that.
Mr. Warner. Do you want tlie names?
Mr. Stripling. Identify the fihns.
air. Warner. Alvah Bessie, The Very Thought of You. Gordon Kahn, Her
Kind of Man. I might inject there for a moment, the majority of these writers,
some of them wrote for as high as 6, 8, or 10 months and never delivered any-
thing. What they were doing was taking your money and supposedly writing
your scripts and trying to get these doctrines into the films, working for the
party, or whatever the term is. The strange thing is very few of these fellows
deliver.
Mr. Stripling. Is that right?
Mr. Warner. Not only in our studios, but in any of the studios. I can speak
authoritatively on that. These are the credits that these people have. They are
always in every one of them. Howard Koch, In Our Time. I might explain how
some of these stories come out. Sometimes four or five of these writers contribute.
These fellows contribute and three other good writers are doing the most of it,
but they contribute some things and get the screen credit. I should have had
more information as to who collaborated witJi them. They didn't do anything
in the western pictures. As far as Koch is concerned, he was on 20 scripts, but
he never got anywhere because he always started out with big messages and I
used to take them out. This fellow was on contract and I couldn't let him go.
He is now working for Samuel Goldwyn. I can't remember the name of the
picture he is working on.
Ring Lardner, Jr., was on several pictures. He didn't put any me.ssage in The
Kokonio Kid. Or Emmett Lavery — he has no credits. We throw his stuff in all
the way and pile it up.
John Howard Lawson, Action in the North Atlantic.
Albert Maltz in Pride of the Marines.
i\lr. Thomas. Did he get much into Pride of the Marines?
Mr. Warner. No. In my opinion he didn't get in anything because everything
they endeavor to write in, if they photographed it, I cut it out. I ran those
films myself. There is one little thing where the fellow on the train says, "My
name isn't Jones, so I can't get d job." It was this kid named Diamond, a
Jewish boy, in the Marines, a hero at Guadalcanal. In fact, I had a couple of
boys run tlie pictures 3 or 4 days ago and I read it. Dr. John Leach said some-
thing about it, but tiiere is nothing to it. If there is I don't know where it is.
I have had experiences from 1!)16 or 1!)17. I made My Four Years in Germany
and 1 produced that in New \'ork right during the First World War. I can look
in a mirror and .'^ee three faces. You can see anything you want to see and you
can write anything you want to, but there is nothing in my pictures that I caimot
qualify being there, with the exception that it might have gotten by me because
you can't be superliuniaiL Some of these lines have inuendos and double mean-
ings and things like that, and you have to take 8 or 10 Harvard law courses to
find out what they mean.
44 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. They are very subtle.
Mr. Warnkr. Exceedingly so. Rosson — I gave him a creflit for Tliey Won't
Forget, and Dust Be My Destiny.
Erwiii Shaw, The Hard Way..
Dalton Truniho worked in our place in l!)^") and IJW*. He had credit for
The Kid From Kokomo, and so has Ring Lardner, Jr. It gives you an idea;
they work in pairs. All he is credited with is The Road Gang. I can't remember
that. That was 12 years ago.
John Wexley had a picture called City for Conquest in 1040. Some of these
pictures I have called off were produced during the war. Naturally, Ihey were
pictures aimed at aiding the war effort. They were realistic. Take Action in
the North Atlantic, which was produced for the merchant marine because at the
tinx' tliey could not get proper enlistments and all that. I made this tilm. We
did not pull any punches. It was a good, hard film of the real life of the
merchant marine. I don't know whether you saw it or not.
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. Naturally, John Howard Lawson tried to swing a lot of thing.s in
there, but to my knowledge there wasn't anything.
Mr. STKIPLI^G. John Howard Lawson did try to put stuff in?
Mr. Warneu. Y^es ; I would say he did in one form or another.
Mr. Sir pling. All right ; are you through with the listV
Mr. Warnbk. No. The Epstein brothers did very good work at one time, but
they fell off.
Mr. Thomas. Did they do any part of Mission to Moscow?
Mr. WARNHi. Their name is not on here as credit for that.
Mr. Stripping. Who did Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Howard Koch, lfl43.
Mr. Thomas. Did they do any part of Edge of Darkness?
Mr. WarneKi. No. Just a moment, please. Robert Rosson did that in 1042.
That was a war subject, too.
Mr. Thomas. You did not do North Star, did you?
Mr. Warner. No : we did not.
Mr. Thomas. You did not do Song of Russia?
Mr. Waunkr \o ; we did not. The Epstein brothers worked on a picture
called Animal King(h>m. As I recall, that was aimed at the capitalistic system —
not exactly, but the rich man is always the villain. Of course those fellows getting
two or three thousand dollars a week aren't rich men. I don't know what you
would call theni>. Roth of those fellows work together. They are never separated.
Tl.e rest of them are a lot of comedies: Yankee Doodle Dandy, The Man Who
Came to Dinner, Arsenic and Old Lace, Strawberry lilonde, Four Mothers — a;l
of those pictures are comedies and there is no taint of conuniniism in them.
Mr. Thomas. Off the record.
Mr. Warner. I would like to put in the record a few more names.
Mr. Thomas. Yes.
Mr. Warner. Clifford Odets in Humoresque. You .see, tiiis was way ba<'k in
in.37—
Mr. Stripling. What about Humoresque; isn't that a i-ecent release?
Mr. Warner. Yes. That was written by Clit'ford Odets. It was a story which
we modernized from llie old Fannie Hurst novel. In that picture there was no
con nnuiistic jjropaganda. I have even written tlie words down here. It is the
old story. There is one line where the boy was mad. John Gariield played the
part of the boy and he was ma<l at John Crawford for romantic reasons and said,
"Your father is a banker" He was alluding to the fact fact she was rich and
had all of the money. H^ said, "My father lives over a grcK-ery store" That is
very, very subtle, but if you see the tilm with those lines in it you will see the
reason for it. F.ut it is not in the hhn. I eliminated it fi-oni the hcript. Some-
times you eliminate these things and they leave them in because it plays good
and every))ody is trying to be a Voltaire. All these writers and actors want to
"Voltaire" about freedom of press and lree<lom of speech. I can go on if you
want me to.
Mr. Thomas. Go ahead.
Mr. Warner. I didn't get into the record as to their method of getting certain
types of propaganda into the motion i)ictures. AVhen I heard the word connunnism
or fascism I was under the impression it was to overthrow the Government by
violence and force, but as I see it being used in motion pictures they do not
advocate violence or force at all. That is my experience. But they do advocate
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTHY 45
the overthrow of our capitalistic system, as we call it. I never got into it until
the last 4 or 5 years when it became apparent to me because naturally, as I said
before, you heard flu- words "conununism" and "fascism." You could see Musso-
lini's Fascists or Hitler's Xazis or Stalin's liord(>s, or whatever they are. Y(m
saw how they came in, by revolution in Russia, or however these things happen.
P.ut in reading: these hundreds of scripts which I do read and I buy p'ays and
books and novels — it all started to come to me and tliat is tl)e thins I watcli for
most earnestly. That is iiow tliey jiet in. If you will watch the films you will
find that is what happens.
Now. take the pictures made durinii' the war, the pictures to aid the victory of
the Allies or the United Nations. We have no apologies to make for any of those
films that we made. They were made by us and we thought it was tlio riglit thing
to do to aid the war effort, and we never had any rebuffs from anyone. In fact,
we were asked to make pictures from time to time by different departments.
Mr. Stripling. Were you asked to make Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. I would say we were to a degree. Vou can put it in that way
in one form or another.
Mr. Thomas. Wlio asked you to nuike ^Mission to AIoscow'/
Mr. Wau.xf.r. I would say tlie former Ambassador Davies.
Mr. Tiio.MAS. He asked you to make Mission to Moscow?
Mr. WAijNKR. At tlie time and lie recites why. I brouglit a small resume of it
.when we entered into the agi'eement. and so forth, with the events of the war
in the early part of 1942. They are all put in chronological order here.
Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Davies come to Hollywood to see you relative to the
making of Mission to Moscow or did you confer with him at any time about it
in person 'y
Mr. Warner. I conferred with liim in W^•lshington and we made tlie deal in
the East, in New Yoi'k or Washington, I have forgotten which. But he did come
here when the tilm was being produced and he also acted in an advisory capacity
throughout the makirg of the film. As a matter of fact, he appeared in a slight
prologue of the picture.
Mr. Stripling. Don't you consider very frankly that the film Mission to Moscow
was in some vs-ays a misinterpretation of the facts of the existing conditions?
Mr. Warner. Of the time, you mean?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. In 1942?
Mr. Stripling. In other words, certain historical incidents which were por-
trayed in the film were not true to fact?
Mr. Warnir. Well, all I could go b.v — I read the novel and spoke to Mr. Davies
on m;iny, many occasions. I had to take his word that they were the facts.
He had pulilished tlie novel and we were criticized severely b.v the press in, New
York and elsewhere. As I remember, it was started up by this Profes.sor Dewey
from Columbia University. P'rom what I read and heard, he was a Trotskyite
and they were the ones who ol'jected mostly to this tilm because of Lenin versus
Trotsk.v
Mr. Stripling. That is Dr. John Dewey?
Mr. Warner. Yes. That is what I read. He made statements in the New
York Times which were as long as the paper was, but as to the actual facts, if they
weren't portr.-i.ved Muthentically — I never was in Russia myself and I don't know
what they were doing in T.M2. other than seeing the events of the battles for
S'talingr.-id and .Moscow, which we all saw in the films and read about. But I
talked to .Mr. Davies about that after we were criticized, and there is only one
Ihi-ig that happiiis which is a license, what we call condensation in the making
of films. We put the two trials in one and the two trials were condensed because
if yon ran the two trials it wcmld go on for 20 reels. I persoiuilly did not con-
sider that fihu i)ro-Communist at the time.
.Mr. Thomas, .\ow. it is 1947. Do you think it is pro-Communist now?
Mr. Warner. That I would have to think over. L "t me pause for a minute and
ask you a question or two, if you don't mind. You mean by saying rliat the type
of scenes shown in that film today would that make tln^ picture pro-Ci>nunuiMst,
is that if
Mr. Thomas. You said in 1942.
..Mr. Warner. It was made in J942.
Mr. Thomas. You did not believe it was pro-Communist.
Mr. W.ABNEB. No; we were at war at That time.
67683—47 4
46 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Thomas. Now, it is 1947. Do .vou believe it is pro-Communist?
Mr. Sntii'LiNG. Would you release the film now, in other words?
Mr. Wakner. No, we would not release the film now.
Mr. Thomas. Why not release the film now?
Mr. Warneb. Because of the way Russia is handling their international affairs
since the ces.sation of the war. I consider in my opinion as an American that the.y
are advocating communism throughout tlie world and I am not in any shape,
manner, or form in favor of anything like that. In fact, I de.spise and detest the
ver.v word.
Mr. Thomas. You say Mr. Da vies got in touch with you. He was the first one to
get in touch with you about the idea of producing this film, is that correct?
Mr. Warner. At the time I can't remember if he contacted us, or my brother
who was in New York contacted Mr. Davies. I can't say who contacted whom, but
I know that we went ahead with it.
Mr. Thomas. Did any other person in the Government contact either you or
your brother in connection with producing Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Not to my knowledge, no.
Mr. Stripling. What about the State Department?
Mr. Warner. You mean anyone in the State Department that asked us to
make it?
Mr. STRiPLrNG. Were they consulted in any way in this film, or did they consult
with you?
Mr. Warner. I am trying to think hard who
Mr. Stripling. I am being very trank, Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. If you will give me a couple of minutes.
Mr. Stripling. I will be very frank with you. The charge is often made and
many statements have been made to the committee to the effect that Mission to
Moscow was made at the request of our Government as a so-called appea.sement or
pap to the Russians ; in other words, it was produced at the request of tlie Govern-
ment. Now, is such a statement without foundation?
Mr. Warner. I see what you mean. No, it is not without foundation. That is
why I am very liappy you put it that wa,v. In order to answer tliat question cor-
rectly, I would say there were rumors and many stories to tlie cffc'ct that if
Stalingrad fell Stalin would again join up with Hitler because, naturally, the
way the stories were that far back, during the hardest days of the war, from wiiat
I could get out of it, is that the authorities in Washington who were conducting
the war were afraid if Stalin would take up with Hitler they would destroy ihe
world, not only continental Europe and Russia, but Japan and everything else.
And we know what the scheme of things was, that the Jayis and Germans were to
meet in India or Egypt, I forget just which.
Mr. Thomas. Do you mean to say some of the Government officials in Wash-
ingti>n informed you that they were fearful that Stalin might hook up with
Hitler?
Mr. Warner. No ; but that was the tenor of things. It would be pretty hard for
me to say that someone told me that, but that was just the general feeling in
Washington. Every time I would go there that would be it.
Mr. Thomas. Mr. Stripling asked a question that I don't think we have had
an answer to yet.
Mr. Stripling. I>et me state further, Mr. Chairman, it lias also been charged
that this film had the tacit approval, if not the request, of the White House.
Mr. Warner, was there anything that occurred prior to the production of this
film which led you to believe that the (Tovernment, the Federal Government, de-
sired that this film be made as a contribution to the war effort. In other words,
what 1 want to make clear, there is no desire on the part of the sul>committee
to put you or your company on the spot for making Mission to ^Moscow, but if it
was made, as in other films, at the request of the Government as a- so-called
jiatriotic duty, you would have no other course to follow and you would natu-
rall.v he expected to do so.
Mr. Warner. The general feeling as I found it in Washington was a tre-
mendous fear tiuit Stalin might go back with Hitler because he had done it
before.
Mr. Thomas. No. Wliat we want to get at is the reason, not the general
feelings.
Mr. Warner. Yes, but I am just going to come back to that.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. Warner. The Russians \^'ere very discouraged and they figured that the
United States was not going to back them up with lend-lease and so on and so
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 47
forth in suflScient quantities to beat Hitler, which was very, very important to
<ivilization, and the feelins was if a film could be made— and I imagine other
things were being done — to assure the Russians and Stalin
Mr. Thoa[As. Can't you be more specific? You say a feeling existed.
Mr. Warner. Yes.
Mr. Thomas. We want to know more about the specific thing, something more
than just a general feeling. We want to know the persons in the Government
who got in touch with you concerning the making of this film.
Mr. Warner. Well, I don't think Mr. Davies was in the Government then.
He was then ex -Ambassador to Russia and almost everything was dealt through
him.
Mr. Thomas. Did anyone in the State Department get in touch with you?
Mr. WARNEai. No. not directly in touch ; no, sir.
^Ir. Thomas. Not directly in touch?
:\Ir. Warner. Do you mean did anyone in the White House say we should make
the film for reasons along those lines?
Mr. Thomas. Directly or indirectly.
Mr. Warner. Well, as 1 understood at the time tiirough Mr. Davies that he
had contacted the White House and for all of the reasons I recited it was good
for the defense and for the prosecution of the war to keep the Russians in there
fighting until the proper time when the United States and Britain could organize,
in other words, give us time to prejiare.
;\Ir. Thomas. Let's have the date you started producing that film.
Mr. Warner. We started November 9, 1!)42.
Mr. Thomas. And you completed production when?
Mr. Warner. On February 2. 1948. It took a little under 4 months.
Mr. Stripling. That is rather a quick production, isn't it?
Mr. Warner. No, that was about the usual length of time. They are usually
8 or 10 weeks.
Mr. Stripling. From a commercial standpoint the film was not very successful,
was it?
Mr. Warner. No, it was not exceptionally successful. It was not successful
to any great degree. It did very good at first.
^Nlr. Stripling. I mean from what. I heard. In fact, there has been testimony
it was not very successful.
Mr. Warner. No, I would not call it very successful. Commercially it wasn't
exceedingly successful, no, sir.
Mr. Stkiplin(;. Mr. Warner, there is one question which I think the sub-
committee would like to have cleared up and I think that you, as a studio
executive, could probably give them some information about it.
Why is it that when you say discharge or dismiss a writer, when you let them
go, another studio will employ him?
'Sir. Warner. I was going to say something about that after I recited some
of the chixuiological events of the war in order to confiim my feeling for the
reasons that the Government was interested in the making of the picture. This
is one of the reasons. I am not here to defend the Government because that is
their business.
Mr. 'i'HoMAS. We will be glad to have it.
;\Ir. Warner. When the Germans wei-e halted at Stalingi-ad, that was one of
the things Mr. Davies tohl my brother, that it was essential to keep the Rus-
sians in there — —
Mr. Thomas. Pitching?
Mr. Warner. Pitching to give our country a chance to arm — the Navy, the
Army, air power, aiid everytliing else — which we were not prepared for at the
time, and of course history has told the story.
(At this iKiint the chronological chart was copied into the record as follows:)
'•Early part of 1.^.'i2 (chronologically)
"Twenty-six Allies signed war pact.
"Manila fell.
"Japanese air forces raided Australia.
•Russians weie defending Crimea * * * and line between Moscow and
Leningrad.
"Singapore fell.
"Russians were de'ending Crimea * * * and line between Moscow and a
second front to relieve pressnre.
48 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
"Thirteen Allied warships lost oft" Java.
"Java fell.
"Bataan fell.
"General .Marshall and Harry Hopkins go to I»ndon to discuss possibilities of
second front.
"Arrangements completed for getting Unitetl States supplies to Russia, which
continues on offensive.
"Corregidor fell.
"Battle of Coral Sea.
"Germans regain offensive in Russia.
"Burma fell.
"Germans began move across Africa toward Cairo.
"Arnold in Britain to arrange American bombers to join British as most
practical method of helping Russians. Marshall promisetl second front as
soon as feasible.
Starting June l9/,2 {chronolo(fic4iny )
"Japanese bombed Dutch Harbor and Midway.
"Battle Midway.
"Germans continue offensive deeper into Russia.
"United States-Britain-Russia signed 20-year mutual assistance pact.
"United States agreed on second front this year.
"United States completed lend-lease agreement for Russia.
"Nazis rolled ahead in Africa ; captured Tobruk and crossed Egyptian border.
"Russians lost Sevastopol.
"British attacked at El Alamein.
"Germans drive toward Stalingrad in August.
"Russians abandon Krasnodar.
"Nazis drive wedge into Stalingrad line * * * cross Kerch Strait
* * * reach Volga, south of Stalingrad * * * capture Novorassisk. Wil-
kie goes to Russia to see Stalin ; aslted for immediate second front.
"Stalin asked Allied aid "on time."
"Stalingrad counteroffensive began in November.
"Russian offensive started all along the line in December."
Mr. Stripling. If you liad not been approached by Mr. Davies or by anyone
in the Government indirectly it would have been very likely that you would
not have filmed Mission to Moscow.
Mr. Warner. No ; we would not.
Mr. Stiupling. I think the writers are the most important people in this
investigation. I believe you mentioned Koch.
Mr. WaeneR. Howard Koch.
]\Ir. Stripling. That you dismissed him and he was later picked up by Samuel
Goldwyn.
Mr. Warner. I understand he is now working for him.
Mr. Stripling. Why, in your opinion, did Mr. Goldwyn, or, say, any other
studio — why should they pick up a writer like that?
Mr. Warnp:k. Here is where I think I can be of immeasureable good, in my
next statement, aside from everything else I am trying to do for the good of
my country. I have talked to other producers as an American and not in
the line of" my duty of doing business or running a studio at all. Just why
these men engage these pet)ple when they know their tendencies, especially the
ones who are actually proven Communists, and why they have carried them all
these years. I even went so far as to tell them : If you go through the records
of the scripts that the men have been assigned to, you will find that very few
of their works have been produced. In each case, I either got a blank stare in
return or "If we didn't hire them, someone else would." That is about as
plain as I can put it.
Mr. Stripling. Isn't that a very unhealthy situati(m for the industry?
Mr. W.vRNER. Yes ; it is exceedingly unhealthy. And I think in my opinion
it is very un-American if everything that can be proven against these people is-
proven. Naturally, these commies and lefties and what not, the party-line fol-
lowers— no one has proven anything against them in print other than being;
investigated.
Mr. Stripling. But you do know they try to inject these lines info your scripts,
as you found out.
Mr. Warner. I personally know that, and I think everybody else knows they
Iry to do it in the studios. No one is cheating anyone. They do it in a huraoroii-s
vein.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 49
Mr. Thomas. Not only Iminorous.
Mr. Warnek. Well, strike the word "Imniorons." I stand corrected.
Mr. Thomas. You might say in an insidious vein.
Mr. Warnek. Yes; insidious.
Mr. Thomas. We can't understand, if you have talked to the other producers,
why they don't do something.
Mr. Waknkk. I talked to them individually.
Mr. Thomas. All right, individually. They jjrobably consciously or uncon-
sciously agree with you, but just give you a blank stare, as you say. But we
•want to know what you can do about it. How will you correct the situation?
Mr. Warner. As I said, I have gone out whole hog to try to get these people to
•do something about it. I cant luiderstand why i:>eople engage them.
Mr. Thomas. That is what we would like to know.
Mr. WARNFJt. I can't fathom it, to save my life.
Mr. Thomas. But we want to know liow you are going to correct the situation.
Do you think they will keep on engaging them and keep on doing this until, the
iirst thing you know, the industry gets a black eye, or will they ultimately get
religion as you have got religion?
Mr. Warner. I would like to correct that statement. I didn't get religion. I
have always been that way — an American.
Mr. Thomas. I didn't mean that.
Mr. Stripling. Become aware of it.
Mr. Thomas. By religion I meant you have become aware of the danger.
Mr. Warner. Of the danger ; that is correct.
Mr. Thomas. Will they become aware or not become aware and the industry
get a black eye':"
Mr. Warnek. I can say this for the industry : They are all good Americans, but
some of them look upon this type of man drawing a big salary as lieing a good,
-capable writer and see no reason why be should not keep on working, because
there is no law against it.
Mr. Thomas. Well, there is no law against it, but I want to tell you if I had
:a business it would not make any difference — whether it is the insurance business
-which I have got — or whethei- it was the moving picture business or some other
l)usiness — if I had a business I would not keep a commie in there 5 seconds.
Mr. Warner. That is my policy and my brother's policy.
Mr. Thomas. You have done the same thing.
Mr. Warner. Detinitely.
Mr. Thoaias. But the dollar sign plays a big part with some of the other fel-
lows, and that is what astounds us.
Mr. Warner. I would like to make a bi'ief statement outlining the policy of the
<-onipany and ourselves personally regarding subversive elements such as leftists,
fellow travelers, or members of the Connnunist Party. I wish to reiterate the
very tenor of Congressman Thomas' feeling as just stated because I could not
improve on it. I also want to offer as evidence, if you will accept it, two of our
personnel blanks that have been in use for a number of years. This yellow ap-
plication form was first used in 193(). I would like to have you look at question
No. 10. And on the white form, page 3. question No. 17, where we deliberately
put in there through my personal direction — I would like you to read it [handing
•documents to IMr. Stripling].
Mr. Stript.ing. I will read it into the record.
Question No. 10. "Are you atiiliated with any organization or group that is
fintagonistic to the principles of our American form of government?"
That is on the yellow form.
Now, the white form, question No. 17:
"Are you atiiliated with any organization or group antagonistic to the prin-
ciples of our American form of government? (Yes or no) — . Are you a mem-
ber of any organization, society, group, or sect owing allegiance to a foreign gov-
ernment or rule? (Yes or no) — ■"
Mr. Warner. We had plenty of rebuffs from people who had to answer them
or they wouldn't get a job.
(The afore-mentioned documents were marked "Warner Exhibits Nos. 1 and
2." I'o.spectively. )'
Mr. Stripling. Don't you tliink tlie most effective way of removing these Com-
munist influences — and I say Communist influences; I am not saying Com-
" Sop appendix, p. .">2.3. for Warnpr exhiliits 1 and 2. .submitted in pxocntive hearings, May
15. 1047, now designated as exhibits 9 and 10.
50 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
niunists; I am not accusing them all of being Communists — but don't you think
the most effective way is the pay-roll route? In other words, if the owners and
producers cut these people off the pay roll it would eliminate it much quicker than
a congressional conmiittee or crusades and so forth.
iMr. Waknkb. Well, that definitely would be. Of course, if you drop them out
of pictures then the Communists have other ways of doing it. In New York I
saw All of My Sons, written by Arthur Miller. Here are some of the lines : •'Rich
men are made ambassadors. Poor men are strung up by the thumbs."
Another line: "You can't walk along the street and spit unless you hit a college
man."
They write about 21 cylinder heads that were brolcen. They can't write about
the 1,500,000 good airplane motors produced. These are the kind of things they
write about. That play disgusted me. I almost got into a fist fight in tlie lobby.
I said, "How dare they?'' They wrote about 21 little cylinder heads that were
cracked. And the play is a good play, but it has all of this stuff in it. In fact,
it won the critics' award in New York, and was directed by a chap named Elia
Kazan who is now at Twentieth Century-Fox as a director. He directed Boomer-
ang and is now going somewhere to make a picture for them.
Mr. Thomas. What is the new one?
Mr. Warnek. Gentlemen's Agreement. Can I say something off the record?
Mr. Thomas. Put it on the record.
Mr. Wariver. This fellow is also one of the mob. I know of him. I pass him
by but won't talk to him.
' Mr. Stripling. Doesn't it kind of provoke you to pay them $1,000 or $2,000 a
week and see them on the picket lines and joining all of these organizations and
taking your money and trying to tear down a system that provides the money?
Mr. Waenf:e. That is absolutely correct because I will offer as evidence John
Howard Lawson — a photograph oif him in our picket line in the big, strike of 1945.
The strike was supposedly on account of the carpenters and painters.
Have you got it ? I haven't seen it for a long time.
(Mr. Matthews hands photograph to Mr. Warner.)
Mr. Warnkr. 1 have never seen this fellow in person, but here he is. In that
line was John Wexley to whom I called your attention before. Tliere were loads
of them — Ring Lardner, Jr. They even went so far as to send me a threatening
telegram which I am sorry I didn't bring with me — that we were using goons
to destroy union labor. They are the ones that came through with goons from
Chicago and overturned our motorcars. We have motion pictures of it. It is
nauseating to see it.
(Tlie photograph referred to by Mr. Warner was marked "'Warner Exhibit
No. 3.")*
Mr. Stripling. About that time what were you paying Mr. Lawson and some
of these other writers?
Mr. Warner. We were probably giving them about $750.
Mr. Thomas. $750 a week?
Mr. Warner. Yes. He was there only for that one picture. Here is the way
the fellows get 'into the studios, in my opinion. In each studio there is what they
call a steerer. Most of them are menibers of the story editors and writing
departments and they bring in all these boys. I tried to find out how they got in
our place. There was a very inoffensive, nice chap — a vei'y nice guy all around —
his name is James Goller. I don't know if he belongs to anything, but he must be
something on the left side of the street. He is the one that steered most of these
writers into the studio. He was in charge of picking up writers.
Mr. Thomas. Is he still employed by you?
Mr. WARNER. No. He went the moment his contract was out and we could
legally get rid of him. He has been gone at least for some time. They are all
gone. The last one that left us was Gordon Kahn.
Mr. Stripling. Your eyes have really been opened. Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. They were open all the time. I always had my eyes open. I
don't mean to say that I didn't but I didn't realize what method they were using.
I always looke(i upon the Communists as overthrowing the Govermnent by
violence and force. 1 believe that is the very words that they state.
Mr. Stripling. I think that is all I have, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. AVakni-b. Let me see what else I may have here. There are many ways
of going against the capitalist system using one form or another, such as poking
* See appendix, p. 523, for Warner Exhibit No. 3, submitted in executive hearing, May 15.
1947, now designated as exhibit 11.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 51
fun at our political system. This seems to be the easiest way for writers to get
by us, and by the prodvu'tion heads. The rich man is their favorite choice.
Now, I have something on the back here. After this big strilve these people
were naturally of the opinion that we were sympathetic with them, which we
were to labor in general. Laborers were trying to live on $1>S a week in the de-
pression period and my brotlier and I deliberately raised the wage scale from
around ;">(» or 00 cents, wluitever it was, to 85 cents, and w^e were rather criti-
cizi^d by people around here. \\'hen the strike started they picked on us first,
thiidcing tliat we were with tliem. They instantly found out we were not with
them ; it was just to tlie contrary. When asked why they picked on Warner
Bros., they sai<l they figured, biMng oui- friends, we would succumb immediately
and sign the new contract. Tliis was a .)urlsdi<tional strike — not for wages.
They are still striking to this day. When they found out about us, they got
off of us i-apidly and they don't like us any more.
Mr. Thomas. I have one more question. You saw an Associated Press dis-
patch that appeared in the newspapers a few days ago, in fact, on May 12. It
was a statement made by the interpreter Yuri Zliukt)v in which he stated that
the United States films smelled a mile of propaganda. This is his exact state-
ment. He said that "American proihicers were cooperating with the State
Department and monopoly capital to glut the world market with films giving a
distorted, sweetened picture of life in the United States."
Why do you thing Mr. Zhukov made that statement V That was just a few days
ago. You probably read it.
Mr. Wakner. Yes; I did read that statement. Well, I think that they really
believe it. They believe that through our pictures we are trying to sell the
American doctrine.
Mr. THOifAS. Or was it to head off a new flood of pictures that the producers
may be considering putting out that might be anti-Communist films?
Mr. Wakneu. It could be that. I am sure the Russian i>ropagandists need no
aid from anyone. They are pretty clever. They know everything.
Mr. Thomas. Isn't it true there will be a rush of anti-Communist films?
Mr. WAKNEii. I don't think there will be a rush of them, but there are going
to be a few made because we are making one now,' I^p Until Now. We sent a
company to Boston to get proper locations. In making this type of film you have
to be certain you are portraying the events of the day. You can't say that you
are going to make Mission to jMoscow in 1947 because 1942 was an entirely
different story. Then they were our allies and when you are fighting your enemy
you go along with your allies until you win.
Yes ; I feel you have proven a point, in my opinion. Propagandawise they
contemplate many anti-Communist pictures and I don't believe there will be so
many made. The only one I know going right out to tell the story is the one we
are preparing. The rest of them are doing it in one form or another. I don't
say anyone will make any pro-Russian pictures, because that is ridiculous. They
will try to make good American stories. There have been some verj', very won-
derful sequences and American speeches made by the companies in the past. - I
don't think there is anyone who hasn't tried in one form or another to do that,
but every once in a while they will get this anticapitalistic propaganda, as I have
found it, and some of it may stick in the films. They have gotten things over
on me : I know they have.
Mr. Thomas. Have you any more questions?
Mr. Stripling. I have no more questions.
Mr. McDowell. I have none.
Mr. W^arneb. If you don't mind just a moment. Would you want this for the
record? You can use it as you wish. These are copies of Communist literature
distributed on our picket lines in the 1945 strike.
Mr. Thomas. We would like very much to have them.
Mr. Warner. We have books that high of evidence that Avent on in front of
the studio, but everybody knows about this.
Mr. Stripling. I will ask the reporter to mark those exhibits at this point in
the record.
(The leaflets referred to were marked "Warner's Exhibits 4, 5, and 0."*)
Mr. Warner. Screening pictures for subversive messages — that is the cardhial
point. We watch everything. One fellow came up and objected and found
fault with the destruction of the Indians and what not in order for the white
' See appendix, p. 523. for Warner Exhitiits N().s. 4, 5, and 6, introduced in executive
hearing, May 15, 1947, now designated as exliibits 12, 13, and 14.
52 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
men to builfl a railroad out West. Whether it i.s true or false I don't know. I
really don't know because I wasn't there. He said, "There is no reason why
we can't do that becjiuse it is in the school books. They have been writing
about it for almost 100 years and it is a fact." Then he recited a picture that
we made about the i-ailroad barons, or whatever you want to call them in the
East, a picture called Saratoga Trunk, directed by Sam Wood, a very tine man.
If you saw that film you will remember Gary Cooper and Ingrid Bergman. It
came out a couple of years ago. The men were trying to steal railroads from
one another. I don't Ivuow, they called them robber barons or s(»mething of that
nature. Tliey come back with those kinds of things, "You permitted it in Sara-
toga Truidv and you don't let it go here. That is the way I feel about it. This
is really not about Indians. It is really about the building of the West." They
have the routine of the Indians and the colored folks. That is always their
set-up.
Mr. Thomas. The committee appreciates your coming here, Mr. Warner. You
are doing a .splendid job. We only wish that it could be carried through into
some of the other companies. If at any time you have any ideas as to how
you can -rt'ork out the situation with the other producers in order to accomplish
just what you have been doing I think it would be helpful to the country. The
main thing I want to say right now is we certainly appreciate your coming here
today and giving us your cooperation. What you said has been very helpful to
the committee. This is off the record.
Mr. Warner. May I give you a couple of more things in case you want to use
them ■?
Mr. Thomas. Go right ahead.
Mr. Warner. It is t)ften difficult to prevent the hiring of certain people due to
the fact the majority of employees are hired through unions and through the
guilds, some of which are Communist-controlled. Also the discharging of sub-
versive employees is difficult because of union regulations. We have to do it
along seniority lines. One of the guilds was pretty pink and we had to close a
complete department in order to get rid of them The Story Analysts was the
name of it. We had to close the whole thing and do it in New York, which I did.
We established some time ago a unit to investigate these things and this type
of work in the studio.
Mr. Thomas. Is there anything in your testimony which you have given here
today that you are willing for us to give out to the press?
Mr. Warner. Let me tell you two more things, about the Bulletin which we
have here, and I would like to submit a photostatic copy of an open letter to
Jack Warner, dated October 23, 1945, printed in the New Masses.
Mr. Thomas. That will be the next exhibit.
(Theoi>en letter was marked "Warner's Exhibit No. 7.") i"
Mr. Matthews. We have some bulletins issued by the lATSE.
(The bulletins referred to dated November 2 and 13, 1945, were marked "War-
ner's Exhibits 8 and 9," respectively.) ^i
Mr. Thomas. Now, is there anything which you have given us that you would
like for us to say to the press?
Mr. Warner. There is one thing that is very important, something I would not
like to give to the press ; let's put it that way.
Mr. Thomas. What is that?
Mr. Warner. That is the whole routine on Mission to Moscow.
Mr. Thomas. That is the one thing you don't want to give to the press?
Mr. War.M':r. That is the one thing I don't want to give to the press because
that is like throwing the hananer and sickle up in front of you, and it all hap-
pened back in 1942.
Mr. Thomas. That is all.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Mr. Vail ?
Mr. Vail. I avouUI like to get one or two specific answers from
Mr. Warner.
Touching- again upon the association, you are a very responsible
executive in tlie motion-picture industry, Mr. Warner. You are thrown
'" Sec appendix, p. 52,S, for exhibit 15.
" See appondix, p. .523, for exhibits 16 and 17.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 53
into an association, in this organization, with other ex(^cutives of the
industry.
Now, we have touched ni)on the writers that were dismissed. But
we all liave knowledge of a large numher of actors who are generally
known to have connnunistic sympathies and are contributors to the
Connnunist war chest. It would seem to me that your organization
would recognize the fact that the American people are not interested
in viewing the pictures in wdiich actors appear who have communistic
leanings. It would seem to me that this organization should concern
itself with cleaning house in its own industry.
You pointed out what the organization was not organized for, but
you didn't touch upon the reason, the actual reason or reasons, for its
existence. I take it for granted that the reason is the betterment and
the improvement of the industry. I don't think that you can improve
the industry to any greater degree and in any better direction than
through the elimination of the writers and the actors to wdiom definite
communistic leanings can be traced.
Don't you agree to that, Mr. Warner?
Mr. Warnp^r. I agree to it personally, Mr. Congressman, but I
cannot agree as far as the association is concerned. I can't, for the
life of me, figure where men could get together and try in any form,
shape, or manner to deprive a man of a livelihood because of his
political beliefs.
It would be a conspiracy, the attorney tells me, and I know that
myself.
Mr. Vail, At this stage w^e have no law. There is a question as to
whether we shall have a law to illegalize (sic) communism. But we
have to recognize that the motion-picture industry is one of the chan-
nels through which is established the groundwork for the eventual
destruction by force, that you spoke of a little while ago.
Don't you think it is a job of the industry, then, to prevent the
insertion of the tentacles of the communistic ideology through your
industry?
Mr. Warner, Speaking as an individual American, with each man
in the industry having a responsibility, I feel like you do, I feel,
likewise, in the free press, the radio, and the theater to a degree more
or less, that everybody is very, very cognizant of the duty that they
are entrusted with, in the dissemination of the American way of life.
Speaking for myself, as I have testified many times here, I am
more than aware of it, and I do everything that is humanly possible
to eradicate it in every form, shape, or manner. That could be my
only answer. The producers' association has nothing to do with a
man's ability to earn a living, and so forth. We meet in common
purpose for the betterment of moral standards of our business — sort
of good public relations, I would call it.
Mr. Vail. Well, you recognize the fact that conmuniism is a very
definite threat to our Govennnent today?
Mr. Warner. I certainly do recognize it — a threat not only to the
United States but to many of the European and the far-eastern
countries.
Mr. Vail. Well, you recognize the fact, also, that the motion-picture
industry, ])aying high salaries to actors professing connnunism and
54 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
supportino; the Connnunist Party, is lending aid and sujiport to the
communistic effort ?
Mr. Warner. If you have that proof, undoubtedly that is what they
are doing. I don't know whether they are doing it or not.
Mr. Vail. I feel that you are much better informed than I am about
the situation out in Hollywood. I assume that while you may not
know, you probably have heard rumors — like all the rest of us have
heard rumors — that certain actors and actresses, as well as writers, are
substantial contributors to the Communist Party.
Mr. Warner. I have heard rumors. It is sort of common gossip,
for the want of something else to s])eak about.
Mr. Vail. Well, you have failed to act for lack of supporting proof.
Would you act if proof were supplied ?
Mr. Warner. We would act very effectively if we had the proof.
Mr. Vail. Thank you, Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. You are welcome.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chair:man. Mr. Nixon ?
Mr. NixoN. No questions.
The Ceiairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions.
The Chairman. The Chair would like to announce that it is going
to be the policy of the committee to go into session every morning at
10 : 30, to recess at V2 : 30, to reconvene at 2, and to adjourn at 4.
The witnesses scheduled for tomorrow — and we will have two more
witnesses this afternoon — will be, first, Mr.Adolphe Menjou; second,
Mr. Jack Moif itt ; and, third, Ayn Rand.
Mr. Warner, the committee desii'es to thank you A^ery much for
being here today and speaking so freely and for doing the excellent
job which you have done in your own studio in cleaning house.
Thank you.^^
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman— — -
The Chairman. The meeting is adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 30, a recess was taken until 2 p. m.)
afternoon session
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness, Mr. Chairman, is Sam Wood.
The Chairman. Mv. Wood.
Mr. Wood, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth?
Mr. W^ooD. I do, sir.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF SAMUEL GROSVENOR WOOD
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Wood, will you please state your full name?
Mr. Wood. Samuel Grosvenor Wood.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
" See appendix, p. 524, for subpena of Jack L. Waruer, being exhibit 18.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 55
Mr. Wood. 1 am a motion-picture producer and director.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Wood. I was born in Pliikidelphia, Pa., 1883.
The Chairman. Excuse me, Mr. Stripling.
Haven't you an attorney?
Mr. Wood. No.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
]\Ir. Stripling. Do you desire an attorney?
Mr. Wood. No. I am certainly satisfied.
^Ir. Stripling. How long have you been associated with the motion
l)icture industry, Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. For over 30 years.
Mr. Stripling. What are the various positions that you have held
in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Wood. Pardon me?
Mr. Stripling. The various positions you have held. You have
been producer, director
]Mr. Wood. I w^as first assistant director for a year and a half and
then became a director ; then I produced and directed my own pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Would you name to the committee some of the films
which you have produced and directed in recent years ?
Mr. Wood. Well, Saratoga Trunk, Goodbye Mr. Chips, For Wliom
the Bell Tolls, Kitty Foyle, King's Row ; the last picture was Ivy, with
Joan Fontaine.
]VIr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Directors Guild?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Would you explain to the committee what the Screen
Directors Guild is?
Mr. Wood. Well, it is very similar to a union. I mean, we have
banded together to protect our rights and have a uniform front on
subjects that might come up with the executives or the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know how many members the Screen Direc-
tors Guild has?
Mr. Wood. I think we have two hundred and forty-some. I am not
sure of that, but I think that is it.
]\Ir. Stripling. Do you know whether or not the Screen Directors
Guild has ever been infiltrated by the Communists?
^Ir. Wood. They have tried.
Mr. Stripling. Will you tell the committee of the efforts that you
are aware of on the part of the Communists to infiltrate the Screen
Directors Guild?
Mr. Wood. There is a constant effort to get control of the guild. . In
fact, there is an effort to get control of all unions and guilds in Holly-
wood. I think our most serious time was when George Stevens was
president ; he went in the service and another gentleman took his place,
who died, and it was turned over to John Cromwell. Cromwell, with
the assistance of three or four others, tried hard to steer us into the
Red river, but we had a little too much weight for that.
jMr. Stripling. Will you mime the others?
Mr. Wood. Irving Pichel, Edward Dmytryk, Frank Tuttle, and — I
am sorry, there is another name there. I forget.
Mr. Stripling. If you think of it, will you give it for the record?
Mr. Wood. Yes.
56 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Wood, are you a ineniber of the Motion Picture
Alliance for tlie Preservation of American Ideals ?
Mr. W()(H). I am. I was the first president.
Mr. Stripling. Will you tell the connnittee the circumstances mider
which this organization was founded, and the rea.son why it was
founded?
Mr. Wood. Well, the reason was very simple. We organized in
self-defense. We felt that there was a definite effort by the Commu-
nist Party members, or Party travelers, to take over the unions and
the guilds of Hollywood, and if they had the unions and guilds con-
trolled, they would have the plum in tlieir lap and they would move
on to use it for Communist propaganda.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall the year that the alliance was estab-
lished ?
Mr. Wood. 1944.
Mr. Stripling. I. have here a copy of the statement of principles
of the guild.
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Without reading them into the record, could you
briefly outline to the committee the purposes? I will hand you this.
Mr. Wood. I am sorry, I don't have my glasses. I was going to
ask yon to read it for me.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Statement of I'rinciples
We believe in, and like, the American wny of life; the liberty and Iretnloni
which generations before us have fought to create and preserve; the freedom
to speak, to think, to live, to worship, to work, and to govern ourselves as indi-
viduals, as free men ; the right to succeed or fail as free men, according to the
measure of our ability and our sti'ength.
Believing in these things, we find ourselves in sharp revolt against a rising
tide of communism, fascism, and kindred beliefs, that seek by subversive means
to undermine and change this way of life; groiips that luive forfeited their right
to exist in this country of ours, because they seek to achieve their change by
means other than the vested -procedure of the ballot and to deny the right of the
ma.ioi'ity opinion of the people to rule.
In our special field of motion pictures, we resent the growing impression that
this industry is made up of, and dominated by, Communists, radicals, and
crackpots. We believe that we represent the vast majority of the people wh(v
serve this great medium of expression. But unfortunately it has been an unor-
ganized majority. This has been almost intnMtable. The very love of freedom,
of the rights of the individual, make this great majority reluctant to organize.
But now we must, or we shall meanly lose "the last, best hop;- on earth."
As Americans, we have no new plan to offer. We want no new plan, we want
only to defend against its enemies that which is our priceless heritage: that
freedom which has given man, in this country, the fullest life and the richest
expression the world has ever known: that system which, in the present emer-
gency, has fathered an effort that, more than any other single factor, will make
possible the winning of this war.
As members of the motion-picture industry, we must face and accept an espe-
cial responsibility. Motion pictui'cs are inescaiiably one of the world's greatest
forces for inllueucing public tlionght and opinion, iioth at home and abroad.
In this fact lies solemn obligation. We refuse to permit the effort of Com-
munist. Fascist, and other totalitarian-minded groups to pervert this iiowerful
medium into an instrument for the dissemination of un-American ideas and
beliefs. We pledge ourselves to fight, with every means at our organizxl com-
mand, any effort of any group or individual, to divert the loyalty of the screen
from the" free America that give it birth. And to dedicate our work, in the
fullest possible measure, to the presentation of the American scene, its standards
and its freedoms, its beliefs and its ideals, as we know them and believe in them.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 57
Mr. Wood, would you name some of the other individuals in Holly-
wood who were associated with you in the formation of this organi-
zation ?
Mr. Wood. Maurice Kiskin, Gary Cooper, Clark Gable, Bob Taylor,
Jim McGuinness, Howard Emmett Rogers, Ralph Clair, Ben Martinez,
Joe Touhy. Those last three men are labor leaders. When we first
incorporated, I think we had 50 to 100 people together to talk this
over, and then we decided to organize. It is difficult to remember all
the names. I don't know whether that is enough. Oh, there is Ginger
Rogers.
Mr. Stripling. Victor Fleming?
Mr. Wood. Victor Fleming. Clarence Brown.
Mr. Stripling. Rupert Hughes?
Mr. Wood. Rupert Hughes.
Mr. Stripling. They were people who were very prominent in the
industry?
Mr. Wood. Yes ; very prominent.
Mr. Stripling. The reason for forming this organization was to
combat the inroads that the Communists were making or attempting to
make within the industry ?
Mr. Wood. Both the Communists and the Fascists.
Mr. Stripling. Did your organization meet with any opposition?
Mr. Wood. Yes ; great deal of it.
Mr. Stripling. Would you describe for the committee the attack
that was made u]5on the organization and upon the individuals who
were instrumental in founding it?
Mr. Wood. Well, an organization was gotten together called the
Emergency Council of Hollywood Guilds and Unions over which
Emmett Lavery presided and back of the scenes was Herbert Sorrell.
Then there was an organization which jumped up called the Free
Word. Walter Wanger dug it up some place. I think it has quite
a background, if you want to look it up. Wanger's first attack was on
the basis of "We don't want any home-front Communists here." He
didn't mention any home-front Fascists. He called it "home-front
Fascists," but said nothing about "home-front Communists." The
other attacks were individual. We know of a number of people that
called up other people. It just depended on which method they
though would be the most effective. And they referred to us as anti-
Semitic, anti-labor, anti-Negro. Of course, always anti-labor when
they couldn't think of anything else.
Mr. Stripling. Isn't that the usual tactics of the Communist ?
Mr. Wood. To smear, yes. Smear and hide.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Wood, is it your opinion that the Communists
do exercise some degree of influence in the making and production of
motion pictures in Hollywood at the present time, or have in the past ?
Mr. Wood. Well, at the present time — of course, they are always
trying — but I think at the present time Hollywood is pretty well aware
of them and I think the thing is watched pretty closely. It has really
caused everyone to be a watch dog. They know pretty well. I think
it was inexperience that any material crept through. Now that they
are aware of it they kept a pretty good eye on them.
It isn't only what they get in the films, it is what they keep out. If
a story has a good point, that sells the American way of living, that
58 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
can be eliminated and you wouldn't miss it. If you picture some
official, or the banker, as a dirty "so and so," we can see that, and out
it jToes. Of course, they know me pretty well. In fact, I don't have
any of them around. I don't want them.
Mr. Stripling. You haven't had any trouble with any of the Com-
munists in your own productions?
Mr. Wood. No.
Mr. STRirLiNG. Why do you think that is ?
Mr. Wood. Because I don't have them. Don't want them.
Mr. STRirLiNG. Is that true of all the studios in the motion-picture
industry ?
Mr. Wood. I know the heads of most of the studios. I know Louis
Mayer, Mrs. Schenk, Eddie Manix, I know the Warners, Mr. Fried-
man, Mr. Ginsburg of Paramount, Mr. Yates of Republic. I could go
on down the line. I don't think any of them would willingly permit
propaganda, Communist propaganda, in their pictures. But it is im-
possible, utterly impossible for the heads of the studios to read the
number of scripts they would have to read. There is the danger. They
are always trying. So you have to be a watchdog.
Mr. Strttling. What group in the industry must be watched more
carefully than the rest ?
Mr. WojOd. The writers.
JNIr. Stripling. The writers ?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Is it your opinion that there are Communist writers
in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Wood. Oh, yes. It is not my opinion, I know positively there
are.
Mr. Stripling. Would j^ou care to name any that you know yourself
to be Communists?
Mr. Wood. Well, I don't think there is any question about Dalton
Trumbo; any .question about Donald Ogden Stevrart. The reporter
asked the question of a great many writers, "Are you a member of the
Communist Party," or "Are you a Communist?"
Mr. Stripling. Did they deny it?
Mr. Wood. They didn't answer it.
Mr. Stripling. Was John Howard Lawson one of those persons?
Mr. Wood. Oh, yes; he is active in every piece of Communist work
going on.
Mr. Stripling. Is there any question in your mind that John How-
ard Lawson is a Communist ?
Mr. Wood. If there is, then I haven't any mind.
I suppose there are 19 gentlemen back there that say I haven't.
Mr. Stripling. When did you first notice this effort on the part of
the Communists to enter Hollywood or to exert influence in the mo-
tion-picture industry?
Mr. Wood. Well, I think they really started working around 1030,
some, I forget the exact time. I think we were very conscious of it,
had been for some time, but like everyone else we probably hadn't done
anything, because it is quite an effort and you get quite smeared, and
a lot of people would like to duck that. It is fun to play bridge, for
instance, rather than to check on something like that. We felt it more,
I think, just previously to our organization in 1944.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 59
Mr. Stripling. That was the reason, in other words, that you formed
3'our organization, was to combat the increased activity on the part
of the Communists in the industry ?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; we felt there was a great danger, and it was in
the interest of self-defense of our business, because we felt a moral
responsibility for our business. It has been very kind to a lot of us,
and we want to protect it.
Mr. Striplincj. Now, Mr. Wood, would you give the committee some
of these examples in which the Communists have exerted influence in
the motion-picture industry? In other words, how do they go about
it, what is the mechanics of it?
Mr. Wood. There are a number of ways. I think the thing that is
very important, and the thing I was most anxious about, is the pride
of Americans in working. They are pretty subtle. For instance, a
man gets a key position in the studio and has charge of the writers.
Wlien you, as a director or a producer, are ready for a writer you ask
for a list and this man shows you a list. Well, if he is following the
party line his j^ets are on top or the other people aren't on at all. If
there is a particular man in there that has been opposing them they
will leave liis name off the list. Then if that man isn't employed for
about 2 months they go to the head of the studio and say, "Nobody
wants this man." The head is perfectly honest about it and says, '"No-
body wants to use him, let him go." So a good American is let out.
But it doesn't stop there. They point that out as an example and say,
"You better fall in line, play ball, or else." And they go down the
line on it.
Mr. StPvIplixg. That is true in the case of writers. Would you say
it is true in any other branch of the industry ?
Mr. Wood. I don't think, in any part of the business, they will use
a party who is opposed to their ideas, if they can avoid it, and they can
usually avoid it.
Mr. Stripling. They opei'ate as cliques, in other words?
Mr. Wood. Oh, yes; they have their nleetings every night. They
ai'e together ; they work for one purpose.
Mr. Stripling. What is that purpose, Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. Well, I think they are agents of a foreign country myself.
Mr. Stripling. I see.
The CiLviRMAN. Would you say that these persons you named here
today were agents of a foreign country?
Mr. Wood. I think anyone following the party line, I think this
particular party line, are agents of a foreign country. I think they
are directed from a foreign country.
It isn't exactly fair to have my back to that gang out there.
Mr. Stripling. jNIr. Wood, from time to time have pictures been
produced by Hollywood which portray what we might call the sordid
side of American life? Are 3'ou familiar with any pictures of that
kind ?
Mr. Wood. Well, I think there are all sides of life and I think they
should be photographed. I would like to say that I think one of the
great dangers to this business would be censorship because those
people are so Avell organized that they would like to have censorship
because then they would get their stooges in the position of censoring
and then Avould have it in their pocket. And as far as the sordid side
60 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
is concerned, I think 3^011 should tell all things in pictures. I think
that if a story has a good point to it — I mean, Grapes of Wrath —
things happen in America and I think we should show it.
Mr. SxiaPLiNG. I believe Mr. Johnston, when he aj^peared before
the committee, made some mention of Russia's desire to obtain cer-
tain pictures which might portray the worst side of the United States.
Do you know of any pictures that they have endeavored to obtain
to show in Russia ^
Mr. Wood. I don't know as they would be anxious to show" that pic-
ture, because, after all, as poor as they were, they did have a piece
of ground, and they did have an automobile, and they are at liberty
to get the automobile and travel across the country.
Mr. Stripling. Speaking of Grapes of Wrath?
Mr. Wood. Yes; I don't think he would be anxious to show that.
He might have started it, but I think they would take it off if they
did.
Mr. Stkiplixg. Now, Mr. Wood, since so many Americans attend
the motion pictures every week, you are certainly aware of the tre-
mendous propaganda vehicle it affords. Do you feel that the Com-
munists have succeeded in putting in pictures scenes which — or leav-
ing scenes out of pictures — which indirectly attack our system of
government ?
Mr. Wood. Well, unquestionably they are always trying. It is very
difficult for the American people to understand what you mean b}^
Cf)mnuinist projjaganda in pictures. You might refer to some pic-
ture, something is mentioned, and they say, "That is ridiculous, there
is no propaganda there,'' because they are looking for some howl for
Stalin or showing the Russian way of life. But they dcm't show that.
They have nothing to sell. All they want to do is try to unsell
America.
Mr. Stripling. That can be done just as effectively by leaving
stuff out of pictures as by putting it in?
Mr. W(H)D. Yes: they don'f want to show the American way of life.
Mr. Stripling. These groups or cliques that you have referred to
in the motion-picture industry, are they a source of financial assist-
ance to the Community Party in California?
Mr. Wood. Very substantial. For example, at the rally which
Katherine Kepburn attended, they raised $87,000 — and you know
that didn't go to the Boy Scouts.
Mr. Stripling. Where do you think it went ?
Mr. Wood. AVe will see the results of it. Recently they had a rally
for these 19 guests of yours and they raised $10,000. They dig the
money up, or else.
Mr. S'liupLiNG. Were you ever approached by any Govermnent
representative, Mr. Wood, regarding the making of a film dealing
with the Congress of the United States?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Would you tell the connnittee the circumstances
of that ?
Mr. Wood. I got a phone call from Sam Spivak in New York,
1 think he was, or Washington, saying there was a very important
picture they wanted made, and particularly wanted me to make it,
because it had to be so aiul so. I was delighted to make anvthing that
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 61
\vt)ul(l help the war effort. I said all right. They said the gentle-
man wonld be out tomorrow. The next day I got a call from Lowell
Mellett. I met him at the Brown Derby in Beverly Hills and he had
with him a man named Pointer. They told me they wanted to make
a short showing Congress enacting a law. It was a little strange to
me, because I couldn't figure how that was going to help the war
effort.
The Chairman. I didn't get the name of the picture.
Mr. Wood. A short showing the Congress enacting a law. And
when they told me what the subject was, I said, I was a little sur-
prised and then they immediately started to refer to "Joe" — different
Members of the Congress, referred to them by their first names.
They were a little amused about the gentleman "Joe." In the mean-
time I thought it over and I said, "How is that going to help the war
effort.^" and they looked at me a little strangely, and in a few minutes
the thing was over, and I didn't hear any more of it. So maybe I
spoke too quickly.
Mr. Stripling. Did you gain the impression that they thought it
ridiculed Congress?
Mr. Wood. I had an idea from the conversation that they didn't
think highly of them.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether Mr. Mellett was a representa-
tive then of the Motion F'icture Section of the Office of War Infor-
mation ?
Mr. WoDD. I don't know positively. I presume he was. Spivak
told me these gentlemen were coming out and I presume they were
conducted with them.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether or not in the
past there have been efforts to discredit certain institutions of the
American Government by constantly referring to the Members of
Congress as being crooks, and so forth, in the pictures ?
Mr. Wood. I think there has been an effort. Of course, if you go
back in pictures you will find frequently the banker or the man in
l>ublic life, the doctor, any one of them would be the heavy in the
picture. I think it is particularly bad if that is constantly shown,
every night you go to the pictures you see a dishonest banker, or
Senator, you begin to think that the whole system is wrong. That is
the way they work on it. They figure if you can break down or
destroy the confidence of the people in the Government, or the gentle-
men who are executing it, then it is a very simple thing to have a new-
idea for them — and, believe me, they have got one for you, too.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions at this time.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood, do you have any questions?
Mr. John S. Wood. Mr. Wood', how many people are members of
the Writers Guild?
Mr. Wood. I think, sir. about eleven or twelve hundred members.
Mr. John S. Wood. This other organization; what was that?
Mr. Wood. Motion Picture Alliance?
Mr. John S. Wood. Yes. How many members are there of that?
Mr. Wood. Well, we have probably 1.100 members, but then we have
tlie heads of labor and they control a great many votes. We have a
lot of people, thousands more of people, who are indirectly interested
with us through other associations.
67683—47 5
62 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, John S. Wood. What percentage of the membership of those
organizations would you say now follow the Communist line?
Mr. Wood. I think you misunderstood. I said that the Motion Pic-
ture Writers Guild was controlled by the Communists but they are a
very small portion of them.
Mr. John S. Wood. How do they control it ?
Mr. Wood. Well, sir, how do they control labor? After all, there
are a lot of ways they do it. They call a meeting, they start argu-
ments, it gets to be around 12 o'clock and they are still going, the peo-
ple go home, and then they pass what they want to pass. They have
got that down pretty cleverly. Of course, they like to put up people
who are not members of the Communist Party. It is much more
favorable to them to have a man who is a good Catholic, for instance,
stand up and say, "I am not a Communist," but he is talking for them.
Mr. John S. Wood. You say you have been in the producing. busi-
ness how long ?
Mr. Wood. I have been in the motion-picture directing and produc-
ing end for over 30 years.
Mr. John S. Wood. During that time you directed pictures for
various studios ?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; I started in with Paramount and then went
to Metro. I think I was with those two for 20 years. Then I went
on my own. I mean, I didn't go directly to that. I have made pic-
tures— if I liked the story I have made a picture. For instance, I
wanted to get Gary Cooper for For Whom the Bell Tolls and (xold-
wyn would only let me have him if I made Lou Gehrig. But I have
been producing my own pictures for the last o or 4 years.
Mr. John S. Wood. I would like to have your opinion as to the views
on communism or other subversive influences embraced by any re-
sponsible studio head or producer for whom you have worked or
by whom you have been employed.
JSIr. Wood. I have never come in contact with any heads of any
studios that were Communist inclined or favored it or weren't willing
to tight against it. For instance, in our own country we weren't very
conscious of it until very recently. I think now you can depend on
them. They will take as strong action as the Government or we will
take with them. I am positive of that, of the men I know.
Mr. John S. Wood. I believe that is all.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Wood, you have indicated that the organization
which you have described believes that it is essential for Hollywood
to direct its attack against both the Fascists on the one side and the
Communists on the other?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. And you have indicated that when your organization
was formed there were certain elements in Hollywood which leveled
some pretty severe attacks upon your organization and that those at-
tacks were limited to that part of your program that had to do with
anti-Connnunist activities?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. None of them referred to us as Communists
at all. It was sort of a mouth-to-mouth thing. They would call up.
For instance, Jewish members, they oven called them anti-Semitic.
Labor people were antilabor. It didn't make any difference. But
they kept it up. You can't stop that.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 63'
Mr. Nixon. The grounds which generally have been given by those
who dislike any criticism of Hollywood following, an anti-Communist
line, shall we say, or any criticism of the pictures which have, shall
we say, been pro-Comnuuiist, is that they do not feel tliat propaganda
and tiie motion pictures should be controlled and they do not feel that
it should be used for the purpose of attacking any way of thinking.
You, of course, have heard of the control arguments which have been
used time and time again.
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; I saw a copy of that meeting.
Mr. Nixox. This group obviously, therefore, has said we don't want
to see any investigations of Communist activities in Hollywood, we
don't want to see any pictures which are anti -Communist, or any in-
fluence exerted to make anti-Communist pictures, because if that is
the case we would be leveling an attack upon the right of people to
believe anything they want in the United States and to say it openly.
But by the same token have any members of those groups ever criticized
3'ou, or to your knowledge have they ever criticized any segment of
the industry for the pictures which Hollywood has made in which
Hollywood has leveled a devastating attack on the totalitarian form
of government ?
j\Ir. Wood. Well, that is a long question. Do 3'ou want me to take
it by sections ?
Mr. Nixox. Have you any knowledge that this group that leveled
attacks upon your organization, have they ever criticized you, or to
your knowledge have they ever criticized the industry generally, be-
cause the industry has made in the past pictures which attacked the
Nazi and Fascist totalitarian governments?
]\rr. Wood. Of course, they made no attacks during the time Hitler
and Stalin were together: they welcomed that. Previous to that
Hitler and Mussolini were both their enemies. As soon as Hitler
and Stalin got together, then the whole thing was changed. It wasn't
in the interest of America or in the interest of anything in particular
but Stalin. That was their main idea.
]Mr. Nixox. So far as this group is concerned, it is "thought con-
trol'' whenever the motion-picture industry might make an anti-
Communist film: but it isn't "thought control" if they were to make
an anti-Fascist or anti-Nazi film? In other words, they welcome the
first but oppose the latter?
Mr. Wood. If you would read the review of that meeting of the
"thought conference" held at Beverly Hills Hotel you would know
exactly what was in their mind. It is only one thing. It is not
America. As far as investigation is concerned, we would welcome an
investigation. Our books are open to you at any time.
]Mr. Nixox. You have indicated that the main success of those who
follow the Communist line in Hollywood has not been in what they
have been able to get into i)ictures but what they have been able to
get out ?
Mr. AVooD. I think they are both dangerous, but I think what they
keep out is doubly dangerous. You wouldn't notice that. If the
script is accepted, you don't check back. I do. I generally go back
over the book and try to check to see if anything important was left
out. But if they don't check back, they leave things out that puts
this country and our way of living in a favorable light.
64 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Nixon. In addition, they might also be interested in keeping
out of the fihiis anything that ^vas derogatory of the Communist
system of Government?
Mr. Wood. Oh, my heavens, yes ; oh, yes.
Mr. Nixon. But they would have no interest in keeping out of the
film anything that was derogatory of a Fascist or the Nazi system of
government ; that is true ?
Mr. Wood. Pardon me. I didn't get that.
Mr. Nixon. They wouldn't be interested in keeping out of the film
anything derogatory of nazism or fascism?
Mr. Wood. No,
Mr. Nixon. Which illustrates the point I was trying to make in
a rather lengthy way — that their interest is only when it comes to
keeping anti-Communist things out of a picture.
Mr. Wood. You see, if I may offer something there, these new names
of fronts ai'e used. They start a front, and they milk it. Where the
money goes, you don't know. They come out and say they have a
Greek relief. Everybody wants to give to the Greek relief. Checking
into it, it is found it has gone to the guerrillas. Half of the people that
give money — people feel they want to conti'ibute to a good cause — they
don't know the purpose for which the money is given; they don't know
where the money goes. These organizations take one and milk it and
start a new one. Sometimes they overlap and one is carried on over
the other.
Mr. NixoN. If Hollywood were to make a picture pointing out the
methods used — a factual picture pointing out the methods used and
which have been used in Europe and are used at the present time by
the ConuTiunists in taking over various governments now behind the
iron curtain, a picture similar to those made about the Nazis before
World War II, would you anticipate serious opposition from this
group ?
Mr. Wood. They would try every possible way to stop it, of course.
Mr. NixoN. Is that one of the reasons such pictures have not been
made in the past ?
Mr. Wood. No; I don't think so. I think at the present time the
studio heads rather feel that anything having: to do with war at the
present time is not a good subject. I don't think anyone would hesi-
tate to make it if there were a good story presented.
Mr. NixoN. To get clearly your attitude — because I think it is im-
portant that we draw the lines pretty clearly — from what you have
indicated you believe that no control — or shall we say criticism —
should be "directed toward Hollywood for making pictures like the
ones Mr. Stripling described, which may point out the sordid side of
life in the United States?
Mr. Wood. I think it would be a great mistake to have that censor-
ship. It might rectify something that is wrong with our system.
Mr. Nixon. As a matter of fact, isn't it true that there are many
pictures which point out the weak features of our own American sys-
tem which have been made by people whose loyalty, insofar as com-
munism is concerned, is absolutely unquestioned? In other words,
peoi)le' who are anti-Communist have made, and will continue to make,
pictures which point uj) weaknesses in our American system?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; if it is a good subject, they make it.
Mr. Nixon. You believe it is essential to maintain that privilege?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 65
Mr. W( »()!). Yes, sir ; I do. It is very important. I think we should
have freedom to make the thini^s that are important. There may be
something- that you want to show, and it is important that it be shown
to the ])ublic.
Mr. Nixox. Then your objection is simply that you believe it is
essential that the knife cut both ways — that pictures can be made
pointing out the true state of conditions in the United States —
pictures can be made pointing out the good features of our system
of government and our economic system, as well as the bad ; but what
you object to is the line which is followed by some of the people in
Hollywood who are interested only in pointing up that side which
will promote eventually the changing of our system of government
and setting up in its place a Communist system of government?
Mr. AVooD. Very definitely; yes; I agree.
Mr. Nixox. What is involved is that those who follow the Com-
munist line in Hollywood believe in a free screen and a free press
and free speech only for the purpose of pointing up and advocating
their own political ideas and the system of government which they
would like to set up in the United States?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; the only reason they support that idea is to
tear us down. That is all.
The CiTAiRMAX. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I have no questions to ask Mr.
Wood, but I would like to commend this gentleman for the w^ork that
he is doing out there, for the vigorous energy that he has piled into
this work, and remind you with a great deal of pride that Mr. Wood
is a Pennsylvanian and has exhibited here some very rugged Pennsyl-
vanian characteristics.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. ]Mr. AVood, I have been much interested in your state-
ment to the eft'ect that you have neither writers nor actors on your
pay roll having Communist tendencies.
Mr. AVooD. Yes. sir.
Mr. A^AiL. I take it you heard the testimony of Mr. Warner this
morning?
Mr. AA^ooD. Yes, sir.
Mr. Vail. If so, you heard Mr. Warner say he has certain scruples
against releasing individuals from his pay roll for such tendencies
because of the danger of depriving them of their livelihood.
Mr. AA''<ton. AA'^ell, you would liesitate to deprive them of their liv-
ing, but they wouldn't hesitate to take your living or anything else
away from 3'ou, because they do it, and they do it with a well-organ-
ized system ; not only in the case of a writer but in every case they
deprive people of work whenever they can, and they make an example
(jf keeping their own people working to frighten people into join-
ing them.
Mr. AVarner did clean them out ; I don't care what he said, he cleaned
them out.
Mr. \"ail. I take it, then, you do not subscribe to the principle that he
presented?
Mr. AA\)OD. I think he has a right to express it the way he wants to;
but, after all. he cleaned them out, and that is the main thing with me.
Mr. Vail. I think he was very sincere.
Mr. AA^'ooD. I do, too.
66 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Vail. I know he is sincere. I tliink }ou are. too; but, of course,
■\ve lirtve the pr<)l)lem of eliminatino; the Communist element from not
only the Hollywood scene but also other scenes in America, and we have
to have the f idl support and cooperation of the executives from each of
those divisions.
Mr. Wood. I am sure you can get it from them.
Mr, Vail. Do you belong to the directors group ?
Mr. Wood. Yes.
]Mr. Vail. Do you also belong to the producers group ?
^Ir. Wood. No.
Mr. Vail. Is that a voluntary act of your own ?
Mr. Wood. I think so; yes. I direct my own pictures as a director
with a certain code, and so on, and I think it is better for me to stay out
as a director.
Mr. Vail. If you have succeeded so admirably in cleaning out the
Communist element and their fellow travelers from your studio, won't
you agree, then, it is possible for all of the other producers to do like-
wise?
Mr. Wood. Well, you must consider that I am just one outfit. I have
one writer; I may have two writers working, and that is the limit.
They have probably 40 or 50 of them working, and when they get
around to it I think you will get action from those gentlemen, too.
I think the party should be outlawed, and I think these people should
be labeled as agents of a foreign country, and let's get rid of them.
Mr. Vail. I thoroughly agree with you along that line. I think com-
munism is treason and should be treated as such ; but, nevertheless, you
probably know from the hearings of this connnittee in the past we have
had some very prominent people in this countrv — peoj^le for wliose
opinion we have the highest respect — who are adamantly opposed to
outlawing the organization because of the fact that it would send their
activities underground.
You do not have that feeling ?
]Mr. Wood. No, sir ; I haven't. I think you have to awaken the public
to the fact that they are here and what they are doing. If you mention
you are opposed to the Communist Party, then you are antilabor, anti-
Semitic, or anti-Negro, and you will end up being called a Fascist, but
they never start that until they find out you are opposed to the Com-
munist Party ; but if you wanted to drop their rompers j^ou would find
the hammer and sickle on their rear ends, I think.
Mr. Vail. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood (Congressman). Not because I have any partiality to-
ward our name, INIr. Wood
Mr. Wood. We ought to stick together.
Mr. Wood (Congressman). But I do desire to ask j'ou one or two
questions.
You stated in your testimony that in your opinion these people who
are seeking to infiltrate into the picture industry, and other activities
in America, and who preach doctrines subversive to our own Govern-
ment, are, in your opinion, agents of a foreign power. Outside of the
fact that they are actually doing the things they are doing, have you
any other evidence that they are agents of a foreign government?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 67
Mr. Wood. Well, I tliink if you are taking your orders from a for-
eign country you nnist be an agent of that foreign country, and there
is no question about tlie Conniuinist Party. It is not a local thing. If
it was a political party and had the same ideals and ideas, and put them
on a platform, I wouldn't o})en my mouth ; but I don't think they have
their own ideas ; I think they get their orders and follow them out. If
they thought that their way of handling the situation was better than
ours, I wouldn't say anything, but I don't think they have any right
to be permitted to go on and try and tear this country down and give
us what Russia has.
Mr. Wood (Congressman). Do you mean by that you feel that each
of them, the rank and lile, are getting orders directly from the for-
eign government ?
Mv. Wood. No; I don't think they get orders, personally; they take
orders from the heads. They just give them their orders and tell
them what to do, and they do it.
Mr. Wood (Congressman). Do you think they are all conscious of
the fact that they are doing that under orders from a foreign power?
Mr. Wood. We have ti'ied to figure out why they do it — why they
take the abuse and give the money away they do. We can't figure it
out, except that maybe they think if anything happens they are going
to be the commissars here — they are going to be the executives of the
studios.
Some of them, I think, want to be intellectuals. I think they have
different reasons; but we cannot quite figure out how they can dom-
inate these people, Americans, ancl make them do the things they do.
There are some of them back there now.
The CiiAiiorAN. We will take care of them when their turn comes.
Mv. Wood. I will help you, sir.
Mr. Wood (Congressman). If they were all eliminated from the
picture, would it, in your opinion, weaken the effectiveness of the pic-
ture industry or the purpose for which it is organized ?
Mr. AVoOD. Definitely not. There are only a few of them. There
are some stars that are important, yes; but the rest of them wouldn't
make a bit of difference, we wouldn't Ivuow they were gone. We have
lost some very fine peo^^le in this business. The greatest man we
ever had in the business was Irving Thalberg. He died. It was a
great loss. These other people, we wouldn't know they were out of
here. If they went back to Russia — and I hope they do — we would be
better off, that is all.
Mr, Wood (Congressman). Mr. Chairman, for myself I desire to
extend my personal thanks to Mr. Wood for his courageous and efficient
manner in appearing before the committee.
The CiiAiK^iAX. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixct. Mr. Wood, do the Communists maintain any schools
or laboratories in Hollywood for the purpose of training actors or
writers ?
Mr. Wood. Yes; they have a laboratory theater there.
Mr. Striplixo. What is the function of this theater?
Mr. Wood. Well, in the old days we used to have youngsters who
had a chance to study to become actors and actresses through the stock
companies. Every city had two or three stock companies, but now
68 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
most of tlioni liave been eliminated. They have to go to these schools.
They put on plays. They get parts, they study and become efficient,
and we see them in the theaters, or see them in some Pasadena play-
house, or something like that, but the laboratory theater. I think, is
very definitely under the control of the Comnumist Party and the
people that teach there. Any kid that goes in there with American
ideals hasn't a chance in the world.
There is another thing that worries me and that is the art centers.
I think most of these places are partly supported by the GI, and I
think those boys are getting some poison that is not good for them.
Then Ave have the educational center out there
Mr. Stkipling. Is that the Peoples Educational Center?
Mr. Wood. Yes. Eddie Dmytryk — I referred to him — is the in-
structor there, so you get an idea of what they are getting to.
Mr. Stripling. Is he a director?
Mr. Wood. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether the Peoples Educational Cen-
ter is a successor to the School for Writers of the League of American
Writers ?
Mr. Wood. I didn't get that.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not the Peoples Educational
Center is a successor to the School for Writers of the League of
American Writers ?
Mr. Wood. I am not quite sure of that. I think some of the other
men from our organization who will follow may have the facts on
t hose things.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
Mr. Wood. I am sorry I cannot give it to you.
Mr. STRiPLiN(i. I'hose are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Does anv other member have any other questions?
Mr, McDowell ?
Mr! McDowKLL. Have you read Trostky's book, ''Stalin?"
Mr. Wood. No,
Mr. McDowell. You said here a moment ago you had termed anti-
Semitic and Fascist. Trostky named Stalin time after time after
time, in his book, as being anti-Semitic, so on that point alone you
and Stalin stand together?
Mr. Wood. That doesn't stop there. There are personal matters
and everything else. We are constantly being threatened, and so on.
Mr. McDowell. Thank you.
The Chairman. Mr. AVood, to use the slang expression, you really
lay it on the line. If the great, great majority of persons in industry,
labor, and education showed the same amount of courage that you
show we would not have to worry about commamism or fascism in this
country. In other words, you've got guts.
Mr. Wood. Thank you very much. You Avill find the men in our
organization have the same, sir.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairuum, I want the record to show jSIr. Wood
is here in response to a subpena which was served upon him.^''
The Chairman. Thank you.
(Witness excused.)
" See appendix, p. 524, for exhibit 19.
I
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 69
Mr. ^TKii'LiNG. The next witness, Mr, Chairman, will be Mr. Louis
li. Mayer.
Tlie Chairman. Mr. Mayer, will you raise your right hand, please.
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth,
and nothino; but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Mayer. I do.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS B. MAYER
Mr. Strh'ling. Mr. Mayer, will you state your full name, please'^
Mr. Mayer. Louis Burt Mayer.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were j^ou born, Mr. Mayer?
Mr. Mayer. I was born in Russia and came to this country when I
was an infant; I came to Canada and from Canada here.
Mr, Striplin(j. Mr. Chairman, the interrogation of Mr. Mayer will
be done by Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I would like for the record to show
Mr. Mayer is accompanied by counsel, Mr. McNutt. Mr. McNutt was
with Mr. Warner this morning. Do you care for any further identifi-
cation of Mr. McNutt?
The Chairman. Nothing further,
Mr, Wood, Is Mr, Mayer here under subpena ?
Mr, Stripling. ]\Ir. Mayer is here under subpena, Mr. Wood."
Mr. Smith. Mr. Mayer, will jon tell us what your present occupa-
tion is, j)lease ?
Mr. Mayer. I am head of the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studios, Culver
City, Calif.
Mr. Smith. How long have you been associated with the motion-
picture industry?
Mr. Mayer. Well, in producing, for about 25 years; in all branches,
about 40 years. In 1907 is when I started,
Mr. Smith. Will you tell us some of the positions you have held
prior to your present position?
Mr. Mayer. I ran a motion-picture theater, dramatic houses, vaude-
ville houses, distributed pictures in Boston and came west to produce.
Mr. Smith. How many people are employed at M-G-M, approxi-
matel3\ at the present time?
Mr. Mayer. Between four and five thousand.
Mr. Smith. Approximately how manj' pictures do they make each
year?
Mr. Mayer. It varies from 25 to 50.
Mr. Smith. Could you give the committee an idea of the gross in-
come of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer over 1 year, or over a number of
years?
Mr. Mayer. That I don't know, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer is the largest, or at least one of
the large studios in the motion-picture business; is that right?
Mr. jNIayer. It is considered so. sir. I believe.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Maj^er, as the chairman stated this morning — and
I believe you were present at the time — the purpose of this inquiry is to
'■• See appendix, p. 524. for exhibit 20.
70 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
determine the extent of Communist infiltration into the motion-picture
industry.
Since you have been in Hollywood have you had an opportunity
and have you observed whether or not tliere is any Communist infil-
tration into the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Mayer. Could I read a statement, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairman. May I see the statement, please ?
Mr. Mater, Yes, sir.
The Chairman, Yes ; that will be all right.^^
Mr. Mayer. Communism to me is so completely opposed to the prin-
ciples of democratic government that I welcome the opportunity pro-
vided by this committee to be of any service possible to bring out the
true facts concerning reported infiltration of un-American ideology
into motion pictures.
Like others in the motion-picture industry, I have maintained a
relentless vigilance against un-American influences. If, as has been
alleged, Communists have attempted to use the screen for subversive
purposes, I am proud of our success in circumventing them.
I have abundant reason to cherish the blessings of our democracy,
and to resist with all my strength any effort to undermine it. I join
with this committee in every determination to safeguard the precious
freedom entrusted to us.
During my 25 years in the motion-picture industry I have always
souixht to maintain the screen as a force for public good.
The motion-picture industry employs many thousands of people.
As is the case with the newspaper, radio, publishing, and theater
businesses, we cannot be responsible for the political views of each
individual employee. It is, however, our complete responsibility to
determine what appears on the motion-picture screen.
It is my earnest hope tliat this committee will perform a public
service by recommending to the Congress legislation establishing a
national policy regulating employment of Communists in private in-
dustry. It is' my belief they should be denied the sanctuary of the
freedom they seek to destroy.
Communism is based upon a doctrine inconsistent with American
liberty. It advocates destruction of the sj^stem of free enterprise
under which our industry has achieved popularity among the freedom-
loving peoples of the world.
Our hatred of communism is returned in full measure. The Com-
munists attack our screen as an instrument of capitalism. Few, if
any, of our films ever reach Eussia. It hates us because it fears us.
We show too much of the American way of life, of human dignity, of
the opportunity and the happiness to be enjoyed in a democracy.
]More than any other country in the world, we have enjoyed the
fullest freedom of speech in all means of communication. It is this
freedom that has enabled the motion picture to carry the message to
the world of our democratic way of life.
The primary function of motion pictures is to bring entertainment
to the screen. But, like all other industries, we were lending every
support to our Government in the war effort, and whenever a subject
could be presented entertaining, we tried, insofar as possible, to
cooperate in building morale.
^= See appendix, p. 525, for exhibit 21.
I
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 71
Metro-Goklwyn-]Mayer produced Joe Smitli American as a defense-
worker incentive. There were a number of films produced for the
Army and Navy. Then, there was Mrs. Miniver, wliich was rushed
into release at the urgent request of the United States oflicials to
meet the rising tide of anti-English feeling that followed the fall of
Tobruk.
There were a number of representatives of the Government who
made i)eriodical visits to the studios during the war. They discussed
with us from time to time the types of pictures which they felt might
assist the war eifort. They were coordinators and at no time did
they attempt to tell us what we should or should not do. We made
our own decisions on production. We are proud of our war efforts
and the results speak for themselves.
Mention has been made of the picture Song of Russia, as being
friendly to Russia at the time it was made. Of course it was. It
was made to be friendly. In 1938 we made Ninotchka, and shortly
thereafter Comrade X, with Clark Gable and Hecly Lamarr — both
of these films kidded Russia.
It was in April of 1942 that the story for Song of Russia came to
our attention. It seemed a good medium of entertainment and at the
same time offered an opportunity for a pat on the back for our then
ally, Russia. It also offered an opportunity to use the music of
Tschaikowsky. We mentioned this to the Government coordinators
and they agreed with us that it would be a good idea to make the
picture.
According to research I have made, our newspapers were headlining
the desperate situation of the Russians at Stalingrad at that time.
Admiral Standley, American Ambassador to the Soviet Union, made
a vigorous plea for all-out aid. He pleaded for assistance second only
to the supplies being provided the United States Fleet, and empha-
sized that the best way to win the war was to keep the Russians killing
the Germans, and that the most effective way was to give them all the
help they needed.
The United States Army Signal Corps made The Battle of Stalin-
grad, released in 1943, with a prolog expressing high tribute from
President Roosevelt, our Secretaries of State, War, and Navy, and
from Generals IMarshall and MacArthur.
The final script of Song of Russia was little more than a pleasant
musical romance — the story of a boy and girl that, except for the music
of Tschaikowsk3% might just as well have taken place in Switzerland
or England or any other country on the earth.
I though Robert Taylor ideal for the leading male role in Song of
Russia, but he did not like the story. This was not unusual as actors
and actresses many times do not care for stories suggested to them.
At the time, Taylor mentioned his pending commission in the Navy,
so I telephoned the Secretary of the Nav}^, Frank Knox, and told him
of the situation, recalling the good that had been accomplished with
Mrs. JNIiniver and other pictures released during the war period. The
Secretary called back and said he thought Taylor could be given time
to make the film before being called to the service. Accordingly,
Taylor made the picture.
Since 1942 when the picture was planned, our relationship with
Russia has changed. But viewed in the light of the war emergency
72 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
iit the time, it is my opinion that it could not be construed as anything
other than for the entertainment purpose intended and a pat on the
back for our then ally, Russia.
I am proud of tlie motion-picture industry; proud of its record in
war and peace. With press and radio, it shares today a solemn trust —
to preserve our sacred freedom of speech and fight with our every
energy any attempt to use that freedom as a cloak for subversive
assassins of liberty.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Mayer, since you have been in Hollywood, have
you observed whether or not there are any efforts on behalf of Com-
munists to infiltrate themselves into the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. M.wER. I have been told many times about Communists. I have
never feared them. They can't get a single thing into our pictures or
our studio under our set-up.
Mr. Smith. AVhy is that ?
Mr. Mayer. Because the only ones that I wouhl have to worry about
are the producers, the editors, the execctives, because our scripts are
read and re-read by so many of the executive force, producers and
editors, that if you looked carefully at 1,200 or 1,500 pictures I pro-
duced with my people out at the studio you would be surprised how
little you could possibly point to, even now, when we are on the lookout
for it, particularly at this time.
Mr. Smith. It is necessary to employ certain personnel to keep the
Communists from trying to get information into the pictures?
Mr. Mayer. No ; we don't engage anybody. These men are supposed
to figure out what will make a good picture. If they should find any-
thing detrimental to the American Government or the Congress I
would never allow anything against anybody in our Government or
in our Congress. I would never allow them to have a laugh at such a
serious price,
Mr. Smith. Are there any Communists, to 3'our knowledge, in Metro-
Goldwyn-Mayer ?
Mr. Mayer. They have mentioned two or three writers to me several
times. There is no proof about it, except they mark them as Com-
munists, and when I look at the pictures they have written for us I
can't find once where they have written something like that. Whether
they think they can't get away with it in our place, or what, I can't tell
yoii, but there' are the pictures and they will speak for themselves. I
have as much contempt for them as much as anybody living in this
world.
Mr. Smith. WHio are these people they have named?
Mr. Mayer. Truinbo and Lester Cole'^ they said. I think there was
one other fellow, a third one.
Mr. Smith. Is that Dalton Trumbo you are speaking of?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. And his position, please?
Mr. Mayer. He is a writer.
Mr. Smith. And Lester Cole?
Mr. Mayer. A writer.
Mr. Smith. Have you observed any efforts on their part to get Com-
munist propaganda into their pictures?
Mr. Mayer. I have never heard of any.
Mr. Smith. Do you personally read the scripts?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 73
Mr. Mayer. Some of them ; a great many.
Mr. Smh-h. Do you personally know if any efforts were made to get
Conmiunist pr()pa<jjanda into the })i('tures?
Mr. Mayer. I caii<;ht somethin<5 in a script recently that was any-
thino; but Communist connected. They are just as violent against
them as I or you and yet there were two scenes and they couldn't
believe I was right and 1 had to read it to them. They were not Com-
munists who wrote it. But they set the scenes perfectly and we changed
it and took it out. "VVe found some other medium to correct the
situation.
Mr. Smith. The third individual you mentioned, would that be
Donald Ogden Stewart ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes.
Mr. Smith. Do you know what salaries these men are paid?
Mr, Mayh^r. I don't know ofFliand. Two of them are very high,
Stewart and Trumbo.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I have here, in answer to a subpena, the
official records of the salaries paid Mr. Dalton Trumbo, Mr. Lester
Cole, and Donald Ogden Stewart over a period of the last 5 years,
which information I would like to submit at this time for the record.^'*
The Chairmax. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Smith. Dalton Trumbo, during the vear 1943, received $76,250 ;
during 1944, $39,000; in 1945, $95,000; "in 1946, $71,000; in 1947,
to and including October 4, 1947, $85,000.
Mi% Mayer. I don't think that is all, Mr. Smith. They work in
other studios also during tlie same year.
Mr. Smith. This is from Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer.
Mr. Mayer. Yes; but they probably earn much more than that dur-
ing that same period.
Mr. Smith. On Lester Cole, who has not been employed at Metro-
Goldwyn-Mayer for a ]:)eriod of 5 years, his record is 1945 to and
including October 4, 1947. The record reflects that from Metro-
Goklwvn-Mayer pictures in 1945 his salary was $33,491.67; in 1946,
$53,666.67 ; in 1947, to and including October 4, $43,700.
Donald Ogden Stewart, in 1943, from Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, $40,-
000; in 1944. $-27,083.33; in 1946, $65,000; in 1947, to and including
October 4, $17,500.
Mr. Mayer, these individuals that have been mentioned as being
reported to you as Communists, do you think the studios should con-
tinue to employ those individuals?
Mr. Mayer. I have a.sked counsel. They claim that unless you can
prove they are Connnunists they could hold you for damages. Sat-
urday when I arrived here I saw in the papers a case where the high
court of XeAv York State just held you could not even say a man was
a Connnunist sympathizer without bein<r liable if you cannot prove it.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith, may I ask a question right there?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. If you were shown the Communist dues cards of any
one of the.se three individuals, then would you continue to employ
them ?
Mr. Mayer. No, sir.
See appendix, p. .525. for exliibits 22-24.
74 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith. By the same token. Mr. Mayer, would you employ a
Bundist, a known member of the Bund?
Mr. Mayer. I have prol)ably had them; I wouldn't employ him
knowingly; no, sir.
Mr. Smith. At the present time?
Mr. Mayer. No, sir.
Mr. SatiTH. Ts it correct from your testimony that a great effort or
considerable effort is made by the studios to keep Communist writers
or persons alleged to be Communist writers from injecting propaganda
into the pictures ?
Mr. Mayer. We haven't had that problem in our studio. I heard
Mr. Warner testify this morning. He says he has had it, but I can't
say I have had it.
Mr. Smith. I miderstood you to say it is impossible for them to get
material into the pictures because you have a number of readers and
other individuals that are always checking on them; that you. vour-
self, recently observed some material that might have been, although
under the circumstances surrounding the writer it obviously was not.
What I would like to determine from you is what do you think
will happen in a period of 5, 6, or 7 years if these individuals keep on
infiltrating, one, two, three, and four, and so on ? At that time maybe
we won't have individuals that can keep this information out of your
pictures.
jNIr. Mayer. I am just hopeful, like I told you in California. ]Mr.
Smith, that perhaps out of this hearing will come a recommendation
to the Congress for legislation on which there can be no question and
they will give us a policy as to how to handle American citizens who
do not deserve to be American citizens, and if they are Communists
how to get them out of our place.
Mr. Smith. Going back to the picture Song of Russia, I notice in
your statement, Mr. JSIayer, you state :
The final script of Song of Russia was little more than a pleasant musical
romance — the story of a boy and girl that, except ff)r the nmsic of Tschaikowsky,
might just as well have taken place in Switzerland or England or any other
country on the earth.
Is that 3'our definite opinion on that particular picture?
Mr. Mayer. Basically, yes.
Mr. Smith. Don't you feel the picture had scene after scene that
grossly misrepresented Russia as it is today, or as it was at that time?
Mr. ISIayer. I never was in Russia, but 3^011 tell me how you would
make a picture laid in Russia that would do any different than what
we did there?
Mr. Smith. Don't you feel from what you have read, and from what
you have heard from other people, that the scenes just did not depict
Russia in one iota ?
Mr. Mayer. We did not attempt to depict Russia : we attempted to
show a Russian girl entreating this American conductor to conduct
a concert in her village where they have a musical festival every year
and as it inevitably happens this girl fell in love with the conductor,
and he with her. Then we showed the attack of the Germans on the
Russians and the war disrupted this union.
Mr. Smith. The original story was written by whom, Mr. Mayer ?
Mr. Mayer. I don't recall now.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 75
Mr. Smith. I believe it was written by Mr. Lester Mittler and Victor
Trivas as The Scorched Earth.
]\Ir. INIayer. I think so.
Mr. SMrrii. Then it was assij^ned to two writers to write the first
script. Do yon recall those two individnals?
Mr. Mayer. Xo ; bnt Joe l*asternak is the producer who got inter-
ested in that.
Mr. Smith. I believe the script sliows it was written by Paul Jarrico
and Richard Collins. Would that be correct?
Mr. Mayer. If it says so ; yes.
]\Ir. Smith. Did you read the first script, Mr. Mayer?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. What was your opinion at that time?
Mr. Mayer. They had farm collectivism in it and I threw it out
and said, 'This wilTnot be made until they give me the story they told
me originally when I approved the making of it."
Mr. Smitii. In other words, the first script, in your opinion, was
not producible?
Mr. Mayer. Not the first.
Mr. Smith. Wlw not ?
Mr. Mayer. Because I will not preach any ideology except American,
and I don't even treat tb.at. I let that take its own course and speak
for itself.
Mr. Smith. That showed an ideology or condition, so far as Russia
is concerned, that you did not approve of?
Mr. Mayer. I wouldn't have it.
Mr. S:\iith. As to the last script then, was the script, in your opinion,
satisfactoril}' cleaned up?
Mr. Mayer. I think so ; yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. Who was responsible, if you know, for taking the
collectivism and other things out of the script?
Mr. Mayer. I ordered it out. and the producer said it would all be
rewritten, and it was. That is why Taylor was delayed getting into
the service.
The Chairman. May I ask a question right there ?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Maj^er, you say the main reason why Taylor
was delayed getting into the service was because the first script had
these foreign ideologies in it and was not acceptable to you, so there
was this delay?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. Did a Government representative ever come to you,
Mr. Mayer, about that picture, as to the making of it?
Mr. INIayer. I don't recall anybod}^ coming about the making of it.
I think I told them about it or discussed it with thein. So much hap-
pened in that period, coming and going. They had an office out
there — War Information, I think they called themselves.
Mr. Smith. Have you seen the picture recently, Mr. Mayer?
!Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. What are your feelings about the picture, as to the dam-
age it might cause to the people in the United States, that is, misleading
them as to conditions in Russia?
Mr. Mayer, What scenes are you referring to ?
76 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith. Do you recall scenes in tliere at tlie night club where
everybody was drinking?
Mr. Mayer. They do in Moscow.
Mr. Smith. Do you feel that that represents Russia as it is today?
Mr. Maykk. 1 didn't make it as it is today, I made it when they
were our ally in 1943.
Mr. Smith. Do you feel it represents Russia in 1943 as conditions
were in Russia ?
Mr. May'er. That is what I understood, that they go to night clubs
tliere in Moscow. If only the rest of the Russians had a chance to
do the same thing, it would be fine, but they don't. This ])icture was
laid ill Moscow.
Mr. Smith. Has Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer ever produced an anti-
Communist picture?
Mr. Mayer. Yes.
Mr. Smith. Would you tell us the name of it?
Mr. Mayer. Ninotchka.- They kidded the life out of communism.
It was Ninotchka, with Greta (Grarbo. We had a big deal pending
with the Soviets for (50 pictures, I think, and Mr. Scates decided he
better show it to these commissars, so he showed it to them, and that
was the end of the deal.
Then another one was Comrade X, in which Hedy Lamar was a con-
ductor and Clark Gable was Comrade X. We kidded the pants off
of them in that picture, but they were not our allies then.
Mr. Smith. Are you making any anti-Communist pictures at Metro-
Goldwyn-Mayei- at the present time?
Mr. May'er. I think the one we are going to start shooting promptly
[laughter] — we have been preparing it for some (> months.
The Chairman. Mr. Mayer, these hearings haven't anything to do
with the promptness, have they?
Mr. May'i:r. No, no; it is just out now, called Vespers in Vienna.
The script is about ready. The original title was The Red Danube.
The Book of the Month Club wanted the other title, and so we agreed
with the author that the publisher use the other title "Vespers in
Vienna." It takes several months to lick a big book like that, but it
is almost ready to start production.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Mayer, are you fainiiiai- with tlie picture Ten-
nessee Johnson ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. sir; we made it.
Mr. Smith. Do you recall at the time you made it, or just before,
did you receive any protests from any individuals in the studio against
making the picture?
Mr. Mayer. There was quite a lot of confusion about that picture,
and I think I yelled as loud as anybody about some scenes which I
didn't think were good.
Mr. Smith. Why w^as that ?
yir. Mayer. AVell. because I didn't believe it.
Mr. Smith. Did you receive a protest from any individuals, do you
recall?
Mr. Mayer. I don't recall, Mr. Smith. If you will remind me, I
will be glad to tell you.
Mr, Smith. That is all the questions at this time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 77
Mr. McDowEi.L. What was the name of this picture yon are talking
about ?
Mr. Mayer. Tennessee Johnson.
The CiiAiK]\rAN. Is tliat all tlie (juestions you have at this time?
Mr. SMrrii. It is; yes, sir.
The C^HAiRMAx. ]\Ir. Wotxl.
Mr. AVooi). Since you have been in the production business, Mr.
ISIaj^er, ai)proximately how many pictures have you made?
Mr. Mayeh. About" 1,200. ])]-ol)"ably.
Mr. Wood. AVhat criticism, if any, has there been from the public
or the j)ress oi' the (lovernment leveled against any of them that you
have made?
Mr. Mayer. Well. Mr. C'onoressman, we have always received great
approbation, until this tiling s-tarted, about this picture Song of
Russia.
Mr. Wool). Well, about the time that you made Song of Russia — by
the way, at that time we w^ere engaged in a war in which Russia was
one of our allies, is that correct ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. Perhaps that is one of the reasons that the committee
wanted to hear from you. with reference to the underlying reasons
that prompted the production of that particular picture. Can you
give us any more enlightenment on that ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. As I told you, we made Joe Smith, the American,
which was an incentive to war workers. Then we made one that the
(Tovermnent was terribly anxious to have made, those who used to come
and visit us, to show the industrial strength of America. We called
that picture American Romance, in technicolor. It showed an immi-
grant, coming from Sweden, getting b}^ the Statue of Liberty. And
through Ellis Island, he walks out to Minnesota, to the iron mines,
where he had some relations — walking across the country, getting a
ride here and there. He became a Henry Ford under our system,
Avhicli makes that possible. He became a great industrialist.
Mr. Wood. That was the American
Mr. Mayer. American Romance, in technicolor.
Mr. W(h;d. Mr. Mayer, I believe buck in May of this year you made
a talk before tlie Ne\vsi)aper Advertising Executives Association, in
San Francisco; is that right?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. sir.
Mr. Wood. About the Tth of May, was it ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir; I think it was.
Mr. AVooD. I find in the Congressional
Mr. Mayer. July 7.
Mr. Wood. I find in the Congressional Record, under date of July
1;") of this year, an iiisei-tion in tlie Congressional Record by Hon. Gor-
d<m L. McDonald, of the State of California, of what jjurports to be a
copy of that address.'' Have you read it?
Mr. Mayer. Xo, sir.
Mr. Wood. You have not ?
Mr. Mayer. No, sir.
" See api)en(lix, p. 525, for exhibit 2,'
67683—47 — —6
78 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Wood. I would like to quote from some portions of that speech
as it appears in the Congressional Record and — by the way, in order
to have it inserted, the page number is 3727 — see if you still subscribe
to some of the statements you made in that address :
More precious than our lives we hold our liberty, a liberty that means free
speech, free press, the rijiht to assemble and remonstrate against real or im-
aginary wrongs and the right to worship in any shrine, a liberty that means free
enterprise and unlimited opportunity, a liberty that lights the footsteps of the
jtoor boy born in a fioorless cabin in Kentucky as brightly and as happily as the
boy born to wealth and social position.
Mr. INI.VYER. Mr. Congressman, that is what makes us great. That
would niake an}'' country great that only knew how to appreciate it.
jMr. AVooD. You still subscribe to that ?
IVIr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. You say, then, that that is a correct quotation of your
speech in San Francisco on the 7th of May?
Mr. Mayer. Seventh of July, sir.
Mr. Wood. Seventh of July.
I quote again :
There is a heavy responsibility upon the producers of motion pictures. A
motion picture cannot only afford entertainmenj^ but be of educational value.
In this crisis, it can portray fairly and honestly the American ways of life and
ran be a powerful influence in the life of millions in other countries who are
either denied access to our waj' of life or who never had the opportunity of
experiencing it.
Do you still feel that responsibility, as a producer of motion
pictures?
INIr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. You are quoted as saying further in that address that :
In common with newspajjers and radio, the screen fights the battle for freedom
of speech. Jefferson said that "That that government is best which governs
least." Intelligent, self-disciplined industry is our greatest assurance that the
freedom guaranteed us by our Constitution will not be denied.
Do you still subscribe to that doctrine?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. xVnd, in conclusion, you are quoted as having said that:
The responsibility is great. We all appreciate that responsibility. It is my
deep and solemn conviction that the Maker of the Universe intended that men
should be free and not slaves, that the people of the earth should enjoy the bounti-
ful resources which nature has placed under every sky, that men and women
should be happy and not oppressed, and that there should be a song of peace and
good will in every heart.
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. You still svibscribe to that?
Mr. ]\Iayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. You were quoted somewhat in the press from that ad-
dress. And I quote from one of the daily papers in New York, in
which you are quoted as having said that :
The otdy interpretation and understanding of communism that is worthy of
belief by the American people is that it threatens the way of life upon this
entire planet. It threatens our fundamental concepts of human rights and
liberties.
Is that a correct quotation of the sentiment that you then expressed?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 79
Mr, Wood. And you still subscribe to it ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. You were quoted in this same article in the New York
newspaper as having said that :
Soviet Russia innst be recognized for and plainly called exactly what it is
in terms of international relationshiii — a powerful nation that challenges and
discredits our liberty and that seeks to spread its influence to dominate the lives
of men and women in smaller nations.
Is that a correct quotation of the sentiments that you expressed at
that time?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. sir.
Mr. Wood. Now I will ask you again, Mr, Mayer, if at the time you
took into your employment the men that you have named here who
you say have now been designated as men who had attained communis-
tic beliefs you knew that those men believed in and subscribed to
a doctrine that you have thus announced, in the excerpts which I
read to you, would you keep tliem in your employment?
Mr. Mayi]r. No, sir. I could prove it then, if they challenged me.
Mr, Wood. I believe that is all.
The Chairman. Don't you have any more?
Mr. Wood. That is all.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. No ; and thank you very much.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
]\Ir. Vail. I have one question
]Mr. Wood. By the way, Mr. Mayer, one more question, if I may.
The Chair:\ian. Mr. Wood has one more question.
Mr. AVood. When did you receive the subpena to appear before this
committee?
]Mr. Mayer. I don't remember exactly what date.
Mr. Striplixg. I have it right here, Sir. Chairman.
Mr. Mayer. Thank you.
Mr. STRiPLiN<i. It was served upon Mr. Mayer on September 29.
Mr. Wood. All right.
Mr. Mayer. September 29.
Mr. Vail. I have but one question to ask of Mr. Mayer. I appreciaie
that his answer can only represent his opinion, but I believe that it
will go far to relieve the American public concerning a very puzzling
question. Can you tell us, Mr. Mayer, just what motivates these
writers and these actors whose incomes are in astronomical figures to
embrace communism and to seek to destroy this free American Govern-
ment that has afforded them their opportunity and has given them the
place they occupy in the affections of the public and positions of
power and affluence t
Mr. Mayer. My own opinion is, Mr. Congressman, which I have ex-
pressed many times in discussion, I think they are cracked. It can't
be otherwise.
The Chairman. Anv more questions, Mr. Vail?
:\Ir. Vail. No.
The Chairman. Mi-. Stripling.
Mr. Striplino. Mr. Mayer.
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
80 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stiupi.tng. 1 would like to direct some questions to you about
Song of Kussia.
Mr. Maykr. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. 1 realize this was a war picture, made during the
war, and I want to get this clear : Was this picture made at the request
of the Government ?
Mr. Mayer. I had thought originally it was. I tried to think it out
as to who, and it is just blank to me. I have come to the conclusion,
by talking to Mr, Gates, who was the executive in charge of the pro-
ducer who made it, and talking to the producer — he claimed that, when
he started with me, he would like to make a picture with Tchaikow-
sky's music and it would have to be laid in Russia. That is how it all
got started. This story Scorched Earth was dug up as the i)remise on
which we would be able to use that music. I recall talking to some of
the men that were in the liaison office between the Government and
ourselves about the picture when we were going to make it. I know
they liked the idea that we were going to make it because they di<l
want a pat on Russia's back, to keep them fighting.
If you don't mind my saying so, I have got to confess that was the
only time in my life that I gave money to Russia, and if I were to be
told that t2 years ago. God lielp the one that asked for it. But when
they made the plea that we must go out and help Russia. I felt that I
woidd rather they kill Russians than kill Americans and I gave them
money. I made the picture with the same spirit. I thought Bob Tay-
lor, being a musician, would be convincing as a conductor.
Mr. Stkiplini;. What do you mean by making the picture it would
keep Russia fighting?
Mr. Mayer. It would show our feeling that we appreciate them.
It would show that we liked the Russian ])eople and ai)plaud their
efforts in a war. It was pretty dark around Stalingrad there at that
period. It was for the same reason that the British thought it was
great to make INIiniver, to show the American people the courage of the
English people in taking the beating that they took.
Mr. Striplixc;. AVould you say, however, that the picture Avas made
indei)endent of any Government suggestion?
Mr. Mayer. Well. I exi)]aine(l to you, to the best of my recollec-
tion
Mr. Striplinc;. Yes; but
Mr. Mayer. They were glad I was making it: I remember that.
But I tried to figure out who it was, if anybody, who asked me to
make a picture about Russia. They all tried to assure me that it
was the other way around : That when I told them I was going to make
one, wanted to make one, it was a good idea to pat them on the back.
Mr. Striplin(!. Xow, Mr. Mayer, on May 14 the subconnnittee was
sitting in Los Angeles, Calif. The witness was Mr. Robert Taylor,
who I believe is under contract with your studio.
INIr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Striplino. He testified:
For instance, in VM'A we did a pictni'o in the stndio. from which I tried
desperately to set out, called Song of Russia. Tliey wanted nie to do it. I
didn't want to do it because I thought it was definitely Communist propaganda..
In other v/ords, it happened to paint Russia in a light in which I personally
never had conceived Russia.
I
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 81
I won't go on with Mr. Taylor's testimony at this point, Mr. Chair-
man, because he is to appear and testify himself, but I want to point
out that INIr. Taylor, who j)laye(l the leading role in this picture, con-
sidered the picture to be Communist propaganda. I saw it myself.
1 personally tliink it was Communist ])ropaganda.
I would like to present a qualified reviewer and get their opinion of
it, but before doing so I would like to refer to a letter which Mr.
Lowell JNIellett wrote as Chief of the Motion Picture Division, Office
■of War Information. This letter appeared in the Washington Star
of Sunday, October 19, addressed to Capt. Leland P. Lovette, Director
of Public Relations, Navy Department.
My De.\r Captain Lovette: Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer have asked for a delay in
the induction of Robert Taylor as a naval aviation cadet to permit the comple-
tion of a picture now under production, with Taylor as the star. Much of the
picture already has been shot, but there remains several weeks' further shooting.
This picture lias Russia for its scene and the Office of War Information believes
that, based <m the script which we have read, it will serve a useful purpose in
the war effort. It has no political implications, being designed primarily to
acquaint the American people with the people of one of our Allied Nations.
Yours sincerely,
LOWPXL MELI^rrT.
Now, Mr. Mayer, you stated that you recently viewed the picture.
Mr. Mayp:r. Yes, sir.
Mr. Striplixc}. Is it your opinion that there were no political im-
plications in it whatsoever?
Mr. Mayer. I am convinced of that. I am under oath, and if I met
my God I would still repeat the same thing.
I have here i-eviews of the picture from the New York Times, the
NeAv York Post, the London Daily Sketch, the Washington Post, and
the New York Herald Tribune. There is only two lines or so in
each one. The New York Times said :
It is really a honey of a topical musical tilni, full of rare good humor, rich
vitality, and a proper respect for the Russians' tigiit in the war.
The New York Post says :
* * * a pretty little romance with a made-iri-America back-drop of Rus-
sia * * * cozy, clean, luxuriousl.v musical film * *.
The London Daily Sketch says:
* * * turned out to be strictly an American anthem.
The Washington Post said :
It is one film about Russia which will probably be little assailed as propa-
ganda * * *
The New York Herald Tribiuie said :
Russia it.self has all too little to do with Song of Russia.
Here is that.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Mayer, I would like for you to stand aside for a
moment. I would like to call as the next witness Miss Ayn Rand.
The Chairman. And, Mr. Mayer, thank you verj^ much. We will
probably call you back, though, a little later, or tomorrow morning.
Mr. Mayer. Shall I stay over?
The Chairman. You better stay for a little while. We will let
vou know.
82 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Mayer. All right.
The CHAiR:\rAN. Raise your right haiul, please. Miss Rand.
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, tlie whole truth, and nothing but Uie truth, so help you God?
Miss Rand. 1 do.
TESTIMONY OF MISS AYN RAND
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr. Stripling. Miss Rand, will you state your name, please, for the
record ?
Miss Rand. Ayn Rand, or Mrs. Frank O'Conner.
Mr. Stripling. That is A-y-n ?
Miss Rand. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. R-a-n-d?
Miss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Is that your pen name ?
Miss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. And what is your married name?
Miss Rand. Mrs. Frank O'C'onner.
Mr. Stripling. Where were you born. Miss Rand?
Miss Rand. In St. Petersburg, Russia.
Mr. Stripling. When did you leave Russia ?
Miss Rand. In 1926.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been employed in Hollywood?
Miss Rand. I have been in pictures on and off since late in 192G,
but specifically as a writer this time I have been in Hollywood since
late 1943 and am now under contract as a writer.
Mr. Stripling. Have you written various novels?
Miss Rand. One second. May I have one moment to get this in
order ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Miss Rand. Yes, I have written two novels. Mj first one was called
We, the Living, which was a story about Soviet Russia and was pub-
lished in 1936. The second one was The Fountainhead, published in
1943.
JNIr. Stripling. Was that a best seller — The Fountainhead?
Miss Rand. Yes ; thanks to the American public.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know how many copies were sold ?
Miss Rand. The last I heard was 360,000 copies. I think there have
been some more since.
Mr. Stripling. You have been emplo^'ed as a writer in Hollywood?
Miss Rand. Yes; I am under contract at present.
Mr. Stripling. Could you name some of the stories or scripts you
have written for Hollywood ?
Miss Rand. I have done the script of The Fountainhead, which has
not been produced yet, for Warner Bros., and two adaptations for Hal
Wallis Production, at Paramount, which were not my stories but on
which I did the screen plays, which were Love Letters and You Came
Along.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Miss Rand, you have heard the testimony of
Mr. Mayer ?
Miss Rand. Yes.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 83
Mr. Stripling. You have read the letter I read from Lowell Mellett ?
Miss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Which says that the picture Song of Russia has no
political implications?
Miss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Did you at the request of Mr. Smith, the investigator
for this committee, view the picture Song of Russia?
]\Iiss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Within the past 2 weeks?
Miss Rand. Yes; on October 1;> to be exact.
Mr. Stripling. In Hollywood?
Miss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Strii>ling. Would you give the committee a break-down of your
summary of the picture relating to either propaganda or an untruthful
account or distorted account of conditions in Russia?
]\Iiss Rand. Yes.
First of all I would like to define what we mean by propaganda.
We have all been talking about it, but nobody
Mr. Stripling. Could you talk into the microphone ?
Miss Rand. Can you hear me now ?
Nobody has stated just what they mean by propaganda. Now, I
use the term to mean that Communist propaganda is anything which
gives a good impression of communism as a way of life. Anything
that sells peo})le the idea that life in Russia is good and that people
are free and happy would be Communist propaganda. Am I not
correct ? I mean, would that be a fair statement to make — that that
would be Communist propaganda?
/■""T^ow, here is what the picture Song of Russia contains. It starts
/ with an American conductor, played by Robert Taylor, giving a con-
j cert in America for Russian war relief. He starts playing the Amer-
ican national anthem and the national anthem dissolves into a Russian
mob, with the sickle and hammer on a I'ed flag very prominent above
their heads. I am sorry, but that made me sick. That is something
which I do not see how native Americans permit, and I am only a
naturalized Amei'ican. That was a terrible touch of propaganda. As
a writer, I can tell you just exactly what it suggests to the people.
It suggests literally and technically that it is quite all right for the
American national anthem to dissolve into the Soviet. The term here
is more than just technical. It really was symbolically intended,
and it worked out that way. The anthem continues, played by a
Soviet band. That is the beginning of the picture.
Now we go to the pleasant love story. Mr. Taylor is an American
who came there apparently voluntarily to conduct concerts for the
Soviet. He meets a little Russian girl from a village who comes to
him and begs him to go to her village to direct concerts there. There
are no GPU agents and nobody stops her. She just comes to Moscow
and meets hifn. He falls for her and decides he will go, because he is
falling in love. He asks her to show him Moscow. She says she has
never seen it. He says, "I will show it to you."
They see it together. The i)icture then goes into a scene of Moscow,
supposedly. I don't know where the studio got its shots, but I have
never seen anything like it in Russia. First you see JNIoscoav build-
ings— big, prosperous-looking, clean buildings, with something like
84 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
swans ov sailboats in the foreground. Then you see a Moscow res-
taurant that just never existed there. In my time, when I was in
Russia, there was only one such restaurant, which was nowhere as
luxurious as that and no one could enter it except commissars and
l)rofiteers. Certainly a ^irl from a villa<ie, who in the first place
would never have been allowed to come voluntarily, without permis-
sion, to Moscow, could not afford to enter it, even if she worked 10
years. However, there is a Russian restaurant with a menu such as
never existed in Russia at all and which I doubt even existed before
the revolution. From this restaurant they 0,0 on to this tour of Mos-
cow. The streets are clean and prosperous-looking. There are no
food lines anywhere. You see shots of the marble subway — the fa-
mous Russian subway out of which they make such propaganda
capital. There is a marble statue of Stalin thrown in. There is a
park where you see hapjoy little children in white blouses running
around. I don't know whose children they are, but they are really
happy kiddies. They are not homeless children in rags, such as I
have seen in Russia. Then you see an excursion boat, on which the
Russian people are smiling, sitting around very cheerfully, dressed
m some sort of satin blouses such as they only wear in Russian
restaurants here.
Then they attend a luxurious dance. I don't know where they
got the idea of the clothes and the settings that thev used at the ball
Mr. Stimplino. Is that a ballroom scene?
Miss Rand. Yes; the ballroom — where they dance. It was an ex-
aggeration even for this country. I have never seen anybody wear-
ing such clothes and dancing to such exotic nuisic when I was there.
Of course, it didn't say whose ballroom it is or how they get there.
But there they are — free and dancing very happily.
Incidentally, I must say at this point that I understand from cor-
respondents who have left Russia and been there later than I was
and from people who escaped from there later than I did that the
time I saw it, which was in 1926. was the best time since the Russian
revolution. At that time conditions were a little better than they
have become since. In my time we were a bunch of ragged, starved,
dirty, miserable people who had only two thoughts in our mind.
That was our complete terror — afraid to look at one another, afraid
to say anything for fear of who is listening and would report us —
and where to get the next meal. You have no idea what it means
to live in a country where nobody has any concern except food, where
all the conversation is about food because everybody is so hungry
that that is all they can think about and that is all they can afford
to do. They have no idea of politics. They have no idea of any
pleasant romances or love — nothing but food and fear.
That is what I saw up to 1926. That is not what the picture shows.
Now, after this tour of Moscow, the hero — the Ameriran conduc-
tor— goes to the Soviet village. The Russian villages are something —
so miserable and so filthy. They were even before the revolution.
They weren't much even then. What they have become ncnv I am
afraid to think. You have all i-ead about the program for the col-
lectivization of the farms in 1938. at which time the Soviet Govern-
ment admits that 8,000.000 peasants died of starvation. Other people
claim there were seven and a half million, but 8,000,000 is the figure
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 85
admitted b}^ the Soviet (ioveninieiit as the fionie of people who died
of starvation, phuined bv the fjoverniuent in order to drive people
into collective farms. That is a recorded historical fact.
Now, here is the life in the Soviet village as presented in Song of
Russia. You see the happy peasants. You see they are meeting the
hero at the station with bands, with beautiful blouses and shoes,
such as they never wore anywhere. You see children with operetta
costumes on them and with a brass band which they could never
atford. You see the manicured stai'lets driving tractors and the happy
M'Omen wlio come fi'om work sin.ging. You see a peasant at home
with a close-up of food for which anyone there w^ould have been
murdered. If anybody had such food in Russia in that time he
couldn't remain alive, because he would have been torn apart by
neighbors trying to get food. But here is a close-up of it and a line
where Robert Taylor comments on the food and the peasant answers,
"This is just a simple country table and the food we eat ourselves."
Then the peasant proceeds to show Taylor how they live. He shows
him his wonderful tractor. It is parked somewhere in his private
garage. He shows him the grain in his bin, and Taylor says, "That is
wonderful grain.'" Now, it is never said that the peasant does not own
this tractor or this grain because it is a collective farm. He couldn't
have it. It is not his. But the impression he gives to Americans, who
wouldn't know any differently, is that certainly it is this peasant's
private property, and that is how he lives, he has has has owni tractor
and his own grain. Then it shows miles and miles of plowed fields.
The Chairman. We will have more order, please.
Miss Raxd. Am I speaking too fast ?
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Miss Rand. Then
Mr. Stru'lino. Miss Rand, may I bring up one point there?
Miss Rand. Surely.
Mr. Stripling. I saw the picture. At this peasant's village or home,
was there a priest or several priests in evidence?
Miss Rand. Oh, yes ; I am coming to that, too. The priest w^as from
the beginning in the village scenes, having a position as sort of a con-
stant comjianion and friend of the peasants, as if religion was a natural
accejited ])art of that life. AVell. now. as a matter of fact, the situation
about religion in Russia in my time was, and I understand it still is,
that for a Communist Party member to have anything to do with
religion means expulsion from the party. He is not allowed to enter
a church or take part in any religioiis ceremony. For a private citizen,
that is a nonparty member, it was permitted, but it was so frowned
upon that ])eople had to keep it secret, if they went to church. If they
wanted a church wedding they usually had it privately in their homes,
with only a few friends present, in order not to let it be known at their
place of employment because, even though it was not forbidden, the
chances were that they would be thrown out of a job for being known
as practicing any kind of religion.
Now, then, to continue with the story, Robert Taylor ])roposes to
the heroine. She acce])ts him. They have a wedding, which, of course,
is a church wedding. It takes place .with all the religious pomp which
they show. They have a banquet. They have dancers, in something
like satin skirts and performing ballets such as you never could pos-
sibly see in any village and certaiulv not in Russia. Later they show-
86 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
a peasants' meeting place, wliich is a kind of a marble palace with
ciTstal cliandeliers. Where tliey got it or who built it for them I would
like to be told. Then later you see that the peasants all have radios.
Wlien the heroine plays as a soloist with Robert Taylor's orchestra,
after she marries him, you see a scene where all the peasants are listen-
ing on radios, and one of them says, "There are more than millions
listening to the concert."
I don't know whether there are a hundred people in Russia, private
individuals, who own radios. And I remember reading in the news-
paper at the beginning of the war that every radio was seized by the
Government and people were not allowed to own them. Such an idea
that every farmer, a poor peasant, has a radio, is certainly preposter-
ous. You also see that they have long-distance telephones. Later
in the picture Taylor has to call his wife in the village by long-distance
telephone. Where they got this long-distance phone, I don't know.
Now, here comes the crucial point of the picture. In the midst of
this concert, when the heroine is playing, you see a scene on the border
of the U. S. S. R. You have a very lovely modernistic sign saying "U. S.
S. R." I would just like to remind you that that is the border where
probably thousands of people have died tr^^ing to escape out of this
lovely .paradise. It shows the U. S. S. R. sign, and there is a border
guard standing. He is listening to the concert. Then there is a
scene inside kind of a guardhouse where the guards are listening to
the same concert, the beautiful Tschaikowsky music, and they are
playing chess. Suddenly there is a Nazi attack on them. The poor,
sweet Russians were unprepared. Now, realize — and that was a great
shock to me — that the border that was being shown was the border
of Poland. That was the border of an occupied, destroyed, enslaved
country which Hitler and Stalin destroyed together. That was the
border that was being shown to us — just a happy place with people
listening to music.
Also realize that when all this sweetness and light was going on in
the first part of the picture, with all these happy, free people, there
was not a GPU agent among them, with no food lines, no persecution —
complete freedom and happiness, with everybody smiling. Inciden-
tally, I have never seen so much smiling in my life, except on the
murals of the world's fair pavilion of the Soviet. If any one of
you have seen it, you can ap])reciate it. It is one of the stock propa-
ganda tricks of the Communists, to show these people smiling. That
is all they can show. You have all this, plus the fact that an Amer-
ican conductor had accepted an invitation to come there and conduct
a concert, and this took place in 1941 .when Stalin was the ally of
Hitler. That an American would accept an invitation to that country
was shocking to me, with everything that was shown being proper
and good and all those happy people going around dancing, when
Stalin was an ally of Hitler.
Now, then, the heroine decides that she wants to stay in Russia.
Taylor would like to take her out of the country, but she says no, her
place is here, she has to fight the war. Here is the line, as nearly
exact as I could mark it while watching the picture: "I have a great
responsibility to my family, to my village, and to the way I have
lived." What way had she lived ? This is just a polite way of saying
the Communist way of life. She goes on to say that she wants to
stay in the country because otherwise, "How can I help to build a
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 87
better and better life for my country." What do you mean when
you say bettei' and better ^ That means she has ah-eady helped to build
a good way. That is the Soviet Communist way. But now she wants
to make it even better. All right.
Now. then, Taylor's manager, who is played, I believe, by Benchley,
an American, tells her that she should leave the country, but when she
refuses and wants to stay, here is the line he uses : He tells her in an
admiring friendly way that "You are a fool, but a lot of fools like you
died on the village green at Lexington."
Xow, 1 submit that that is blasphemy, because the men at Lexington
were not fighting just a foreign invader. They were fighting for free-
dom and what I mean — and I intend to be exact — is they were fighting
for political freedom and individual freedom. They were fighting for
the rights of man. To compare them to somebod}^, anybody lighting
for a slave state, I think is dreadful.
Then, later the girl also says — I believe this was she or one of tlie
other characters — that "the culture we have been building here will
never die." What cultured The cultui-e of concentrati(m camps.
At the end of the picture one of the Russians asks Taylor and the girl
to go back to America, because they can help them there. How ? Here
is what he says, "You can go back to your country and tell them what
you have seen and you will see the truth both in speech and in music."
Xow, that is plainly saying that what you have seen is the truth about
Russia. That is what is in the picture.
XoAv, here is wliat I cannot understand at all : If the excuvse that has
been given here is that we had to produce the picture in wartime, just
how can it help the war effort ? If it is to deceive the American people,
if it were to ])resent to the American people a better picture of Russia
than it really is, then that sort of an attitude is nothing but the theory
of the Nazi elite, that a choice group of intellectual or other leaders will
tell the people lies for their own good. That I don't think is the Ameri-
can wav of giving people information. We do not have to deceive the
jieople at any time, in war or peace.
If it was to please the Russians, I don't see how you can please the
Russians by telling them that we are fools. To what extent we have
done it, you can see right now. You can see the results right now. If
we present a picture like that as our version of what goes on in Russia,
what will they think of it? We don't win anybody's friendshij:). We
will only win their contempt, and as you know the Russians have been
behaving like this.
My Avhole point about the picture is this : I fully believe Mr. Mayer
when he says that he did not make a Communist picture. To do him
justice, I can tell you I noticed, by watching the picture, where there
was an effort to cut propaganda out. I believe he tried to cut propa-
ganda out of the picture, but the terrible thing is the carelessness with
ideas, not realizing that the mere presentation of that kind of happy
existence in a country of slavery and horror is terrible because it is
propaganda. You are telling people that it is all right to live in a
totalitarian state.
Xow, I would like to say that nothing on earth will justify slavery.
In war or peace or at any time you cannot justify slaverv. You cannot
tell peojile that it is all right to live under it and that everybody there
is haj:>py.
88 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
If you doubt this, I will just ask you one question. Visualize a pic-
ture in your own mind as laid in Nazi Germany. If anybody laid
a plot just based on a pleasant little romance in Germany and played
AVa^ner music and said that people are just happy there, would you
say that that was propa^randa or not, when you know what life in
Germany was and what kind of concentration camps tliey had there.
You would not dare to put just a happy love story into Germany, and
for every one of the same reas(ms you should not do it about Russia.
ISIr. Stripling. That is all I have, Mr. Chairuuin.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. I <yather, then, from your analysis of this picture your
personal criticism of it is that it overplayed the conditions that existed
in Russia at the time the picture was made; is that correct?
Miss Rand. Did you say overplayed?
^Ir. Wood. Yes.
Miss Rand. Well, the story portrayed the people.
Mr. Wood. It portrayed the people of Russia in a better economic
and social position than they occupied?
Miss Rand. That is rioht.
Mr. Wood. And it would also leave the im])ression in the average
mind that they were better able to resist the atr<rression of tlie German
Army than they were in fact able to resist ?
Miss Rand. Well, that was not in the picture. So far as the Russian
war w^as concerned, not A^ery much was shown about it.
Mr. Wood. Well, you recall, I presume — it is a matter of history —
going back to the middle of the First World War when Russia was
also our ally against the same enemy that we were fighting at this
time and they were knocked out of the war. When the renniants of
their forces turned against us, it prolonged the First World AVar a
considerable time, didn't it?
Miss Rand. I don't believe so.
ISIr. AVooD. You don't?
Miss Rand. No.
Mr. Wood. Do you think, then, that it was to our advantage or to
our disadvantage "to keep Russia in this war. at the time this picture
was made?
Miss Rand. That has absolutely nothing to do with what we are
discussing.
Mr. AA^:)OD. AVell
Miss Rand. But if you want me to answer, I can answer, but it will
take me a long time to say what I think, as to whether we sliould or
should not have had Russia on our side in the war. I can. but how
much time will you give me?
]\Ir. AVooD. AVell, do you say that it would have prolonged the war,
so far as we were concerned, if they had been knocked out of it at that
time ?
Miss Rand. I can't answer that yes or no, unless you give me time
for a long speech on it.
Mr. AVooD. Well, there is a ])retty strong i)robability that we
wouldn't have won it at all, isn't there ?
Miss Rand. I don't know, because on the other hand I think we
could have used the lend-lease supplies that we sent there to much
better advantage ourselves.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 89
Mr. Wood. Well, at that time
Miss Raxd. I don't know. It is a question.
Mr. Wood. We were furnishinji;, Russia with all the lend-lease equip-
ment that our industry would stand, weren't we'^
Miss Rand. That is right.
Mr. Wood. And continued to do it ?
Miss Rand. I am not sure it was at all wise. Now, if you want to
discuss my military views — I am not an authority, but I will try.
Mr. Wood. What do you interpret, then, the picture as having been
made for ?
Miss Rand. I ask you: What relation could a lie about Russia have
with the war effort? I would like to have somebody explain that to
me, because I really don't understand it, why a lie would help anybody
or wh}^ it would keep Russia in or out of the war. How ?
Mr. Wood. You don't think it would have been of benefit to the
American people to have kept them in ?
Miss Rand. I don't believe the American people should ever be told
any lies, publicly or privately. I don't believe that lies are practical.
I think the international situation now rather supports me. I don't
think it was necessary to deceive the American people about the nature
of Russia.
I could add this : If those who saw it say it was quite all right, and
perhaps there are reasons why it was all right to be an ally of Russia,
then why weren't the American people told the real reasons and told
that Russia is a dictatorship but there are reasons why we should
cooperate with them to destroy Hitler and other dictators? All right,
there may be some argument to that. Let us hear it. But of what
help can it be to the war effort to tell people that we should associate
with Russia and that she is not a dictatorship?
Mr. Wood. Let me see if I unclersand your position. I understand,
from what you say, that because they were a dictatorship we shouldn't
have accepted their help in undertaking to win a war against another
dictatorship.
Miss Rand. That is not what I said. I was not in a position to make
that decision. If I were, I would tell you what I would do. That is
not what we are discussing. We are discussing the fact that our
country was an ally of Russia, and the question is, What should we
tell the American people about it — the truth or a lie? If we had good
reason, if that is what you believe, all right, then why not tell the
truth? Ssij it is a dictatorship, but we want to be associated with it.
Say it is worth while being associated with the devil, as Churchill said,
in order to defeat another evil which is Hitler. There might be some
good argument made for that. But why pretend that Russia was not
what it was ?
Mr. Wood. Well
Miss Rand. What do you achieve by that ?
Mr. Wood. Do you think it would have had as good an effect upon
the morale of the American people to preach a doctrine to them that
Russia was on the verge of collapse ?
Miss Rand. I don't believe that the morale of anybody can be built
up by a lie. If there was nothing good that we could truthfully say
about Russia, then it would have been better not to sav anvthing at all.
Mr. Wood. Well
90 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTrRE INDUSTRY
Miss Rand. You don't have to come out and denounce Russia durino-
tlio wai- ; no. Yon can keep quiet. There is no moral (^uih in not sayino'
something if you can't say it, but there is in saying the opposite of
what is true.
Mr. AVoon. Tliank you. That is alL
The CiiAiitMAN. jMr. Vaih
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chaikman. Mr. McDowelL
Mr. McDowell. You paint a very dismal picture of Russia. Yon
made a great point about the number of children who were unhappy.
Doesn't anybody smile in Russia any more?
Miss Rand. Well, if you ask me literally, pretty nuich no.
Mr. McDow'EL!,. They don't smile ?
Miss Rand. Not quite that way; no. If they do, -it is privately and
accidentally. Certainly, it is not social. They don't smile in approval
of their system,
Mr. McDowEJ.L. Well, all they do is talk about food.
Miss Rand. That is right.
Mr. McDowell. That is a great change from the Russians I have
always known, and I have know a lot of them. Don't they do things
at all like Americans? Don't they walk across town to visit their
mother-in-law or somebody?
Miss Rand. Look, it is very hard to explain. It is almost impossible
to convey to a free people what it is like to live in a totalitarian dic-
tatorship. I can tell you a lot of details. I can never completely
convince you, because you are free. It is in a way good that you can't
even conceive of what it is like. Certainly they have friends and
mothers-in-law. They try to live a human life, but you understand it
is totally inhuman. Try to imagine wdiat it is like if you are in con-
stant terror from morning till night and at night you are waiting for
the doorbell to ring, where you are afraid of anything and everybody,
living in a country where human life is nothing, less than nothing,
and you know" it. You don't know who or when is going to do what
to you because you may have friends who spy on you, where there is
rio law and any rights of any kind.
Mr. McDowell. You came here in 1'92(), I believe you said. Did you
escape from Russia?
JMiss Rand. No.
Mr. McDownxL. Did you have a passport ?
Miss Rand. No. Strangely enough, the}' gave me a passport to
come out here as a visitor.
Mr. ]\IcDowELL. As a visitor?
Miss Rand. It was at a time when they relaxed their orders a little
bit. Quite a few people got out. I had some relatives here and I was
permitted to come here for a yenv. I never went back.
Mr. McDoAVELL. I see.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. All right.
The first witness tomorrow morning will be Adolph Menjou.
(Whereupon, at 4: 20 \). m., an adjournment was taken until 10: 30
a. m. of the following day, Tuesday, October 21 ,1947.) ^^
•" See appendix, p. 525, for exhibit 26.
lIEAKmrTS REGAKDINrx THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION
OF THE MOTION-PICTUEE INDUSTRY
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D. C.
Tlie committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meetin.g will come to order.
The first witness.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Adolph
JMenjoii.
The Chairman. Mr. Menjon, will yon please stand and raise your
right hand.
JNIr. Menjon, do yon solenmly swear that the testimony yon are
al)()Ut to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God^
Mr. Menjou. I do,
The Chairman. Sit down, please, Mr. Menjou.
Mr. Stripling. INIr. Chairman, will you let the record show that a
subcommittee is present?
The CiiAiRaiAN. The record will show that a subcommittee is pres-
ent, consisting of Mr. McDowell, Mr. Vail, Mr. Nixon, and Mr.
Thomas.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator,
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, Robert B. Gaston, H. A. Smith, investigators,
and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
TESTIMONY OF ADOLPH MENJOU
Mr. Strh'ling. Mr. Menjon, will you please state your name and
address?
jNIr. Menjou. ]Mv name is Adolph Menjou, and mv address is 722
North Bedford Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. ^Menjou, do you desire counsel?
Mr. ^Menjou. No, sir; I have no need of counsel. I think I can
speak for myself.
Mr. Stripling. You are liere before the committee in response to a
sniijjena which was served upon you on September 29; is that true?
Mr. Menjov. Yes, sir. I have a copy of it here. The promise is
lierebv fulfilled.
Mr. Strh'lin(;. I ask that this be made a part of the record, Mr.
Chairman.^^
'•' See aiiiK-iidix. p. r)2."). for cxliibit L' i .
91
92 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTHY
The Chairman. It is so ordered.
Mr. Striplix(;. Mr. Menjoiu wliut is your occupation ?
Mr. IMenjou.I am a motion-picture actor, I hope.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Menjou?
Mr. :Menjou. I was born in Pittsburgh,>a., February 18, 1890.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in the motion-picture in-
dustry ?
Mr. Menjou. Thirty-four years.
Mr. Stripling. And how long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Menjou. Twenty-seven years.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, were you in the First World War?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. In the armed services?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir. I served abroad for 2 years. I was in the
Army 3 years. 1 year in America. I served in Italy, with the
Italian Army, being attached to the Italian Army: attached to the
French Army; and with the Fifth Division until the surrendei- on
November 11, 1918.
Mr. Stripling. Were you in World War II t
Mr. Menjou. I served 6 months with the U. S. Camp Shows, Inc.,
entertaining troops — for 4 months in England, 2 months in North
Africa, Sicily, Tunisia, Algeria, Morrocco. Brazil, and the Caribbean.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou. have you made a study of the subject
of communism, the activities of the Communists, in anv j)articular
field in the United States?
Mr. Menjoit. I have. I have made a more particular study of Marx-
ism, Fabian socialism, communism, Stalinism, and its jjrobable effects
on the American people, if they ever gain power here.
Mr. Stripling. Based upon your stucfy, have you observed any
Communist activity in the motion-picture industry or in Hollywood,
as we commonly refer to it ^
Mr. Menjott. I Avould like to get the terminologies completely
straight. Connnunistir activities — I would rather phrase it un-
American or subversive, antifi'ee enteri)rifse. anticapitalistic. I have
seen — pai'don me.
Mr. Stripling. Have you observed any Connnunist propaganda in
pictures, or un-American j)roi)aganda in pictures which were pro-
duced in Hollywood?
Mr. Menjoit. I have seen no connnunistic pro])aganda in ])ictures —
if you mean ""vote for Stalin," or that type of connnunistic propa-
ganda. I don't think that tlie Communists are stupid enough to try
it that way. I have seen in certain pictures things I didn't think
should have been in the pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell the connnittee whether or !U)t there
has been an effort on the part of any particular group in the motion-
picture industry to inject Cimmuinist propaganda into pictures or
to leave out scenes oi- parts of stories which would serve the Com-
mnnist Party line?
Mr. Menjou. I don't like that term "Connnunist ])ropaganihi,""
because I have seen no such tiling as Connnunist pro})agan(hi. sucli
as waving (he liannner and sickle in motion pictures. I have seen
things that I thought were against what I considered good American-
ism, in my feeling. I have seen pictures I thought shouldn't have
been made — shouldn't have been made, let me ])ut it that way.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 93
Tlie Chairman. May I interrupt just a minute. I want the record
to show that Mr. AVood is here. We now have a quorum of the full
connnittee.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, do you have any particular pictures
in mind
Mr. Menjou. Well
Mr. SxRirLiNG. When j^ou make that statement?
Mr. Menjou. AA'ell, 1 wonder if I could preface it by a short
statement ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes, if you please.
Mr. Menjou. I am not here to smear. I am here to defend the
industry, that I have spent the greater part of my life in. I am here
to defend the producers and the motion-picture industry.
Now, you wanted me to name a picture ?
The Chairman. May I interrupt before you name a picture?
Mr. Menjou. I am sorry.
The Chairman. I want to say that the committee is, also, not here
to smear the industry or to smear people working in the industry.
Tlie committee wants to get the facts, and only the facts. We are
going toliear both sides of all of these questions. We want to make
it very clear that the committee is not out to censor the screen.
Proceed, Mr. Menjou.
Mr. Menjou. Will you repeat the question, please?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Well, we will approach it this way. We have
had testimony here to the effect that writers who were members of
the Screen Writers Guild have attempted to inject un-American propa-
ganda into motion pictures. Are you aware that that is the case,
or has been the case, in Hollj'wood at any time?
]\Ir. Menjou. I don't think that I am competent to answer that
question. I am a member of the Screen Actors Guild, and I think a
member of the Screen Writers Guild would be far more competent
to answer that. If you want to ask me if I know of any un-American
propaganda in any pictures that I appeared, I wall be glad to give
you my thoughts.
Mr. Stripling. Will j^ou give an example?
Mr. Menjou. I don't think the picture Mission to Moscow should
have been made. It was a perfectly completely dishonest picture.
If it was to have been an adaptation, of the book by Mr. Davies it
should have included the entire story in Moscow, including the Mos-
cow trials where Mr. Davies was a witness and over wdiich Mr. Vishin-
sky presided. That was not in the picture. Therefore, I consider
that a completely dishonest picture and distortion of the adaptation
of the book.
I also do not think that the jjicture North Star was a true picture,
from what I have been able to learn after reading over 150 books on
the subject. This was a picture showing the German attack on the
Russians and certain parts of it were not true. It has been quite
some time ago since I saw the picture. I thought that picture would
have been better unmade. Fortunately, those pictures were unsuc-
cessful.
Mr. Stripling. As a generality, would you say that the more enter-
taining the picture is, the better opportunit}'^ there might be to put
across propaganda ?
67683—47 7
94 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Menjou. Yes. The better the entertainment the more dan-
gerous the propaganda becomes, once it is injected into the picture.
Mr. Striplin(}. Do you know of any anti-Communist pictures that
are being prcxUiced in Hollywood at the present time?
Mr. Menjou. No, sir; I do not. And I would like to see one. I
think the pi-oducers of anti-Fascist pictures should turn around and
make an anti-Communist i)icture. I believe it would be an enormous
success, if it were made.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. JNIenjou, if a picture is produced, as for example
Mission to Moscow, which gives a false portrayal or which has propa-
ganda in it, who do you hold responsible in your own mind as a veteran
actor in the motion-picture industry^
Mr. Menjou. Well, I believe that the manufacturer of any product
is responsible in the end for the quality of his product.
Mr. Stripling. In other words, the producers would be held respon-
sible?
Mr. Menjou. They should be.
Mr. Stripling. Wliat do you think could be done to correct that '.
Mr. Menjou. I think a great deal already has been done. The
eternal vigilance of the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation
of American Ideals, by its vigilance, has prevented an enormous
amount of sly, subtle, un-American class-struggle propaganda from
going into pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider that the alliance is doing a good
job ; that is, has been doing a good job i
Mr. Menjou. I think they have done a magnificent job, and I am
very proud to be a member of the board of directors.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Actors Guild '.
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir ; I am.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever noticed any effort on the part of
Communist individuals to gain influence in the Screen Actors Guild i
]Mr. ^Ienjou. I don't know any members of the Screen Actors Guild
who are members of the Commimist Party. I have never seen their
cards. I am a firm believer that the Communist Party in the United
States is a direct branch of the Comintern — which, in my opinion,
has never been dissolved — direct from Moscow. It is an oriental
tyranny, a Kremlin-dominated conspiracy, and it is against the inter-
ests of the people to admit that they are Communists. Very few
admit it.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have your very definite suspicions about
some members of the Screen Actors Guild f
Mr. Menjou. I know a great many people who act an awful lot like
Communists.
Mr. Stripling. As an actor, Mr. Menjou, could you tell the commit-
tee whether or not an actor in a picture could portray a scene which
would in effect serve as propaganda for communism or any other
un-American purpose ?
Mr. Menjou. Oh, yes. I believe that under certain circumstances
a communistic director, a communistic writer, or a communistic actor,
even if he were under orders from the head of the studio not to inject
communism or un-Amercanism or subversion into pictures, could easily
subvert that order, under the proper circumstances, by a look, by an
inflection, by a change in the voice. I think it could be easily done.
I have never seen it done, but I think it could be done.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 95
Mr. Stripling. You don't know of any examples?
Mr. Menjou. I cannot think of one at the moment, no, sir.
Mr. Stripling, Do you know Mr. John Cromwell ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He was identified before the committee yesterday
by Mr. Sam Wood as being one who sought to put the Screen Directors
Guild into the Red river. Do j^ou consider Mi'. Cromwell to be a
Communist?
Mr. Menjou. I don't know whether he is a Communist or not.
Mr. Stripling. Does he act like one ?
Mr. Menjou. In my opinion, he acts an awful lot like one.
Mr. Stripling. Did he ever make any statement to you relative to-
his
Mr. IVIenjou. Mr. Cromwell, in his own house, said to me that cap-
italism in America was through and I would see the day when it was
ended in America. A very strange statement from a man who earns
upward of $250,000 a year, who owns a great deal of Los Angeles and
Hollyv\'ood real estate. It is rather difficult to reconcile that. He is
profiting by the capitalistic system, and yet he is against it. He told
me so with his own lips.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know Mr. Herbert K. Sorrell ?
Mr. Menjou. I do not know Mr. Sorrell.
]Mr. Stripling. Do you know who he is, however?
Mr. Menjou. I know who he is.
Mr. Stripling. Will you identify him for the committee?
Mr. Menjou. Mr. Sorrell, I believe, is head of the painters' union.
I think he is also the head of the Conference of Studio Unions.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, what have been your observations re-
garding Communist activity in Hollywood in the past 10 years ? We
received testimony yesterday that their activity increased after 1936.
Mr. Menjou. Well, I became very much interested as to what
socialism was during the last war, when I was stationed in the birth-
place of Karl iNlarx with the Fifth Division. It interested me greatlj-.
I did a considerable amoiuit cf reading. I tried to wade through D.is
Kapital. It was a very difficult job. I read the Max Eastman con-
densation of it. When I got to California later, we heard very, very
little about it. Socialism at that time was spoken of. It liad very
few followers in this country. About 1932 or 1933, when the Russiaii
question began to loom in the picture, with the mass starvations of
the poor Russian peasants because they would not conform to the
demands of ]\Ir. Stalin^ — why, they shocked the world witli the testi-
mony of some of the witnesses.
Then, later on, identified by various committees, groups began to
be formed, which have been labeled, and I think documented, as being
communistic front organizations. I particularly refer to the Inde-
pendent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.
This was labeled a Communist front organization. I understand
that at a meeting of the board of directors it refused to make an anti-
Communist statement, that the}^ were anti-Communist, whereupon
there were wholesale desertions. One of the first was the president,
Mr. James Roosevelt. He left the thing just prior to the elections.
Then there were many, many other people who left. Those peoplei
who still remained in it, in my opinion, would be pro-Connnunist.
96 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I do not Tinderstand any other reason for a person belonging to an
organization in whicii he knew Connnunists were in and w^ere dom-
inating.
Tlien the PCA was formed. It also refused to come out with an
anti-Communist platform, whereupon the ADA, the Americans for
Democratic Action, was formed. 1 believe by jStrs. Roosevelt, Leon
Henderson, Melvin Douglas, and some other ijeople. They do not
j^ermit Communists in their organization, I understand.
I wonder if I can help you any more.
Mr. SxiarLTNG. Yes. Now, these various front organizations, which
have sprung up in Hollywood
Mr. Menjou. There is the American Youth for Democracy, which
is the new name for the Young Communist League.
I am not an expert on the organizations here in America, although
I have a list of names here which I have gathered and will be glad to
produce.
Mr. Stripling. Let me ask you this: The committee has evidence
that there have been numerable Communist front organizations mush-
room in Hollywood. We received testimony yesterday from Mr.
Wood to the effect that they set up an organization, and after they
milk it dry they form another one. In the Screen Actors Guild, have
there ever been any resolutions offered by any of the members which
had as their purpose to aid these front organizations ?
Mr. Menjou. I was one of the founders of the Screen Actors Guild.
I think my number is among the first 50. I served for many years
on its board, but I have not been active in any of the board of directors'
meetings for some 7, 8, or 9 years, so I couldn't make a statement on
that. I couldn't answ^er that question.
Mr. Stripling. Well, let me ask you this
Mr. Menjou. I think a member of the board of directors would be
far more capable of answering that question than myself.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Mr. Chairman, we will have officials of the
Screen Actors Guild before the committee later in the week.
As a student of communism, did you note an increased alliance with
the Communists in Hollywood during the period of the w^ar emer-
gency, when we had a military allied relationship with the Soviet
Union ?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I spent practically 7 months out of every year
after Pearl Harbor away, and I was not in Hollywood most of that
time. I find it rather difficult to answer that question. Maybe you
could rephrase it and I could answer it. I w^as
Mr. Stripling. Would you say that Communist activity increased?
Mr. Menjou. Oh, yes.
Mr. Stripling. In Hollywood after Pearl Harbor, 1941? Was it
intensified ?
Mr. INIenjou. It w^as intensified with the nonaggression pact be-
tween Mr. Molotov and Mr. Von Ribbentrop.
Mr. Stripling. Weren't some
Mr. Menjou. I believe the date was in 1939.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall some of the figures in Hollywood who
were very active in the American Peace Mobilization during that
period?
Mr. Menjou. I do not. I am not familiar with that part of the
picture at all. I know tlie organization by name only, and I could
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY • 97
not tell you the names of that. Someone else who is more familiar
with that will have to answer that question.
Mr. Stripling. Would you say the Communists in Hollywood follow
the party line, directions laid down by Moscow?
Mr. Menjou. Rigidly.
Mr. Stripling. It is requested in all of their activities there?
Mr. JNIenjou. Yes, sir .
Mr. Stripling. Could you elaborate on that point anj^ Mr. Menjou?
Mr. Menjou. I am tryino; to thiuk how I can help you. We have
had a very disastrous strike in Hollywood, and a very long one. It has
been going on now for more than a year. Mr. Son-ell is the head of the
organization whose members are out on strike. I believe, according to
the testimony I have here, that Mr. Sorrell is a member of the Com-
munist Party under the name of Herbert K. Stewart. I have a photo-
static copy of the purported Communist card and the sworn testimony
of Mr. Sellers, admittedly the w^orld's greatest handwriting expert.
Based on the fact, I believe, that Mr. Sorrell is a Communist, I would
be very suspicious of any of the people who either stood on a platform
with him or supported any of his activities or statements. This strike
was a particularly bloody strike.
Mr. Stripling. Could the committee have that ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. That photostat.
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. We would like to receive this into evidence, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.-*'
Mr. Stripling. Do you know of some of the actors or other people
who are prominent in the motion-picture industry who did associate
with Mr. Sorrell in his activities ?
Mr. Menjou. I attended a meeting of the entire membership of the
Screen Actors Guild. I am not too certain of this date, but it might
have been a year ago. The meeting was called in order to try to settle
the strike. Now, the board of directors of the Screen Actors Guild had
exerted all of their efforts to settle this strike in everyway possible.
I think a magnificent job was done by the board of directors, particu-
larly Mr. Regan, the president. After long, long deliberations and
trips to Chicago and everywhere else, they finally came to the conclu-
sion that it was a jurisdictional strike and could have been settled, but
Mr. Sorrell did not want to settle it. That was the conclusion made.
This meeting was called by a group of 350 people. I think that is the
necessary amount, according to our bylaws, to call such a meeting.
Mr. Regan spoke for, I think, more than an hour and a half, explain-
ing the position and the work and the labors that he had gone through
to try to determine who was right or who was wrong, because there was
an eiffort being made to call all the actors out on strike, which would
hine thrown !-ome thirty-odd-thousand people out of work.
Now, then, that particular evening the opposition wanted to be
heard. Mr. Sorrell spoke. Following Mr. Sorrell appeared Mr. Ed-
ward G. Robinson, Mr. Cronin, Mr. Alexander Knox, and Mr. Paul
Henreid. They all admitted what a wonderful job Mr. Regan had
done, but they wanted the strike settled on Mr. Sorrell's side, which,
■" See appendix, p. 525, for exhibit 28.
98 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
in my opinion, would liave meant more trouble, more chaos, and no
solution to the trouble, excepting that the uni(ms would have been
under the complete domination of thevConununist Party. That is my
opinion.
I think sanity prevailed. There was a motion presented by myself
that the membership stand by its duly elected board of directors, which
was majority voted, and the meeting was over.
Now, I personally would never have been seen with Mr. Sorrell if
I coidd help it. He is responsible for the most incredible brutality —
beatings, the overturning of cars on private property in front of the
Warner Bros, studio, shocking parades, where one man almost lost an
eye in front of the MGM studio — a most outrageous performance and
violation of the jiicketing laws in California.
I think he did everything possible to embarrass the producers. I
don't believe the Communist Party has any intention of ever having
any peace of any kind, and I would regret the day that a man of Mr.
Sorrel Ps characteristics should ever be in charge of the labor unions
in California. God help us if he ever does.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know Mr. John Howard Lawson ?
Mr. Mexjou. I do not.
Mr. Stripling. Have you heard of him?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know him by reputation ?
]\Ir. Menjou. Only by hearsay.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever heard a charge that he was head of
the Communist Party in Hollywood ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He directed their affairs?
Mr. Menjou. I have heard that, but I cannot testify to it because
I do not know.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not he participated in the
picket line at Warner Bros, studio, when the cars were overturned ?
Mr. Menjou. I do not know that ; I am sorry.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, what do you think is the best way to go
about combating communism in Hollywood?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I think a great deal already has been done. The
first meeting of this committee has already alerted many apathetic
})eople. many people who are not aware of the incredibly serious men-
ace that faces America. They don't take the trouble to read. I am
huve that some of my fellow actors who have attacked this committee
and myself had they taken the time to read and study would be of
exactly the same opinion as I am. I believe that 95 percent of the
l)eo]3le in California are decent, honest American citizens. The Com-
munist Party is a minority, but a dangerous minority. I believe that
the entire Nation should be alerted to its menace today. In my opin-
ion, the Commintern has never been dissolved and the new Commin-
foini which meets in Belgrade is simply an opening. No one seems to
blow why they have come out into the open. They have always been
underground before. The proof that they are in existence is the letter
from Mr. DuBois, the pastry cook, one of the heads of the Communist
Party, wrote to the Conununist Party in New York, which was pub-
lished in the Daily Worker, forced Mr. Browder, the former head of
the Communist P'arty, out of the party. Presumably Mr. Browder
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 99
had no trouble getting a passport to go to Moscow and returned to
represent the Connnunist book trust in New York. I don't think any-
body is being fooled by this. But the American people are not alert.
If a Gallup poll in California shows that 50 percent of the people have
never heard of the Taft-Hartley bill, you can imagine how apathetic
and how ignorant most of them are of this subject.
I have a list of books here — I published a list of over 35 books — and
if you will bear with me and if I have the time I would like to read a
list of books which I would advise every man, woman, and child in
America to read. They will then get a picture of this oriental tyranny,
this Commmiist-dominated conspiracy to take the world over by force.
It will take the words out of Mr. Lenin's mouth, out of Mr. Stalin's
mouth. Mr. Molotov is a member of the Politburo. Mr. Vishinsky
I consider simply a puppet.
First, I would like to ask them to read Das Kapital, by Karl Marx ;
then the Max Eastman condensation; then a magnificent book called
The Ked Prussian; The Dream We Lost, by Fred A. Utley; Report
on Russians, by Paul Winiton, who spent 14 years in Moscow as a cor-
respondent; Towards Soviet America, by William Z. Foster, present
head of the Communist Party in America, where on page 275 he ad-
vocates the liquidation of the American Legion, the rotary clubs, all
fraternal organizations, arming of the farmers and arming of the
workers, with a dictatorship of the proletariat to take America over
by force. That is page 275 of Towards Soviet America. You will
have trouble getting the book. You will have to advertise for it.
Yogi and the Commissar, by Arthur Koestler, one of the magnifi-
cent writers living today who was a Communist member of the party.
He spent a great deal of time in Russia. Dark Side of the Moon. 1
defy anyone to read that without being frightened to death. That is
a documentary testimony, edited by T. S. Elliott, of the 1,750,000,
estimated, Poles, innocent Polish people taken into concentration
camps by the Russians in early 1939. The three books by Mr. Dallin,
particularly his book, which will be in Look magazine, Slave Labor in
Communist Russia. Over at Uncle Joe's, a magnificent book by
Atkinson; Russian Report, by William White; I Chose Freedom, by
Victor Kravechenko; One Who Survived; Why They Behave Like
Russians, by Fisher; In Search of Soviet Gold, by Littlepage; and
one of the best books of all, Pattern for World Revolution, written
anonymously.
This is only a very, very small list of books, but I guarantee you
that anyone that reads them will fear for the safety of America.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, yesterday Mr. Wood, Mr. Sam Wood,
testified that he considered members of the Communist Party in this
country to be the agents of a foreign i)rincipal. Do you share that
opinion with Mr. Wood?
Mr. Menjol;. The members of the Communist Party in the United
States unquestionably, in my mind, are agents of the Commintern in
Moscow or the Coinminform in Belgi'ade, or wherever it is. The
papers found, on I think it was Professor May, who is now in jail,
the Polish-born member of the Canadian Parliament, would prove
to me conclusively that the Commintern has never stopped working.
This was a sop to America.
100 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Strii'lixg. Do you consider that the Communist Party members
in this countr}^ are onftaged in treasonable activities?
Mr. Men.tou. Deiiiiitely.
Mr. S'rKirLixG. Mr. Menjou, this committee also has a legislative
function as well as an investigative function. During this session
there were two bills introduced Avhich sought to outlaw the Commu-
nist Party. Do you think that the Communist Party should be out-
lawed by legislation?
Mr. Menjou. I believe that the Communist Party in the United
States should be outlawed by the Congress of the United States. It is
not a i)olitical party. It is a conspiracy to take over our Government
by force, which would enslave the American people, as the Soviet Gov-
ernment— 14 members of the Politburo — hold the Russian people in
abject slavery. Any one of a dozen books will prove it. This is not
hearsay. Dozens of other testimony will prove what horrors are
going on in Russia today, so horrible that you cannot read them
without becoming ill.
Now, we don't want that here.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Menjou, there has been quite a bit said
and written in the Communist publications and certain left-wing
organizations have circulated pamphlets to the effect that this com-
mittee is trying to bring about thought control.
Mr. Menjou. Well, I also have heard many other words — "witch-
hunting." I am a witch-hunter if the witches are Communists. I am a
Red-baiter. I make no bones about it whatsoever. I would like to see
them all back in Russia. I think a taste of Russia would cure many
of them. Unfortunately, people in Europe who have not faced the
Russians do not realize the method. That is one of the great troubles
in France. They are faced with French Communists and not Russians.
All of those nations — Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Austria, the
Russian zone in Germany — that have had to come in contact with the
Russian Army realize what a menace this is.
There would have been much more of an overwhelming vote for
General De Gaulle if these people realized it. They don't realize it.
They don't read. They don't study. The masses of Russian officers
who have come to the American headquarters and asked how they can
get into America. The escape of the Russian general who is now in
Buenos Aires. The capture of the young senior lieutenant who tried
to commit suicide rather than to return to his country. With the
hundreds of suicides of those who faced return there, I think it is
shocking that the United States should ever return anybody back to
the Soviet Union.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, yesterday there was placed in the
record the salaries of three writers who were employed in the motion-
picture industry, whose salaries exceeded $70,000 yer year. They had
been identified as Communists, and the committee had records con-
cerning these three men. How do you account for a person who would
have such an income subscribing to the Comnuniist philosophy ?
Mr. IMenjou. Well, Frederick Engels, who supported Karl Marx
his entire life, was a millionaire. He had a very large textile factory
in Germanv and a very large one in England. We find crackpots every-
where. We have in California what I call the lunatic fringe, the
political idiots, the morons, the dangerous Communists, and those who
have yet to be convinced. ' I don't accuse anybody, because we are
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 101
curing people every day. Tliere has been an amazing change in Holly-
wood in the attitude of many people since this connnittee has started
to function and also due to the activities of the INIotion Picture Alliance.
These people only have to be told and have to see. The only danger-
ous one is the hard, disciplined core of the Communist Party them-
selves. These people I do not know. I have never seen one. The only
Communist I ever met was Mr. Maisky, the Ambassador to London,
and I fear he has either been liquidated or shunted off somewhere for
some deviation. His name has disappeared completely from the
newspapers.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, those are all the questions I have at
this time.
The Chairman". Mr, Wood.
Mr. Wood. Mr. Menjou, do I understand from your testimony that
it is your opinion that the producers themselves and the responsible
studio heads in Hollywood are not communistic ?
Mr. Menjou. They are as fine a group of men as I ever met. I
have worked with them for 34 years, and I don't think any of them
are Communists. I think due to the fact that the Communist Party
in America is a legal party has prevented them from taking certain
action against very excellent writers. There are some very excellent
writers among those leftist writers. They don't have to always write
communistically, at all. Some of them have contributed much to
some of our finest motion pictures, in which there was no communism
whatsoever,
I think the producers in California, as I say, are as patriotic a group
of Americans as you will meet anywhere. •
Mr. Wood. It was suggested yesterday in the testimony of one of
the witnesses by a member of the committee that the producers them-
selves should get together and by concerted action eliminate these
people who are affected with Communist tendencies from the in-
dustry. Do you agree with me that that would involve or not involve
some very serious legal implications ?
Mr. Menjou. I believe it would.
Mr. Wood. Under existing law?
Mr. Menjou. I spoke to Senator Taft about that the other day, and
he n creed also.
Mr. Wood. Would you then feel that a recommendation to the
Congress by this committee to so modify existing law as to permit
just that to be done would have a wholesale effect?
Mr. Menjou. ISIr. Wood, I feel this way : If the Communists would
come out in the open, let us know who they are, because they can be
watched. I am told by Mr. Edgar Hoover, who is a very close personal
friend of mine, that he is against driving the Communist Party under-
ground. They are now underground. I want to bring them out so
we can see who they are. I feel, about pictures, that propaganda
pictures should be labeled propaganda as such and propaganda should
be not injected into entertainment. I feel that if an anti-Fascist
picture is made, an anti-Communist picture should be made next,
because I am anti-Fascist as well as I am anti-Communist. The
German-American Bund was driven underground, if you want to
call it such. I believe all their members are known. But they cannot
go on the air. The}?^ cannot have meetings. They cannot get con-
102 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
verts. Therefore, tliey ai-e made impotent. I want to know tliese
Communists. We want to see them. I am not afraid of communism
in America if it is out in the open. I am not afraid. The American
people will reject it openly, if they know what it is. I would like
to see it outlawed.
Mr. Wood. That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The CiiAiRjiAN. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Menjou, on this matter of outlawing the Com-
munist Party, the party has been outlawed in Canada, Panama, and
various other nations of the world. So far as I could study their
situations, the results haven't been much different. There are many
Communists now in Canada. Canada now faces the business of arrest-
ing those that are known Communists and proven Communists. They
go through trials. But it hasn't apparently slowed the number of
Communists that are in Canada.
Mr. Menjou. You are not going to slow down the hard core of the
disciplined Communist. He is going to be there all the time. He
simply has to be watched.
To take the producers in the picture business — if I may partially
answer Mr. Wood again — a man, let us say, like Mr. Mayer or Mr.
Warner, who testified yesterday, it is practically impossible for them
to see every foot of film made in their studios. They make too many.
They haven't the time. They couldn't possibly do it. Both of them
are anti-Communist to the core ; that I know. You will see, and have
seen, very, very little of what I would call anything like subversion
because, as I say, of the activities of the alliance and due to the publicity
that has been giveji out. This publicity is healthy. That is why I am
proud to be before the committee, because these things can be heard and
brought out. Being so busy that they cannot do it, the under producers
in the studio do the engaging of the writers.
Mr. Mayer doesn't hire any writers. That is done by other people.
Now, if these people are watched constantly, they can do no harm.
They can't do any harm.
I wouldn't want to deprive anybody from making his bread and but-
ter. I think these people can be taught. I think, if their party is
outlawed, the thing that worries me about the party is its connection
with Moscow, which is dedicated to the overthrow of this Government
by force, and every other government. Any study of the situation in
Bulgaria, Rumania, or Hungary must api)all people. They must
frighten them to death. We don't want that here.
If the capitalistic system does as well in the next 50 years as it has
done in the last 50, there will be no trouble at all in this comitry,
believe me.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Menjou, I believe I told you last May, on the
west coast, that of all the thousands of people I have discussed com-
munism with you have the most profound knowledge of the background
of communism I have ever met.
With that knowledge, with your study of Karl Marx and modern
communism, I would like to ask anothef question. There has been
a great deal of propaganda in the United States and other countries
here in the last 2 years that the Soviet Government has relaxed its
opposition to religion — churches. I have even heard speakers from
the Soviet Union say that church attendance was encouraged. Do you
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 103
think the ardent Soviet Government has changed in any respect from
the original Marxian commmiism?
Mr. Menjou. I think they were requested. I don't know who made
the request. It was somebody from the Government some 4 or 5 years
ago that requested they relax their attitude toward religion. The
Conmiunist Party itself will never relax it. They are anti-God. They
are atheistic, the party itself. The Russian people are deeply, dee])ly
religious people, and their cry for religion is very great. They have
been permitted to go to church, yes, but I think that everybody has
been watched very carefully. Father Brown, who was the only Catho-
lic priest permitted in Russia for many years, had a small group of
people coming to his church. The government itself has never i"e-
laxed its attitude toward religion at all.
It is still there in the Red Square that "religion is the opiate ofthe
masses and the Communist Party itself." They have relaxed nothing,
nothing. They allow a few more people to go to church, but they
watch everybody. The secret police watch the people so carefully
that they have complete control over there. They have complete con-
trol. The Russian people are completely enslaved.
Mr, Vishinsky is enslaved. Mr. Molotov is enslaved. They are all
frightened to death. Mr. Stalin would just as soon kill them as look
at them. He killed all his close friends. There is excellent evidence
that he poisoned Lenin, Gorky, and that he also executed the pharma-
cist, the head of the NKVD at the time, who was the witness. He acted
very much like Mr. Capone. He committed the murders and then
killed the witnesses.
Mr. McDowELi.. ]\Ir. Chairman, in addition to being a great Ameri-
can, here is one of the greatest American patriots I have ever met.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Menjou, do you think there is justification for the
action of this committee in its instituting an investigation of Commu-
nist activities in Hollywood?
Mr. Mexjou. Do I think so? Certainly.
Mr. Vail,. In the daily papers in the past few days I noticed a
statement that was signed by a number of prominent Hollywood
actors and actresses deploring the investigation and describing it as a
smear. What is your impression of the people who were signatoi*y to
that statement ?
Mr. Mexjou. I am just as shocked and amazed — which I believe
were their words — as they said they were shocked and amazed. I
don't believe any of them has ever made a serious study of the subject.
I believe they are innocent dupes; that is my impression of them, in-
nocent dupes.
I guarantee not one of them could name four men on the Politburo ;
I guarantee not one of them could name a date or an action against
Russia or a violation of the antiaggression pacts which Mr. Stalin
violated. If these people will only read and read and read and read,
they will wake up. I have all the sympathy in the world for them ; I
am sorry for them.
Mr. Vail. I have no more questions.
The Chairmax. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixox. Mr. Menjou, from what you have said to charge a
person with being a Communist is a very serious thing ?
104 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. You would not want that charge made?
Mr. Menjou. Without substantiation, that is right. That is play-
ing right into the Communists' hands.
Mr. NrxoN. In answer to a question by Mr. Stripling you indicated
that although you might not know whether a certain person was a
Communist, I think you said he certainly acted like a Communist.
Mr. Menjou. If you belong to a Communist-front organization and
you take no action against the Communists, you do not resign from
the organization when you still know the organization is dominated
by Communists, I consider that a very, very dangerous thing.
Mr. XixoN. Have you any other tests whicli you would apply which
Avould indicate to you that people acted like Communists?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I think attending any meetings at which Mr.
Paul Robeson appeared and applauding or listening to his Communist
songs in America, I would be ashamed to be seen in an audience doing a
thing of that kind.
Mr. Nixon. You indicated you thought a person acted like a Com-
munist when he stated, as one person did to you, that capitalism
was through.
Mr. Menjou. That is not communistic per se, but it is very danger-
ous leaning, it is very close. I see nothing wrong with the capitalistic
system, the new dynamic capitalism in America today. Mr. Stalin
was very worried when he talked to Mr. Stassen. He asked him four
times when the great crash was coming in America. That is what they
are banking on, a great crash, and I do not think it is coming.
Mr. Nixon. You indicated that belonging to a Communist-front
organization, in other words, an association with Communists, attend-
ing these planned meetings, making statements in opposition to the
capitalistic system are three of the tests you would apply.
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. Do you have any other tests from your experience you
would like to give this committee?
Mr. Menjou. I don't know of any better ones.
Mr. NixoN. Do you believe that the motion-picture industry at the
present time is doing everything it can to rid itself of subversive
un-American influences ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, I do. I believe it has been that way for almost
"a year, or maybe a little more than a year.
Mr. Nixon. You see no further steps the industry can take at this
time that it has not taken in the past?
Mr. Menjou. Except eternal vigilance that every American and
every citizen of the United States should exercise toward communism.
1 would rather label it as Stalinism; there is no such thing as
communism.
^Ir. Nixon. Do you feel congressional action is necessary in order
10 assist the industry in going aiw further with this campaign?
Mr. Menjou. This is a secret organization. Very few people admit
to being members of it, only a few, and of course their records are
disgraceful. Mr. Mate of the French Communist Party was sentenced
to 20 years for mutiny; Mr. Torres was sentenced to 6' years for deser-
tion. Mr. Eugene Dennis, one of the members in New York, has a
police record in California. I think I would keep away from those kind
of people; at least I have been taught that way.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 105
Mv. Nixon. Getting down to specific cases as to what the industry
should do
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. To rid itself of un-American activities in Hollywood if,
for example, a producer were to be given unequivocal proof that one of
his star actors was a member of the Communist Party do you believe
that that producer has tlie responsibility as an American not to renew
that person's contract?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I would not want to say that. I was one of the
persons most deeply shocked when Mr. Cecil B. DeMille was deprived
of his job on the radio. I thought that was perfectly shocking. I
asked Mr. Cromwell about that and he said, "He is rich." I said, "What
has wealth to do with the matter ?" .
I think Mr. DeMille showed incredible moral courage, more than I
have, in giving his job up. He cannot work any more on the radio
because he refused to put up a dollar for political purposes. The
Taft-Hartley Act has negated all that. I don't believe that an actor,
if he is a member of a Communist Party and is careful to state that —
I think the public will take care of him.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, you believe the producer in that case
would be justified in keeping him in his employment ?
Mr. Menjou. He won't last long if he is labeled as a Communist.
Mr. Nixon. What if a producer is informed that a writer he has in
his employ is a member of the Communist Party, what should his
action be ?
Mr. Menjou. He could be very carefully watched; this producer
could watch every script and every scene of every script. We have
many Communist writers who are splendid writers. They do not have
to write communistically at all, but they have to be watched.
Mr. Nixon. Your answer would be the same in case he learned that
ix director or one of the top employees in the particular industry was
a member of a Communist Party ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir. I am firmly convinced of the evils of Stalin-
ism or Marxism ; it is so evil and it is such a menace to the American
people that I think it should be watched and watched and watched.
Mr. NixoN. Then so far as your program is concerned, what you
advocate is publicity of the fact that certain people in the industry are
Communists?
Mr. Menjou. If they are members of the Communist Party they
should say so.
Mr. Nixox. And once that publicity is given by vigilance on the
j)art of the producers and those responsible for the films that go to the
public they can see that no un-American propaganda ge|;s into those
films ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir. I have no objection. Mr. Nixon, to com-
munistic picture propaganda if it is so labeled an an honest, faithful
picture. I would like to see it. I would like to see pictures of the
])eople at the place where Mr. Wallace made his speech; I'woidd like
the American people to see that. That would be an honest picture of
what is going on in Russia today.
Mr. Nixon. If we refuse to allow a Communist picture to be made
and advertised as such we would probably be falling into the same
error that we criticize the Communists for in Russia, is that right?
106 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Menjou. I agree.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, they will not allow a picture showing
the democratic way of life in Russia ?
Mr. Menjou. I also believe the Russians should be treated exactly
as they treat us. I would treat them visa for visa. If there are 218
Americans in Moscow today there shouldn't be 3,046 Russians in
America because they are all spies, every one of them. There should
be 218 Russians in America. Treat them exactly as they treat us.
For every American in Moscow we should allow one here. I think we
are 2 years late in our firm attitude; we are verj' far behind.
Mr. Nixon. Thank you.
The Chairman. Mr. Menjou, why have no anti-Communist films
been made in the United States?
Mr. Menjou. There are a great manv anti-Nazi films made ; I do not
know. Some have been announced as bein^ in preparation. The title
"The Iron Curtain" is, I think, copyrighted by a number of producers.
I hope to see that made. I would like to see an honest anti-Coinmunist
picture and I would like to see it labeled as such, not as entertainment.
The Chairman. We heard yesterday from witnesses that at least
one, possibly two anti-Communist films were being planned. What
have you heard from Hollywood as to the feeling on the part of the
producers about producing anti-Communist films?
Mr. Menjou. I believe they would be an incredible success. After
the first picture was made I think there would be many many more
made. I think it would be a very wonderful thing to see one made.
I wx)uld like to see a picture of the Bulgarian situation : I would like
to see the execution of Mr. Patkoff by Mr. Dimitrich who was former
head of the Commintern. I woidd like to see that shown to the Ameri-
can public so they can see communism as it actually is.
I would like them to see the brutal beatings, the stabbings, the
killings that go on all througli Europe with which the Communist
Party is facing the people.
We showed many many anti-Nazi ])ictures. I see no reason why
we do not show anti-Communist pictures.
The Chairman. Why don't we show them ?
Mr. Menjou. I don't know. I hope they are going to show them.
The Chairman. It has been said in the press by certain individuals
in the United States that these hearings now being held by the Un-
American Activities Committee are a censorship of the screen. Wliat
have you to say about that ?
Mr. Menjou. I think that is juvenile.
The Chairman. So anybody that would make such a statement
would be considered as such ?
Mr. Menjou. It is perfectly infantile to say this committee is trying
to control the industry. How could they possibly control the industry ?
They wouldn't know anything about it. You wouldn't know how to
make a picture or anything else. I don't see how that could be said
by any man with the intelligence of a louse.
The Chairman. As a result of testifying here, that is, when the
actors testify and when the writers testify, when persons in labor
testify, will their testimony and the fact that they have testified before
his committee injure their livelihood in any way ?
Mr. Menjou. I shouldn't think it would injure it seriously. I be-
lieve there are many people in the picture industry that would not
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 107
liavo me in a ])iclui'e Avilli them. 1 think tliis has oone too far in
Hollywood. The Jine of cleava<>e is very strai<>lit. It isn't like a
good Kepublican or a good Democrat. This is a foul philosophy and
it has embittered many many people.
I think Mr. Vishinsky and Mr. Molotov have done a most mag-
nihcent job of awakening the American people. The more informa-
tion the American people get the moi-e they will realize it and the
more they will turn against it. It is completely against the American
philosophy.
I would move to the State of Texas if it ever came here because I
think the Texans would kill them on sight.
The Chairman. Have you heard or do you know of any efforts made
on the part of anyone to intimidate witnesses that might come before
this committee?
Mr. Menjou. Xo; I have not. When I went out to campaign for
Ml-. Dewey and Mr. Bricker in 1944 I was told by various people it
w^ould injure my career. I don't think it has and I think I had a right
to do it. There is no way of proving that. In Hollywood when your
name comes up for a picture 3'ou are one of seven or eight actors. I
believe a person who was friendly toward communism, a pro-Com-
munist, and who liked the Communist government better than ours, if
I came up for a job he would choose another man in preference to nie,
everything else being equal. I do not consider that a loss of a job,
because we lose jobs m many other ways and we get them in many
other ways.
Many times we never know when the good part is coming up. Good
parts make good actors. The better the part the better the actor.
The Chairman. You believe, then, it is the patriotic duty of a wit-
ness to speak very frankly and freely and he should be pleased to come
before the committee and testify ?
Mr. Menjou. Definitely. I believe that any man who is a decent
American, who believes in the Constitution of the United States and
the free enterprise system which has made this country what it is and
which has given its people the highest standard of living of any country
on the face of the earth, I believe he should be proud to stand up for it
and not be afraid to speak.
The Chairman. Do any other members of the committee have any
questions ?
Mr, McDowell. I would like to tell Mr. Menjou something to add
to his already great knowledge of communism. Recently I have been
examining the borders of the United States. I would like to tell you.
Mr. Menjou, that within weeks, not months but w^eeks, bus loads of
Communists have crossed the American border.
Mr. Menjou. That is right. We have no air border patrol, not a
sufficient one, and we haven't enough guards. The frontier is very
long which we are guarding and it is very easy for people to infiltrate
from Mexico over the border.
There was a great, profitable industry in smuggling Chinese over the
border. One of my good friends made a great deal of money doing it.
I believe America should arm to tlip teeth. I believe in universal
military training. I attended Culver Military Academy during t)ie
last war and enlisted as a private. Due to my military training I was
soon made an officer and it taught me a great many things. I believe
108 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
if I was told to swim tlie Mississippi River I would learn how to swim.
Every yoiin<i^ man should have military trainin<jj. Thei-e is no better
thing for a young man than military training for his discipline, for
his manhood, for his courage, and for love of his country. I know it
was good for me. It never did me any harm.
The Cii AIRMAN. Any more questions by the members?
(No response.)
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, do you have any more questions ?
Mr. Stripling. No; no more questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Menjou, we thank you very much for coming.
We appreciate your being here. [Loud applause. J
The Chairman, We will recess for 2 minutes.
(A short recess.)
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. Everyone will
please be seated.
All right, Mr. Stripling, your next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Jack Moffitt.
The Chairman. Stand and be sworn, please.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I do ; yes, sir.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN CHARLES MOFFITT
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, will you please state your name for
the record ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. John Charles Moffitt,
Mr. Stripling, That is M-o-f-f-i-t-t?
Ml-. MoFFiTT. That is correct,
Mr. Stripling. You are here in response to a subpena served on
you on September 29, Mr. Moffitt? ^^
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present address ?
Mr. Moffitt. 463 South McAddam Place, Los Angeles 5.
Mr. Stripling. Please state when and where 3'ou were born.
Mr. Moffitt. I was born in Kansas City, Mo., on May 8, 1901.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation?
Mr. Moffitt. For the past 2 years — last yeav and this ji-ear ending
in December — I have been the motion-picture critic for Esquire maga-
zine. Prior to that for some 15 years I was motion-picture editor of
the Kansas City Star in Kansas City, Mo. I was also a writer on
picture subjects for the North American Newspaper Alliance.
Through that syndicate my writings on motion-picture subjects have
been printed as far as Madras, India, and Rio de Janeiro.
Also during the period I was the American critic for the Era of
London, the oldest critic in the British Empire. It is now out of
existence.
I am a member of the Screen Writers Guild and accept employment
as a scenario writer.
Mr. S^rRiPLiNG. You have been employed by the motion-picture in-
dustry as a writer in the past ; have you not ?
Mr. Moffitt. Many times,
-^ See appendix, p. 525, for exhibit 29.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 109
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the various studios at
which you have been employed?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I have been employed by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, by
Paramount, by Rei)ublic, and by Warner Bros.
Mr. Striplixg. When did you first go to Hollywood, Mr. Moftitt?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I also have been employed by Universal.
The first time I went to Hollywood was in 1930 and '31 when I was
emplo^'ed by Universal.
Mr. Stripling. How many years in all have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. MoFFiTT. That would be a little difficult for me to answer with-
out a little calculation.
Mr. Stripling. Approximately how many years?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I would say around 10 or 12 years. Some of my time
in Hollywood was punctuated by a return to journalism in Kansas
City.
Mr. Stripling. Did you ever join any organizations while you were
in Hollywood in connection with being a writer for the motion-picture
industry ?
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir ; I did. In 1937. shocked by the conduct of
the Fascists in Spain, 1 joined an organization known as the Holly-
wood Anti-Nazi League. Both my wife and I became members of
that organization. We contributed considerable sums of money —
for us — to what we supposed was the buying of ambulances and medi-
cal supplies for the assistance of the Loyahsts in Spain.
After we had been in that organization some months we were in-
vited to what turned out to be a more or less star chamber meeting,
an inner corps meeting. It took place in- the home of Mr. Frank
Tuttle, a director. Mr. Herbert Biberman, who had been responsible
for my being in the Anti-Nazi League, was there, as was his wife,
Miss Gail Sondergaard, an actress. Donald Ogden Stewart was also
one of those present.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman is a director?
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. And Mr, Stewart is a writer?
Mr. Moffitt. Mr. Stewart is a very fine comedy writer.
At this meeting, to our intense surprise, we were addressed as "we
Commmunists." My wife and I always hated communism, as we
hated nazism and any other form of dictatorial government, or slave
state. We were very shocked.
The purpose of this meeting, I believe, was to raise funds for the
Peoples' World, a Communist newspaper. My wife was so indignant
that as soon as we got home she tendered her resignation. I was
frankly fascinated by the way we had been sucked in, the way a
person who hated communism had been, by a pleasant, plausible
come-on, induced to participate in a false Communist front.
Mr. Stripling. If I understood you correctly, Mr. Biberman is the
person who induced you to join the organization originally?
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir ; he did. It didn't take a great deal of induce-
ment because I hated the Nazi then as I do now and I thought the
purpose of the organization was stated in its title, the Anti-Nazi
League.
67683—47-
110 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUKE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Will you relate to the coniniittee your experiences
with the Anti-Nazi League, so far as they deal with any Communist
activities ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Well, fascinated by the subtlety of this approach, fas-
cinated and, I may say, horrified by the way an innocent liberal was
induced to give money to a Communist front and induced to lend
what little prestige his name might have professionally to a commu-
nistic activity, I remained in about G weeks before I resigned, in order
to try to see how they worked. I think I learned considerable of
their technique in that time.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee an account of the
activities that you observed as a member during those 6 weeks ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Well, the most significant activity I observed came
out in a conversation with Mr. John Howard Lawson
Mr. Stripling. Would you identify Mr. Lawson ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He is a writer, is he not ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. John Howard Lawson is a writer. He was the first
president of the Screen Writers Guild.
It has been testified before the Tenney committee of the California
Legislature that Mr. Lawson was sent to Los Angeles by the Com-
munist Party for the purpose of organizing Communist activities in
Hollywood. It was testified by a former secretary of the Communist
Party for Los Angeles County.
Mr. Lawson has this record, as far as I know, with front organiza-
tions. He was a sponsor of the American Youth for Democracy,
which was formerly the Young Communist League. He was a speaker
at the California Labor School. He was sponsor of the City Com-
mittee for the Defense of American Youth in what was known as the
Sleepy Lagoon case.
I would like to point out that the Sleepy Lagoon case was an attempt
to raise a racial issue in Los Angeles.
As I understand it, the actual case had no racial implications what-
ever. It was a murder case in which the victim was a Mexican, the
accused was Mexican, and the arresting officer was a Mexican. I use
the term "Mexican" as meaning persons of Mexican descent. I do
not mean to imply any discrimination against persons of Spanish or
Mexican origin when I say that.
The victim in the case was an elderly, reputable hard-working good
citizen. He, with some of his friends who were also of the same
racial heritage, celebrated his birthday at a little farm. They had a
little wine, some food, and a concrete slab on which they danced.
During the entertainment a group of what we later came to call
"zoot suiters," according to the testimony of the arresting officers,
loaded with marihuana, drove up, broke up the party, beat the old
man to death with a tire chain and chased another of his friends into
a pool or a rock quarry w^here, I believe, the man was drowned. I
am not sure whether they saved him.
My impression is that there were two deaths.
The arresting officers were men from the Los Angeles Mexican de-
tail and from the sheriff's office. There was absolutely no racial dis-
crimination issue involved there until the Communist Party took it
over and endeavor to reframe it, recast it, and publicize it as the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY HI
effoi't of the American courts to ruili-oml innocent youths because
they were of Mexican orioin.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson \vas affiliated with that front effort of
the Communist Party ^
Mr. MoFFiTT. He was sponsor of the city committee for the defense
of these men.
Mr. Stripling. Will you continue with his identification?
Mr. MorriTT. He was also an endorser and has been an endorser of
Communist candidates for public office on a number of occasions.
He was a member of the organization for Harry Bridges' defense.
He was an officer of the Hollywood Democratic Committee.
I wish to point out that according to the report of the Daily Press,
that was not a Democratic committee in the sense of its being an
official iind reputable part of what, we know as a Democratic political
organization. It was a strong left-wing organization.
He was an officer of the Hollywood Independent Citizens' Commit-
tee on Arts, Sciences, and the Professions.
He was an officer of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, which
the Tenney committee has pronounced as communistic. The com-
mittee w^as a refuge. I understand, only in case they were Com-
munist refugees; non-Comnumist refugees from the Nazi terror found
it very difficult to get assistance from that organization.
Mr. Stripling. Mv. Moffitt, if I may interrupt you at this point:
Ml'. Lawson has been subpenaed to appear before the committee and
will appear next week. The committee has voluminous records of his
activities so that I think you have given us sufficient identification.
Mr. Moffitt. I have more if you want it.
Mr. Stripling. We will go back to your activities in the Anti-Xazi
League.
Mr. Moffitt. During the period I referred to, the period between
the time I discovered that this was a Communist front organization
and the period some 6 weeks later, there, w^hen I resigned, I had several
conversations with Mr. Biberman, Mr. Lawson, and others of that
organization.
During the course of it Mr. Lawson made this significant statement:
He said :
As a writer do not try to write an entire Communist picture.
He said :
The producers will quickly identify it and it will be killed by the front office.
He said :
As a writer try to get .5 minutes of the Communist doctrine, 5 minutes of the
party line in every script that you write.
He said :
Get that into an expensive scene, a scene involving expensive stars, large sets
or many extras, because —
he said :
then even if it is discovered by the front ofhce the business manager of the unit,
the very watchdog of the treasury, the very servant of capitalism, in order to
keep the budget from going too high, will resist the elimination of that scene.
If you can make the message come from the mouth of Gary Cooper or some other
imijortant star who is unaware of what he is saying, by the time it is discovered
112 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
he is in New York and a great deal of expense will be invohed to bring him back
and reshoot the scene.
If you get the message into a scene employing many extras it will be very
expensive to reshoot that scene because of the number of extras involved or the
amount of labor that would be necessary to light and reconstruct a large set.
That was the nucleus of what he said at that time.
I later heaid anothei- statement by Mr. Lawson. That was made in
the summer of 1941 when some younf»; friends of mine who were at-
tending what was purported to be a school for actors in Hollywood —
I think it was on Labrea Boulevard — asked me to go over and hear
one of the lectures, instructions on acting.
I went over on this night and Mr. Lawson was the lecturer. During
the course of the evening Mr. Lawson said this — and I think I quote
it practically verbatim — Mr. Lawson said to these young men and
women who were training for a career of acting, he said :
It is your duty to further the class struggle by your performance.
He said —
If you are nothing more than an extra wearing white flannels on a country club
veranda do your best to appear decadent, do your best to appear to be a snob ;
do your best to create class antagonism.
He said^^
If you are an extra on a tenement street do your best to look downtrodden, do
your best to look a victim of existing society.
That rather amazed me, this inner circle of instruction on acting. I
could picture the chaos of a young lady who perhaps was assigned by
Mr. Maj^er to be the leading woman in Lassie Come Home, who would
go out and perform as the leading woman in Waiting for Lefty. But
that was what Mr. Lawson advised.
Mr. Stkipling. Are there any other activities or statements by per-
sons who are identified with the Anti-Nazi League whicli have any
relation to the Communists' activity ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I believe that is the most specific of anything I have.
If there is any specific thing you would care to ask me further in
regard to that?
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever assigned to work with Dakon
Trumbo? Dalton Trumbo was identified yesterday as a writer and
as a Communist by Mr. Sam Wood, director and producer. Have you
ever worked with him?
Mr. MorriTT. Yes, sir; I worked witli Mr. Trumbo at l*aramount
in lO-t-l. I had been away from Hollywood for 2 years. I was very
much in need of monej^ I have a wife and two children. A job was
very precious to me. I sold a producer at Paramount an idea for a
story that I had and he hired me and to my joy assigned me to work
with Dalton Trumbo. Mr. Trumbo is a very skilled screen writer.
At that time he had just finished the script of Kitty Foyle, a great
success, and I regarded it as a high professional privilege to Avork with
the man. But I soon discovered that his love of mankind did not
extend to me. Though he knew my predicament he never came to the
studio. The producer had gone on a vacation. Mr, Triunbo, he told
me, was drawing $2,000 a week of Paramount's money at that time.
Over a period of 10 weeks he came in for, I believe, four half-hour
chats. He was very apologetic and said :
I am rather dogging this but I am extremely busy at this time because I am
endeavoring to block lend-lease.
COMMUXISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 113
He said :
President Roosevelt is waniioiigeriug in assisting Britain and France in a
capitalistic war.
He also told me that he was writing a great many lettei's to the
Hearst press under the name of an uncle, I believe, whose son was a
member of the crew of a submarine that had sailed to pass its tests.
He told me he was pamphleteering very, very hard in this cause and
used the death of this sailor as an example of the perils to the Ameri-
can public and the American Navy of the Koosevelt warmongering
policy.
The Chairman. Just a moment. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. May I ask you w^hen that was ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. That was during the time of the Berlin-Moscow pact,
when the Communist Party line was to block the war effort, denounc-
ing Great Britain.
It was asked of Mr. Menjou if there was any touchstone by which you
can identify a Communist. I think there is a touchstone by which you
can identify a Communist. I think if you look at their attitude dur-
ing the period of the Berlin-Moscow pact and you find that they ap-
proved of everything Nazi Germany did at that time and then reversed
themselves on the very day that the Germans invaded Russia you will
find that that person is a Communist and that he is following the Com-
munist Party line.
Mr. Trumbo during that period wrote a book called The Remarkable
Andrew. That book was bought by Paramount and was being pre-
pared for production by another producing unit at the studio. I
heard, though I do not know, that much of the time he was supposed
to be working with me he was over in that unit assisting them, though
that was not the story he was assigned to. The Remarkable Andrew
said that we should not help the powers resisting fiiscism for the
curious reason that the ghost of Andrew Jackson would not approve of
it. The fact that Andrew Jackson had fought at the Battle of New
Orleans to Mr. Trumbo was a conclusive reason at that time that we
should not assist Russia in resisting potential Nazi invasion.
Mr. Stripling. Did you continue to work with Mr. Trumbo; did
you complete the script you were working on ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. The producer returned. I did not mention that Mr.
Trumbo hadn't been present because I felt that a point of professional
ethics was involved at that time not to snitch on my collaborator. So
the producer left town again and the same conditions continued for, I
believe, about 6 weeks.
Do you wish to know anything of Mr. Trumbo's public record ?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Trumbo is another individual
who has been subpenaed and on which we have a quite voluminous rec-
ord on which he will be questioned next week.
Mr. Moffitt. I have a quotation from an article written by Mr.
Trumbo that I believe should be introduced as evidence. With the
chairman's permission I would like to read it.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I should like to point out Mr. INIoffitt
testified before the subconnnittee in Los Angeles in May at some length.
He is referring to testimony which he gave. I assume that is per-
missible?
The Chairman. Yes; that is agreeable.
114 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. MorriTT, I am referring to this because I later wish to offer
evidence to the effect that I think this committee is not taking steps
to estabhsh censorship. I think this committee is taking steps to
end the most dangerous censorship that has ever occurred in the history
of the motion-picture industry and in the history of American thought.
I will expand that if I am permitted to read this as an introduction.
Mr. Striplin(j. Mr. Chairman, is that agreeable Avith the committee?
The Chairman. Yes; perfectly agreeable.
Mr. MoFFiTT. On May 5, 1946, Mr. Trumbo, writing on the topic
Getting Hollywood Into Focus, in the Worker, said :
We have producefl a few fine films in Hollywood, a great many of which were
vulgar and opportunistic and a few downright vicious. If you tell me Hollywood,,
in contrast with the novel and the theater, has produced nothing so provocative
or so progressive as Freedom Road or Deep Are the Roots, I will grant you the
point, but I may also add that neither has Hollywood produced anything so untrue
or so reactionary as The Yogi and the Commissar, Out of the Night, Report on the
Russians, There Shall Be No Night, or Adventures of a Young Man. Nor does
Hollywood's forthcoming schedule include such tempting items as James T. Far-
rell's Bernard Clare, Victor A. Kravchenko's I Chose Fi'eedom, or the so-called
biography of Stalin by Lenin Trotsky.
Mr. Trumbo was pointing out and approving the fact that the Com-
munists had established an almost complete embargo in the world of
thought, certainl}^ in the world of fiction, against any criticism of
communism or Communist Russia. That censorship involves the in-
filtration of Communists into the literary agencies.
I presume you gentlemen understand that most literary property
and most artistic assignments are handled tlirough professional agents
who get 10 percent of what you make or the sale price. These agencies
are very, very heavily infiltrated, though not dominated, I don't be-
lieve, by Communists. The publishing houses in their reading depart-
ments are very, very heavily infiltrated with Communists. Broadway
is practically dominated by Communists. Hollywood has a heavy in-
filtration of ' ommunists, and it is the only field of American fiction
wliere, I think, they have been strongly resisted. I think the producers
have a fine and creditable record of keeping Communist propaganda
out of films. I don't thing it is 100 percent. I think they slip some-
times. But I think the effort stacks up very fine in comparison with the
record of Broadway.
F'orty-four out of one hundred of the best plays produced on Broad-
way from 1936 through the season of 1946 have contained material to
further the Communist Party line. Nothing like that has occurred
in Hollywood; 233 other plays produced during the game period
favored the party line.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, this is all your opinion as a critic ; is
that right?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes, sir; indeed it is. It is eompilated here. It would
take too long to read the details but I would be glad to submit it.
Mr. Stripling. Have you read all these scripts?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I have read the condensed version of the scripts in
the Burns Mantell Collection of Ten Best Plays, a standard work. I
have read many of the actual scripts, too. I can't pretend to have
read every one of these.
The Chairman. More order, please.
Mr. MorriTT. During the same period I know of only two plays pro-
duced on Broadway that in .any way challenged the Communist Party"
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 115
line, one The Unconquered, an a(lai)tation of a novel by Miss Aj^n
Rand, which yon heard yesterday, that lasted a week, and the other
was There Shall Be No Night, by Robert Sherwood. The survey of
the number of novels that contained Communist line during that pe-
riod is not complete but the proportions are the same or worse than
those of Broadway.
Mv. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, do you have a statement there by William
Z. Foster wliich apj^eared in New Masses of April 2?>, 194G, relative to
infilrration of Communists in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes. sir; I do.
Mr. Striplixg. Would you read that to the connnittee?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I would like to point out that the Communists have
practically rendered the English language meaningless in that they
very often use a term to indicate its opposite, such as the term "de-
mocracy" whicli Mr. Foster uses. So before I read Mr. Foster's state-
ment I would like to read one by Joseph Stalin which rather orients
wliat a Communist means by "democracy." The statement that I am
about to read is taken from The Foundations of Leninism, a series of
lectures delievered in Moscow by Joseph Stalin.
In this he says :
The dictatorship of the proletariat is a revolutionary power based on the use
of force against the bourgeois.
He goes on to say :
Briefly, the dictatorship of the proletariat is a rule unrestricted by law and
based on forces of the proletariat over the bourgeoise, a ruling enjoying the
sympathy and support of the laboring and exploited masses.
Then he proceeds to say :
My first conclusion is that the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be com-
plete democracy, democracy for all, for the rich as well as the poor. The
dictatorship of the proletariat must be a state that is democracy in a new way
for the proletariat and propertyless in general and a dictatorship in a new way
against the bourgeois.
He goes on, on page 58, to say :
In other words, the law of violent revolution, the law of smashing the bour-
geoise machine as a preliminary condition for such a revolution, is an inevitable
law of the revolutionary movement in the imperialistic countries of the world.
With that definition of democracy in mind, I will now read what
Mr, William Z. Foster had to say in the New Masses on April 23, 1946,
speaking on elements of the peoples' cultural polic3^ He says :
Progressive artists should also strive to make their constructive influences
felt within the scope of the great cultural organizations of the bourgeoise.
Motion pictures, radio, literature, theater, and so forth. Artists must eat like
other people. Many artists, tlierefore, are necessarily constrained to work under
direct capitalist controls on employers' pay rolls pretty much as workers. It is
also iK)litically and artistically necessary to penetrate the commercial organiza-
tions as it would be for the worker. But this does not mean that artists so
employed should become servile tools or prostitutes of these exploiters as, unfor-
tunately, many do. On the contrary, progressive artists have a double responsi-
bility. Not only should they actively cultivate every form of independent
artistic activity, but they should also fight as workers do in capitalist industry
to make their democratic influences felt in the commercialized cultural organi-
zations. The fact that capitalists through their commercialized art forms have
to appeal for profits to the broadest ranks of the people makes these forms
especially vulnerable to ideological and organizational pressure as much experi-
ence demonstrates.
116 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Foster says not only that they should infiltrate their ideas, but
that they have siiccessfnlly infiltrated their ideas.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, based upon your observations and in-
formation, have the Communists infiltrated into Hollywood?
Mr. Moffitt. Have they infiltrated into Hollywood^
Mr. Stripling. When I refer to Hollywood, 1 am speaking of the
motion-picture industry.
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir; I should say they have. I would like to
bring to your attention the fact that every studio employs what are
known as story analysts. These people read all stories submitted to
the studio, allfree-lance writing, all such scripts. This work is done
by what is known as the Screen Analysts Guild.
Mr. Stripling. INIr. Moffitt, before you do that, for the benefit of
the committee, would you give, briefly, the mechanics of a story from
the time it is written until it is produced as a picture?
Mr. Moffitt. There are several routines that may be followed. A
studio may ask a writer already employed by them to write an original
story for a specific need — if a star needs a vehicle, for example.
Mr. Stripling. Take, for example, a book, a best-selling novel. We
will assume that a studio has bought the novel to make a picture. Will
you tell the committee the various departments that that book would
go through before it is produced as a film?
I\Ir. Moffitt. In a large studio that literary property would be as-
signed to an associate producer. That associate producer would call
upon, after reading it and conferring with the head of the studio as to
the general approaches of the dramatization, he would then call the
scenario editor, the man in charge of hiring writers.
That editor would submit to him a list of names of available writ-
ers that he thought suitable for this assignment. The list would in-
clude both writers under contract and writers off contract.
A great discretion is in that man's hands. As Mr. Sam Wood
pointed out yesterday, it is very easy for him to load the list with Com-
munists, if he is a Communist. In the case of a man under contract
who never gets on one of those lists he soon has been employed for a
number of months, he has received the studio's money, and because of
the manipulations of a scenario editor in keeping his name oif the lists
of available writers, he has a record of nonemployment. Then the
scenario editor, if so disposed, can go to the head of the studio and
say, "None of our associate producers want to work with this man;
therefore I think it advisable not to renew his contract."
Mr. Wood, I think, explained that yesterday.
Mr. Stripling. Yes ; he brought that out.
Now, the next step.
Mr. Moffitt. Well, after the writer or writers are assigned, they
very often write a "treatment," which is an outline, a break-down of
the form the dramatization should take. They bring that back to
the associate producer, and if he approves it he either keeps them work-
ing to develop a script or he hires other writers to develop a script.
There are very often four or five scripts on one story as the script is
refined and polished.
Mr. Stripling. What is the next step after the script? Then it is
turned over to the producer or to the director ?
Mr. Moffitt. After the script is written in some studios it goes to a
story board who criticizes it from various angles, from its contents,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY H?
from the ability of tlie studio to cast the script as written, for the way
it squares with public o})inioii as the studio iiiteri)rets it a that time;
and the story board can ask for further revisions or can approve it, in
which case a production date is set and it would 2;o into production.
At this stage of the game a director is usually assigned to it and since
the director is responsible for getting the values of the story into film
he is allowed considerable advisory power. That will fluctuate with
the reputation and skill of the director and the importance of the pro-
ducer. As a rule the director is listened to. It is profitable to listen to
the director and to make any reasonable changes that he desires. It
is best to have him happy, in other words. <
The CiiAiRMA]s[. The Chair would like to announce that this after-
noon we will have Mr. Moffitt continuing his testimony and one or
two other witnesses, and that tomorrow^ we will have the following
witnesses, all writers : Mr. Rupert Hughes. Mr. Morrie Ryskincl, Albert
Carlson, Howard Rushmore, Richard Macaulay, Fred Niblo, Jr., and
Ayn Rand.
We will recess now until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 25 p. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m. of the
same day.)
AFTERIsrOON SESSION
The Chairman. The meeting wall come to order.
The Chair would like to announce that if transportation arrange-
ments can be completed today, or have been completed this morning,
one of the witnesses tomorrow morning will be Mr. Robert Taylor,
the actor.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixg. Will you point out that the first witness will be
Mr. Jim McGuinness?
The Ciiair:man'. And the first witness tomorrow morning will be
Mr. Jim McGuinness. The second witness will probably be Mr. Robert
Taylor.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I ask permission to insert into the
record certain excerpts from the testimony of Adolph Menjou which
was taken in executive session in Hollywood in May. Those excerpts
will only serve to elaborate on certain points he made here this morning,
which would clarify the record.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The excerpts referred to above are included in Executive Hearings
and will not be printed in this volume.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN CHARLES MOFFITT— Eesumed
Mr. Stripling. Before we adjourned for the noon hour, you men-
tioned Story Analyst Guild. Would you tell the committee just how
this Story Analyst Guild functions?
Mr. MoFFi'i-i\ Yes, sir; I would be delighted to, but before I do that
I would like to make a correction on my morning's testimony. Due to
a too hasty glance at my chronology here, I think I confused some
members of the press concerning dates. The time of my alleged col-
118 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
laboration with Mr. Trimibo at Paramount was in the spring of 1941,
prior to the German invasion of Russia, the i)eriod of the Berlin-
Moscow pact. I believe I failed to make the date clear. The time
of my menibershi]) in the Anti-Nazi Leajjue and mj?^ conversations with
John Howard Lawson is, to the best of my recollection, in 1937.
Now, as to the Story Analyst Guild, that is a union of workers whose
function it is to read all material submitted to various motion-picture
studios and to wa-ite synopses of the stories submitted. These synopses
are placed on lile and they are available to producers and associate
producers in makino- decisions of what material they wnsh to screen.
As I understand it, under the terms of the contract — in the first
place, I understand that the Story Analyst Guild has been named the
bargaining agency for that phase of the motion-picture business. I
also understand that under the contract which has been approved for
that guild and the producers, the producers are not permitted to fire
on the basis of political activity. It has been the experience of many
writers who are not Communists that the members of this guild pre-
pare very bad synopses on all material submitted by people who are
not Communists and they damn thoroughly in their reports any stories
that are not friendly to the Communist line. The president of the
Story Analyst Guild and a member of the Communist Party, as I
understand it, is Frances Mellington. She is head of the story analyst
or reading department at Paramount. She is assisted by a woman
who has repeatedly voiced very strong Communist sympathy. Her
name is Simon Maise — M-a-i-s-e.
Mr. Stripling. How do you spell her first name, Mr. Moflitt ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. The French name — S-i-m-o-n.
Also in her department is Bernie Gordon, a man whose actions and
talk follows the party line.
In one unit at AVarner Bros, he is Dave Robison — R-o-b-i-s-o-n. I
think he is in what is known as the Spurling unit at Warner Bros.,
I believe. His wife, Naomi Robison, was at one time, I understand,
Communist treasurer for Hollywood.
Another reader at Warners, who I understand is a Communist mem-
ber, is Thomas Chapman — C-h-a-p-m-a-n — but I believe he has been
let out since Mr. Warner began to rid his studio of Communists.
The story man at Enterprise Studio is, I believe, a Communist, and
his name is Michael Uris — U-r-i-s.
I understand that among the analysts at Metrol-Goldwyn-Mayer
who are Communists and follow the party line, are Jesse Burns and
Lona Packer — P-a-c-k-e-r. According to my information. Miss
Packer was discharged some months ago and has not returned to that
studio.
Does that answer your question?
Mr. Stripling. Yes,
Now, Mr. Moffitt, as a writer in Hollywood and as a critic, could
you name for the committee any writers that you consider to be Com-
munists who are employed in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Katz. Mr. Thomas, I represent a number of persons who have
been subpenaed
The Chairman. I am very sorry. You are out of order. We have
a witness on the stand, so please go back and sit down.
Mr. Katz. You have said-;
The Chairman. I said you are out of order.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 119
Mr. Katz. You have said you want a fair hearing. Cross-examina-
tion is necessary.
The Chairman. Will you take this man out of the room, please?
Put him out of the room.
(to ahead with the testimony.
We nmst have order in these chambers, or we will be inclined to clear
the room of the audience.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. MofRtt, the question was : You name the
writers in Holl3'wood according to your information who are mem-
bers of the Communist Party.
Mr. MoFFiTT. I am not a Government agency and I do not have the
investigative powers that one would have. I have had contact with
men who are former members of the FBI on the Hollywood beat and
I know what they have told me. I also have followed the careers of
a great number of these people and I know^ that those that I mention
have followed the party line. I cannot tell you under oath that I
have the party cards or number of these people. The men I am about
to name were asked by the Hollywood Reporter: "Are you a Com-
munist and is your party number as follows?"
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. MofHtt. Would you identify
the Hollywood Reporter?
Mr. MoFFiTT. The Hollywood Reporter is a trade paper, a daily
published in Hollywood. I think it shares with Daily Variety the
distinction of being one of the two most important trade papers deal-
ing with motion-picture matters.
Mr. Stripling, (to right ahead.
Mr. MoFFiTT. The Hollywood Reporter, according to my informa-
tion, asked Mr. Albert Maltz — M-a-1-t-z^ — a very able screen writer, if
be was a member of the Communist Party and if his number was No.
48062. To the best of my knowledge Mr. Maltz nevpr returned an
answer. Mr. Maltz is rather significant because Mr. Maltz is signifi-
cant of the discipline which the Communist Party impo: es upon those
of its artists which it infiltrates into the studios.
Some months ago j\Ir. Maltz wrote an article that attracted wide
attention, which was published in the Communist press. In that
Mr. Stripling. Pardon me. You refer to the Communist press.
Do you mean (he New Masses?
Mr. Moffitt. I think this one was published in the Daily Worker.
Mr. Stripling. Official organ of the Communist Party?
Mr. Moffitt. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
Mr. Moffitt. In that article Mr. Maltz made a plea for a certain
degree of intellectual freedom amon.i radical writers. Mr. Maltz said
that while Farrell. the author of Studs Lonnigan. was not a Com-
munist Party member and liad resisted Communist discipline, that at
the same time he thought he was a very able writer and that on the
whole he was an able exponent of the leftist or extreme liberal or, as
I would say. close to Communist thinking.
He named, I believe, John Dos Pasos — D-o-s P-a-s-o-s — in the same
article. He cited these men as exam])les of what he thought were
laudable liberal writers who should not be condemned through their
failure to be members of the Communist Party.
After the publication of that article all hell broke loose. The Com-
miunist papers were filled with articles against Maltz. He was de-
120 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
iiounced as a cleviator from tlie party line. He was called a corrupter
of party discipline. The best writers, the best literary hatchetmen in
the party, were called upon to work him over. They worked him over
so thoroughly that he wrote an article, subsequently wrote an article,
for the Daily Worker, in w^hich he completely denied. He beat his
breast. He said he was wrong to have voiced the idea that an artist
should have any independence of thought. He begged
Mr. Stripmxo. Pardon me. AVould you say that Avould be a classic
example of the discipline which the party exacts from its members?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I most certainly would. It is the type of discipline
that we are all too familiar with in Russia. But here it occurred
on American soil, to a man, a very sensitive man, and a very able
writer and one who, as far as I know, follows the party line as closely
as he can. But he did have a liberal deviation in his thinking. He
was condemned for it. When he published his retraction, he not only
retracted his former principles, but he attacked those who had lauded
him for his stand. That is a classic example to my mind of the dis-
cipline that the Communist Party applies to its artists.
The next name that has been brought up is that of Robert Rossen —
R-o-s-s-e-n. I am not sure that a number was asked on him.
The next was Dalton Trumbo, to whom I referred this morning.
He was asked if he w'as a Communist and if his party number was
No, 36805. As far as I know, he made no reply.
The next name was that of Gordon Kahn — K-a-h-n. He was asked
if he was a party member and if his number was No. 48294. So far
as I know, in spite of the fact that many months have elapsed, he
has never made a reply to that inquiry.
The next name is that of Ring Lardner, Jr. He was asked if he
was a Communist and if his party number was No. 25109, The same
was true in his case.
The next vras Richard J. Collins — C-o-l-l-i-n-s. He was asked if
he was a Communist and if his number was No, 11148, with the same
results.
The next was Harold Buchman — B-u-c-h-m-a-n. He was asked
if he was a Communist and if his number was No. 46802, As far as
I know, he never denied it.
The next was Lester Cole — C-o-l-e, He was asked if he was a Com-
munist and if his number was No. 46805. So far as I know, he never
denied that.
The next was Henry Meyers, He was aked if he was a Communist
and if his number was No. 25065. As far as I know, he never denied
that.
The next was William Pomerance, I don't believe a number was
asked of him.
The next was Morris Harry Rapf — R-a-p-f. I believe that should
be "Junior." He was asked if he was a Communist and if his number
was No. 25113. As far as I know, he never denied that.
The next was Harold J. Salemson — S-a-1-e-m-s-o-n. No number
was asked of him.
Nor was ft of John Wexley — ^W-e-x-1-e-y,
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, are all of these writers whom you have
named rather prominent writers? ^
Mr. MoFFiTT. I think so, with the exception of Salemson. I think
Salemson was more in the position of an organizer, and he held a
COMMUNISM IJST MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 121
salaried position with the Screen Writers Guild. He also had been
editor of an Army newspaper, at one of the cantonments during the
war.
Mr. Stripling. The writers that are in the category of these men,
api)roximatelv what would their salaries be? AVonld it be in excess
of $500 a week?
Ml'. MoFFiTT. I would think so, in each case, though I have no knowl-
edge of their salary. I think the Treasury Department should supply
that.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, would you give the committee the vari-
ous techniques which writers employ to inject Communist scenes or
lines into motion pictures?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Well, the technique usually followed is that laid down
by Mr. Lawson. It is the "drop of water" technique the 5 minutes of
party-line technique, the gradual conditioning of iVmerican thought
along the leftist line. During the war the party line was to identify
the class war with the war against Nazi Germany. The technique in
that case was to show every quisling to- be a man with property or a
man of the managerial class. There were a number of instances in
Avhich that was done.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee those instances?
Mr. Morrri'T. Yes, sir, I could, but I beg you not to ask me to. I
think that the most infamous aspect of Lawson's technique is that of
involving innocent people. I think that many a time an actor plays
that 5 minutes without knowing the significance of what he is doing.
I think on many occasions — I think on practically every occasion that
I know of the producer, both the associate producer and the studio
heads, was in complete ignorance of what was done. I think very
often the director may not know.
Now, this is done occasionally in pictures involving budgets of one
and a half or two million dollars. That gets into the picture, and if
1 name that picture I will be working a hardship on innocent people.
I would very much prefer, with your permission, to name those pictures
in executive session.
Mr. Stripling. You have, however, as a critic for Esquire magazine,
reviewed pictures in which you pointed out various scenes and lines
which to your mind were a reflection of the party line ?
Mr. Moffitt. No, sir ; I have not done that in Esquire magazine. I
have named some pictures which I thought contained material that
was derogatory to the ministry, to the prieshood, giving an unfair
picture of American business and of the free-enterprise system, but
I have not specifically named them in Esquire as Communist.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think it would be possible to pin the direct
responsibility for these techniques down to certain individuals, by
t liorough investigation ?
Mr. AIoFFiTT. By thorough investigation by you or by the FBI, I
believe it could be done, but as an individual, acting with a reporter's
experience. and knowing the numeious people that are involved in the
making of a picture, I do not feel free to assume the responsibility of
pointing the finger at these various pictures and saying who was
responsible for a given 5 minutes.
Mr. Stripling. But is there any question in your mind, as a critic
and reviewer, that the 5 minutes was in the picture?
122 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. MoFFiTT. The 5 minutes has been in a number of pictures. As
I told you this morning, I think that tlie motion-picture industry has
done a remarkably fine job on keepinjj it out. I think that their record
is mucli better than that of the publishing houses or that of Broadway.
I don't agree with Mr. Mayer that it has been 100-percent successful^
but I think it lias been in the neighborhood of 98-percent successful.
I think that, if I name these pictures hei-e, it will smear them to the
public and it will work a hardship on many, many people of sound
American principles. I am very willing to name them in executive
session.
The Chairman. That is perfectly agreeable. I think you are
absolutely correct.
Mr. STRirmNG. Mr. Moffitt. tlien, without naming any specific pic-
ture, could you give us some example of the techniques that have been
employed ?
Mr, MoFFrrT. Well, I gave you one, of the confusion of the class
war w^ith the war against Xazi Germany. There is also the campaigii
against religion, w^here the minister will be shown as the tool of his
richest parishioner, where it will be inferred that the policies of an
entire diocese, let us say, of the Episcopal Church, are dictated by a
rich, reactionary woman, where it will be inferred that an honest
clergyman is interfered wdth in his duties to the poorer members of
his diocese by rich and reactionary women.
Tliere has also been the party line of making the returned soldier
fear that the world is against liim, that the American principle is
against him, that business is against him, that the free-enterprise
system is against him. You will see picture after picture in which
the banker is presented as an unsympathetic man. who hates to give
a GI a loan. In connection with that I haA'e a note here, based on
my own inquiry, that I would like to read.
A number of pictures have slioAvn the banker as the villain, pictures
dealing with returned veterans. I saw this on the screen so frequently
that I decided that, if I was to act in any sense as a conscientious
reviewer, I should make some inquiries about the true conditions. 1
contacted the Bank of America in Los Angeles and also contacted the
editors of Veterans magazine. I made this inquiry last May. At the
time of my investigation I found that the Bank of America in Cali-
fornia aloiie has made 36,000 real-estate loans to veterans, for a total
amount of $280,000,000. These figures do not include business loans.
Of those loans, according to the Bank of America, there were only two
at that time threatened with foreclosure. At tliat time veterans' loans
were being processed at the rate of 80 to DO a day by this one bank.
I think that is an aspect of the banking incUistry"s attitude toward
returning veterans that refutes a great deal that has been infiltrated
into scripts about their hard-hearted attitude toward veterans.
Mr. Stripling. The term "heavy" has been used here as a designation
of the part in which the person is a villain. Would you say that the
banker has been often cast as a heavy, or consistently cast as a heavy,
in pictures in Hollywood ?
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir. I think that due to Communist pressure he
is overfrequently cast as a heavy. By that I do not mean that I think
no picture should ever show a villainous banker. In fact, I would
right now like to defend one picture that I think has been unjustly
accused of communism. That picture is Frank Capra's It's a AVonder-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 123
fill Life. The banker in that picture, played by Lionel Barry more,
Avas most certainly what we call a "clog heavy" in the business. He
was a snarling, unsympathetic character. But the hero and his father,
played by James Stewart and Samuel S. Hines, were businessmen, in
the building and loan business, and they were shown as using money
as a benevolent influence.
The Chairman, I must insist that we have order. People in the
audience are the guests of this committee. Those people include the
witnesses who are going to be called before the committee. We just
must have order all the time. Go ahead.
Mr. Crumm. All we ask, Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. I said we want order.
]Mr. Crumm. All we ask is the same right accorded to Howard
Hughes,
The Chairman. Just a minute. Come away. Everybody sit down.
Will all you people who are standing up please sit down? And the
photographers.
]\Ir. MuFFiTT. All right.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. MoFFiTT. Well, to summarize, I think that Mr. Capra's picture,
though it had a banker as villain, could not be properly called a Com-
munist picture. It showed that the power of money can be used
oppressively and it can be used benevolently. I think that picture was
unjustly accused of communism.
Mr. Stripling. Have there also beeii cases in which the legislative
branch of our Government has been put up for ridicule or for scorn
through certain scenes or themes in pictures?
]Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes, sir ; there have. There has been more of that on
Broadway, but there has been some of it in Hollywood.
I would like to repeat the opinion of previous witnesses that I think
the studios are showing much more vigilance in suppressing these party
lines and that in recent months there has been very, very little of that,
^Ir. Stripling. Do you know of any particular story or picture which
is in production which has as its theme the belittling of the Congress
of the United States?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I know of some in production where that could be
possible, but since I have not read the scripts — their adaptations of
Inlays — I would not like to speak on that because
Mr. Stripling. There has been some mention of a play by Emmett
Lavery.
Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes, sir. Emmett Lavery is the president of the
Screen Writers Guild. His opinions upon the Congress I think are
set forth in a play which is now the subject of a $:2,000,000 libel suit.
The play is called The Gentleman From Athens, In the character
of Cousin Vincent, the banker, Mr. Lavery follows the line of making
him a very unsympathetic character, just because he is a banker. We
are never told that he has done any specific thing that is villainous,
but in relation to him there are such lines as, "You have to know him
before you begin to despise him.'' The mere sight of him scares the
heroine into the jitters. That attitude toward him is maintained
throughout the play, though no specific act is charged against him.
Mr. Lavery follows the Communist tactic of scaring Americans to
death with their own atom bomb. Ever since the armistice it seems
124 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
to me that the people of the United States have been engaged in one
of the great moral ex]5eriments in the history of mankind. For the
first time, a peoi)le have had in their hands an invincible weapon and
their sole concern has been how not to use it. In exchange for that,
the leftists have called us warmongers. They have insisted that we
are imperialists, though we have taken no territory and the Russians
have. And they have persistently insisted that if we didn't behave
ourselves, if we didn't cease to be warmongers, if we didn't cease to be
imperialists who get nothing, that we would be blown to death by our
own atom bomb.
Now, Mr. La very promotes that same idea in this play. One line
says :
I met a Russian tlie other day. He wanted to bet me the Russians could
smash just as many atoms as we could. But I was smart. I wouldn't bet him.
There is another line. The heroine's brother remonstrating with
her for having spent her last thousand dollars to go to Europe to
escape from the air of Washington, which she found very oppressive,
says:
Sure, but I'm a pretty smart fellow, getting smarter all the time. I didn't
have to take my last thousand dollars and throw it away on one last look at the
vanishing continent of Eui'ope. No, sir. I save my money. I got all the dis-
illusionment I wanted riglit here at home. I just stood up night after night in
the best Washington bars with the best Senators and the best Congressmen and
the best everybody, and you know wliat, I feel just as awful as you do and I
never left home at all.
A character is introduced by the name of Big Ed, who is presented
as having great influence as a fixer with Congress. He says this :
Every time there is trouble, there is someone who survives. The only trick is
to make sure you're among the survivors.
The central character
Mr. Striplixg. Pardon me. Was Mr. Lavery an unsuccessful can-
didate for the House of Representatives in the last election?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I think he was.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
Mr. MoFFiTT. The hero of this play is a racketeer and a crook who
files on both tickets in California to become a Member of the House
of Representatives, buys votes, and wins in both primaries. Of him
it is said :
He is no worse than half tlie Congressmen you meet and a lot better than most.
He is just a bit more open about things.
In the second scene, he is presented as a hero because he socked a
member of the House Un-American Activities Committee for calling
him a Communist, though no evidence is offered to show that he wasn't
a Communist. He says, in the course of this scene :
Democrats or Republicans, what's the difference. Sure, a few guys on each
side of the aisle may be <^>n the up and up, but a few aren't enough. The people
who built this country had a wonderful idea, but some t)f these buzzards in the
House, they don't take it serious. Hell, they run it like it was some kind of game.
Yes; and not a very straight one, either. Hell, if I wanted to play that kind
of play, I could have stayed home and gone down to Tia .Tuana or Agua Calieute.
I don't have to come to Washington. Oli, wliat the hell. Maybe democracy
isn't such a hot idea after all.
That is one of his speeches.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY ' 125
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Moffitt, INIr. La very is the president of
the Screen Writers Gnild?
Mr. MoFrrrr. That is correct.
Mr. Sthh'lin(;. There has been considerable testimony taken here
regarding the Connmniist domination of the Screen Writers Guild.
Do yon share the opinion given by other witnesses that it is under
the control of the Connnunist Party?
Mr. MoFi-TTT. Yes, sir; I do. It was founded by John Howard Law-
son. It has an electoral system that I think makes for an organiza-
tional dictatorshij). Nominations are not made from the floor. There
is a nominating conunittee api)ointed by the officers — a good piece of
machinei-y to keep themselves in power for as long as they please.
I think the record of the Screen Writers, their official ]niblication,
is one of being filled with leftist propaganda and no other propaganda.
No one dares raise his voice. The meetings that I have attended have
been c(mducted so that the Connnunists howl down anyone who
attempts to raise a non-Connnunist voice and
Mr. Stkh'lino. Pardon me. Do all writers employed in the motion-
picture industry have to belong to the Screen Writers Guild?
.Mr. JNIoFFrrr. Eighty i)ercent of them have to because of a ruling
by the National Labor Relations Board recognizing them as the bar-
gaining agent. Very few writers are permitted to remain in that
outside 20 percent. The studios like to have that 20 percent always
open in case some very eminent novelist or playwright from abroad
is brought over here. They don't wish to make him go through that
red tape. So the tendency is to ask all writers under contract and prac-
ticing and living in Plollywood to belong to the guild.
Mr. Stripling. In other words, if you are employed in the motion-
picture industry as a writer, it is necessary almost to join an organi-
zation which is under the domination of the Communist clique within
it; is that correct?
Mr. Moffitt. I believe it is. I think on two occasions it was at-
tempted to run a ticket of candidates for officers in the guild on the
very platfoi'in that they were opposed to, both fascism and communism,
but that never came off.
Mr. STRiPLiN(i. Do you know who is the editor of the Screen Writ-
ers magazine ?
Mr. Moffitt. Gordon Kahn at the moment, I believe.
Mr. Stripling. Was Dalton Trumbo at one time the editor — in 1946,
in fact, was he the editor?
Mr. Moffitt. I think Dalton Trumbo served two terms as editor.
I think he was the editor when the magazine was first incepted.
Mr. Stripling. Does the magazine reflect the party line in its edi-
torial policy?
Mr. Moffitt. It reflects an extremely leftist line. I believe that
there is to be another witness who is better qualified to go into that. I
have not made a ])ainst-aking survey of it.
I might also add that Mr. Lavery — I don't want to bore you with
these lengthy quotations, unless you wish to hear them, but he also
strongly advocates that the United States abandon its sovereignty to
become part of a world state. In the course of the play he admits that
the Russians don't want to do that, either, but his excuse is that the
67683 — 47 9
126 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Russians have had their sovereignty just a little while and we shouldn't
be impatient if they wish to enjoy it for some time — but that we have
had it long enough that we should be willing to give it up.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, do you have any evidence to the effect
that the Communist members of the Screen Writers Guild actively
participate in Communist Party activities in Los Angeles, or whether
they have engaged in any espionage work for the Communist Party ?
Mr. MorriTT. Of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Stripling. That is right.
Mr. MoFFiTT. No, sir; I don't have any evidence — well, that is a
double question. There has been ample evidence in the press, in the
Hollywood Citizen-News, that numbers of them have been engaged
in Communist activities. I don't have those records with me. I can
get them from Los Angeles.
The second part of your question was : Have they engaged in espio-
nage ? I know of no members of the Screen Writers Guild who have
engaged in espionage.
Mr. Stripling, 'i'he reference was made here yesterday by Mr.
Wood to the effect that he considered these people to be the agents of
a foreign government. I wondered if you are familiar with any
activities on the jxirt of anyone in Hollywood who is a Communist
that you consider to be engaged in activity which would me detri-
mental to the best interests of the United States.
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir; I know of the nctivity of Mr. John Weber,
who is head of the literary department of the William Morris Agency.
Mr. Weber
Mr. Stripling. Will you explain what the William Morris Agency
is, please?
Mr. Moffitt. The William Morris Agency is one of the many talent
agencies that are in the business of selling literary material, writers or
actors — any artists useful to the screen — and of obtaining contracts
for them. For that service, as is legal, they get 10 percent of that
artist's income. Agencies operate under a State law which fixes their
legal commission at 10 percent.
Mr. Stripling. You were speaking of Mr. Weber.
Mr. Moffitt. Yes. Mr. Weber is head of the literary department
of the William Morris Agency. He is assisted by Mr. Dave Ware —
W-a-r-e.
You may remember that early this year Life magazine and other
publications ran the picture of a young Army test pilot by the name
of Slick Goodlin — G-o-o-d-l-i-n. Goodlin was assigned to test the
supersonic plane which this Government had invested a number of
millions of dollars in. Early in the spring Goodlin came to Hollywood
on a visit. Mr, Weber and a number of people of strong left-wing
tendencies got to the boy. They told him that one engaged in his
activity should most certainly have a wonderful story to sell to the
magazines. I understood that he replied that anything he wrote
would have to be passed through military intelligence. The reply was,
"Oh, of course, that will be done, but let us see a sample of what you can
write, and we will see whether it is admissible," whether it is practical
to be prepared for magazine publication.
The boy was foolish enough to do this and his story, his draft of a
magazine article containing, as I understand it, much confidential in-
formation on the supersonic plane came into the hands of Mr. Weber,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 127
the literary agent who was sent to Hollywood by Communist head-
quarters in New York. I understand that that has been taken up
by the FBI.
■ At any rate, Goodlin was assigned to the supersonic plane.
Weber was also present at a meeting in Hollywood reported by the
Hollywood Citizen-News as follows:
"Contemporary Writers" described by an advertisement in the Communist
newspaper Peoples Daily Woi-Id, has "a counti-ywide organization of Marxist and
anti-Fascist writers," proceeded witli the development of a Hollywood chapter.
In response to the notice in the Communist newspaper, about 80 Hollywood
writers met over the Greyhound bus depot on Chuenga Boulevard last night to
launch the program.
They heard Charles Glenn, acting chairman of the chapter, explain that it is
now possible to get anti-Fascist views published in popular magazines if writers
and agents go about it in the right way.
Glenn indicated that Contemporary Writers is not satisfied with getting ma-
terial published in magazines like the New Republic, the New Masses, and
Main Stream. It proposes to get its anti-Fascist material into magazines like
Collier's.
This, he promised, is not as difficult as the writers might suppose. ' Within
the past few months, he said. Collier's has published six stories which conform
to the views of the new organization.
The writers were cautioned later by John Weber, a writers' agent with the
William Morris Agency, not to draw unwarranted conclusions from the accept-
ance of these stories by Collier's.
"Publishers," he said, "will take anything which they believe will be profitable
to them."
The same, he said, is true of the motion-picture industry. As an example
of the inclinations of publishers and producers, Weber said that Daryl Zanuck
who produced the Grapes of Wrath was now fiddling with a thing called
The Iron Curtain.
The principal talk was given by Alvah Bessie, veteran screen writer who
was introduced as a hero of the Spanish Civil War in which he served with
the International Brigade.
Bessie assured the writers that "There are never two sides to any question."
Is there anything further^
Mr. Striplixg. Not on that point.^^
Mr. Chairman, I have some other matters which I would like to
question Mr. MofRtt about but which I desire to dispose of in executive
session. Those are all the questions I have at this time.
The CHAnaiAN. With regard to that we would like to take up some
of those pictures that you mentioned before and I suggest we take
those up in executive session. Without objection we will take those
matters up in executive session.
Mr. Stripling. If you are going to have an executive session I have
no further questions at this time. I would like Mr. MofRtt to stand by.
The Chairman. Any questions, Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDow^ell?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. Then will you stand by and we will get in- touch
with you just as soon as we recess toda3^
Call the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, is Mr. Ruppert
Hughes.
" See appendix, pp. 526-528, for e.xhibits 30-32.
128 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Mr. Hughes.
Mr. Hughes, do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to
give will be the truth, the w^iole truth, and nothing lout the truth, so
help me God?
Mr. Hughes. I do.
TESTIMONY OF RUPPERT HUGHES
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Hughes, will you i)lease state your fidl name?
j\Ir. Hughes, liuppert Hughes.
Mr. Stripling. AVhat is your present address?
Mr. Hughes, 4751 Los Feliz Boulevard, Los Angeles.
Mr. Stripling. Wlien and where were you born, Mr. Hughes?
Mr. Hughes. Lancaster, Mo.
Mr. Stripling. In what year?
Mr. Hughes. 1872.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Hughes. A writer.
]\Ir. Stripling. Have you ever been a writer in the motion-picture
industry ?
Mr. Hughes. Yes; in many w^ays.
Mr. Stripling. You are here inVesponse to a subpena served on you
September 29 ? -^
Mr. Hughes. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Would you briefly outline to the committee the var-
ious positions you have held as a writer in Hollywood ?
Mr. Hughes. Would you repeat that, please ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir. Would you outline for the committee some
of the various writing positions you have held in Hollywood?
Mr. Hughes. Well, a great many of my stories were put in films. I
was made, by Samuel (loldwyn, one of the so-called eminent authors;
was taken to Hollywood ; became a scenario writer, and was there for
some years as a director.
After that I wrote treatments for pictures. I was with the Goldwyn
studios and the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studios for many years until
I resigned. After that, as I say, I wrote a few treatments for pictures
but never had an association with the studios.
I believe I was one of the four founders of the Authors' League and
one of the few founders of the Screen Writers Guild.
That went along very well for a few years until John Howard Law-
son and some of his people revived it in order to make it an instrument
of Comnmnist power. About 100 of us got tired of this, the way they
were going at things and blocking everything off so we founded the
Screen Playwrights.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell us in what year that was, ^Ir. Hughes?
Mr. Hughes. I should think that Avould be around 1925 or 1926. I
am very vague as to the dates.
We were so violently attacked by the Screen Writers Guild people
as Fascists and enemies of freedom that they were finally forced to
disband. We were called a company union, of course. It was my
theory if I worked for a man I owed him a certain loyalty; if I didn't
like him T could resign, and I did just that.
1
=■■' See appendix, p. 529, for exhibit 33.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 129
I stayed with the Screen Phiywrights and the Authors' League,
which had also turned to be Communist — it is recovering now — de-
manded that I resign either from the Authors' League or the Screen
Playwrights. I refused to do either.
Then Dudley Nichols, a writer — I don't know if he is a Communist
hut he is certainly very leftist — went to New York and demanded that
the xVuthors' League expel me.
Mr. Stripling. On what grounds, Mr. Hughes?
Mr. Hughes. That was around 1932 or 1933.
Air. Stripling. On what grounds ?
Mr. Hughes. On the ground that I disobeyed the orders of the
council ; my conduct was unbecoming a member of the Authors' League.
Connnunists are notable for two things, one is slavish obedience to
their orders and demands of slavish obedience from others.
The American Autliors' Authority, which is an attempt by the
Screen Writers Guild to take all American authors under authority —
I claim nobody has any authority over American writers, particularly
not American writers. We have laws on the books for that, of course.
The Screen Writers Guild tried to get me forced out of the Authors'
League. As I say, they did not succeed. Then I was subjected to a
great deal of violent attack and slander. 1 tried to answer it in kind.
I don't know who is a Communist because I have never seen a Com-
munist card and most of them are either discreet or cowardly enough
to refuse to admit they are Connnunists.
Mr. Stripling. M'r. Hughes, at that point, however, by observing
their activities and the line which they followed weren't you able to
discern which ones were closely associated with the Conmiuiiists, even
though you do not have their Communist Party cards 'i
Mr. Hughes. Yes. You can't help smelling them, in a way. Their
ideas are all one way. I have had furious debates with Emmett Lavery
in forums and privately in the Authors' Guild, where they tried to force
their authority on the Authors' Guild, the Dramatists' Guild.
Lavery is a good Catholic, he says, but I say a man whose views
are Communist, whose friends are Communists, and whose work is
comnuinistic is a Communist. 1 would say if a wolf wear's sheep's
clothing that man is a wolf.
I think those 19 gentlemen have labeled themselves as Communists,
but 1 don't know that any one of them is one.
One thing that I feel tests a Connnunist is this: Before we entered
the Second W^orld War Hitler and Stalin were buddies connnitted to
great ideals, destroying Eugland and then the United States. I was
asked to take part in a forum at the University of California at Los
Angeles.
Til is might have a bearing, sir, on one writer who is quite prominent.
Herbert liiberman, a very ])rominent writer, attacked at this Uni-
versity of California forum, England, lend-lease, Roosevelt, conscrip-
tion, every prepared measure we attemi)ted. I was hissed and booed
on that same program where he was loudly applauded because 1 at-
tacked Hitler, who was then in partnership with Stalin. I was
charged by Communists in resolutions as being a bloody-minded de-
generate trying to get the blood of American boys spilletl on foreign
soil. Biberman took ])art in that.
Then when Hitler attacked Stalin. Biberman and his brethren came
down and joined a regiment of which I was a colonel. Charlie Chap-
130 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
lin came to New York and demanded an accounting for it. They
were all fighting for Russia, not for us.
That is the way I tell a Communist, a man who never says a word
against the bloodiest butcher in history, Stalin, and who says violent
words against the most modest American. That is my test.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Hughes, do you consider the Screen Writers
Guild to be under Communist domination at the present time?
Mr. Hughes. Weakeningly so. It was absolutely under Communist
domination when the authority was put to use. It was voted for
something like 310 to 7 and the poor 7 were hissed and booed. It was
revived, then the last vote was something like 225 to 125. The anti-
Communists are trying to take it back and I have some hopes they
will succeed. It has been, up to the present, strongly dominated by
Communists.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the Communists in Hollywood at the
present time are on the defensive or on the offensive ?
Mr. Hughes. I think they are on the defensive now because they
are losing a great many of those fashion followers who thought it was
smart to be Communists and who now find it is unpopular and are
deserting them.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the attacks which they are
now leveling against anyone who is opposed to their party line, shall
we say? For example, the committee and this investigation. They
have issued numerous statements and documents to the effect that the
committee is attempting to bring about thought control. What is
your opinion as to the thought-control theme which they are now
following ?
Mr. Hughes. I nearly died laughing when a large meeting was held
in Hollywood by a great many leftists who oppose thought control. In
Russia, which they defend, thought control or free thought is as im-
possible as free speech, free press, and free assembly.
I think Mr. Kenny and his group are very comical in challenging a
congressional committee for investigating things when, if they opened
their mouths in Russia, they w^ould be shot before they could open them
a second time.
I think it is infamous for any American to keep quiet about Russia.
Russia may be fighting us any minute — in fact is fighting us now. I
think any Communist is an enemy spy or agent. I don't think we ought
to speak to them. We ought to treat them the way we treated Benedict
Arnold. They are worse than Benedict Arnold. They are fighting
every effort anyone has ever made.
Tiiey tried to force me out of the Authors' League, as well as others.
I know anti-Communist writers in Hollywood who have been forced
practically to starvation by the refusal of the Communist writers to
work for them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Hughes, who are the people in Hollywood that
you feel could do most to thwart the activities of the Communists ?
Mr. Hughes. I think tlieir names have been mentioned here numer-
ous times. I would subscribe to all of them. I have a poor memory.
You read them to me and I can give you my opinion of them.
Mr. Stripling. I am afraid you misunderstood my question. I will
reframe it.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 131
Who would the responsibility rest with for cleaning the Communists
out of tlie motion-picture industry?
Mr. HuGiiKS. Well, I think the producers in general should do it
because they are the people who liire and fire. I think they have been
unjustifiably lax. They have paid from $2,000 to $5,000 a week to
men whom they know to be brilliant. Many Communists are very, very
brilliant. They permit them to as little poison in.
They say no Communist pictures have been put forth. Of course
they haven't. Mission to Moscow was a Communist picture. That
rather discouraged Communist propaganda, but where you see a little
drop of cyanide in the picture, a small grain of arsenic, something that
makes every Senator, ever^; businessman, every employer a crook and
which destroys our beliefs in American free enterprise and free insti-
tutions, that is communistic. The producer should stop it.
We have many Communist directoi's who not only permit but en-
courage it. We have a flood of Communist writers. Some of them are
openly Communists and some secretly.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned Communist directors. Are there
aijy directors you consider to be Communists?
Mr. Hughes. The directors I consider to be Communists, I have no
information from personal interviews and personal talks with them,
but they were mentioned here by Sam Wood, who knows them all.
He had a terrific fight in the Directors' Guild. The Communists tried
to take that over. They tried to take over the Actors' Guild and they
have tried to take over everything in America.
Mr. Stripling. You have no personal knowledge yourself of any
Communist directors ?
Mr. Hughes. Not from personal contact.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have any personal knowledge of any Com-
munist writers ?
Mr. Hughes. I know a great many writers whom I consider very
communistic, though I haven't seen their cards. There are dozens of
them.
Mr. Stripling. Who would you say is the key figure in the Com-
munist set-up in the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Hughes. You mean as distinguished between writers, directors,
and producers ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; all of them. Who is the most important, to
your mind?
Mr. Huqhes. I think they are all equally important because there
has to be team play. Everything stems from the writer. The director
works with the writer and of course the producer works with them
both, then the head of the studio works with them all. I think every-
body shares the responsibility.
The Chairman. May I interrupt there? As I understand the ques-
tion, 3^ou meant who is the leader, what individual is the Communist
leader out in Hollywood ?
Mr. Hughes. I couldn't say that any one man is.
The Chairman. Who has the most influence ?
Mr. Hughes. Some individual, you mean ?
The Chairman. Yes ; put it that way.
Mr. Hughes. I should hesitate to say any one man has more than
anyone else. It is a group of them.
132 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. xVre yon faniiliiir with any anti-C'omnmnist films
or scripts wliich liave been submitted or films which have been protlnced
in Holl3'W()0(l ?
Mr. HuGHKs. I can tell yon of two experiences. One of them hap-
pened to me.
A man came to me and wanted to do an anti-Commnnist film bnt was
afraid to do one directly attackin<): them, for fear they wonld wreck
the theaters, so he asked me to do a picture ridicnling Communists
and said AVarner Bros, would be interested in it if I could fui'uish
a story.
I went over it at luncheon where Jack Warnei- was present, Al Jol-
son, who was then a stockholder, and otliers. They were vei-y enthu-
siastic and paid me $15,000 to write about a r),000-word plot attackin<»;
American Communists.
In the meantime Hal Wallace, who was their business manager, had
been on a vacation and he returned. He said, "You are insane to
attempt even a comic picture about American Communists because
they will put stinkpots in every theater that tries to show it." ♦
They were scared off and never did the picture. I had my $15,000
and I still have my story.
This is hearsay but one writer, Galvin Wells, now an American
citizen who was an Englishman, went to Russia, took motion pic-
tures and came back and wrote a book called Caput, because everything
in Russia was broken to pieces, all the taxicabs, all the automobiles,
all the machines. Everything was caput.
He got his jiicture through with some difficulty and some cleverness.
He told me — this is only hearsay — that he sold the picture to Sol Lesser.
Sol Lesser was making a big motion picture of it when the wife of
one of the leading Communist writers — herself being a very prominent
Communist — went to Sol Lesser — this so I am told by Galvin Wells —
and said, "If you show that picture we will cut up the upholstery and
destroy every theater where it is shown." Sol Lesser dropped it.
I saw the picture about 4 weeks ago. That atmosphere Avas there,
and any producer who had the faintest idea of attacking the Com-
munists was scared out, frightened by a conspiracy to wreck the
theaters, put stinkpots in the theaters, parade in front, picket them, and
everything else.
There has been that tyrannical domination. Hollywood writers,
producers, and directors who are anti-Connnunist have been scared
into silence.
The Chairman. May I interrupt you there?
Mr. Hughes. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Hughes, you may have brought in a new point
that we have not had given to us before, and that is the main reason why
the producers do not show anti-Communist films, because of the fear
they would have that the Communists would go in there and disrupt
the audience in the theater and in that way they would not make any
money as a result of showing these pictures. That is a new idea you
have given to us.
Mr. HucJHES. I think you could find a thousand instances of it. You
know what stiidcpots did at restaurants where they had labor trouble
and picketed them.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 133
The writers are clever. It has been abnost impossible for years to
get a word said a<raiiist the CoiniDiuusts. You coiddirt get out a play
or book against them. Tlie i)ublishers were afraid of it. Di'amatic
criticism, art criticism, theatrical criticism, book criticism, the Com-
munists have had very powerful domination for 25 years. That is
very important, too, in the artistic history of this country.
You have had to write like a Russian to get a good notice. You
have had to have a rough slice of life. Coming out for plain Amer-
ican ideals was cheap hokum and that has affected the motion-picture
production.
I pei'sonally know people I have ])leaded with to do sonietliing
against connnunism who have been afraid to because the exhibitors
are afraid to show such a picture.
I don't think you could em])hasize strongly enough the Connnunist
propaganda that they are weak, poor little things being poorly treated.
They appeal to the Bill of Rights for protection. For 15 years they
have tried to be as tyrannical here as Stalin has been in Russia. They
have frightened writers, producers, actors, actresses, and everyone to
death. They boycott everything.
Mr. Striplixo. Are you referring specifically to the Communist
cli(iue in the writers' fields
Mr. Hughes. AVhen seven men voted against the American Authors'
Authority they were hissed and booed. The Communists would not
write with them, would not work on the same picture with them.
Mr. Striplino. Mr. Hughes, what steps do you think should be taken
to coml)at the Connnunist influence in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Hughes. I think somebody should have the courage and the
common sense to do it. "We are on the point of a war. AVe have every-
thing but a shooting war with Russia now. Every Communist or every
man who tolerates communism is tolerating an enemy agent. If these
Communists are not directly jiaid by Russia they are being cheated,
because they are doing the work for nothing. I think they should be
silenced, deported, or treated as the spies and agents they are.
' I am the utmost believer in tolerance there ever was, but it is not
tolerance to permit ])eople to do things to destroy tolerance. They
claim freedom of s])eech but would destroy it when they got the power.
On the radio I made a criticism of American Communists. They
said. "Get that so-and-so off the air and keep him off.'' They drove off
five or six prominent radio commentators because they were anti-
Communist. Their terrorizing power is just as complete as Congress
will allow it to be.
Mr. Striplix(;. Do you think the Comnninist Party should be out-
lawed ?
Mr. Hughes. I do. I reached that decision with great hesitation.
I don't see why we should allow Russian spies and agents to be busy
in ',mr c(nmtry. The writers ai-e doing all they can to defend our
enemies, enemies of humanity. "Why should we tolerate it ? You arrest
a man for putting a couj)le of indecent words in a book and then let
him destroy the Bill of Rights, the Constitution, and evervthing else.
Mr. Stripeix(;. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The CiiAiRMAx. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. Xo questions.
134 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Hughes.
(Loud applause.)
Mr. Stripling. That is all the witnesses for today.
The Ciiair3ian. Hearing adjourned. We will meet at 10 : 30 to-
morrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 3: 15 p. m., an adjournment was taken until 10: 30
a. m. of the following day, Wednesday, October 22, 1947.
HEAKINGS REGAEDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTEATION
OF THE MOTION-PICTUEE INDUSTRY
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D. G.
The committee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. The record will
show that tlie following members are present: Mr. McDowell, Mr.
Vail, Mr. Nixon, and Mr. Thomas. A subcommittee is sitting.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, Robert B. Gaston, H. A. Smith, investigators;
and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness is Mr. James McGuinness.
The Chairman. Mr. McGuinness, do you solemnly swear that the
testimony you are about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. McGuinness. I do.
The Chairjman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF JAMES K. McGUINNESS
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McGuinness, will you state your full name and
present address, please.
Mr. McGuinness. James K. McGuinness, 911 North Rexford Drive,
Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Wlien and where were you born, Mr. McGuinness?
Mr. McGuinness. I was born in Ireland, December 20, 1894.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
Mr. McGuinness. I am a motion-picture executive.
Mr. Stripling. You are employed at what studio?
Mr. McGuinness. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer.
Mr. Stripling. What is the nature of your duties at Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer?
Mr. McGuinness. I exercise a general editorial supervision over a
proportion of the scripts prepared for production in that studio.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Motion-Picture Alliance
for the Preservation of American Ideals?
Mr. McGuinness. I am. I was one of the founder members.
Mr. Stripling. Do you presently hold any position in the organi-
zation 2
135
136 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McCii'ixxKSS. I am a member of tlie executive committee in that
organization.
Mr. Sthiplinc;. Mr. Chairman, the examination of Mr. McGuinness
will be conducted by Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith.
Mr. SMrrir. Mr. McGuinness, will you tell us what the purpose of
the Motion-Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals
is?
Mr. Mc^GuiNXEss. The purpose was to combat what we regard as a
^rowin<T: menace within our own industry of Communists and to some
de<jree Fascists, and to preserve, as we stated in our original prin-
ciples, the screen in its loyalty to the free America which gave it birth.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, have there been any evidences of fas-
cism in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. McGuinness. No. There have been some Fascist organiza-
tions functioning at times in the Los Angeles area, but no branches of
those organizations ever appeared within the motion-picture industry.
Mr. Smith. How long have you been connected with tlie motion-
picture industry?
Mr. McGuinness. About 21 years.
Mr. Smith. During that time in what various capacities?
Mr. McGuinness. I was a writer, a writer-producer, and an execu-
tive.
Mr. Smith. What was your first experience with connnunistic ac-
tivities in Hollywood?
Mr. McGuinness. My first experience was during the reorganiza-
tion of the Screen Writers Guild in the period from 10o?> to 1035.
Under that reorganization John Howard Lawson was the first presi-
dent of the Screen Writers Guild.
Sometime in 1935 a new constitution was proposed for the Authors
League of America and the Screen Writers Guild as a component
part of that organization. We discovered — a group of us discovered —
that for CO days there had been an intensive campaign of small meet-
ings educating selected groups of the members of the Screen Writers
Guild of this new constitution. It had been kept away from those
members who might have been critical, or who might conceivably
have opposed it.
On analysis of that constitution we found that it would' result in
centering within the board of directors of the Screen Writers Guild
such a control over the economic existence of all writers that it pro-
vided for disciplinary measures to be applied to writers guilty of
conduct prejudicial to the good order of the guild — without specify-
ing what that conduct was — that a man could be destro^'ed economi-
cally under that authority. ,
So we fought ratification of that proposed constitution and bylaws.
FVominent in that fight to ratify the constitution were John Howard
Lawson, Donald Ogden Stewart, Tess Schlessinger, now deceased, and
her then husband, Frank Davis.
Mr. Smith. How many members were there in the Screen Writers
Guild in 1935?
Mr. JNlcGuiNNESs. I would say somewhere between 300 and 400
members.
Mr. Smith. What proportion of the screen writers were membeis of
the guild?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 137
Mr. McGuiNNESS. At that time I would say perhaps 60 jjercent.
Mr. Smith. Diirinfj the period of the Hitler-Stalin pact, what oc-
curred at a convention oi the Lea<>ue of American Writers held in New
York?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. At that time there had been a strike at the North
American aircraft factory in In<>;hnvood, Calif. President Roosevelt
denounced the strike as Connuunist-inspired and a conspiracy. He
sent troops to reopen the plant.
There was a convention of the League of American Writers held in
New York simultaneously with this occurrence, which was attended
by members, either officers or members, of the board of directors of
the Screen Writers Guild. A teletiram was dispatched to the Presi-
dent from the convention of the Leai2:ue of American Writers, and
sifjned by four members of the executive board, or the board of di-
rectors, of tlie Screen Writers Guild. Two of the names I recall.
They were Donald Ogden Stewart and John Howard Lawson.
In Hollywood there was immediate resentment to this telegi-am
signed by officers and members of the board of the Screen AVriters
Guikl, and agitation of pi'otest ensued. Presently those four members
were forced to resign their official positions in the guild.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, can you tell us any other Comnumist-
front organizations that were formed during the Stalin-Hitler })act?
Mr. McGuinness. I think during the Stalin-Hitler })act, during
that period front organizations were not particularly popular. They
were formed before and after the Hitler-Stalin pact.
Mr. Smith. What, if anything, could you tell us about the Holly-
wood Anti-Nazi League?
Mr. McGuinness. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi League was formed
with a very sympathetic title which enlisted the support of very many
excellent and patriotic Americans in the motion-picture community.
Shortly after its organization Mr. Edward Chodorov, a screen
writer and playwright, approached Col. Law^rence Stallings, the author
of AAHiat Price Glory, and asked him if he and I w^ould serve as co-
chairmen of the publicity committee of that organization. Colonel
Stallings had discussed this with me, and having had some experience
with Communist-controlled groups due to my activity in the Screen
Writers Guild. I said I would be only too happy to serve if somewhere,
either in a statement of j)rinciples, or in the title of the organization,
they would specify they were equally opposed to communism.
Coloned Stallings carried that message back and was told that was
impossible, so neither Colonel Stallings or I served.
Mr. Smith. The American Peace Mobilization was formed during
the time you referred to, I believe. Have you any comments regarding
that ?
Mr. McGuinness. The American Peace Mobilization was first
formed in Hollywood under the name, I think, of the Emergency
Peace Conference. Among the founder members was Herbert Biber-
man, a motion-pictui-e director.
After its fcjrmation in Hollywood it took on national scope, became
the American Peace Mobilization, and during the period of the Hitler-
Stalin pact representatives of that organization picketed the White
House, denouncing the war as imperialist, and denouncing the Presi-
dent as a warmonger.
138 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, in your opinion were any pictures
made during the period June 1941 through 1945 which you would
consider pro-Communist pictures?
Mr. McGuinness. During the period of the war, when I would pre-
fer to call them pro-Soviets more so than pro-Communist, there were
three pictures made which have been discussed before this Committee:
Mission to Moscow, which, in my opinion, distorted history; North
Star, and Song of Russia, which represented Russia as a never-never
land, flowing with milk and honey. I never regarded them too seri-
ously since they were made during the war. In fact, I looked on them
as a form of intellectual lend-lease.
I might say that we profited by reverse lend-lease because during
the same period the Communist and Communist-inclined writers in
the motion-picture industry were given leave of absence to become
patriotic.
During that time under my general supervision Dalton Trumbo
wrote two magnificently patriotic scripts, A Guy Named Joe, and
Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo, which made excellent pictures, I think.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer have you
ever observed any efforts on behalf of the Communist Party to suppress
a picture?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes.
Mr. Smith. Will you relate that to the committee?
Mr. McGuinness. In 1941, prior to our entrance into the war, therfe
was written and produced at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer the picture called
Tennessee Johnson. The picture was based on the life of Andrew
Johnson. It was basically an American success story in that it showed
a backwoodsman from Tennessee who was illiterate in adulthood,
taught to read and write by the woman who later became his wife,
eventually succeeding to the office of President of the United States.
It showed a man so devoted to the ideals of Abraham Lincoln that
although he lacked the power of Lincoln he put his own career in
jeopardy to carry out the ideals laid down by his predecessor.
The producer of this picture, J. Walter Reuben, died during the
actual making of the picture, and I took it over as 'part of my executive
functions.
Before the shooting of the picture was finished, much to my surprise,
there was circulated in the studio a protest against the content of this
picture, signed by five men who, in my opinion, had consistently fol-
lowed the Communist Party line in every twist and turn. Those men
were Donald Ogden Stewart; Hy Kraft, a writer; Richard Collins,
a writer ; Jules Dassin ; and Ring Lardner, Jr.
The Chairman. May I interrupt right there?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes, sir. '
The Chairman. The Chair would like to say, ]\Ir. McGuinness, this
committee has made a very thorough investigation of Communist
personnel in Hollywood. We have a very complete record on at least
79 persons active out in Hollywood. The time will come in these
hearings when this documented evidence will be presented, so I just
want to let you know now you cannot make the kind of investigation
we can, but we have made a very thorough investigation, and that
material will be presented at this public hearing, either some time
this week or some time next week.
Mr. McDowell. May I just ask this question?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 139
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
• Mr. McDowell. Mr. McGuiiiness, you said a protest was circulated
in the studio. In what fashion was tliat — to whom did it go ?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. Perhaps the word "circulated" is wrong. The
protest was signed by these men and sent to Mr. Al Lickman, the
executive vice president who had over-all control of the production
of this picture.
The CiiAiRMAisr. The record will show Mr. Wood is present, and a
quorum of the full committee is present.
Mr. Smith. ]Mr. McGuinness, will you give those names again and
spell them, please?
Mr. MuGuiNNESS. Hy Kraft — K-r-a-f -t ; Donald Ogden Stewart.
Mr. Smith. Is that S-t-e-w-a-r-t ?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes. Ring Lardner, Jr. ; Richard Collins.
Mr. Smith. And Jules Dassin ?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes. I think it is spelled D-a-s-s-i-n.
]\Ir. S^iiTH. AVas there any more information or further statements
made at that time as to what this group or their associates intended
to do if the picture was not suppressed?
Mr. McGuinness. A campaign developed immediately afterward.
The picture, which had not been finished and which nobody had seen
except a few people intimately working on it, was attacked as misrep-
resenting history and as being a reflection on the Negro race.
]\Ir. Smith, Was the picture ever finished ?
Mr. McGuinness. The picture was finished. I could not at first
determine the reason for this attack. There were only two people of
the colored race in the picture, both represented as dignified, intelli-
gent, and fine liuman beings.
I discovered later through investigation that since we had made a
picture concerning the life of Andrew Johnson, Thaddeus Stephens
had appeared as a manager for the House in the proceedings in the
Senate against the President; that Thaddeus Stephens had been used
extensively throughout the South by the Communist Party as the first
patron saint of communism in the United States — as a very heroic
figure. In fact, I discovered that there was on Central Avenue in
Los Angeles a Communist-front club called the Thaddeus Stephens
Club. So, in representing Mr. Stephens in his true light we had
apparently done the Communists a disservice, and that was the reason
for the attempt to suppress the picture.
Mr. Smith. Is it your opinion their attempts were somewhat
successful in suppressing that picture?
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Smith, I want to say something right here.
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Mr. McDow^ELL. Just to keep the record straight, Thaddeus Stephens
was a gieat American patriot and citizen. Pennsylvania is very proud
of Thaddeus Stephens and the role he played in American history.
The Chairman. Wliat were you going to say, Mr. McGuinness?
Mr. McGuinness. I don't want to get into a political debate.
Mr. S311TH. ]Mr. jSIcGuinness, do you think their efforts were some-
what successful in suppressing this picture?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes. I believe they hurt the picture to some
extent largely because of agitation against it, which coincided with the
attack on Pearl Harbor, which preceded the release of the picture.
140 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Metro-Goldwvn-Mayer decided that aiiytliiii<>; which might create
any kind of disturbance within our covnitry at that time was inad-
visable, and not a contribution to the war effort, so they made no
exploitation campaign based on this agitation and mei'ely released the
picture in a routine form.
Mr. Smith. When did the Conununists start penetrating the motion-
I)icture industry, to your knowledge?
Mr. Mc'Cjuinnkss. I would say the Conununists began to penetrate
the motion-picture industry in the early thirties; that with the growth
of the threat of Hitler and nazism they rose and were able to enlist the
support of many fine people who naturally wanted to fight fascism.
During the Si)anish civil war there was great sympathy in many
quarters in Hollywood for the cause of the Loyalists. This influence
waned during the Hitler-Stalin pact, which revolted against many
fair-minded people, and it rose to its greatest height under tlie very
favorable climate provided when Russia and ourselves were allies
during the war.
The CiiAiKMAX. Mr. McGuinness, in regard to that penetration, the
Communists have not only penetrated the motion-picture industry,
they have penetrated labor, education, and Government; so when we
investigate communism in the motion-picture industry we are not
taking any rights away from the industry; we are not in any way
trying to censor the movies. What we are doing is just investigating
communism in another field.
Therefore, 1 think it is a mistake for anyone to think that the mo-
tion-picture industry has a special privilege of innnunity.
Isn't that also your belief?
Mr. McGuinness. Mr. Chairman, I am very happy to hear the Chair
state that. I would like to state my own personal and deep conviction
that the very vast majority of the men and women who work in the
motion-picture industry are as fine and patriotic Americans as will be
found anywhere else oh earth.
But I think with an ideological conflict tearing the world to pieces
there is no reason why Hollywood should be the one white spot that
escaped this plague.
T,he Chairman. That is right. These 79 j^ersons that I named
before are not just the run-of-the-mill; they are very prominent per-
sons, i^rominent in the industry, and those are the people that we
have the records on; those are people whose records are going to be
brought out before this hearing is over. Do you not think they
should be ?
Mr. McGuinness. I think that the greatest fight that can be made
against comnninism is to identify the Communists and to force them
to take the responsibility that every other American takes, to a])pear
publicly, state, advocate, and siii)port his own beliefs, and be judged
by the American jjeople as to whether those beliefs are worth while,
or not.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, has there been any concerted effort
on the p'dvt of any studio to eliminate this group of people ?
INIr. McGuinness. Well, as Mr. Jack Wai'uer testified, he made
an effort — I think a successful one. I think great caution has been
exercised bv the management of the Paramount Studios. I think a
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 141
varyin<r (le<iree and a lesser (U'<iree of viojilance — or realization, which
1 think is a better \vor(l — has been shown by other studios.
However, since I testified in Los An<2;eles this s])rin^, I am happy
to say there has been a <j;rowin<j; awareness in the motion-picture
industry of the menace of communism; that it has been fought in all
the unions and the guilds, and successfully in most of them.
Mr. Smith. As an executive at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, what do you
think about the condition there?
Mr. McCiuiNNESs. I don't think it is the whitest condition in the
industry. I think we have our share of Communists in our employ.
Mr. Smith. You stated you feel it has been successfully combated
in the guilds. Is that your opinion as to the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. McCtuinness. I (qualified that by saying some of the guilds. I
do not believe it has been successfully combated in the Screen Writers
(xuild.
There is a group in the guild now attempting to organize and to
)iresent at a forthcoming election a slate of candidates opposed to
comnumism.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, do you know who Alvah Bessie is?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes.
Mr. Smith. Who is he?
Mr. McGuinness. Alvah Bessie is a former movie critic of the New
Masses who came to Hollywood, I think — yes, in the employ of War-
ner Bros. He was known amongst writers I knew on the Warner
Bros, lot as the party's hatchet man.
Mr. Smith. Do you consider the New Masses a Communist publi-
cation?
Mr. Mc(iuiNNEss. I do.
Mr. Smith. If a studio releases a person who is suspected of com-
numistic activities w^ould be be blackballed in other studios?
Mr. McGuinness. No.
Mr. Smith. AVhat would happen, in your opinion?
Mr. McGuinness. Hitherto he has usually been promptly hired and
sometimes, or perhaps frequently, at an increased salary.
Mr. S3HTH. Do you think that is a bad situation in the industry?
Mr. McGuinness. I would like to answer that a little at length.
I Ijidieve there is no legal obligation on anybody to hire anybody,
nor is there any legal com]:)ulsi<)n on anybody to tire anybody. I
would regret that any man was deprived of his livelihood for his po-
litical opinions no matter ]\n\^ abhorrent those opinions are to me.
I think, however, there is an obligation on the Congress of the
United States as greafor greater than on the citizens, who have sworn
to defend this country against all its enemies, foreign or domestic, to
recogiuze that we have in our midst an active tiftli column, a group
of Quislings who intend to destroy our form of government in the
service of a foreign ideology.
• Mr. Smith. How many writers would you think the industry would
lose; that is, top-flight writers, if all the Communist writers were
released?
Mr. Mc(tuinness. Among the important writers, that is, the actu-
ally to})-flight writers, somewhere between 10 and 15.
Mr. Smith. How many pictures a year do you think the studios
would lose ^
67683—47 10
142 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McGuiNNESs. Well, if those 10 or 15 writers were more pro-
ductive than usual, the same number of pictures.
Mr. Smith. In other words, do you think it would materially hurt
the studio operation ?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. Not in my opinion.
Mr. Smith. Do you know of any reasons why the studios tended
not to release these individuals?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. Yes. To tell you that I must try, as briefly as
possible, to sketch the studio situation.
Each studio has as paid employees a staff of producers who have
the ultimate responsibility for the production of individual pictures.
It is a highly competitive business and each of these men, since he is
held responsble for the ultimate success or failure of the picture, has
great latitude in the selection of the writer who will prepare the
script, and frequently the director who will direct the picture.
He usually has a very great say in the casting of the picture. That
trust must be imposed on him by the head of the studio who cannot
personally produce each picture.
These men charged with production are primarily showmen and
not men deeply informed on the dialectics of communism. They are
more concerned with getting the best possible script than with any-
thing else.
If some writer who has had a number of successes is available at
the time they start a script, they will exercise every effort to get him
because a good script is the primary insurance of a successful picture.
I doubt that any of the heads of studios participate in the selection
of the writers assigned to each script. I think it is humanly impossible
with their other duties for the men running the studios to go that
deeply into the detail of production.
Mr. Smith. Mv. McGuinness, how many members are there in the
Screen Writers Guild, approximately?
Mr. JNIcGuiNNEss. At the present time there are approximately
1,000, perhaps a few less, active members, which means members who
can vote at the guild meetings. There are approximately 300 asso-
ciate members who are members not qualified to vote. The qualifica-
tion for voting" membership in the Screen Writers Guild is very low.
Mr. Smith. In other words, there would be about 1,000 that you
think are permanently unemployed in the guild ?
Mr. McGuinness. I wanted to say that because of this low qualifi-
cation for membership I believe any man who has worked 13 weeks
in any 2 years is eligible to vote, whether or not he has written any-
thing that ever reaches the screen. The industry normally furnishes
employment, upward and downward, for 350 writers That means
that Avithin the Screen Writers Guild there are approximately 1,000
members permanently unemployable.
This creates a very fertile field for agitation, resentment, propagan-
dizing, and profiting by the discontent or the unsuccessful.
Mr. Smith. In other words, I gather from that that the people who
are not employed as writers in the industry can control this guild of
some 1,300 people?
Mr. McGuinness. I believe that at almost every Screen Writers
Guild meeting more votes are cast by men and women unemployed
than are cast by men and women who are employed.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 143
Mr. Smith. Wliat are some of the dangers in the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. I think I pointed that out in the situation in
which a guild, functioning as a union, has so many unemployable
members. I remember discussing this situation once with several of
the important A. F. of L. leaders in the Los Angeles area. I cited it
to them and said, "What do you think this situation is ? Do you think
it is healthy?" The reply was, "If we have 10 men unemployable in a
local of 1,000 members we can expect fireworks."
Mr. Smith. What I had in mind was this : How are they able to
control the new writers, the younger writers, and readers through the
guilds?
Mr. McGuilsTNESS. The manner of control of younger writers varies.
I think the first approach is to the youthful idealism and the youthful
sense of revolt, which is healthy and should be expected. If that fails,
young writers who in the past, at least, have been sympathetic and
followed along with the party line in the guild, have had more en-
couragement, have had their professional efforts supported and pushed
by the tight clique in control of the guild, the writers who do not con-
form, the young writers find themselves largely isolated and not helped
in the furthering of their careers.
Mr. S-MiTH. Mr. McGuinness, will you explain the operation of the
reading department ?
Mr. McGuinness. To explain that I must tell you that the industry
as a whole produces in a normal year approximately 500 feature-
length pictures. The material for those pictures comes in very small
measure from the successful plays and the best-seller novels. I would
suppose that that type of material furnishes 20 to 30 feature-length
pictures a year.
Naturally, that material is familiar to every head of a studio, to
every producer, to every executive, to every director because there is in-
tense bidding in a very open and competitive market to obtain the mo-
tion-picture rights to highly successful material.
But the necessity of motion-picture release and the demand of the-
aters for products leaves us with perhaps 450 to 470 pictures still to be
obtained. A great flow of material comes to the reading department
of every studio. It would be impossible for any executive or for any
head of any studio to read one-tenth of that material, even if he
devoted his entire time to it and did no other work.
So, the job of sorting out the material, the run-of-the-mill flow, falls
to the reading department which can decide to synopsize or not
synopsize, according to the judgment exercised there as to the quality
of the material.
From these synopses, and about 15 or 20 reach my desk each week,
selection is made of the most promising material, and that is then
considered in its full form.
Those members of the Story Analysts Guild who are sympathetic to
or followers of the Communist Party, are in a position to promote, all
things being equal, one submitted piece of material coming from
people sympathetic to their cause, and to suppress material coming
from anybody unsympathetic to their cause.
Now, i want you to understand that cannot be done in the cases of
highly important or highly promising material. There would then
144 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
be the d!Ui<jer tliat other studios might buy it, make a successful pic-
ture, and an investigation would be made as to why at one particular
studio that was not submitted.
But in many cases the quality of the ]iicture does not depend so
much on what selection is made originally from the run-of-the-mill
material, but on the additional values given to that material by the
screen writer, the producer, the director, and by the importance of
the cast put in the picture.
Mr. Smith. Was it your observation that they actually do attempt
to conti'ol these young readers in that manner?
Mr. McGuixxF.ss. I believe they do, and I believe to a good extent
they have been successful. I might say that since I first testified to
this there has been a healthier and better situation developing in that
very guild.
Mr. Smith. You mentioned a few pictures a while ago that you
thought were pro-Soviet pictures. During the time those pictures
were made were there any anti-Communist pictures made by any of
the studios, to your knowledge?
Mr. M(^GuiNNf:ss. Not during the war period. Mr. Mayer men-
tioned two made at my studio, Ninotchka and Comrade XI, prior to
the outbreak of the war.
Mr. Smith. Do you think some anti-Communist pictures should be
made?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. I certainly do.
Mr. SiMiTH. Do you mean shorts or full-length pictures, or both?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. Both.
The Chairman. Eight along that point, Mr. McGuinness, why is
it they are not being made?
Mr. McGuinness. It takes a long while from the inception of the
idea of producing a picture until it actually gets before the screen.
Sometimes it takes a year's work on the script, sometimes 2 years' work.
You have to find a story. You nnist remember it is not so long since
Russia was our ally. Nobody at that time wanted to make an anti-
Communist picture.
It took some time for the hope that we would eventually reach an
undei-standing with Russia to f:ide. I think nc^w some studios have
already found strong anti-Connnunist material, and otliers are search-
ing ior it.
I think that when the first picture is made public reaction to it will
determine how numy more wnll or will not follow.
The Chairman. You heard the testimony yesterday, did you?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes.
The Chairman. You heard one of the witnesses say that if they did
make an anti-Communist film the movie houses would be picketed,
stink bombs would be used, and the audience would be discouraged and
people would not attend. What have you to say on that points
Mr. McGuinness. I think that thi-eat has been used in the past. I
would hate to think that the industry as a whole, if confronted with
that threat, would not have the courage to face it.
However, theaters are very vulnerable places economically. As Mr.
Hughes pointed out, one stink bomb in a theater is a vei-y disastrous
occurrence. Motion pictures live from their day-by-day receipts. If
you lose a week's receipts in theaters throughout the country it is a
very serious financial matter. Our product is time; our market is
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 145
time. There are only 52 weeks in the year. If we lose 1 week out of
the 52 we have lost one-fil'ty-secoiid of the revenue and we can never
recover it.
Mr. Nixon.- As a matter of fact, Mr. McGuiness, if tliose tactics —
the stench bomb, the pickets, and tlie usual tactics which ai'e used by
the Communists when they don't like what is going on in the theater,
or in any kind of a building — were used, Avouldn't that be the finest
advertising that a motion picture could get and wouldn't that probably
make the picture from the standpoint of public acceptance?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. I personally believe it would. I think it would
be embarrassing to the manager of the theater concerned and create a
local problem, but I think nationally the American people would rally
to the support of a picture that was attacked for the expiession of a
viewpoint that I think is the viewpoint of the Nation today.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, a picture telling the truth about totali-
tarian communism, setting forth the facts — and such a picture, we
assume, would be an anti-Connnunist picture. But a picture doing
that would be a really good business gamble from the standpoint of
the industry, in j-our opinion?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. I think it would be a good business gamble, and
I think it is a necessary moral obligation.
The Chairman. Well, has the industry the will to make anti-Com-
munist pictures ?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. I think the industry is acquiring it.
Mr. Chairman, our connnunity, Hollywood, the motion-picture com-
munity, offered refuge to many vocal, articulate people who
escaped from the lash of Hitler. They were artists, actors, musicians,
writers. They were accustomed to expressing themselves, and they
brought home very forcibly to Hollywood the dangers of the Fascist
and Nazi regime. I could only wish that a small proportion of the
same people who have suffered under Stalin could come out from be-
hind the iron curtain and reach Hollywood and spread their message
there, too. I think it would be very helpful.
The Chairman. Mr. McGuinness, will these public hearings aid the
industry in giving it the will to make these pictures?
Mr. McGuinness. It is my opinion that they will.
The Chairman. Any other member have any questions at this point ?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Is MGM making any
The Chairman. Just a minute.
Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. Is counsel through ?
The Chairman. No.
Mr. S.MiTH. No
Mr. Wood. Well. I will wait until counsel is thi'ough.
Mr. Smith. Is MGM making any anti-Communist pictures at this
time, to your knowledge ?
Mr. McGuinness. We are making a picture, the original title of
which was The Red Danube. It is a novel by Bruce INIarshall, a Scotch-
man, and a very excellent writer. I believe that the novel was released
by the Book of the Month Club, with the changed title Ves|)ers in
Vienna. I do not know at this time what title we will use on the pic-
146 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
ture. Certainly, I favor The Red Danube. I think that this can be a
first-rate picture, in that the novel, itself, which is written by a Catho-
lic, presents the problem in occupied Vienna, in the clash between the
western democratic theory of existence and the totalitarian expressed
by the Russians in that same area.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, you heard the chairman state a while
ago that there was connnunism not only in the industry but in other
places wl\Qre it is a grave danger. It is my recollection that during
the war the various studios made a number of patriotic pictures and
disseminated them through the schools and other places to assist in
the patriotic -war effort. Why can't the studios do that as far as
anti-Communist pictures are concerned and circulate them through
the schools and churches to assist in fighting this problem ?
Mr. McGuinness. The studios during the war, and as a very patri-
otic service, and of which I and everybody in the motion-picture indus-
try is proud, furnished shorts for the Government — made them in the
studios, processed them, sent prints to their various exchanges, and
charged nothing except for the actual raw material of the film and the
labor costs of the technicians employed. No overhead or no profit
ever was charged on any one of the shorts made for the Government.
They were sent to the theatres without charge for playing time.
I think if the industry became convinced of this emergency and was
approached again on the necessity of doing a patriotic and public duty,
that some of these films might very well be made and apportioned
among the various studios to make.
Mr. Smith. You lieard a number of people mentioned as being com-
munistically inclined in the various studios. As a practical matter,
don't you feel that their opposition would be such that it would be
extremely difficult for a studio to make such a picture?
Mr. McGuinness. I think that a year, or perhaps 6 months, ago, that
opposition which is tight and well organized and had not then been
identified conceivably could have hampered the production of such
pictures, persuaded people that they were not liberal if thej made an
anti-Communist picture, or by various devices which they use, includ-
ing in some cases intimidation, could certainly have hampered such an
effort.
I feel that today there is a greater conscious danger and that their
efforts would by no means be so successful today as they might have
been 6 months or a year ago.
Mr. Smith. Can you give us any other examples as to how the Com-
munists have misused Hollywood ?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes ; I think that one of the greatest disservices
that the Communists liave done to Hollywood has been in their verj
clever use of the name "Hollywood" or motion pictures in the titles of
various front organizations. Hollywood has a glamor value that at-
tracts crowds, particularly when you get out of the Hollywood area
where the glamor personalities are a day-by-day occurrence and so
are permitted to live fairly normal lives. But the presence of a mo-
tion-picture name billing a Communist-front rally, or a front-organi-
zation rally, is highly successful in attracting crowds to such a nxUj
who normally would not be attracted to the rally itself.
I have never seen one of these rallies at w^liich a collection was not
taken up and at which some substantial sum was not raised.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 147
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, my investigation reflects that it isn't
necessary for these Communist writers to actually put any material
into pictures, but that it is possible for them to receive lar^e salaries
each M'eek and from that salary donate to the Communist l*ai'ty and
actually further and operate their activities throughout the United
States.
Is it your opinion that that can be done, being affiliated in the
studios?
Mr. McGuinness. I think that is done. I think that substantial
sums of money are raised in Hollywood, or raised through the adver-
tising power of Hollywood personalities.
I also think if the industry was surveyed and every picture it has
made for the last 10 years appraised that the weight of evidence in
favor of constructive American pictures on the screen would be pre-
ponderantly in the favor of the industry and its patriotism. But I
do not maintain, and I could not maintain, that vigilance has been
so successful that nothing has ever crept by.
I want to state, as Mr. Menjou did, that I believe no head of any
studio with whom I am acquainted — and I also know most of them
over a great period of years — would consciously allow any propaganda
that served a Communist purpose to get on the screen. But I do not
think we have been infallible. I think we have stubbed our toe occa-
sionally. I think we will do it less in the future.
Mr. Smith. Do you feel, Mr. McGuinness, that they have plenty of
time and that if they get more writers and more leaders and more
control as the time goes on that the vigilance will become more difficult
and they then can at some time in the future take over ?
Mr. McGuinness. I believe this : There has been a long strike, one
of the longest in the labor history in the United States, going on in
Hollywood. That strike began with a very strong supporting group
of guilds which had been organized and brought together by Herbert
K. Sorrell, about whom there has been considerable testimony before
this committee. It was an amusing feature of his organizational work
that some years ago he issued cards as painters to the Screen Office
employees who were the stenographers, the clerks, and the telephone
operators; also to the General Publicists Guild — and there may be
some justification for thinking the press agents paint — and also to the
Story Analysts Guild. However, when the strike was called many of
these guilds rebelled against the idea of respecting picket lines by
order from headquarters. Membership meetings were held at which
the issue was forced to a vote of the membership. In the case of the
Screen Office Employees Guild they voted not to respect the strike,
and they subsequently broke away from the painters' union and re-
organized themselves as the separate Office Workers Employees Guild
under charter from the American Federation of Labor. Had Sorrell
and his group won that strike, which, incidentally, was supported to
the utmost by the controlling group of the Screen Writers Guild —
they attempted to get the Directors Guild or the Actors Guild to sup-
port the strike, also to the extent of not crossing picket lines, and they
were unsuccessful in that attempt — but had they succeeded they would
have had a tight hold on many of the important guilds and unions, the
craft unions, within the industry. This would have been attained at
a time when the present Screen Writers Guild contract with the pro-
ducers has only about a year or 15 months to run.
148 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
In the reiiefrotialion of tliiit contract they Avoiikl have l)een in a jjosi-
tioii to insist on control of their own material, and that if it is ever
achieved will be tlie end of the free screen in America.
Ml-. Smith. Mr. McCJuinness, as I recall your testimony, you have
stated that you believe these Conununists were enemies — of a foreign
agent — or agents of a foreign government.
Mv. AfcGuiNXEss. I ])elieve them to be definitely in the service of a
foreign government. I do not know whether all of them consciously
know they are, but the directives come to them from on high, and they
carry them out.
Mr. Smith. Have you any further suggestions for tlie consideration
of this committee as to how to combat this serious problem?
Mr. McCtuinness. I think that the first and primary requisite is edir-
cation of the American public to the menace that exists and to the
methods used in the unions, in the guilds, and in the various mediums
of communication by j)arty members and paity liners.
I believe beyond that, as I said l)efore, that legislation is necessary.
I would be reluctant to see legislation directed at anyone for his politi-
cal beliefs, but I believe that the time will come when it is vital for
the continued existence of our Nation to recognize this enemy in our
midst as an enemy. We cannot sacrifice our own freedom to those who
are using it for the purpose of destroying freedom.
Mr. Smith. Those are all the questions I.have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. Mr. ]\IcGuinness, I gather from your testimony that you
have never had occasion to question the loyalty and the patriotism of
any of the picture producers or responsible studio heads?
Mr. McGuixNEss. I not only don't question it, I assert that they are
loyal and patriotic.
Mr. Wood. Counsel has asked you a question as to whether or not
in your own opinion the effect of the elimination from the industry
of these writers and others who are recognized as embracing com-
munistic doctrines would weaken the efficiency of the industry, itself,
and I understood you to say that in your opinion it wouldn't ; isn't that
correct ?
]VIr. McGuiNNEss. That is correct.
Mr. Wood. You did state, however, as I recall, that you would not
advocate any legislation or action of any sort that would deprive a
man of his livelihood by reason of his political beliefs?
Mr. McGuiNXEss. I did.
Mr. Wood. To which sentiment I subscribe heartijy. But there are
nations in this worhl of ours today that practice a political philosophy
that is embraced and is being preached by people who subscribe to that
faith in this country; isn't that right ?
Mr. ]\IcGriNXEss. Yes.
Mr. Wood. And don't you think it would be a sort of considerable
educational value if those people should ply their trade and engage
in their activities in countries that are c(mtrolled by that philosophy?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. I thir.k tliat would be ideal. I don't know
wdiether you can achieve it or not.
Mr. Wood. And do you know of any instance in which any jierson
of that political belief in this country would have any difficulty
in obtaining access to the countries that recognize that political
})hilosophy ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY . 149
Mr. Mc(jUIXNKss. Well, from what I have read, the Soviet Union
is very nnicli more selective abont whom they accept. I believe that
some of our Soviet and Connnunist sympathizers mi<>;ht be acceptable —
I don't know whether all will be acceptable — to the Soviet Union.
Mr. Wood. Do yon know of any instance in which any of them who
advocate that political philosopliy have ever had any difficulty in
obtaining entrance into any country that is dominated by that school
of thought?
Mr. Mc"Guixxi<:ss. No; I do not.
Mr. Wood. Well, have yon read this morning's editorial in the
AVasliin<>ton Post ?
Mr. McCjuinxess. No. I think there was a cartoon in it that I saw.
Mr. Wood. It had, to me. a very interestinjj editorial, somewhat
taking to task certain members of the industry who have appeared
here as witnesses because of their pi-onounced unwillingness to assume
the legal implications that might be involved by concerted action on
the part of the responsible heads of the industry to eliminate this class
of people from their employment, and in view of the recent decisions
of the Supreme Court and a court of one of our States, particularly
New Yoik, to the effect that the term "communism" is such an odious
term that it formed tlie fouiulation for an action in damages and in
libel against a person who might apply it to another. Don't you think
that the responsible studio heads of this country have at least some
justification in their unwillingness by their concerted action to under-
take to eliminate men from their employment for that reason?
Mr. McGuiNXESs. I am not a lawyer, but I believe that legally con-
certed action might be deemed conspiracy.
Mr. Wood. It is difficult in this country to prove that a man is a
Conmumist ; isn't it?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. It is. My own observation of what constitutes a
Communist has been based somewhat on this principle, that if a man
goes into a saloon every night for 10 years I have to presume that he
didn't go there to get a lemonade. I also follow the pattern of be-
havior established by Attorney General Biddle of the various twists
and turns of the Communist Party in relation to the Hitler-Stalin
pact period when it was an imperialist war. the change of front and
attitude when Hitler attacked Stalin, the demand then that we go all
out to aid the Allies, and the su})sequent demand for a second front.
I might add that since the Attorney General has left office there
is the additional return to the revolutionary technique, on the basis
of the Jacques Duclos letter which ordered the American party to
get rid of its boss.
The CHAimr.vN. May we have more order, please.
Mr. Wood. In view, then, of the legal implications that are in-
volved, and that might at least be put in force, do you think a charge
against the responsible heads of the moving-picture industry in Amer-
ica that they had been derelict in their duty for not conspiring to-
gether to eliminate ])eo])le from their industry because of their political
beliefs is a little bit unfair?
Mr. McGuixNEss. I think that that charge is unfair. I advocate
no conspiracy by any group of men, including the Communists. I
think that each producer or head of a studio nuist decide for himself
what his attitude is.
150 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Wood. Wouldn't it be very simple, in your opinion, ]\Ir. Mc-
Guinness, if the Congress would simply by amendatory legislation
provide that the controlling heads of any industry may, if they have
reasonable grounds to conclude that a man is engaged in activities
detrimental to this Government, and aiding a philosophy that is de-
signed to overthrow it, would have the right to eliminate them and
that other people in that industry would have the right to decline
to employ them for that reason, without fear of future legal
implications?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. I agree with that in principle, Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. Thank you.
That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. Mr. McGuinness, in attempting to influence the motion
pictures one way or another, either in keeping out the facts about
communism or in keeping out the facts about the American way of
life or distorting those facts, what would you say was the more impor-
tant : The writer or the actor ?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. The writer.
Mr. Nixon. The actor has probably very little control on that par-
ticular score and could do very little?
Mr. McGuinness. It depends on his importance. Most stars are
listened to and their opinions carry weight
Mv. Nixon. Well _ .
Mr. McGuinness (continuing). About a script, but very few of
them, if any, have a veto power on what pictures they appear in.
Mr. Nixon. But in the making of the actual picture itself, the
writer is by far the more important of the two ?
Mr. McGuinness. Oh, yes.
Mr. Nixon. And the same would be true in relationship to the di-
rector and the actor?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes ; I think the director is more important in
forming and framing the picture than the actor.
Mr. Nixon.. That is right. So, as far as the Communists are con-
cerned, their primary aim in Hollywood, if they are attempting to in-
fluence the motion pictures in one way or another, is to attempt to en-
list the support first of writers and, second, of directors and probably
a very poor third of actors.
Mr. McGuinness. I don't think that they have neglected the actors,
but I think for their purposes-
Mr. Nixon. For their purposes
Mr. IVIcGuiNNESs (continuing). The order you establish is correct.
Mr. Nixon. Yes; and if they have been extremely successful, or
relatively successful, in obtaining the support of writers and direc-
tors, they have accomplished their purpose to an extent, at least?
Mr. AIcGuiNNESS. They have to an extent. Not completely.
Mr. Nixon. Now, during the war you said that the Communist
writers wei'e given a leave of absence, as you put it, to write pictures
which showed America in a favorable light. Do you mean by that
that before that time, and since that time, they did not have a leave
of absence to tell the true facts about America ?
Mr. McGuinness. Since the Duclos letter — we had described in
quite some detail yesterday. the series of discussions or articles in the
Communist press, in which as a final result Mr. Albert Maltz was
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 151
forced to eat his own words, disciplined, and had to confess error and
return to what he termed the Marxist basis for all writers. That is
what I mean by the terminology "leave of absence."
Mr. Nixon. I see. So at the present time the Communist writers
in Hollywood, or those who are following the Communist line, do
not have, as you put it, a so-called leave of absence to either, one, tell
the true facts about America, and, two, tell the true facts about totali-
tarian communism.
Mr. McGuiNNESs. I believe that to be the condition.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, the situation at the present time is that
those who are following the Communist line as writers in Hollywood
are under direction to distort the facts about America and to suppress
the facts about totalitarian communism?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. I believe that to be true.
Mr. Nixon. Well, in view of that fact, if you had, as a studio execu-
tive, in your employ writers who you knew were, (1) either members
of the Communist Party — which might be unlikely, I admit, from
the standpoint of proof — or, (2) who had consistently followed the
Communist line, would you feel that if they were to remain in your
employ they would have to be watched very carefully from the
standpoint of the type of pictures that they produced and their
activities in attempting to control the pictures in some way?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. Yes; I believe they should be watched with
vigilance continually.
Mr. NixoN. And the reason you feel that they would have to be
watched is that because they do follow the line which you have ex-
plained these writers, and directors as well, assuming that some of
those would be involved, constitute a potential danger to the industry
and to the country as well in that what they advocate and what they
are working for would destroy the principles which you believe in
and which most of us in America believe in ?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. I believe that the only group in the United States
organized for the purpose of exercising thought control is the Com-
munist group and if they ever got control of the industry nothing
would ever appear on the screen but their own conception of what was
best for all of us.
Mr. NixoN. So, if a motion picture does not, as far as the Com-
munist writer or sympathizer is concerned, as we have put it before,
distort the facts about America, or suppress the facts about commu-
nistic Russia, then is it not true that those people in Hollywood pro-
ceed to call such pictures or people who attempt to promote such
pictures Fascists, un-American, and enemies of free speech — anti-
liberals?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. They call us all that, and I could elaborate the
list.
Mr. Nixon. You mean you don't want to say anything that can't
go over the air ?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. That is right.
Mr. Nixon. And so, in your opinion, the most violent opponents
of a free screen in Hollywood, and of free speech, are the Communists
and the Communist Party liners, because as far as they are concerned
they oppose unequivocably telling the truth and the facts about Com-
munist Russia, or anything that would in any way criticize com-
munism in Russia, or any other totalitarian Communist country and
152 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
because tliey deliberately attempt 1o distort the facts about America?
Mr. McGuixxESs. I a<rree witli (hat absolutely. I think they are
a contimiing menace to free speech and free expression.
Mr. Nixox. And these are the same people who are saying that
this committee, in this hearing today, in attempting to point out the
activities that they have been indulging in — this suppression of facts
and distorting the facts — is attempting to control the free screen in
Hollywood?
Mr. McGuixxESS. They say it; I don't believe it.
Mr. Nixox\ In other words
Mr. INIcGuixxESS. I think — I beg your pardon ?
Mr. Nixox. Go ahead.
Mr. McGuix-^XESS. I think this is. again, the use of the Communist
fear technique, and if the witnesses who have appeared here had not
been so consistently smeared for their attitude and became sort of
calloused to the smearing attack of the Communists I think they
would have succeeded by that very cry of ''Red-baiter," "witch hunt,"
"un-American." They might have succeeded in intimidating some of
the witnesses. I think that was their basic and primary purpose.
Mr. Nixox. And if the Communists in Hollywood were left alone,
in Hollywood and in other places where they have access to informa-
tion media in this country, and no efforts were made to point out
their activities so the people could judge them for what they were,
and they thereby could accomplish their purposes, that would be the
end of free speech, a free screen, and free radio in America?
Mr. McGuixxESS. It would.
Mr. Nixon. I agree with you that once they are out in the open
thev should say what they w^ant to say.
that is all.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell
Mr. Striplixtg. Mr. Chairman, before you proceed, I wonder if we
could place in the record the articles by Albert Maltz to which the
witness referred and which were referred to yesterday?
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.^*
(The documents referred to are as follows :)
What Shall We Ask of Writers?
By Albert Maltz
(New Masses, February 12, 19-16, p. 19)
Isiflor Schneider's frank and earnest article on writers' iiroblems (NM, Octo-
ber 23, I94r)) is very welcome. In atteniptin,^ to add to his disciission. I ask
that my observations be taken for what they are: The comments of a working
writer, not the presentation of a formal esthetician. It is likely that some of
my statements are too sweeping, others badly formulated. I urge that the
attention of readers, however, be directed to the problem itself, rather than
to fornmlations which may be imperfect. All who ar(> earnestly desirous of
a rich. exi»anding literature in America have the obligation of charting the
course. This common effort must not languish while we search for unassailable
definitions.
It has been my conclusion for some time that much of left-wing artistic
activity — both creative and critical — has been restricted, narrowed, turned away
from life, sometimes made sterile — because the atmosphere and thinking of the
literary left wing has been based, upon a shallow approach. Let me add that the
^^ See appendix, p. .'")29. for oxliibits .34-36.
COMMUNISM IN JNIOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 153
left wing has also offered a iiuiuber of vital liitelleetual assets to the writer —
such as its insistence that important writing cannot he socially idle — that it
must he humane in content, etc. Schneidei- enumerated these assets and I take
them here for granted. But right uow it is essential to iliscuss where things
have gone wrong — why and how.
I believe that the effects of the shallow approach I have mentioned — like a
poison in tiie blood stream — largely cause the problems Schneider mentioned.
Indeed, these problems are merely the pustules upon the body, the sign of ill
health.
Let me underscore that I am referring only to artistic activity, not to .iournal-
ism. Schneider differentiates generally between writing for the. moment and
writing enduring works. There are other ways of phrasing this distinction, but
his is a useful one — provided it is not taken with mechanical literalness. For
instance, certain works have been written for the moment which nevertheless
prove to contain enduring values. Such examples do not alter the true meaning
of Schneider's categories.
Schneider went on to state, correctly, that: "* * * to report inunediate
events or to pi'opagandize for inunediate objectives * * * jg an honorable
as well as a useful function. (John Keed * * * Ehrenburg. ) The harm,"
he added, "is in confusing the two. Some writers have sought to solve a conflict
of conscience by trying to do the two in one" ( i. e., journalism and art). "They
have written books in such a way as also to serve immediate political expediencies.
The results showed either in weakened and schematic writing — or wasted writ-
ing."
In these remarks, Schneider recognizes the problem, describes it accurately- — but
does not go on to uncover the deep source of it. Left-wing writers have been
confused ; yes. But why?
The answer, 1 believe, is tliis : Most writers on the left have been confused.
"The conHict of conscience," resulting in wasted writing or bad art, has been in-
duced in the writer by the intellectual atmosphere of the left wing. The errors
of individual writers or critics largely liow from a central source, I believe. That
source is the vulgarization of the theory of art which lies behind left-wing think-
ing, namely, "art is a weapon."
Let me emphasize that, properly and broadly interpreted, I accept this doctrine
to be true. The ideas, ethical concepts, credos upon which a writer dra\\"s con-
sciously or unconsciously are those of his period. In turn, the accepted beliefs
of any period reflect those values which are satisfactory to the class holding
dominant social power. To the degree that works of art reflect or attack these
values, it is broadly — not always specifically — true to say that works of art have
been, and can be. weapons in men's thinking, and therefore in the struggle of
social classes, either on the side of humanity's progress, or on the side of reaction.
But as interpreted in practice for the last !."> years of the left wing in America,
it has become a hard rock of narrow thinking. The total concept, "art is a
weapon," has been viewed as though it consisted of only one word: "weapon."
The nature of art — how art may best be a w^eapon, and how it may not be — has
been slurred over. I have come to believe that the accepted understanding of art as
a weapon is not a useful guide, hut a strait-jacket. I have felt this in my own
works and viewed it in the works of others. In order to write at all, it has long
since become necessary for me to i-epudiate it and abandon it.
Whatever its original stimulating utility in the late twenties or the early
thirties, this doctrine, "art is a weapon," over the years in day-to-day wear and
tear was convei-ted from a profound analytic, historical insight into a vulgar
slogan : "Art should be a weapon." This, in turn, was even m(n-e narrowly inter-
preted into the following: "Art should be a weapon as a leaflet is a weapon."
Finally, in practice, it lias been understood to mean that unless art is a weapon
like a leaflet, .serving immediate political ends, necessities, and programs, it is
worthless or escapist or vicious.
The result of this abuse and misuse of a concept upon the critic's apparatus of
approach has been, and must be. disastrous. From it tlow all of the constrictions
and — we nuist be honest — stupidities too often found in the earnest but narrow
thinking and practice of the literary left wing in these past years. And this has
been inevitable.
First of all. luider the domination of this vulgarized approach, creative works
are judged primai-ily by their formal ideology. What el.se can happen if art is a
weapon as a leaflet is a weapon? If a work, however thin or inept as a piece of
literary fabric, expresses ideas that .seem to fit the correct political tactics of the
time, it is a foregone conclusion that it will be reviewed warmly, if not enthusi-
154 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
astically. But if the work, no matter how hich in human insight, character por-
trayal, and imagination, seems to imply "wrong" political conclusions, then it
will be indicted, severally mauled, or beheaded, as the case may be.
Let me give a recent example of this unhappy pattern: When Lillian Hellman's
magnificent play. Watch on the Rhine, was produced in 1940, the New Masses*
critic attacked it. When it appeared, unaltered, as a film in 1942, the New Masses'
critic hailed it. The changed attitude came not from the fact that two different
critics were involved, but from the fact that events had transpired in the 2 years
calling for a different political program. This work of art was not viewed on
either occasion as to its real quality, its deep revelation of life, character, and the
social scene, but primarily as to whether or not it was the proper "leaflet" for the
moment.
There is an opposite error, corollary to this: New Masses' critics have again
and again praised works as art that no one — themselves included — would bother
to read now, 10 years later. In fact, it once even gave a prize to such a book.
This is not due to the fact that those who have written criticism for the magazine
have personally been without taste or intelligence or integrity. The evil lies in
the abandonment of taste because a shallow approach- does not permit it. Literary
taste can only operate in a crippled manner when canons of immediate political
utility are the primary values of judgment to be applied indiscriminately to all
books.
Again, from this type of thinking comes that approach which demands of
each written work that it contain "the whole truth." An author writes a novel,
let us say, about an unemployed Negro during the depression. The central
character, after many harsh vicissitudes, ends by stealing and is sent to the
penitentiary. If a book with this content were to be richly rendered, it might
be highly illuminating in its portrayal of an aspect of Negro life in America.
But, again and again I have seen such works, justifiably confined to only one
sector of experience, severely criticized because they do not contain "the whole
truth." Upon examination this "whole truth" reveals itself to be purely political.
The narrow critic is demanding that the novelist also show that some unemployed
Negroes join the unemployed councils, etc. This demand, which I have seen
repeated in varied ways in the pages of the New Masses, rests upon the psy-
chological assumption that readers come to each book with an empty head. They
know nothing, understand nothing. Therefore, all they will ever know of
Negro life in America must be contained in this book. Therefore, if the author
has omitted to say that some unemployed Negroes join organizations, it is a
deficient book because it doesn't contain "the whole truth," and it doesn't properly
fill the total vacuum of the reader's mind.
The creative writer, respecting this type of criticism, is faced with insuperable
diflficulties. He is confronted with thie apparent obligation of writing both a
novel and an editorial that will embrace all current political propositions re-
motely touching his material. Whether or not his character would join the
unemplo.ved council is of not matter ; whether or not the material and artistic
concept of the book forbid the exa^irnaticn of otner clinracters — that, too, is of
no matter. By hook oi' crook the ni;iterial must he so rendered that the whole
polit.cal "truth" of tiic scene is made visible, and the empty-handed reader is
thereby won to new horizons — Q. E. D.
This is not a method by which art can be made rich, or the artist freed to do
his most useful work. Let those who deny this ask working writers.
From this narrow approach to art another error also follows rather auto-
matically. If, in actual practice — no matter how we revere art — we assume
that a writer making a speech is performing the same act as writing a novel,
then we are helpless to judge works written by those who make the "wrong" sort
of speeches. Engels was never bothered by this problem. For instance, he said
of Balzac — I paraphrase— that Balzac taught him more about the social structure
of France than all of the economists, sociologists, etc., of the period. But who
was Balzac? He was a Royalist, consistently and virulently antidemocratic,
anti-Socialist, anti-Communist in his thinking as a citizen.
In his appreciation of Balzac, Engels understood two facts about art: First,
as I have already stated, the writer, qua citizen, making an election speech, and
the writer, qua artist, writing a novel, is performing two very different acts.
Second, Engels understood that a writer may be confused, or even stupid and reac-
tionary in thinking — and yet it is possible for him to do good, even great, work as
an artist — work that even serves ends he despises. This point is critical for an
understanding of art and artists. An artist can be a great artist without being
an integrated or a logical or a progressive thinker on all matters. This is so
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 155
because he presents not a systematized philosophy but the nnaginative reconstrue-
tion of a sector of human experience. Indeed, most people do not think with thor-
ouKhguing hjgic. We are all acquainted with Jews who understand the necessity
of fighting fascism, but who do not see the relationship between fascism and their
own discrimination toward Negroes. We l<now Negroes who fight discrimination
against themselves, but are anti-Semitic. I am acquainted with the curator of a
museum who has made distinguisiied contributions in his scientific field, but who
sees no contradiction between his veneration for science and his racist attitude
toward Negroes. Out of these same human failings many artists are able to lead
an intellectual life that often has a dual character. Ideas which they may con-
sciously hold or re.iect do not always seriously affect their field of work where,
operating like a scientist upon specific material, they sometimes handle an aspect
of human experience with passionate honesty in spite of the fact that the very
implications of what they are writing may contradict ideas they consciously hold.
For instance, in sections of Grapes of Wrath John Steinbeck writes a veritable
poem to revolution. Yet we would be making an error to draw conclusions from
this about Steinbeck's personal philosophy or to be surprised when he writes Can-
nery Kow with its mystic paean to Bohemianism. Similarly we can point to John
Galsworthy, a successful, wealthy, middle-class Englishman. As a thinker, Gals-
worthy may not have understood the meaning of the plirase "class justice." But
as an artist, honestly and earnestly recreating what he saw in English society, be
wrote two plays, the Silver Box and Justice, which gave a searing portrait of class
justice in human terms, and which no socially conscious, theoretically sagacious,
left-wing writer of today has come within 200 miles of equaling.
Unless this is understood, the critics on the left will not be able to deal with the
literary work of their time. Writers must be .judged by their work and not by the
committees they join. It is the job of the editorial section of a magazine to praise
or attack citizens' committees for what they stand lor. It is the job of the literary
critics to praise the literary works only.
The best case in point, although there are many, is James T. Farrell. Farrell
is, in my opinion — and I have thought so ever since reading S'tuds Lonigan over
10 years ago — one of the outstanding writers in America. I have not liked all
of his work equally, and I don't like the committees he belongs to. But he wrote
a superb trilogy and more than a few short stories of great quality, and he is not
through writing yet. Studs Lonigan endures and is read by increasing numbers.
It will endure, in my opinion, and deserves to. But if, in my opinion, Farrell is
to be judged solely by his personality or his political position, then the New
Masses is left in the position of either ignoring his work or attacking it. Let's
face it. Isn't this exactly what has happened? Farrell's name was a bright
penant in the New Masses until he became hostile to the New Masses. Very well ;
for his deeds or misdeeds as a citizen, let him be editorially appraised. But
his literary work cannot be ignored, and must not be ignored. And, if Engels
gave high praise to the literary work of Balzac, despite his truly vicious political
position, is not this a guide to the New Masses' critics in estimating the literary
woi'k of a whole host of varied writers — Fari-ell, Richard Wright, someone else
tomori'ow? What is basic to all und'-rstanding is this: There is not always a
commanding relationship between the way an artist votes and any particular
work he writes. Sometimes there is, depending upon his choice of material and
tlie degree to which he consciously advances political concepts in his work.
(Koestler, for instance, always writes with a political purpose so organic to his
work that it affects his rendering of character, theme, etc. He must be judged
accordingly.) But there is no inevitable, consistent connection.
Furthermore, most writers of stature have given us. great works in .spite of
philo.sophic weaknesses in their works. Doestoyevsky, Tolstoy, and Thomas
Wolfe are among many examples. All too often narrow critics recognize this
fact in dealing with dead writers, but are too inflexible to accept it in living
writers. As a result it has been an accepted assumption in much of left-wing
literary thought that a writer who repudiates a progressive political position — •
leaves the intellectual orbit of New Masses, let us say — must go down hill as
a creative writer. But this is simply not true to sober fact, however true it may
be in individual cases. Actually it is impossible to predict the literary future
of Richard Wright at this m^)ment. At this moment he takes political posi-
tions which seem to many to be fraught with danger for his own people. He
may continue to do so. But Black Boy, whatever its shortcomings, is not the
work of an artist who has gone down hill. It is to the credit of the New Masses
that it recognized this in dealing with the book. Equally, it is impossible to
predict now the future literary achievements or failure of James Farrell, of
156 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Kenneth FenrinK. of Lilliain Smith, as it is of Van Tillbnrg Clark, of Howard
Fast, of Ariiohl Manoff, of Michael r.lankfort. Books must he \A'eijihe(l like new
coins — in terms of what they are. No other standai'd is valid. Writing' is a
complex process, and the sources of creative inspiration, out of which an arti.st
works, are exceed injily complex. Thei-e are many, many reasons why writers
grow and .sometimes i-etrogress. The political convictions of a writer, or his lack
of political convictions, may have something to do with his growth or creative
decline, and certainly will if he writes highly ])<)liticalized novels (Koestler).
But they don't always have to do with it (Marquand — Steinbeck), and any as-
sumption that as a writer's polities do, so inevitably does his art go — forward
or backward — is tlie assumption of naivete.
I have discussed a number of the general evils which seem to me to flow from
the vulgarization and one-sided application of the doctrine, "Art is a weapon."
I'd like now to examine its specific elTect upon creative writing.
A creative writer, accepting the esthetic standards I have described, alnn»st
inevitably begins to narrow his approach to rhe rich o[)portunities of his art. He
works intellectually in an atmosphere in which the critics, the audience, the
friends he respects, while revering art, actually judge works <m the basis of their
immediate political utility. It is, moreover, an urgent social atmosphere, one of
constant political crises. Almost inevitably, the earnest writer, concerned about
his fellow man, aware of the social crisis, begins to tbiidj of his work as oidy
another form of leaflet writing. Perhaps he comes to no such conscious conclu-
sions. But he does so in effect, and he begins to use his talent f<n- an innnediate
political end. If the end is good, it would be absurd to say that this may not be
socially useful. It would also be hiiihly inaccurate to maintain that from an
approach like this no art can result. On the other hand, I believe that the failure
of much left-wing talent to mature is a comment on how restricting this canon is
for the creator in practice.
The reason for this does not come primarily from the fact that works written
for the moment are of interest only for the moment. Sometimes, as I iK)inted out
earlier, they prove to have enduring interest also. It goes deei)er — into the way a
writer views bis task, into the way he views people and events. The opportunity
of the artist is conditioned by the nature of art itself. We read textbooks for
facts, theories, information. Bur we read novels, or go to the theater, for a
different purpose. The artist, by the nature of his craft, is able to show us people
in motion. This is why we revere good writers. They let us observe the individual
richly — a complex creature of manifold dreams, desires, disappointments— in his
relation to other individuals and to his society.
The artist is most successful who most profoundly and accurately reveals his
characters, with all their motivations clearly delineated.
But the writer who works to serve an innnediate political pnrpo.se — whose
desii'e it is to win friends for some political action or point of view — has set him-
self the task not primarily of revealing men and society as they are — the social
novelist — but rather of winning a point — the political novelist. I am not saying
that an artist should be without a point of view — does not inevitably guide his
selection of materials, characters, etc. — or that any book, profoundly written, will
be without political implications— the Brothers Karamazov. But there is a
difference between possessing a philosophic point of view, which permeates one's
work — the social novelist — and having a tactical ax to grind which usually re-
quires the artificial manipulation of character and usually results in shallow
writing — the political novelist or political propagandist working in the novel.
One can gain a useful lesson by examining ".Vnd (}nit't Flows the Don." The
central figure. Gregor. is a man who ends ui» as the political enemy of the Soviet
revolution. I have always remembered a brilliant scene in the book: Gregor,
who had fought with the Reds in the Civil War and then gone over to the Whites,
returns to his village. He wants no more of fighting or politics. He asks only
to live quietly as a farmer. But he is not allowed to remain at peace. Retribu-
tion, in the form of a Connnunist, catches up with him. The Communist comes
to his house, listens to Gregor's earnest plea to be left alone and replies, with
passion, "No, we will not leave y<m alone: we will hound you."
One cannot read this scene without sympathizing with Gregor and yearning
for the Connnunist to be more tolerant. Yet — one understands both men. Their
characters, history and motivations have been clearly presented. The positi(m
each takes is inevitable. The sympathetic insight into Gregor, the humanity of
his ijresentation, does not, however, corrupt the historical point of view in the
look. Rather, it deepens it.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 157
The social illumination of this novel and its political meaning would not be
possible with a different handling of Gregor. This is so because profound
characterization presents all charactei's from their own point of view, allowing
them their own full, human .iustification for their behavior and attitudes, yet
allowing the reader to judge tlieir objective behavior. This is the special wisdom
art can offer us. But if Sholokhov had had a narrow political ax to grind, he
would not have allowed Gregor his humanity, he would have wanted only to make
the reader hate him, and so the breath of life would have gone from the book. It
would have been weaker socially, psychologically, artistically, and politically.
The i)itfall of the socially conscious writer who uses his art in a shallow manner
is that his goal all too often subtly demands the anniliiliation of certain char-
acters, the gilding of others. It is very, very difficult for him not to handle
characters in black and white since his objective is to prove a proposition, not to
reveal men in motion as they are.
Consequently, it is more than likely that he will "angle" character and events
to achieve his point. He may not wish to do this. But he is led to it by his
goal — led into idealistic conceptions of character, led into wearing rose-colored
glasses which will permit him to see in life that which he wishes to find in order to
prove his thesis, led into the portrayal of life, not as it is, but as he would like
it to be. And this is not only inferior art, but shallow politics as well. He
becomes the author of what Engels called "pinchpenny" socialist novels. This
is why "the conflict of conscience," of which Schneider spoke, has resulted so
often in schematic writing or wasted writing and, in not a few instances, in a
book or a play which must be discharged when a change of newspaper headlines
OCCUl'S.
This latter calamity is the very symbol of the pitfall dug for the artist by his
own narrow approach to his art. I know of at least a dozen plays and novels
discarded in the process of writing because the political scene altered. Obviously,
the authors in question were not primarily bent upon portraying abiding truths,
either of character or the social scene, but were mainly concerned with advancing
a political tactic through the manipulation of character. Otherwise, a new head-
line in the newspapers would not have made them discard their work. I even
know a historian who read Duclos and announced that he would have to revise
completely the book he was engaged upon. But what type of history was this in
the first place?
I am convinced that the work-in-progress of an artist who is deeply, truly,
honestly recreating a sector of human experience need not be affected by a change
in the political weather. A journalist's work, on the other hand, usually is af-
fected. This is not an invidious judgment on the journalist. It is merely the
difference between journalism and art. When the artist misuses his art, when
he practices journalism instead of art, however decent his purposes, the result
is neither the best journalism, nor the best art, nor the best politics.
The great humanistic tradition of culture has always been on the side of prog-
ress. The writer who works within this tradition — -offering his personal con-
tribution to it — is writing a political work in the broadest meaning of the term.
It is not also incumbent upon him that he relate his broad philosophic or emo-
tional humanism to a current and transient political tactic.
He may do so if he wishes. That is up to him. But if he does, he must i*e-
member that, wliere art is a weapon, it is only so when it is art. Those artists who
work within a vulgarized approach to art do so at great peril to their own work
and to the very purposes they seek to serve.
Change the World
By Mike Gold
(Daily Worker, February 12, 1946)
Albert Maltz, who wrote some powerful political and proletarian novels in the
past, seems about ready to repudiate that past, and to be preparing for a retreat
into the stale old ivory tower of the art-for-art-sakers.
If you can extract any other message out of his piece in the current New
Masses, you are a better mind reader than this columnist.
His thesis is the familiar one, viz: that much "wasted writing and bad art
has," for the past 15 years, "been induced in American writers by the intellectual
67683 — 47 11
158 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
atmosphere of the left wins" and that this bad influence has its central source iu
our vulgarized slogan : "Art is a weapon."
''It has been understood to mean that unless art is a weapon like a leaflet, serv-
ing immediate political ends, necessities, and programs, it is worthless or escapist
or vicious," he saj's.
Another cliarge is we tend to judge works of art solely from the standpoinjt of
the politics of the author.
''Writers must be judged by their work and not by the committees they join."
As an example of our "narrow and vulgar" tendency, Albert says: "The best
case in point — although there are many — is James T. Farrell * * * one of the
outstanding writers of America. I have not liked all of his work equally, and I
don't like tlie committees he belongs to. But he wrote a superb trilogy and more
than a few short stories of great quality, and he is not through writing,
yet * * *."
There's a lot more of such theorizing, but I believe I have given a fair sample
of the whole.
It has the familiar smell. I remember hearing all this sort of artistic moraliz-
ing bffore. The criticism of James T. Farrell, Max Eastman, Granville Hicks,
and other renegades always attacked the same literary "sins of the Communists,"
and even quoted Lenin, Engels, and Marx to profusion.
One can refuse to answer Maltz on esthetic grounds, however. The fact re-
mains that for 15 years, while Maltz was in the Communist literary movement,
he managed to escape with his talents and get his novels written.
This Communist literary movement in the United States was the school that
nurtured an Albert Maltz and gave him a philosophic basis. It gave him his only
inspiration up to date. It also inspired and created a Richard Wright, who was
born and reared in a humble John Reed club.
The best American writers of the past 15 years received their inspiration, their
stock of ideas, from their contact, however brief or ungrateful, with the left-wing
working class and this marxist philosophy.
* * * * « • *
Maltz's coy reference to the "political committees" on which James Farrell
serves is a bad sign. Farrell is no mere little committee server, but a vicious,
voluble Trotzkyite with many years of activity. Maltz knows that Farrell has
long been a colleague of Max Eastman, Eugene Lyons, and similar rats who have
been campaigning with endless lies and slanders for war on the Soviet Union.
It is a sign on Maltz's new personality that he hadn't the honesty to name Far-
rell's Ti'otzkyism for what it is; but to pass it off as a mere peccaddillo. By such
reasoning, Nazi rats like Ezra Pound and Knut Hansum, both superior writers
to Farrell, must also be treated respectfully and even forgiven for their horrible
politics because they are "artists."
There is a lot more one could say, and maybe I'll say it in a later column.
Meanwhile, let me express my sorrow that Albert Maltz seems to have let the
luxury and phony atmo.sphere of Hollywood at last to poison him.
It has to be constantly resisted or a writer loses his soul. Albert's soul was
strong when it touched Mother Earth — -the American working class. Now he is-
embracing absti-actions that will lead him nowhere.
We are entering the gi'eatest crisis of American history. The capitalists are
plotting (and the big strikes are a first sample) to establish an American fascism
as a prelude to an American conquest of the world.
Literary evasions of this reality can afford no inspiration to the young soldiers-
and trade-unionists, the Negroes, and all tlie rest of toiling humanity who must
fight. The ivory tower may produce a little piece of art now and then, but it
can never serve the writer who means to fight and destroy the Hitlers of this
world.
Moving Forward
By Albert Maltz
(The Worker, April 7, 1946)
We live in a period of social convulsion greater than the world has ever seen.
Poverty, depression, colonial enslavement, racism, war, political conspiracy,
mass murder — these are the problems with which humanity must deal. In this
world of acute struggle, writers, like everyone else, live and work. Since the
nature of their work is such that it is capable of influencing the thoughts, emo-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 159
tions, and actions of others, it is right and good that the world should hold them
responsible for what thoy write, and that they should hold themselves responsible.
I have believed this for quite some years now. I have also believed that in
our time Marxism can be the bread of life to a serious writer. With these con-
victions, I published an article in the New Masses some weeks ago which was
greeted by severe criticism. The sum total of this criticism was that my article
was not a contribution to the development of the working cultural movement, but
that its fundamental ideas, on the contrary, would lead to the paralysis and
liquidation of left-wing culture.
Now these are serious charges, and were not rendered lightly, nor taken lightly
by me. Indeed the seriousness of the discussion flows from the fact that my
article was not published in the Social Democratic New Leader (which, to my
humiliation, has since commented on it with wolfish approval), but that it was
published in the New Masses.
In the face of these criticisms, I have been spending the intervening weeks in
serious thought. I have had to ask myself a number of questions: Were the
criticisms of my article sound? If so, by what process of thought had I, despite
earnest intentions, come to write the article in the terms I didV
Intimately connected with these personal questions were broader matters de-
manding inquiry by others as well as by myself. If the criticisms of my article
were sound, why was it that a number of friends who read the manuscript prior
to publication and whose convictions are akin to mine had not come to such
severe conclusions? And why was it that the.New Masses accepted the article
without comment to me, indeed with only a note of approval from the literary
editor? And why was it that even after the criticisms of my article appeared,
I daily received letters which protested the "ton" of the criticisms of me, but
considered that at worst I only had fallen into a few "unfortunate" formula-
tions?
I have come to quite a number of conclusions about these questions. And if I
discuss the process of my arriving at them with some intimacy, I hope the reader
will bear with me, since I know no other way of dealing honestly with the prob-
lem involved. I particularly invite those who have written me letters of approval
to consider whether some of the remarks I have to make about myself may not
be also appropriate to them,
II
I consider now that my article — by what I have come to agree was a one-sided,
nondialectical treatment of complex issues — could not, as I had hoped, contribute
to the development of left-wing criticism and creative writing. I believe also
that my critics were entirely correct in insisting that certain fundamental ideas
in my article would, if pursued to their conclusion, result in the dissolution of
the left-wing cultural movement.
The discussion surrounding my article has made me aware of a trend in my
own thinking, and in the thinking of at least some others in the left-wing cul-
tural movement, namely, a tendency to abstract errors made by left critics from
the total social scene, a tendency then to magnify those errors and to concen-
trate attention upon them without reference to a balanced view of the many
related forces which bear upon left culture, and hence a tendency to advance
from half-truths to total error.
Let me illustrate this point : In the thirties, as there seems to be general agree-
ment, left-wing criticism was not always conducted on the deepest, or ruost desir-
able, or most useful level. Its effectiveness was lowered by tendencies toward
doctrinaire judgments and toward a mechanical application of social criticism.
And these tendencies must be understood and analyzed if working-class culture
is to advance to full flower. But, on the other hand, the inadequacies of criti-
cism, such as they were, are only a small and partial aspect of the left-wing
cultural movement as a whole. The full truth — as I have been aware for many
years, and as I was thoroughly aware even when writing my article, is this:
From the left-wing cultural movement in America, and from the left wing inter-
nationally, has come the only major, healthy imi)etus to an honest literature and
art that these last two decades have provided. Compound the errors of left cul-
tural thought as high as you will— still its errors are small as compared to its
useful contribution, are tiny as compared to the giant liberating and construc-
tive force of Marxist ideas upon culture. As a matter of sheer fact this is such
a self-evident proposition that it does not require someone of my conviction to
state it ; it has been acknowledged even by reactionary critics who, naturally,
have then gone on falsely to declare that the liberating force of left culture has
run its course and expired.
160 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This total truth about the h»ft wing is tliorcforo the only proper foundation
and matrix for a discussion of specific errors in the practice of social criticism
and creative writing. It was in the omission of this total truth— in taking it
for granted — in failing to record the host of writers who have been, and are
now, nourished by the ideas and aspirati(ms of the left wing — that I presented
a distorted view of the facts, history and contribution of left-w^ng culture to
American life. This was not my desire, but I accept it as the objective result.
And, at the same time, by my one-sided zeal in attempting to correct errors,
and so forth, I wrote an article that opened the way for the New Leader to seize
upon my comments in order to "support" its unprincipled slanders against the
left.
Of all that my article unwittingly achieved, this is the most difficult pill for
me to swallow. My statements are now being offered up as fresh proof of the
old lie: That the left puts artists in uniform. But it is a pill I have had to
swallow and that I now want to dissolve.
Who and what keeps artists in uniform? In our society uniforms are indeed
fitted for artists at every turn. But how? By a system of education which in-
structs a whole society in the belief that the status quo is luialterable, that social
inequality is normal, that race prejudice is natural ; by a social order which
puts writing talent at the disposal of Hearst and artistic talent at the disposal
of advertising agencies ; by a total pressure made up of pressures and intellec-
tual pressures and moral pressures, all designed to harness writers, artists, teach-
ers, journalists, scientists, into willing or confused or frightened support of the
established order in society, into maintaining, if need be, capitalist povei'ty, crime,
prostitution, the cycle of wars and depressions — into maintaining all of this by
their talent. This the way in which artists, unless they break loose in con-
scious and organized protest, are put into one of the many, elegantly cut uni-
forms offered them by our kings of monopoly, our lords of the press, radio,
and so forth.
No ; it is not the left wing that is guilty of this. On the contrary, the left
wing, by its insistence that artists must be free to speak the absolute truth
about society, by the intellectual equipment it offers in Marxist sqientiiic thought,
is precisely the force that can help the artist strip himself of the many uniforms
into which he has been stepping since birth.
This is my conviction, and it has been my conviction for years. For pre-
cisely this reason it high lights the contradiction between my intentions in writing
my article — and its result. By allowing a subjective concentration upon problems
met in my own writing in the past to become a major preoccupation, I produced
an article distinguished for its omissions, and succeeded in merging my com-
ments with the unprincipled attacks upon the left that I have always repudiated
and combated.
And this, as I said earlier, is the process by which one-sided thinking can lead
to total error — it is the process by which objects, seen in a distortion mirror,
can be recognized, but bear no relation to their precise features. It was this,
among other things, that my critics pointed out sharply. For that criticism
I am indebted. Ideas and opinions are worth holding when they are right,
not when they are wrong. The effort to be useful involves always the possibility
of being wrong; the right of being wrong, however, bears with it the moral
obligation to analyze errors and to correct them. Anything else is irresponsible.
Ill
The second major criticism of the thinking in my article revolved about a
separation between art and ideology, which was traced in varied terms, through
a number of illustrations I had used and concepts I had advanced. I suppose
I might claim here that it was merely inept formulation on my part which
resulted in an "impression" that I was separating art from politics, the artist
from the citizen, etc. But in the course of reading and rereading the criti-
cisms of my article and the article itself, I have come to agi-ee that I did make
the separations mentioned, and that I made them not only in the writing, but
in my thinking on the specific problems I was discussing.
Once again, this is the result of a one-sided, nondialectical approach. Out of
a desire to find clear, creative paths for my own work and the work of others.
I felt it necessary to combat the current of thought that, in the past, has tended
to establish a mechanical relationship between ideology and art — a tendency
that works particular harm to creative writing because it encourages a narrow,
sloganized literature of a living reflection of society. However, in the course of
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 161
this "contribution," as has been pointed out, I severed tlie organic connection
between art and ideology.
Tills is not a small matter, but a serious one. For if the progress of literature
and art is separate from thought, if the ideas of a writer bear no intimate rela-
tionship to the work he produces, then even Fascists can produce good art. This is
not oidy contrary to historic fact, but it is theoretically absurd. Good art has
always, and wili always, come from writers who love people, who ally them-
selves with the fate of the people, with the struggle of the people for social
advancement. It is precisely because Fascists must hate people that 12 years
of Nazi Germany produced not one piece of art in any field. It is for this reason
that a writer like Celine, the Frenchman, who began with a talented work of
protest, but who found no constructive philosophy for his protest, ended in cor-
rupt cynicism, in hatred of people, in the artistic sterility of the Fascist. It is
for the same reason that the talent of American writers like Farrell and Dos
Passes has not matured but has, on the conti-ary, gone into swift down-grade
into slie'^r dullness as well as the purveying of untruth.
Here I want to interrupt for a word of comment on Farrell. I agree now that
my characterization of him was deckledly lax, and that it was the inadvertent,
but inevitable, result of the line of thinking in my article that separated art from
ideology and politics. I want to make clear, however, that while "a mild attitude
toward Trotzkyites" was apparently the net effect upon readers of my com-
ments, it was not at all what I had in mind, and it decidedly does not reflect my
opinions. Actually if I had been attempting a thoroiigh examination of Farrell,
there would have been much more to say — and I want to say some of it now.
Farrell's history and work are the best example I know of the manner in which
a poisoned ideology and an increasingly sick soul can sap the talent and wreck
the living fiber of a mans' work. This has been clear for quite some time now;
his literary work has become weak, dull, repetitious. But precisely because this
is so, and because his one outstanding work, Studs Lonigan, which ranks high
among contemporary American novels — deservedly, I believe — was written be-
fore he became a Trotzkyite, it is essential to trace dialectically in his work —
as in the work of others like him — the process of artistic decay. It was not some-
thing I was "cheering" abovTt, but it is soraething to reckon with as sheer fact
that Farrell, Wright, Dos Passes, Koestler, etc., are "not thi'ough writing yet,"
that they are going to produce other books. If no one in America read these
authors, one could settle by ignoring them. But this is not the case ; they are
widely read. As I see it, the effective manner of dealing with their work is not
to be content merely with contemptuous references ; this will not satisfy those
wlio. ignorant of their political roles, know only their novels.
What is needed is profound analysis of this method and logic by which their
anti-Soviet, antipeople, antllabor attitudes enter their work, pervert their
talents, turn them into tools and agents of reaction. Only in this manner can
other writers be made to see clearly the artistic consequences of political cor-
ruption: only in this manner can the struggle for a mass audience be conducted
in a truly persuasive and mature manner.
At this point I should like to ask a question particularly of those who I'ead my
earlier article with approval, or with only sketchy criticism : What is the sum of
what I have been saying up until now?
It seems clear to me, as I hope it is already clear to them, that I have been
discussing and illustrating revisionism, and that my article, as pointed out by
others, was a specific example of revisionist thinking in the cultural field.
For what is revisionism? It is distorted Marxism, turning half-truths into
total untruths, splitting ideology from its class base, denying the existence of
class struggles in society, converting jNIarxism from a science of society and
struggle into apologetics for monopoly exploitation. In terms of my article I
think the clearest summation was given by S'amuel S'illen in the Daily Worker :
"A hasty reading of the article may give the impi-ession that it merely offers
suggestions for correcting admitted defects of the literary left. But a deeper
study of the article reveals that the.^e suggestions, some of which might be
valuable in another context, are here bound up with a line of thinking that would
lead us to shatter the very foundation of the literary left, Marxism. This is
(he main issue. On this issue we must have utmost clarity.
"While INIaltz seems to believe that he is merely criticizing a 'vulgarized ap-
proach' to literature, he is in reality undermining a class approach. While
162 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
appparins to challonge an over-simplified identity between art and politics, he
severs their organic relationship in our epoch. In repudiating the 'accepted
understanding' of art as a weapon, Maltz whittles down the concept itself to a
point approaching nonexistence. In centering his fire on the 'literary atmos-
phere of the left,' he ignoi-es the basic problem of an honest writer in capitalist
society, the 'literary atmosphere of the right.'
"The article cannot be viewed simply as a challenge to mechanical application
of fundamental truths. The truths themselves are crushed under the structure
of IMaltz's reasoning. * * * What is the main problem of the literary left
today? It is to reestablish its Marxist base. In the past few years that base
has been sapped by revisionism."
I believe that Sillen's summation is correct. The pi'ocess he describes here is
a revisionist process; it is the residt of a failure to deeply break with old habits
of thought. This failure was, I believe, at the core of the main tendencies in
my article and it was the key to its uncritical acceptance by more than a few
in the cultural field, both before and after publication. The intense, ardent,
and sharp discussion around my article, therefore, seems to me have been a
healthy and necessary one — and to have laid the foundation whereby a new
clarity can be achieved, a new consciousness forged, and a struggle undertaken
to return, deeply, to sound Marxist principles. For it is essential that everyone,
who appreciates that a healthy culture must be based on the needs of the people
and the needs of the working class, appreciate also that Browderism could not
lead to such a culture. A literature that would be uncritical of monopoly capital
and its effect upon human lives, indeed a literature based on the concept that
monopoly capital can serve the American people progressively — such a literature
would be wholly out of step with life. It could not represent the facts of life.
Creative writers who approached life with this philosophy would have to avoid
realistic, honest writing. However much they might feel ardent sympathy for
the people, they would be forced into the position of ignoring reality — and hence
their actual work would finally become indistinguishable from the empty litera-
ture to be found in the popular magazines.
This, with all of its implications, is the reason why a serious and sharp dis-
cussion was required of the ideas developed in my article.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
]Mr. McDowell. Mr. McGuinness, Mr. Nixon developed a very good
point there. My thought is this : Ninety-nine and nine-tenths percent
of the customers of the industry go to the movies to be entertained.
They don't go to learn something particularly. They go to be enter-
tained. The term has been nsed here a number of times by various
folks, both on and off the committee, "making anti-Comnmnist pic-
tures." I think that is a poor term. I think I am on solid ground
in saying that the committee isn't urging you to make any kind of
pictures, that that is a matter for the motion-picture producers to
determine. Our thought in the matter would be that your writers
confine themselves when they delve into political matters and histori-
cal matters to the truth, and not to make anything anti or pro. I be-
lieve the American public would appreciate that, too.
Would you agree that that should be the situation?
Mr. McGuinness. Mr. McDowell, if you will permit me, I believe
that the screen has prospered by being basically a form of entertain-
ment. I believe that the screen is an awkward medium for political
debate, for this reason : The presentation of any one political view-
point on the screen and its appearance, setting a date for that, would
I'equire at least 18 months — to find the story, to have it written, to have
a test, acted on, cut, scored, previewed, and then manufactured and
distributed. Eeighteen months would be a minimum, before anybody
could enter a rebuttal.
I am opposed to any form of censorship of the screen. I think the
screen should be free to say anything it wants to say. But I think
what it says should be labeled openly for what it is. If it is a political
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 163
picture and it expresses one viewpoint, I think the screen has an obli-
gation to present the other. Personally, I would rather that we con-
fined ourselves to drama and entertainment.
Mr. McDowell. Well, that is a first-class answer. It appears to
me that the motion-picture industry has been doing that, that your
fight has largely been to keep doing it, and I hope you continue keep
doing it.
Mv. McGuiNNESS. We will.
Tlie Charmain. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. Mr. McGuinness, you probably are aware of the fact that
this committee has had before it several resolutions presented by vari-
ous Congressmen providing for legislation to outlaw communism.
What is your feeling with respect to such legislation?
Mr. McGuinness. I think that the outlawing of a political belief
serves no purpose. I don't think a law ever overcomes an idea. But I
do believe that if the Communist Party can be demonstrated on suffi-
cient evidence to the Congress to be the agent of a foreign power, then
it is obligatory to defend the sovereignty and the freedoms of the
United States by recognizing it as such and outlawing it for that reason.
Mr. Vail. Well, in various hearings before this committee the
opinion has been advanced by such authorities as J. Edgar Hoover
that the Communist Party is very definitely an agent of the Soviet
Government. If it was definitely established that that was a fact, then
it would be your feeling that the enactment of such legislation would
be in order?
Mr. McGuinness. I think it would be vital. I am all in favor of it.
Mr. Vail. Thank you.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, do you have any questions ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Mr. McGuinness, in connection with the sup-
pression of fihns, could you tell the committee whether or not a few
years ago the Communists conducted a campaign to keep a picture on
the life of Eddie Rickenbacker from being produced?
Mr. McGuinness. I believe that an effort was made at that time to
keep that picture from being made. It was, however, unsuccessful.
Mr. Stripling. That is all I have, ]\Ir. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. McGuinness. You have
been a very splendid witness.^"
Mv. ]\IcGuiNNESS. Thank you, Mr. Thomas.
The Chairman. Now, the Chair would like to announce to the
members of the committee that, after we recess today, we will imme-
diately go down to our own chambers on the second floor and go into
executive session. The Chair would also like to announce that the
first witness this afternoon at 2 o'clock will be Mr. Robert Taylor.
We will stand in recess.
(Whereupon, at 11 : 55 a. m., a recess was taken in the hearing.)
AFTER RECESS
The hearing was resumed at 2 p. m., pursuant to the taking of the
recess.
The Ciiair:man. The meeting will come to order. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, before we proceed with the next
witness I would like to place into the record a telegram which was
" See appendix, p. 529, for exhibit 37.
164 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
received this noon from Mr. Sam Wood, who was a witness before the
committee on Monday.
You will recall that Mr. Wood testified that he considered four
directors to be Communists. He could not recall the name of the
fourth one.
I have the following telegram from Mr. Wood : -^
It is signed "Sam Wood."
The Chairman. Is that all you have, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
The CiiAiRMAX. Mr. Taylor, will you please raise your right hand ?
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
;Mr. Taylor. I do.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
TESTIMONY OF ROBEET TAYLOE
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address for the record, please ?
Mr. Taylor. My full name is Robert Taylor. My present address
is 807 North Rodeo Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
The Ciiair3ian. I would like to ask all these still photographers to
stay there for a few more minutes, take a few shots, then come down
here and take your positions. We do not want to have any confusion
in the chambers. Moving around brings about some confusion.
Mr. Taylor, would you please speak a little louder?
Mr. Taylor. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Please state when and where you were born, Mr.
Taylor.
Mr. Taylor. I was born in Filley, Nebr., August 5, 1911,
Mr. Stripling. You are here before the Committee on Un-American
Activities in response to a subpena which was served upon you on
October 3, 1947, are you not?
Mr. Taylor. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the subpena be made a
part of the record.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.-^
Mr. Stripling. Wliat is your present occupation, Mr. Taylor?
Mr. Taylor. I am presently employed as an actor by ]\letro-Gold-
wyn-Ma,yer Studios in Culver City, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. How long have j-ou been an actor?
Mr. Taylor. I have been employed as an actor since 1934.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Taylor. I have been in Hollywood since 1933.
Mr. Stripling. Were you in the last World War ?
Mr. Taylor. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. In what branch of the service ?
Mr. Taylor. The United States Naval Air Service.
Mr. Stripling. What was your rank?
Mr. Taylor. I was discharged from the Navy as a full lieutenant.
2" See appendix, p. 529, for exhibit 38.
'^ See appeiiilix, p. 530, for exhibit 39.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 165
Mr. StriplinCx. Durin<Tj the time you have been in Hollywood has
there been any period during which you considered that the Communist
Party or the fellow travelers of the Communist Party were exerting
any influence in the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Taylor. Well, of course, I have been looking for communism
for a long time. I have been so strongly opposed to it for so many
years ; I think in the past 4 or 5 years, specifically, I have seen more
indications which seemed to me to be signs of communistic activity in
Hollywood and the motion-picture industry.
JNTr, Stripling. In any particular field?
Mr. Taylor. No, sir. I suppose the most readil}^ determined field in
which it could be cited woulcl be in the preparation of scripts — specifi-
cally, in the writing of those scripts. I have seen things from time
to time which appeared to me to be slightly on the pinli side, shall we
say ; at least, that was my personal opinion.
Mr. Stripling. Could we have a little better order?
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Please come to order.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, in referring to the writers, do you mean
writers who are members of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Taylor. I assume that they are writers of the Screen Writers
Guild. There seem to be many different factions in skills in Hollywood.
I don't know just who belongs to what sometimes, but I assume they
are members of the guild.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of any guild ?
Mr. Taylor. I am a member of the Screen Actors Guild ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever noticed anj^ elements within the
Screen Actors Guild that you would consider to be following the Com-
munist Party line ?
Mr. Taylor. Well, yes, sir; I must confess that I have. I am a
member of the board of clirectors of the Screen Actors Guild. Quite
recentlj^ I have been very active as a director of that board. It seems
to me that at meetings, especiall}^ meetings of the general membership
of the guild, there is always a certain group of actors and actresses
whose every action would indicate to me that if they are not Com-
munists they are working awfully hard to be Communists. I don't
know. Their tactics and their philosophies seem to me to be pretty
much party-line stuff.
The Chairman. May I interrupt for just a minute? We are going
to recess for about 2 minutes and we hope everybody will keep their
seats.
(A short recess was taken.)
The Chairman. All right, we will go in session again. Go ahead,
Mr. Stripling,
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, these people in the Screen Actors Guild
who, in your opinion follow the Communist Party line, are they a dis-
rupting influence within the organization ?
iilr. Taylor. It seems so to me. In the meetings which I have at-
tended, at least on issues in which apparently there is considerable
unanimity of opinion, it always occurs that someone is not quite
able to understand what the issue is and the meeting, instead of being
over at 10 o'clock or 10 : 30 when it logically should be over, probably
winds up running until 1 or 2 o'clock in the morning on such issues as
points of order, and so on.
166 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall the names of anj^ of the actors in the
guild who participated in such activity?
Mr. Taylor. Well, yes, sir; I can name a few who seem to sort of
disrupt things once in awhile. Whether or not they are Communists,
1 don't know.
Mr. STRirLixG. Would you name them for the committee, please?
Mr. Taylor. One chap we have currently, I think, is Mr. Howard
Da Silva. He always seems to have something to say at the wrong
time. Miss Karen Morley also usually appears at the guild meetings.
Mr. Stripling. That is K-a-r-e-n M-o-r-l-e-y?
_ Mr. Taylor. I believe so ; yes, sir. Those are two I can think of
right at the moment.
Mr. Stripling. ]Mr. Taylor, have you ever participated in any pic-
ture as an actor which you considered contained Communist pro-
paganda ?
Mr. Taylor. I assume we are now referring to Song of Russia. I
must confess that I objected strenuously to doing Song of Russia at
the time it was made. I felt that it, to my way of thinking at least,
did contain Communist propaganda. However, that was my personal
opinion. A lot of my friends and people whose opinions I respect did
not agree with me.
When the script was first given me I felt it definitely contained
Communist propaganda and objected to it upon that basis. I was
assured by the studio that if there was Communist propaganda in that
scrijDt it would be eliminated. I must admit that a great deal of the
things to which I objected were eliminated.
Another thing which determined my attitute toward Song of Rus-
sia was the fact that I liad recently been commissioned in the Navy and
was awaiting orders. I wanted to go ahead and get in the Navy. How-
ever, it seems at the time there were many pictures being made to
more or less strengthen the feeling of the Aifierican people toward
Russia.
I did Song of Russia. I don't think it should have been made. I
don't think it would be made today.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Taylor, in connection with the production of
Song of Russia, do you know whether or not it was made at the sug-
gestion of a representative of the Government?
Mr. Taylor. I do not believe that it was made at the suggestion of a
Government representative ; no, sir. I think the script was written and
prepared long before any representative of the Government became
involved in it in any way.
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever present at any meeting at which a
representative of the Government was present and this picture was
discussed?
Mr. Tayt.or. Yes. sir; in Mr. L. B. Mayer's office. One day I was
called to meet Mr. Mellett whom I met in the company of Mr. Mayer
and, as I recall, the Song of Russia was discussed briefly. I don't
think we were together more than 5 minutes.
It was disclosed at that time that the Government was interested in
the picture being made and also pictures of that nature being made by
ether studios as well. As I say, it was to strengthen the feeling of the
American people toward the Russian people at that time.
Mr. Stripling. The Mellet you referred to is Mr. Lowell Mellett?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 167
Mr. Taylor. Yes, sir.
Mv. STRirLiNG. He was the Chief of the Bureau of Motion Pictures
of the Ofiice of War Information ?
Mr. Taylor. That is right. However, may I clarify something?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; go right ahead.
Mr. Taylor. If I ever gave the impression in anything that ap-
peared previously that I was forced into making Song of Russia, I
would like to say in my own defense, lest I look a little silly by saying
I was ever forced to do the picture, I was not forced because nobody
can force yon to make any picture.
I objected to it but in deference to the situation as it then existed I
did the picture.
Mr. Stripling. Did you have any special qualification, Mr. Taylor,
for the particular part they wanted to fill? I understand you were
selected, among other reasons, because of the fact that you were a
musician.
Mr. Taylor. Well, I assume that that might have been a qualifica-
tion for doing a part in Song of Eussia. Yes, I had studied music quite
extensively in college and previous to going to college.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell the committee whether or not in your
experience in Hollywood any scripts have ever been submitted to you
which contained any lines of material which you considered might be
un-American or communistic — any lines which you objected to?
Mr. Taylor. Oh, yes, sir. I think from time to time you are bound
to run into lines and situations and scenes which I would consider
objectionable. One script was submitted to me quite some time ago,
but not officially from the studio, which I objected to on the basis that
it seemed to foster ideologies which I did not personally agree with.
However, nothing more came out of it. The script has not been
made and I have heard nothing more about it, as a matter of fact.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, there has been quite some testimony
here regarding the presence within the motion-picture industry of a
number of writers who are considered to be Communists. Are j^ou
personally acquainted with any of the writers whom you consider to
be Communists or who follow the Communist Party line?
Mr. Taylor. I know several writers — I know of several writers in
the motion-picture business who are reputedly fellow travelers or pos-
sibly Communists. I don't know about that.
Mr. Stripling. You have no personal knowledge of it yourself?
Mr. Taylor. I know one gentleman employed at the studio at whicli
I am employed. Mr. Lester Cole, who is reputedly a Communist. I
would not know personally.
Mr. Stripling. Would you say that after Pearl Harbor the activi-
ties of the Communists in the motion-picture industry increased or
decreased?
Mr. Tayi.or. I think quite obviously it must have increased. The
ground for their work in this country was obviously more fertile.
I would say "yes"; it did definitely increase following Pearl Harbor.
Mv. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, have you ever joined any Communist-
front organization?
Mr. Taylor. No. sir; believe me.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever played in any picture with people
whom you had any doubts about as to their loyalty to the Government?
168 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Taylor. Not that I know of. I have never worked with anyone
knowingly who is a Communist. Moreover, I shall never work with
anyone who is a Communist.
Mr. Stripling. You would refuse to act in a picture in which a
person whom you considered to be a Communist was also cast ; is that
correct ?
Mr. Taylor. I most assuredly would and I would not even have
to know that he was a Communist. This may sound biased; however,
if I were even suspicious of a person being a Communist with whom
I was sclieduled to work, I am afraid it would have to be him or me,
because life is a little too short to be around people who annoy me as
much as these fellow trav^elers and Communists do.
Mr. Stripling. You definitely consider them to be a bad influence
upon the industry?
Mr. Taylor. I certainly do ; 3"es, sir.
INIr. Stripling. They are a rotten apple in the barrel ?
Mr. Taylor. To me they are and I further believe that 99.9 percent
of the people in the motion-picture industry feel exactly as I do.
Mr. Stripling. What do you think would be the best way to ap-
proach the problem of ridding the industry of the Communists who are
now entrenched therein?
Mr. Taylor. Well, sir, if I were given the responsibility of getting
rid of them I would love nothing better than to fire every last one of
them and never let them work in a studio or in Hollywood again. How-
ever, that is not my position.
If I were producing a picture on my own — and I hope I never do —
but if I were, I would not have one of them within 100 miles of me or
the studio or the script. I am sure the producers in Hollywood are
faced with a slightly different problem. They are heads of an industry
and as heads of an industry they might be slightly more judicial
than I, as an individual, would be.
I believe firmly that the producers, the heads of the studios in Holly-
wood, would be and are more than willing to do everything they can
to rid Hollywood of Communists and fellow travelers.
I think if given the tools with which to work — specifically, some
sort of national legislation or an attitude on the part of the Govern-
ment as such which would provide them with the weapons for getting
rid of these people — I have no doubt personally but what they would
be gone in very short order.
INIr. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, do you consider that the motion picture
primarily is a vehicle of entertainment and not of propaganda?
Mr. Taylor. I certainly do. I think it is the primary job of the
motion-picture industry to entertain ; nothing more, nothing less.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the industry would be in a better
position if it stuck strictly to entertainment without permitting politi-
cal films to be made, without being so labeled?
Mr. Taylor. I certainly do. Moreover, I feel that largely the picture
business does stick to entertaiimient. I do not think they let themselves
be sidetracked too much with propaganda films and things of that sort.
Every once in a while things do sneak in that nobody catches. If the
Communists are not working in the picture business there is no motive
for their sneaking things in.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Taylor, returning to the picture Song of Russia
for a moment, INIiss Ayn Rand gave the connnittee a review of the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 169
picture several days ago. In the picture there were several scenes,
particularly a wedding scene at which a priest officiated ; also several
other scenes at which the clergy was present. When you were making
this picture were you under the impression that freedom of religion
was enjoyed in Russia?
Mr. Taylor. No, sir ; I never was under the impression that freedom
of religion was enjoyed in Russia. However, I must confess when it
got down to that part of the picture the picture was about two-thirds
gone and it didn't actually occur to me until you mentioned it just a
minute ago.
Mr. Stkipling. Those are all the qeustions I have now, Mr. Chair-
man.
Tlie Chairman. Mr. Nixon ?
Mr. NixoN. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDow^ELL. Mr. Taylor, you have been interested in this matter
for quite a long time, and probably know as much about the situation
in Hollywood as any person who lives there. There have been many
statements made since INIr. Thomas and I were to Hollywood last May
and began this investigation into the Communist activities on the
west coast, to the effect that the Committee on Un-American Activities
was attempting to control thought or frighten the producers out there
into producing some sort of picture. Has that been your impression of
our activities 5
Mr. Taylor. No, sir; not at any time did I get that impression.
Mr. McDowell. I am very glad to hear you say that. I thought
a great deal about things I have read in various columns of the papers
as to our attempting to control the great American movie industry. It
is silly. The Committee on Un-American Activities is attempting to
find the enemies of the Nation. We are not concerned with liberals or
conservatives or anj^thing of that kind; we are hunting enemies of the
Nation. We know some are in Hollywood. Thank you for coming.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon ?
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Ta^dor, as a result of your appearance before the
Subcommittee on Un-American Activities in Hollywood a few months
ago, you were subject to considerable criticism and ridicule from
certain left-wing quarters were you not?
Mr. Taylor. I am afraid so; yes, sir. It didn't bother me, however.
Mr. Nixon. And as the result of your testimony and your appearance
before this committee today and the stand you have taken on this issue
you will be the subject of additional ridicule and criticism from those
quarters ; will you not ?
Mr. Taylor. I suppose so. However, any time any of the left-wing
press or individuals belonging to the left wing or their fellow-traveler
groups ridicule me, I take it as a compliment because I really enjoy
their displeasure.
Mr. NixoN. You realize, however, that your success as an actor, your
livelihood as an actor, depends to a great extent upon the type of
publicity you receive?
Mr. Taylor. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. And that ridicule and abuse heaped upon you has a
much more serious effect than it would have upon a person who does
170 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
not depend upon public acceptance of what he does ? Yet you feel that
under the circumstances it is your duty as an American citizen to state
your views on this matter?
Mr. Taylor. I most assuredly do, sir.
Mr. Nixon. As far as you are concerned, even though it might mean
that you would suffer possibly at the box office, possibly in reputation
or in other ways for you to appear before this committee, you feel
you are justified in making the appearance and you would do so
again if you were requested to do so ?
Mr. Taylor. I certainly would, sir. I happen to believe strongly
enough in the American people and in what the American people be-
lieve in to think that they will go along with anybody who prefers
America and the American form of government over any other sub-
versive ideologies which might be presented and by whom I might
be criticized. [Loud applause.]
The Chairman. Mr. Taylor, are you in favor of the motion-picture
industry making anti-Communist pictures giving the facts about
communism ?
Mr. Taylor. Congressman Thomas, when the time arrives — and it
might not be long — when pictures of that type are indicated as neces-
sary, I believe the motion-picture industry will and should make anti-
Communist pictures. When that time is going to be I don't happen
to know, but I believe they should and will be made.
The Chairman. Do you have any other questions, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. I would like to ask Mr. Taylor if he thinks the Com-
munist Party should be outlawed, for this reason: This committee
presently has before it two bills which seek to do that very thing,
legislation which would in fact outlaw the party. Do you think that
would reach this Communist influence in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Taylor. Well, in order to answer that, I personally, with all
due regard to Mr. Hoover, whose opinion I respect most highly, cer-
tainly do believe that the Communist Party should be outlawed.
However, I am not an expert on politics or on what the reaction
would be. If I had my way about it they would all be sent back to
Kussia or some other unpleasant place [loud applause] and never
allowed back in this country.
The Chairman. I am going to ask the audience to please not ap-
plaud. We are trying to get the facts here. This is not a show, or
anything like that. Do not applaud any of the witnesses who are
on the stand, or at any other time. Go ahead, Mr. Taylor.
Mr. Taylor. If outlawing the Communist Party would solve the
Communist threat in this country then I am thoroughly in approval
and accord with it being outlawed.
The Chairman. Does any other member have any questions?
(No response.)
The Chairman. Mr. Taylor, thank you very much for coming here
today. We want to congratulate you for your very frank statement.
We are going to ask all the audience and all the photographers to
please keep your seats while the witness is leaving. We will have
another witness in a few seconds. Mr. Leckie and Mr. Smith, please
escort the witness from the chambers.
Thank you very much.
Mr. Stripling, call your next witness.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 171
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Howard
Rushmore.
The Chairman. The committee will recess for 1 minute.
(A short recess was taken.)
The Chairiman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Rushmore.
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Rushmore. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr. Stripling.
TESTIMONY OF HOWARD RUSHMOEE
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Rushmore, please state your full name.
Mr. Rushmore. Howard Rushmore.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present address?
Mr. Rushmore. Huntington, Long Island, N. Y.
Mr. Stripling. When and where w^ere you born ?
Mr. Rushmore. Mitchell, S. Dak., 1912.
Mr. Stripling. You are here in response to a subpena, ar.e you not?^
Mr. Rushmore. I am.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation?
Mv. Rushmore. Editorial department of the New York Journal-
American.
]Mr. Stripling. How long have you been employed there?
Mr. Rushmore. Seven years.
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Rushmore. I was.
Mr. Stripling. During what period?
Mr. Rushmore. From 1936 to 1939.
Mr. Stripling. Did you ever hold any position in the Communist
Party?
Mr. Rushmore. I did.
Mr. Stripling. Will you enumerate to the committee the positions
you held in the party?
Mr. Rushmore. Chiefly film critic for the Daily Worker. I was also
on the Daily Worker as managing editor of their Sunday magazine,
as city editor on Sunday, and had a few jobs like that, but chiefly as
film critic.
JNIr. Stripling. Why did you break with the party?
Mr. Rushmore. Largely over the review of Gone With the Wind,
which I criticized for its defects, calling it a magnificent bore, but
parts here and there I thought praiseworthy. For a period of a year
the party had been insisting movies be handled in a much more tough
fashion, shall I say, and I thought that to ask for a boycott of Gone
With the Wind was a little strong. There developed quite an argu-
ment over that and I resigned and left the .party December 27, 1939.
Mr. Stripling. As one who was in the party and who would be
familiar with the party's position regarding movies, will you state to
the committee the attitude of the Communist International, which is
the governing body, shall we say, of the Communist Party, regarding
the motion-picture industry or the movies?
"^ See appendix, p. 530, for exhibit 40.
172 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. RusHMORE. I will go back to 1925. The Daily Worker pub-
lished an article by Willie Miienzenburfr. Mr. Muenzeiibui'<^ was a
member of the Communist International and in charge of C. I. cul-
tural affairs and in the Daily Worker of 1925 he wrote the follow-
ing
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ruslmiore, are you referring to C. I-
Mr. RusHMORE. Communist International. That is the usual party
term for the Communist International.
Muenzenburg wrote as follows :
We must develop the tremendons cultural possibilities in a revolutionary sense.
One of the most pressing tasks confronting the Communist Party in the field of
propaganda is the conquest of this supremely important propaganda uutil now
the monopoly of the ruling class. We must wrest it from them and turn it
against them.
This article dealt entirely with the movie industry.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have any information or quotations which
reflect the position of Lenin ?
Mr. RusHMORE. Well, Lenin, as leader of the Russian Revolution^
wrote the following:
Communists must always consider that of all the arts the motion picture is the
most important.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell us whether or not this line as laid
down by Muenzenburg has been followed in the United States?
Mr. RusHMORE. It has been followed very carefully since 1925. At
first the Communist Party sought to set up independent production
units, one of which was called the Film and Photo League, later an-
other one called Frontier Films, to produce documentary pictures of
communist agitation and propaganda. However, as that went along
they saw they couldn't reach what they called the masses with such
16-millimeter films and their lack of distributive methods.
I might cite one of these films which — two of them, as a matter of
fact — put out by Frontier Films, which was organized largely by
Herbert Kline, who is a member of the Communist Party. This
movie, the Heart of Spain, was widely shown in Hollywood, and one
labor film, which was Our Civil Liberties, which was praised by
Donald Ogden Stewart in the Daily Worker and called a magnificent
film.
Mr. Stripling. Now, you referred to Herbert Kline as a party
member. How do you know he is a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. RusHMORE. I have seen him at national headquarters of the
Communist Party, 35 East Twelfth Street, New York, in a part of the
building where only party members were admitted.
Mr. Stripling. Did the Communists organize any other movie
groups ?
Mr. Rusiimore. They had what they called Film Audiences for
Democracy and set up branches of that throughout the United States
and had a very active branch in Hollywood. A lot of prominent
people, some of them certainly not Communists, were drawn into
this innocent sounding Communist front organization. I noticed
in the Daily Worker that Walter Wanger, the producer, spoke
before the Hollywood bi-anch of the Film Audiences for Democracy,,
and he is quoted in the Daily Worker of April l-t, 1939, defending th&
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 173
movie, Blockade, which, incidentally, the Communist Party supported
fully, AVanger said of Blockade :
Every film that was ever made was propaganda for something, there is no such
thing as a film which does not contain propaganda.
I might add that that Wanger picture, Blockade, gave 100 percent
endorsement of Stalin's effort to seize Spain as another foreign colony
of the Kremlin, and the Connnunist Party through all its fronts and
CIO and A. F. of L. unions which it controlled, put on a terrific cam-
paign for Blockade.
Mr. Stripling. Will you tell the committee the purposes of the
organization of Film Audiences for Democracy, what was it, why was
it established ?
Mr. KusHMORE. It was set up — there are several reasons. One, as a
l^ressure group, which I will explain later, and also as a, shall we call
it, public relations outfit, to get across to the public the kind of movie
the Communists thought the public should see.
Mr. Stripling. What was the mechanical set-up as to the Com-
numists directly in Hollywood? In other words, how was their ac-
tivity directed in the motion picture industry?
Mr. RusHMORE. Well, at the time I was on the Daily Worker for
those 3 years John Howard Lawson was in direct charge of Communist
activities in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to ask you, you referred to Film
Audiences of Democracy as a pressure group, do you mean that they
organized picket lines against certain pictures which they felt were»
for one reason or another, unfavorable to their position?
Mr. RusHMORE. They did that to a great extent. Also they organ-
ized a very skillful form of propaganda. Say the Communist Party
had been informed that a movie was coming out within a couple of
months which was anti-Communist or anti-some part of their partic-
ular line or foreign policy. Film Audiences for Democracy would
line up the various unions in the Communist periphery, the innumer-
able front organizations, and carry on a letter and telegram campaign
to the producers. They would get church groups, they would get al-
most any kind of organization to wire these protests. As a result the
producers would have thousands of letters and telegrams coming in
demanding this picture be halted.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not the Communists got
tips direct from Hollywood as to what would be produced ? In other
words, that they might organize in advance a campaign against either
the production of the picture or its showing at theaters?
Mr. RusHMORE, They received regular information on the kind of
pictures coming out from the various studios and in some cases I
know that the actual script, or a copy of it, rather, was sent to the
Cultural Commission of the party at 35 East Twelfth Street months
before the picture went into production.
Mr. Stripling. What was the name of that picture?
Mr. RusioroRE. Well, let me check my notes here. There were
several of them.
One movie that I remember particularly was Our Leading Citizen,
put out by Paramount, and the script of Our Leading Citizen was sent:
to V. J. Jerome, who was the head of the Communist Party Cultural
67683—47 12
174 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Commission, and I was told by the Cultural Commission that they
had looked over this script and decided that this movie was one of
the most anti-Communist movies in years, and that they were going
to line up a boycott of it. I reviewed the movie — that was in 1939 —
I reviewed the movie and we called for a boycott of the picture. The
next day the party had already prepared around three columns of
protests from so-called progressive labor leaders, community leaders,
and people like that. The letter and telegram barrage against Para-
mount started immediately but the entire campaign was planned to
begin on the opening day of the picture on Broadway.
Mr. Stripling. In these boycotts does the Communist Party mobi-
lize a united front of its various front organizations or is it strictly
the activity of the party itself ?
Mr. RusHMORE. Oh, they use every organization that they control
or have influence in, not only their major organizations, the CIO
and the A. F. of L., but tile Council of American-Soviet Friendship,
the old-time American League for Peace and Democracy, the Ameri-
can Youth for Democracy, they have factions in such church organi-
zations as Epworth League, they have a faction of ministers under
Communist control who can be depended on.
Mr. Stripling. A faction of ministers?
Mr. Rushmore. Yes. The word "faction" means a group who work
within a large organization.
Mr. Stripling. Could you identify the group ?
Mr. RusHMORE. I never met with them. Clarence Hathaway, edi-
tor of the Daily Worker at the time I was there, was in charge of these
ministers. Clarence used to tell me how he got a big kick out of meet-
ing twice a week, as he said with a bunch of preachers and giving them
the party line, which they carried out through various front organi-
zations set up, and individually, and perhaps in their churches.
Mr. Stripling. M'r. Rushmore, there has been testimony before the
committee given yesterday by Mr. Rupert Hughes to the effect that
certain producers in Hollywood refrained from producing anti-
Communist films because they were forewarned that if they did so-
called stinkpots would be placed in theaters and the upholstery in the
seats would be slashed. As a former Communist and one who was
in the inner circle of the party do you think that the Communist Party
would resort to such tactics or do you know whether they ever have?
Mr. Rushmore. Not of my own knowledge but it is very possible
that they would do that. I have been at union meetings when they
discussed the breaking of windows or the breaking of skulls, so the
use of stinkpots in a movie is quite possible.
Mr. Stripling. Who was the commissar of the motion-picture indus-
try when you were in the Communist Party?
Mr. RuSHjroRE. At the time I was there the person in charge of party
activities in Hollywood was John Howard Lawson.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, John Howard Lawson is a writer
Mr. Rushmore. He is a writer.
Mr. Stripling. And one of those who has been subpenaed before the
committee.
Did you ever meet John Howard Lawson ?
Mr. Rushmore. I did.
Mr. Stripling. Where did you meet him?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 175
Mr. RusHMORE. The date would be late 1937 or early 1938, on the
ninth floor of the Communist Party headquarters, 35 East Twelfth
Street.
Mr. Stripling. The ninth floor. Is there any particular significance
to the ninth floor?
Mr. KusiiMORE. That is the inner sanctum, the place where the
national officers of the Community Party have their headquarters,
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider John Howard Lawson to be a
member of the Connnunist Party or did you consider him to be one
at that time ?
Mr. Rushmore. At this particular meeting I was invited by Clar-
ence Hathaway, the editor of the Daily Worker, to attend. It was a
meeting of the cultural commission of the Communist Party.
Mr. Stripling. M'ay I interrupt? Would you explain to the com-
mittee, briefly, just what is the cultural commission of the Communist
Party ?
Mr. Rushmore. It is a sort of subcommittee of the central commit-
tee. The central committee is the governing- body of the Communist
Party. This subcommittee is one of its most important adjuncts. It
was organized by Alexander Trachtenburg, who is a member of the
political bureau of the Connnunist Party. This cultural commission
was set up by Trachtenburg after his return from one of his many trips
to Moscow, I think around in 1934, and furthermore Trachtenburg
himself told me at one time that the regular reports of the commission's
activities were delivered to Moscow either by himself or a courier at
least once a year.
Mr. Stripling. Who was in charge of the commission, the cultural
commission ?
Mr. Rushmore. V. J. Jerome.
Mr. Stripling. What is his real name?
Mr. Rushmore. Isaac Romaine.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not he was ever in Holly-
wood?
Mr. Rushmore. He has made many trips to Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know why he went there?
Mr. Rushmore. Well, Jerome went there to — I will cite one instance
that I know of — to make a speech before the Anti-Nazi League in
Hollywood, which was largely under party control.
Mr. Stripling. That is the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League ?
Mr. Rushmore. That is right. I might add Jerome is one of the
most important leaders of tlie Communist Party. To prove that, he
was editor for years for the Communist magazine. That is their most
important publication. It is the theoretical organ of the Communist
Party. Jerome's job was seeing that this magazine reflected the
policy as laid down by Moscow to the American Communists.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether V. J. Jerome ever collab-
orated with Hanns Eisler, either in Eisler's articles or in songs which
Hanns Eisler wrote the music for?
Mr. Rushmore. I have a recollection of that, but it is only a vague
one. I know that Eisler, as one of the bosses of the American Com-
munist Party, would have jurisdiction over Jerome. That would be
self-evident.
Mr. Stripling. In other words, Gerhart Eisler was Jerome's boss?
176 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. RusHMORE. He would be one of tliem.
Mr. Striplixg. One of them?
Mr. RusiiMOKE. One of the major ones.
Mr. Striplixg. Did von consider Gerhart Eisler to be a representa-
tive of the Connnunist International in the United States?
Mr. RusHMORE. I never met him. At that time he was pretty much
under wraps and in the Communist Party the rank and file newspaper-
man never meets what they call the C. I. reps, the Communist Inter-
national representatives.
]Mr. Striplixg. Do you know whether or not Jerome ever went to
Hollywood for the purpose of collecting funds for the party's activi-
ties?
Mr. RusHMORE. That I don't know. I do know that in this meet-
ing which Jerome was chairman of, he and Lawson talked at great
length about the party's fund raising in Hollywood. It was my ob-
servation at this meeting that it was Lawson's job to raise money in
Hollywood, to have a certain quota, and whether it was weekly or
monthly I don't know, but there was considerable discussion on Law-
son's part about this quota, and Jerome expressed dissatisfaction with
the amount being raised, although when Lawson said how much it was
it rather astonished me, it was up in the high figures.
INIr. Stripling. Mr. Rushmore, a few moments ago when I asked you
concerning Communists' exploitation of front groups you mentioned
the A. F. of L. Do you mean to say that the A. F. of L. is a front for
the Communist Party?
Mr. Rushmore. I think I said the controlled unions. I mean by
that the unions in the A. F. of L. controlled by the Communist Party.
Mr. Striplixg. However, there are very few ?
Mr. Rushmore. There are very few.
Mr. Stpjpling. You didn't mean to infer the A. F. of L. generally ?
Mr. Rushmore. Oh, no.
Mr. Stripling. You didn't mean to infer the CIO generally ?
stands on communism.
Mr. Rushmore. No, sir. The A. F. of L. recently, at its convention,
as did, I think, the CIO, put itself, happily, on record as to where it
Mr. Striplixg. Did you ever attend a meeting at which John How-
ard Lawson and Clarence Hathaway were present ?
Mr. Rushmore. That was the meeting I spoke of, in late 1937 or
early 1938, at which Hathaway was present, Lawson, Jerome, as chair-
man, Bob Reed, who was the commissar in Actors Equity, an organi-
zation on Broadway, and two or three others whose names I have
forgotten.
Mr. Striplix^g. Do you recall what Lawson said at this meeting?
Mr. Rushmore. He spoke of a number of things. In fact, he made
a complaint, I remember, in which he said, you comrades feel that we
can get anj^thing into a script that we want to. He said, there are a
lot of Fascists out in Hollywood and, he said, we have trouble with
them, and often stuff we do get in is cut out, and many times we don't
think it is safe to try.
Mr. Stripling. Did he say anything about the recruiting of new
writers to be sent to Hollywood ?
Mr. Rushmore. He asked Jerome and spoke to the cultural commis-
sion and said that any new writers, any novelists, who had something
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 177
published, that had liad fairly good reviews, and who w(^]'e either
party members or could be handled by the party, should be sent to
Hollywood and room could be made for them.
Mr. Striplixg. Did he discuss the amount of money that had been
raised in Hollywood for Communist Party purposes?
Mr. RrsiiMORE. At tliis particuhir meeting they were talking about
a quota ; the exact amount I don't remember, but when Lawson gave
the amount he had raised that quota, it was up in the thousands. I was
impressed because at that time the Daily Worker salaries were $20 a
week — when we got it — and this sounded like big money to me.
Mr. McDoMrELL. You say "when you got it." Didn't you always
get it ?
INIr. RrsHMORE. No.
My. Stripling. You were just "in the movement," is that right, Mr.
Rushmore ?
Mr. Rushmore. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Lawson discuss any movies in his talk at
this meeting at the Communist Party headquarters ?
Mr. Rushmore. I don't remember the name of any particular movie.
He did saj' that the party in Hollywood had been successful in getting
producers to plan some films supporting Loyalist Spain.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee what the party line was
regarding the personalities in the movies? In other words, were some
movie stars plugged and others panned?
Mr. Rushmore. Why, the general party line, as I heard it from
my discussions with Jerome in his office over a period of 3 years, at this
meeting with Lawson, who same direct from Hollywood, and other
people involved in Hollywood activity in the party, the general line
would be that stars are, 1)9 percent of them, political morons, and they
added other uncomplimentary things, which I wouldn't care to repeat,
but the Communist Party per se had great %ontempt for the movie
stars of Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Did he mention any particular movie star at the
time ?
Mr. Rushmore. Excuse me for adding this, but I remember Jerome
saying, "Their only use to the revolution is their bank account." That
seems to sum up the party attitude.
Mr. Stripling. Regarding the actors ?
Mr. Rushmore. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Did he discuss any particular actor who was a party
member ?
Mr. Rushmore. At this particular meeting Jerome — no, Lawson —
Lawson referred to Lionel Stander as — I don't remember how the dis-
cussion came up, it was, I believe, how the comrades should behave in
Hollywood, and what they shouldn't do, and Lawson cited Stander as
a perfect example of how a Communist should not act in Hollywood.'
Mr. Stripling. Regarding Hollywood matters, was Jerome the boss
or was Lawson the boss?
Mr. Rushmore. It was a sort of chain of command. We might
call Lawson the top sergeant out there in Hollywood, who toolc his
orders from Jerome. In town Jerome would take his orders either
from Trachtenburg or Oerliart Eisler, who was the Communist In-
ternational representative.
178 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether any other party members
besides Jerome ever went to Hollywood?
Mr. KusiTMORE. There was one instance of Joe North — I will quote
here from the Daily Worker of April 8, 1989.
Mr. Stripling. Will you identify Joe North?
Mr. RusirMORE. Joe North is editor of the New Masses. The Daily
Worker of that date says:
Editor Joe North of the New Masses has been visiting in town.
This story was under a Hollywood date line.
He spoke at the dinner symposium for the Spanish refugees held last Sun-
day * * *_
That was about the time that I met Joe North on the streets of the
city and in talking to me he said he had been to Hollywood. He said
he had been very successful, the New Masses was pretty broke, and he
had raised $20,000 in one week.
Mr. Stripling. In Hollywood ?
Mr. RusHMORE. In Hollywood. And, looking back on that, it is
very probable, and it often happened, that Joe North made a collec-
tion speech or two for the Hollywood committee to aid the Spanish
refugees or some other similar allegedly anti-Fascist or allegedly anti-
Franco organization, and that money raised was taken right to the
New JNIasses.
He complained, I remember particularly, about one star, John Gar-
field. Joe said he had gone to Garfield — he went to a number of in-
dividuals to get their collection — and he said Garfield wouldn't give
him any money and indicated he didn't want to at any time, and Joe
told me then "That is what happens to our comrades when they go to
Hollywood." He described Garfield and a couple of others as dopes.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know of any Communist writers in Holly-
wood, yourself?
Mr. RusnMORE. Well, through those 3 years I never visited Holly-
wood. My sole meetings were in New York. I remember seeing
Clifford Odets a number of times at the Daily Worker, often in the
evenings, conferring with various editors of the paper. I remember
one meeting I saw him with Harry Jannis. Harry Jannis, the late
Harry Jannis, was foreign editor at that time of the Daily Worker,
and often writers and other people would meet with Jannis to get
the particular party line on Soviet foreign policy which they wove
into whatever they might have been writing at the time.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know a Powell Peters who was on the staff
of the Daily Worker at the time you were employed there?
Mr. Rusiimore. It might have been an assumed name. They used
a number of pseudonyms. I don't remember anyone by that name.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know a Harbord Allen ?
■ Mr. Rushmore. Not under that name.
Mr. Stripling. Do 3'ou know whether or not any Hollywood writ-
ers contributed articles to the Daily Worker?
Mr. RusiiMORE. Well, in one case I remember that Dalton Trumbo —
at that time I was handling the magazine section of the Sunday paper,
and a member of the Daily Worker staff who had innumerable contacts
in Hollywood and on Broadway, Sam Warshawsky, said that he knew
Trumbo very well, and that Trumbo would be glad to write for our
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 179
magazine section. Sam made the contact and Trumbo sent the article
in, which was approved and published in the Smiday Worker maga-
zine section.
In addition we had a Hollywood correspondent at that time by the
name of Gordon Casson. I was told to write to Cnsson and tell him
to get full page interviews and profiles of various Hollywood person-
alities who were either in the party or very friendly to the party.
That was stressed, that they had to be friendly to the party, and
perhaps such an article would help them over into actual membership.
We had articles, which were published at the time, on James Wong
Howe, the photographer, on Jolm Bright, screen writer, Phillip Dunn,
and a number of others.
Mr. Stripliistg. Did Donald Ogden Stewart ever write any articles
for the Daily Worker ?
Mr. RusHzsioRE. Not while I was there. However, I remember at a
faction meeting, that is, at a meeting of the Communist Party mem-
bers, the League of American Writers, Stewart was discussed as a
president, coming president for the organization, and he was referred
to by one of the members present as Comrade Stewart.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know Charlie Chaplin?
Mr. RusHMORE. I never met Mr. Chaplin.
Mv. Striplixg. Did lie ever submit any articles to the Daily Worker ?
IVIr. RusHJMORE. No, he did not ; not to my knowledge.
Mr. Stripling. Did the Daily worker have any policy regarding
Charlie Chaplin?
Mr. RusH]\roRE. He was what we call in the newspaper business a
"sacred cow."
Mr. Stripling. What do you mean by that ?
Mr. RusHMORE. That is a newspaper phrase which — well, loosely,
would mean someone that you always give favorable publicity to and
a lot of it.
]Mr. Stripling. Were there any other sacred cows in the movie
industry ?
Mr. RusHMORE. I might in this connection make it "sacred red
cows."
Edward G. Robinson would fall in that category. We had a number
of very complimentary articles on Robinson. I think we had one full-
length magazine piece, as I remember it.
Jerome once told me to always defend Robinson, even if he was in
a bad picture, with a bad performance. I didn't question Jerome's
orders so .1 went ahead and did that. But I don't know whether or
not Robinson is a Communist. I have no knowledge of that. But 10
years ago. or more, he started joining one Communist front after an-
other, perhaps innocently, but after 10 years he is still doing it.
I noticed that last week in Cleveland there was a meeting for the
American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born. That
was labeled on page 1 of practically every newspaper of 1948 as a
Communist front by Attorney General Biddle.
]\Ir. Stripling. Is it a Communist front ?
]\Ir. RusHMORE. Certainly.
INIr. Strlpling. You should know, having been a member of the
party.
Is the League of American Writers a Communist front ?
180 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. RusHMORE. It was founded by the Communist Party and at
its first convention in May 1935, was addressed by Earl Browder, Mike
Gould, and a numl)er of other prominent Communists.
I n:^i<T:ht add, when I spoke of this meetinj^ last week, Robinson was
a sponsor of this organization 10 years after he started joining the
others.
And it is interesting to note that among the other sponsors of this
Communist front group, which is going along, as of a week ago, are
Albert Maltz, another Hollywood writer; Howard DeSilva, actor;
Howard K. Sorrell, the union leader, so-called, in Hollywood ; Howard
W. Kenny, the attorney in California, and a number of other Holly-
wood people.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned that John Howard Lawson asked
the party to send writers to Hollywood. Can you name some of the
writers that you sent to Hollywood ?
Mr. RusHMORE. Well, I didn't send any writers.
Mr. Stripling. I am sorry. I didn't mean to infer that you did.
I am speaking of the party.
Mr. RusHMORE. That would be the job of the cultural commission
with Jerome and Trachtenburg approving it.
One writer I know went out there, and I am sure that' he was sent
by the cultural commission, was Alvah Bessie, whom I met several
times at the Daily Worker, upon his return from Spain, where he was
a commissar in the International Brigade in Spain.
There are some others who went to Hollywood, who were Com-
munists. Albert Maltz I have named. Michael Blankforth.
Mr. Stripling. Did these people independently go to Hollywood, or
did they have to have the permission of the cultural commission ? In
other words, were they sent there or did they go there on their own ?
Mr. RusHMORE. They would be sent there, because every writer who
was a member of the Communist Party liad to submit any manuscript
to his cultural commission for approval before it goes to the publisher
and, therefore, any writer going to Hollywood, who is a party member,
a loyal party member, would have to have the approval of the cultural
commission.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know Clifford Odets ?
Mr, RusHMORE. I saw him at the Daily Worker several times. I
might add that at the Daily Worker it was a hard-and-fast rule that
only party members trusted by the party could get within the gates.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Rushmore, are you familiar with the flip-flop
which Mr. Albert Maltz had to perform in the New ]\Iasses for criticiz-
ing certain party strategy?
Mr. Rushmore. I followed that with some interest. That was long
after I left the Communist Party. But it indicated how complete
this control is over a wi^er who still stays within the ranks. Maltz
came out with only a minor criticism of a particular party policy, and
he was blasted for several weeks by various Communist editors and
some Communist writers. He was forced to recant completely and
apologize.^^
Mi\ Stripling. Those are all the questions I have at this time, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
" See pp. 152-162.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 181
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail ?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Rushmore, did you name the Epworth League
as a Communist front?
Mr. Rushmore. No, no. They had influence in a couple of Epworth
Leagues in New York. I knew that because one girl on the Daily
Worker had been ordered to join an Epworth League and in about
a month she had that league under that control and it adopted all sorts
of resolutions. They are wonderful organizers.
]Mr. McDowell. I think I was a dues-paying member of that at one
time.
The ChxVirman. You belonged to a good organization.
]Mr. Rushmore, This was one small branch of one church, I might
add.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Rushmore.
The Chairman, Is ]Mr. Morrie Ryskind in the audience?
Mr. Ryskind. Yes.
The Cpiairman. All right, Mr. Stripling, put on the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Morrie Ryskind,
The Chairman, Raise your right hand, please, Mr, Ryskind, do
you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Ryskind. So help me God.
The Chairman, Sit down, please, ,
TESTIMONY OF MORRIE RYSKIND
Mr, Stripling, Mr, Ryskind, will you state your full name and
present address, please?
Mr, Ryskind, Morrie Ryskind, 605 North Hillcrest Road, Beverly
Hills, Calif,
Mr, Stripling, When and where were your born, Mr, Ryskind?
Mr, Ryskind, New York City, October 20, 1895,
INIr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Ryskind. I am a writer,
Mr, Stripling. ]Mr, Chairman, the questions for Mr, Ryskind will
be asked by Mr, Smith.
jNIr, Smith. Mr. Ryskind, how long have you been a writer?
Mr. Ryskind. Oh, I would say about 25 years or so,
Mr. Smith. How do you spell your last name, please, Mr. Ryskind?
]\fr. Ryskind. R-y-s-k-i-n-d.
Mr. Smith. And in the past 20 or 25 years as a writer, what has
been the nature of your writings?
Mr. Ryskind. I have written for both the stage and the screen,
Mr, Smith, As a matter of fact, Mr. Ryskind, I believe you were
the writer of Of Thee I Sing and The Louisiana Purchase, is that
correct ?
Mr. Ryskind. Yes, and a couple of flops in between, which I am
glad you didn't mention.
182 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith. Well, actually I believe you received the Pulitzer Prize
for Of Thee I Sing, is that correct?
Mr. Ryskind. That is ri^ht, together with my collaborators George
S. Kaufman, who wrote the book, and Ira Gershwin, who wrote the
lyrics.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Ryskind, how long have you been in Hollywood?
JNIr. Ryskixd. About a dozen years or so.
Mr. Smith. And during the time that you have been. there, what
have your activities consisted of?
Mr. Ryskind. Writing for the screen.
Mr. Smith. During that particular time, have you had an oppor-
tunity to observe whether or not there is any Communist infiltration
in the motion-picture industry or in Hollywood?
Mr. Ryskind. Well, I would say that you would have to be deaf,
dumb, and blind not to observe those activities. The fact is, as
Rupert Hughes said yesterday, that even if you lost all of those and
still kept your nose the odor would tell you.
Mr. Smith. What would you say these activities consisted of, Mr.
Ryskind ?
Mr. Ryskind. It would almost be easier to tell 3'ou the activities
thej didn't take part in. I would divide them roughly into two groups :
First, the general commie fronts for suckers; and then, secondly, the
effort to take over the different guilds and crafts in the movie industry.
Mr. Smith. Can you give us some examples of those? Are you
familiar with the League Against War and Fascism and its history?
Mr. Ryskind. Yes, I am very well familiar with that. That was
one of the fronts that my wife joined. My wife has a ver}'^ keen
i^iterest in civil liberties, as I think I have. She went to a meeting
one day and came back and told me she had joined this League Against
War and Fascism, I believe it was called. I looked over the list of
names on it and said, "This looks to me like a commie front." She
said, ''Why, the organization meeting I went to spoke only about
civil liberties. You believe in that, don't you?" I said, "Yes, but I
am not sure the commies on this list do."
In about 3 weeks she resigned.. She came to me and said, "You
were right; they are interested in civil liberties, but only for Com-
munists, not for Americans."
Shortly after that, the league was exposed as a Communist front.
It changed its name — a typical Communist trick — to, I think first it
was The League Against War and Fascism and then it became The
League for jPeace and Democracy, another noble-sounding name.
Then, when that was exposed, I think at tlie time of the Hitler-Russian
pact, the}' called it The League for War Against Fascism. Now, mind
you, this started as the League Against War and Fascism. It now be-
came a League for War Against Fascism. I don't know what its
})resent name is. if it is still in existence — probably the "League to
Get Americans Out of Greece and Henry Wallace into the White
House," I wouldn't know.
Mr. Smith. What about the League of American Writers, Mr.
Ryskind?
Mr. Ryskind. Well, that is another one I know about.
By the way. I just want to say one thing in fairness to her. My
wife arrived here today and I want to say that joining that league
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 183
was the only mistake she has ever made in the 18 years we have been
married.
The league — what was that now ?
Mr. Smith. The League of American Writers.
Mr. RviSKiND. The League of American Writers ; I remember I was
asked to join that. I had already belonged to the Authors League.
This looked to me like a political front and I saw no reason to join it.
That was later exposed as a Communist front. I think Donald Ogden
Stewart at a meeting of the league got up and said publicly, "Com-
munism does not need American writers, but American writers do need
communism." That is Donald Ogden Stewart's opinion and not mine
that I am giving, of course.
Then later on, I want to say, I remember John Dos Passos, one of
our best American writers
Mr. Smith. Will you spell that, please?
Mr. Ryskixd. John — J-o-h-n, Dos — D-o-s, Passos — P-a-s-s-o-s.
Mr. John Dos Passos received an award from the league, I think in
his first year, as one of our great American writers. But the next
year he made a mistake. He wrote an article attacking communism.
He was promptly denounced by the league. I don't know whether
he got the award back or not. They went pretty well for a time. To
my knowledge, then even got President Roosevelt to agree to be a
member. A friend of mine, Dr. Sidney Hook, of New York Univer-
sity, called up the White House, informed them of the nature of the
league, and the President's membership was withdrawn and all pub-
licity on that was withheld.
Mr. Smith. Are there any other organizations such as the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League that you are familiar with?
Mr. Ryskind. I am familiar with so man3^
Oh, I think, in all fairness, since I told one on which my wife was
victimized, I ought to tell about one in which I was victimized. Let
us even this up. These different commie fronts — well, the Repub-
lican Part}^ and the Democratic Party I think are very bigoted because
they get money mainly from Republicans' or Democrats. Now, the
Communist has so skillfully devised it that he gets money not only
from Communists but from non-Communists through these fronts, a
suggestion which I recommend to the other parties.
For example, let us take the Scottsboro case. Like most Americans'
who think they are liberals, I read the account of the case and it seemed
to me that the colored boys in the case would not get a square deal
unless the}^ had better representation than I thought was coming to
them. I am sure a good many Americans thought the same tiling,
rightly or wrongly. I found out afterward that the money — they
collected an awful lot of money — a good part of that money, went into
the hands of the Daily Worker. My authority for that last state-
ment is Mr. ]\Iorris Ernst, who was my attorney when I was in New
York, and I think 3'ou can get further confirmation from Mr. Roger
Baldwin of the American Civil Liberties Union.
I have one more incident about being victimized, again due to the
fact that I thought I was a liberal. That was the Tom Mooney case.
If you remember, John Finerty carried that to the Supreme Court.
A lot of us thought that since the members of the original jury who
were still alive said that if they had had the evidence before them, the
new evidence before them, they would not have convicted Mooney — I
184 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
felt that I ought to chi]) in to get Mr. Mooney a new trial in California.
I got together several linndred dollars, by getting some of my friends
to chip in with me. This was at Mr. P^inerty's request.
Some time after that, a group of people came to the house and said
they had heard I had been collecting money, showed me their cre-
dentials and I gave them the money. About a week later, Mr. Finerty
arrived in California, and my wife and I met him at the airport. We
had dinner together, and I very proudly told him of the several hun-
dred dollars I collected and told him I had given it to them, where-
upon Mr. Finerty almost fainted. He said, "My God, you have given
that money to the Communists. They don't want to get Mooney out
of jail. Their whole object is to keep him in jail."
There were two instances in which I was victimized.
Now, I would like just to ask one thing: When an ordinary crook
who is not a Communist — and we have some of those — sells you a bill
of goods and misappropriates the mone}^ you have a chance to investi-
gate him, prosecute him and send him to jail, and everybody says,
"Fine." But if the crook is a Communist who sells you one bill of
goods — let us say milk to starving Bulgarians or the freeing of inno-
cent prisoners — and then doesn't deliver, of course you mustn't then
say anything about it, because you are interfering with civil rights
and, as I see by the Daily Worker here, Senator Pepper will bawl
you out for it.
Mr. Smith. It has been your experience, then, that these front or-
ganizations attempt to use the people connected as writers or other-
wise in the motion-picture industry as examples here where they have
attempted even to use you ; is that correct ? •
Mr. Ryskind. That is right.
Mr. Sjiith. What experience have you had so far as the guilds and
unions themselves are concerned? In other words, are you a member
of the Screen Writers Guild, Mr. Ryskind ?
Mr. Ryskind. No ; but I was a member.
Mr. Smith. How long were you a member, and during what period?
Mr. Ryskind. When I came to Hollywood in 1935 or '36 I had been
a member of the Dramatists Guild in New York and of the Authors
League. There was a fight on, apparently, to recognize this guild.
Believing in collective bargaining, I saw no reason why writers
shouldn't have a guild, as actors have. I fought for the guild.' After
the Wagner Act the guild was recognized and I was made a member
of the board of directors. We had roughly some 15 members on the
board. Now, you have got to realize that most of us who are Ameri-
cans are not used much to political trickery. Here we were, 15, and
we thought everybody was in there pitching for the good of the guild.
We found after a while — we were very naive — that about 7 of the 15
voted together on every doggone question that came up. The question
didn't have to be important. Whether the question was whether the
next meeting should be on Friday, or whether we should ask the pro-
ducers for better terms, it was always the same, with the result that
these seven, although they constituted a minority, won every point.
The rest, being Americans, would normally divide on any question.
Mr. Smith. Was that in the Screen Writers Guild ? /
Mr. Ryskin. That was in the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Smith. Approximately when?
Mr. Ryskind. In 193(), right after its recognition in 1936.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 185
Mr. Smith. Were there individuals on the board of directors of
the Screen Writers Guild at any time that you know were Commu-
nists— members of the liarty or fellow travelers?
Mr. Eyskind. Yes. It was very evident to us that the group that
formed the caucus were members of the party and followed the party
line.
Mr. Smith. How many people are there on the board ?
Mr. Ryskind. I don't know what goes on now, but as I remember
there were 15 people on the board.
Mr. Smith. That was approximately when ?
Mr. Kyskind. 1936.
Mr. Smith. Fifteen people on the board. Very well.
Mr. Eyskind. On the executive board. As I say, some of these fol-
lowed the party line.
Mr. Smith. Some of them followed the party line ?
Mr. Ryskind. That is right.
Mr. Smith. Do you recall any particular election at that time?
Mr. Ryskind. I can remember the subsequent election very well.
We didn't like it, when we discovered that seven people had voted
together on everything. We said, "Let us caucus."
Mr. Smith. By "we," who do you mean, Mr. Ryskind ?
Mr. Ryskind. I mean the other eight.
Mr. Smith. I see. Proceed.
Mr. Ryskind. What we decided to do — as I say, it took almost a
year to find this out
Mr. Smith. Will you talk just a little louder, and into the micro-
phone, please.
Mr. Ryskind. I am sorry. The following year we decided to get up
our own slates, in other words, to remove what we felt was a Com-
munist faction in the guild. We got up our own slate of 15, and we
did what they had been doing. We got out. We electioneered. We
campaigned. We had, going into the meeting, the election meeting
that night, a substantial majority — I would say 3 to 1. Our secretary,
who was a very active worker, having learned something from the
Commies, had in his pocket 500 proxies, which I think would have been
enough to win the election if everybody there had voted the other way.
Mr. Smith. At that particular time, who were, to the best of your
recollection, the people on the board ? Can you name the seven mem-
bers that you thought were communistic ?
Mr. Ryskind. I will try to, although I may confuse one here with
another. Let me try to do it.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith, I would suggest that in view of the
uncertainty in the mind of the witness he supply the committee, for
the record, with these names. I don't want him to make any mis-
statement.
Mr. Smith. Can you supply us with those names at a later date, Mr.
Ryskind?
Mr. Ryskind. Yes ; I can.
Mr. Smith. Very well. I ask that the names there be withdrawn
from the record and that a list be supplied later.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Smith. Will you proceed and tell how that election took place?
Mr. Ryskind. Wlien we went in that night, as I say, there were
two slates to be presented. This had become known to everybody in
186 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Hollywood. It was common talk that the moderates had gotten up a
slate of their own to try to defeat the leftists.
Mr. Smith. In other words, you were attempting to get control back
of the Screen Writers Guild at that time?
Mr. Ryskind. That is right.
Mr. Smith. Very well.
Mr. Ryskixd. I urged Mr. Charley Brackett, a very well-known
writer
Mr. Smith. He was the then president?
Mr. Ryskind. He was the then president of the guild. I said to Mr.
Brackett, "Let's watch for the trick tonight. I know the Communists
don't give up easily. There must be a trick." He said, "Look, we've
got the votes in our pocket. What are you worried about?"
I said, "Just watch for the trick." We came into the meeting. Mr.
Brackett made his speech, in which he said that this was — the usual
political speech — a very healthy indication in the guild that this year
there were two tickets from which the members could choose, and he
offered those tickets on the floor.
Now, at that moment, Lester Cole got up
Mr. Smith. Will you identify Lester Cole?
Mr. Ryskind. Lester Cole is a member of the guild. I am not certain
whether he was on the board then or not.
Mr. Smith. Is he a writer?
Mr. Ryskind. He is a writer, a writer at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer. I
think Mr. Mayer identified him.
Mr. Smith. As of now ?
Mr. Ryskind. Yes ; as of now. I don't know where he was at that
time. Mr. Cole pulled, I think, a very skillful political trick. It was
a beautiful one and I repeat it bitterly, but my hat is off to him for
that. ,He got up and said, "Look" — he pulled the Communist cry —
"Let's not split among ourselves. We have only one enemy — the
producers. Any fight among ourselves will be welcomed by the
producers.
Now, they had beautifull}^ done, at different intervals, this maneu-
ver— four or five men, all commies, springing up all around the hall
and saying, "Hurray, hurray, hurray." One of them I recognized as
a member not of the Screen Writers Guild, but as a Communist who
was in the furniture business. How he got there I don't know. That
was their business. But he was cheering as loud as anybody, I can
assure you. They kept yelling and cheering. It was like a political
parade, at least those I have seen staged in the movies. Our own
members began doing it. Mr. Brackett was up there. I said, "Never
mind their yelling. That is a trick. Get the vote." "Look, our own
members are doing it." I said, "Never mind. Get the vote."
Brackett said, "I can't. Our own members are doing it." The thing
was accepted, not unanimously, because I yelled against it to the
very last.
That night the commies held a celebration. In other words, they
held the seven members over for another year. Mr. Brackett heard
about it and the next morning he apologized, but I submit it was too
late.
Mr. Smith. In other words, througli that means they were able to
continue their control for the next year of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Ryskind. They were able to continue those seven men. And I
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 187
would say from that time on they had taken over the Guild, slowly but
surely "jetting more Connnunist members on the board. I finally got
out in about 1942. I just tired of paying dues to an institution that
didn't represent me.
Mr. Smith. In other words, it is your opinion that the Screen
Writers Guild is controlled and dominated by Communists?
Mr. Ryskind. I would say that today, under the leadership of Mr.
Emmett La very, the guild is completely controlled by the Communists.
I think that is proven by the publication, The Screen Writer, which
is edited by Mr. Gordon Kahn.
Mr. Smith. Do you know Mr. Gordon Kahn ?
Mr. Ryskind. I do. We don't agree politically. Mr. Kahn hap-
pens to be a neighbor of mine. In fact, he bought the house next door
to me. We don't talk; but he is very pleasant to my children; I am
pleasant to his ; our dogs are very good friends. That is all.
Mr. Smith. In your opinion, is Gordon Kahn a Communist or a
fellow traveler?
Mr. Ryskixd. Well, this will not increase neighborly relations, but
that is my opinion.
Mr. Smith. You mentioned Mr. Cole. What is your opinion as to
whether or not he is a Communist or fellow traveler ?
Mr. Ryskind. Well, if Lester Cole isn't a Communist, I don't think
Mahatma Gandhi is an Indian.
Mr. Smith. Do you have any suggestions that you would like to
offer for the consideration of the committee as to how this problem in
Hollywood should be- dealt with, or in other places ?
Mr. Ryskind. I don't know. I realize fully the tough job that you
have. I think we all believe in and want to protect our civil liberties.
I see the danger. But I also feel that we didn't get the Bill of Rights
in order to protect quislings. And I think if we are going to spend
$12,000,000,000, or whatever it is, to contain the Communists in
Greece, we ought to spend at least a couple of bucks over here and do
something about that. What good is there doing it over there and not
getting rid of it here?
Look, I wouldn't want a bill that would hurt the political expression
of any Arnerican, but I think it has been proved beyond any doubt that
the American Communist Party is not an American Communist Party.
If it were, I am afraid I would be sucker enough to defend its right to
speak and to preach, but it has been proven it isn't. It is an agent of
a foreign government, as the Bulgarian Communist Party is, as the
Korean Communist Party is, as the German Communist Party is. It
seems to me that by this time, beyond any shadow of doubt, we have
proven it. And I don't believe it is up to us to protect the rights of
quislings against the rights of American citizens, because they do assail
our rights. They use the techniques of character assassination, and
if they ever get control of the screen or of the country, it won't be
just characters they will assassinate.
I don't know just how you can do it, but I do think it is your problem
and I hope to God you do it.
I do also think — this may not be pertinent to you, but I think —
would you mind very much if I made a suggestion to the producers?
The CHAiR:vrAN. Well, I don't think you should do that. I think you
should let well enough alone.
Mr. Ryskind. You think I have done enough, all right.
188 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The only trouble is the producers won't listen to me.
The Chairman. We will make the proper suggestion.
Mr. Smith. That is all.
The Chaieman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The CiiAiR^tAN. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail,. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
Mr. Rtskind. All right.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Ryskind.^°
Mr. Ryskind. Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, it is now 25 minutes to four. If you
would like another witness, we are prepared to put on another witness.
However, I suggest we recess now.
The Chairman. I think we better recess now until tomorrow.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
The Chairman. The Chair would like to make an announcement.
We are getting slightly behind with our witnesses. In addition to the
witnesses we announced last night might be witnesses today and who
were not witnesses, we will also try to have as witnesses tomorrow Mr.
Ronald Reagan, Mr. Robert Montgomery, Mr. George Murphy, and
Mr. Gary Cooper.
The meeting is adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 4: 35 p. m., an adjournment was taken.)
" See appendix, p. 530, for exhibit 41.
HEARINGS REaARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION
OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-Ajvierican AcTrvrriES,
Washington^ D. C.
The committee met at 10: 30 i\. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The record will show that Mr. McDowell, ^Mr. Vail, ^Mr. Nixon and
Mr. Thomas are present. A subcommittee is sitting.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator,
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, H. A. Smith, and Robert B. Gaston, investi-
gators, and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Fred Niblo.
The Ciiair:max. Everybody please be seated.
Mr. Niblo, do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to
give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. NiHLO. I do.
The CiiATPJMAN. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF FRED NIBLO, JR.
Mr. Smith. You are Mr. Fred Niblo, Jr.?
Mr. NiBLO. That is right.
Mr. Smith. Spell your last name, please, Mr. Niblo.
Mr. NiHLo. N-i-b-1-o.
Mr. SiiiTii. And where do you live?
Mr. Nip.LO. 1927 Rodney Drive, Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Smith. Where and when were you born, Mr. Niblo?
Mr. Niblo. New York City, Januaiy 23, 1903.
Mr. Smith. How long have you lived in Hollywood, Mr. Niblo?
Mr. Niblo. Oh, approximately 20 years.
Mr. SiiiTH. How long have you been connected with the motion-
picture industry ?
Mr. Niblo. Almost the same length of time — 19 years.
]\Ir. Smith. Are you a professional writer ?
Mr. Niblo. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. And how long have you been a professional writer?
Mr. Niblo. Seventeen years.
Mr. Smith. During that period of time you have worked for and
with what studios?
67683 — 47 13 1 §9
190 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. NiBLO. Practically all of them.
Mr. Smith. Could you name some of them that you have worked
with?
Mr. NiBLO. Warner Bros., Twentieth Century-Fox, Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer, Columbia, RKO.
Mr. Smith. At the present time, whom are you empk)yed by ?
Mr. NiBLO. I am employed by Eagle Lion Studios at the pregent
time.
Mr. Smith. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. NiBLO. Yes.
Mr. Smith. How long have you been a member of the Screen Writ-
ers Guild ?
Mr. NiBLo. I belonged to the old guild prior to its inactivation in
19?)6. The revived or reactivated guild I belonged to 6 or 7 years.
Mr. Smith. During the time that you have been associated with the
Screen Writers Guild and a writer in Hollywood, have you at any time
observed anything that you would feel is communistic influence in the
guild, the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. NiBLo. Very definitely.
Mr. Smith. Would you explain why you arrived at that conclusion
and how ?
Mr. NiBLo. I noticed this very definitely — in fact, I am convinced —
that the Screen Writers Guild has been the spark plug and the spear-
head of the Communist influence and infiltration in Hollywood.
I would like to preface this with a statement. There is a sense in
which I hate to spout these decisions,. This is my guild. I believe in
the guild as such. I think we should have a guild out there. And
there is no denying that this guild has done some economic good for
the working writers. But my testimony wouldn't be complete unless
I also took note of the group of moderates which has been formed,
the moderate movement which has boiled up in the guild in the last
15 months and which is endeavoring to wrest some of the control from
the Communist faction and which has already succeeded in instituting
some reforms.
I might say that Mr. Emmett Lavery has associated himself with
this moderate movement.
However, if you want me to elaborate on what influence I saw — I
hesitated to join the guild in the first place. I had been around Holly-
wood long enough to loiow that it was in control of John Howard
Lawson and company, and I didn't want to tangle with those men. I
didn't want to be involved in a fight. I held out as long as I could, but
eventually I had to join the guild.
As soon as I got in, the suspicions I had of that kind of leadership
were confirmed. I found that some of those characters whose names
have been mentioned here throughout this testimony were in virtual
control of the guild. They held the offices — not all of the offices, but
most of them. They were the floor whips, so to speak — the majority.
They were the obvious leaders of the guild.
That is one of the evidences that I adduce. Another one is the fact
that I had no sooner gotten in the guild when I began receiving things.
I wondered where they got my name and address, for their mailing
lists. Announcements from outfits with names such as the League
for the Promotion of American-Russian Friendship. May I say this
was discontinued very quickly. This is some years ago. Some other
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 191
people complained about the same thing, and we had no more trouble
about it.
Now, I have some notes, if you want me to refer to them.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Niblo, were you ever attacked by the guild or in the
guild for anj' articles that you wrote?
Mr. Niblo. Yes; I have been attacked by the guild several times.
Mr. Smith, Because of your anti-Communist activity ?
Mr, NiBLO. For no other reason.
Mr, Smith. And will you explain?
Mr, Niblo. The first time that I felt I was pretty badly smeared was
shortly after I joined the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation
of American Ideals, Shortly after that a two-page paid advertise-
ment appeared in our Hollywood trade press linking me and some
others up by name with a political figure who was unpopular in Holly-
wood at the time, Senator Reynolds, For better or for worse, I never
had any connection with the Senator in one way or another. This
was intended as a smear. This is a technicality, but the ad was
actually taken by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, which was
linked, in an interlocking connection, with the guild.
Our organization, the Motion Picture Alliance, was practically put
on trial before the guild some time later. While they made no attempt
to discipline those of us who were members of the guild, nevertheless
the whole atmosphere suggested a Moscow purge trial,
I remember that one character jumped up from the floor and — Sam
Wood had previously made the mistake of saying. "We are Americans."
This character wanted to know what we meant by calling ourselves
Americans, That has been the whole atmosphere for years in that
guild,
I no sooner got into it than I found strike talk going on. This strike
talk was not necessarily Communist itself, I believe they were nego-
tiating with the producers, who may have been proving difficult. I do
remember a dialogue between John Howard Lawson and Boris Ingster.
To some people it sounded very fishy, as though it had been rehearsed
in caucus
Mr. McDowell. Do you remember who it was who said, "Wliat do
you mean we are Americans?"
Mr. Niblo, I don't remember his name, so I can't identify him any
further. As a matter of fact, he was a French national himself.
He might have been an American citizen. He seems to be very much
left wing, but T can't think of his name offhand.
Again, as far as attacks are concerned, this represents to my mind
something of an attack. I made two efforts to get the roster of tlip
guild, frankly, to electioneer in order to turn out this same moderate
group which is now formed. A couple of years ago, up to 15 montlis
ago. the solid Americans in the Screen Writers Guild were staying
away from meetings through apathy and disgust and even through
psychological intimidation, I wanted to break that up. I made two
electioneering efforts. I requested the executive committee to give me
a roster, a list of my fellow members, and they refused to do so —
once in July 1944 and once in February of 1945.
Finally, I was attacked in the official publication of the Screen
AVriters Guild, called The Screen Writer, in the column Letters to the
Editor, public forum. Afr. Garrett Graham, whom I am sure is not a
Communist, wrote a letter in which he criticized me. Also there is a
192 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
slightly obscene reference in it. It was quite a lengthy letter. I felt
as though I should answer it. I felt I should enlighten Mr. Graham
about some of the things I had seen going on in the guild while he
was in the Marine Corps. I paid my respects to Lawson, Cole, and
company — rather, my disrespect
Mr. Smith. Who is Mr. Cole?
Mr. NiBLO. I identify him as Lester Cole. I believe he is now vice
president of the guild. He has been a leader of it for some years.
Mr. Smith. What is your opinion of Mr. Cole as to whether or not
he follows the Conmiunist Party line in his activities ?
Mr. NiBLO. It is my opinion that he definitely does.
Mr. Smith. Very well, proceed with this letter.
Mr. NiBLo. In this letter I was attacked. I was criticized. It was
the public-forum column. I felt I had a right to write another letter
defending myself and attacking my attackers and also refuting the
point that my opponents had made. I also am a subscriber to the
Screen Writer ipso facto, because I am a member of the guild. My
letter they refused to print. They refused to print it on the ground
that it didn't make for unity, or something. I have the letter here in
which they refused to print it. Let me see what ground they gave
Mr. Smith. May I see it ?
Mr. NiBLO. "Not consonant with the friendly aims" — the friendly
aims. You should have seen what they called me.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have Mr. Niblo read
this into the record and identify it as a letter dated October 31, 1946,
addressed to Mr. Fred Niblo, Jr., 1927 Rodney Drive, Los Angeles 27,
Calif., on the paper of the Screen Writers Guild, Inc., over the signa-
ture of Harold J. Salemson — S-a-1-e-m-s-o-n — for the editorial com-
mittee.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. NiBLO. Do you want me to read it aloud?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Mr. Niblo (reading) :
Screen Writers' Guild, Inc.,
Affiliated With the Authors' League of America, Inc.,
HoUyicood 2S, Calif.
Mr. Fred Niblo, Jr.,
Los Angeles 27, Calif.
Dear Mr. Niblo: The editorial committee of the Screen Writer has instructed
me to inform you that, after giving your letter the same consideration tliat all
material coming before it receives, it has decided against publishing it.
Without prejudice to its literary merit, it was unanimously agreed by the com-
mittee that the content of your offering is not consonant with the friendly aims
of the Screen Writers' Guild which the magazine strives to foster.
Please accept my personal apologies for not having communicated this decision
to you more promptly. It is just that I have been swamped and, as a result,
gotten disorganized in my work here.
Very sincerely yours,
Harold J. Salemson,
For the Editorial Committee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 193
You may have that copy.^^
Mr. Smith. I imderstaiul that the letter you wished to publish was
your views ou anti-Coninuuiists iu the attack on you; is that right?
Mr. NiBLO. Tluit was essentially the issue of the whole thing.
Mr. Smith. In addition to this letter, did you receive other in-
formation as to why your letter would not be published?
Mr. NiBLo. No. I may say this, that I complained to the executive
board of the guild after the election and we had gotten a couple of
moderates on the board, when I thought it might be safe to go up there
and complain. They assured me this sort of thing wouldn't happen
again. I don't know whether they have kept their word or not. bub-
sequent witnesses may reveal whether they did or did not.
I also complained about the fact that Mr. Dalton Trumbo, who in
my opinion is a Communist, was editing the magazine. They replied
he was no longer editor of the magazine. I asked who was, and they
said Mr. Gordon Kahn. In my opinion, that is like tweedledum and
tweedledee.
Mr. Smith. Is it your opinion that Mr. Gordon Kahn is a Com-
munist ?
Mr. NiBLo. That is my opinion, though I cannot prove it, any more
than Custer can prove that the people who were massacreing him were
Indians. I have no documentary evidence of this, but I believe these
people to be Communists.
Mr. Smith. Was your letter ever published ?
Mr. NiBLO. My letter was never published. At the time I went up
to the board — they skipped a month because I dichi't make the dead
line — they sort of grudgingly offered to publish it, but by that time
the issue was cold, by that time it was non sequitur, and I would have
looked like more than a fool if they had.
Mr. Smith. Are you familiar with the Hollywood Writers Mo-
bilization?
Mr. NiBLo. I am.
Mr. Smith. What is your opinion of that organization?
Mr. NiBLO. I think it is Ked.
Mr. Smith. By Red, you mean
Mr. NiBLO. I mean communistic — more so if anything since the war
than during the war, more so if anything since Emmett Lavery ceased
to be a member of the officer personnel of the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization.
Mr. Smith. You mentioned a while ago that the Screen Writers
Guild publishes a magazine. What is the name of that?
Mr. NiBLO. The Screen Writer.
Mr. Smith. And is that the magazine that you refer to that you
felt Mr. Trumbo and Mr. Kahn were communistically controlling it?
Mr. XiBLo. Yes ; that is the magazine I meant.
Mr. Smith. Or is that your statement? This particular guild mag-
azine, what is your opinion of that magazine.
^^ See appendix, p. 531, for exhibit 42.
194 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. NiBLO. My opinion of the magazine is that it is sort of a literary
monthly supplement to tlie Daily Worker. I think that everybody
Avho reads or lias read all the issues would come to the same conclusion.
It strives to follow the party line. It may deviate, because I am not
too familiar with all of the theology of the part}? Inie, but it is very
left wing. It is excessively so.
Mr. Smith. You feel that the magazine is used to sponsor left-wing
ideas, Communist Party ideas?
Mr. NiBLO. To give you one idea. I recently saw — I haven't got the
issue with me — an announcement, which was not a paid advertisement,
in the Screen Writers Guild magazine, I believe, announcing courses
for the Peoples Educational Center. Now, this Peoples Educational
Center is a communistic center. I believe it has been identified by the
Tenney committee in our State as a communistic school. The tenor of
some of the articles — I may say that some of the attacks on me and on
others — savor very definitely of left-wing bias, and that is putting it
mildly.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Niblo, do you know of any instances when any offi-
cers of the Screen Writers Guild have resigned on account of anti-
communistic pressure ?
Mr. Niblo. I believe I do. These officers of the Screen Writers Guild
were simultaneously members of the committee, the executive commit-
tee of the League of American Writers. The League of American
Writers I think has been identified, but I made a note of this. My
authority is George Rockwell Brown, in the Examiner of Los Angeles
of November 15, 1943, where the League of American Writers has been
described as subversive by Public Law 135 and Public Law 644 of the
Seventy-seventh Congress. Four of our board of governors or execu-
tive committee were simultaneously members of the governing body of
the League of American Writers.
Mr. Smith. Who were those four people?
Mr. Niblo. Those four people were Lester Cole, John Howard Law-
son, Donald Ogden Stewart, and Tess Schlessinger, deceased. Tess
Schlessinger was the wife, of screen writer Frank Davis, not to be con-
fused with Professor Frank Davis, of LTCLA.
Mr, Smith. How do you spell Tess Schlessinger ?
Mr. Niblo. I am not certain offhand. I think it is T-e-s-s S-l-e-s-
s-i-n-g-e-r. I suppose I did know at one time, because I had the
Mr. Smith. I think the correct spelling is S-c-h-1-e-s-s-i-n-g-e-r.
Mr. Niblo. I am not much of a speller; I am sorry.
Mr. Smith. Well, will you continue with that instance, please.
Mr. Niblo. These people had joined with others of their organiza-
tion in sending President Roosevelt a telegram protesting the then
war-mongering activities of the United States Government. This was
in June of 1941, just before the German invasion of Russia. They had
protested the use of troops at the North American strike in Englewood.
They, I believe, protested that the Communist Party was not allowed
on the ballot of 40 States. They protested a great many things. "Wlien
some of us in the guild found that out — chiefly under the leadership,
I believe, of Richard Macauley — we demanded a special meeting in
order to oust them. By the time the meeting occurred, it wasn't neces-
sary to oust them. They had already stepped down, as I recall it, in
favor of their alternates. By that time it was obvious, and Russia had
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 195
been attacked by Germany. However, it didn't do us much good, be-
cause the following November they or their kind were back in otfice
again. I think that was the year that Mr. Sidney Buchman was elected
president and Mr. Richard Macanley lost liis, to be perfectly frank
about it. quite openly, for which I honor him.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Niblo, what is the attitude of the Screen Writers
Guild as to the investigation being conducted by this committee, in
your opinion'^
Mr. Niblo. It may be that a large number of the Screen Writers
GuiUKTuild, speaking generally about screen writers, are in favor of it,
or against it. I don't know that, but we had a meeting on August 14
last, a quorum meeting
Mr, Smith. That is August 14, 1947 — this year'^
Mr. NiP.Lo. 1947. A majority of the quorum which was present
voted against this committee, in the following resolution — do you want
me to read it?
Mr. Smith. I would like to have you read it.
Mr. NiBLO. It is a long one.
Mr. Smith. Let us see it. How long is it?
Mr. McDowell. What is the difference? Their opinion of this com-
mittee isn't important to us.
Mr. Smith. Maybe not. I wanted to show that a resolution has
been adopted opposing it. You can receive it for the record or not,
whatever you say.
Mr. NiDLo. That failed to be unanimously carried because there were
seven or eight, or more, who voted it down, but that was carried.
The CiiAiR^iAN. What is the resolution about?
Mr. NiBLO. Condemning this committee, the activity of this com-
mittee.
The Chairmax. The Un-American Activities Committee ?
Mr. NiBLo. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. I don't think we need to have that.
Mr. Smith. What suggestions have you to or for the committee at
this time to handle the problem at hand, Mr. Niblo?
Mr. NiBLo. You mean the communistic problem?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Mr. NiBLo. Well, I think that the definition of communism should
be broadened to include not only those who can be proved to be carrying
party cards, but those who consistently follow the party line.
You ask my opinion. I think it is grotesque that a Russian political
party enjoys a legal existence as an American political party in this
country.
Mr. Smith. Do 3^011 think the party should be outlawed?
Mr. NiBLO. Yes. It has been objected to on the ground that they
will go underground. I think they are already underground, insofar
as it suits their purpose. It is a secret organization no less than the
Ku Klux Klan. I myself feel that I am sick and tired of being harassed
and irritated and even smeared by enemies of my country in my own
r-ountry. I would like to appeal as a loyal citizen to this Congress
for relief.
The Chairmax. Mr. Witness, may I interrupt right there. I want
to clarify the Chair's decision in regard to that letter. It is not that
the committee is afraid to have the letter read. In fact, the Chair will
196 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
order it placed in the record, at the point of the testimony where it was
broiiglit up. But it is because we are criticized every day and every
hour, and maybe we are praised every day and every hour. That
doesn't influence us a great deal. We are just trying to do the best
job we can,
Mr. NiBLO. I was merely answering
The CiiAiRMAX. We are not afraid, however, of tlie criticism. In
fact, we welcome it. So the Chair will order the letter placed in the
record at the point where the witness testified concerning it.
Mr. NiBLO. This is not a letter. It is a resolution which was passed.
The Chairman. A resolution. That is all right.
(The resolution referred to is as follows:)
The House Committee on Un-American Activities has announced that its hear-
ings concerning Hollywood will commence September 2:>. It is apparent from
the statements of committee members, investigators, and witnesses that the im-
mediate target of these hearings will be the democratic guilds and unions of the
picture industry. In the subcommittee hearings this spring, the Screen Writers'
Guild was slanderously attacked as the center of subversive activity in Holly-
wood and afforded no opportunity to answer tlie charge. We are now sufficiently
acquainted with the record and methods of this committee to know positively
that there is no way to obtain a fair hearing under its auspices for our side of
the case. For these reasons, and because every intelligent American knows that
the eventual target of the committee is tlie freedom of the screen and American
democratic rights in general, it is fitting that tlie Screen Writers' Guild should
issue the following call to tlie other employee and employer organizations in the
industry :
"That the various guilds, unions, and producer organizations in Hollywood
unite in opposition to the conspiracy against the motion-picture industry between
a few individuals within the industry and tlie controlling faction of the House
Committee on Un-American Activities; that these groups, representing the over-
whelming majority sentiment of the industry, use every means at their disposal
to expose in advance the nature and purpose of the so-called hearings now
scheduled for September 23 ; and that these groups combine their talents and
existing channels for appearing to public opinion in order to present our side of
tlie story to the American people during and after the committee sessions in
Washington."
Mr. Smith. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDow^ELL. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Mr. NiBLo. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. The next witness, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Richard Macaulay.
The Chairman. Mr. Macaulay.
Raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony
you are about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Macaulay. I do.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 197
TESTIMONY OF KICHARD MACATJLAY
Mr. Smith. Will you state your name, please, Mr. Macaulay?
Mr. Macaulay. Richard Macaulay.
Mr. Smith. Will you spell your name, please ?
Mr. Macaulay. M-a-c-a-u-1-a-y.
Mr. Smitit. Richard Macaulay?
;Mr. Macaulay. That is rif^ht.
Mr. Smith. AVhere do you live, Mr. Macaulay ?
Mr. Macaulay. 9909 Robbins Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Smith. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Macaulay. Chicago, 111., August 18, 1909.
Mr. Smith. You are here in response to a subpena heretofore
served upon j^ou? ^-
Mr. ]\1acaulay. I am.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, what is your occupation?
Mr. Macaulay. I am a writer.
Mr. Smith. For w^hom?
Mr. Macaulay. At the present moment Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer.
Mr. Smith. How long have you been a writer?
!Mr. Macaulay. About 20 years.
Mr. Smith. A screen writer ?
Mr. Macaulay. No. Before that I was a magazine writer and a
radio writer previous to that.
Mr. Smith. For whom have you written? Will you name some
of the people or organizations for whom you have written in the past
20 years, and your experience?
Mr. Macaulay. Both of the broadcasting companies, the Saturday
Evening Post, the magazines, Warner Bros., Columbia, RKO, Metro-
Goldwyn-Mayer. Universal.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, how long have you been associated
with the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Macaulay. For the last 12 years Avith the exception of 3 years
when I was in the service.
Mr. Smith. Are j^ou a member of the Screen Writers' Guild ?
Mr. Macaulay. I am.
Mr. Smith. Do you actively participate in that organization?
Mr. Macaulay. Yes ; I do."
Mr. Smith. And for what period of time?
Mr. Macaulay. Ever since I have been in Hollywood, ever since the
reactivation of the guild in 1936.
Mr. Smith. In your opinion have there been any Communists in
control or attempts to control the policies of the Screen Writers'
Guild?
Mr. Macaulay. Yes. There always had been, I understood, before
I came in but after we reorganized in 1936 such control became more
and more evident.
Mr. Smith. Can you explain some of the things that this group of
people do that you feel are communistically inclined ?
Mr. Macaulay. To begin with, they have a constant program of
intimidation. As time went on, only a very few would get up on the
^ ."^pe appendix, p. 531, for exhibit 43.
198 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
floor of the guild and attempt to oppose the controlling faction. There
are some members of the guild who are booed and hissed the moment
they arise before they open their mouths, on many occasions. This
frequently seems to be the result of a well-organized clique. Even if
they let you get up without bothering you, before you have proceeded
five sentences into your remarks someone is certainly liable to start
hissing you.
Mr. Smith. You say "this group." Wliom do you mean by "they"
or "this group"?
Mr. Macaulay. The Communists, and the boys who play along
with them.
Mr. Smith. Are you able to identify some of these individuals, in
your opinion?
Mr. Macaulay. Oh, yes.
Mr. Smith. Will you do so ?
Mr. Macaulay. A lot of these people — a few of them may not be
Communists. I might possibly be doing an injustice to some of them.
Mr. Smith. We would prefer you name only those in the guild
whom you feel are Communists.
Mr. Macaulay. I am morally certain of all of them. I merely say
if they habitually consort with bank robbers and the bank on the next
street is knocked off they can't holler if someone blows the whistle.
They are : Alvah Bessie, Lester Cole, Gordon Kahn, Howard Koch,
Ring Lardner, Jr., John Howard Lawson, Albert Maltz, Samuel
Ornitz, Waldo Salt, Robert Rossen, Dalton Trumbo. Guy Endore,
Richard Collins, Marian Spitzer, Hugo Butler, Donald Ogden Stewart,
Paul Trivers, Maurice Rapf, Henry Meyers, John Wexley, Ronald
MacDougall, John Collier, Abraham Polensky, William Pomerance,
Harold Buchman, Melvvn Lew, Clifford Odets, and Michael Blank-
fort.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, have you had any experience writing
any articles for the Screen Writers magazine?
ikr. Macaulay. Yes ; I had such an experience. Alvah Bessie had
written an article for the magazine sometime previous to my attempt.
I attempted to answer this article. Mr. Bessie in his article com-
plained about the things he could not write about because of capital-
istic oppression both in the movies and in the general press and the
magazine groups.
I answered this article, the basis of my article being this fact, that
I was prevented from writing many things about which I would like
to write because of the active interference of Mr. Bessie and his friends.
This article was turned down by Mr. Dalton Trumbo, the editor of
the magazine.
Mr. Smith. How do you feel it was turned down ?
Mr. Macaulay. Mr. Trumbo gave several remarkable reasons, one
of them beinn; that I had attacked minority groups, I had attacked
the Roman Catholic Church. This was remarkable coming from
Dalton Trumbo, doubly so, and the fact that I am a Roman Catholic.
The reasons were completely specious, and obviously so.
Mr. Smith. What action, if any, did you then take?
Mr. Macaulay. Later on to one of the editors of the magazine T
said, "It is obvious that there is no likelihood that anything I would
write could be printed in the Screen Writer," and he said, "I think you
are absolutely right."
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 199
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I have these letters and I think they
should be offered only as exhibits.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.^^
(The letters referred to are as follows:)
March 9, 1946.
Mr. Richard Macatjlay.
Beverly Hills, Calif.
Dear Mr. Macatilay : Thanks for your letter to Mv. Eugene Dooley, of which I
just received the carbon copy. I will submit it to the editorial committee, which,
I feel sure, will want to run it in the April Screen Writer (out about April 10).
Your int(>resting article on censorship will come up for final disposal at the
editorial committee meeting next Thursday night and. from talks I have had
with several members of the committee, I feel I can virtually assure you that it
will be accepted for the April issue, as well.
Incidentally, if you receive a publishable answer from Mr. Dooley, I think our
readers will be interested in what he has to say.
Thanks for your continued interest in the magazine.
Sincerely,
Harold J. Salem son,
Director of Publications.
March 22, 1946.
Mr. Richard Macaulay.
Los Angeles, Calif.
Dear Mr. Macaut..\y : The editorial board has decided against publishing your
article Who Censors What? and your letter to Mr. Eugene Dooley of St. Elizabeth's
Church.
The material slanders four million Americans of Italian descent; it attacks
organized labor; it takes the Government to task on issues which have nothing
to do with screen writers ; it contains statements which might be construed as
Incitement to attack upon various religious faiths, especially the Roman Catholic.
We do not question the courage of the Warsaw Poles who participated in
General Bor's "magnificent, doomed uprising," just as we do not question the
courage of the men and women who arose in that earlier and more surely doomed
effort which came to be known as the battle of the Warsaw ghetto. The Alexander
Hamilton film you proposed was done by Warner Bros, in 1932, starring the late
George Arliss. It is, however, improbable that the picture fulfilled your require-
ments of portraying .Jefferson as "our prime villain in history."
It is ditficult to support your belief in "the inalienable right of man's mind
to be exposed to any thought whatsoever, however intolerable that thought might
be to anyone else." Frequently such a right encroaches upon the right of others
to their lives. It was this "inalienable right" in Fascist countries which directly
resulted in the slaughter of five million Jews.
Very truly,
Dalton Trumbo,
(For the Editorial Committee of the Screen Writer.)
[From Variety, published October 14, 1946]
Who Censors What?
(By Richard ^Macaulay)
In a recent issue of the Screen Writer, Mr. Alvah Bessie consumed eight
pages of print in the i»roving of what every writer knows — namely, that there
are certain forces which, all too often, successfully prevent a writer from present-
ing the truth, or his conception thereof. The only unique thing about Mr.
Bessie's piece was his apparent a.ssumptinn that writers seeking to interpret
honestly the Spanish Civil War have been the only sufferers in this respect,
although there was also the implication that any cause dear to the Writers'
'* See appentlix, p. 531, for exhibits 44-46.
200 COMMUXISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Congress would have similar dlfllcultios in reaching the motion picture screen.
It is not difficult to understand Mr. Bessie's preoccupation with the Spanish
war. To the soldier, the biggest battle is the one in which he was hurt, or
most frightened. The man who liit Iwo Jima on D-day will believe forevermore
that this was the concentrated hell-hole of the war, although he cannot be ex-
pected to argue this successfully with a man who measures his beachheads by
the standards of Salerno. And so, the war to Mr. Bessie is contained prin-
cipally in Spain, although it is difficult for the average American soldier who
served in north Africa and Sicily to tliinlv of the Italian soldier as a formidable
opponent.
HERE COMES THE CENSOR
It is, in fact, this latter conception which has resulted in my own most re-
cent contact with the subterranean forces of uncodified censorship. I wrote
a story called Trouble Near Bataglia. It was a simple story, and in it my
American soldiers had a definite attitude toward the Italian people. This
attitude, as lield by my soldiers, was undoubtedly shared by Da percent of all
American soldiers who served in Sicily or Italy. My story represented an
accurate poi'trayal of an attitude that does exist, and widely.
The letter to my agent from the first magazine to which the story was presented
began as follows: "Trouble Near Bataglia is a magnificent story, and naturally
neither this magazine nor any other publication that we know of is going to
print it."
AFRAID OF STINK
Now, of whom was this editor afraid? And the other editors, for whom he
assumed to speak .so authoritatively? (And accurately!) Well, I'll tell you.
First of all, they are afraid of that segment of the Italian-American population
which, correctly enough, still places the "Italian" first in the hyphenation of
their citizenship. And second.arily, these editors are afraid of Mr. Bessie and
his friends, knowing well their talent for creating an organized, well-publicized
stink.
Let's start considering various things which yoti can't put on the screen.
Let's take labor leaders. I think the life of .Tames Caesar Petrillo would make
a fascinating screen play. As a writer who thinks he knows dramatic material,
I would like to have a few months to fool around with the life of Dan Tobin. I
think that a motion picture honestly investigating the modus operandi of the
building trade unions would have unlimited possibilities for entertainment,
di'ama, and public enlightenment. But if I have to take time out and prepare
a treatment, or a screen play, on any one of these three fertile subjects, what do
you think my chances would be of selling? Negligible, naturally. And if any
producer, new in town, were so stupid as to buy it, the project would still never
reach the screen.
SAME OLD OPPOSITION
Aside from my obvious difficulties with the Messrs. Tobin and Petrillo anu
their families and the loyal members of their organizations, I greatly fear that
I would encounter again determined opposition fi'om IMr. Bessie and his friends,
and unsavory words might be applied to me, such as "fink" and many other less
printable.
On the other hand, I have seen a great many motion pictures where captains
of finance and management have been depicted as cruel, avaricious men, devotedly
concentrated on their own agrandizement, and callously oblivious to the public
weal. Also, the real American Faceless I\Ian, the typical bourgeois, is portrayed
consistently as a silly little fellow, devoid of any real decency or intelligence, and
yet capable of almost any crime in the book, ranging from inept cupidity to
grotesque murder.
BUSY BUSINESSMAN
However, nothing in the way of concerted protest happens in either of these
cases. The national Association of Manufacturers and the United States Cham-
ber of Commerce have, by their very nature, limited memberships. These men
ordinarily are too busy to organize boisterous minorities into effective weapons
of suppression.
As for the Faceless Man, he is eternally unorganized, squeezed hard between
management and labor, with his screams of anguish unpitied and unheard. This
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 201
group, unable effectively to protest its own assassination, certainly will never
organize in protest against a motion picture.
In more general concepts of life, a picture which presented the thesis that
unwedded bliss can be a pretty good thing, or that a woman who hates her husband
should divorce him, would run into a blizzard of blows. Even granting the
preposterous premise that the script of such a picture got by the Johnston office,
what would happen to it after it reached the screen? The Legion of Decency,
the Knights of Columbus, the Watch and "Ward Society, and a thousand other
organizations who watch broodingly over public morals would descend on the film
with drooling jowl and bared fang.
STORY OF WARSAW
I freely admit that Mr. Bessie and his friends would raise no outcry against
any of the proposed scenarios outlined in the above two paragraphs. Neither,
I also admit, should anyone else in a society which even pretends to believe in
the inalienable right of man's mind to be exposed to any thought whatsoever,
however intolerable that thought might be to anyone else.
But I fear that Mr. Bessie might take a jaundiced view of any effort to bring
to the screen General Bor's magnificent, doomed uprising in Warsaw, which
perished for lack of aid even as Russian troops sat on the eastern bank of the
Vistula. I use the word "magnificent" advisedly, speaking in terms of human
courage. I am not prepared to pass on the politics tliat went into the situation.
All I know is that the attempted liberation of War.saw was a brave effort, of a
people arising against a conqueror, only to have their high hope wither to
bleak despair and ultimate starvation and defeat.
Yet I am afraid that if Mr. Bessie and friends did not tr.v to stop the making
of this picture, ibey would certainly speak very sternly ;igaiiist it, and perhaps,
attempt to invoke sanctions.
"CO.NFESSIONS" AGAIX
Many honest citizens of this country regard communism with a fear and a
horror equal to that which they bestow on fascism, nazism, or any other form
of state authoritarianism. Some time before the war Warner Bros, produced
a motion picture entitled "Confessions of Nazi Spy." This was a very good
picture, timely, and, as proved by subsequent events, quite accurate in its
premise. But what would happen now if some honest citizen attempted to
make a picture with his fears and suspicions of the Soviet as his subject?
I don't think yiv. Bessie would permit it, and of the many protest committees
which would form immediatel.v I think that a substantial percentage of the
names could also be found on the membership list of the Screen Writers' Guild.
I think it amusing for Mr. Bessie to complain of something he can't write
about, and here's why : There are so many things I wouldn't be able to write
about because of Mr. Bessie.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, do you think communism is a threat in
the motion-picture industry in Hollywood?
Mr. JMacaulay. Yes: 1 do; very definitely. The AA'ay these men
used to operate in the guild
Mr. Smith. The Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. JMacaulay, Yes. They made a man's name a byword and a
hissing if he so much as dared "mention the name of comminiism or
say the word "Communist." By this indoctrination and inculcation
that they gave to the vast middle mass of the guild they nvade it n
terrible thing. A man was a moron or imbecile if he said the word
"communism."
They have so successfully indoctrinated even well-meaning mem-
bers of the guild with this idea that recently at a caucus of a bunch
of moderates who dedicated themselves to trying to throw the Com-
munists out at the forthcoming guild election in November, it was
decided there not to use the word "Communist." Instead we referred
to the opposition as the "Lester Cole faction."
202 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDo^VEIX. As the what?
]Mr. Macaulay. The "Lester Cole faction."
The Chalrman. The record will show Mr. Wood is present. A
quorum is present.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, what do you feel could be done to oppose
this threat?
Mr. Macaui^^y. The obvious thing is to throw them out at the next
election, if we can, within my own guild — and I have been speaking
most specifically of the problem within my own guild. If we can vote
them out of oflice we will certainly clip their wings.
In general, as far as the country goes, I definitely feel the Commu-
nist Party should be outlawed. I think it is not a political party at
all ; it is a seditious conspiracy and should be treated as such.
Mr. Smith. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. ]\Ir. Nixon ?
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Macaulay, you said in naming a considerable list
of people that you felt were Communists, that is, in your opinion,
you did not want to do any of them an injustice. I think it might be
well if you would indicate what specific actions these people generally
indulged in which led you to form that opinion.
Mr. Macaulay. Mr. Nixon, they have all followed the tortuous
twists of the Communist Party line through Russia's various jumps,
j)receding and during the war. A man can accidentally join one or
two Communist-front organizations, but when you find them in five,
six, or seven I think the supposition is reasonable that he knows what
he is doing.
Primarily these men have followed, no matter how ridiculous it
got, the party line of the Communist Party. They have always voted
as a group. You will never find any of these men I mentioned voting
differently on a given question.
Mr. Nixon, In other words, you would summarize it in this way:
They have consistently followed the Communist line in foreign policy ?
Mr. Macaulay. Yes.
Mr. Nixon. They have consistently belonged to Communist-front
organizations ?
Mr. Macaulay. That is right.
Mr. Nixon. They have voted as a group with the Communists in
every case ?
Mr. Macaulay. That is right.
Mr. IN^ixoN. And they have indulged in this campaign of abuse
against those who have indicated they might have some opposition to
Comnuuiists?
Mr. Macaulay. That is correct.
Mr. Nixon. And the fact that these people, all of whom you have
named, have consistently participated in those activities; that is the
basis for your opinion that they are Communists or that they are
consistent Communist sympathizers 2
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 203
Mr. Macaulav. That is correct.
Mr. Nixon. Thank yon.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith, do you have any more questions?
Mr. SMrrn. That is all, sir.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Macaulay.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Your next witness.
Mr. Stripling, The next witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Robert
Montgomery.
The Chairman. Mr. Montgomery, will you raise your right hand,
please ?
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Montgomery. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF ROBERT MONTGOMERY
Mr. STRirLixG. Mr. IMontgomer}-, will ycu state your full name
and present address, please?
Ml'. MoNTG03[ERY. liobei't Montgomery, 10430 Bellagio Road, Belair,
Los Angeles 24, Calif.
Mr. Strh'ling. When and where were you born, Mr. Montgomery?
Mr. JSIoNTGOMERY. I was born in Beacon, N. Y.
Mr. Stkh'eing. In what year?
Mr. M()nt(;()meky. li)()4.'
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation?
Mr. Montgomery. I am a director.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a director ?
Mr, Montgomery. I have been a director for the past 2 years and
an actor for the last 20,
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Montgomery. I have been in Hollywood since 1929.
Mr. Stripling. Did 3- ou serve in World War II ?
Mr. Montgomery, Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. In what branch of the service?
Mr. Montgomery. United States Navy.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of any guild at the present time ?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir; I am a member of the Screen Actors
Guild.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a member of the Screen
Actoi-s Guild?
Mr, Montgomery. I have been a member and officer of the Screen
Actors Guild since 1933,
Mr. Stripling. What positions have you held within the guild?
Mr. jNIontgomery. I have held the position, Hrst, of vice president
of the guild; I have been either a member of the board or the presi-
dent of the guild since 1933. I have held the position of president
of the guild in the years 1935. 1<)36. and 1937 and was reelected again
in 1946, resigning about 3 months after my election.
Mr. Stripling. During your tenure as president of the guild and
as a member of tlie guild have you ever at any time noted any Com-
munist influences operating within the guild?
^04 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Montgomery. We liave had in the Screen Actors Guild, as have
other labor unions, a very militant, a very small minority, well or-
ganized, well disciplined. Those people have been active since as
far back as 1933.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell the committee whether or not that
group has ever been successful in dominating the policy of the guild
at any given time?
Mr. Montgomery. . Never under any circumstances.
Mr, Stripling. What has been the policy of the guild regarding
communism and fascism ?
Mr. Montgomery. I think the answer to that question can be given
best, Mr. Chairman, if you will permit me to read the resolution in
that regard issued by the guild in 1946.
The Chairman. Without objection so ordered.
Mr. Montgomery. I have your permission, sir 'i
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Montgomery. Thank you. [Reading:]
The Screen Actors Guild feels that its primary function is the honest repre-
sentation of its membership in a legal and orderly manner by duly elected
representatives in bringing about for its members the best possible working
conditions, hours, and wage scales.
The Screen Actors Guild feels that once these working conditions, wage
scales, and hours have been established, it is its duty, through its adminis-
trative staff, to see to it that the parties to the contract iinder which these
conditions liave been agreed to adhere strictly to the conditions as set forth
in that contract.
In the past the talent groups of Hollywood in particular and the industry in
general have been sub.iected to attacks via the press, radio, and governmental
agencies which have been instrumental in leading the public at largo to believe
that this organization has otiier aims than those set down above. The accusa-
tions have been made publicly against the talent groups that they do not
honestly function as they should in representing their members and have
become sounding boards for ideologies inimical to the American way of life.
Recognizing that the words "Communist" and "Fascist" have been employed
with recklessness and iri'esponsibility as terms of opprobrium, the Screen Actors
Guild desires to make a public statement and to set forth the above points. The
guild in addition states that it has in the past, does in the present, and will in
he fnture rigorously oppose by every power which is within its legal rights, any
real Fascist or Communist influence in the motion-picture industry or in the
ranks of labor.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Montgomery, you introiluced that reso-
lution yourself ?
Mr. iVfoNTOOMERY. Yes. sir; I did.
INIr. Stiitpltng. Did the introduction of it create any controversy
within the Guild?
Mr. Montgomery. The resolution was introduced in, as I remember
it, February 194G. The resolution was not made public until May, I
l)elieve, 194G. I would have to check those dates but I believe they are
approximately correct — May or June of 1946.
In that period of time, between those two dates, the first two articles
of the resolution pertaining to the duties of the guild appeared to
cause no discussion whasoever.
The third article in the resolution which came out flatfootedly
against any real Communist or Fascist influence in the ranks of labor
or in the motion-picture industry seemed to cause — again from a very
small minority — a tremendous opposition. Whether that opposition
Avas Communist or not, I am not qualified to state. I onh' know that
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 205
the}'- behaved exactly as left-win^ fjroups in various labor unions have
behaved in the past and do behave at present.
They attempted in every possible way to cloud the issue of that last
clause in the resolution.
Mr. Stripling. Was the resolution adopted ?
Mr. Montgomery. The resolution was adopted and was issued pub-
licly by the deleg:ates of the Screen Actors Guild at the California
State Labor Convention in 194G.
IVIr. Stripling. AVere any compromise or substitute resolutions
offered duriuf^ this controversy?
Mr. Montgomery. Compromise resolutions were offered, naturally,
because that appeared to be one of the tactics of the opposition to that
i-esolution. In all the compromise resolutions that were offered the flat
statement that we opposed Communism or Fascism was strangely
absent.
JNIr. Striplinc;. Mr. Montgomery, as a veteran of the Hollywood
scene are you aware of any Communist influences in other guilds in the
motion-picture industry?
Mr. JNIoNTGOMERY. I have heard a great deal of discussion about it.
I am not a member of those other guilds and I assume that just as
in the Screen Actors Guild there are again small active minorities
within those other guilds.
Let me make this point perfectly clear, with your permission. The
fact that these minorities are tiny does not, to me, cliange the picture
as far as their danger is concerned. They are Avell organized, they
are well disciplined. They appear at public meetings tremendously
well organized and with a (•om})lete program for the evening.
The Chairman. Mr. M()ntgomer3% they even appear at congres-
sional hearings, [Laughter.]
Mr. Stripling, Mr. Montgomery, can you tell the committee
whether or not in any picture in wliicli you were an actor, or in any
picture which you have produced, you have ever been aware of any
effort to inject Communist pro])aganda or scenes Avhich were unfriendly
to the American way into such films or scripts?
Mr. Montgomery. I have heard these people referred to as the luna-
tic fringe, and I quite agree with that definition. However, I do
not think any of them would be crazy enough to try to inject Com-
munist propaganda into a picture I had anything to do with.
Mr. Stripling. What is your opinion regarding communism?
Mr. ]\Iontgomery. Mr. Chairman, in common with millions of other
men in this country in 19))$) and 1940 I gave up my job to fight against
a totalitarianism which was called fascism. I am quite willing to
give it up again to fight against a totalitarianism called communism.
[Applause.]
The Chairman. The audience is the guest of this committee. This
is a congressional committee seeking the facts. We do not care for
any applause.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Montgomery, there are pending before this com-
mittee at the present time tAvo bills which seek to outlaw the Com-
munist Party. The committee has asked a number of i:)eople who are
prominent in the motion-picture industry and Avho have appeared
here their opinion as to whether the outlawing of the Communist
67683—47 14
206 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Paj'ty Avoiild serve to rid Iloll^ywood. shall we say, of Communist
influence. Naturally the Communists are entrenched in labor and
many other fields, but as far as Hollywood is concerned do you think
the Communist Party should be outlawed'^
Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Stripling, I do not think I am qualified to
answer that question in this respect: There are governmental agen-
cies who, I am sure, have a tremendous amount of evidence regarding
the Communist Party and its activities in this country. Those govern-
mental agencies, I feel, and the Congress of the IJnitefl States, are
a great deal more qualified to decide as to whether the Communist
Party should be outlawed as a political party in this country, or not.
If you are asking my personal opinion I do not believe it is a
political party.
Mr. Striplixg. What do you consider it to be, Mr. Montgomery?
Mr. Montgomery. I consider it a subversive group just as I con-
sidered the German-American Bund a subversive group.
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider it to be in fact the agent of a foreign
government ?
Mr. Montgomery. That again is a question of one's qualifications
to make that decision. I assume from their behavior that they are
and it has been testified to before this committee that they are.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Montgomery, you indicated that at the time this
resolution was introduced there was great opposition from this small
minority. The point I am interested in is this : You said they behaved
as all left-wing groups behaved. Would you indicate very briefly to
the committee some of the elements of behavior which in your opinion
follow that line?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir. The confusion of the issue by long and
protracted discussion is one of the maneuvers used by these people. I
am afraid this sounds a little melodramatic, but character assassins
of the proponents of the issue was another one.
Mr. Nixon. Long and protracted discussion and character assassins
were tw^o of them ?
Mr. Montgomery. Long and protracted discussion, let me say, with
the aim in view of simpl.y clouding the original issue of the reso-
lution.
]\Ir. Nixon. And not for the purpose of reaching a decision on the
matter at hand ?
Mr. Montgomery. No, sir; definitely not.
Mr. Nixon. But for the purpose of avoiding.a decision on the matter
on which they wanted no decision made?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir; exactly.
Mr. Nixon. I might say, Mr. Montgomery, des]nte the fact that
during the course of this hearing, as the chairman has indicated, no
applause can be allowed from the audience, I think I speak for the
members of the committee and for the members of the audience in say-
ing (hat although we may not openly express our approval we certainly
wish to indicate to you it is very encouraging to find a nuin in your
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 207
position who has, throughout the United States, a great deal of re-
spect among a great number of people for what you have done on the
screen, so well able to express yourself articulately, intelligently, and
fairly on a matter whicli is of great interest to this country at the
present time.
Mr. Montgomery. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Montgomery, have you been smeared as every
other person has who has attacked communism?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir ; I have.
Mr. McDowell. They have called you, I presume, a Fascist, a
stooge of your producer, and all that sort of thing?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir; that is true. It does not bother me
very much, quite frankly.
Mr. McDowell. That is very obvious. It is good to have you here.
You are as good a citizen as you are an actor, and that is tops.
Mr. JNIontgomery. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank j^ou very much. Do you have any more
questions, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. No, sir, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Chairman, may I have your permission to
make one statement?
The Chairman. Yes; proceed.
Mr. Montgomery. I have been watching and hearing via the press
and radio the procedure here in this committee. I would like to ask
the chairman's permission to correct one impression which I am sure
is being unintentionally given by virtue of the reporting of these
hearings.
I am sure, as I say, this impression is unintentional.
The general impression as we came across the country to these hear-
ings was that there was a small minority within Hollywood fighting
communism and fascism. This is exactly the reverse of the true pic-
ture. There is a small minority in Hollywood wdio might be inter-
ested in fascism or communism and I do not think that we who have
worked in this industry for a period of almost 20 years, some of us,
have any right to testify before this committee without saying that we
are proud to be members of this industry.
Thank you very nuich.
Tlie Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Montgomery, for com-
ing here today .^*
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, is Mr. George
Murphy.
The Chairman. Mr. George Murphy.
Mr. Muri)hy. do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about
to give is tlie tVuth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. Murphy. I do, so help me God.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
^ See appendix, p. n?,!, for exhibit 47.
208 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
TESTIMONY OF GEORGE L. MURPHY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Murphy, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address, please?
Mr. Murphy. George L. Murphy, 911 North Bedford Drive, Bev-
erly Hills, Calif.
Mv. Stripling. When and where were vou born, Mr. Murphy?
Mr. Murphy. New Haven, Conn., July 4, 1902.
Mr. Stripling. AVhat is your present occupation?
Mr. Murphy. Actor-dancer.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the questions of Mr. Murphy will
be asked by Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. That is agreeable. Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Murph}^, how long have you been connected with
the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Murphy. I have been employed in the motion-picture industry
a little over 12 years.
Mr. Smith. Are you a member of the Screen Actors Guild?
Mr. JMuRPHY. I am and have been a member for about 10 years.
Mr. Smith. What offices have you held in the guild and do you
presently hold an office ?
Mr. Murphy. At present I am a third vice president. Previous to
that I was president of the Screen Actors Guild for two terms and for
the last 6 years I have served as a member of the board of directors of
the Screen Actors Guild.
Mr, Smith. Mr. INIurphy, have you ever been a member of any group
or organization that you would consider subversive?
Mr. JNIuRPHY. No ; I have not.
Mr. Smith. Were any attempts ever made to get you to join any
subversive group?
Mr. Murphy. Well, when I was first made a member of the Screen
Actors Guild board I strangely received the Daily Worker every day
for a year, for which I did not pay, because I had not ordered it.
I have been invited to attend many meetings. I have been asked to
donate funds to many causes. Possibly being of a suspicious nature
1 like to make sure where my charity funds go and I like to make sure
of what is actually the purpose of the meeting I attend, so that I have
not attended any of those meetings, to my knowledge, nor have I
donated money to any of those funds.
Mr. Smith. Have you ever joined any anti-Communist groups?
Mr. MuRPiiY. No ; I have not as such. I am a member of the Screen
Actors Guild and as you have just heard ]Mr. IMontgomery read into
the record we have a resolution that is anti-Communist and anti- Fascist
so you might call us an anti-Communist, anti-Fascist group.
I am also chairman of a political group lately formed in Hollywood.
Among the things it hopes to do is fight against communism and
fascism.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Murphy, were you president of the Screen Actors
Guild when the strike started?
Mr. Murphy. Yes ; I was.
Mr. Smith. What action did you take?
Mr. Murphy. Well, immediately when the strike started the Screen
Actors Guild foi-med a committee that met with the committee of the
Screen Writers Guild and the Screen Directors Guild in the hope that
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 209
we could, as disinterested parties, find some means whereby the men
could remain at work while the argument went on or until the strike
was settled. We met once. There was a suggestion made as to how
to proceed. I suggested we get the three parties to agree to abide by
the decision of a proper governmental agency, which at that time
would be the NLE.B, since it was a jurisdictional strike.
This was agreed upon. We first called Mr. Edward Mannix, who
was then an officer with the Producers Association, He said he would
agree to sign or would say publicly that they would abide by the
decision of such a proper governmental agency.
The second party called was one of the members of the striking
unions. He told us in no uncertain terms his boys were out on strike
and they would stay there for 7 years if necessary until a lot of things
he was dissatisfied wath in Hollyw^ood got straightened out.
It was quite obvious we were going to accomplish nothing. Here
was a man who had his neck bowed, who was mad, and w^as not in-
terested in settling the strike.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Muprhy, did this plan meet wdth any success?
Mr. Murphy. No success whatever. As I say, the committee met
this once and it was quite obvious that we were not going to accomplish
anything. When you are not accomplishing anything I think it is a
little silly to continue to hold meetings.
Mr. Smith. Did you take any further action ?
Mr. ]\IuRPHY. Yes. With respect to the Screen Actors Guild I
wanted to make sure of the feelings and the views of our membership.
1 think this will be of interest to the committee because it will pretty
well show the actual number of Communists or Communist sympa-
thizers or people who have been misled by the Communists.
I hope the committee realizes that in Hollywood as in every other
part of the country there are an awful lot of good, honest, liberal
people who are being used by the Communists and wdio are sometimes
sucked into these things.
We called a mass meeting of the membership. We invited Mr. Her-
bert Sorrell, who is the head of the Conference of Studio Unions,
and Mr. Richard Maltz, who is the president of the lATSC, We gave
them each a half hour to state their case before our membership and
then sent out a secret ballot to the membership to find out their exact
wishes in the matter.
The important fact, I think, is that the ballots came back 97.3 per-
cent not to join the strike. Based on that figure I w^ould say we could
safely put the figure of active Communists at below 1 percent in the
Screen Actors Guild, because I assume, as is generally the case with
those people, all of their people voted and some of ours ma}?^ not have.
Mr. Smith. Did the other guilds or unions take such a vote, to your
knowledge?
Mr. IVIuRPHY. As far as I know there was only one other union that
took a secret ballot on the strike. I think that was the Screen Office
Employees Guild. A strange thing happened with regard to it.
The ballot w\as taken and T believe the tabulation was some 900 to 600
not to join the strike, but they were ordered to join the strike in spite
of that under the threat they would lose their charter. Their charter
was from the painters' union.
Mr. Smith. Were there any attempts from within the Screen Actors
Guild to change the guild's policy?
210 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Murphy. Yes; there was some disagreement, not very much.
It did not amount to very much. Some people thought, and there
was a great campaign put on, to the effect that we were crossing picket
lines where brother unionists were out on strike. There Avere tlirow-
awa^ys which called Mr. Arnold, Mr. Reagan, and myself scabs. Ac-
tually we felt we were not going to work to take another man's job,
which is Avhat a "scab" is, I believe.
As to the people who took that position, I think some of them did
it sincerely. I believe, however, there may have been a few who were
taking advantage of the situation, if possible, to create greater turmoil
within the industry.
Mr. Smith. Was there any direct action taken by this minority
group ?
Mr. MunpHT. Well, one thing that happened at one of the later mass
meetings. Late in the meeting there Avas a proposal from the floor,.
a resolution, and as I heard it' read from the floor it occurred to me
that, although it was very wordy and seemed a little ambiguous, that
it could be construed to put us right in the middle of the strike, a
position that had been directly opposed by the vote of our membership.
On that basis I declared the resolution out of order. This was quite
late in the meeting. As I remember, directly that I declared it out of
order, this meeting was adjourned.
I think at this time possibly 40 percent of the members who had
attended the meeting had gone home. It is a little difficult in Holly-
wood to hold meetings. The actors who are Avorking, as most of you
know, and the ladies, particularly, have to get up at 5 : 30 or 6 o'clock
in the morning, and even a lazy fellow like myself, I haA^e to be up
at 7 o'clock. So they are inclinecl to leaAC meetings early. And, in fact,
they are a little hard to get to meetings — I guess like most Americans.
Mr. Smith. Do you know who proposed this resolution?
Mr. Mup.PHT. I do not. As I say, it was late in the meeting, it came
from the back of the floor, and the proponent did not announce her
name. It was a lady. I know that.
Mr. Smith. As an officer and a member of the Screen Actors Guild
for a number of years, to what extent has communism infiltrated into
the Screen Actors Guild, in your opinion ?
Mr. Murphy. Well, in mj^ opinion, there has been a constant irrita-
tion from a very small group. The group is constantly changing. I
think that some of the members of the group haA^e been led to believe
that certain things are true that are not true. We haA^e had experi-
ence with some of them that come up to the guild office, and after
asking a few questions and seeing the records and documents haA^e
decided that they have been misled, that they have taken an erroneous
position on certain things. I don't think actually, numerically, as I
said before, I don't think that they amount to 1 percent of the guild
membership.
Mr. Smith. Noav, you heard Mr. Montgomery's testimony regarding
the resolution that was adopted, did you not ?
Mr. Murphy. I did.
Mr. Smith. As to fascism and communism. You were there. I
believe you were chairman of that particular meeting; is that correct?
Mr. Murphy. Yes, I was ; I was present.
Mr. Smith. To the best of your recollection, was his testimony cor-
rect regarding this resolution ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 211
Mr. Murphy. Absolutely correct.
Mr. Smith. Do you recall any other instances where the guild has
taken action to combat communism?
Mr. MuRPPiY. Well, one thing occurred to me. While I was presi-
dent of the Screen Actors Guild the bylaws provided that 15 percent
of the membership present at any meeting would constitute a quorum;
a quorum making it possible for 15 percent to conduct business and
to decide on policy of the Screen Actors Guild. I am a very bad
mathematician, but it occurred to me that a half of 15 percent was
71/^ percent; 71/2 percent plus one vote could decide the future policy
of the guild. It seemed to me that this was a very undemocratic proc-
ess. There was some argument made that if people didn't have the
interest enough in their organization to attend meetings that they
shouldn't have a right to decide policy. I, along with many others
on the board, took the position that as long as they were members
in good standing, whether they attended meetings or not, for what-
ever meeting, that they had the same rights in the organization in
deciding policy.
From this discussion the bylaws of the Screen Actors Guild were
changed so that at the present time any matter of importance or any
matter that pertains to the policy of the Screen Actors Guild and the
affairs of the general membership there is sent by mail a ballot on it
to every member in good standing of the Screen Actors Guild.
Mr. Smith. Leaving aside for the moment the Screen Actors Guild,
do you feel there is any communism in the motion-picture industry?
Mr, Murphy. Yes; I think there is communism in the motion-pic-
ture industry — as there is in practically every other industry in our
Nation today. I think that the screen has been very successful in
keeping any attempts to propagandize off the screen. As I say, I
am an actor. I am not as conversant as some others who have testiiEied,
with regard to the problems of the writers and producers and directors.
I am handed a script. Once in a while I try to change a line or two
or a word or two, and maybe add a dance step, but that is about the
extent of my business.
However, I think there has been definite evidence that there are
Communists at work in the picture industry and it seems to me that
it would be absolutely consistent with the policy, that being such a
means of communication, I think that they probably would be very
anxious to be at work in the picture industry.
Mr. Smith. Have you ever been called upon to give lines in a picture
which you felt were communistic ?
Mr. Murphy. No ; I have not.
Mr. Smith. Supposing you were called upon to give such lines, what
would be your position?
Mr. Murphy. I am afraid, as they sav in the theater, T would dry
up, I wouldn't read the lines, nor would T play the part if I considered
the part to be one that spread Communist propaganda.
Mr. Smith. Do you feel that if things continue as they are the Com-
munists might gain enough strength to control the industi-y?
Mr. Murphy. There is much discussion about Communist propa-
ganda. - T think all who read the newspapers and the columns realize
that the Communist Partv in the past has appeared to be in no par-
ticular hurry about achieving its ends. I think to look for direct Com-
munist propaganda in pictures at this particular moment might be a
212 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTKY
mistake. I think we should be well on our guard that the infiltration
maybe is taking place at this time so that after the infiltration has
reached a saturation point later on the screen may be used in a man-
ner inimical to the best mterests of our country.
Mr, Smith. Do you believe the Communist Party is an agency of a
foreign enemy?
Mr. Murphy. I have no way of proving this, but from the reading
that I have done, and listening to the radio, I believe that the Com-
munist Party members are agents of a foreign country.
Mr. Smith. As stated to Mr. Montgomery by Mr. Stripling, there
are two bills presently pending before this committee in regard to the
Communist Party. What is your thought as to what action should be
taken on those bills?
Mr. Murphy. I think if the Government of the United States de-
cides that the Communist Party is taking orders from a foreign gov-
ernment, and its members are acting as agents of a foreign gov-
ernment, I think they should be so labeled, and I don't think that an
agent of a foreign government should be allowed to hide under the
guise that he is a member of a legal American political party. I think
the differentiation between the political party and the actual condi-
tion should be brought home to the American public.
No. 2, I think there are agencies of the United States Government
which have much more proof, a great many more facts than we have.
I think if the information obtained by those agencies were made pub-
lic to the people, I think that the great American public would tell
the Congress of the United States very quickly and without question
what action they think should be taken.
With regard to the motion-picture industry, I would wish that
there would be some attempt, and I know in the past there have been
attempts, to maybe tell the American story truly in foreign countries,
and I think that there is no better way to tell this story than through
the motion picture. I am certain from conversations that I have had
with the leaders of the industry that they would be terribly anxious
to cooperate in any way. For instance, with a program that might
possibly be set up with the State Department in telling the actual
American story and combating such un-American propaganda as
greeted me this morning wdien I found in the newspaper under my
door at the hotel something to the effect that the Russian Government
orders that all Communists should immediately go to work on the
Marshall plan and see if they can't break that up.
The Chairman. Along that same line, don't you think it also
advisable that the moving-picture industry produce some pictures
to be shown in the United States showing the dangers of com-
m-unism here?
Mr. Murphy. I think that might be very helpful ; yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Have you been smeared too, Mr. Murphy?
Mr. Murphy. Well, during the strike there was a routine of hand-
ing out throw-aways around the studios and around town every day
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUEE INDUSTRY 213
and they made up three characters that were known as Ronnie, Eddie,
and George— Ronald Reagan, Eddie Arnold, and George Murphy.
We were on the committee that had gone back to Chicago during the
strike, you see, and we were smeared, we were called "producers' men."
Mr. McDowell. Stooges?
Mr. Murphy. Stooges, yes. And I think the proof of whether we
were stooges or not is evidenced by the contract that the Screen Actors
(iuild concluded, which is the best ever concluded with the pro-
ducers, and I think one of the best labor contracts ever written.
Mr. McDowell. You have been called a Fascist, no doubt?
Mr. Murphy. Yes; I have been called a Fascist, but I don't pay
an awful lot of attention to that. I think maybe the time has come
when anybody who disagrees with a Communist is a Fascist — and I
certainly disagree with a Communist.
Mr. McDowell. Well, you have been a good witness. It is very
fortunate for the American film industry, producers, actors, workers,
painters, everybody else, that there has been a group of you fellows
out there, men and women, who have had the courage of your con-
victions, and have stood up and fought. Yon have done a fine job.
Mr. Murphy. If I may say so, Mr. Chairman, we had more than
the courage of our convictions. We had what we knew to be the
backing of the great majority of our membership, and when you are
carrying out what you know to be the will of the people which you are
representing you clon't have much hesitancy ancl your way is pretty
clear.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much. It was very fine of you to
come here today.'^
The next witness.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Ronald Reagan.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give is the truth, the whole truth, anc( nothing but the truth ?
Mr. Reagan. I do.
The Chairman. So help you God ?
Mr. Reagan. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF RONALD REAGAN
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, will you please state your full name
and present address?
Mr. Reagan. Ronald Reagan, 9137 Cordell Drive, Los Angeles 46,
Calif. ^ ^ y
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Reagan?
Mr. Reagan. Tampico, 111., February 6, 1911.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
Mr. Reagan. Motion-picture actor.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been engaged in that profession?
Mr. Reagan. Since June 1937 with a brief interlude of 31/2 years —
that at the time didn't seem very brief.
•^ See appendix, p. S.il. for exhibit 48.
214 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Striplixo. What period was tluit?
Mr. Reagan. That was duriiijij tlie late war.
Mr. Stripling. What branch of the service were you in ?
Mr. Keagan. Well, sir, I had been for several years in the Reserve
as an ofiicer in the United States Cavalry, but I was assigned to the
Air Corps.
Mr. Stripling. That is kind of typical of the Army, isn't it?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir. The first thing the Air Corps did was loan
me to the Signal Corps.
Mr. McDowell. You didn't wear spurs?
Mr. Reagan. I did for a short while.
The Chairman. I think this has little to do with the facts we are
seeking ; proceed.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, are you a member of any gTiild?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir; the Screen Actors Guild.
Mr. Stripling. How long liave you been a member ?
Mr. Reagan. Since June 1937.
Mr. Stripling. Are you the president of the guild at the present
time ?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. When were you elected ?
Mr. Reagan. That was several months ago. I was elected to replace
Mr. Montgomery when he resigned.
Mr. Stripling. When does your term expire ?
Mr. Reagan. The elections come up next month.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever held any other position in the Screen
Actors Guild?
Mr. ReaGx\n. Yes, sir. Just prior to the war I was a member of
the board of directors, and just after the war, prior to my being elected
president, I was a member of the board of directors,
Mr. Stripling. As a member of the board of directors, as president
of the Screen Actors Guild, and as an active member, have you at any
time observed or noted within the organization a clique of either Com-
munists or Fascists who were attempting to exert influence or pressure
on the guild?
Mr. Reagan. Well, sir, my testimony must be very similar to that
of Mr. Murphy and Mr. Montgomery. There has been a small group
within the Screen Actors Guild which has consistently opposed the
policy of the guild board and officers of the guild, as evidenced by the
vote on various issues. That small clique referred to has been suspected
of more or less following the tactics that w^e associate with the Com-
munist Part3^
Mr. Stripling. Woidd v<m refer to them as a disruptive influence
within the guild?
Mr. Reagan. I would say that at times they have attempted to be a
disruptive influence.
Mr. Stripling. You have no knowledge yourself as to whether or
not any of them are members of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Reagan. No, sir ; I have no investigative force, or anything, and
I do not know.
Mr. Stripling. Has it ever been reported to you that certain mem-
bers of the guild were Communists?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir; I have heard different discussions and some
of them tagged as Communists.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 215
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever heard that from any reliable source ?
Mr. Reagan. Well, I considered the source as reliable at the time.
Mr. Stripling, Would you say that this clique has attempted to
-dominate the <^uild?
Mr. Reagan. Well, sir, by attempting to put over their own par-
ticular views on various issues, I guess in regard to that you would
have to say that our side w'as attempting to dominate, too; because
we were fighting just as hard to put over our views, in which we sin-
cerely believed, and I think we were proven correct by the figures —
Mr. Murphy gave the figures — and those figures were always approxi-
mately the same, an average of 90 percent or better of the Screen
Actors Guild voted in favor of those matters now guild policy.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, there has been testimony to the effect
here that numerous Communist-front organizations have been set up
in Hollywood. Have you ever been solicited to join any of those
organizations or any organization which you considered to be a Com-
munist-front organization ?
Mr. Reagan. Well, sir, I have received literature from an organiza-
tion called the Committee for a Far-Eastern Democratic Policy. I
don't know whether it is Communist or not. I only know that I didn't
like their views and as a result I didn't want to liave anything to do
with them.
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever solicited to sponsor the Joint Anti-
Fascist Refugee Committee ?
Mr. Reagan. No, sir ; I was never solicitied to do that, but T found
myself misled into being a sponsor on another occasion for a function
that was held under the auspices of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee
Committee.
Mr. Stripling. Did you knowingly give your name as a sponsor?
Mr. Reagan. Not knowingly. Could I explain what that occasion
was?
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
Mr. Reagan. I was called several weeks ago. There happened at
the time in Hollywood to be a financial drive on to raise money to build
a badly needed hospital in a certain section of town, called the All
Nations Hospital. I think the purpose of the building is so obvious
by the title that it has the support of most of the people of Holly-
wood— or, of Los Angeles, I should say. Certainly of most of the
doctors, because it is very badly needed.
Some time ago I was called to the telephone. A woman introduced
herself by name. Knowing that I didn't know her I didn't make any
particular note of her name and I couldn't give it now. She told me
that there Avould be a recital held at which Paul Robeson would sing
and she said that all the money for the tickets would go to the hos-
pital and asked if she could use my name as one of the sponsors.
I hesitated for a moment because I don't think that Mr. Robeson's
and my political views coincide at all and then I thought I was being
a little stupid because, I thought, here is an occasion where Mr. Robe-
son is perhaps appearing as an artist and certainly the object, raising
money, is above any political consideration, it is a hospital supported
by everyone. I have contributed money myself. So I felt a little bit
as if I had been stuffy for a minute and I said, certainly, you can use
my name.
216 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I left town for a couple of weeks and when I returned I was handed
a newspaper story that said that this recital was held at the Shrine
Auditorium in Los Angeles under the auspices of the Joint Anti-
Fascist Refugee Committee. The principal speaker was Emil Lustig,
Robert Burman took up a collection, and remnants of the Abraham
Lincoln Brigade were paraded to the platform. I did not in the
newspaper story see one Avord about the hospital. I called the news-
paper and said I am not accustomed to writing to editors, but would
like to explain my position, and he laughed and said. "You needn't
bother, you are about the fiftieth person that has called with the same
idea, including most of the legitimate doctors who had also been listed
as sponsors of that affair."
Mr. Stripling. Would you say from your observation that that is
typical of the tactics or strategy of the Communists, to solicit and
use the names of prominent people to either raise money or gain
support ?
Mr. Reagan. I think it is in keeping with their tactics ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think there is anything democratic about
those tactics ?
Mr. Reagan. I do not, sir.
Mr. Stripling. As president of the Screen Actors Guild you are
familiar with the jurisdictional strike which has been going on in
Hollywood for some time ?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever had any conferences with any of the
labor officials regarding this strike?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir. In fact, some 14 days or so before the
strike actually took place our guild, feeling that we were representing
our actors to the best of our ability, and this being a situation in
which the studios might be closed, we met with the producers, met
with both factions in the jurisdictional dispute in an attempt to settle
that strike. We continued meeting with them separately and to-
gether. I believe the Screen Actors Guild committee w'hich put these
people in one room and tried to settle the strike perhaps is better
informed on the situation and on the jurisdictional strike than any
other group in the motion-picture industry.
We met repeatedly and we met continuously for 7 months and then
intermittently from that 7 months' period on. The strike is still
continuing.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether the Communists have partici-
pated in any way in this strike ?
Mr. Reagan. Sir, the first time that this word "Communist" was
ever injected into any of the meetings concerning the strike was at
a meeting in Chicago with Mr. William Hutchinson, president of
the carpenters union, who were on strike at the time. He asked the
Screen Actors Guild to submit terms to Mr. Walsh, for Walsh to
give in in the settling of this strike, and he told us to tell ISlr. Walsh
that if he would give in on these terms he in turn would run this Sor-
rell and the other Commies out — I am quoting him — and break it up.
I might add that Mr. Walsh and Mr. Sorrell were running the strike
for Mr. Hutchinson in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, what is your feeling about what steps
should be taken to rid the motion-picture industry of any Communist
influences, if they are there ?
COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 217
Mr. Reagax. Well, sir, I would like to say, as Mr. Montgomery and
Mr. Murpliy have indicated, they have done it very well, i have been
alarmed by the misapprehension, the feeling aromid, that it was a
minority fighting against a majority on this issue in our business, and
1 would like in answering that (juestion to reiterate what those gentle-
men have said, that rather UU percent of us are pretty well aware of
what is going on, and 1 think within the bounds of our democratic
rights, and never once stepping over the rights given us by democracy,
we have done a pretty good job in our business of keeping those
people's activities curtailed. After all, we must recognize them at
present as a political party. On that basis we have exposed their
lies when we came across them, we have opposed their propaganda,
and I can certainly testify that in the case of the Screen Actors Guild
we have been eminently successful in preventing them from, with
their usual tactics, trying to run a majority of an organization with
a Avell organized minority.
So that fundamentally I would say in opposing those people that
the best thing to do is to make democracy work. In the Screen Actors
Guild we make it work by insuring everyone a vote and by keeping
everj'one informed. 1 believe that, as Thomas Jefferson put it, if all
the American people know all of the facts they will never make a
mistake.
Whether the party should be outlawed, I agree Avith the gentlemen
that preceded me that that is a matter for the Government to decide.
As a citizen I would hesitate, or not like, to see any political party
outlawed on the basis of its political ideology. We have spent 170
years in this country on the basis that democracy is strong enough to
stand up and fight against the inroads of any ideology. However, if it
is proven that an organization is an agent of a power., a foreign power,
or in any way not a legitimate political party, and I think the Govern-
ment is capable of proving that, if the proof is there, then that is
another matter.
I do not know whether I have answered 3'our question or not. I, like
Mr. Montgomery, would like at this moment to say I happen to be
very proud of the industry in which I work ; I happen to be very proud
of the way in which we conducted the fight. I do not believe the Com-
munists have ever at any time been able to use the motion-picture
screen as a sounding board for their philosophy or ideology. I think
that will continue as long the people in Hollywood continue as they
are, which is alert, conscious of it, and fighting. I would also like to
say that I think we can match the record of our industry in the con-
tribution to the social welfare against that of any industry in the
United States.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, you have testified here concerning the
Screen Actors Guild and the record that you people have made within
that guild. You are not aware, however, of the efforts which the
Communists have made within the Screen Writers Guild, are you?
Mr. Reagax. Sir, like the other gentlemen, I must say that that is
hearsay. I have heard discussions concerning it.
The CiiAiHMAX. I think we have had testimony with regard to the
Screen Writers Guild. These people are more fully acquainted with
the Screen Actors Guild.
Ml'. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, these three witnesses were brought
here simply to testify, as president and past presidents of the Screen
218 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Actors Guild, as to the possible infiltration within that organization.
As you are aware w^e have heard numerous witnesses on the Screen
Writers Guild. Those are all the questions I have at this time.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. No' questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail'^
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. There is one thing that you said that interested me
very much. That was the quotation from Jefferson. That is just why
this committee was created by the House of Representatives, to
acquaint the American people with the facts. Once the American
people are acquainted with the facts there is no question but what
the American people will do a job, the kind of a job that they want
done ; that is, to make America just as pure as we can possibly make it.
We want to thank you very much for coming here today.
Mr. Reagan. Sir, if I might, in regard to that, say that what I was
tr\'ing to express, and didn't do very well, was also this other fear.
I detest, I abhor their philosophy, but I detest more than that their
tactics, which are those of the fifth coliunn, and are dishonest, but at
the same time I never as a citizen w^ant to see our country become
urged, by either fear or resentment of this group, that we ever com-
promise with any of otir democratic principles through that fear or
resentment. I still think that democracy can do it.
The Chairman. AVe agree with that. Thank you very much."*'
Mr. Smith, Mr. Russell, Mr. Leckie w'ill escort those three witnesses
from the room, please, if they care to go at this time.
The Chair would like to make this announcement. The Chair would
like to announce the witnesses for this afternoon. The witnesses this
afternoon will be Mr. Leo McCarey and Mr. Gary Cooper. We will
recess until 2 o'clock.
(Thereupon, at 12 noon, a recess was taken until 2 p. m.)
afternoon session
The Chairman. The meeting w^ill come to order. Everyone will
please take their seats.
The Chair would like to announce at this time that the witnesses
for tomorrow are Mrs. Lela Rogers, Mr. Roy Brewer, Mr. Walt Disney,
and Mr. Oliver Carlson.
The first witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, there will be two witnesses this after-
noon, Mr. Gary Cooper and Mr. Leo McCarey. After that, there
are some matters that may be taken up in executive session, if that is
possible.
The Chairman. The committee will meet in executive session this
afternoon when the hearing is concluded to take up those matters.
Mr. Gary Cooper, will you please stand and raise your right hand ?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
^ See appendix, p. '>'.\2, for exliibit 49.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 219
Mr. Cooper. I do.
Tlie Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF GARY COOPER
Mr. Stkiplixg. Mr. Cooper, will you state your full name and
present address, please ?
Mr. Cooper. M}^ name is Gary Cooper; I live in Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. I was born in Helena, Mont., in 19(J1.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
Mr. Cooper. An actor.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cooper, you are here in response to a subpena
which was served upon you on September 2G; are you not? ^^
Mr. Cooper. Yes; I am.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the interrogation of Mr. Cooper will
be done by JNIr. Smith.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith. We will have more order, please.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Cooper, how long have you been an actor?
Mr. Cooper. I huve been an actor since 1925.
Mr. S-MiTH. And how long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Cooper. Since 1924.
^Ir. Smith. I believe you made many pictures, some of which pic-
tures are Unconquered, Pride of the Yankees, Saratoga Trunk, Mr.
Deeds Goes to Town, and you are presently making Good Sam; is that
correct ?
Mr. Cooper. Yes.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith and Mr. Cooper, will you please speak
up?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Mr. Cooper. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. Are you a member of the Screen Actors Guild?
Mr. Cooper. Yes; I have been a member since the guild was or-
ganized.
Mr. Smith. During the time that you have been in Hollywood, have
you ever observed any conmiunistic influence in Hollywood or in the
motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Cooper. I believe I have noticed some.
Mr. Smith. What do you believe the principal medium is that they
use Hollywood or the industry to inject propaganda?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I believe it is done through word of mouth
The Chairman. Will you speak louder, please, Mr, Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. I believe it is done through word of mouth and through
the medium of pami)hleting — and writers, I suppose.
Mr. Smith. By word of mouth, what do you mean, Mr. Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I mean sort of social gatherings.
Mr. S-AiiTii. That has been your observation?
Mr. Cooper. That has been my only observation; yes.
Mr. Smith. Can you tell us some of the statements that you may
have heard at these gatherings that you believe are communistic?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I have heard quite a few, I think, from time to
time over the years. Well, I have heard tossed around such state-
s' See appendix, p. 5:^2. for exhibit ~>0.
220 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
meiits as, "Don't you think the Constitution of the United States is
about 150 years out of date?" and — oh, I don't know — I have heard
people mention that, well, "Perhaps this would be a more efficient
Government without a Congress" — which statements I think are very
un-American.
Mr. Smith. Have you ever observed any communistic information
in any scripts ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I have turned down (|uite a few scripts because
I thought they were tinged with communistic ideas.
Mr. Smith. Can you name any of those scripts?
Mr. Cooper. No; I can't recall any of those scripts to mind.
Mr. Smith. Can you tell us
Mr. Cooper. The titles.
The Chairman. Just a minute. Mr. Cooper, you haven't got that
bad a memoiy.
Mr. Cooper. I beg your pardon, sir?
The Chairman. I say, you haven't got that bad a memory, have
you ? You must be able to remember some of those scripts you turned
down because you thought they were Communist scripts.
Mr. Cooper. Well, I can't actually give you a title to any of them;
no.
The Chairman. Will you think it over, then, and supply the com-
mittee with a list of those scripts?
Mr. Cooper. I don't think I could, because most of the scripts I read
at night, and if they don't look good to me I don't finish them or if I
do finish them I send them back as soon as possible to their author.
The Chairman. I understand. I didn't understand you before.
Go ahead.
Mr. McDowell,. That is the custom of most actors, most stars, Mr.
Cooper ?
Mr. Cooper. Yes, I believe so; yes sir. As to the material, which is
more important than the name of the script, I did turn back one script
because the leading character in the play was a man whose life's am-
bition was to organize an army in the United States, an army of sol-
diers who would never fight to defend their country. I don't remem-
ber any more details of the play, but that was enough of a basic idea
for me to send it back quickly to its author.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Cooj^er, have you ever had any personal experi-
ence where you feel the Communist Party may have attempted to
use 3^ou?
Mr. Cooper. They haven't attempted to use me, I don't think, be-
cause, ai^parently, they know that I am not very sympathetic to com-
munism. Several years ago, when communism was more of a social
chit-chatter in parties for offices, and so on, when communism didn't
have the implications that it has now, discussion of communism was
more open and I remember hearing statements from some folks to
the effect that the comnnmistic system had a great many features
that were desirable, (me of which would be desirable to us in the mo-
tion-picture business in that it offered the actors and artists — in other
words, the creative people — a special place in Government where we
would be souiewhat immune from the ordinary leveling of income.
And as I remember, some actor's name was mentioned to me who had
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 221
a house in Moscow which was very large — he had three cars, and
stutf, with his house being quite a bit larger than my house in Beverly
Hills at the time — and it k)oked to me like a pretty phony come-on
to us in the picture business. From that time on, I could never take
any of this pinko mouthing very seriously, because I didn't feel it was
on the level.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, we have several official documents that
we have obtained through the State Department, which I believe
clearly shows that the Communist Party attempts to use actors in-
dividually througliout the world to further their cause. With your
permission, I would like to show one of these documents to Mr. Cooper
and have him read it to the committee.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Smith. I would like to have you glance at this document, Mr.
Cooper, and read to the committee from this document.
Mr. CoorER. Ahem
Mr. Smith. Just one moment, please, Mr. Cooper. This document
from which Mr. Cooper is going to read was distributed in pamphlets
in Italy during May of 19-i7.-^«
Mr. Cooper. Shall I read it?
Mr. Smith. By the Communist Party. Yes, sir; go ahead.
Mr. Cooper (reading) :
Gary Cooper, who took part in the fights for the independence of Spain, held
a speech liefore a cro\^(l of 90,000 in Phihidelphia on the occasion of the con-
secration of the hanner of tlie Phihidelphia Communist Federation.
Between other things, he said: "In our days it is the greatest lionor to be a
Communist. I wish the wliole world to understand what we Communists really
are. There could be nobody then who might say that we are enemies of man-
kind and peace. Those who want to discuss Communist ideas should first get
to know them. Americans learn this with great difficulty. Millions of people
from other continents regard America as a center of modern civilization, but
only we Americans can see how false this opinion is. Let us be frank. Our
country is a country of gold, silver, petrol, and great railways. But at the
same time it is a country where Rockefeller, Ford, and Rothschild use tear gas
against striking workers fighting for their legitimate rights. Our country is
the fatherland of Lincoln and Roosevelt, but at the same time it is a country
of men like Senator Bilbo and many of his type. It is a country where redskins
were exterminated by arms and brandy."
Mr. Smith. Have you any comment on that, Mr. Cooper ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, sir
The Chairman. Excuse me a minute. Mr. Smith, you say this
letter was distributed by the Communist Party in Italy ?
Mr. S:mith. In May of 1947, Mr. Chairman ; yes, sir.
The Chairman. And we got tlie letter from the State Department?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Cooper.
Mr. Smith. Were you ever in Philadelphia, Mr. Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. No, sir; I was never in Philadelphia.
Mr. Smith. Do you have any comment to make regarding this letter ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, a 90,000 audience is a little tough to disregard,
but it is not true.
Tlie Chairman. I want to help you along, Mr. Cooper — ■ —
Mr. Cooper. No part of it is true, sir.
^ See appendix, p. 532, for exhibit 51.
67G83 — 47 15
222 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. I happen to know it is just a plain, ordinary, ruth-
less lie. We know that for a fact. So you don't have to worry any
more about that.
Mr. McDowell. And also, Mr. Cooper, in order to get it into the
record, don't you think there wouldn't be 90,000 people in Philadelphia
who were Communists ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I believe it was Mr. Smith here that said you
would have a hard time getting 90,000 people out in Philadelphia for
anything. I don't know about that.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I have in my possession another similar
document which I believe should be read, some portions of it should be
read into the record. It was distributed on Saturday, July 19, 1947,
by the Communist Party in Yugoslavia, in various cities therein, and
with your permission I would like to read a few paragraphs there-
from.^^
The Chairman. AVithout objection, so ordered.
Mr. Smith (reading) :
In the usual column on the sixth page entitled "Fascist Shooting on Broadway,"
appeared the following :
"In the middle of June, in Hollywood, Gary Cooper, Tyrone Powei", and Alan
Ladd, well-known fihn stars, were imprisoned because they were marked as
leftists and denounced un-Americans, but before that happened, something else
was going on, about whicli the American newspaper agencies did not speak, and
that is very characteristic of conditions today in tlie United States.
"The film actor. Buster Crabbe, lost his life in a mysterious way. The back-
ground of this tragic and mysterious death of Buster Crabbe was set forth by
the New York paper, Red Star. From tlie articles of Immy Stendaph, we can
see that Buster Crabbe was very popular in the United States. He organized a
movement in the Army to protest against the investigation of un-American activi-
ties against Coopei-, Chaplin, and other film stars.
" The beginning of Buster Crabbe's tragedy was when he found valuable
documents, through which documents he could give light and prove the criminal
and aggressive plans of reactionary circles in America.
"* * * On May 31, Buster Crabbe came to the apartment of the well-
known film actor, Spencer Tracy, also well-known as a leftist and they had a
long talk in the presence of Tyrone Power.
"* * * On .Tune S, on Broadway, on the corner of Seventh Avenue, Crabbe
was riddled with bullets from a machine gun from a closed car. This tragic
death of Crabbe, provoked terrific unrest in Hollywood. At the funeral of Buster
Crabbe, 150,000 men were present, and the coffin was carried by Comrades Gary
Cooper, Tyrone Power"
The Chairman. I don't think we will have to have any more of that
letter. But what I would like to have you do, Mr. Smith, is to iden-
tify, clearly identify the source.
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; there is just one more paragraph.
The Chairman. All right, read on, if you want to.
Mr. Smith (reading) :
This case is very characteristic of the conditions which are now prevailing in
the United States. This is the method of Fascist liquidation which this country
of freedom and democracy is dealing with a political opponent. It is quite possible
that tliis crime was counnitted by the KKK and Inspired by the elements who
were interested in Crabbe's disappearance — that he stop talking.
My point, Mr. Chairman, is to show not only in Hollywood, but
throughout the world the extent to which the Communist Party can
go to use an actor to further their cause. This particular document
was distributed by the Communist Party in July 1947 in Yugoslavia.
*• See appendix, p. 532, for exhibit 52.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 223
We have the official copy from the State Department for introduction
into the record.
The Chairman. Well, you see from that, Mr. Cooper, to what extent
they will go.
Mr. Cooper. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. So when they used your name in that regard you
can almost consider it a compliment.
Mr. Cooper. Thank you.
Mr. McDowell. May I ask, Mr. Chairman, if Crabbe is living? Is
Mr. Crabbe living ?
Mr. Smith. So far as I know, he is living.
Mr. Cooper. Mr. Crabbe is a very healthy specimen of American
manhood.
Mr. Smith. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chaieman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. I have no further questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cooper, witnesses who have preceded you from
Hollywood have said that they consider members of the Communist
Party to be agents of a foreign government. Do you consider the
members of the Communist Party to be that ?
Mr. Cooper. I am not in nearly as good a position to know as some of
the witnesses that have been ahead of me, because I am not a very
active member in our guild. They, therefore, know much more about
the politics and the workings of what Communists there are in the
guild than I. From the general, over-all things that you hear in Holly-
wood, I would assume that there is such a close parallel and I think
this document whicli Mr. Smith gave me is a pretty good indication
that there is a direct connection in the material that comes from abroad
and the material that is given to them here.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think that the Communist group or clique m
Hollywood, wliether it is in the Screen Actors Guild or the Screen
Writers Guild, is a good influence or bad influence for the motion
pictures generally ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, to go back to one or two examples that I quoted
before, I think it is a very bad influence because it is ver>- un-Ameri-
can, i mean, it is very shocking to hear someone with a lot of money
say such a thing as, "The Constitution of the United States is 150 years
out of date."
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever been solicited to join the Communist
Party or any of its fronts, Mr. Cooper 'i
Mr. Cooper. No, I have not.
jVlr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Cooper, during the wartime, the moving-pic-
ture industry made anti-Nazi films. Don't you think it would be a
good idea if now the moving-picture industry produced anti-Commu-
nist films showing the dangers from communism in the United States?
Mr. Cooper. A\'ell, I don't think it is a bad idea, that the public
should be informed of what activity there is in the motion-picture busi-
224 coMMUisrisM in motion picture industry
ness toward communism. As little or as great as it may be, I don't
think it is a good thing. It is not good for those people that even
believe in it. I think some very sound — as I suggested before — and
real fine pictures, more of them, should be made on selling what is
really Americanism. A great many good pictures have been made, and
I have tried to do some of them, but I think there is great room for
reselling people the idea of what we have got m this country, whi''h is
the finest thii'g thei-e is in the world. I know that the great majority
of people m Hollywood and certainly the great majority of people m
this country would not exchange our country or government for any
other.
The Chairman. Let me ask you one more question. Do you think
that communism is on the increase or on the decrease out in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Cooper. It is very difficult to say right now, within these last lew
months, because it has become unpopular and a little risky to say too
nuich. You notice the difference. People who were quite easy to ex-
press their thoughts before begni to clam up more than they used to.
The Chairman. In other words, some of them are "getting re-
ligion"?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I don't know, but they do their discussions in
corners, I guess, in huddles of their own where they are surrounded
with their own.
The Chairman. Now, you heard about these bills that are before
the Un-American Activities Committee, bills to outlaw the Communist
Party in the United States, just as the Communist Party is outlawed
in Canada and the Communist Party is outlawed in some South Amer-
ican countries.
Mr. CooPKR. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you believe as a prominent person in your field
that it would be wise for us, the Congress, to pass legislation to outlaw
the Co)umunist Party in the United States'^
Mr. Cooper. I think it would be a good idea, although I have never
read Karl Marx and I don't know the basis of communism, beyond
what I have picked up from hearsay. From what I hear, I don't like
it because it isn't on the level. So I couldn't possibly answer that
question.
The Chairman. Does any other member have any questions?
(No response.)
The Chairm \n. Mr. Smith, do you have any more questions ?
INIr. Smith. No.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling?
Mr. StriplinCx. No more questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Cooper, thanks very much for coming here
today. We hope we didn't put you out too much.
Mr. Cooper. Not at all.
The Chatrman. Thank you.
Mr. Cooper. Thank you.
The Chairman. And, Mr. Cooper, if you will just stay over there,
or if you want to leave. It is up to you.
Mr. Cooper. I would like to wait.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chnirman, the next witness is Mr. Leo McCarey.
The Chairman. Mr. McCarey. Eaise your right hand, Mr. McCarey.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 225
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. McCarey. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down. May we have order.
TESTIMONY OP LEO McCAEEY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McCarey, will you state your full name and
present address, please?
Mr. McCarey. Leo McCarey, 1018 Ocean Front, Santa Monica,
Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. McCarey. I was born in Los Angeles in 1896.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation, Mr. McCarey ?
Mr. McCarey. Motion-picture director.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a director?
Mr. McCarey. Since 1923, I think.
Mr. Stripling. Have you held any other positions in Hollywood?
Have you been an actor or writer?
Mr. McCarey. I have written a bit, and at one time I was vice
president of the Hal Roach Studio.
Mr. Stripling. What are some of the pictures which you have
directed and produced?
Mr. McCarey. Ruggles of Red Gap, the Awful Truth, Love Affair,
Going My Way, and the Bells of St. Marys.
Mr. Stripling. Were Going My Way and the Bells of St. Marys
two of the most popular pictures which you have produced in recent
years, according to the box office?
Mr. McCarey. According to the box office, they were both very
successful.
Mr. Stripling. They did very well?
Mr. McCarey. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. How did they do in Russia?
Mr. McCarey. We haven't received one ruble from Russia on either
picture.
Mr. Stripling. What is the trouble?
Mr. McCarey. Well, I think I have a character in there that they
do not like.
Mr. Stripling. Bing Crosby?
Mr. McCarey. No; God.
Mr. Stripling. Wasn't Bing Crosby the star in both of those
pictures?
Mr. McCarey. He was the star in both pictures; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Since you have been in Hollywood, Mr. McCarey,
have you noticed the activities of the Communists in any particular
group there ?
Mr. McCarey. Yes. I have, particularly in the writers' group.
Mr. Stripling. Is that the principal medium through which the
Communists have sought to inject their propaganda or un-American
ideas?
Mr. McCarey. Well, naturally, it is the most efficient way to get
over what they want to say ; yes. There are several other angles, too,
in the suppression of ideas that are pro-American. Many a script
226 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
never sees the light of day because it is rejected before we ever get
to read it.
Also in the casting of pictures. The dialogue in the script could be
ostensibly quite innocuous but they can cast a character so repulsive
\A hen you take one look at him you don't like the man who is portrayed
as a capitalist, a banker, or whatever part he is portraying.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the Communists have been successful
in the past 10 years in injecting any propaganda into pictures?
Mr. McCarey. They have been successful in injecting propaganda
but fortunately very few pictures with Communist propaganda have
made any money. They have been quite unsuccessful, and I am very
happy that the American public just does not patronize them.
Mr. Stripling. As a director, Mr. McCarey, what do you think the
dangers are of permitting pictures to be made in which the institutions
in this country are portrayed in a disparaging light ? In other words,
if pictures are made which always have the banker as a heavy, as it
has been referred to in the testimony, and that picture is shown in
foreign countries, Europe, and so on, what do you think the ultimate
effect would be?
Mr. McCarey. Well, naturally, it would give a very unfavorable
opinion of people who are successful in the United States.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think that is a dangerous practice for the
motion pictures to pursue ?
Mr. McCarey. I think it is a very dangerous practice.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the Communist influence in Hollywood
has increased or decreased within the past 3 years?
Mr. McCarey. Well, I think it has been increasing until recently.
I think it is getting a bit unpopular now.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever had any personal encounter with any
Communist writers who have sought to place propaganda in pictures
which you were directing?
Mr. McCarey. Yes, I have.
Mr. Stripling. Would you detail that instance to the committee?
Mr. McCarey. I have had many experiences where ideas were sug-
gested by myself and they would throw cold water on them if they
did not agree with their own policy. They were always submitting
books for me to read and I always had to be on the alert to find the
latent Communist propaganda in the stories they had me read.
Mr. Stripling. It is very subtle, in other words ?
Mr. McCarey. At times very subtle, yes. Some of them are very
clever.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have at this time, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail ?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McCarey, I would like to ask you one or two
questions.
Mr. McCarey. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. You heard the testimony of the preceding witness
concerning whether or not we should make anti-Communist films, just
as we made anti-Nazi films'during the war?
Mr. McCarey. Yes, sir.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUKE INDUSTRY 227
The Chairman. Do you believe the industry should produce anti-
Communist films in order to show the American people the dangers
and the intrigue of the Communist Party here in the United States?
Mr. IVIcCarey. Well, Mr. Thomas, that is quite a question. I think
basically the screen — I like to feel it is an art. I don't think pictures
should be made that have much more than what the medium stands
for. It is a great art. Pictures should be entertainment. I think
that because of the number of people in all lands who see our pictures.
I believe it only tends toward causing more enmity if we are partisan
and take any sides in our pictures.
For instance, Mr. Disney with his Donald Duck. Donald Duck is
a great hero. The Three Little Pigs was very successful and the
world is trying to tell us they w^ant entertainment on the screen.
The Chairman. In other words, you believe we would be doing the
same thing
Mr. McCarey. We would bring on more bitterness, I think.
The Chairman. We would be doing the same thing Soviet Russia
is doing ?
Mr. McCarey. That is right.
The Chairmax. The other question is with reference to outlawing
the Communist Party. We have two bills before our committee, either
one of which if passed would outlaw the Communist Party in the
United States just the same as it is outlawed in Canada and outlawed
in some South American countries.
As one of the leaders or spokesmen of your profession, spokesman
for a great many people, do you believe the Congress should outlaw
the Communist Party in the United States?
Mr. McCarey. I definitely do because I feel the party is not an
American party. I think that within the confines of the United States
we can have all the parties we want and have healthy debate on any
subject for the betterment of all peoples but I don't think we should
aline ourselves with any foreign party.
The Chairman. In other words, you think an American Communist
is the agent of a foreign government?
Mr. McCarey. I definitely do and I hope something is done about
it because at this time it is a very dangerous thing. It seems like in
a way some people accuse us of being afraid of mentioning names. I
would be very happy to mention names if we had a law with some
teeth in it so that under the heading of — call it what you will ; I am
not a legislator and I am not a law maker — but somewhere along the
line untler the subdivision of "Treason," subdivision "D," or some-
thing like that, should label these people as truly un-American.
The Chairman. So that if there was a law on the books making
the Communist Party illegal you would not hesitate to name the per-
sons whom you know and believe to be Communists?
Mr. ISIcCarey. That is right.
The Chairman. Do you have any more questions, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. No more questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. McCarey.*°
We will adjourn until tomorrow at 10 : 30 a. m.
(Whereupon, at 2:35 p. m., an adjournment was taken until Fri-
day. October 24, 1947, at 10 : 30 a. m.)
*° See appendix, p. 233, for exhibit 53.
HEAEINGS EEGAEDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTM-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE-INDUSTKY
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington, D. C.
The committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Tliomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The record will show that a' subcommittee is sitting consisting of
Mr. McDowell and Mr. Thomas.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator,
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, Robert B. Gaston, H. A. Smith, investigators,
and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Mrs. Rogers, will you please stand and raise your right hand ?
Mrs. Rogers, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you shall
give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so
help you God?
Mrs. Rogers. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF MRS. LELA E. ROGERS
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, will you please state your full name
and your present address ?
Mrs. Rogers. Lela E. Rogers, 5930 Franklin Avenue, Hollywood,
Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Where were you born ?
Mrs. Rogers. In Council Bluffs, Iowa.
Mr. Stripling. Wliat is your occupation ?
Mrs. Rogers. I am the manager of my daughter's affairs and a
writer of sorts.
Mr. Stripling. Your daughter is Ginger Rogers ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you lived in Hollywood ?
Mrs. Rogers. I entered the motion-picture business in Hollywood
in 1916 as a writer. I went away from there for some time and then
came back again in 1930 with my daughter.
Mr. Stripling. Would you outline to the committee the various
positions that you have held in the motion-picture industry over the
years ?
Mr. Chairman, ISIrs. Rogers testified before the committee in May
in Los Angeles and she will refer to her previous testimony to refresh
her memory.
229
230 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Tlie Chairman. Yes, May I interrupt ? I want the record to show
that Mr. Vail is present.
Mr. Stripling. Go right ahead, please.
Mrs. Rogers. At times I have been a theatrical coach. At one time,
about 1933 to 1935, I had my own theater, the Hollytown, in Holly-
wood. Then from 1935 until 1938 I was dramatic coach at R-K-0
Studios with ni}' theater on the lot. Then I went to work at
R-K-O Studios as assistant to the vice president in charge of produc-
tion, the late Charles Kerner, in 1943. My duties were to help him with
the enormous amount of reading it was necessary for him to do per-
sonally and to report my opinion of the properties under considera-
tion for purchase and to bring other properties to his attention I
was also to suggest and recommend writers for script work.
Mr. Stripling. Would you identify Mr. Charles Kerner for the com-
mittee?
Mrs. Rogers. Mr. Charles Kerner was at that time the vice president
in charge of productions of R-K-O Studios.
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, are you a member of the Motion Pic-
ture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Are you one of the original members ?
Mrs, Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mj". Stripling. Can you tell the committee why this organization
was formed?
Mrs. Rogers. The organization was formed in an attempt to combat
the threat and the menace that we saw arising in Hollywood, the Com-
munist infiltration in Hollywood in our unions and the guilds, and in
our scripts and stories and direction and all avenues and all depart-
ments of the motion-picture industry. We felt that if we could bring
this to the attention of the men in power, who had the i^ight to hire and
fire these people, and try to show them what these people were doing
to their industry, that we could possibly save them from what we saw
ahead, it would have to come out into the open and be dealt with sum-
marily as is now being done,
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the alliance has done effective work
since its formation?
Mrs, Rogers, Yes, sir, I feel that the alliance has been right eflfec-
tive in that it has brought out the menace so that it could be looked at
by other members of the industry, so that they would recognize it and
feel it, and tlien learn what it was and how it worked.
Mr, Stripling. At the time of the formation of the alliance is it
your opinion that there was a definite need for it to combat the inroads
of communism within the motion-picture industry?
Mrs. Rogers. There was a definite need. That so many important
people in the industrv should come together for the one purpose
The Chairman. Will you speak louder, please?
Mrs. Rogers. That so many people of the industry should come
together for the one purpose, all of one mind, signifies to me that there
was a definite need for it felt by many important people.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Sam Wood, who was the first
president of the alliance, testified early in the week as to the aims and
purposes of the alliance and they were put into the record.
Mrs. Rogers, while you were employed as assistant to Mr. Kerner
at R-K-0 was it part of your duties to examine certain scripts or
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 231
Stories and to recommend to him whether or not they should be con-
sidered for the possible production of a picture ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes ; that was mostly my entire duty.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell this committee whether or not you ever
reviewed the book None but the Lonely Heart, which was written by
Richard Lewellyn ?
Mrs. 'Rogers. Yes, sir, I did. It was in the early part of 1944. Mr.
Kerner handed me a book entitled, "None but the Lonely Heart," by
Richard Lewellyn. He wanted me to read it and give an immediate
report on it. It seems that Gary Grant had called from Columbia
Studio to say that the book had been called to his attention by some-
one at Cohnnbiu who recommended it as a good story for him, Mr.
Grant. Mr. Grant had not read the book. He wanted R-K-0 to
read it and if they found it suitable to him he wanted R-K-0 to buy
it and he would make it there. I found I couldn't recommend the
book and said so. It was a story filled with despair and hopelessness
and in my opinion was not a Gary Grant vehicle. When I finished
stating my views to Mr. Kerner he told me he had bought it only a
half hour before. A few days later I was present at a meeting where
Mr. David Hempstead, who had been producer on the picture
The Chairman. What was that name, Mrs. Rogers ?
Mrs. Rogers. David Hempstead. He had been made producer on
the picture. He reported that he had just talked to Mr. Clifford Odets
in New York and that ISIr. Odets would come out to the studio and do
the screen play on the story. I protested this very vehemently.
My objection to Mr. Odets as a writer was that for years I had heard
that Mr. Odets was a Communist. I warned that the story lent itself
to propaganda, particularly in the hands of a Communist. During
the preparation for the production Mr. Odets was made director as
well as writer and as the picture progressed I heard that Hanns Eisler
had been employed to do the musical score for the picture.
Mr. Striblixg. If I may interrupt at this point, Mrs. Rogers.
Mr. Chairman, Hanns Eisler testified that he did do the background
music for the picture, None but the Lonely Heart.
Mrs. Rogers, you stated that you had heard that Clifford Odets
was a Communist. What do you base that upon?
Mrs. Rogers. I have here a column of Mr. O. O. Mclntyre, date
lined January 8, 1936, in which Mr. Mclntyre says Mr. Clifford Odets,
play writer, is a member of the Communist Party. I never saw that
denied.
Mr. Stripling. Are you aware of certain sworn testimony taken by
the State Committee of California on Subversive Activities?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. To the effect that Mr. Odets was a member of the
Communist Party ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I might state that the committee
has a voluminous record of Mr. Clifford Odets and his activities. As
you are well aware, he is one of the 79 that you referred to, and his
record will be taken up next week.
The Chairman. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You stated that Mr. Odets besides writing the
script for this picture was later chosen as the director for it?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
232 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Would you tell us whether or not the picture was a
success ?
Mrs. EoGERS. The picture was not a success at the box office, though I
think it returned its cost.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Mr. Odets was suc-
cessful in injecting any propaganda into the film ?
Mrs. Rogers. I have here under date line of October 2, 1944, a copy
of the Hollywood Reporter with a review of None But the Lonely
Heart. The Hollywood Reporter is a Hollywood trade paper. I
will read the criticism that I read at that time:
The story, pitched in a low key, is moody and somber throughout, in the Russian
manner and plods inexorably to its gloomy ending with only slight redemption in
the ray of hope expressed in one of the final speeches. For the most part it
moves slowly and takes time out for a bit of propaganda preachment whenever
Director Clifford Odets, who also wrote the script for the Richard Lewellyn novel,
felt the urge.
jVIr, Stripling. Would you say that was a typical example of how
a Communist would be successful in injecting propaganda? They
refer there — they use the language, I believe, "propaganda preach-
ment."
Mrs. Rogers. That is right. I think that this is a splendid example,
this picture, of what type of propaganda Communists like to inject in
motion pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell us how long Mr. Odets remained with
R-K-0?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, not long after this picture was released Mr. Odets
was made a producer at R-K-0. How long he remained I do not know
because I severed my connections with R-K-O in 1945, September
sometime.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Mr, Odets went to
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer from R-K-0?
Mrs. Rogers. I think I heard he did, but as to that I would not
know myself.
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, there has been considerable testimony
here to the effect that it is through the script writers that the Com-
munists have been most successful in their attempts to inject Commu-
nist propaganda in films. Do you think that is a correct analysis of the
situation?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes; I think the Communist gets his best work in in
the field of writing.
Mr. Stripling. What responsibility do you think should rest with
the film executives of the producers regarding the Communist influ-
ence that we now find present in the motion-picture industry ? Do you
think the primary responsibility should rest with them for permitting
these people to be there, to infiltrate into the industry?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes: I think it must rest with them, the final decision
about it. Our producing executives are jzood Americans and by uti-
lizing the free-enterprise system of the United States they have built
the motion-picture industry up to where it is now, the fourth largest
industry in the world. They are businessmen ; they are not politicians.
Some of our executives have been received by the party liners they
hired. As a free people we had no experience with such intrigue and
conspiracy. Our executives were no more asleep than were our people
or our Government or the whole world, in fact. The Communist is a
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 233
trained propagandist, highly disciplined, as is revealed by the testi-
mony of former Soviet ollicials and ex-members of the Commmiist
Party. His ways are devious and not easy to follow. I think that
once our executives see this, and know it for what it is, they will be
most happy to clean it out of their pictures.
In the first place, there have beeli very few pictures ever made with
Connnunist propoganda in them that were successes at the box office.
1 feel it has a great deal to do with the dearth of good pictures today.
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, Mr. Robert Taylor, and Mr. Robert
Montgomery, among others, have testified that they would not act in
a cast or })icture in wliich Communists were in the cast, or in which
Comnnmist lines were written into the script. As your daughter's
manager, so to speak, have you and your daughter ever objected to or
turned down scripts because you felt that there were lines in there
for her to speak which you felt were un-American or Communist
pro]^aganda ?
Mrs. Rogers. Many times.
. Mr. Stripling. You have turned down many scripts for these
reasons ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir. We turned down Sister Carrie, by Theodore
Dreiser, because it was just as open propaganda as None But the Lonely
Heart.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, Mr. Vail will act as chairman.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
Mrs. Rogers, that is a right or a privilege, however, which only top
stars can enjoy? The average actor, or person, in Hollywood, is not
permitted to say what he or she will say ? Is that true ?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, that is true, mostly — and also for economic
reasons. Most of the character players must have the work to keep
going. But most of the people of Hollywood would not know a line
of propaganda if they saw it. They will feel unhappy with it, just as
the audience feels unhappy when they hear it, but they are not ac-
quainted with the subject, they haven't made a study of it as some of
us have, and therefore they will say lines and then afterward say,
"What did I do? I didn't like that, but I did it," and are surprised to
learn that they have put out a propaganda. Communist propairanda
line. The star does not make a picture if he doesn't want to. -He can
turn it down with no explanation whatsoever. The character player
just can't do that.
INIr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, as one who has observed very carefully
the infiltration of the Communists and watched their activities, what
recommendations could you make to the committee as to how it could
best be cleaned up so far as the motion-picture industry is concerned?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, I would suggest that the Congress of the United
States immediately enact such legislation as will preserve the Bill of
Rights to the people for whom it was designed. That precious bill
was never intended to protect enemy agents, saboteurs, and spies,
whether they are American or foreign born.
Mr. Stripling. Would vou favor the outlawing of the Communist
Party?
Mrs. Rogers. I favor the outlawing of the Communist Party as an
agency of a foreign government.
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider them to be agents of a foreign
government ?
234 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mrs. Rogers. I do, sir ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, those are all the questions I have at
this time.
Mr. Vail. Mr. McDowell, any questions?
Mr. McDowEix,. Mrs. Rogers, you have devoted many years to the
readino; of manuscripts and the study of pictures in general. You
make the statement here that there was Communist propaganda, as
you detected it, in this film None But the Lonely Heart. I haven't
heard any description of Communist propaganda in these films yet
except that a banker was shown occasionally as being a no-good, and
so forth. Well, of course, I know many fine bankers, many patriotic
men. I also know some stinkers that should have been in jail 30 years
ago. That doesn't necessarily constitute the Communist propaganda.
What would describe in this film as being Communist propaganda?
Mrs. Rogers. In None But the Lonely Heart?
Mr. McDowell. Yes.
Mrs. Rogers. I can't quote the lines of the play exactly but I can
give you the sense of them. There is one place in which — it is unfair,
may I say, to take a scene from its context and try to make it sound
like Communist propaganda, because a Communist is very careful,
very clever, and very devious in the way he sets the film. If I were
to give you a line from that play straight out a^ou would say "What
is wrong with that line?" unless you knew that the Communist is
trying in every way to tear down our free-enterprise system, to make
the people lose faith in it, so that they will want to get something
else — and the Communists have it waiting for them.
I will tell you of one line. The mother in the story runs a second-
hand store. The son says to her, "You are not going to" — in essence,
I am not quoting this exactly because I can't remember it exactly — he
said to her, "You are not going to get me to work here and squeeze
pennies out of little people poorer than I am."
Now, laid upon the background of — that is the free-enterprise
system — trade, and we don't necessarily squeeze pennies from people
poorer than we are. Many people are poorer and many people are
richer.
As I say, you find yourself in an awful hole the moment you start
to remove one of the scenes from its context.
Mr. McDowell. Well, unfortunately for an intelligent discussion,
I didn't see the picture, so I am at a complete loss. In the matter
of the Hanns Eisler background music, I would judge after hearing
you, both here and in California, that you would conclude that would
contribute nothing to the Communist text of the film ?
Mrs. Rogers. No; I do not think that that would; no. It only
shows that when a Communist secures a firm footing in a picture he
surrounds himself with other Communists.
Mr. McDowell. Thank you, Mrs. Rogers.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mrs. Rogers, in your opinion what percentage of the
actors in the film industry are communistically inclined?
Mrs. Rogers. I wouldn't be able to tell you in exact percentages. It
is very small, I can assure you of that. But it is getting bigger.
The dommunist Party protects those people. They bring them out
and smack them right into stardom and keep them there — the Com-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 235
munists in key positions in Hollywood and those who have con-
fidence of the producers.
Mr. Vail. We had before us yesterday several prominent screen
actors who gave it as their opinion that less than 1 percent of the
actors were associated with communistic activities. Do you think
that is a fair estimate?
Mrs. Rogers. I think that is a fair estimate when you realize how
many actors there really are in Hollywood.
Mr. Vail. Would you be able to make an estimate of the percentage
of those communistically inclined among the screen writers?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes. That is a very small percentage too, but may
I, in explanation, say that Communists do not have anywhere and do
not want numerical superiority. They do not want you to become a
member of the Communist Party. They want a small and effective,
highly trained and highly disciplined cell, and they will take care oi
the rest of us in their own way. There are around 200,000,000 in
Russia but there are only about 2,000,000 Communists in Russia.
Mr. Vail. But, in other words, to be effective on the Hollywood
scene wouldn't you imagine that they would have to have greater
numerical strength, greater than 1 percent?
Mrs. Rogers. You are thinking like an American, sir.
Mr. Vail. That is the way I like to think.
Mrs. Rogers. That is right, and you should, and that is why it is so
hard for the American to understand. They want a highly trained
cell and they will influence you and everyone around you. They are
taught in their own schools to do it. They hold schools to do it. They
have the teachers to teach you to do it. Out of those they classify their
students into those that can be trusted with discipline and those that
are stooges, fellow travelers, and who can be trusted to carry out orders
up to a certain point.
No ; they do not want all of us to be Communists. You do not see
in a picture Mr. Stalin's picture, in a motion picture, or anything that
tries to make you a member of the Communist Party. If you did the
American public would throw eggs at it and laugh it off the screen.
It has to be a slow softening-up process at the present time and that
must be kept in the hands of a small and well-trained cell, sometimes
only three in a large union.
Mr. Vail. Well, I was impressed with the fact that there must have
been some numerical strength in the Screen Writers' Guild when it
became necessary for a number of the writers to resign from the organ-
ization and establish a, new organization.
Mrs. Rogers. No. I am not a member of the Screen Writers' Guild
but I believe there are around 900 memb^i's and I don't believe there
are over 80 or 90 Communists or even fellow travelers in it. I mean
people that agree with them and follow their dictation. I don't
believe there are more than that in it. It doesn't need more than that.
In fact, eight of them could run it if they get on the board.
Mr. Vail. In other W' ords, wdiat the}^ lack in numerical strength they
make up in the cleverness of their maneuvers ?
Mrs. Rogers. They do not want ever numerical strength. They
don't want it here in the United States. They don't want us to be
Communists. They want to just run us.
Mr. Vail. We have pending before the committee as you may be
aware, Mrs. Rogers, several bills providing for legislation to outlaw
236 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
communism. From what you have said tliis morning I take it that
you favor sucli legislation ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Vail. Thank you very much, Mrs. Rogers.
The Chairman, Mrs. Rogers, do you believe the Communist in-
fluence in Hollywood is increasing or decreasing?
Mrs. Rogers. I think their activities are increasing. I think it has
had a great check put on it by those of us who recognized it long ago.
I feel we have held it in check by exposing it. I know what it would
be like if we had not. I know what it would look like now with
the start that they had. But in exposing, you see, when the American
people find out you have got your battle about half won, or maybe
more than that. But the American people, they think that a Com-
munist is a man with bushy eyebrows and a great huge Russian beard.
They can't believe that they could be American citizens. I can't
believe it myself. I don't understand it. But they are — and pretty,
too.
The Chairman. Why are some of the persons in Hollywood who
have been very successful in their lives, w^riters, actors, businessmen ;
why would they follow the Communist line ?
Mrs. Rogers. I have often asked myself that. When a man sits
alone w'ith his soul and sees what we have in America, and if he is
an intelligent man he has looked around to the rest of the world
and has seen the condition that the rest of the world is in, under
their forms of government, I often wonder what in the world he
is thinking about. What have the Communists got that he wants?
The only thing I can think of is that he must want advantage of some
sort, that he must believe that he is especially appointed, and that the
world will make him a god — or a commissar, let us say, which is the
same thing in their language. I can't understand that quirk of mind
myself.
The Chairman. You believe then that by exposing communism, by
aiding to educate the American people as to the dangers of commu-
nism, that we will do more that way to destroy their influence than
any other way ?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, I have always said that if a banker was going
to break in a new teller he wouldn't take him down in the basement
and show him 99,000,000 kinds of counterfeits that have been offered
to the bank, but would show him the real thing and then anything
they devised is no good, is counterfeit, and I think that if we will re-
state American principles, and the application of those principles to
present-day life, we have got them nailed to the mast.
I think that that is the reason the}^ have been able to make the in-
roads that they have now, because it has been so long since our children
have had this instilled in their schools. Remember, Connnunists are
in control of many of the schools, your clubs, your study clubs, even
the little women's clubs, wdiere women come to read books to them
and explain plays to them. Communists have their cohorts that do
the reading and choosing of the books — and the leftist book always
got by beautifully. It has been a long time since we have had the
feeling that we have a clear school, that our children are being taught
about America. I think that when we show the ]3eople America, as
against the face of this thing, we have just about licked it.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 237
The CiiAiRMAN. Well, can't the moving-picture industry aid in
that to a great extent?
Mrs. RooERS. Oh, immeasurably, but it has been a long time since
you could get a good American story bought in the motion-picture
industry.
The CiiAiRMAx. Have you noticed any change in that regard in the
last (') months?
Mrs. RocERs. Yes; I think the feeling is beginning to change. I
think it is. 1 think it looks very hopeful. I think the lefty now has
been brought out in his true colors and I think the executive is going
to be afraid of him from now on.
The Chairman. Then these stories to the effect that the hearings
currently being held by the Un-American Activities Committee are
harming the industry or might harm the industry ; do you believe that
to be true?
Mrs. Rogers. I do not. I do not believe that to be true. I do not
believe that anything that could happen with our Government could
hurt our industry. I never want to see the motion-picture industry
controlled — no more than any other industry, except those basic laws
that control every industry. I want to see it free to make what it
wants to make, but I want to have it stay within the truth, instead of
these lies we have been told.
The Chairman. Mrs. Rogers, what can we do to wake up the in-
dustry to produce more really American pictures?
JNIrs. Rogers. I think you are doing it.
The Chairman. You think we are doing it?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. McDow-ell.
Mr. McDow^ell. Mr. Chairman, I think it should be said for the
record, and particularly for the benefit of the representatives of the
press here and the American people, that Mrs. Lela Rogers is not
merely a disturbed lady who in the course of her activities in Holl}^-
wood has stumbled across the fingers of this conspiracy against the
American Government, but that long ago she discovered it and that
she has become, in my opinion, one of the outstanding experts on com-
munism in the United States, and particularly in the amusement in-
dustry. Her opinions are those gathered over many years. I think
the American people should know that and know that she is lending
her great talents in the general fight against it.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. No more questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mrs. Rogers, and we cer-
tainly liope we didn't" put you out too much in coming all the way from
Hollywood."
Mrs. Rogers. Not at all.
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Oliver
Carlson. ^f|
The Chairman. Mr. Carlson, do you solemnly swear the testimony"
you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Carlson. I do.
" Seo apponrlix, p. 5^1.3, for exhibU 54.
67683 — 47 16
238 .COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
TESTIMONY OF OLIVER CARLSON
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Carlson, will you state your full name and
present address, please ?
Mr. Carlson. My name is Oliver Carlson. My address is 1728
Westerly Terrace, Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Carlson?
Mr. Carlson. I was born in Sweden, July 31, 1899.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Carlson. I am a writer and teacher and I specialize in the
field of political science, more particularly in the field of propaganda
techniques. I have worked in that field for about 20 years or more.
Mr. Stripling. Where are you presently employed ?
Mr. Carlson. I am employed as a teacher by the extension division
of the University of California.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the testimony of Mr. Carlson will
be developed by Mr. Gaston and Mr. Mandel of the committee's staff.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, how long have you been a student of the
Communist movement in the United States?
Mr. Carlson. Well, I should say all of my adult life and for the past
20 years in particular I have given it especial study. When I was with
the University of Chicago from 1930 through 1932 in the political
science department I made a special study of the propaganda tech-
niques of the Communist movement both abroad and in this country.
Mr. Gaston. Have you written any books or articles dealing with
certain phases of communism ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, I have written a great many articles over a period
of 20 years or so, appearing in many of the national magazines. Also
in several of my books I have made special reference to the problem
of communism. One of these books, titled "A Mirror for Califor-
nians," which I wrote in 1939 and the early part of 1940, and which
was published in the spring of 1941, has a good deal of information
about the Communist movement in California, and in one chapter
dealing with Hollywood I devote a i^art of that chapter to a discussion
of the Communist infiltration in Hollywood up to that time.
Mr. Gaston. Would you go into more detail with regard to the
Communist infiltration in Hollywood, please, sir?
Mr. Carlson. Well, if I may I would like to give you as a back-
ground a paragraph or two as to what I had to say about it in this book
of mine, and the material of which was written, as I say, 9 j^ears ago.
Mr. Gaston. Is that agreeable, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairman. Yes. May I interrupt? Mr. Gaston, would you
give your full name ?
Mr. Gaston. Yes, sir. Kobert B. Gaston, G-a-s-t-o-n.
The Chairman. Proceed.
Mr. Carlson. I am quoting now from pages 154, 5, and 6, and the
chapter is entitled "There Is No Town Called Hollywood."
I said :
Here is the third ring just getting under way.
I might say parenthetically that I had described Hollywood as a vast
three-ring circus. I continue :
It is a unique performance given by what we may designate as our Hollywood
newlyweds.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 239
It all began back in 1935, when social consciousness suddenly hit inovieland.
Like all new fads and fancies, it was embraced with rapturous enthusiasm.
Here was something great and good, something new and daring — but not too
daring. Stalin himself had just announced tliat Russia now had the only geiuiine
democracy ; the Communist Party was wrapping itself in the Stars and Stripes
and declaring that "Communism is twentieth century Americanism." President
Roosevelt, no less, had taken the national lead in denouncing economic royalists
and political re:ictionaries; while out in California, Upton Sinclair under the
slogan of "End poverty in California" had captured the Democratic gubernatorial
nomination in 1934 and amassed nearly a million votes.
In the favorable circumstances it is quite understandable how Hollywood
sopliisticates came to coin the slogan, "It's smart to be a Red." Astrologists,
spiritualists, graphologists, mystics, and fortune tellers of a hundred varieties,
who had long adorned tlie parties and gave aid and comfort to the great and near
great of cinemaland, were unceremoniously dumped. Their places were taken by
serious-minded young men and women who explained the inner workings of dia-
lectical matefialism, the theory of the class struggle, the insolvible contradiction
of our capitalism, and the inevitability of the rule of the proletariat. Drawing
room tables were now replaced with the works of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Browder,
and above all John Strachey.
I will not continue, Mr, Questioner, except to say that I follow
through here and indicate how the Hollywood pockethooks, which had
never been too tightly closed, were open wide to aid the cause and its
champions, writers, directors, and actors, and all of these others join-
ing in, and how when the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League became organ-
ized and staged a series of meetings the Communists were able to use
this, drawing into it vast numbers of good American citizens who were
definitely anti-Nazi, but the movement was, of course, controlled and
led by the Communist groups in Hollywood.
Mr. GAST0^r. Do you know of anyone being sent out from New York
to Hollywood to conduct the activities of the Communists m Holly-
wood?
Mr. Carlson. Yes; I do. I know there were a number of people
sent out at various times. V. J. Jerome was one of them, but the per-
son I think of in particular was a man whose name was Eli Jacobson.
Eli Jacobson was from New York, I had known him and his family
many, many years ago when we were boys. Eli Jacobson was a charter
member of the Communist Party in America. Back in the middle
twenties he had been director of the Workers School in New York City.
I have here, in order to identify that, a copy of the announcement
of courses of the Workers School for the year 1926-27, and in it in two
different places Mr. Eli Jacobson appears as a teacher of courses.
I might add that in this same school there were teaching such names
as have been mentioned here — Albert Trachtenberg, the man who was
said to be the head of the Cultural Commission of the Communist
Party, and who has been the head man of International Publishers,
the publication house of the Communist Party for many years,
Mr. Mandel. Mr. Carlson, how is that school designated on the
title of the catalog?
Mr. Carlson. On the title of the catalog it says "The Workers
School," and below it says in quotes "Training for the class struggle."
I might possibly read from its definition at the beginning.
It says :
Education in a class society cannot be indifferent to the struggle between classes
nor can it be impartial toward the contesting groups.
It goes on with the typical Communist Party line. This is and has
been for many years the Communist Party school. Earl Browder,
240 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
William Z. Foster, Jack Satachov, William Weinstone, almost every
important leader of the Communist l*arly, has at one time or another
conducted classes or seminars in that school.
Mr. Jacobson was, as I say, at one time director of this school and
also served as an instructor in it. He went to Russia and taught for
the University of Moscow for a time, I believe, and has always been
considered a high functionary and a particularly able propagandist
for the Communist movement.
Well, to get back to the case, I bumped into Mr. Jacobson in Los
Angeles some time in 1936 but his name was not conspicuous as a Com-
munist there. He was closely associated at that time with a lady
known as Mrs. Beryl La Cava, B-e-r-y-1 L-a C-a-v-a. Mrs. La Cava
was the divorced wife of Gregory La Cava, a very splendid motion-
picture director.
As I recall from the newspaper accounts of the divorce proceedings,
Mr. La Cava accused his wife of being a very ardent Communist.
Toward the fall of 1938 my phone rang a number of times and Mr.
Jacobson, who had not been on any friendly terms with me for 15
years, or more, was suddenly anxious to talk with me.
I finally saw him one evening. He was very much perturbed and
said he felt I was the only old friend he had to whom he could come
and talk because he had decided to break with the Communist Party.
Then he told me how he had been sent to Hollywood under specific
instructions from the Central Committee of the Communist Party,
and that his duties in Hollywood were to conduct classes and, in gen-
eral, eclucational propaganda for the Communist Party among film
folk — not among the rank-and-file workers, but, rather, among the
elite, so to speak. Those were the terms he used, and that for the past
2 or 21^ years that had been the main purpose of his work.
He told me he had prepared the ground work for several meetings
for V. J. Jerome, who was, according to ISIr. Rushmore's testimony, the
active man at the head of Communist activities insofar as Hollywood
and the film industry was concerned. He mentioned that he had also
helped prepare the ground work for several meetings for Mr. Kyle
Crichton. Mr. Crichton was at the time, and I believe still is, one of
the editors of Collier's Magazine.
At that time Mr. Crichton had been writing under the name of
Robert Forsythe, I believe it is, in the New Masses, a series of articles
on cultural problems. He was very much lionized in Hollywood and
spoke at a large number of small meetings.
Mr. Jacobson told me that he and Mrs. LaCava were largely instru-
mental in arranging these meetings.
Mr. Jacobson likewise informed me that part of his job at that time
was to see to it that many of these important film personalities were
softened up so that tliey would agree to join the various front organiza-
tions which the Connnunist Party was then sponsoring in the Holly-
wood region.
I do not recall all of the organizations he mentioned, but there were
some. There was the League Airainst War and Fascism. There was
the Committee to Boycott the Olympics in Berlin. There were the
various Connnunist front committees for the defense of Spain. There
were a whole host of other organizations which he referred to at that
time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 241
Mr. Mandel. Was the Western Writers Congress one of those organ-
izations?
Mr. Cari.son. Yes, very definitely, the Western Writers Congress,
which took phice in Sui Francisco in November of lO^B, was also one
of those for which INIr. Jacobson had done preliminary spade work
in helping to bring a nnmber of writers from Hollywood.
One other thing he told me was that his job was to prepare the
gronndwork for getting substantial contributions for the front organ-
izations after people had been sufficiently prepared for the various
party educational units, and possibly even for the party, itself.
Mi*. Jacobson, I might say, was terribly agitated. He Avas afraid he
was going to be killed. I saw him and Mrs. LaCava on a number of
occasions during the next 8 or 10 months, and then he left Los Angeles
altogether and I never heard of him since. I don't know whether he
is dead or alive.
IVfr. IMcDowELL. Do you believe he was sincere in helping to put the
party in power?
Mr. Carlson. Yes. Mr. Jacobson had been, as I said, one of the
foundation members of the Communist Party; he had been one of the
originators of it, and had enjoyed the trust of the leaders of the party.
He would not have had the position of Director of the Official Com-
munist Party School if he had not enjoyed that position.
He had been taken to Moscow, as I say, both to do some teaching and
I imagine to also be prepared for other work to be done in this country.
INIr. Jacobson did not appear openly as a Communist at any time
during this period he was in Hollywood. His job was to sort of
carry his work on under the other guises.
Mr. Gaston. He was the undercover man ?
Mr. Carlson. Well, in a sense; yes. He certainly never was a
speaker, to my knowledge, and he said he was instructed not to appear
as a speaker at Communist Party rallies because he had this other
important job assigned to him.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, are there any educational institutions
used by the Communists to develop their propaganda in Hollywood?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, indeed. After all. Communist indoctrination
has to proceed, among other ways, through the use of classes and
schools. There had been a Communist workers' school in Los Angeles
for a number of years, but it never amounted to very much. However,
along about 1940, I should say, the announcement was made that a
"new general progressive or radical educational center was to be
organized.
Mr. William Wolfe, W-o-l-f-e, I believe he spells it, who had been
an educational director for the International Ladies' Garment Workers'
Union, and who was not a Commimist, told me he had been approached
and offered the job of director of this new educational center. He
wanted to know if I was interested. I said I was interested only if he
knew Avho was going to be on the board of directors, and who was
behind it.
Within the matter of a few weeks there was a good deal of evidence
to show that this school was to be controlled by the Communists. Well-
known names of Communists began to appear and Mr. Wolfe, who,
up to that time, had been a very close friend of mine, and had called
on me frequently, suddenly became very distant. He was in the com-
242 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
pany of these other people and with them established the Peoples
Educational Center.
This organization, this school, has been functioning and is still func-
tioning to this date.
Mr. William Wolfe was removed as director after a relatively short
period, and two or three other people, I believe, served as directors,
but for the past 2 years the director has been Mr. Sidney Davison,
D-a-v-i-s-o-n.
Sidney Davison — and I think there is ample evidence on this — was
a member of the Communist Party in the New York area and was sent
out to Hollywood specifically to take over the job of director of this
school. He is the director at the present time.
I have in my possession here two of the official bulletins of the
Peoples Educational Center. I have the one published for the summer
session of 1945. I have a photostat of the one for the winter of 1947,
and I have copied out in longhand material from a similar bulletin for
the year 1944. Perhaps I can best explain what this Peoples Educa-
tional Center is
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, may I interrupt you right there ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, sir.
Mr. Gaston. Is there anybody connected with the motion-picture
industry on the staff of that school ?
Mr. Caklson. Yes, indeed, most assuredly. In fact, they have al-
ways devoted a good deal of attention to courses in screen writing,
motion-picture production, and things like that.
Mr. Gaston. Could we have some of those names, please?
Mr. Carlson. Yes. On the board of directors for 1947 appears Mr.
John Howard Lawson, who has been mentipned here before. On the
advisory board appears the name of Helmer Bergman. Mr. Helmer
Bergman is a well-known pro-Communist in Los Angeles working
in the film industry. He has been very active with the Conference of
Studio Unions in its attempt to gain control over the trade unions.
On this board was the name of Mr. Herbert Sorrell, who is the head
of the Conference of Studio Unions, president, I believe, of the Holly-
wood Painters local, and who has been in long and close association
with all Communist and Communist-front organizations over a period
of years.
On this advisory board also appears the name of Frank Tuttle.
Likewise, the name of Sandra Gorney, G-o-r-n-e-y, whose husband,
I believe, is a song writer in the film industry. Sandra Gorney's name
has appeared rather frequently as a contril)utor of articles to the
Peoples Daily World or the Daily Peoples World, and I think I have
seen her name also on certain articles in Hollywood in the Daily
Worker.
Among the courses given were — this is from the 1947 pamphlet *- —
course on the history of the American labor movement given by Mr.
Milton Tyre, of the law firm of Gallagher, Margolis, and Katz, two
of whose members are here, I think, defending those charged with
being un-American and subversive in their activities.
The Chairman. I want to make it very plain the committee has not
made any charges yet.
Mr. Carlson. Yes ; I understand that. I say they have been charged
by people in Hollywood.
*^ See appendix, p. 533, for exhibit 55.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 243
I find a course entitled "Labor's Key Problems," and among the
teachers of this course which deals specifically Avith the problems of
the motion-picture industry, are Helmer Berfrman, whom I mentioned
a moment ago; William B. Esteman, E-s-t-e-m-a-n, an attorney in
the firm of Esteman and Pestana, P-e-s-t-a-n-a. The firm of Esteman
and Pestana are the official attorneys for the Conference of Studio
Unions, Mr, Herbert Sorrell's organization, which has been accused —
and I think justly — of being under Communist domination.
Also Mr. Victor Kaplan is listed here as one of the teachers in that
school. He is an attorney, or was, according to this, in the firm of
Gallagher, Margolis, and Katz.
But more specifically, we have the courses which I believe your com-
mittee is interested in. We have here a course called Motion Picture
Direction, Thursday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m. Coordinator Irving Pichel.
Under this it says there will be several lectures.
A section on story preparation by Herber Biberman, who has been
identified over a period of years with pro-Soviet organizations.
A lecture on production preparation by Vincent Sherman, S-h-e-r-
m-a-n, who is, I believe, a screen writer.
A lecture called On the Set, by Frank Tuttle; one on camera, by
Paul Ivano, I-v-a-n-o. I know nothing about Mr. Ivano.
One on cutting, by Mr. Edward Dmytryk, D-m-y-t-r-y-k, a well-
known Hollywood producer.
One on production, by Kenneth Macgowan, a well-known Holly-
wood producer.
Music, by Hugo Friedhofer, who is working in that field in the
movies, and the summary by Mr. Pichel.
There is likewise a course entitled "The Motion Picture's Illusion
and Reality." I find under the description of the course the things
that are to be discussed, and included are the following about the film
industry: Who owns the industry? Who controls it? How is content
determined ? What is the role of censorship ? Why the star system ?
The current status of the guilds and unions, and the role of motion
pictures in international politics.
The teachers of this course, according to this document, are Ben
Barzman, B-a-r-z-m-a-n, Karen Morley, M-o-r-l-e-y. a well known
screen star; Arnold Manoff, ]M-a-n-o-f-f, then it says "and others."
There are also three courses in screen writing given : Screen Writ-
ing 1 is conducted by Robert Lees. Screen Writing 2, by Val Burton.
Screen Writing 3 by Stanley Rubin. I will quote from their folder
here as to who these people are in just a moment.
There are a number of other courses, naturally. In the list of
biographies of instructors here I find it says, about Mr. Hehiier
Bergman :
Labor leader for many years ; member of IBEW No. 40, A. F. of L. ; chairman,
motion picture stewards council.
Under Herbert Biberman, it says :
B. S., University of Pennsylvania ; attended Baker's 47 Work Shop, Yale
University. Credits in tlie motion picture industry as writer of original stories,
director, and is now associate producer.
I find under "Val Burton" :
Writer-producer at Universal.
He is mentioned as one of the tetichers of screen writing.
244 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, Mandel. Mr. Carlson, under "Mr, Biberman," does it say that
he ever took courses abroad ?
Mr. Carlson. In the 1947 folder it does not say that, but I think it
does say that in the 1945 folder. Yes. They change the statements a
little bit from year to year,
I now quote from the folder of the Peoples Educational Center for
the winter of 1945, where it says, about Herbert Biberman : *^
Six months in the U. S. S. R. studying the Soviet Theater. Four years with
the Theater Guild in New York as actor and director.
They change the description a little bit from year to year.
There is Guy Endore, author of Babouk, and coauthor of screen
play, GI Joe, and other things. Mr. Endore has been identified with
Communist fronts in Los Angeles since I came out there in the spring
of 19;]5.
Mr. Robert Lees, it also says here, has been actively writing in the
motion-picture industry for 12 years; for the past 3 years "has been
under contract to Paramount."
Kenneth Macgowan, "Dramatic critic from 1910 to 1923 ; play pro-
ducer from 1923 to 1931 ; motion-picture producer since 1932."
I find liere also Charles B. Millholland teaching a couree at this
school. He is a screenwriter and playright. It says "Adapted his
brother's book to the screen as Submarine Patrol. Author of stage,
screen, and radio successes, Twentieth Century.
I find here Mr. Pichel listed as "Motion Picture Director. Has been
prominent for many years in the New York stage. Has been both an
actor and director in cinema."
I find the name Stanley Rubin, who was one of the men teaching
the screen writing course. It says here, "Has written for Columbia
Workshop, been writing for motion pictures since 1939. Produced at
Universal. Now under contract at Columbia." And there are many
others here.
Mr. Mandel. ]Mr. Carlson, would you state concisely what you think
is the object of training in the school you have mentioned ?
Mr. Caelson. Well, the Peoples Educational Center is an extremely
effective organization for the indoctrination of large numbers of
people particularly in the general Hollywood area, tliose concerned
and interested in films and radio, with the Communist ideology. It
also serves, as the courses indicate, to prepare these people for screen
writing, radio writing, screen acting, radio acting, play writing, and
the like.
In these courses not only are the general techniques of play writing,
screen writing, and radio writing developed, but from the information
I have had by word of mouth from many people who have gone to these
classes every course also has brought into it a good deal of the current
Communist Party line, whatever that may be at the particular
moment.
I have found no evidence of anyone who is actively anti-Communist
employed on the staff. There have been several innocent people drawn
into the staff at various times, specialists in many fields. Those who
got in, such as Mr. Dean McHenry, of the University of California
at Los Angeles, when he discovered he was being used by this move-
■^ See appendix, p. 533, for exhibit 56.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 245
ment, refused to teach any further and openly repudiated the school
and communism.
Mr, Gaston. Mr. Carlson, in your opinion how should a Communist
be defined?
Mr. Carlson. Well, I should think that looking at the situation
as it exists in the world today we have to think in terms first of the
Communist Party member who is directly and organizationally tied to
the Communist Party and who, of course, is under the very strict
discipline of that party which functions virtually as a military organi-
zation in terms of structure and discipline.
But over and beyond this group which, according to the testimony
of the representative of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party, was slightly more than 80,000 at the beginning of this year,
and which they hoped would reach 100,000 by the end of September
of this year — beyond that I should say are those who are pro-Commu-
nist, that is, those who are ready to give first loyalty to the Soviet
Union and any of its activities, whether they are done by the Com-
munist Party, the front organizations, or what have you.
Within this group, according to Communists whom I have spoken
with, they feel they represent on an average three to four times the
membership of the Communist Party itself.
Then beyond that we have those who go along, the fellow travelers
who follow Communist Party policy and dictation most of the time,
but not necessarily all of the time.
Mr. Gaston. To your knowledge, how does the Communist Party
function, Mr. Carlson ?
Mr. Carlson. I think the effectiveness of the Communist Party is
determined by its organizational structure which was developed orig-
inally by Lenin nearly 40 years ago. There is a basic difference be-
tween the two divisions. The Russian Social Democratic Party existed
from about 1903 to 1905 and centered around the concept of party
structure. It was Lenin who maintained at that time that for effec-
tive work the party must be a small, highly integrated, highly disci-
plined organization of professional revolutionaries — and he used the
term "professional revolutionaries."
The Menshevik faction felt they should have a broader organization,
they should not be as well disciplined, and should be more or less in
line with the social democratic parties.
Around this basic issue of organizational structure the party split
and Lenin's concept prevailed. That concept was carriecl through
successfully in Russia and when the Communist International was
established the provisos laid down, first in the famous 21 points of
the Communist International, and later in a whole series of special
directives and resolutions at various Congresses, and which were car-
ried over into the actions of the various Communist parties of the
.^vorld— these parties followed the pattern set down originally by
Lenin. That is, the party was a small, highly disciplined organiza-
tion functioning, in a sense, by what Robert Miner described at one
time as a "system of wheels within wheels." That is, they were the
inner wheel which in turn turned and moved larger wheels or masses
of people and organizations around them,
Mr. McDowell. The opposition to that inside the Communist
Party was Trotsky ?
246 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Carlson. Not at that time. I think Trotsky was in part op-
posed to it, but I think his differences were somewhat different, on a
different line. He came to accept the Lenin concept. No, they were
men like Mastov and Plekanov, and a group of other names which
escape me at the moment, which became what was known as the
Menshevik group.
This party, this group, was liquidated by the Communists. We
have, living in America, incidentally, one of the members of that old
executive committee when the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were still
united, Raphael Abramowitz, who was on the purge list for a long
time, and I believe still is.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Carlson, I have one more question. Not all
of them were liquidated. If I recall correctly, there was one rather
minor figure in those days named Andrei Vishinsky who made the
grade finally.
Mr. Carlson. Yes, that is true. There were some of them who
later repudiated by open concession the error of their ways and were
then allowed to come into the Communist Party. Not only was
Vishinsky one of those men but the nian who has been chief editorial
writer for Pravda; Soflovsky was one of those men who fought
bitterly against the Communists well up through the early years of
the Russian revolution, and was finally compelled to eat crow. There
were many of those.
Reading the proceedings of the Communist Party Congi-ess, you
notice how every once in a while these men still have their pasts
dragged out and held as a threat over them to keep them in line.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, referring again to the catalog of the
Peoples Educational Center, the one of 1947, in order to get some idea
of the complexion of the school publicizing these courses in direct-
ing, acting, and so on, it says :
Thursday, 8 : 30-10 p. m. : The Soviet Union, a new civilization. A seminar
type course which will discuss the social, economic, and political structure of
the U. S. S. R. Topics to he discussed will include: Man as a citizen of a
planned society — social security, health insurance, etc. — education — science in
Soviet society — trade unions under socialism — art and culture — national minority
relationships — the Soviet Union and the UNO.
The Chairman. What is the name of that school ?
Mr. Stripling. Peoples Educational Center.
Mr. Mandel. Mr, Carlson, do you have an additional list of persons
connected with the motion-picture industry who are connected with
the Peoples Educational Center?
Mr. Carlson. Well, as one goes through the various catalogs, which
is the only place where you can get the authoritative material, you
find many other names appearing. For instance, in the 1944 brochure,
I see these names as teachers ; which were not mentioned heretofore :
Morton Grant, a screen writer; Thomas Job. It said he was then a
screen writer at Warner Bros. Michael Uris, a screen writer;
Dorothy Tree, a film actress ; Leo Hurwitz, who had been, and I be-
lieve still is, connected with the film industry; Earl Robinson, well
known for his songs and ballads.
I find that in that year among the teachers was a Mr. Charles J.
Katz, attorney; Mr. Benjamin Margolis, attorney; Mr. Leo Gallagher,
attorney, and Mr. Milton Tyre, attorney. They were all of the firm
of Gallagher, Margolis, and Katz,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 247
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, why do the Communists devote so much
time and attention to gaining control and influence in Hollywood, in
your opinion ?
Mr. Caklson. Well, as a non-Hollywood or a nonscreen person, it
seems to me the answer to that falls into several questions. First of
all, the evidence is overwhelming from the writings and statements
of leading Connnunists in Europe, Russia, and United States that the
iilm industry itself is one of the most ettective mass mediums of
information. Since it is necessary for Communists to try to use
influence, any mass medium of information, that per se would make
the film industry a very vital one.
Secondly, I should say the fact that screen personalities have at-
tained an amazing public following — and I think this has been well
demonstrated right here in these hearings duffing the past few, days
by the way in which large numbers of people are anxious to hear and
to see screen stars. That applies all over the country.
To the Communists who want to get as large a hearing as they can
for themselves, and to get their front organizations made as respectable
as possible, what could be more effective than to try to inveigle, in
some way or another, various screen personalities to serve on their
committees ?
When you have Katherine Hepburn speaking at a front organization
for the Conmuniists you can be sure tliere will be thousands of people
there, where there might only be hundreds if the regular Communist
Party functionaries appeared. Whenever any of the other screen
personalities lend their names or their signatures to any organization
or cause which the Communists are promoting, it automatically makes
this cause seem more fashionable in the eyes of unsophisticated people
all over. They say, "If this big star is for it I guess it must be all
right." That is very natural.
So, from that point of view they are able to influence opinion by
merely using the names of these people, or having them appeal*.
Then I should say there is a third very important point, and that is
the financial aspect. I do not have to tell this conunittee that the
motion-picture industry is not exactly a sweatshop industry. The
salaries, even in the trades, are probably the highest in the country,
so when you can win screen writers, screen actors, directors, producers,
■or their wives or sisters or children to support your cause, you are
helping to open the way for a great deal of financial aid.
I might say that Mr. Jacobson, as I testified earlier, told me that
untold tens of thousands of dollars were collected through the soften-
ing-up process of his various house meetings in Hollywood,
The Hollywood Citizen News, a daily paper in Hollywood, after
careful investigation, reported in an editorial a few years ago that
they thought at least $3,000,000 had been taken out of Hollywood up
to that time.
At a meeting held very recently in Hollywood on one of the large
front organizations, I believe, something like $87,000 was collected.
These sums are absolutely fabulous. Here is a treasure chest which
is important. "Wliy worry about Moscow's gold when you can get
Hollywood greenbacks.
Of course, there is still one other aspect, and I think this has been
neglected up to this point in the hearing. That is the fact that in
terms of the number of people employed in Hollywood, those who are
248 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
actors, writers, producers, and directors represent only a small mi-
nority of the total number employed in the motion-picture industry.
The tens of thousands of workers in the industry are those who are
the stage crews, and who do all the other technical jobs. There they
struggle for the conquest of these labor organizations, to win their
support, which is, of course, a typical and long-standing technique and
one of their most pertinent objectives — to win the labor movement.
This idea to win economic control over the trade unions in Holly-
wood would be a real feather in their cap and could be used, then, to
bring economic pressure to bear on the entire industry as occasion
would demand because the Communists consider the trade unions to
be organs for revolutionary purposes.
We need only see what has happened in France, Italy, and elsewhere
during the past few weeks to see that in action.
The Communists have not succeeded in doing this in Hollywood but
I must say that during the past 12 years where I have been watching
it at first-hand they have certainly put up a tremendous struggle to
achieve all these objectives.
Mr. Gaston. Do you believe there is any attempt at thought control
in the motion-picture industry, and, if so, how is it done and by whom ?
Mr. Carlson. I have been hearing a lot about that. In fact, the
pro-Communists arranged a conference in Hollywood only a matter of
weeks ago which was called a thought-control congress. They were
shouting very loudly that thought control was being put over on the
American people and on the film industry in particular.
It seems rather amusing to me— sadly amusing, in fact — that people
endorse and support the Communist Party line when we know that in
Soviet Russia the films, the radio, the press, and every other vehicle
of communication has been completely controlled by the State and the
Communist Party.
I say when we see that record then to have the Communists here
locally becoming the champions of freedom of thought, it is weird, to
say the least. But that is part of what I would call "Communist
semantics." They make words fit the definitions which they desire,
and, consequently, they take on various forms.
But insofar as actual thought control in Hollywood is concerned,
I have seen none, except perhaps from the point of view of the pressure
which has been brousfht bv these verv same pro-Communist elements
themselves upon the industry. During these last 8 years I have been
amazed to discover that outside of two minor films which were sort of
a sly take-off on communism — Ninotchka was one, and I have forgotten
the name of the other.
Mr. Gaston. Was that Comrade X ?
Mr. Carlson. Comrade X, that is right. Then there were three
definitely pro-Soviet films w^hich were made during the war, and I
can understand why they were made. Russia was then our ally, and
we certainly bent over backward to give them everything they wanted.
But over and above that, the important aspect of thought control is
this : During all these years when thousands of films have been made
from the point of view of sheer drama I haven't seen a single film
built around attempts of people to escape from the clutches of the
G. P. U., but we certainly have had them trying to escape from the
clutches of the Gestapo.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 249
We have had lots of fihns dealing? with British imperialism, French
imperialism, Dutch imperialism, and American imperialism of one
kind or another. I have seen nothing which deals with Soviet im-
perialism.
We have had a lot of films about farmers in this country. I have
seen no attempt by the motion-picture industry to tell the story of how
several million individual farmers in Russia were liquidated outright,
or sent to concentration camps, because they tried to resist the col-
lectivism program of the Soviet government.
I think the thought control has been all on the other side. I am
very sure as a student of propaganda that propaganda is effective not
merely from what you say but from what you do not say. By refus-
ing to permit the American people to see in films the true picture of
the various things that have been going on in the Soviet Union it
has been easy to keep that matter out of discussion.
Meanwhile, of course, there have been these many films and I think
there is a place for them, films of social conscience, which deals with
aspects of weaknesses in our own democratic society.
One other point : I believe that the place of the film is to deal with
all aspects of life, not as films of propaganda but as merely mirroring
what is happening. I think it is high time we call attention to the
fact that a large number of these writers who have been mentioned
here today, yesterday, and the day before, and who believe and ac-
tively support and espouse the cause of communism when they do
pictures pointing out the defects of the American system, the economic
and political system, I think they come before us with unclean hands.
I do not think they are honest in their criticism.
They have another objective, the purpose being not to try to remedy
these things wdthin the framework which our Constitution and our
various State laws provide, but, rather, to break the spirit of the
American people, to make them think the American way of life is
not good, that all politicians are opportunists, that businessmen in
general are corrupt, that labor leaders who do not follow the Com-
munist line are venal and stupid and agents of capitalism, as they
call it. These are all part of the general picture which these men have
been giving. I think that is control, very definitely. That I am op-
posed to, and I think every American is opposed to it.
Mr. Mandfx. Mr. Carlson, has there been any effort on the part of
the Communist group in Hollywood to control the public schools of
the community ?
Mr. Carlson. Well, yes; there has. We have had a very bad situ-
ation in Hollywood insofar as the American Federation oi Teachers
local is concerned. That has been dominated by the Communists for
a period of several years. I have spoken about this matter with na-
tional officers of the American Federation of Teachers at various times,
and I know they are very much worried about it. There are hun-
dreds, perhaps thousands, of teachers who probably would belong to
that organization, but many of them have told me, "I won't join the
American Federation of Teachers local in Los Angeles as long as it
spends its time merely supporting Russia and denouncing ever3''thing
that America is,'* and doesn't function as a trade union movement.
Mr. Mandel. Mr. Carlson
250 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Carlson. One other point. Miss LaRue McCormick, a well-
known local Communist, has been running for the board of educa-
tion at various times. In fact, she ran as a Communist in the elec-
tions in the spring of this year, this last April, to be exact. Running
as an avowed Communist, it may be of interest to this committee to
knoAv that she received a total of 24,543 votes for member of the board
of education in the Los Angeles school district.
In 1943, when she ran for the same position, she received only 15,000
votes. So she had picked up about 9,543 votes of people Avho were
definitely ready to support a Communist on the board of education.
Mr. Mandel. What is the source of your information
Mr. McDowell. Excuse me. Do you know how many votes were
cast?
Mr. Carlson. There were about 300,000 or 350,000; I don't remem-
ber that figure. It was a fairly heavy vote for a board of education
vote, which is usually light. But it, of course, was small compared
with the total vote that is normally cast in a national or even a mu-
nicipal election for mayor. This was a very large vote, I should say.
It represented perhaps 8 or 9 percent of the total vote cast in that
election — maybe more than that. I could supply the committee with
figures. These quotations I take, by the way, are from the People's
Daily World of April 5, 1947. I ani quoting^^
Mr. McDowell. That is a Communist paper ?
Mr. Carlson. That is a Communist paper on the west coast, which
circulates very widely in Hollywood.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, can you tell us a little bit about the
strength of comnmuism in the labor organizations and cultural organi-
zations, as briefly as possible?
Mr. Carlson. Well, they function in all of these organizations. So
far as the Los Angeles picture is concerned, I should say the greatest
strength in the labor movement lies within the CIO. Mr. Philip
Connelly, the secretary of the CIO council, has I think, at least to my
satisfaction, been proved to be a Communist, and works with them
and has for years. The whole host of officials in other unions, in the
CIO unions, do the same. The main strength of the Communists in
the A. F. of L. has been precisely in the group of unions called the
Conference of Studio Unions, headed by Mr. Herbert SorrelL But I
think that when Mr. Brewer comes on the stand he will probably
develop that at greater detail, in greater detail.
Mr. Gaston. In your opinion, Air. Carlson, what is the best method
available to combat communism in the various fields?
Mr. Carlson. Well, it seems to me that possibly it might be well if
we could devise a sort of law comparable to the Pure Food and Drug
Act, where we label poison so that people won't get it, or adulterated
foods — making them put the label on it. I would like to see some sort
of a label that had to be put on all types of Communist propaganda —
point one. I think if it were labeled for what it is, it would in itself
help a great deal. I don't know whether that can be done, but I think
that is a point to bear in mind.
I think if every issue of any Communist publication had to carry
a notice in a box in black type stating "This organ is printed in the
interest of communism," and which seeks to destroy the American
form of government and functions as an agent of the Soviet Govern-
ment, it probably would do a good deal to stop some of those things.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 251
But over and above that, I think that the strength of communism
lies in its oi-f^anizational structure. If we can destroy the structure,
this thing which Lenin set up long ago, I think then, while you don't
destroy Conmiunist agitation or propaganda in America — I don't
think you can do that — yoii can, I think, reduce it very, very severely.
From that point of view I believe that it would be certainly a good
thing if the Connnunist Party itself were outlawed. I know this will
mean that the Communist Party will function illegally, but it would
also mean that thousands and tens of thousands of people who now
sort of flutter along the edges would withdraw. It means that Com-
munist meetings could not take place openly, in public halls, schools,
and churches. It would mean that we would have destroyed a vital
social cancer. I know there is always danger that innocent people
would be destroyed along with it, but I think if you have got a cancer
in your system you have got to have an operation and while there may
be some good live tissue that goes out with it, I would rather take the
chance on the oj^eration so the person can recover than to have them
say afterward, "Well, what a handsome looking corpse he is."
Mr. Gaston. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions, Mr. Chairman, but I have
been an amateur student of communism and Communist activity and
its history for more than 20 years, and I doubt very seriously if any
witness that ever came before this committee — Mr. Chairman and
Mr, Vail — has expressed such a profound knowledge of this phenomena
as Mr. Carlson.
There is some great agitation in America to do something about
the immigration laws, to slow down immigration. Something should
be done to readjust those laws. But to slow down or stop immigra-
tion may stop future citizens like Mr. Carlson from coming to the
United States. I feel that you have made a great contribution to
your country. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Carlsox. Well, thank you. May I say I was brought to this
country as a baby. I didn't come here except my parents brought me
over when I was a child in arms.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Carlson, have you any knowledge of whether or not
the school to which you referred is an accredited school under the GI
training provisions?
Mr. Carlson. So far as I understand, a very serious attempt was
made to get the Peoples Educational Center accredited. I don't think
they were accredited. I know that the equivalent of this school in
San Francisco — the San Francisco Labor School — at least for a short
time did succeed in getting Government money. I can't honestly
state that I know whether the Peoples Educational Center is getting
it or not. But I think that was stopped. If they did get it for a
short time; I think it was stopped.
Mr. Vail. In your opinion, Mr. Carlson, is this congressional in-
vestigation into communistic activities in Hollywood justified?
Mr. Carlson. Xot only justified, but I should think long overdue.
I think a full-scale airing of the situation that we have had out there
is going to be a very healthy thing for the country and for the whole
of the Hollywood industry.
252 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr.^VAiL. Would you consider tlie communistic threut to America
today a dangerous threat?
Mr. Carlson. I think it is the most dan<i:erous threat that the United
States has ever faced since it was founded. I know of no threat as
great as this, and the evidence I think is to be seen in the actions of the
Soviet Union in every sphere here in the past 2 or 3 years.
Mr. Vail. From your observation of the activities of the committee,
of the hearings which you have heard to date, is it your feeling that
the committee has acted as an investigative body, or as prosecutor or
persecutor?
Mr. Carlsox. Well, I certainly have seen no prosecution or perse-
cution. I think each witness has told what he had to say, whether it
was in the form of facts or opinions, and I think your committee has
been very kind and generous in listening to us and letting us tell, our
story. I know^ that some of these people that came out here felt that
they were really jeopardizing their own economic security by doing
this. I think they should be congratulated for it. I don't happen to
be in the industry and I don't have that particular problem, but I
know^ that many of them did. I think your committee is doing a
very good job and I hope it continues on this, same basis of getting
everything that can be said by the people who are on both sides of
this issue.
Mr. Vail. Skilled as you are in the mechanics of propaganda, as
evidenced here today, I wonder if you would venture an opinion with
respect to the criticisms that have been directed against this committee
by newspaper columnists, by editorialists, by the attorney for the film
producers' association, and by the president or general manager, John-
ston, of the association.
I am a confirmed moviegoer myself and last night it was my expe-
rience to take in a moving picture that showed a flash scene at this
hearing. It was a short flash and it was followed by a rather extended
statement on the part of Eric Johnston, in which he stated that an
effort was being made to establish the fact that the films were colored,
to introduce Communist propaganda and other statements to like
eifect, which were bound to have an effect upon the thinking of the
public that viewed those films. Certainly, the writings of the edito-
rialists and the columnists and these moving pictures where jNIr,
Johnston has the j)referred spot to present his views to the public
would have the effect of depreciating the effort of this committee,
which is, after all, directed by the Congress of the United States to
investigate this situation, and as a matter of fact, the investigation was
not launched until it was indicated that it was necessary by the previous
investigation of the subcommittee that went to Hollywood to gain
on-the-ground facts.
What is your impression of the effect that it would have upon the
American people for men of standing in the community and in the
industry, and with the influence of the newspapers whose point of view
undoubtedly would have an influence upon the public? Don't you
think today that it is necessary to alert the American people to the
danger of communism and not to lull them into a sense of false
security?
Mr. Carlson. With respect to your last point, six, I agree very
thoroughly.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 253
I do think, on the other hand, that the producers have, of course,
the complete right to express any opinion they want to. I think they
are very wrong in what they are proposing and saying about this
connnittee. I tliink that in the case of some of these people they have
kept their eyes so closed to this whole issue, closed deliberately, and as
the biblical injunction says, '"There are none so blind as those that
will not see." 1 think there are others who have been so much concerned
with making money out of the films. And the films, of course, are
highly sensitive to public criticism of all kinds. They don't realize
how they have reacted to the criticism from the left, and now when
they see public pressure and indigation arising over the laxness, shall
we say, the carelessness with which they have looked after an industry,
which may belong to them in terms of fiscal ownership, but which
certainly belongs to the American people as a great social institution
and annisement center to which they go by the tens of millions every
week, I think they are a little bit panicky. I think they are good men,
honest men, and good Americans, but I think they are frightened and
because of that are issuing I should say injudicious statements.
Might I add one other point with respect to the editorials. In a
study which was made a mnnber of years ago, and a study which I
supplemented of my own to some degree, on the effect of editorials
on the thinking of the American people, I am rather sorry to say that
very few people are very effectively influenced by editorials.
-I know that on the Hearst chain, the study that was made on that,
they found that only 8 percent of the population of the readers of
the Hearst chain, admitted they were influenced by the editorials.
The}^ are influenced by the news. They are influenced by what happens.
But the influence of the editor in American life has been steadily
declining over the years. The newspaper as a social institution has
become what it is by name, a newspaper, and not an editorial paper.
The Chairman. Mr. Carlson, I must interrupt you. 1 think we are
going too far afield. This is an investigation of alleged communism
in the moving-picture industry.
Mr. Carlson. I am very sorry, sir.
The Chairmax. I think to get into that field is something that this
connnittee hasn't even thought of.
Mr. Carlson. That is right ; I agree w^ith you.
The Chairman. As far as I am concerned, any man can write any
darn thing about me that he want to. That is up to him. And I think
the other members of the committee feel the same way,
jVIr. McPowELL. Mr. Chairman, may I say something in view of
what Mr. Carlson has just said? I am a very great admirer of the
gentleman and his knowledge and brains but, as an editorial writer,
I am not inclined to agree with him. I hope we are not through yet.
The Chairman. xA.11 right ; you people have your private conver-
sation afterward.
The Chair would like to anounce at this time that the first witness
and only witness this afternoon will be Mr. Walt Disney. No session
on Saturday.**
The witnesses on Monday, the first two witnesses, will be Mr. Eric
Johnston and Mr. Koy Brewer. Then we- will have as witnesses Mr.
** See appendix, p. 533, for exhibit 57.
67683 — 47 17
254 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
John Howard LaAvson, Dalton Trumbo, Mr. Alvah Bessie, and Mr.
Lavery. .
Mr. Stripling. Emmett Lavery.
The Chairman. Emmett Lavery.
Mr. SiPiPLiNG. Mr. Chairman
Tlie Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I would like for the Chair to instruct those last-
named individuals to be sure and be present in response to the sub-
pena, which calls for their appearance on Monday, even though other
witnesses who the committee was unable to hear this week will be
heard. They are also to be called on Monday and will be expected to
be here in response to the subpena.
The Chairman. The Chair so instructs them, through their counsel.
Mr. Stripling. In addition, jVIr. Chairman, I ask consent to in-
clude the entire catalog of People's Educational Center into the record.
I ask that it be made a part of the record, the entire text.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(The matter referred to is as follows :)
Summer, 1945
PEOPLE'S EDUCATIONAL CENTER
HOLLYAVOOD CENTER, 1717 NORTH ViNE StREETT, HOLLYWOOD 28
HEmpstead 7263
"It is of great importance to the future of our democracy that ways and
means be devised to engage the maximum number of young people and adults
in a continuous, fearless, and free discussion and study of public affairs."
Franklin De:lano Roosevelt.
Foreword
We are at this moment in the process of creating a new, hopeful world predi-
cated upon the closer cooperation and mutual understanding of the iieoples of
each nation for the peoples of every other nation. In size it is a greatly dimin-
ished world because of the technological developments which this war has ac-
celerated. In spirit, it is an immeasurably broadened world because of the
united desire of the democratic nations to create the mutual understanding and
common purpose which is the only sure way to achieve a lasting peace.
But what does this understanding of our fellow man demand of us? It
demands a deeper knowledge of him, his language, his customs, his social cul-
tural and industrial aims. It demands the study of our own and the othei'
fellow's long-range historical aspirations, of his and our past attempts to meet
the problems of a changing, growing world. It demands a knowledge of the
modern tools of communication by which we can further human progress today- —
the words, the images, the symbols of radio, motion picture, book, pamphlet.
The People's Educational Center, founded only 2 years ago, has achieved a
remarkable success in equipping its students to meet these significant challenges
of our new world. In so doing, it has also pointed the way to enlarging pro-
fessional activities, opening up vast fields of new and stinuilating undertakings.
This year, for the first time, the IVople's Educational Center has projected a
four-term year. Regular classes for the summer term will be held at the Holly-
wood Center, and the PEC will, during the same period, augment its extension
services to labor organizations throughout the industrial areas of greater Los
Angeles.
in addition to this comprehensive study program, the PEC plans to become a
focal point for forums and institutes dealing with the problems of the day. Its
further object is to provide a'connnunity cultural center where, through the
presentation of significant theatrical, film, and radio productions, through art,
music, and dance festivals, the people's audience will not only arrive at a fuller
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
255
appreciation of the arts and the artist, but will actually have a real participation
in new creative endeavors.
Table of Contents
Calendar, Information.
Economics, history, labor problems.
Languages.
Writing.
Cinema.
Psychology and child development.
Children's activities.
Recreational theater, body training.
Dance.
Biographical data-teaching staff.
Schedule of classes.
CALENDAR
Summer term.
Registration begins Monday, May 21,
1945.
Classes begin week of Monday, June 4,
1945.
Holiday, Wednesday, July 4, 1945.
Registration
Registi-ation will be accepted in the Hollywood Center between 2 : 00 p. m.
and 9 : 00 p. m. from Monday, May 21, 1945, through Monday, June 4, 1945.
Register early since many classes are limited in size. Staff members will be in
attendance to advise prospective students.
The fee for registration is one dollar.
School term
Classes will meet weekly for twelve one-and-one-half-hour sessions except
where otherwise indicated. They will be held at the Hollywood Center, 1717
North Vine Street.
Tuition fees
The tuition fee for each course is indicated in the listing of classes. All fees
are payable in full at time of registration. No fees returnable except to those
entering the armed services. A list of courses open to individual admission may
be obtained from the center.
Scholarships
Scholarships offered to union members and members of the armed forces must
be applied for in writing to the registrar. College students, on presenting their
student cards, will be accorded tuition reduction.
Transfers
For a transfer of class a fee of one dollar is charged. Transfers may not be
made after tlie second session or to a class closed to registration.
The Student Council
The student council is an independent organization of student representatives
from each class in the school. Educational and social activities of interest to the
student body and to the general public are arranged and carried out through the
council. The council publishes a student paper.
Forums and lecture series
The center will conduct forums and arrange lecture series from time to time.
Students and those on the PEC mailing list will be notified of time and place.
Economics — History
LABOB PROBLEMS
One World — the foreign policies of the Big Four
Instructor : Thomas L. Harris
A brief survey of international affairs from the peace of Versailles to the San
Francisco Conference will be followed by detailed examination of the special
problems of the four great powers as they affect world peace. ' Emphasis to be
placed on positive evidence that, in spite of basic differences in economic and
political structure, the USA, the British Commonwealth, the USSR, and China are
developing a growing common interest. Supplementary lectures by news and
radio commentators and specialists in foreign affairs.
256 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The following topics will be included :
Historical survey :
Armistice, not Peace (1918-1933)
How the Axis Prepared (1933-1939)
False Solutions for Real Problems :
Great Britain Prepares for Munich
American "Isolationism"
The Soviet Union in Quarantine
The Abandonment of China
Unit for Victory:
The Atlantic Charter, Teheran, Cairo, Yalta, and San Francisco.
True Solutions for Real Problems:
The Complex Necessities of the British Empire
What the Soviet Union Really Wants
China's Road to Nationhood
The Conditions for American Prosperity
The Obligations of the Big Four
Twelve sessions, Mondays, 8-10 p. m., $6.
First session, June 4.
World perspectives
Coordinator (to be announced) and guest lecturers
Consideration of some of the more critical problems facing the postwar world :
Origin and persistence of Nazi racist doctrines.
The general problem of minority groups.
The special problem of the Japanese-Americans in the postwar United States.
Problems facing youth.
"Nationalism" and world organization.
The new Europe.
Environmentally induced motivations.
Food as a world problem.
Among the lecturers will be Judge Leon Yankwich, Prof. Harry Hoijer, Prof.
Leonard Bloom, Prof. Howard Gilhousen, Peter de Lima, Alvin Wilder, Prof.
David Appleman, Prof. Dean IMcHenry, INIeyer Frieden, Mildren Raskin, Prof.
Ralph Beals, Bruce Minton, John Howard Lawson.
Twelve sessions, Tliursdays, 8-10 p. m., $6.
First session, June 7.
60,000,000 Jobs — The Road to Economic Progress
Coordinator — Sanford Goldner, assisted by Katherine McTernan
A program for full employment after the war will be discussed by representa-
tives of labor, business, and government.
The victories of peace, including full employment, will require the same kind
of cooperation from all sections of the community necessary for the victories
of war. While production for war will be a primary concern until final victory,
reconversion and planning for peacetime production are now going on. What
kind of a program is being developed by the leaders in the economic life of the
Nation? The following questions, among others, will be given consideration:
What role should government play in insuring full employment?
What is the importance for full employment of the labor-management pledge
for industrial iteace?
How is the question of full employment affected by the Bretton Woods proposal,
reciprocal trade agreements, and other measures bearing on international trade?
What wage program should be adopted for full employment and national
prosperity ?
Such (luestions as the above, the answers to which concern every citizen, will
be considered by leading figures from the fields of labor, government, and indus-
try, who will participate either as guest lecturers or members of jianels.
Twelve sessions, Tuesdays, 8-10 p. m., $6.
First session, June 5.
Political Economy
Instructor : Leo Bigelman
A presentation aimed to clarify some of the economic questions that face every
one of us today. A few of the questions to be considered : What is the relation-
ship of workej-s to our economy? What is the wealth of a nation? Who and
what creates it? How are profits made? What are wages? What are the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 257
differences between our prewar and our present economy? What do the war-
time regulations of price control, wage control, rationing nieanV
Should they be continued in peacetime? What is the difference between our
capitalist society and socialist society? How can our capitalist society provide
jobs, abundance, and security for all? What are the fundamental laws of social
development? The course will be based upon the work of Marx, but due con-
sideration will be given to the theories of other economists.
Twelve sessions, Thursdays 9-lU p. m., $G.
First session, June 7.
Trade Union Workshop
Instructor : Jules Carson
Intended for all union members who desire to learn how to take a more active
role in their unions. The class Will be conducted as a miniature union meeting
with the students participating as president, secretary, etc. Parliamentary
procedure will be taught by application. The shident-member will have an op-
portunity to raise problems facing him in his union for discussion. Grievance
procedure, contract negotiation, and questions relating to the winning of a con-
tract will be studied.
Day of the week and date of first session to be announced, $6.
The History of American Labor Movement
Instiuctor : Ralph Winstead
The growth of trade unionism in America from before the American Revolution
to the present-day organization of 12,000,000 workers. The historical roots for
the changing functions of the trade unions in a changing society and the movement
of labor toward independent political action will be discussed. Major attention
will be paid to the significant contributions labor has made to preserve and extend
American democracy and to labor's vital role throughout American history in
defending tiie Nation.
Twelve sessions, Fridays, 8 to 10 p. m., $6.
First session, June 8.
Frinciples and Practice of Organisation
Instructor : Alice Orans
A practical study of principles, techniques, and the American tradition of clubs
and organizations. How we develop a committee, a club, a community organiza-
tion, including trade unions ; techniques of conducting educational and fund-
raising activities; mass meeting through an existing organization or a special
project to meet a temporary community need will be among the topics discussed ;
conventions and conferences.
Twelve sessions, Fridays, 8 to 10 p. m., $6.
First session, June 8.
China Today and Tomorrow
Instructor : Neil Enochs, assisted by Marshal Ho'o.
The recent social and political history of China. Topics : The period Of impe-
rialist domination ; the national revolution under Sun Yat-sen ; the Kuomintang,
its development from 1927 to the present ; the overseas Chinese and their influence
on domestic policy; the Chinese labor movement; Sino-Japanese relations; the
Chinese Communists and their role; present perspectives for national unity.
Among important questions to be considered : Under what conditions can we
expect an important postwar market in China? What type of leadership will the
China of tomorrow be able to give in far eastern affairs? Can Chinese national
unity be established under the present leadership of the Kuomintang?
Twelve sessions, Tuesdays, 8 to 10 p. m., $6.
First session, June 5. .
Languages
Russian I
Instructor : Alexandra Groth.
A thorough foundation for reading and writing Russian. First steps in gram-
mar and conversation. Special phonograph records, produced under supervision
of the instructor, will enable the student to utiliz,' his home study time efliciently
and will materially shorten the amount of time required to become proficient in
understanding and speaking the language.
Twelve sessions, Tuesdays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $7.50.
First session, June 5.
258 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Russian II
Instructor : Alexandra Groth
For tho^e who have had previous study. Students will learn to read Russian
newspapers, work out dramatic situations, and converse in Russian.
Twelve sessions, Tuesdays, 8 : 35 to 10 p. m., $7.50.
First session, June 5.
Spanish I
Instructor: O. C. Jungwirth
A course where beginners will learn, in a functional way, to understand, speak,
read and write Spanish in the shortest possible time and by the most modern
and most interesting method for adults. The students hears and speaks Span-
ish from the very beginning, and thus learns to think in Spanish without the un-
necessary handicap of translation.
Twenty-four sessions, Tuesdays and Fridays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $15.
First session, June 5.
Spanish II
Instructor : O. C. Jungwirth
For students who have completed Spanish I or its equivalent. Planned espe-
cially for those wishing to review their elementary Spanish, improve their pro-
nunciation, and learn to converse in Spanish. As in Spanish I, only the most
modern methods of instruction are used.
Twenty-four sessions, Tuesdays and Fridays, 8 : 35 to 10 p. m., $15.
First session, June 5.
Spanish III
Instructor : O. C. Jungwirth
An advanced course, for students who have completed Spanish I and II or
their equivalents. The psychologically sound teaching method insures that the
student will learn to converse fluently in the Spanish tongue witliout having to
undergo the superfluous procedure of mental translation.
Twelve sessions, Wednesdays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $7.50.
First session, June 6.
Writing
Screemoriting I
Instructor : Howard Dimsdale
Lectures on the basic approach to writing for the screen. Class will discuss
such elements of the screen treatment as the essentials of the story, character,
construction, motivation, continuity, etc., concluding with problems of market-
ing. Twenty Best Screenplays, by Gassner and Nichols, will be used as textbook ;
in addition, current films will be selected for class analysis. The cost of the
textbook is included in the tuition fee.
Twelve sessions. Mondays, 8 : 35 to 10 p. m., $21.50.
First, session, June 4.
Screenwriting II
Instructor: Michael Uris
A workshop course in the preparation of original stories for the screen. Stu-
dents will develop their own material under the guidance of the instructor.
Class discussions will emphasize the problems and potentials of motion pictures
in wartime. Production of material will be slanted toward current markets.
Twelve sessions, Mondays, 8 : 35 to 10 p. m., $18.
First session, June 4.
Short Story II
Instructor : Viola Brothers Shore
A workshop where writers and student writers discuss freely the social ex-
periences of the American people, for the purpose of discovering their significance
and evolving the techniques necessary to bring them back to the American people
in the short story form.
This class will be open to all students who have at any time completed at the
school an elementary course in the short stoi-y ; to all professional writers; and
to others whose written work qualifies them.
Twelve sessions, Wednesdays, 8 : 35 to 10 p. m., $18.
First session, June 6.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 259
Modern Novel
Instructors : Gny Endoi'e and John Sanford
Designed as a workshop course for serious students. An analysis of form,
structure, plot, character, theme. Readings from student's work-in-progress,
followed hy classroom discussion and criticism. Tlie place of tlie novel in our
changing society ; "ivory-tower" and "escape" novels ; the novel as material for
the screen.
Twelve sessions, Mondays, 8 : 35 to 10 p. m., $18.
First session, June 4.
Radiowi'iting : Comedy
Instructor : Abram S. Burrows.
Workshop course in comedy writing for radio. While the field of radio writing
will be emphasized, consideration will also be given to comedy construction in
the other writing fields. Assignments will be given to students and their work
will be criticized in class. Guest lecturers will be introduced in some of the
class sessions.
Twelve sessions, IMondays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $18.
First session, June 4.
Radio writing: Dramatic
Instructor : Bernard C. Schoenfeld.
A course in the fundamentals of radio. A combination of criticism, discussion,
and lectures. Students will work on their own material. Special emphasis on
tlie dramatic script.
Twelve sessions, Wednesdays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $18.
First session, June 6.
Basic Jonrnalism
Instructor : Michael Simmons.
Offering practical instruction for beginners, aiding and guiding those who aspire
to enter the newspaper field ; accent in these sessions will be on "know how,"
lectures being progressively supplemented by participation of students in the
actual mechanics of writing for newspapers and going to press. Brief elementary
assignments will be followed up by demonstration in layout and make-up, finishing
•with the printed edition of a newspaper in miniature.
Twelve sessions, Monday, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $6.
First session, June 4.
Cinema
for the professional
miction Picture Direction
Coordinator : Frank Tuttle.
Dealing with the specifics of film direction and production ; analysis of script
for shooting; break-down; casting; working with the actor; camera; dubbing
and scoring : the approach of the writer, producer, and actor to the director.
Registration limited to motion-picture professionals with some technical training.
Guest lecturers will include Edward Dmytrik. Vincent Sherman, James Wong
Howe. Howard Plstabrook. Herbert Biberman. Irving Pichel, Adrian Scott.
Twelve sessions, Thursdays, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m., $25.
Fir.st session, June 7.
FOR THE LAYMAN
"It's a good picture, but — " The Audience and the Picture Makers Get Together
Chairman : Alexander Knox.
Under the chairmanship of Mr. Knox, leading figures in the motion-picture
industry — writers, actors, cameramen, set designers, directors, producers — will
discuss their roles in the production of current films. The students will be en-
couraged to state their own reactions to the picture under consideration, and also
to participate in the di.scussion foUowinc the lecture.
Six sessions, Fridays, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m., $3.
Date of first session to be announced.
260 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Psychology
Psychnloffy of Democracy <ind Fascism
Instructor : Frank C. Davis.
Modern approach to tlie understandin.i; of the origin and functioning of social
groups. Instinct vs. field-theoretical conceptions of group behavior. The emer-
gence of the leader and tlie nature of liis relationship to those whom he leads.
Propaganda and the uses to which it is put. The specifically psychological prob-
lems confi'ontiiiij; members of minority groups. "Caste" and "class" conceptions
and their significance in democratic and Fascist societies. Individual, sex, and
race differences in "intelligence." The question of who shall be educated. Dem-
ocratc vs. fascistic educational purposes.
Twelve sessions, Thursday, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $6.
First session, June 7.
Psycholoyy of Personality
Instructor : Edward Joseph Shoben, Jr.
The relation between mental hygiene and personality development. The fol-
lowing topics will be considered : Nature, scope, and problems of mental hygiene.
Classification of mental disorders : Neurosis, psychosis, and psychopathic person-
ality. Growth of conscience with emphasis on infantile drives. Adolescence
and its problems. Needs and their frustrations. Influence of society. Mental
hygiene in marriage. Sex adjustments. Personality differences in children.
The unmarried adult. Vocational adjustments. Techniques of self-therapy.
The course is planned for persons with limited knowledge of psychology.
Twelve sessions, Mondays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $6.
First session, June 4.
Training for Parenthood
Instructor : Lory Titelman.
A short course for prospective parents — mothers and fathers — to aid them in
gaining insight into the problems of infancy. The following are among the topics
which will be considered :
The infant — what is he like at birth?
Nursing — every baby's right, every mother's privilege.
Schedules — your baby as an individual human being.
First milestones — how to meet them.
Five sessions, Wednesdays, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m., $3.
First session, June 20.
CHILD DEVELOPMENT : NURSB3{Y YEARS
Courses of special interest to parents and teachers. Description of the emo-
tional development of the small child during the most vital period of growth —
from infancy to school age. An inquiry into the child's instinctual drives, his
problems of adjustment, his playmates and his teachers. Analytic study of his
relationship to his family. The sesions will include an examination of problems
confronting members of the class, with contributing class discussion.
Child Development I
Introductory course; class limited to 25 students.
Instructors : Eleanor Francis and Marjorie Leonard.
Twelve sessions, Wednesdays, 8: 35 to 10 p. m. $6.
First session, June 6.
Child Development II
Instructor : Lory Titelman.
Advanced course relating the emotional, physical, and intellectual develop-
ment of the child to everyday problems.
Prerequisite: Child Development I or equivalent.
Twelve sessions, Wednesdays, 8 : 35 — 10 p. m., $G.
First session, June 6.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 2G1
Children's and Young People's Coukses
Chairman : Viola Spolin
Painting and (Irawing for young people
Age 11 and older.
Instructor : Eula Long.
A basic appreciation of art, and drawing techniques, in conjunction with design
and color principles. The student will learn that art can be found in the shape of
a cup, in the way a spoon is molded, in the colored stripes of a sweater. In this
course the boy or girl will develop freedom of expression and an understanding
of the place art has in his world.
Saturdays, 11-12 : 30.
Painting and draiving for children
Age 10 and younger.
Instructor : Jay Rivkin.
The program will teach techniques and media of drawing and painting, with
the objective of developing the natural creative imagination of young children.
Saturdays, 11-12 : 30.
Rhytlunic exercises for "boys and girls
Age 11 and older.
Instructor : Jacobina Caro.
A body-technique course designed for young people. It combines creative cor-
rective exercises with dramatic dance-patterns. The course aims towards the
development of good posture, poise, and social adaptability.
Saturdays, 10-11.
Puppets for young people
Instructor : Mimi Login.
Students will design and build their own puppets and improvise puppet plays.
They will also learn to manipulate puppets on improvised puppet stage. Pro-
fessional puppeteers will be guest performers from time to time.
Saturdays, 11-12 : 30.
Dramatic play for young children
Age 10 and. younger.
Instructor : Ruth Halpert, assisted by Shirley Gray.
Young children will have the experience of acting out their favorite rhymes
and stories. Dramatic games and exercises will be part of a program planned
to give the children a period of creative play in a dramatic activity.
Saturdays, 1-2:30.
Drama workshop
Ages 12-16.
Instructor : Viola Spolin.
Creative activities in the theater. Simple exercises and improvisation lead to
a completed production for outside audiences. Opportunities in directing and
staging plays. Drama workshop in a continuous activity ; students may join the
group at any time.
Day of week by arrangement with instructor,
RECREATIONAL THEATER
Recreational Theater I
Instructor: Viola Spolin.
Improvi.sation in drama — .spontaneous "situation" exploitation points up pri-
mary theatrical lore. Workshop for dabblers and group planners.
Ten sessions, Wednesdays, 7-8 : 30 p. m., $7.
First session, June 6.
262 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Recreational Theater II
Instructor : Viola Spolin.
Advanced course. A combination of acting exercises and play production.
Fifteen sessions, Wednesdays, S : 30-10 p. m., $15.
First session, May IG.
BODY TRAINING
Body Training for Women
Instructor : Jacobina Caro.
Corrective and reconditioning classes especially for women. Practical exercises
designed for incorporation into the daily routine.
Twelve sessions, Mondays and Thursdays, 10:30-11:30 a. m., $6.
First session, June 4.
Body Training for Actors
Instructor : Jacobina Caro.
A course for the student and professional actor encompassing posture, deport-
ment, and general corrective exercises ; problems in time and space ; motivated
rhythmic movement.
Twelve sessions, Thursdays, 7 : 30-8 : 30 p. m., $6.
First session, June 7.
Body Training for Men and Women
Instructor : Jacobina Caro.
A system of exercises intended for incorporation into the daily routine of living j
posture correction ; practical uses of relaxation and tension.
Twelve sessions, Tuesdays, 8 : 35-9: 30 p. m., $6.
DANCE
Modern Dance: Elementary
Instructor : Harriette Anne Gray.
Elementary technique and body mechanics including rhythmic coordination and
body control.
Twelve sessions, Tuesdays, 7 : 30-8 : 30 p. m., $7.50.
First session, June 5.
Modern Darice: Advanced
Instructor : Harriette Anne Gray.
Open only to advanced dance students, the course will offer instruction in
dance technique, studies in composition, and qualities and styles of dance
movement.
Twelve sessions, two hours each, Thursdays, 8 : 80-10 : 30 p. m., $15.
First session, June 7.
Instructors and Guest Lecturers
David Appleman : Ph. D., U. C. ; now doing research and teaching soil science
and plant physiology at UCLA.
Ralph Leon Beals: A. B., I'h. D., University of California; teaching fellow,
research associate, lecturer. University of California ; associate professor of
anthropology. University of California at Los Angeles; museum technician.
Field Division of Education, National Park Service; archeology director, Rain-
bow Bridge-Monument Valley expedition.
Herbert Biberman : B. S., University of^ Penns.vlvania. Attended Baker's 47
workshop, Yale University, six months in the USSR studying the Soviet
Theatre : four years with the Theatre Guild in New York as actor and director.
Credits in the motion-picture industry as writer, writer of original stories,
director, and now functiduing as associate producer.
Leo Bigelman: Teacher and lecturer on social, economic, and political questions.
Formerly associated with the Workers School of Los Angeles and numerous
public journals.
Abrani S. Burrows : Author and coproducer of Duffy's Tavern.
Jacobina Caro: Dance director. The Great John L. Sullivan; body training,
Actors' Lab.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 263
Jules Carson ; Taught labor journalism and economics at tho Tom Mooney School,
San Francisco. Two years dean of faculty and teacher at Commonwealth
College. Taught economics at the California Labor School. Director, Ala-
meda County P. A. C, C. I. O.
Enuna Lu Davis: Studied in Tennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts after finishing
college. Has traveled widely and has exhibited all over world from New York
to China. Artist in residence for three years. Reed College. Represented
in Whitney Museum of American Art, New York. Currently doing exreri-
mental work with plastics.
Frank C. Davis: I'h. D.. U. C. 1931. Department of psychology at U. C. L. A.,
1031-45. I'resident, California State Federation of Teachers, A. F. L., 1942.
Director of Education, People Educational Center.
I'eter De Lima : Noted radio commentator.
Howard Dimsdale: Screen writer, ^\'rote shorts at MGM for three years, then
features at IMGM, Universal, and Columbia.
Edward Dmytryk : Twenty years in the motion-picture industry including seven
years of cutting experience and five years of direction. Currently at RKO.
Recent pictures : Hitler's Children, Tender Comrade, Sister Kenny, Murder My
Sweet, Invisible Army.
Guy Endore: Authpr of the Werewolf Boris, Babouk, The Sword of God, The
known and Unknown Lives of Casanova, and the translator of several foreign
classics. He is a contributor of articles and short stories to national publi-
cations.
Neil Enochs: Director of research, Chinese-American Bureau of Research, Los
Angeles^.
Eleanor Francis : Director, School for Nursery Years, Los Angeles.
Meyer B. Frieden : B. A., U. C. L. A. Long experience in youth work. Formerly
executive secretary, California Youth Legislature, so. division ; representative
Youth Division, Office of Civilian Defense ; organizer, Young Communist League,
Oakland, Calif. At present national council member, American Youth for
Democrac.v, and Los Angeles executive secretary, A. Y. D.
Sanford Goldner : Ph. D. in philosophy, UC ; currently assistant research director
in charge of Los Angeles ofiice, California CIO council.
Howard Gilhousen : Ph. D., U. C, 1930. Associate professor of psychology,
U. C. L. A.
Harriette Anne Gray : Concert dancer and teacher ; graduate, Lindenwood College,
Missouri; member, Humphrey Weidman dance group for five years. Taught
at Bennington (Vt. ) School of Dance; also Humphrey Weidman Studios, Perry
Mansfield Camp, Whittier College, Stevens College.
Shirley Gray: Six years' experience in little theatre. U. S. O. entertainer.
Assistant director, A. Y". D. drama group.
Alexandra Groth : Born in Russia ; graduate, Bradford Academy, Bradford, Mass.
Collaborated on articles for many periodicals dealing with education in the
Soviet Union. Has taught Russian for fifteen years.
Ruth Halpert : Teacher in elementary schools of Los Angeles. Summer camps
teacher of dramatics for children.
Thomas L. Harris : M. A., Cambridge University, England. Knows the Russian
language and has been in constant touch with developments in the USSR.
Minister of the Episcopal Church for fifteen years. Formerly national secre-
tary. Council of American-Soviet Friendship.
Harry Hoi jer : Ph. D., University of Chicago, 1931. Instructor in anthropology,
Univ. of Chicago, 1931-40. Assistant professor of anthropology. University of
California at Los Angeles.
Kenneth W. Howard : B. S.. M. A., Harvard LTniversity. Teaching assistant, de-
partment of philosophy, Harvard. Business agent, AFL, 1939-44. Director of
extension. PEC.
Otto C. Jungwirth : Teacher of Spanish and German in L. A. day and evening
high schools. Former vice president, adult education section, local 430, Ameri-
can Federation of Teachers.
Alexander Knox: Eminent stage and motion-picture actor. Had title role in
Wilson.
John Howard Lawson : Author, Theory and Technique of Play Writing. Author
of screen plays : Sahara, Action in the North Atlantic, Counter- Attack. Work
in progress : a book on American history.
264 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Marjorie R. Leonard: Formerly director of the Child Study Center of Los
Angeles. Psychologist and psychunalyst, specializing in work with children.
Minii Logan: Artist and puppeteer. Toured Middle West with a puppet troupe.
Arts and crafts director at summer camps. Graduate of American Artists
School, New York. Studied with Anton Kefregier.
Eula Long: Graphic artist, exhibited at Metropolitan Museum, New York World's
Fair, San Francisco Art Museum, Los Angeles County Museum, Artists for
Victory show.
Dean E. McHenry : Ph. D., University of California, 1936. Asst. professor politi-
cal science, U. C. L. A. ; coordinator. Navy training program. Recent writings:
A New Legislator for Modern California, California Government : Politics and
Administration. Has just completed study of the Cooperative Commonwealth
Federation of Canada.
Katherine McTernan : Formerly teaching assistant, department of economics,
University of California. Taught economics in the California Labor School
in San Francisco.
Ben Margolis : Member of the firm Katz, Gallagher & Margolis ; former member
of the firm of Gladstein, Grossman, Margolis & Sawyer, of San Francisco.
Graduate of Hastings College of the Law, U. of C, 1933. Member of the execu-
tive board of the L. A. chapter of the National Lawyers' Gj.iild.
Bruce Minton : A. B., Harvard. An editor of New Masses magazine, 1935-36,
1938, 1940-41 ; Washington editor, 1941^4 ; at present west coast editor.
Author of Men Who Lead Labor, and The Fat Years and the Lean in collabora-
tion with John Stuart. Writer of screen originals with Ruth McKenney.
Taught at New York School, League of American Writers.
Alice Orans : Trained iii executive and administration and community organiza-
tion at New York School of Social Work ; former executive assistant State relief
administration, Los Angeles County ; case supervisor, district director. Com-
munity Cliest agencies.
Viola Brothers Shore : Noted short-story writer and playwright. Represented in
O'Brien's Best Short Stories.
Mildred Raskin : Active in youth organizations from 1939-44. Former organizer
for the United Office and Professional Workers of America, CIO. Member of
the National Council of the American Youth for Democracy. Administrative
secretary of the Peoples Educational Association.
Jay Rivkin : Artist with background of mural painting, ceramics, and illustration.
Wide experience as teacher of children's classes.
John Sanford : Author of the following novels, The Waterwheel, The Old Man's
Place, Seventy Times Seven, The People From Heaven.
Bernhard C. Schoenfeld : Author of Johnny Appleseed and 300 other radio pro-
grams. Pioneer in Government and wartime radio ; Chief, Radio Section, OEM ;
Chief, Editorial Bureau, OWL Work represented in many anthologies and
texts.
Edward Joseph Shoben, B. A., M. A. (University of Southern California) : Prac-
ticing psychologi.st in Los Angeles.
Michael Simmons : Formerly newspai>er reporter, feature writer, magazine
editor. Now a screen writer, author of 2.5 feature films.
Viola Spolin : Taught dramatics, Hull House, Chicago, 4 years; organized an
experimental theater for children ; taught and supervised a teacher's training
course in dramatics for several years at Recreational Training School, Ciiicago.
Lory Titelman : Attended Columbia University in New York and Temple Uni-
versity, Philadelphia. Taught course for parents at Cooi^erative Nur.sery
School at Santa Monica. Former director of Child Care Nursery School, Santa
Monica.
Frank Tuttle : Noted motion-picture director and writer.
Micliael Uris : Author of such stories for the screen as Happy Go Lucky, I
Married a Soldier, Listening Post, and the Life of President Masaryk. Nine
years of writing experience in pictures.
Alvin Wilder: Noted radio commentator.
Ralph Winstead : National representative. Industrial Union of Marine and Ship-
building Workers of America, CIO; investigator. La Follette Senate Civil
Liberties Committee and for NLRB ; veteran labor organizer.
Leon Rene Yankwich, J. D. (Loyola University. Los Angeles), 1926: LL. D., 1929:
Judge, Superior Court of Los Angeles (^ounty, 1927-3,5 : .judge, United States
District Court of Southern District of California since 1935. Author of many
books and articles on legal subjects.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
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266 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Board of Directors
President Willis J. Hill
Vice President Ralph Winstead
Treasurer R. S. Avery
Members
Fay E. Allen Dorothy Healey
K. S. Avery Kenneth W. Howard
Mrs. Lowell Bigelow Maurice Howard
Harry Brown John Howard Lawson
Dr. Frank C. Davis Dr. Dean E. McHenry
Frances Eisenberg Bruce Minton
Rlrs. Gertrude Flatte C. T. Peterson
Tex Freeman Albee Slade
Dr. Sanford Goldner William WolfE
Frank Green
Staff
Administration Secretary Mildred Raskin
Activities Director Roberta Jones
Director of Education Dr. Frank C. Davis
Director of Extension Kenneth W. Howard
Director of Recreational Theater Viola Spolin
Pex)ples Educational Center
1717 N. Vine St., Hollywood 28— HE 7263
124 W. 4th St., Rm. 486, Los Angeles 13— MU 3108
Application for Enrollment
Please enroll me in the following classes :
Enclosed is my check (or money order) in payment of tuition and registration
fees.
Name : Zone :
Street : Telephone No. :
City:
PEOPLES EDUCATIONAL CENTER
Winter 1947
1717 N. Vine— Hollywood 2S— Phone HO. 6291
Board of DireJctors
Willis J. Hill, President
Fay E. Allen Dorothy Healey
Harry Brown Maurice Howard
Dr. Frank C. Davis John Howard Lawson
Sidney Davison C. T. Peterson
Mrs. Gertrude Flatte Albee Slade
Dr. Sanford Goldner William Wolfe
Frank Green
Sidney Davison, Director
Mildred Raskin, Executive Secretary
Martha Dones, Registrar
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 267
Advisory Board
Helmer Bergman Robert Lees
Dr. Leon Bigelman Frances Millington
Ed Gilbert Herbert Sorrell
Sandra Gorney Frank Tuttle
Table of Contents
Foreword.
Calendar.
Curriculum :
The World Today
Psychology
Film — Radio — Writing
Languages— Art
Special Courses
Biographies
Class Schedules
Registration
Foreword.
Education of the People :
Because labor and the Hollywood community desire scientific, factual
knowledge in the field of social sciences.
Because our democratic heritage of philosophy, literature, and the creative
arts must be preserved.
Because the organization and unity of labor and all progressive forces are
necessary for the achievement of a democratic nation and world based on
freedom and security.
Education by the People :
Because our instructors are working men and women of the Hollywood
community who are for the most part practicing professionals in their fields
and who have volunteered their services.
Because they believe with Thomas Jefferson that "to educate and inform the
whole mass of the people is the only sure reliance for the preservation of our
liberty."
Education for the People :
Because there are no formal entrance requirements. The school is open to
all regardless of race, creed, nationality, or political beliefs.
Because the Peoples Educational Center is a nonprofit school whose fees are
low, to meet the needs of the average man or woman who works for a living.
Becau.se the school's annual budget is met partly by student fees, partly by
public lectures and forums, and for the rest depends upon contributions from
people and organizations in the community who are in sympathy with its
purpose and program.
Winter Term
caxendar
Registration begins Monday, Jan. 6, 1947.
Classes begin Monday, Jan. 20, 1947.
Entrance requirements
There are no formal entrance requirements. The school is open to all regard-
less of race, creed, nationality, or political beliefs. All students are required to
<:omplete registration history cards.
Registratioyi
Registration will be accepted at the Center between 11 a. m. and S p. m. be-
ginning Monday, January 6, 1947, and will continue until the end of the first week
of school. Register early since most classes are limited in size. Mail registra-
tions accompanied by tuition fees are acceptable. Staff members will be in
-ittendance to advise prospective students.
268 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Auditing
All classes with the exception of art, music, and lectures at the Screen Car-
toonists Hall may be visited without cliarge the tirst session only.
School terms
Classes will meet weekly for ten l^^-hour sessions. They will be held at the
Center, 1717 North Vine Street, except where otherwise indicated. During 1947,
the terms will begin as follows :
Winter term, January 20, 1947.
Spring term, April 14, 1947.
Summer term, July 14, 1947.
Fall term, October 6, 1947.
Tuition fees
The regular fee for courses is $6 for the term except where otherwise indicated.
All fees are payable in full at time of registration. No fees are returnable unless
a course is discontinued by the Center. A list of courses open to individual ad-
mission may be obtained from the Center.
Scholarships
Scholarships offered to union members and members of the armed forces must
be applied for in writing to the registrar. College students, on presenting their
students cards, will be accorded tuition reductions. Group rates are available
to unions and organizations sending five or more students to the Center.
Transfers
A fee of $1 is charged for a transfer of class. Transfers may not be made
after the second session or to a class closed to registration.
The Student Council
The Student Council is an independent organization of student representa-
tives from each class in the school. Educational and social activities of interest
to the student body and to the general public are arranged and carried out
through the council. The council publishes a student paper.
Forums and lecture series
The Center will conduct forums and arrange lecture series from time to
time which will be open to students and the general public.
THE WORLD TODAY REVIEW OF THE WEEK
Economics — Labor Problems — History
Sidney Davison.
Wednesday afternoon, 2 : 30-4 p. m.
Wednesday evening, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
This review of current events will analyze the most significant items in each
week's news, tracing their historical background and discussing their meaning
for the future. Particular attention will be paid to developments on the inter-
national scene. Cliief emphasis then will be placed throughout on trends and
tasks in the labor and progressive movements.
History of American Labor Movement
Milton Tyre.
Tuesday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m.
The current American labor scene. Status of American trade-unions with
emphasis upon their historical development. Background material and current
status of unions and guilds in the motion-picture industry. An examination of
America. Evolution of craft and industrial unionism — forms and technics. The
position of trade-unions in the economy of the country from the beginnings of
the organized labor movement to the present day.
Labor's Key Problems
Helmer Bergman, William B. Esterman, Charles Gladstone, Victor Kaplan,
Frank Pestana, and others.
Wednesday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m.
Organized labor, though a section of the working class and of the people, by
its actions and achievements sets a pattern which affects all the people. The
new problems labor is facing as -a result of the 1946 elections are of importance
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 269^
to all, whether they behwg to unions or not. There are openly proclaimed
plans to repeal or at least amend the Wagner Act, to prevent national agree-
ments, and to hamper labor's legitimate activities in a multitude of ways. The
role of the NLKIi. tiie imixirt of tlie Norris-LaGuardia Act, the renewed use of
injunctions in industi'ial disputes, the police attacks against picket lines necessi-
tate a reexamination of the economic-political scene from the workers' viewpoint.
This course will analyze these key trends in the labor scene today and will also
discuss the shop steward system, strikes and strike strategy, your rig] its as a
striker, what to do when under arrest, etc. The lecturers will be drawn from
among shop stewards, trade-union leaders, and labor attorneys.
Public Speaking and Parliamentary Laiv
Wallace Stark.
Wednesday, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m.
Every member of an organization or trade-union should be able to sjx^ak from
tlie floor, deliver a talk or report, and act as chaii'man of a discussion or meeting.
This course will help the student do a better job of siJeaking before groups of
people. It will be a practical course, based on the needs of the students. Indi-
vidual practice and criticism will be given. Main aspects of parliamentary
proce<lure will be discussed and applied.
Office Orga7iization and Mimeographing
Tuition — Section I, .$5 ; section II, $3. Combined tuition, .$6. *
Monday, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m.
This is a laboratory course in two sections designed to fill the needs of office
staffs of trade-unions and other organizations.
Section II. Office Organization
George Beller.
Begins January 20.
The material for discussion will be: How to install a simple and easily con-
trolled set of books, account properly for all expenditures, maintain a petty cash
fund, make a bank reconciliation, and account for parties and affairs. The
course will stress current weaknesses in many offices and problems that office
personnel face today. Six sessions.
Section II. Mimeograph Technics
Te<^l Filien, Herbert Klynn, and Mildred Raskin.
Begins March 3.
This .section is designed to improve the quality of mimeographed material.
The instructors are experts in their fields. Lay-out, art work, color work, the
use of the stylus, and the functioning of the machine will be covered. Students
will make lay-outs and cut and run their own stencils. Four sessions.
China, India, the Colonial World
Neil Enochs, coordinator ; Marshall Ho'o, Lai Singh, and others.
Wednesday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m.
An analytical course that will give background and current development in
the entire area of the Pacific Basin. China — its history since the 1911 revolu-
tion, the role of Chiang Kai-shek, the Communist forces, the Liberal-Democratic
forces. United States imperialism in China. The struggle for independence in
India, the Dutch East Indies, current status of the Philippines. Japan as the
industrial reservoir of imi)erialism in the Far East. Discussions on the colonial
struggles in Afrira, the Middle East, and Palestine. Changing balance of forces
between the United States and Great Britain. Role of the Soviet Union.
The Jewish People Yesterday and Today
Instructor to be announced.
Tuesday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
The major social, economic, and political forces that shaped Jewish life; the
recurrence of anti-Semiti.sm through the ages — ^its causes and methods of com-
batting it ; the influence of the ghetto on Jewish life. The "Emancipation" period
beginning with the French Revolution; Jewish life in the lOth century. The
development of Palestine and the current scene ; Jewish life today in the U. S. S. R.»
Poland, and postwar Europe. The position of the Jew in America.
67683—47 18
270 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Soviet Union, a New Civilization
Thursday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
A seminar type course which will discuss the social, economic, and political
structure of the U. S. S. R. Topics to be discussed will include : Man as a citizen
of a planned society — social security, health insurance, etc. ; education ; science in
iSoviet society; trade-unions under socialism; art and culture; national minority
relationships ; the Soviet Union and the UNO.
Marriage in Today's World
Dr. Jack Agins in collaboration with Dr. Leo Bigelman, Dr. Frank Davis,
and Mrs. Lory Titelman.
Thursday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Marriages may or may uot be made in heaven, but they can be happy. DiflS-
culties and problems that arise can be resolved if adequate information is avail-
able. The aim of the course will be to offer a scientific presentation of all
factors involved. It will deal with the physiology of marriage ; the psychological
and psychiatric aspects; the social and economic scene today in its relationship
to marriage and the home; and the adjustments when children tirst arrive. It
is planned to provide ample time for questions and discussion. The instructors
are medical doctors and trained psychologists.
MjBdical Science Facts and Fallacies
Dr. Frederick.
Friday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
A lecture and discussion course which will analyze a number of outstanding
health problems and indicate how they affect you. Lectures are trained profes-
sionals, specialists in their various fields, who will present the latest scientiiic
findings in a popular way for the layman, with exposure throughout of current
supersitious, cure-alls, and quackery. Specific diseases and treatments will be
discussed. Availability of medical care, compulsory health insurance, and pre-
ventive medicine will be surveyed from a social point of view.
What Is Philosophy
Instructor to be announced.
Monday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
The course is designed for the person with no previous formal knowledge of
philosophy. It will deal with philosophy as a way of understanding the world
we live in rather than as an academic subject concerned with "systems." The
class will be devoted largely to directed discussion dealing with the major prob-
lems of today, with continual reference to the solutions offered by the great
philosophers of the past and present, including Plato, Aristotle, Descartes,
Spinoza, Berkeley, Hume, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Russell, Dewey, and others. The
class will investigate the relationships of mind and matter, knowledge and
reality, philosophy and science, idealism and materialism, metaphysics and dia-
lectics. Such questions will be discussed in terms of the experience and vocabu-
lary of the class itself.
Development of Society
Frank Thomas.
Wednesday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
This course is an introduction to the scientific study of social change. It will
develop the theoretical background for the analysis of current problems. Topics
will include: Origin and development of capitalism; character and perspectives
of imperialism; the nature and objectives of fascism; the theory and practice of
socialism ; the state in modern society ; the modern labor movement ; tlie United
Nations and problems of world security.
Political Economy
Instructor to be announced.
Political economy is a three-semester (30 weeks) course which must be
taken in sequence.
Semester I, Tuesday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
This course will present the Marxist analysis of capitalist economy. Among
the (juestions to be discussed are: How did capitalism originate? What are
commodities, and what determines their value? How is price related to value?
What is the source of profit? What is the relationship between wages, prices,
- and profits?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 271
Dr. Leon Bigelman.
Semester II, Tuesday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
This course will continue the analysis of capitalist economy. Among the topics
to be discussed are: Factors determining the rate of profit; profit; interest and
banking ; the nature of rent ; the development of agriculture in capitalist society ;
the character and origins of economic crises.
Frank Thomas.
Semester III, Wednesday,. 8: 30-10 p. m.
This course will deal with the principles and laws of political economy as they
operate in this epoch of monopoly capitalism. Among the topics to be discussed
are: The nature and practice of monopoly capital; financial capital; the export
of capital ; the character of colonial exploitation ; international cartels ; problems
of world trade and the economic rivalry of imperialist powers ; imperialist war ;
imperialism and fascism.
Psychology — Psychology of Everyday Living
Rose N. Marshall.
Friday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
A presentation of some basic psychological concepts which motivate human
behavior. Will give an approach to the study of human adjustments. Topics
will include .scientific methods applied to human problems, the origin of the
family, family relationships, and sex and marriage. Lecture and group dis-
cussion method.
Child Development Courses
The cour.ses are planned to be of equal interest to parents, teachers, an,d every-
one specializing in child care. They will discuss the behavior and emotional
development of the child through infancy, early childhood, and the school years.
They will indicate the practical applications of the findings of outstanding
psychologists.
The Preschool Child
This course will be given in the spring term. It will concern itself with the
child from infancy to 6 years. Included in the discussion will be such things
as the child and the family ; the child in his neighborhood ; such problems as
sibling rivalry, social adjustments, bed wetting, fears, and night terrors!
The School-Age Child
Marjorie Leonard.
Monday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
The child through the years from six to twelve. Will treat his present per-
sonality adjustment as the result of his early training, his conflicts, typical
adolescent situations we can anticipate. The discussions will include classroom
difficulties resulting from conflicts in the home ; what recreation for children
(comics, radio, movies) ; what education should we demand for our children V
Film Studio Writing
While there is no substitute Jfor talent, where talent does not exist, it can be
aided in its expression by experienced criticism and advice.
Motion-Picture Direction
Irving Pichel, coordinator.
Thursday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $25.
Dealing with the speciflcs of film direction and production ; analysis of script
for shooting; break-down; casting; working with the actor; camera; dubbing
and scoring ; the approach of the writer, producer, and actor to the director.
Lectures will be as follows:
Story Preparation, Herbert Biberman.
Production Preparation, Vincent Sherman.
On the SVt, Frank Tuttle.
Acting, to be announced.
Acting, Irving Pichel.
Camera, Paul Ivano.
Cutting, Edward Dmytryk.
Production. Kenneth Macgowan.
Music, Hugo Friedhofer.
Summary, Irving Pichel.
272 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Motion Pictures — lUiision and Reality
Ben Barzinan, Karen Morley, Arnold Manoff. and othors.
Tuesday, S : 35-10 p. m.
Tuition, $6. Single session, $1.
Will survey the main aspects of motion pictures today as an industry and as
an art form. The topics to he discussed will include: How is a picture madeV
What do producers, actors, writers, directors, cutters, musicians, etc., do? What
is the history of the films from the days of the "flickers" to sound and color
today? Who owns the industry? Who controls it? How is content deter-
mined? What is the role of censorship? Why the star system? Tlie current
status of the guilds and unions. The role of motion pictures in international
politics.
The lecturers will be drawn from among prominent practicing professionals
in the tield.
Will be held at the Screen Cartoonists Hall, 6272 Yucca, corner Vine.
Screen Writing
The screen-writing program is set up in three semesters. The school i-ecog-
nizes the fact that there can be no substitute for actual writing in the learning
of this craft; however, the courses are designed to give basic instruction and
guidance to the serious student of screen writing. It is urged that the student
devote as much time as possible to outside writing in addition to class work.
There will be a definite progression of work in each class and, except in those
cases where the student can show that he is more advanced, he will be required
to take the courses in order.
Screen Writing I
Robert Lees.
Thursday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $21.50.
The lecture course on the basic approach to writing for the screen. The class
will include discussions of elements of the story, theme, idea, character, construc-
tion, motivation, suspense, humor, visual technique, continuity, dialogue, market-
ing, etc. Twenty Best Film Plays, by Gassner and Nichols, will be used as
textbook.
Screen Writing II
Val Burton.
Monday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
A workshop course in the practical application of the principles learned in
Screen Writing.
I. Tlie class will create and develop a specific screen story as a group project.
In discussion and with the guidance of the instructor, the class will construct a
story outline, build characters, and write scenes. Emphasis will be on the applica-
tion in practice of the basic material which was presented in Sci-een Writing I.
Prerequisite, Screen Writing I.
Screen Writing III
Stanley Rubin.
Tuesday 8 : 30^10 p. m.
Tuition $18.
A workshop course in the preparation of original stories for the screen. Stu-
dents will develop their own material under the guidance of the instructor and
with the help of class discussions. Production of material will be slanted toward
current markets. Enrollment limited. Admission will be on the basis of sub-
mission of current writing, screen or other, and interview, or in exceptional cases,
interview alone.
Radio Speech Technics
Vocha Fiske.
Monday, 7-8 : 80 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
An introductory course for nonprofessionals. Active group and individual
participation for (a) general social orientation to radio; (6) basic mike and
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 273
speech practice for public-address systems and broadcasting; (o) adequate line
reading; and {d) program-projects for community education. Emphasis, not on
personality exploitation or professional contracts, but upon acqv;iring com-
municative skill.
Uadio Writing Comedy
Louis Quinn.
Tuesday, 7-8: 30 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
A workshop course in radi<i comedy analysis and writing. It will cover all
types of comedy shows— situation comedy, gag writing, monologues, writing for
guest stars, and variety writing. Emphasis throughout will be on specific as-
signments oriented towards current shows and Stars.
Creative Writiiig and Composition
Monday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition,' $6,
A general course designed for those who are interested in writing hut who
are lacking in experience. Grammar will be discussed to meet the individual's
needs. A wide latitude of subject matter will be allowed. There will be writing
assignments and class criticism and discussion of material submitted.
Basic Journalism
Michael Simmons.
Monday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $6.
A workshop course offering practical instruction for those who aspire to
enter the newspaper field, or who desire to master technics which will aid them
in handling publicity for clubs, trade-unions, organizations, etc. Lectvires will
he supplemented by brief assignments, interviews, and press conferences with
opportunities for apt students to achieve publication. Demonstrations in lay-
out, make-up, and the mechanics of going to press.
Advertising Copy Writing
Helen Alcalay.
Friday, 8:30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
A workshop and open-forum course on advertising copy writing, covering the
techniques employed in radio commercials, direct-mail pieces, magazine and
newspaper advertising. Class assignments will include retail copy (with em-
phasis on fashions) and national campaigns (foods, cosmetics, automobiles, etc.).
Lectures will include ethics, Government regulations, copy trends.
Modern Novel
Guy Endore and John Sanford.
Friday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
Designed as a workshop course for serious students. An analysis of form,
structure, plot, character, theme. Reading fi'oni students' work in progress,
followed by classroom discussion and criticism. The place of the novel in our
changing society ; "ivory-tower" and "escape" novels ; the novel as material for
the screen.
Short Story
Wilma Shore.
Tuesday, 7 : 30-8 :30 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
A work.shop course. Analysis of students' stories by the class and the teacher,
individual criticism, discussion of short-story technique on the basis of sub-
mitted work. Form and content of short story considered in their dynamic
relationship. A realistic approach to problems of marketing.
274 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Modem Play Writing
Cliarles B. Millholland.
Friday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $18.
A worksliop course based on class assignments and work submitteil by students.
The course will cover the one-act play ; form and structure of the play, character
development: effective disguise; the role of "conflict"; special techniques and
demands of the theatre. Discussion will center about class criticism of students'
work.
Language Art: Spa7iiiih I
Gladys IMagy.
Thursday. 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $7.50.
A practical conversational course for beginners. The instructor will follow
the methods used in the Berlitz language schools. The emphasis will be on
reading and writing leading to an ability to read newspapers and the heritage of
Yiddish literature.
Spanish II
Gladys Magy.
Thursday. 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $7.50.
An intermediate course in practical Spanish for Americans. A continuation of
the course given last semester. Conversational Spanish will be stressed in con-
junction with more advanced grammar, reading, and writing.
Russian I
Lillya Sabsay.
Thursday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $7.50.
Practical Russian for Americans, emphasis throughout will be on conversa-
tional Russian. Elementary reading and writing will be given.
Russian II
Lillya Sabsay.
Thursday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $7.50.
An intermediate course in practical Russian for Americans. A continuation
of the course given last semester. Conversational Russian will be stressed in
conjunction with more advanced grammar, reading, and writing.
Yiddish
Freda Minowitz.
Thursday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $7.50.
This course is designed for students with an elementary conversational knowl-
edge of the Yiddish language. The history and development of the Yiddish lan-
guage will be discussed. Emphasis will be on reading and writing leading to an
ability to read newspapers and the heritage of Yiddish literature.
Art Yesterday and Today — an Appreciation Course
Moi Solotaroff.
Friday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Toward an understanding of the developments in painting from the mid-19th
century until today ; emphasizing the unique contributions of each school — the
impressionists, postimpressionists, Fauves, cubists, dadaists. abstractionists, ex-
pressionists, and surrealists — the new forms they discovered, the social roots of
their expression, and their background in cultural history.
Drawing for begin ne is
Emma Lou Davis,
^londay, 8-10 p. m.
Tuition, $10.
For the person who has always wanted to draw but has feared setting pencil
to paper. The purpose of this course is to relax the beginner's tension and
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 275
timidity and to teach him fundamentals of line, color, and arrangement. Breadth
and freedom and imaginative treatment are stressed. Mucli of the subject mat-
ter is abstract because abstraction is easier for a beginner. Will deal with the
simpler prnblems of rei)reseiitational drawing, perspective, how light and
shadow fall on objects.
Class limited to 15. Will be held outside the center. Registration prior to
first class is essential. Students will .supply own drawing materials.
Still life and pictorial com posit ion — a painting course
Ted Gillen.
Tuesday. 8-10 p. m.
Tuition, $10.
A course primarily designed to stimulate the student to the creative and
imaginative possibilities of painting pictures and finding self-expression through
knowledge of basic principles and technics. Various media will be utilized with
the emphasis on oils.
Class limited to 15. Will be held outside the center. Registration prior to
first class is essential. Students will supply own painting materials.
Portraiture
Joseph Chabot.
Monday and Tuesday, 8-10 p. m.
Tuition : Five weeks, $12..50.
Tuition : Ten weeks, $20, payable in advance.
This class will be held twice weekly, Mondays and Tuesdays. Students may
enroll for five weeks or for the full ten-week course.
Drawing and painting as direct interpretative medium, with accent on por-
traiture for both beginners and advanced students. Procedure will be through
the use of lectures, demonstrations, and drawing and painting from models.
Preliminary training is not essential as instruction is individual.
Class limited to 12. Will be held outside the center. Registration prior to
first class is essential. Students will supply own drawing materials.
Life class
Leon Saulter.
Wednesday, S-10 p. m.
Tuition, $15.
A figure is a Avonderful object to draw because it offers so many possibilities
for development. The aim will be : How can we get a drawing rather than a
mere anatomical representation from the experience of seeing the model? The
emphasis will be placed on the individual reaction to the model rather than on
the drawing of a representational or academic picture. Various media will
be utilized.
Class limited to 15. Will be held outside the center. Registration prior to
first class is essential. Students will supply own drawing materials.
Ceramics for beginners
Paquerette Pathe.
Saturday, 10-12 a. m.
Tuition, $15.
A workshop course emi)hasizing creative modeling in clay. The technics of
making pottery and art objects, including decoration, glazing, and firing will be
studied and practiced. All supplies will be furnished.
Class limited to 12. Will be held outside the center. Registration prior to
first class is essential.
SPECIAL COUKSES
Shortha7id
Alice Miles.
Classes will meet three times weekly, Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday^
7 : 45 to 9 : 45 p. m.
Tuition, $25; may be paid in three installments:
January 20 $10
February 8 10
February 17 5
276 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
An accelerated metlicxl of i)laiined instruction in Greg;,^ shorthand. This will be
an intensive course which, in 60 hours of instruction, should teach the beginner
to do 70 or more words per minute. Will be oriented towards work in motion
pictures and radio.
Students must be able to type.
Will be held outside the center.
Body BuiJding and Dance I
Paquerette I'athe.
Monday, 8 : 30-10 p. m.
Tuition, $10.
A coiirse designed for relaxation, enjoyment, and the personal experience of
various forms in the dance. It will include body building, pantomine, folk danc-
inii, and modern and ballet technics. It is for those who do not intend to aim
at a professional career in the dance field. ,
This class will be held outside the center.
Body BuiJding and, Dance — Advanced
Paquerette Pathe.
Monday, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $10. '
A course designed for those who have had Miss Pathe's course or who iiave had
other dance training. Technic on a more advanced level, elements of chore-
ography for individuals and groups, advanced pantomine.
This class will be held outside the center.
Music as Communication
Laurence Morton.
Tuesday. 8-9 : 30 p. m.
Tuition, $5.
These lectures will explore the avenues of communication between composers
and their audiences, and will attempt to reconcile the aesthetic attitude in listen-
ing to nmsic with the musicological and sociological attitudes. Discussions will
deal with the internal facts of music (substance, form, and structure) ; with the
external facts about music (history, customs, fashions, and social forces) ; and
with the relationships that make each the context for the other. The aim of the
course is to encourage an intelligent listening attitude recei^tive to the ideas
proclaimed in great nuisic.
Class will be limited in size. Will be held in a private home. This will be a-
five-session class. Registration prior to first class is essential.
What is This Thing Called Jazzf
Elliott Grennard.
Friday, 8 : 35-10 p. m.
Tuition, $6. Single admission, $1.
The serious jazz nmsicians themselves, in spite of their various approaches to
the sources of inspiration, steadfastly go about their business of making the
music, resolving their creative problems as they go. It is the serious listener who
is vexed by all manner of doubts. Is jazz America's musical language, or is it
a dialect? At what point does it become "commercial"? Does it have any con-
nection with Tin Pan Alley and "popular songs"? Is there such a thing as "ar-
ranged" jazz, or must it be improvised? Is "jive" its spoken language and "jit-
terbugging" its physical expression? And where does Frank Sinatra fit in?
Harry .James? Guy Lombardo? Or did jazz really die with King Oliver and
Jelly Roll Morton? ' Lectures will be illustrated with recordings.
Will be held at the Screen Cartoonist's Hall, 6272 Yucca Street.
BIOGRAPHIES
Jack Agins, M. D. : Has practiced gynecology and obstetrics for many years. Was
editor of several medical journals in Michigan and an oflicer of the Wayne
County Medical Association. Has lectured to university and lay audiences
on the general toi>ic of family and domestic relations.
Minna Agins: Born in the Ukraine, lived and received early education in the
Far East. Attended Columbia University ; B. A. from Cornell University.
Has lectured widely on the Soviet Union.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 277
Helen Alcalay: Advertising as'eiicy copy writer. Has written food, fashion,,
cosmetic, automotive, drug, soap, cleanseu, and used-car copy. liesponsible
for some of tlie most infuriating singing commercials on the air — but don't
admit which ones.
George Beller : Accountant, auditor, and business manager.
Helmer W. Bergman : Labor leader for many years ; member of IBEW-40
A. F. of L. ; chairman. Motion Picture Stewards Council.
Herbert Biberman: B. S., University of Pennsylvania. Attended Baker's 47
workshop, Yale University. Credits in the motion-picture industry as writer
of original stories, director, and is now associate producer.
Leo Bigelman, M. D. : Teacher and lecturer on social, economic, and political
questions. Formerly associated with the Workers School of Los Angeles and
numerous public forums.
Val Burton : Writer-producer at Universal. Among his screen credits are :
Lord JelT, On Their Own, the entire Henry Aldrich series. Glamor Boy, True
to the Army, Passport to Adventure.
Hugh Campbell : M. A., Berkeley. Has taught English for several years.
Joseph Chabot: Runner-up in the 1936 Chaloner prize competition in Paris and
has received numerous prizes in other contests. Worked for three years with
the Red Cross rehabilitation program.
Emma Lou Davis : Sculptor-painter. Made several large sculptures for Federal
Section of Fine Arts: resident artist at Reed College for three years. Repre-
sentee! in Whitney Museum in New York. Now designing and manufacturing
lamps, toys, and furniture.
Sidney Davison : Director of the Peoples Educational Center ; B. A., College
of the City of New York ; has taught and lectured on social subjects for a
period of years. Was in the United States Navy for four years.
Frank C. Davis : Ph. D., University of California 1931. Department of
psychology at University of California at Los Angeles 1931-45. Former di-
rector of education. Peoples Educational Center. Currently in private prac-
tice as a consulting psychologist.
Guy Endore: Author of Babouk, The Sword of God, The Known and Unknown
Lives of Cassanova ; translator of several foreign classics. Contributor of
articles and short stories to national publications. Coauthor of screen play
G. I. Joe. Author of best seller Methinks the Lady.
Neil Enochs: Director of /research, Chinese-American Bureau of Research.
Former editor of Los Angeles Chine.se Review. Authority on colonial affairs ;
former newspaperman, lecturer, and writer. Work in progress ; Indian
Policy — a History of United States Indian-White Relations.
William B. lilsterman : Labor attorney, member of law firm of Pestana & Ester-
man : attorney for Conference of Studio Unions.
Vocha Fiske: Has taught radio technics at University of California, Berkeley;
University of California nt Los Angeles summer sessions; and Los Angeles
City College; 1946 instructor for A. F. R. A.'s veteran refresher course.
Hugo Friedhofer ; Been composing and arranging for major studios since the
inception of sound. Has been orchestrator for Steiner and Korngold. Re-
ceived the 1945-46 best film score award from National Film Music Council
for score of Bandit of Sherwood Forest.
Ted Gilien : Formerly combat artist, United States Army, covering Southwest
Pacific, Philippines, and Japan ; painted Government murals : studied at Na-
tional Academy of Art and Art Students League, New York. Exhibiting at
American Contemporary Gallery.
Elliott Grennard : Has played piano professionally in bands, member of ASCAP ;
articles on jazz in Music 'ind Rhythm, PM, and New Masses; for three years
was music editor and critic of Billboard. Now writing fiction and is taking
time out for book on jazz — its main points will furnish basis of his lecture
series.
"Victor Kaplan : Labor attorney, member of law firm of Katz, Gallagher, and
Margolis.
Herbert Klynn : Cartoonist at present time. Commercial artists ; had own
advertising agency.
Robert T^es : Has been actively writing in motion picture industry for 12 years.
For the past 3 years has been luuler contract to Paramount. Latest credit:
Abbott and Costello, Buck Privates CV»me Home.
:278 COMMUNISM in motion picture industry
Marjorie Leonard : B. A. from U. C. L. A. ; graduate work at University of Berlin
and Stanford University ; studied psyclioanalysis at Institute of Psychoanalysis,
Berlin. Former director of tlie Child Study Center of Los Angeles. Psychol-
ogist and ijsychoanalyst .specializing in work with children.
Kenneth AlacGowan : Dramatic critic from 1910 to 1923 ; play producer from
1923 to 1931; motion-picture producer since 1932. Screen ci'edits include:
Easy Come Easy Go, Life Boat, Happy Lands, In Old Chicago, and Little
Woman. Head of theater arts department at U. C. L. A.
'Gladys xMagy : B. A., Oberlin College; M. A. in Spanish from N. Y. U. Worked
in OfHce of Inter-American Affairs.
Rose N. Marshall : University of Michigan ; M. S. W. from Smith College School
of Social Work. Twelve years' experience in New York and in military hos-
pitals as therapist with both children and adults. Currently in private prac-
tice as an adult and child therapist.
Alice Miles : Had own secretarial school in Santa Barbara. Has taught own
adaptation of Gregg shorthand in public schools and for the Army and Navy
during the war.
■Charles B. IMillholland : His play about Tolstoi, The Green Stick, won a prize;
acted lead in own play about Nijinsky, Faun, at Indianapolis Civic Theater.
Adapted his brother's book to the screen as Submarine Patrol. Author of
stage, screen, and radio success. Twentieth Century.
Freda Minowitz : Taught for Hillel Foundation in New York. Was on faculty
of Yiddish Scientific Institute and member of Jewish Education Committee of
New I'ork.
Laurence Morton : Has done orchestrating for major studios and radio net-
works. Music critic for Script magazine. Correspondent for Modern Music.
Has had articles in Hollywood Quarterly.
Louis Quinn : Radio writer for Radio Hall of Fame and Orson Welles. Two years
of writing and directing for Blue Network, in Hollywood.
Paquerette Pathe: Dancer and dancing teacher; was with Jooss Ballet. Has
taught in Los Angeles for many years. Established own ceramics studio and
factory 2 years ago.
Prank Pestana : Labor attorney, senior member of law firm of Pestana and Ester-
man : attorney for the C. S. U.
Irvin Pichel : Motion-picture director. Has been prominent for many years in the
New York stage. Has been both an actor and director in cinema. Recently
directed the Bride Wore Boots.
Stanley Rubin : Has written for Columbia Workshop, been writing for motion
pictures since 1939. Has iri credits for originals and screen plays. Wrote,
directed, and produced Army films. Produced at Universal. Now under con-
tract at Columbia.
Mildred Raskin: Executive secretary. Peoples Educational Center.
Lillya Sabsay : Born in the Crimea ; has taught private classes in Russian ; a
commercial artist at the present time.
John Sanford : Graduated from DeWitt Clinton High School in New York ; LL. B.
from Fordham University : practiced law in New York for a number of years.
Author of following novels : The Waterwheel, the Old Man's Place, Seventy
Times Seven, the People From Heaven.
Leon Saulter: Has been a sculptor for 15 years. Shows in American Con-
temporary Gallery, L. A. County Museum, and other local galleries.
Wilma Shore: Short stories published in Story, New Masses, McCall's, Accent,
and Good Housekeeping. Represented in O'Brien's Best Short Stories of 1941.
Michael Simmons : Former newspaper reporter, feature writer, magazine editor.
Now a screen \vriter : author of 25 feature films.
IMoi Solotaroff : Artist, stnge designer, teacher, and lecturer. Was director of the
Group Collective, New York.
Prank Thomas: INIa.iored in sociology and chemistry at Temple University. Has
taught and lectured on social subjects.
Milton Tyre: Labor attorney, member of law firm of Katz, Gallagher, and INIar-
golis.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 279
CLASS SCHE»UU:S, WINTER 194 7
Monday :
7-8 : 30 :
What Is Philosophy?
Basic Journalism.
Office Organization and Mimeographing.
Radio Speech Technics.
Dance, Advanced.
8 : 30-10 :
Screen Writing II.
Creative Writing.
School Age Child.
Dance I.
7 : 45-9 : 45 :
Shorthand.
8-10:
Beginning Drawing.
Portraiture.
Tuesday :
7-8 : 30 :
Jewish People Yesterday and Today.
Radio Comedy Writing.
Political Economy I.
8 : 30-10.
Political Economy II.
Short Story.
History of American Labor.
Motion Pictures.
Screen Writing III.
Illusion and Reality.
7 : 45-9 : 45 :
Shorthand.
8-10:
Still Life and Pictorial.
Composition.
Portraiture.
8-9 : 30 :
Music as Communication.
Wednesday :
7-8 : 80 :
Development of Society.
Review of the Week.
Public Speaking.
8 : 30-10 :
Political Economy III.
China — India — Colonial World.
Labor's Key Problems.
8-10:
Life Class.
2 : 30-4 :
Review of the Week.
Thursday :
8:30-10:
Yiddish.
Screen Writing I
Russian II.
Spanish II.
7 : 30-8 : 30 :
The Soviet Union — a New Civilization.
Marriage in Today's World.
Motion-PictiU'e Direction.
Russian I.
Spanish I.
7 : 45-9 :45 :
Shorthand.
280 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
CLASS SCHEDULES, WINTER 194 7 — Continued
Friday :
7-8 : 30 :
Art — Yesterday and Today.
Psychology of Everyday,
Living.
Piiivwriting.
8 : 30-10 :
Advertising Copywritlng.
Medical Science.
Facts and Fallacies.
Modern Novel.
What Is This Thing Called Jazz.
Saturday :
10 a. m.-12 m. :
Ceramics.
I hereby enroll for courses in
Name :
Miss
Mrs.
Mr.
Address :
City:
Zone :
Phone :
Occupation :
Affiliations :
I learned of the center through —
Advertising :
Circular:
Friend :
I am a former student of PEC .
I am enclosing a check or money order for $— — - — .
(Layout and typography by Paul Levine)
The Chairman. We stand recessed now until 2 o'clock,
(Whereupon, at 12 : 25 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 2 p. m.
of the same day.)
AFTERNOON SESSION
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Walt Disney is the first witness, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Disney, will you stand and fJiise your right
hand ?
Do 3^ou solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give shall
bo the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you
God?
Mr. Disney. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF WALTER E. DISNEY
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Disney, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address, please?
Mr. Disney. Walter E. Disney, Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Chicago, 111., December 5, 1901.
Mr, Stripling. December 5, 1901 ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 281
Mr. Disney. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Wluit is your occupation?
Mr. DiSNF.Y. Well, I am a pi-oducer of motion-picture cartoons.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the interrogation of Mr. Disney
will be done by Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Disney, how long have you been in that business?
Mr. Disney. Since 1920.
Mr. Smith. You have been in Hollywood during this time?
]Mr. Disney. I have been in Hollywood since 1923.
Mr. Smith. At the jn-esent time you own and operate the Walt Dis-
ney Studio at Burbank, Calif.?
Mr. Disney. Well, I am one of the owners. Part owner.
Mr. Smith. How many people are employed there, approximately?
Mr. Disney. At the present time about 600.
Mr. Smith. And what is the approximate largest number of em-
ployees you have had in the studio ?
Mr. Disney. Well, close to 1,400 at times.
Mr. Smith. Will you tell us a little about the nature of this par-
ticular studio, the type of pictures you make, and approximately
how many per year?
Mr. Disney. 'Well, mainly cartoon films. We make about 20 short
subjects, and about 2 features a year.
Mr. Smith. Will you talk jiist a little louder, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. How many, did you say ?
Mr. Disney. About 20 short subject cartoons and about 2 features
per year.
Ml-. Smith. And some of the characters in the films consist of
Mr. Disney. You mean such as Mickey Mouse and Donald Duck and
Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, and things of that sort.
Mr. Smith. Where are these films distributed ?
Mr. Disney. All over the world.
Mr. Smith. In all countries of the world ?
Mr. Disney. Well, except the Russian countries.
Mr. Smith. Why aren't they distributed in -Russia, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Well, we can't do business with them.
Mr. Smith. What do you mean by that?
Mr. Disney. Oh, well, we have sold them some films a good many
years ago. They bought the Three Little Pigs and used it through
Russia. And tliey looked at a lot of our pictures, and I think they
ran a lot of them in Russia, but then turned them back to us and said
they didn't want them, they didn't suit their purposes.
Mr. Smith. Is the dialogue in these films translated into the various
foreign languages
Mi\ Disney. Yes. On one film we did 10 foreign versions. That
was Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs.
Mr. Smith. Have j'OU ever made any pictures in your studio that
contained propaganda and that were propaganda films?
Mr. Disney. Well, during the war we did. We made quite a few —
working with different Government agencies. We did one for the
Treasury on taxes and I did four anti-Hitler films. And I did one
on my own for Air Power.
282 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith, From those pictures that you made have you any opin-
ion as to whether or not the films can be used effectively to disseminate
propa<zanda ?
IVIr. Disney. Yes, I think they proved that.
]\Ir. Smith. How do you arrive at that conclusion?
Mr. Disney. Well, on the one for the Treasury on taxes, it was to
let the people know that taxes were important in the war effort. As
they explained to me, they had 13.000,000 new taxpayers, people who
had never paid taxes, and they explained that it would be impossible
to prosecute all those that were delinquent and they wanted to put
this story before those people so they would get their taxes in early.
I made the film and after the film had its run the Gallup poll organi-
zation polled the public and the findings were that 29 percent of the
people admitted that had influenced them in getting their taxes in early
and giving them a picture of what taxes will do.
Mr. Smith. Aside from those pictures you made during the war,
have you made any other pictures, or do you permit pictures to be
made at your studio containing propaganda ?
Mr. Disney. No; we never have. During the war we thought it
was a different thing. It was the first time we ever allowed anything
like that to go in the films. We watch so that nothing gets into the
films that would be harmful in any way to any group or any country.
We have large audiences of children and different groups, and we try
to keep them as free from anything that would offend anybody as pos-
sible. We work hard to see that nothing of that sort creeps in.
Mr. Smith. Do you have any people in your studio at the present
time that you believe are Communist or Fascist, employed there?
Mr. Disney. No; at the present time I feel that everybody in my
studio is 100 percent American.
Mr. Smith. Have you had at any time, in your opinion, in the past,
have you at any time in the past had any Communists employed at
your studio?
Mr. Disney. Yes ; in the past I had some people that I definitely feel
were Communists.
Mr, Smith. As a matter of fact, Mr. Disney, you experienced a
strike at your studio, did you not?
Mr. Disney. Yes.
Mr. Smith. And is it your opinion that that strike was instituted
by members of the Communist Party to serve their purposes?
Mr. Disney, Well, it proved itself so with time, and I definitely
feel it was a Communist group trying to take over my artists and they
did take them over.
The Chairman, Do you say they did take them over?
Mr. Disney. They did take them over.
Mr. Smith. Will you explain that to the committee, please?
Mr. Disney. It came to my attention when a delegation of my boys,
my artists, came to me and told me that Mr. Herbert Sorrell
"Mr, Smith, Is that Herbert K, Sorrell?
Mr, Disney, Herbert K, Sorrell, was trying to take them over, I
explained to them that it was none of my concern, that I had been
cautioned to not even talk with any of my boys on labor. They said
it was not a matter of labor, it was just a matter of them not wanting
to go with Sorrell, and they had heard that I was going to sign with
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 283
Sorrell, and they said that they wanted an election to prove that Sorrell
didn't have the majority, and I said that I had a right to demand an^
election. So when Sorrell came I demanded an election.
Sorrell wanted me to sign on a bunch of cards that he had there that
he claimed were the majority, but the other side had claimed the same
thing. I told Mr. Sorrell that there is only one way for me to go and
that was an election and that is what the law had set up, the National
Labor Relations Board was for that purpose. He laughed at me and
he said that he would use the Labor Board as it suited his purposes
and that he had been sucker enough to go for that Labor Board ballot
and he had lost some election — I can't remember the name of the
place — by one vote. He said it took him 2 years to get it back. He said
he Avould strike, that that was his weapon. He said, "I have all of the
tools of the trade sharpened," that I couldn't stand the ridicule or the
smear of a strike. I told him that it was a matter of principle with
me, that I couldn't go on working with my boys feeling that I had
sold them down the river to him on his say-so, and he laughed at me
and told me I was naive and foolish. He said, you can't stand this
strike, I will smear you, and I will make a dust bowl out of your plant.
The Chairman. What was that?
Mr. Disney. He said he would make a dust bowl out of my plant if
he chose to. I told him I would have to go that way, sorry, that lie
might be able to do all that, but I would have to stand on that. The-
result was that he struck.
I believed at that time that Mr. Sorrell was a Communist because of
all the things that I had heard and having seen his name appearing
on a number of Connnie front things. When he pulled the strike the
first people to smear me and put me on the unfair list were all of the
Commie front organizations. I can't remember them all, they change
so often, but one that is clear in my mind is the League of Women
Voters,"*^ the Peoples World, the Daily Worker, and the PM Magazine
in New York. They smeared me. Nobod}^ came near to find out what
the true facts of the thing were. And I even went through tlie same:
smear in South America, through some Commie periodicals in Soutli
America, and generally throughout the world all of the Commie
groups began smear campaigns against me and my pictures.
Mr. McDowell. In what fashion was that smear, Mr. Disney, what
type of smear?
Mr. Disney. Well, they distorted everything, they lied; there was
no way you could ever counteract anything that they did : they formed
picket lines in front of the theaters, and, well, they called my plant a
sweat-shop, and that is not true, and anybody in Hollywood would
prove it otherwise. They claimed things there were not true at all
and there was no way you could fight it back. It was not a labor prob-
lem at all because — I mean, I have never had labor trouble, and I think
that would be backed up by anybody in Hollywood.
Mr. Smith. As a matter of fact, you have how many unions operat-
ing in your plant?
The 'Chairman. Excuse me just a minute. I would like to ask a
question.
Mr. Smith. Pardon me.
*^ See appendix, pp. 534-5.S8. for exhibit ."iS. lieinK letter from Walter F. Disney to the
Committee on Un-American Activities correcting this to read "League of Women Shoppers. "^
284 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. In other words, Mr. Disney, Communists out there
smeared you because you wouldn't knuckle under ?
Mr. Disney. I wouldn't go along with their way of operating. I
insisted on it going through the National Labor Relations Board. And
he told me outright that he used them as it suited his purposes.
The Chairman. Supposing you had given in to him, then what
would have been the outcome ?
Mr. Disney. Well, I would never have given in to him, because it
was a matter of principle with me, and 1 fight for principles. My
boys have been there, have grown up in the business with me, and I
didn't feel like I could sign them over to anybody. They were vul-
nerable at that time. They were not organized. It is a new industry.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. How many labor unions, approximately, do you have
operating in your studies at the present time?
Mr. Disney. Well, we operate with around 35 — I think we have
contacts with 30.
Mr. Smith. At the time of this strike you didn't have any grievances
or labor troubles whatsoever in your plant?
Mr. Disney. No. The only real grievance was between Sorrell and
the boys within my plant, they demanding an election, and they never
got it.
Mr. Smith. Do you recall having had any conversations with Mr.
Sorrell relative to communism ?
Mr. Disney. Yes, I do.
Mr. Smith. Will you relate that conversation ?
Mr. Disney. Well, I didn't pull my punches on how I felt. He
evidently heard that I had called them all a bunch of Communists —
and I believe they are. At the meeting he leaned over and he said,
"You think I am a Communist, don't you," and I told him that all
I knew was what I heard and what I had seen, and he laughed and
said, "Well, I used their money to finance my strike of 1937," and he
said that he had gotten the money through the personal check of some
actor, but he didn't name the actor. I didn't go into it any further.
I just listened.
Mr. Smith. Can you name any other individuals that were active
at the time of the strike that you believe in your opinion are Com-
munists ?
Mr. Disney. Well, I feel that there is one artist in my plant, that
came in there, he came in about 1938, and he sort of stayed in the
background, he wasn't too active, but he was the real brains of this,
and I believe he is a Communist. His name is David Hilberman.
Mr, Smith. How is it spelled? ^
Mr. Disney. H-i-1-b-e-r-m-a-n, I believe. I looked into his record
and I found that. No. 1, that he had no religion and. No. 2, that he
had spent considerable time at the Moscow Art Theater studying aft
direction, or something.
Mr. Smith. Any others, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Well, I think Sorrell is sure tied up with them. If he
isn't a Communist he sure should be one.
Mr. Smith. Do you remember the name of William Pomerance,
did he have anything to do with it ?
Mr. Disney. Yes, sir. He came in later. Sorrell put him in charge
as business manager of cartoonists and later he went to the Screen
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 285
Actors as their business agent and in turn he put in another man by
the name of Maurice Howard, the present business agent. And they
are all tied up with the same outfit.
Mr. Smith. What is your opinion of Mr. Pomerance and Mr.
Howard as to whether or not they are or are not Communists ?
Mr. Disney. In my opinion they are Communists. No one has any
way of proving those things.**^
Mr. Smith. Were you able to produce during the strike?
Mr. Disney. Yes, I did, because there was a very few, very small
majority that was on the outside, and all the other unions ignored all
the lines because of the set-up of the thing.
Mr. Smith. What is your personal opinion of the Communist Party,
Mr. Disney, as to whether or not it is a political party?
Mr. Disney. Well, I don't believe it is a political party. I believe
it is an un-American thing. The thing that I resent the most is that
they are able to get into these unions, take them over, and represent
to the world that a group of people that are in my plant, that I know
are good, 100-percent Americans, are trapped by this group, and they
are represented to the world as supporting all of those ideologies, and
it is not so, and I feel that they really ought to be smoked out and
shown up for what they are, so that all of the good, free causes in
this country, all the liberalisms that really are American, can go out
without the taint of communism. That is my sincere feeling on it.
Mr. Smith. Do you feel that there is a threat of communism in the
motion -picture industry I
Mr. Disney. Yes, there is, and there are many reasons why they
would like to take it over or get in and control it, or disrupt it, but
I don't think they have gotten very far, and I think the industry is
made up of good Americans, just like in my plant, good, solid
Americans.
My boys have been fighting it longer than I have. They are trying
to get out from under it and they will in time if we can just show
them up.
Mr. Smith. There are presently pending before this committee two
bills relative to outlawing the Communist Party. What thoughts
have you as to whether or not those bills should be passed?
Mr. Disney. Well, I don't know as I qualify to speak on that. I
feel if the thing can be proven un-American that it ought to be out-
lawed. I think in some way it should be done without interfering
with the rights of the people. I think that will be done. I have that
faith. Without interfering, I mean, with the good, American rights
that we all have now, and we want to preserve.
Mr. Smith. Have you any suggestions to offer as to how the indus-
try can be helped in fighting this menace?
Mr. Disney. Well, I think there is a good start toward it. I know
that I have been handicapped out there in fighting it, because they
have been hiding behind this labor set-up, they get themselves closely
tied up in the labor thing, so that if you try to get rid of them they
make a labor case out of it. We must keep the American labor unions
clean. We have got to fight for them.
■•« See appendix, p. 538, for exhibit 59, being letter from Walter E. Disney to the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities, dated November 3, 1947.
67683—47 19
286 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith. That is all of the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
Mr. Disney. Sir?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions. You have been a good witness.
Mr. Disney. Thank you.
The Chairman. Mr, Disney, you are the fourth producer we have
had as a witness, and each one of those four producers said, generally
speaking, the same thing, and that is that the Communists have made
inroads, have attempted inroads. I just want to point that out be-
cause there seems to be a very strong unanimity among the producers
that have testified before us. In addition to producers, we have had
actors and writers testify to the same. There is no doubt but what the
movies are probably the greatest medium for entertainment in the
United States and in the world. I think you, as a creator of enter-
tainment, probably are one of the greatest examples in the profession.
I want to congratulate you on the form of entertainment which you
have given the American people and given the world and congratu-
late you for taking time out to come here and testify before this com-
mittee. He has been very helpful.
Do you have any more questions, Mr. Stripling ?
Mr. Smith. I am sure he does not have any more, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Stripling. No ; I have no more questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Disney.
The Chair would like to aniiounce that the witnesses on Monday
will be Mr. Eric Johnston, Mr. Koy Brewer, John Howard Lawson,
Dalton Trumbo, Mr. Alvah Bessie, and Mr. Emmett Lavery.
We stand adjourned until Monday.
(\Vhereupon, at 2 : 30 p. m., an adjournment was taken until 10 : 30
a. m., Monday, October 27, 1947.)
HEARINGS REGAEDINCt THE COMMUNIST INFILTRA-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
MONDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washing ton^ D. C.
The committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man), presiding.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, H. A. Smith, and Robert B. Craston, investi-
gators; and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. Everyone please
take their seats.
The record will show that a subcommittee is present, consisting of
Mr. Vail, Mr. McDowell, and Mr. Thomas.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness, Mr. Chairman, is Mr. John
Howard Lawson.
The Chairman. Mr. Lawson.
Mr. Kenny. Mr, Chairman, if you will recall, at the outset of this
hearing Mr. Crum and I made a motion to quash the subpenas ad-
dressed to Mr. Lawson and some 18 other witnesses whom we repre-
sent. You indicated at that time that this would be the appropriate
occasion at which to present our arguments for the quashing of the
subpenas, on the ground that this committee is illegal and unconstitu-
tional, both in the manner in which the authority given to it by the
Congress has been executed, and by the terms of that authority itself.
Can we proceed at this time with that motion ? Also, Mr. Crum has
a motion relating to the recalling of certain witnesses, with an oppor-
tunity to examine them.
I would like to present the motion to quash first, Mr. Chairman, if
you please.
The Chairman. Mr. Kenny, didn't you give us a brief in connection
with that motion ?
Mr. Kenny. There has been a brief submitted. However, I would
like the opportunity to argue it orally, to point out to the committee
that it has no legal or constitutional power to proceed and that there-
fore
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Kenny (continuing). These motions should be quashed.
The Chairman. Just a minute.
Mr. Kenny, do you have any additional information that was not
in the brief ?
287
288 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Kenny. I think we have additional information based on the
conduct of the
The Chaikman. Well, do you have it ?
Mr. Kenxy. Oh, yes.
Mr. Crum. We have it here.
The Chairman. I am listening to Mr. Kenny.
Mr. Kenny. We do, based on the conduct of this committee last
week. We think two additional evidences of the illegality of this
committee came out :
1. In attempts by members of the committee to dictate to various
producers the content of films that are to be produced; and
2. An effort indicated by questioning to induce the motion-picture
producers to create a blacklist, to hire men not on the basis of ability,
but on the basis of political beliefs.
Now, both of these, we say, indicate an unconstitutional purpose,
a purpose to invade the domain protected by the first amendment,
which is the provision that Congress shall pass no law invading the
freedom of speech or of conscience. And as to
The Chairman. Those two points, then, constitutes your additional
information?
Mr. Kenny. Those two, plus, of course — we have a statement on
that which we could file.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Just a minute.
Mr. Kenny, aside from any statement that you may have, your
additional points are the two that you mentioned, that is, dictation
and the creation of a blacklist ; that is correct, is it?
Mr. Kenny. Those are the points.
We said at the outset that this committee was illegal and
u nconstitutional
The Chairman. I know. All right, Mr. Stripling, you may be
heard.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the point which Mr. Kenny has set
forth — if he has a remedy it is in the courts of the land and not before
a committee of Congress. A committee of Congress can no more set
aside a law than it can do any other thing. Therefore, Mr. Kenny
should go into court, if he seeks any remedy on the points which
he has submitted to the committee. I see no point for the committee
to interrupt its proceedings to permit Mr. Kenny to stand up and
make a lot of points which he knows are out of order before this
tribunal.
Mr. Kenny. Just one brief response to that, and that is : The
committee is the servant of the Constitution, just as much as the
citizen is, and certainly Congress should be given the opportunity,
or any committee of Congress, to consider whether or not it is pro-
ceeding constitutionally.
It is quite true, as Mr. Stripling says, that the courts are open,
but I believe that the first opportunity should be given the person
who first is accused of proceeding illegally.
Now, the committee has this opportunity at this time to consider
the basic constitutional principles under which it is proceeding, and
I think it would be the first time that this committee ever has done that.
I think, if we are given that opportunity, the committee might well
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 289
rule with us, if they can hear our arguments out and give them full
consideration.
The Chairman. All right, Mr. Kenny, we have read your brief very
carefully. In view of the additional points, however, which you bring
up, why, the committee will now take under consideration the whole
question, not only based on your original brief, but also these addi-
tional points.
The committee will go into executive session until we have concluded.
Mr. Ckum. Mr. Cliairman, may I ask that you consider our motion
to cross-examine — ■ — ■
The Chairman. The meeting will be in recess. The committee will
leave tlie room and go into executive session.
Mr. Crum. May we hand these to you, Mr. Chairman ?
Tho Chairman. Yes ; glad to have them.
Mr. Crum. Thank you.
(The comittee went into executive session.)
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Kenny, this is the unanimous decision of this subcommittee. It
is the decision on the brief which you submitted, plus the two addi-
tional points.
Mr. Kenny. Yes.
The Chairman. No committee of Congress has the ri^ht to establish
it own legality or constitutionality. A committee of Congres cannot
disqualify itself from the provisions of the law. We operate under
Public Law 601. We cannot set aside this law to suit the convenience
of certain witnesses or their counsel. As a former attorney general
of the State of California you certainly know that your remedy, if
any, is in the courts.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Crum. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Stripling. Mv. John Howard Lawson.
Mr. Crum. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. I am sorry-
Mr. Crum. May I request the right of cross-examination ?
I ask you to bring back and permit us to cross-examine the witnesses,
Adolph Menjou, Fred Niblo, John Charles Moffitt, Richard Macauley,
Rupert Hughes, Sam Wood, Ayn Rand, James McGuinness
The Chairman. The request
Mr. Crum. Howard Rushmore ■
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Crum. Morrie Ryskind, Oliver Carlson
The Chairman. The request is denied.
Mr. Crum. In order to show that these witnesses lied.
Tlie Chairman. That request is denied.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Strii'Ling. John Howard Lawson.
(John Howard Lawson, accompanied by Robert W. Kenny and
Bartley Crum take places at witness table.)
The Chairman. Stand and please raise your right hand.
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Lawson. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
290 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
TESTIMONY OF JOHN HOWARD LAWSON
Mr. Lawson. Mr. Chairman, I have a statement here which I wish
to make
The Chairman. Well, all right ; let me see your statement.
(Statement handed to the chairman.)
Mr. Stripling. Do you have a copy of that?
Mr. Crum. We can get you copies.
The Chairman. I don't care to read any more of the statement.
The statement will not be read. I read the first line.
Mr. Lawson. You have spent 1 week vilifying me before the
American public
The Chairman. Just a minute
Mr. Lawson. And you refuse to allow me to make a statement on
my rights as an American citizen.
The Chairman. I refuse you to make the statement, because of the
first sentence in your statement. That statement is not pertinent to
the inquiry.
Now, this is a congressional committee — a congressional committee
set up by law. We must have orderly procedure, and we are going
to have orderly procedure.
Mr. Stripling, identify the witness.
Mr. Lawson. The rights of American citizens are important in this
room here, and I intend to stand up for those rights. Congressman
Thomas.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson, will you state your full name, please?
Mr. Lawson. I wish to protest against the unwillingness of this
committee to read a statement, when you permitted Mr. Warner, Mr.
Mayer, and others to read statements in this room.
My name is John Howard Lawson.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present address ?
Mr. Lawson. 9354 Burnett Avenue, San Fernando, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born?
Mr. Lawson. New York City.
Mr. Stripling. What year?
Mr. Lawson. 1804.
Mr. Stripling. Give us the exact date.
Mr. Lawson. September 25.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson. you are here in response to a subpena
which was served upon you on September 19, 1947 ; is that true ?
Mr. Lawson. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. That subpena called for your appearance before
the committee on October 23, at 10 : 30 a. m. ; is that correct? ^'^
Mr. Lawson. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling.. Did you receive the following telegram on October
11, addressed to you, Mr. John Howard Lawson, 9354 Burnett
Avenue, San Fernando, Calif. ?
Mr. Lawson. I did.
Mr. Stripling. I haven't read the telegram yet.
In response to the subpena served upon you summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, in Washington, D. C, on October 23, you are hereby directed to appear
on October 27 instead of October 23, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., room 226, Old
House Office Building.
" See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit 60.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 291
Signed : "J. Parnell Thomas, chairman."
Did yon receive that telegram ?
Mr, Lawson, I did.
Mr. Stripling. You are here before the committee in response to
this subpena and in response to this summons in the form of a tele-
gram from the chairman?
Mr. Lawson. I am.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation, Mr. Lawson?
Mr. Lawson. I am a writer.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a writer ?
Mr. Lawson. All my life — at least 35 years — my adult life.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Lawson. The raising of any question here in regard to member-
ship, political beliefs, or affiliation
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Lawson. Is absolutely beyond the powers of this committee.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Lawson. But
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Lawson. It is a matter of public record that I am a member of
the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Stripling. I ask
[Applause.]
The Chairman. I want to caution the people in the audience : You
are the guests of this committee and you will have to maintain order
at all times. I do not care for any applause or any demonstrations of
one kind or another.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Chairman, I am also going to request that
you instruct the witness to be responsive to the questions.
The Chairman. I think the witness will be more responsive to the
questions.
Mr. Lawson. Mr. Chairman, you permitted-
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Never mind-
Mr. Lawson (continuing). Witnesses in this room to make answers
of three or four or five hundred words to questions here.
The Chairman. Mr. Lawson, you will please be responsive to these
questions and not continue to try to disrupt these hearings.
Mr. Lawson. I am not on trial here, Mr. Chairman. This com-
mittee is on trial here before the American people. Let us get that
straight.
The Chairman. We don't want you to be on trial.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson, how long have you been a member of
the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Lawson. Since it was founded in its present form, in 1933.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever held any office in the guild ?
Mr. Lawson. The question of whether I have held office is also a
question which is beyond the purview of this committee.
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Lawson. It is an invasion of the right of association under the
Bill of Rights of this country.
The Chairman. Please be responsive to the question.
Mr. Laavson. It is also a matter
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
292 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Lawson. Of public record-
. The Chairman. You asked to be heard. Through your attorney,
you asked to be heard, and we want you to be heard. And if you
don't care to be heard, then we will excuse you and we will put the
record in without your answers.
Mr. Lawson. I wish to frame my own answers to your questions, Mr.
Chairman, and I intend to do so.
The Chairman. And you will be responsive to the questions or you
will be excused from the witness stand.
Mr. Lawson. I will frame my own answers, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I repeat the question, Mr. Lawson :
Have you ever held any position in the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Law^son. I stated that it is outside the purview of the rights of
this committee to inquire into any form of association
The ChxMrman. The Chair will determine what is in the purview
of this committee.
Mr. Lawson. My rights as an American citizen are no less than the
responsibilities of this committee of Congress.
The Chairman. Now, you are just making a big scene for yourself
and getting all "het up". [Laughter.]
Be responsive to the questioning, just the same as all the witnesses
have. You are no different from the rest.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Lawson. I am being treated differently from the rest.
The Chairman. You are not being treated differently.
\ Mr. Law^son. Other witnesses have made statements, which included
quotations from books, references to material which had no connection
whatsoever with the interest of this committee.
The Chairman. We will determine whether it has connection.
/;v Now, you go ahead
' Mr. Lawson. It is absolutely beyond the power of this committee
to inquire into my association in any organization.
! The Chairman. Mr. Lawson, you will have to stop or you will leave
I the witness stand. And you will leave the witness stand because you
are in contempt. That is why you will leave the witness stand. And
if you are just trying to force me to put you in contempt, you won't
have to try much harder. You know what has happened to a lot of
people that have been in contempt of this committee this year, don't
A you ?
Mr. Lawson. I am glad you have made it perfectly clear that you
are going to threaten and intimidate the witnesses, Mr. Chairman.
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Lawson. I am an American and I am not at all easy to intimi-
date, and don't think I am.
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson, I repeat the question. Have you ever
I held any position in the Screen Writers Guild?
I Mr. Lawson. I have stated that the question is illegal. But it is a
matter of public record that I have held 'many offices in the Screen
Writers Guild. I was its first president, in 1933, and I have held
office on the board of directors of the Screen Writers Guild at other
times.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 293
Mr. Stripling. You have been employed in the motion-picture in-
dustry ; have you not ?
Mr. Lawson. I have.
Mr. Stripling. Would you state some of the studios where you have
been employed?
Mr. Lawson. Practically all of the studios, all the major studios.
Mr. Stripling. As a screen writer?
Mr. Lawson. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. Would you list some of the pictures which you have
written the script for ?
Mr. Lawson. I must state again that you are now inquiring into the
freedom of press and communications, over which you have no control
whatsoever. You don't have to bring me here 3,000 miles to find out
what pictures I have w^ritten. The pictures that I have written are
very well known. They are such pictures as Action in the North
Atlantic, Sahara-
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson-
Mr. Lawson. Such pictures as Blockade, of which I am very proud
and in which I introduced the danger that this democracy faced from
the attempt to destroy democracy in Spain in 1937. These matters
are all matters of public record.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson, would you object if I read a list of the
pictures, and then you can either state whether or not you did write
the scripts ?
Mr. Lawson. I have no objection at all.
Mr. Stripling. Did you write Dynamite, by M-G-M ?
Mr. Lawson. I preface my answer, again, by saying that it is outside
the province of this committee, but it is well known that I did.
Mr. Stripling. The Sea Bat, by M-G-M?
Mr. Lawson. It is well known that I did.
Mr. Stripling. Success at Any Price, RKO ?
Mr. Lawson. Yes ; that is from a play of mine, Success Story.
Mr. Stripling. Party Wire, Columbia?
Mr. LxVwsoN. Yes; I did.
Mr. Stripling. Blockade, United Artists, Wanger?
Mr. Lawson. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. Algiers, United Artists, Wanger ?
Mr. Lawson. Correct.
Mr. Stripling. Earth Bound, Twentieth Century Fox.
Mr. Lawson. Correct.
]Mr. Stripling. Counterattack, Columbia.
Mr. Lawson. Correct.
Mr. Stripling. You have probably written others; have you not,
Mr. Lawson ?
Mr. Lawson. Many others. You have missed a lot of them.
Mr. Stripling. You don't care to furnish them to the committee,
do you ?
Mr. Lawson. Not in the least interested.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lawson, are you now, or have you ever been
a member of the Communist Party of the United States ?
Mr. Lawson. In framing my answer to that question I must em-
phasize the points that I have raised before. The question of com-
munism is in no way related to this inquiry, which is an attempt to get
294 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
control of the screen and to invade the basic rights of American citizens
in all fields.
Mr. McDowell. Now, I must object
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Lawson. The question here relates not only to the question of
my membership in any political organization, but this committee is
attempting to establish the right
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Lawson (continuing). Which has been historically denied to
any committee of this sort, to invade the rights and privileges and
immunity of American citizens, whether they be Protestant, Metho-
dist, Jewish, or Catholic, whether they be Republicans or Democrats
or anything else.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Mr. Lawson, just quiet down
again.
Mr. Lawson, the most pertinent question that we can ask is whether
or not you have ever been a member of the Communist Party. Now,
do you care to answer that question ?
Mr. Lawson. You are using the old technique, which was used in
Hitler Germany in order to create a scare here
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Oh
Mr. Lawson. In order to create an entirely false atmosphere in
which this hearing is conducted
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Lawson. In order that you can then smear the motion-picture
industry, and you can proceed to the press, to any form of communi-
cation in this country.
The Chairman. You have learned
Mr. Lawson. The Bill of Rights was established precisely to prevent
the operation of any committee which could invade the basic rights
of Americans.
Now, if you want to know
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the witness is not answering the
question.
Mr. Lawson. If you want to know
(The chairman pounding gavel.) •
Mr. Lawson. About the perjury that has been committed here and
the perjury that is planned.
The Chairman. Mr. Lawson
Mr. Lawson. You permit me and my attorneys to bring in here the
witnesses that testifie^l last week and you permit us to cross-examine
these witnesses, and we will show up the whole tissue of lie
The Chairman (pounding gavel). We are going to get the answer
fTo that question if we have to stay here for a week.
Are you a member of the Communist Party, or have you ever been
a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Lawson. It is unfortunate and tragic that I have to teach this
committee the basic principles of American
The Chairman (pounding gavel). That is not the question. That
is not the question. The question is : Have you ever been a member
of the Communist Party?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 295
Mr. Lawson. I am framing my answer in the only way in which
any American citizen can frame his answer to a question which abso-
lutely invades his rights.
The Chairman. Then you refuse to answer that question; is that
correct?
Mr. Lawson. I have told you that I will offer my beliefs, affiliations,
and everything else to the American public, and they will know where
I stand.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Excuse the witness
Mr. Lawson. As they do from what I have written.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Stand away from the stand
Mr. Lawson. I have written Americanism for many years, and I
shall continue to jfight for the Bill of Rights, which you are trying to
destroy.
The Chairman. Officers, take this man away from the stand
[Applause and boos.]
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . There will be no demonstrations.
No demonstrations, for or against. Everyone will please be seated.
All right, go ahead, Mr. Stripling. Proceed.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the committee has made exhaustive
investigation and research into the Communist affiliations of Mr. John
Howard Lawson. Numerous witnesses under oath have identified
Mr. Lawson as a member of the Communist Party.
I have here a nine-page memorandum which details at length his
affiliations with the Communist Party and its various front
organizations.
I now ask that Mr. Louis J. Russell, an investigator for the com-
mittee, take the stand.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, raise your right hand, please.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Russell. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr. Stripling. In order to give the committee the type of affilia-
tions that Mr. Lawson has had with the Communist Party, I should
like to refer, Mr. Chairman, to an article which appeared in the Daily
Worker, the official organ of the Communist Party. This article is
dated September 6, 1985, and appears on page 5 of the Daily Worker.*^
Under the headline "Artists, writers," it says :
We cannot let the Daily go under —
referring to the Daily Worker. It says :
Need for Dally Worker has grown a thousand times since 1934.
By John Howard Lawson. The article bears a picture of Mr.
Lawson, and it appears on the front page of the Daily Worker.
Under the Daily Worker heading, the following language appears :
The Daily Worker — central organ of the Communist Party of the United
States, section of the Communist International.
I have here, Mr. Chairman, another article from the Daily Worker
by John Howard Lawson, dated February 26, 1935, page 5 : ^^
The Story of William Z. Foster, a tribute on the occasion of his fifty-fourth
birthday, by John Howard Lnwson.
** See appendix, p. .5.^9, for exhibit 61.
*» See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit 62.
296 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I have here, Mr. Chairman, over 100 exhibits showing Mr. Lawson's
affiliations witli the party.
I see no point in taking the committee's time in reading each exhibit.
If the Chair desires, I will read the nine-page memorandum, after Mr.
Russell has testified. I will submit copies o^ this
The Chairman. Without objection, they will be made a part of the
record.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, you have been sworn in this hearing;
have you not ?
Mr. Russell. I have.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. EUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Your name is Louis J. Russell?
Mr. Russell. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. You are a member of the investigative staff of the
Committee on Un-American Activities ?
Mr. Russell. I am.
Mr. Stripling. You were formerly with the FBI for 10 years ?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Were you detailed to make an investigation as to the
Communist Party affiliations of John Howard Lawson ?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. What did your investigation disclose?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation and the in-
vestigation conducted by the committee, we were furnished — or I
was — with copies of Communist Party registration cards pertaining
to certain individuals for the year 1941.
The Chairman. Speak louder, please.
Mr. Russell. One of those cards bears the number "47275" and is
made out in the name of John Howard Lawson, 4542 Coldwater Can-
yon ; city, Los Angeles ; county, Los Angeles ; State, California. There
is a notation contained on this registration card : "New card issued on
December 10, 1944." Other information contained on this card, which
referred to the personal description of the John Howard Lawson men-
tioned, on Communist Party registration No. 47275 — the descrip-
tion is as follows :
Male, white. Occupation, writer. Industry, motion pictures. Mem-
ber of CIO-A. F. of L. "Independent union or no union," "Independ-
ent union" is checked. There is a question asked on this registration
card: "Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker?" The answer,
"Yes," is checked.^"
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Now, Mr. Chairman, what is the committee's pleasure with regard
to the nine-page memorandum ? Do you want it read into the record
or do you want it made a part of the record ?
The Chairman. The committee wants you to read it.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Information From the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
United States House of Representatives, on the Communist Affiliations
OF John Howard Lawson
John Howard Lawson is a screen writer and one of the most active Com-
munists in the Hollywood movie industry. He has written the following scripts :
^ See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit 63.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 297
Dynamite (M-G-M) ; The Sea Bat (M-G-M) ; Blushing Brides (M-G-M) ; Ship
From Shangliai (M-G-M); Bachelor Apartment (Radio Films); Success at
Any Price (RKO-Radio), 1934; Goodbye Love (RKO-Radio), 1934; Treasure
Island (M-G-M), 1934; Party Wire (Columbia), 1935; Blockade (United Artists-
Wanger), 1938; Algiers (United Artists- Wanger), 1938; They Shall Have Music
(United Artists-Goldwyn), 1939; Four Sons (20th Century-Fox), 1940; Earth-
bound (20th Century-Fox), 1940; Sahara (Columbia), 1943; Counterattack
(Columbia), 1945.
The files of the House Committee on Un-American Activities show that —
1. Rena M. Vale, a former member of the Communist Party and a screen writer,
testified before the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on July 22,
1940, that Mr. Lawson had been identified to her as a Communist Party member
when she met him at a Communist Party fraction meeting. She further testified
that Mr. Lawson during the meeting gave advice on inserting the Communist
Party line into drama. The State legislative committee investigating un-Amer-
ican activities in California has cited Mr. Lawson as "one of the most important
Marxist strategists in southern California," in its 1945 report, page 118. The
California report notes on the same page that Rena M. Vale also testified before
the State legislative committee and that the witness identified Lawson as a
member of the Communist Party fraction of the Screen Writers Guild who had
given advice on the Communist Party program in the writing of the play. Sun
Rises in the West. The State legislative committee states further, in its 1947
report, page 260, that Mr. Lawson directed a Communist bloc of about 65 mem-
bers in local 47, the Hollywood local of the American Federation of Musicians,
AFL, between the years 1937 and 1940.
2. The Communist Party has been publicly defended by John Howard Lawson.
The Daily Worker, in an article on April 16, 1947, page 2, and reprinted in the
Sunday edition of April 20, 1947, page 8, announced that Mr. Lawson was one
of the signers of a statement opposing any legislative "attempts to restrict the
activities of the Communist Party. The organization sponsoring the state-
ment was the Civil Rights Congress, which the House Committee on Un-Ameri-
can Activities, in a report published September 2, 1947, declared to be "dedi-
cated not to the broader issues of civil liberties, but specifically to the defense
of individual Communists and the Communist Party." The Civil Rights Congress
is now defending such persons as Gerhart Eisler, an agent of the Communist
International convicted of passport fraud, and Eugene Dennis, Communist Party
general secretary, convicted of contempt of Congress. The Civil Rights Con-
gre.ss is the successor to the International Labor Defense, foi'mer legal arm of
the Communist Party, according to former At1;orney General Francis Biddle.
John Howard Lawson also came to the support of the Communist Party on an-
other occasion, according to the Daily Worker for March 18, 1945, page 2. Mr.
Lawson was listed in this issue as one of the signers of a statement hailing a
War Department order allowing military commissions for Communists. Sponsor
of the statement was the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, which
was cited as a Communist front organization by former Attorney General
Biddle. Biddle pointed out the organization's defen.se of such prominent Com-
munist leaders as Sam Darcy and Robert Wood, party secretaries for Penn-
sylvania and Oklahoma, respectively. The organization was also cited as a
Conuuunist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on June
25. 1942. and March 29. 1944.
3. John Howard Lawson has given his support to a number of individual
Communist.s. The People's World, official west coast Communist organ, reported
on October 22, 1942, page 2, that Mr. Lawson was backing Mrs. LaRue Mc-
Cormick, a candidate for the California State Senate on the Connnunist Party
ticket. Mr. Lawson was one of the signers of a statement in defense of the
Comintern agent Gerhart Eisler, according to the Daily Worker for February
28, 1JM7. page 2. The organization sponsoring this statement in behalf of Eisler
was the Civil Rights Congress.
Mr. Chairman, would it be agreeable if Mr. Gaston read the re-
mainder of this memorandum? It is single-spaced, nine pages, and
if I have to question additional witnesses today it is going to be quite
a burden on my voice. I ask that he be permitted to read it.
The Chairman. All right, Mr. Gaston; you may proceed with it.
298 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
Mr. Lawson was a sponsor of the Schappes Defense Committee, according to
an undated letterliead of the organization. This committee worked for the
release of Morris U. Scliappes, an avowed Communist teacher convicted of per-
jury in New York City, and tlie organization was cited as a Communist front
by the Special Connnittee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. Mr.
Lawson was also a signer of an open letter which the Schappes Defense Com-
mittee sent to New York Gov. Thomas Dewey in an effort to have Schappes
pardoned. This fact was reported in the New York Sun, September 27, 1944. Mr.
Lawson was a member and sponsor of the Citizens Committee for Harry Bridges,
according to an organization letterhead dated September 11, 1941. Bridges, who
led the disastrous San Francisco general strike of 1934, was identified as a Com-
munist Party member by the Daily Worker itself. The Daily Worker of February
13, 1937, page 2, announced Mr. Lawson as a signer of a cable sent to the Brazilian
Chamber of Deputies on behalf of Luis Carlos Prestes, former member of the
Communist International Executive Committee and a Brazilian Communist
leader, and on behalf of Arthur Ewert, another Comintern representative and a
former Communist deputy of the German Reichstag, both of whom vpere im-
prisoned by the Brazilian Government in connection with an attempted revolt.
The cable was sent under the auspices of the Joint Committee for the Defense
of Brazilian People, which was organized specifically for the defense of Com-
munist Prestes and Ewert.
4. John Howard Lawson has long been affiliated with the Communist Party's
official organ, the Daily Worker. On May 18, 1D34, page 1, the Daily Worker
headlined the arrest of its "correspondent" John Howard Lawson for "being
present" at a trial of strike leaders in Birmingham, Ala., printed a long story
by Lawson on the trial. Lawson's story eulogized one of the strike leaders, whom
he identified as a Communist Party organizer. He reported that the organizer
at on6 point in the trial told the court in ringing stones that "The Communist
Party is actively participating in strike struggles and building a powerful trade-
union movement * * * in order to establish a Soviet America as part of the
world struggle of the toiling masses for communism." This article was the basis
of a libel suit against Lawson, according to the Daily Worker which appeared
later (June 7, 1934, p. 1). This later issue of the Daily Worker also claimed
that the arrest of liawson in Birmingham had been aimed at driving the Daily
Worker from the South. The Daily Worker oflicially listed Mr. Lawson as one
of its contributors in the issue of December 21, 1935, page 3. Mr. Lawson has
contributed articles to the publication as recently as June 1, 1947, page 7. Mr.
Lawson's support of the publication has also included appeals for financial aid.
In the issue of September 6, 1935, he wrote that he wished "to add my voice to
the appeal of the Daily Worker for a $60,000 sustaining fund." The same article,
appearing on page 5, refers to the Soviet Union as "the great toiler for peace."
5. Other Communist publications have also received support from John Howard
Lawson. New Masses is an official Communist weekly magazine. Mr. Lawson
has been listed as, a contributing editor in New Masses issue for October 1927,
page 3; December 15, 1936, page 35; January 5, 1937, page 23; February 18.
1941, page 30; January 27, 1942, page 24; and April 30, 1940, page 2. The
People's World is an official west-coast Communist paper. According to the
Daily Worker for April 15, 1946, page 11, Mr. Lawson served as chairman of a
meeting held on April 9, 1946, in Los Angeles under the auspices of the People's
World. The Worker reported that in his speech at the meeting, Mr. Lawson
called for an end to fear of the word "Marx." A prowar press conference held
in behalf of the People's World on August 4, 1943, in Los Angeles was endorsed
by Mr. Lawson, according to tlie issue of the People's World for July 9, 1943. On
June 24, 1944, the People's World reported that Mr. Lawson had praised the
paper. Mainstream is a literary magazine which has been promoted by the
Communist press and which advertises itself in the Daily Worker as a "Marxist
literary quarterly" (Daily Worker, June 11, 1947, p. 4). Mr. Lawson is listed
as a member of the editorial board of Mainstream, according to the issue of
Political Affairs for November 1946. The 1947 winter issue of Mainstream carries
an article by Mr. Lawson on page 23. On June 11, 1947, Mr. Lawson, together
with Hanns Eisler, composer of The Comintern, addressed a meeting sponsored
by Mainstream in New York City, according to a leaflet put out by the publication.
6. John Howard Lawson has been affiliated with numerous organizations whose
principal purpose was the defense of Communists. He served as treasurer of
both the National Committee- for the Defense of Political Prisoners and the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 299
National Committee for People's Rights, according to letterheads of these organ-
izations. Attorney General Francis Biddle (in the Congressional Record, Septem-
ber 24, 1942, p. 7686) stated that the "National Committee for the Defense of
Political Prisoners is substantially equivalent to International Labor Defense,
legal arm of the Communist Party" and pointed out that the organization had
defended such Communists as Earl Browder and Angelo Herndon. "In Januaiy
1938," the Attorney General went on to say, "its (National Committee for the
Defense of Political Prisoners) name was clianged to the National Committee
for People's Rights." The Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited the
National Committee for Defense of Political Prisoners as a Communist front
on June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944, and cited the National Committee for
People's Rights as a Communist front on the same dates.
7. The Internatonal Labor Defense, in addition to being identified as the legal
arm of the Communist Party by Attorney General Biddle, has been cited for its
Communist character by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Prof.
John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom, Massachusetts House Committee
on Un-American Activities and the California Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities. The official publication of the organization which defends Communists
is called the Labor Defender. John Howard Lawson was a contributing editor to
the Labor Defender, according to an issue of the publication for October 1936,
page 3. Jolin Howard Lawson also served as a sponsor of the Sleepy Lagoon
Defense Committee, which was supported by the International Labor Defense,
according to a letterhead of August 9, 1944. In addition, the California State
Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities has noted that Mr. Lawson
was a sponsor of the Citizens Committee for the Defense of Mexican-American
Youth (194.5 report, p. 195). The latter committee was the predecessor of the
Sleepy Lagoon Defense Committee and was avowedly organized by La Rue
McCormick. one-time Communist candidate for California State senator.
8. John Howard Lawson endorsed legislation sponsored by the American Com-
mittee for Protection of the Foreign Born, according to the Daily Worker for
April 11, 1938, page 5. The committee, which specializes in defending foreign-
born Communists like Gerhart Eisler and Harry Bridges, was cited as a Com-
munist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on June 25,
1942, and March 29. 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural
Freedom in Ajn-il 1940. iNIr. Lawson was also a member of the American Com-
mittee for Anti-Nazi German Seamen, according to a committee letterhead dated
January 8, 1939. Tlie organization was engaged in defending German seamen
active in distributing Communist literature in Germany. New Masses for De-
cember 6, 1938, page 20, reports that Mr. Lawson was one of the signers of a
telegram sent to Peru pleading for the release of Communist political prisoners
in that country.
9. John Howard Lawson has shown an active interest in the Soviet Union.
The Daily Worker of April 28, 1938, page 4, shows that Mr. Lawson was a
signer of a statement by the American Progressives Defending the Moscow
Trials, which was the usual name affixed to a series of trials then being held
in the Soviet Union for numerous opponents of dictator Stalin. It has been
established that these trials had for their aim the purging of all political enemies
of Josef Stalin and his political cohorts, although the Communist press por-
trayed the subjects of these trials as being counter-revolutionists and collabora-
tors with Great Britain in an attempt to overthrow the Soviet regime by fur-
nishing militai-y information to alleged British espionage agents.
10. The National Council of American-Soviet Friendship was cited as a Com-
munist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March
20, 1914. Mr. Lawson acted as a sponsor of a reception for Mikhail Kalatozv,
Soviet film representative, which Was held in Hollywood on August 22. 1943,
under the auspices of the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship.
According to the Daily Worker for July 5, 1943. page 4, Mr. Lawson also signed
a statement defending the film. Mission to Moscow, which had been charged
by a number of authorities on the Soviet Union with being distorted and un-
reliable. The statement was promoted by the National Council of American-
Soviet Friendship.
11. Soviet Russia Today was the oflScial monthly publication of the Friends
of Soviet Union, tiie predecessor of the National* Council of American-Soviet
Friendship. The magazine was cited as a Communist front hv the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944. John
Howard Lnvson contril>uted to Soviet Russia Today, according to the issue
of the publication for March 1935, page 9. The same publication of September
SOO COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
1939, pase 25, listed Mr. Lawson as one of the signers of an Open Letter
for Closer Cooperation with the Soviet Union. The publication for November
1937, page 79, records the name of Mr. Lawson as one of tlie signers of a Golden
Book of American Soviet Friendship.
12. The American Council on Soviet Relations has been cited by Attorney
General Francis Biddle as a Communist front (Congressional Record, Septem-
ber 24, 1942, p. 7688) and has received the same citation from the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on Mar 29, 1942. Prof. John Dewey's Special
Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940 characterized the organization
as under Communist control, influence, or in collaboration with the Communist
Party. One of the signers of an open letter sent to the president of the American
Council on Soviet Relations was John Howard Lawson, according to an official
folder of the council.
13. Many Communist-front organizations which supported Soviet foreign policy
were backed l>y John Howard Lawson. .The American League Against War and
Fa'scism was active in support of Soviet foreign policy against the democracies
between 1932 and 1937. It has been cited by Attorney General Biddle as an or-
ganization seeking "to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy
adapted to the interests of the Soviet Union" (Congressional Record, Septem-
ber 24, 1942). The Special Committee on Un-American Activities has cited this
organization as subversive on January 3, 1940, and March 29, 1944. The Daily
Worker for June 27, 1934, page 1, reveals that Mr. Lawson was a speaker at a
were backed by John Howard Lawson. The American League Against War and
Fascism. Mr. Lawson was a sponsor of the New York City Conference Against
War and Fascism, which was organized by the American League Against War
and Fascism, according to the Daily Worker for January 11, 1937, page 2. Mr.
Lawson has also contributed to Fight, the official publication of the American
League Against War and Fascism, according to as issue of Fight for October
1934, page 3. The league was dedicated to an openly treasonable program.
14. When the Communist line changed in favor of a united front of the democra-
cies against the Fascist aggressors, the Communists in America formed a successor
to the American League Against War. and Fascism in 1937, known as the American
League for Peace and Democracy. The theatrical subsidiary of the American
League for Peace and Democracy was the Theatre Arts Committee, which was
cited as a Communist front by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Free-
dom in April 1940. The Theatre Arts Committee was also affiliated with the
League of Workers Theatres, a section of the International Union of the Revolu-
tionary Theatre with headquarters in Moscow. John Howard Lawson was a
member of the advisory council of the Theatre Arts Committee, according to an
undated letterhead of the organization.
15. After the Stalin-Hitler Pact was signed in 1939, the Communists estab-
lished the American Peace Mobilization, which opposed lend-lease, aid to Britain,
the defense program, and picketed the White House. It also supported a number
of strikes in defense industries. The organization has been cited as a Communist
front by the Attorney General Francis Biddle, by the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities, and tlie California Committee on Un-American Activities.
An official program listed John Howard Lawson as a sponsor of a meeting held
by the American Peace Mobilization in New York City on April 5 and 0, 1941.
16. Among the new Communist fronts that sprang up when the Soviet Union
and the United States were allies in a war against fascism was the Artists' Front
to Win the War, which made its debut at a ma.ss meeting at Carnegie Hall in
New York City on October 16, 1942. The organization was cited as a Communist
front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944.
The official program for the mass meeting at Carnegie Hall listed John Howard
Lawson as one of the sponsors. Thus, Mr. Lawson has publicly avowed his al-
legiance to the line of the Communist Party during four distinctly divergent
periods.
17. At the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International, held in
Moscow in 1935, George Dimitroff, general secretary, called upon all affiliated
Communist parties to make the greatest efforts in behalf of the campaign of the
Spanish Communists during Spain's civil war. A number of pro.iects were organ-
ized by American Communists in response to this request. Among them were
the Medical Bureau and North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy,
cited as subversive by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on
April 21, 1943, and March 29, 1944, and the American Society for Technical Aid
to Spanish Democracy, cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. John Howard Lawson served as
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 301
secretary and as a member of the board of directors of the American Society for
Technical Aid to Spanish Democracy, according to the issues of New Masses for
February 1(5, 1937, page 28, January 19, 1937, page 25, January 26, 1937, page 32,
and an organizational letterliead dated February 19, 1937. Mr. Lawson was one
of the patrons of a benefit performance and dance sponsored by the Manhattan
chapter of the Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy, according to an un-
dated announcement of the dance, held May 22, 1937. On a letterhead dated
April 29, 1939, the Medical Bureau and North American Committee to Aid Spanish
Democracy announced that Mr. Lawson was a member of its theater-arts
committee.
18. The American Committee to Save Refugees was part of the Communist cam-
paign for Spanish Communists anil was cited as a Commiuiist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The organiza-
tion provided transportation and support for international Communist agents
such as Gerhart Eisler. John Howard Lawson was the signer of a statement
siionsored by the American Connnittee to Save Refugees, according to an undated
leaflet of the organization entitled "For the Rescue of Refugees."
19. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee likewise is engaged in providing
transportation and support for international Communist agents like Gerhart
Eisler. It was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities on March 29, 1944. It was cited for contempt of Congress
on April 16. 1946, and its leaders were convicted in a Federal court on June 27,
1947. John Howard Lawson was one of the sponsors of a dinner held by the
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee in New York on October 27, 1943, according
to a dinner program.
20. The League of American Writers was an affiliate of the International Union
of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, and the league was
pledged to the defense of the Soviet Union and the use of "art as an instrument
of the class struggle." This organization was cited as a Communist front by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3, 1940, June 25,
1M2, and March 29, 1944. Attorney General Francis Biddle said that "The overt
activities of the League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt
of its Communist control" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 7686).
The league was founded at a Congress of American Revolutionary Writers held
April 26 through 28, 1935 in New York City. The Daily Worker for January 18,
1935, page 5, reveals that John Howard Lawson was one of the signers of the
call for this Congress of American Revolutionary Writers. The Daily Worker
for April 29. 1935, pages 1 and 2. further revealed that Mr. Lawson presented a
reading of Technique in the Drama at this writers' congress. Mr. Lawson was
listed as a member of the executive committee of the League of American Writers
in the Dally Worker for April 30. 1935, and as vice president of the League of
American Writers in New Masses for June 17, 1941, page 10. and the Daily
Worker for September 14, 1942, page 7. A statement sponsored by the league
in behalf of a second front was signed by Mr. Lawson according to the Daily
Worker for September 14, 1942, page 7. A statement signed by John Howard
Lawson appears on page 67 of a league pamphlet entitled "We Hold These Truths."
Mr. Lawson was a signer of the call to the second biennial meeting of the League
of American Writers, according to New Masses for May 4, 1937, page 25. Mr.
Lawson signed the call for the third congress, also, according to the magazine.
Direction, for May-.June 19.39. page 1. Mr. Lawson signed the call for and also
attended the fourth congress of the league which was held in New York June 6
through June 8, 1941, according to New Masses for June 17, 1941, pages 9-10, and
for April 22, 1941, page 25.
21. The League of American Writers operated a writers' school at 1717 North
Vine Street in Hollywood. The People's World for February 11, 1943. page 5,
listed Mr. Lawson as a lecturer at the writers' school.
22. At this same time, the Communists were operating a Los Angeles workers'
school. Eva Shafran. a Communist organizer, was the director, and La Rue
McCormick. who was a candidate for California State senator on the Communist
Party ticket, served on the board of directors. According to official literature
of the school. John Howard Lawson taught at the Los Angeles workers' school
in 1943. 1&44. and 1945.
23. The People's Educational Center in Los Angeles also was Communist-
directed. It was started in the fall of 1943 with a loan of .$1,000 from the writers'
school of the League of American Writers and it received a rather complete
Communist library from the Los Angeles workers' school. The People's Educa-
6768.3 — 47 20
302 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
tional Center has been cited as a Communist-front organization by the joint fact-
finding committee on un-American activities of tlie California Legislature and
records show that numerous members of the faculty and staff of the People's
Educational Center were card-holding members of the Communist Party, among
them Carl Winters, Eva Shafran, Mildren Raskin, and Bruce Minton. A booklet
announcing the curriculum of the center for the winter of 1947 lists John Howard
Lawson as a member of tlie board of directors of the People's Educational
Center. Also leaflet America's lOtli Alan lists John Howard Lawson as a lecturer
for a series starting September 20, 1944.
24. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization was the name given to the Holly-
wood League of American Writers after the League of American Writers could
no longer conceal its Communist domination. The original pledge of the League
of American Writers to defend the Soviet Union and to use "art as an instru-
ment of the class struggle" is now the basis upon which the policies of the Hully-
wood Writers JMobilizarion are founded. John Howard Lawson is a member of
the editorial board of the Hollywood Quarterly, a publication sponsored by the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, according to the 1947 report of the California
State legislative committee investigating un-American activities (p. 107). The
Hollywood Citizen News for January 13, 1947. lists John Howard Lawson as the"
proposer of a plan adopted by the Hollywood Writers ^lobilization to set up a
committee to investigate any investigators of Communist influence in the movie
industry.
Mr. McDowell. Wait a minute. Read that again. I didn't get
tliat last statement.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
The Hollywood Citizen News for January 13, 1947, lists John Howard Lawson
as the proposer of a plan adopted by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization to set
up a committee to investigate any investigators of Communist influence in the
movie industry. Mr. Lawson presented the plan at a meeting of the mobiliza-
tion on January 12, 1947, in the El Patio Theater in Hollywood, the newspaper
reported. Mr. Lawson also served on the general committee in charge of a
writers'- congress held by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization at the University
of California at Los Angeles October 1 through 3, 1943, according to an ofiicial
program of the congress.
25. Book Union, Inc., is a Communist book-of-the-month club, which was
launched at the initiative of International Publishers, a Communist publishing
house. The Book Union was closely associated with the League of American
Writers and was cited for Communist character by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities on Marcb 29, 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Com-
mittee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. John Howard Lawson is listed as
a member of the advisory council of the Book Union in an' undated letterhead of
the organization. The letter offered members the book, Soviet. Communism :
A New Civilization?
26. The American Youth for Democracy is the oflicial successor of the Young
Communist League. It has been the sub.iect of a report by the House Committee
on Un-American Activities which described its character in detail. Its "sinis-
ter purposes" have been denounced by the director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (Congressional Record, Mar. 24, 1947, p. A1298). John Howard
Lawson is listed as a national sponsor of the American Youth for Democracy
in the organization's publication, the Spotlight, for April 1944, page 19.
27. The New Theatre was the official monthly magazine of the League of
Workers Theatres, a section of the International Union of Revolutionary Theatre,
with headquarters in Moscow. The league was used to present Communist
propoganda plays and to raise funds for Communist purposes. The magazine
was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on March 29. 1944. John Howard Lawson contributed to the New
Theatre of June 1935. page 10. and he is listed as a contributing editor in the
issues for February 1934, page 3, and Novemb'^r 19^14, page 11.
28. The New Theatre League was a successor of the League of Workers
Theatres. It was formed in January 1935 and was cited for its Communist char-
acter by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944,
and by Prof. .Tohn Dewey's Committee f<n- Cultural Freedom in April 1940.
It also pi'esented Communist propaganda plays and raised funds for Comnuanist
purposes. The New Theatre League published the Theatre Workshop on which
John Howard Lawson served as -a contributing editor, according to an issue of
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 303
the publication for January 1937. Ttie Daily Worker for April 23, 1936, page 5,
reported that Mr. Lawson sent greetings to the biennial national conference of
the New Theatre League in Philadelphia.
29. The Theatre Union was one of the affiliates of the League of Workers
Theatres, which in turn was tied to the Moscow-directed International Union of
the Revolutionary Theatre. Theatre Union reflected the current line of the
Communist Party in its propaganda and was used to raise funds for Communist
purposes. It produced plays by such writers for New Masses as George Sklar
and Albert Maltz. A leaflet of the Theatre Union announced that John Howard
Lawson was a member of its advisory board.
30. Frontier Films were producers and distributors of pro-Communist films,
including a film on the Communist-led strike at the x\llis-Chalmers plant in Mil-
waukee. The organization was headed by the following contributors to the Com-
munist press : Albert Maltz, Kyle Crichton, Irving Lerner, Clifford Odets, Edwin
■ Rolfe, and George Seldes. It was cited for a Communist character by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by Professor John
Dewey's Connnittee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Daily Worker for
April 6, 1937, page 9, shows that John Howard Lawson was a member of the
staff of Frontier Films.
31. The Hollywood Democratic Committee was the successor of the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League, which was organized by Isaac Romaine, alias V. J. Jerome, a
member of the central committee of the Communist Party. An official ballot of
July 26, 1944, lists John Howard Lawson as a candidate for the executive board
of the Hollywood Democratic Committee. The People's World for August 3,
1943, reported that Mr. Lawson enunciated a program of action for the Holly-
wood Democratic Committee at a meeting of the committee in 1943.
32. The Independent Citizens Committee ol the Arts, Sciences, and Professions
has been charged with being Communist-dominated by Harold Ickes and other
liberals, who previously had supported it. It was cited as a Communist front by
the House Committee on Un-American Activities on September 2, 1947. John
Howard Lawson was a member of the board of directors of the Hollywood branch,
according to the 1947 report of the California Committee on Un-American Activi-
ties, page 297.
33. The Progressive Citizens of America was founded as a frankly pro-Com-
munist group as a result of the split in the Independent Citizens Committee of
the Arts, Sciences, and Professions after Harold Ickes and other liberals had
condemned the Independent Citizens Committee as Communist-dominated. The
Progressive Citizens of America was cited as a Communist front by the House
Committee on Un-American Activities in a report of June 12, 1947. An official
ballot of February 11, 1947, listed John Howard Lawson as a candidate for
membership on the executive board of the southern California chapter of the
Progressive Citizens of America. An official pamphlet of the organization also
listed Mr. Lawson as a sponsor of the second State-wide legislative conference
of the Progressive Citizens of America, held on February 15, 1947, in the Cali-
fornia Junior High School, Sacramento, Calif.
34. John Howard Lawson has won favor in official Communist circles on a
number of occasions. The Communist Party's official organ in this country, the
Daily Worker, on October 18, 1935, page 5, lauded Mr. Lawson as one of the per-
sons who have forced the attention of "bourgeois critics"' on a left cultural move-
ment which has "established the revolutionary theater in the top flight of dramatic
art." The Daily Worker identified the revolutionary theater as one that "claims
* * * that the theater is a weapon in the class struggle." On June 8, 1947,
page 11, the Daily Worker carried a sympathetic interview of Mr. Lawson by the
Daily Worker's film critic, David Piatt. Two of Mr. Lawson's plays. Marching
Song and Saga Center, were heralded in International Litei-ature, No. 6, 1935,
page 104. International Literature is the official organ of the International
Union of Revolutionary Writers, which has its headquarters in Moscow.
35. The writings of John Howard Lawson himself have indicated his closeness
to the Communist Party. In an article in New Theater magazine, November 1934,
page 12, Mr. Lawson bluntly asserts that "as for myself, I do not hesitate to say
that it is my aim to present the Communist position, and to do so in the most
specific manner." "This is what I believe to be a correct approach," he writes.
His article was concerned with the technique and approach of playwrights.
Mr. Lawson stresses the influence on playwriting by Marx and Engels, the
founders of the Communist philosophy, in his book Theory and Technique of
Playwriting, published in New York in 1938. On pages 45 through 48 he describes
304 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
the theories of Marx and Engels as they affect playwriting and challenges criticism
which has been leveled against the theories. "The success of the Russian Ravolu-
tion, and the rapid economic and cultural growth of the Soviet Union, have cen-
tered the world's attention on the theories of Marx," Mr. Lawson also points out.
The rise of the revolutionary theater is hailed by Mr. Lawson in an article which
appeared in the New Theater magazine for June 1, 1934, pages 6 and 7. Mr. Law-
son criticizes Broadway theater productions, saying that "Broadway is sick
because it represents a sick bourgeoisie * * *" and predicting that "the re-
actionary theater will continue to show signs of decay * * *." He states that
the "revolutionary theater is on the threshold of its vital growth" and asserts that
"creative work draws its whole inspiration and meaning from the vital forces of
its period ; in our day, the vital forces at work are the growing strength of the
revolution, the upsurge of a new class * * *." Mr. Lawson concludes at an-
other point that "there is only one direction in which the drama can move forward :
it must join the march of the advancing working class ; it must keep pace with
the quickening momentum of the revolution."
The Communist Party line was also advanced in the screen play which
Mr. Lawson wrote for the movie, Blockade, according to the California Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities in its 1945 report, page 118.
The Chairman. Will the investigators suspend for just a minute?
John Howard Lawson refused to answer the question, "Are you a
member of the Communist Party or have you ever been a member
of the Communist Party?" and other questions put to him. Tliere-
fore, it is the unanimous opinion of this subcommittee that John
Howard Lawson is in contempt of Congress.
Therefore, this subcommittee recommends to the full commit-
tee that John Howard Lawson be cited for contempt of Congress
and that appropriate resolutions be referred to the House of
Kepresentatives.
The committee will go into recess now. The next witness at 2 o'clock
will be Mr. Eric Johnston.
(Thereupon, at 11 : 50 a. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m. of the
same day.)
AFTER RECESS
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The first witness will be Mr. Eric Johnston. Mr. Johnston, take
the stand, please.
(Mr. Eric Johnston, accompanied by Mr. Paul V. McNutt, counsel,
Motion Picture Association, take places at witness table.)
The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand, please ?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Johnston. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Johnston, are you represented by counsel ?
Mr. Johnston. I am.
Mr. Stripling. Do you desire counsel ?
Mr. Johnston. Mr. McNutt has been hired by the Motion Picture
Association. He is here with me.
Mr. Stripling. As a witness, do you desire counsel ?
Mr. Johnston. As a witness, I do not need counsel.
Mr. Stripling. For what purpose will Mr. McNutt serve ?
Mr. Johnston. Mr. McNutt represents the association. I think it
is wise for him to stay here with me.
Mr. Stripling. You are the witness.
Mr. Johnston. That is right.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 305
Mr. Stripling. And you don't desire counsel yourself ?
Mr. Johnston. No.
The Chairman, Well, if he would feel any better by having Mr.
McNutt next to him, why, it will be all right for Mr. McNutt to sit
next to him.
]Mr. Johnston. He may need to hold my hand, Mr. Stripling.
The Chairman. Go ahead with the questioning. Identify the wit-
ness and the counsel.
TESTIMONY OF ERIC ALLEN JOHNSTON
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Johnston, will you state your full name and
present address ?
Mr. Johnston. My name is Eric Allen Johnston. My home is in
Spokane, Wash. My pi'esent address is 3101 Woodland Drive, Wash-
ington, D. C.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Johnston I was born in Washington, D. C., December 21, 1895.
Mr. Stripling. Wliat is your present occupation ?
]SIr. Johnston. I am president of the Motion Picture Association
of America.
Mr. Stripling. Will you explain to the committee what the Motion
Picture Association of America is ?
Mr. Johnston. The Motion Picture Association of America includes
the larger companies in the motion-picture industry. Would you like
me to name them?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; I would.
Mr. Johnston. Warner Bros., Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Twentieth-
Century-Fox, RKO, Columbia, International-Universal, Goldwyn — I
think I have mentioned them all.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Johnston, beginning last Monday, the com-
mittee opened hearings on alleged Communist infiltration into the
motion-picture industry. Last week we heard over 20 witnesses, people
who are very prominent in the motion-picture industry — not a bunch
of discredited individuals, but I would say people who are tops in
their particular field. They came before the committee and made
certain allegations which the committee heard, as is the procedure of
congressional committees.
Now, you are here today as the spokesman for the Motion Picture
Association of America; is that true?
Mr. Johnston. That is right.
Mv. Stripling. You have a statement, I believe, that you would
like to read to the committee ?
Mr. Johnston. I do. May I ?
Mr. Stripling. I suggest that he submit the statement, Mr.
Chairman.
Mr. Johnston. Will you submit the statement, please ?
(Statement handed the chairman.)
Mr. Stripling. I further suggest that he be permitted to read it.
The Chairman. Mr. Johnston, this statement is pertinent to the
inquiry?
Mr. Johnston. Yes; it is.
The Chairman. And the committee is unanimous in permitting you
to go ahead and read it.
306 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Johnston. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I'm not here to try to whitewash Hollywood, and I'm not here to
help sling a tar brush at it, either.
I want to stick to the facts as I see them.
There are several points I'd like to make to this committee.
Tlie first one is this: A damaging impression of Hollywood has
spread all over the country as a result of last week's hearings. You
have a lot of sensational testimony about Hollywood. From some of
it the public will get the idea that Hollywood is running over with
Communists and communism.
I believe the impression which has gone out is the sort of scare-head
stuff which is grossly unfair to a great American industry. It must
be a great satisfaction to the Communist leadership in this country to
have people believe that Hollywood Communists are astronomical in
number and almost irresistible in power.
Now, what are the facts? Not everybody in Hollywood is a Com-
munist. I have said before that undoubtedly there are Communists
in Hollywood, but in my opinion the percentage is extremely small.
I have had a number of close looks at Hollywood in the last 2 years,
and I have looked at it through the eyes of an average businessman.
I recognize that as the world's capital of show business, there is bound
to be a lot of show business in Hollywood. There is no business, Mr.
Chairman, like show business. But underneath there is the solid foun-
dation of patriotic, hard-working, decent citizens. Making motion
pictures is hard work. You just don't dash off a motion picture be-
tween social engagements.
The great bulk of Hollywood people put their jobs first. But I
can assure you you won't find a community in the country where
hearts are any bigger or the purses more open when it comes to help-
ing out worthy endeavors. Take any national campaign for the pub-
lic good, and you'll find Hollywood people contributing their time
and their money.
Every other country in the world is trying to build up its motion-
jjicture industry, and I can verify that, having just traveled in 12
countries in Europe where they are all trying to build up their motion-
picture industry. These governments are trying to do it through
government subsidies and devices of all kinds. The American mo-
tion-picture industry grew by its own efforts. It has rejected sub-
sidies and Government assistance. It wants no hand-out from
Government. All it asks is a fair shake and a chance to live and to
grow and to serve its country without being unfairly condemned and
crucified.
I wind up my first point with a request of this committee. The dam-
aging impression about Hollywood should be corrected. I urge your
committee to do so in these public hearings.
There is another damaging impression which should be corrected.
The report of the subconnnittee said that some of the most flagrant
Communist propaganda films were produced as the result of White
House pressure. This charge has been completely refuted by the
testimony before you.
My second point includes another request of the committee.
The report of your subcommittee stated that you had a list of all
pictures produced in Hollywood in the last 8 years which contained
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 307
Communist propaganda. Your committee has not made this list pub-
lic. Until the list is made public the industry stands condemned by
unsupported generalizations, and we are denied the opportunity to
refute these charges publicly.
Again, I remind the connnittee that we have offered to put on a
special showing of any or all of the pictures which stand accused so
that you can see for yourselves what's in them. The contents of the
pictures constitute the only proof.
Unless this evidence is presented and we are given the chance to
refute it in these public hearings, it is the obligation of the committee
to absolve the industry from the charges against it.
Now, I come to my third point — a vitally important one to every
American and to the system under which we live.
It is free speech.
Now, I've been advised by some persons to lay off it. I've been
told that if I mentioned it I'd be playing into the hands of Com-
munists. But nobody has a monopoly on the issue of free speech in
this country. I'm not afraid of being right, even if that puts me
in with the wrong company. I've been for free speech ever since
I first read the lives of great men of the past who fought and died
for this principle — and that was in grade school.
There is nothing I can add to what every great American has said
on the subject since the founding of the Republic. Our freedoms
would become empty and meaningless without the keystone of our
freedom arch — freedom of speech — freedom to speak, to hear, and to
see.
When I talk about freedom of speech in connection with this hear-
ing, I mean just this : You don't need to pass a law to choke off free
speech or seriously curtail it. Intimidation or coercion will do it
just as well. You can't make good and honest motion pictures in an
atmosphere of fear.
I intend to use every influence at my command to keep the screen
free. I don't propose that Government shall tell the motion-picture
industry, directly or by coercion, what kind of pictures it ought to
make. I am as whole-souledly against that as I would be against
dictating to the press or the radio, to the book publishers or to the
magazines.
One of the most amazing paradoxes has grown out of this hearing.
At one point we were accused of making Communist propaganda
by not making pictures which show the advantages of our system.
In other words, we were accused of putting propaganda on the screen
by keeping it out.
That sort of reasoning is a little staggering, especially when you
know the story of American pictures in some foreign countries. We
are accused of Communist propaganda at home, but in Communist-
dominated countries in Europe our motion-picture films are banned
because they contain propaganda for capitalism.
We can't be communistic and capitalistic at one and the same time.
I've said it before, but I'd like to repeat it. There is nothing more
feared or hated in Communist countries than the American motion
picture.
To sum up this point: We insist on our rights to decide what
will or will not go in our pictures. We are deeply conscious of the
308 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
responsibility this freedom involves, but we have no intention to
violate this trust by permitting subversive propaganda in our films.
Now, my next point is this :
When I was before this committee last March, I said that I wanted
to see Communists exposed. I still do. I'm heart and soul for it.
An exposed Communist is an unarmed Communist. Expose them,
but expose them in the traditional American manner.
But I believe that when this committee or any other agency under-
takes to expose communism it must be scrupulous to avoid tying a red
tag on innocent people by indiscriminate labeling.
It seems to me it is getting dangerously easy to call a man a Com-
munist without proof or even reasonable suspicion. When a distin-
guished leader of the Republican Party in the United States Senate
is accused of following the Communist Party line for introducing a
housing bill, it is time, gentlemen, to give a little serious thought to
the dangers of thoughtless smearing by gossip and hearsay.
Senator Robert Taft isn't going to worry about being called a Com-
munist. But not every American is a Senator Taft who can properly
ignore such an accusation. ISIost of us in America are just little
people, and loose charges can hurt little people. They take away every-
thing a man has — his livelihood, his reputation, and his personal
dignity.
When just one man is falsely damned as a Communist in an hour
like this when the Red issue is at white heat, no one of us is safe.
Gentlemen, I maintain that preservation of the rights of the indi-
vidual is a proper duty for this Committee on Un-American Activi-
ties. This country's entire tradition is based on the principle that
the individual is a higher power than the state ; that the state owes its
authority to the individual, and must treat him accordingly.
Expose communism, but don't put any American who isn't a Com-
munist in a concentration camp of suspicion. We are not willing to
give up our freedoms to save our freedoms.
I now come to my final point :
What are we going to do positively and constructively about com-
bating communism ? It isn't enough to be anti-Communist any more
than it is to be antismallpox. You can still die from smallpox if you
haven't used a senim against it. A positive program is the best anti-
toxin for the plague of communism.
Communism must have breeding grounds. Men and women who
have a reasonable measure of opportunity aren't taken in by the prattle
of Communists. Revolutions plotted by frustrated intellectuals at
cocktail parties won't get anywhere if we wipe out the potential causes
of communism. The most effective way is to make democracy work
for greater opportunity, for greater participation, for greater security
for all our people.
The real breeding ground of communism is in the slums. It is
everywhere where people haven't enough to eat or enough to wear
through no fault of their ow^n. Communism hunts misery, feeds on
misery, and profits by it.
Freedoms walk hand-in-hand with abundance. That has been the
history of America. It has been the American story. It turned the
eyes of the world to America, because America gave reality to free-
dom, plus abundance when it was still an idle daydream in the rest
of the world.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 309
We have been the greatest exporter of freedom, and the world is
hungry for it. Today it needs our wheat and our fuel to stave off
hunger and fight off cold, but hungry and cold as they may be, men
always hunger for freedom.
We want to continue, to practice and to export freedom.
If we fortify our democracy to lick want, we will lick communism —
here and abroad. Communists can hang all the iron curtains they like,
but they'll never be able to shut out the story of a land where freemen
walk without fear and live with abundance.
[Applause.]
(The chairman pounding gavel.)
Mr. Strxplijstg. Mr. Johnston, I noticed on the first page of your
statement you stated:
I have had a number of close looks at Hollywood in the last 2 years. I have
looked at it through the eyes of an average businessman.
Now, during these looks, did you find present within Hollywood or
the motion-picture industry any Communists or any evidence of Com-
munist infiltration?
Mr. Johnston. I have been told, Mr. Stripling, that there were
Communists in Hollywood. I have been told that the motion-picture
Screen Writers Guild had Communists, Therefore, I went and talked
to the Screen Writers Guild, I laid it on the line to them, and I said
to them
Mr. Stripling, Just a moment. Wliy did you go?
Mr. Johnston. Because I had been told that there were Communists
in the Screen Writers Guild.
JMr. Stripling. You had just been told that ?
Mr. Johnston. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. You made no effort to determine whether they were
there or not ?
Mr. Johnston. Mr. Stripling, I have no way of making any definite
determination. Who is going to prove that a man is a Communist?
Mr. Stripling. I think this committee is going to prove it.
Mr. Johnston. All right, sir, but I am not this committee, Mr.
Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I wouldn't be surprised. From the statements you
have been making in the last few days, you certainly attempted to
run it.
The Chairman. Just a minute. Mr. Johnston, I would just like to
review the course of this investigation,
I can remember when I was first on the old Dies committee. There
was talk then of communism out in Holh^wood. The committee sent
out investigators. The committee itself went out there. They inter-
viewed a number of people. Later, under the chairmanship of, I think
it was Mr. Wood, investigators went out to Hollywood. I believe a
subcommittee went out there.
I can't speak for what they found, because I don't know what they
found. I can't say why the investigation was concluded or postponed
or not followed up. But I do know something about what has hap-
pened this year.
We sent a subcommittee out to Hollywood. We heard many wit-
nesses, most of them prominent in their own field, who gave us volumi-
nous testimony as to the Communist infiltration in Hollywood. We
310 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
reported then back to our full committee. But what the full com-
mittee decided to do was not just based on that subcommittee's report.
The full committee this year determined on an eight-point program,
to investigate communism in various fields of endeavor. It wasn't
just Hollywood. It was in the labor unions, in education, in atomic
energy, in the Government itself, and in other things. Then we started
out.
Now, we expected — and you told us, I believe — that we would get
the full cooperation from you and your organization.
(Mr. Johnston shaking head affirmatively.)
The Chairman. But I just wouldn't want to tell the kind of coop-
eration that we have been getting.
But I do want to cite two or three things to you, that make me boil
a little bit. We had some very prominent persons in this country who,
either through you are someone you are associated with, contacted and
got in touch with us and asked us to lay off or postpone it. Then we
had people get in touch with us — persons of dubious character, too,
some of them — asking us not to put on a certain witness, or would we
refrain from asking certain questions
Mr. Johnston., Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Just a minute. Just a minute.
You have made a statement, and I would just like to say a few
words.
Mr. Johnston. All right.
The Chairman. Because I think this is pertinent to this inquiry,
while you are on the stand.
Mr. Johnston. That is right, sir.
The Chairman. And then we have had others get in touch with
some of our investigators who tried all the tricks of the trade, to find
out what we were going to do. One man went so far as to — he didn't
offer anything, but I want to tell you he gave all the signs of an offer,
all the signs of an offer.
Then your counsel, as to whom you are a little undecided, whether
you should have him sitting with you today
Mr. Johnston. Not at all.
The Chairman. Your counsel has given out a statement, on the hour
and off the hour, critical of our committee.
I was informed this morning that this moving picture that has
appeared at the Trans-Lux, at which I said a few words and you said
a good many — I understand that you made that statement 2 and 3
weeks before this hearing started.
Now, is that the kind of cooperation that you promised originally ?
I want to tell you something. If that is cooperation, Mr. Johnston, I
jut don't understand the meaning of the word. Go ahead.
Mr. Johnston. May I answer you, Mr. Chairman ?
The Chairman. Yes ; I would be glad to have you.
Mr. Johnston. I told you we'd give you cooperation, and we have,
Mr. Chairman. No member of this association or no one connected
directly with it has ever appeared before you to ask for witnesses to
be excused or to postpone this hearing. When I found out that one
witness had asked, I immediately requested that he write you a letter
and offer to appear. At no time have we refused to give Mr. Strip-
ling information, or to counsel with him. I think that I have given
you every cooperation that you have asked for, Mr. Chairman.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 311
The Chairman. Is that your answer ?
Mr. Johnston. I don't know of any time that you have asked for
anything that I haven't given it to you.
The Chaikman. That is your answer?
ISIr. Johnston. That is correct.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. SiT^iPLiNG. Well, I might add, Mr. Chairman, in that connec-
tion that I believe you requested copies of some resolutions which Mr.
Johnston took with him to Hollywood when he appeared before the
motion-picture producers regarding this very question of comminiism
and called upon them to take a stand regarding the removal of Com-
miaiists within the industry.
T believe that you called on his representatives — not once, but prob-
ably three times — to produce those resolutions.
Mr. Johnston did not see fit to do so, and finally was forced to do so
by subpena.
Now, isn't that correct, Mr. Johnston ?
Mr. Johnston. That is absolutely incorrect.
Mr. Stripling. What is incorrect ?
Mr. Johnston. I was never asked to give you any minutes, to my
knowledge, at any time. When you did ask, I showed them to you
immediately.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. I can distinctly recall having in my office one of
your aides, Mr. Bryson is his name
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Bryson and Mr. Cahill.
The Chairman. And Mr. Cahill. It is my understanding that Mr.
Stripling was present.
Mr. Stripling. That is correct, sir.
The Chairman. I made that request. I made that request once to
them in my office. Then 1 made the request to them over the telephone.
I don't know how many times I made the request. But I made the
request many times.
Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, I never heard of the request. I
called Mr. Stripling up and asked to have a talk with him and show
him the whole works. I don't know what more you want.
Mr. Stripling. Well, suppose
Mr. Johnston. And I have them with me.
Mr. Stripling. Suppose we go into those resolutions now, at this
time, Mr. Johnston.
Mr. Johnston. I will be very glad to.
I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, if you made a request from one of my
employees and it wasn't transmitted to me. I knew nothing of it.
[Examining documents.] In the first place, this is the subpena. Do
you want that, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. I will introduce it.
Mr. Johnston. All right, sir.
Then
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Johnston. I will put this in the
record. This subpena, Mr. Chairman, was issued on September 29,
calling upon Mr. Johnston to appear before the committee and to
bring with him copies of all resolutions proposed or submitted relating
to the investigation of the movie industry by the Committee on Un-
American Activities, and original minutes pertaining to all minutes
312 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
held by the Motion Picture Association of America relating to such
resolutions, for the period May 1 through September 30, 1947.
I ask that be received as an exhibit.^^
Mr. Johnston. I went to Hollywood and made to the Motion Pic-
ture Producers x\ssociation a three-point program which I suggested
they adopt. They adopted two of the points. The third, which is
the second in this statement, they did not adopt.
If you would like, you may introduce this into evidence. And I
would be glad to read it, if I may, or if you want it read.
]Mr. Stripling. I ask that he read this, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Johnston (reading) :
Suggestions were made. The Association of Motion Picture Producers today-
were asked to adopt a tliree-point program to meet the issue of communism in
Hollywood and to secure a fair and dignified representation of tlie facts on the
motion-picture industry to the American people. The program proposed that:
1. Insistence upon a fair and objective investigation by the Thomas Un-Ameri-
can Committee. Vague blanket charges that communism had captured the Amer-
ican screen before responsible witnesses have been heard by the entire committee
is not in the American tradition. Nothing can be accomplished by smearing
all of Hollywood with the brush of communism. Script burning and head hunt-
ing are un-American tecliniques. We want the facts, hard, specific facts, and
that kind of an investigation we invite.
We want the facts so that we will know whether we are exonerated or
condemned.
Our industry is determined at this time that we shall have a complete and
decisive investigation. This must be an investigation to end all investigations
in Hollywood.
Hollywood is weary of being the national whipping boy for congressional
committees. We are tired of having irresponsible charges made again and
again and again and not sustained. If we have committed a crime we want to
know it. If not, we should not be badgered by congressional committees.
We are a res])onsible industry and we would like to spend our time making
pictures and not dissipate our energies and our efforts in responding to committee
investigations.
2. Agreed not to employ proven Communists in Hollywood jobs where they
would be in a position to influence the screen. Hollywood producers recognize
the responsibility to keep the American screen free from Communists or any
other subversive propaganda. The evidence is conclusive that Communists are a
destructive force and their constant undercover activities are designed to create
chaos and conflict.
We reject the Communist not because of his ideas but because of his allegiance
and loyalty to a foreign power. Every American Communist is a potential
foreign agent. America has never been afraid of new ideas. We welcome them
in all fields, political, economic, and social.
The free play of ideas is the strength of our democracy. It is the competition
of ideas which makes America §trong. Sedition is not competition, and this
industry will not tolerate seditionists ; but we must make sure'we do not chip
away our freedoms to get the seditionists.
The protection of the innocent is still supreme. There is no higher duty under
our American system of jurisprudence. We must be scrupulous to avoid indis-
criminate labeling. Every time you tag an innocent person with a red label
3'ou play into the hands of the Communists.
I am not interested in the pastel shades, the parlor pinks or salmon-colored
zealots. They are just plain dupes and fools. My concern is the Red conspirator,
the man who uses the freedoms of democracy to destroy democracy.
We emphasize that in agreeing not to employ proven Communists we mean
just that. The proof must be conclusive and it is the responsibility of the
Un-American Committee to furnish the proof and the names.
3. The employment of James Byrnes, former Secretary of State, to represent
the Association of Motion Picture Producers in counseling and presenting all the
facts about the industry to the Un-American Committee and the American public.
" See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit 64.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 313
The record of the motion-picture industry in war and peace is unexcelled by any
other industry.
Many Americans see motion pictures daily. They not only see them, they
recommend tliem, and they love them. That is true in every country wliich
permits the showing of American films. We enjoy the highest prestige and
standing everywhere.
American films are vital to the American design of living because they give
the lie by visual evidence to totalitarian propaganda. Our pictures produced
under the democratic form of government inevitably reflect democratic habits
of thought and life and action. They are bound to convey some of the virility,
the zest, and joy of living which are cliaracteristic of life in our country. These
are qualities wliich other people need most at this time, and these are the quali-
ties that make American films hated and feared by Conununists everywhere.
American motion pictures truly reflecting American life have been possible be-
cause of freedom of tlie screen. . We intend to protect this sacred right. We are
determined not to permit Communist propaganda. Government pressure, or
political censorsliip to undermine that freedom.
Mr. Chairman, the Association of Motion Picture Producers at
Los Angeles adopted the first and the third. They did not adopt the
second. The second is the agreement not to employ proven Com-
munists in Hollywood on jobs where they would be in a position to
influence the screen. They did not adopt that for several, what they
thought, were very good reasons.
Mr. Stripling. Would you pardon me just a moment?
Mr. Johnston. May I complete ?
Mr. Stripling. Complete your statement ?
Mr. Johnston. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, certainly.
Mr. Johnston. The first reason assigned was that for us to join
together to refuse to hire someone or some people would be a potential
conspiracy, and our legal counsel advised against it.
Second, who was going to prove whether a man was a Communist
or not? Was it going to be by due process of law in the traditional
American manner, or was it to be arrogated to some committee in
Hollywood to say he was a Communist, or some producer, and if they
said he was a Communist they might at some future time find he was
a Republican, a Democrat, or a Socialist, and not hire him.
In other words, who is going to i)rove that this man was a Com-
munist ? And under what methods ?
Third, that it was the duty of Congress to determine two things :
First, was a Communist an agent of a foreign government — as I be-
lieve he is — and/or second, is he attempting to overthrow our Govern-
ment by unconstitutional means. Therefore, it was up to Congress
to make these two determinations before we could take action.
I must confess they convinced me they were right on all three points,
Mr. Chairman, and that is the reason they did not attempt No. 2.
Mr. Stripling. Did you urge the adoption of No. 2 ?
Mr. Johnston. I did ; I urged the adoption of No. 2 but the ques-
tioning from our legal counsel present, and from the membership
present, convinced me I was wrong.
Mr. Stripling. Did they adopt the resolution with reference to Mr.
Byrnes ?
Mr. Johnston. They did.
Mr. Stripling. AVas Mr. Byrnes appointed?
Mr. Johnston. He was,
Mr. Stripling. Then why is Mr. McNutt substituting for Mr.
Byrnes ?
314 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Johnston. It was thoroughly understood when we employed
Mr. Byrnes that Mr. Byrnes would not appear before any Congres-
sional committee ; that he would be glad to advise and counsel us on the
outside, but he would not appear before congressional committees.
Mr. McNutt was selected, I believe at the suggestion of Mr. Byrnes,
to appear before the congressional committee.
Mr. SxRirLiNG. Did Mr. Byrnes go to Hollywood?
Mr. Johnston. He did. Not with me, however; he went at a sub-
sequent time.
Mr. Stripling. Whom did he go with ?
Mr. Johnston. He went with Mr. O'Hara, as I recall it, and Mr.
Cheyfitz, one of my assistants.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cheyfitz?
Mr. Johnston. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. What is his full name?
Mr. Johnston. Edward Cheyfitz.
Mr. Stripling. Edward T. Cheyfitz?
Mr. Johnston. Eight.
Mr. Stripling. What position does he hold in your organization?
Mr. Johnston. He is one of my assistants.
Mr. Stripling. Is he first assistant or second assistant?
Mr. Johnston. My first assistant is Mr. O'Hara. We have no rank
from there on. We have several other assistants.
Mr. Stripling. He is one of your top assistants?
Mr. Johnston. He is one of my assistants.
Mr. Stripling. Was Mr. Cheyfitz, to your knowledge, ever a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Johnston. Yes; he was.
Mr. Stripling. For how long?
Mr. Johnston. I do not know, but he was at one time a member of
the Communist Party. He went to Kussia, became thoroughly disil-
lusionized, and resigned from the Communist Party.
Mr. Stripling. When did he become thoroughly disillusionized ?
Mr. Johnston. I think it was in 1939.
Mr. Stripling. 1939?
Mr. Johnston. Eight.
Mr. Stripling. Then he was disillusionized when he was engaged in
the American peace mobilization in front of the White House; isn't
that right?
Mr. Chairman, I have here the Daily Worker of February 18, 1941,
which is during the period of the Soviet-Nazi pact. It has a headline,
"H. E. 1776 spells dictatorship. Deceit. Not amend it. Urged by 125
prominent Americans in letters to Senators. List of signers of letter
condemning war powers bill."
I should like to point out it was the party line at that time to oppose
lend-lease, conscription, and other preparatory measures. Among the
signers of those condemning the war powers bill was Edward T.
Cheyfitz.
The Chairman. How do you spell that name ?
Mr. Stripling. C-h-e-y-f-i-t-z.
I have here the Daily Worker of May 29, 1941, during the period of
the Soviet-Nazi pact :
Unions in American peace mobilization reply to F. D. R., will defend peace.
American peace mobilization says "talk violates will of overwhelming majority of
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 315
people." Edward T. Cheyfitz, national executive secretary of the National Cast-
ing Workers said, "Our national union continues its opposition to convoys. The
President's speech indicates he is ready to send convoys to Britain and enter the
shooting stage and naval vparfare. Regardless of President's speech we veill not
change our minds on the fact that our true defense of America must be based on
the defense of labor's rights, including the right to strike. Just as Americans
have always fought for their rights we shall fight now for labor's rights."
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Cheyfitz was very instrumental in some of these
strikes during the period of the Soviet-Nazi pact.
Do you think he was disillusionized in 1939 when Hitler marched
into Russia ?
Mr. Johnston. I am not here to defend Mr. Cheyfitz. He is in the
city. I would suggest you call him to the stand and talk to him.
I do know, according to Mr, Cheyfitz, he joined the Young Com-
munist League in 1932 when he was 18 years old, broke with the Com-
munists late in 1939 following the Hitler-Stalin pact. Because of
articles and speeches in behalf of national defense and preparedness,
then being fought by the Communists, Mr. Cheyfitz was attacked in
the Daily AVorker, the official organ of the Communist Party. On
August 25, 1940, this Communist newspaper accused Mr. Cheyfitz of
being an advocate of "the war program of Wall Street and its candi-
dates Roosevelt and Willkie." It also charged him with accepting
"the class collaboration policy of Hillman and Green."
Mr. Cheyfitz joined the association on January 1, 1946. This occa-
sioned further blasts at Mr. Cheyfitz in the Columns of the Daily
Worker.
Prior to joining the association, Mr. Cheyfitz was national chair-
man of the CIO's casting division of the Mine, Mill, and Smelter
Workers' Union, and was actively associated with the anti-Com-
munist forces in CIO.
Now, before employing Mr. Cheyfitz I investigated him very
thoroughly with a number of people and to refresh that investigation
I secured a number of letters recently from people including such
men — and I would like
The Chairman. Mr. Johnston, how long ago did you receive those
letters ?
Mr. Johnston. One of them is dated October 20, 1947.
The Chairman. You sort of had a pretty good suspicion, then,
that something was coming up?
Go ahead, read the letters.
Mr. Johnston. Knowing Mr. Stripling, I prepared for anything.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Johnston. One is from the bishop, Rt. Rev. Karl J. Alter,
bishop of Toledo-
Mr. Stripling. Just a minute
Mr. Johnston. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Before you read these letters of recommendation,
which seem to be dated rather recently, did you make an investiga-
tion before you employed Mr. Cheyfitz ?
Mr. Johnston. I did, yes.
Mr. Stripling. What did your investigation disclose?
Mr. Johnston. The fact that he had been a member of the Com-
munist Party.
Mr. Stripling. When did he become a member?
Mr. Johnston. 1932, when he was 18 years old.
316 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Where did he go to school ?
Mr. Johnston. I think the University of Michigan ?
Mr. Stripling. Was he a Communist while he was at the University
of Michigan?
Mr. Johnston. I can't answer that. Why don't you call him over
and ask him these questions?
Mr. Stripling. You said jou investigated him before you employed
him.
JNlr. Johnston. I did.
Mr. Stripling. Now, you say he went to Russia ?
JNlr, Johnston. He did.
Mr. Stripling. Where he studied for a year. What year did he
go to Russia?
Mr. Johnston. I don't remember the exact dates,
Mr. Stripling. Where did he study when he went to Russia?
Mr. Johnston. He worked in Russia as a laborer, I believe, and
worked in many parts of Russia. He became completely disillu-
sioned with the whole system.
Mr. Stripling. When did he return from Russia ?
Mr. Johnston. I do not recall.
Mr. Stripling. I thought you said he was disillusionized in 1939?
Mr. Johnston. He was. He returned prior to that time, I think.
Mr. Stripling. I thought you said he got disillusionized when he
was in Russia ?
Mr. Johnston. Yes, but I cannot give you the exact date when he
returned, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. You said j^ou made an investigation before you em-
ployed him.
Mr. Johnston. I did, and at that time I knew. If you want me to
get the exact information I will be very happy to get it for you.
Mr. Stripling. What is the nature of Mr. Cheyfitz' duties with the
association, with your organization, what does he do?
Mr. Johnston. He handles a number of matters for the organiza-
tion, principally visual education. Our program of visual education,
he is in charge of. He does a lot of other jobs in the organization.
Mr. Stripling. Does he have anything to do with labor relations
within the motion picture industry ?
Mr. Johnston. He has nothing to do with labor relations within
the motion picture industry.
Mr. Stripling. Would you care to give the committee the special
qualifications which you felt Mr. Cheyfitz had for the work he does?
Mr. Johnston. Yes. He is, in my opinion, a very brilliant young
fellow; an indefatigable worker; tremendously interested in educa-
tion and problems of education. I felt he would be an ideal man for
the program of visual education we are carrying on because we are ex-
pending a considerable sum of money on experimenting with the type
and kind of films that can best teach children.
In other words, can you teach children better with black and white
films or with colored films? Should they have music or be without
music? Should the teacher teach as the film goes along or should the
visual work be on the film itself?
We have given a grant of $50,000 to Yale University for experi-
ments along that line alone, and Yale is now exj)eriraenting.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 317
A number of other tliinos-
Mr. Sthu'ling. Did you-
Mr, Johnston. I beo- your pardon?
Mr. Stutpling. Go right ahead.
Mr. Johnston. A number of other things in visual education ex-
periments which we were conducting, and I felt Mr. Cheyfitz was
able to do it.
Mr. Stiupling. When you employed Mr. Cheyfitz were you aware
that there was sworn testimony before a committee of Congress that he
was a member of the Communist Party ? That his mother was a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ? That they had both been membsrs of
the Communist Party for some time?
Mr. Johnston. He told me he was a member of the Communist
Party. I assumed that was sufficient.
Mr. Stripling. That made no difference to you ?
Mr. Johnston. After getting the recommendations I did about him
and for him, I felt he was a man that could be well employed.
Mr. Stripling. Did you read the recommendations you got before
you employed him I
Mr. Johnston. The recommendations I received before I employed
him were verbal recommendations, on the phone. I had talked on the
phone with many of these people.
Mr. Stripling. Do you care to give the committee the names of
the ])ersons who recommended him before you employed him?
Mr. Johnston. Yes. Mr. John Biggers, president of one of the big
glass companies — Owens-Illinois, is it not?
Mr. INIcXuTT. Yes.
Mr. Johnston. Libbey-Owens-Ford Glass Co. at Toledo, who in-
timately knew Mr. Cheyfitz.
Mr. 13111 Hard, who was a writer for the Reader's Digest, wdiom I
have known for a long time.
]Mr. Stripling. You had no written recommendations for him be-
fore
Mr. Johnston. Not at that time; no.
Mr. Stripling. ]Mr. Chairman, do j'ou want the recommendations
which he obtained recently?
The CiiAiRiMAN. The ones he received in the last 2 or 3 days ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
INIr, Johnston. Well, in the last couple of weeks, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I think they ought to go in the record.
Mr. Stripling. All right, sir.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The letters referred to are as follows:)
Bishop's H )rRE,
Toledo, Ohio, October 20, 19J,7.
Mr. Ekic .Johnston,
Washington, D. C.
De\r 'Mn. .ToHNSTox: In view of the close personal and ofBcial association of
Mr. Edward Cheyfitz with yon in the motion-picture industry, I am writing in
order to offer my recommendation of Mr. Cheyfitz as a person deserving public
trust and confi.lence. Mr. Cheyfitz for many years was active in labor circles
here in Toledo, and was at one time a member of the Comuuinist Tarty. I know
definitely that Mr. Cheyfitz as a result of his own experience within tlie party,
and as a result of close study of their policies and purposes, reached the cou-
67683—47 21
318 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Vict ion that he could not conscientiously, or as a loyal American citizen, con-
tinue his menihership in the party.
He broke definitely with them in the late thirties and this fact was well known
here in tlie city of Toledo. Mr. Cheyfitz subsequently estal)lished a fine public
record as a trustworthy union officer and as a citizen interested in public affairs.
He was largely instrumental in organizing the Toledo plan for the elimination
of industrial strife. I am convinced of the complete sincerity of Mr. Cheyfitz
and of his rejection of the Communist doctrine and party membership.
It seems to me that it would be contrary to sound ethical principles if a person
who has voluntarily repudiated the Conununist philosophy on his own initiative
and as a result of sincere conviction should be subjected to discrimination and
unfavorable criticism because of an earlier mistaken judgment or allegiance.
The entire doctrine concerning the validity of moral conversion would be placed
in jeopardy if one's past record or mistakes were to militate against the sincerity
of present convictions.
I am please therefore to repeat my endorsement of Mr. Cheyfitz as a person
worthy of public trust and of high personal character.
Sincerely yours.
Most Rev. Karl J. Alter, D. D.,
Bishop of Toledo.
National Catholic Welf^vre Conference,
Department of Social Action, National Headquartesss,
Washington, D. C, October 22, 1947.
Mr. Eric Johnston,
Motion Picture Producers Association,
Washington 6, D. C.
Dear Mr. Johnston: My attention was called to certain charges being made
against Edward Cheyfitz, currently associated with your office. It has been
stated that Mr. Cheyfitz is a Communist sympathizer and is using his position
to promote subversive ideas in the motion-picture industry. May I state that
I have known Mr. Cheyfitz well for years and can testify that he is presently
strongly anti-Connnunist. These are not merely his private sentiments, but
he has aided forces in the labor movement wiiicb are trying to fight Communist
control there. I believe it would be a great injustice to hold against him his
former association with the party. On the contrary, he is to be commended
for his integrity in breaking these connections and in fighting the group whose
disloyalty he discovered. I sincerely hope that you will take no heed of the
vicious rumors being circulated and that you will continue to trust Mr. Cheyfitz
implicitly.
With every good wish, I remain,
Sincerely yours,
Rev. John F. Cronin, S. S.,
Assistant Director.
Progressive Metalworkers Council of the Industrial Union of
Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America, CIO,
Waterhury 5, Conn., October 21, 19J,1.
Mr. Eric Johnston,
President, Motion Picture Association,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Johnston : It has been called to my attention that some question
.has been raised as to the political affiliations of your assistant, Mr. Edward
Cheyfitz.
I have known Mr. Cheyfitz for a number of years, particularly while Mr.
Cheyfitz was a member of the executive board of the International Union of
Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers. I was at that time a member of the eame
union, and I was quite familiar with the position of Mr. Cheyfitz on many prob-
lems concerning the union.
For some time before he resigned from oflice in the International Union of
Mine. IMill, and Smelter Workers, Mr. Cheyfitz was strongly opposed to the
activities of a number of other officers wliom we have good reason to believe
were following the dictates of the Comnmnist Party. Mr. Cheyfitz not only
expressed his opposition to these people verbally, but he gave considerable assist-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY " 319
ance to the campaisn that finally let! to their expose by the National CIO itself.
I have also known Mr. Cheytitz since his resignation from office in the inter-
national union, and I am convinced that he continues to oppose the philosophy
of the Communist Party and its harmful activities in every possible way. I
believe that Mr. Cheyfitz is thoroughly opposed to communism and all its works.
Sincerely yours,
John .T. Driscoll,
Progressive Metalworkers Council Chairman.
Heald Pond Camps,
Jackman, Maine, Octoher 20, 19Jf7.
Dear Eric : I understand some questions have been raised about Eddie Cheyfitz
and communism. How ridiculous. How stupid.
Everybody knows that Eddie for a few years in his early youth was associated
with the Connnunists. But everybody also knows that he soon brought himself
to a true insight into them and left them and became the outstanding fighter
against Communism in the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers' Union.
Many of the most valuable anti-Communists in America are ex-Communists.
I need only mention Louis Budenz, now a professor in the Roman Catholic
University called Fordjiam in New York City, and :Max Eastman, now an editor
of that magazine most hated by Communists, the Reader's Digest.
My God ! Do we who believe in private capitalism want to make converts
from among the Communists or do we want them all to keep on being Communists?
Saul of Tarsus persecuted the early Christian Church. How about an investiga-
tion of Paul to prove that he came from Tarsus and that his name was really,
Saul and to take his epistles out of the Bible?
I once talked about Eddie with a leading investigator of the Federal Bureair
of Investigation. He said :
"I would rather have one ex-Communist, who understands Communists and
their methods, fighting communism than a thousand industrialists who, when
they are talking about communism, just simply don't know what they are talking
about and just simply pound the emjity air."
I think he was quite right. I have never heard any industrialist expose
communism as effectively as Louis Budenz or Max Eastman or Eddie Cheyfitz.
Eric, I know Eddie through and through. I have been with him at work and
at play, in hours when he was on guard and in hours when he was off guard.
I think I know every wrinkle of his mind and heart. I am a Republican. I
have served the Republican National Committee. I have broadcast, night after
night, week after week, for Republican candidates for President. Ask Alf
Landon about my Repiiblicanism when many Republicans did not want to stand
up and be counted for fear of New Deal reprisals. And I am a Roman Catholic.
Do you think that, with my political principles and my religious convictions,
I would back a Commiini.st?
I did back, I do back, and I will always back Eddie. In my opinion it is
impossible for anybody to be a more loyal and devoted American than Eddie
is today — and will be tomorrow. We shall need men like him for tomorrow's
great world-wide show-down. Let us not tear him down. Let us build him up.
Yours in all friendship,
Bill Hard.
Libbey-Owens-Ford Glass Co.,
Office of the President,
Toledo, Ohio, October 24, 10^7.
Mr. Eric .Tohnston.
Prcsidoit, Motion Picture Association, Inc.,
Washinffton, D. C.
Dear Eric: I understand that there is a possibility that the House Committee
on Un-American Affairs might want to question Eddie Cheyfitz because of his
former afliliation with the Communist Party. In view of that possibility, I
thought a statement from me might be helpful to you, to him, and perhaps also
to the committee.
I've only known Mr. Cheyfitz for about 2i/^ years but my association with
him as a member of the Labor-Management Citizens Committee of Toledo, and
320 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
subsequently, convinces me that he is unquestionably a patriotic American. I
understand that he changed his views on communism and broke with the Com-
munists in about 1940. 1 am relialjly informed that the FBI thoroughly inves-
tigated his record during the war and found no grounds for doubting his loyalty.
As you know, he was an able and aggressive labor leader for a number of
years, but while a member of the Labor-Management-Citizens Committee, his
viewpoint was generally constructive; and in my opinion, he made a notable
contribution to its early success.
Sincerely,
Jack Bigger.s.
Congress of Industrial Organizations,
Washhiffton 6, D. C, October 20, 19^7.
Mr. Eric A. Johnston.
Motion Picture Association. WasMngton, D. C.
Dear Eric : It has come to my attention that certain rumors are being de-
liberately circulated reflecting on the loyalty to this country of Edward T.
Cheytitz ; in other words, that Mr. Cheytitz entertains a compromising stand on
communism. I have no hesitation in stating that I have worked with Eddie
Cheylitz and that he has my complete confidence with regard to his hjyalty
to our Government and his opposition to communism. It has been more than
5 years to my direct knowledge since he had even a remote connection with the
Communist movement, and I think there is ample proof that he has, through
those years, incurred the active opposition of Communists at every turn.
Our whole theory of government contemplates the making of good citizens.
The outstanding qualification of a good citizen is that he be committed to the
supremacy of individual rights. That doctrine, in my view, has been actively
advocated and practiced by Mr. Cheyfitz.
Yours sincerely,
James B. Carey, Secretary-Treasurer.
Doehler-Jarvis Corp., Executive Offices,
A'ew York 16, N. Y., October 21, 19J,7.
Mr. Eric Johnston,
President, Motion Picture Association of America, Inc..
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Johnston : Relative to your inquiry as to the record of Mr. Edward
T. Cheyfitz, with our company, I am pleased to advise as follows:
Mr. Cheyfitz entered the employ of the Doehler Die Casting Co. some time in
193."i. At tliat time our factory employees were represented by an independent
union known as the National Association of Die Casting AYorkers. "With the ad-
vent of the CIO, the National Association of Die Casting Workers became
afiillatc d with this organization. The union representing our employees, like other
independent unions, lacked leadership, principles, and stability. As a result,
my company found itself in a very precarious position in 1938. I was elected
president of the Doehler Die Casting Co. at that time and decided to personally
assume charge of our labor-relations policy. In the course of this work I met
with the (fficia's of our Toledo union, which included Mr. Cheyfitz, and after
pointing out to them the problems that my company faced, we agreed to set up a
constructive, cooperative program between the company and the union.
Shortly thereafter, Mr. Cheyfitz was elected to the national leadership of the
National' Association of Die Casting Workers and in that capacity I had many
occasions to confer with Mr. Cheyfitz and to negotiate contracts between the
Doe'iler Co. and his union.
It was during Mr. Cheyfitz' leadership of our union that the Doehler Co. made
its greatest progi-ess as the financial records of this company would clearly in-
dicat<>. During the entire period from 1038 until 1913, when Mr. Cheyfitz re-
signed h's union office and enlisted in the United States Army, not a single hour's
work was lost by any of our emp'oyees because of labor disputes. Our negotia-
tions and grievance procedure was carried on in a thoroughly dignified manner
with beneficial results both for the company and its employees.
I particularly wish to emphasize the fact that the Doehler Co. began to make
■war materials early in 1940 and prior to Pearl Harbor. Mr. Cheyfitz as repre-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 321
sentative of the union and I, as representative of the company, had a number of
occasions to go to Washington and confer with our Government agencies in an
effort to speed up production of war materiais.
The Doehler Die Casting Co. received one of the first Navy "E" Awards which
was granted to our company on December 31, 1941, only a few days after
Pearl Harbor. It is evident that the Doehler Co. must have done an outstanding
job on war production wel,! before Pearl Harbor in order to receive tliis
recognition.
During the entire war, the Doehler Co. produced 9,336 different parts for the
Army and Navy. These parts served practically all of the Government arsenals
and some 2,000 industrial plants. Our ability to produce these parts in quantities
without loss of a single hour of production time could only have been made pos-
sible by the full cooperation of our employees under the constructive leadership
of Mr. Cheyfitz.
Should you desire any further information, please do not hesitate to call
on me.
Very truly yours,
Doeht,er-.Tarvis Corp.,
Charles Pack, Vice President.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Johnston
Mv. Johnston. Yes.
The Chairman. Mr. Johnston, the dates are on them?
Mr. Johnston. All of them ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. I believe you stated Mr. Cheyfitz accompanied Mr.
Byrnes to Los An<jeles ; is that correct ?
Mr. Johnston. Yes, he went out with Mr. Byrnes.
Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Byrnes meet with the Motion Picture Pro-
ducers while he was in Hollywood ?
Mr. Johnston. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Did they discuss whether or not he was to appear
before this committee to represent them?
Mr. Johnston. Well, it was understood that he was not to appear
before this committee.
Mr. Stripling. Did he discuss that point with them?
Mr. Johnston. I was not there and I could not say. I was in the
hospital ; I do not know.
Are you trying to prove, Mr. Stripling, that Mr. Cheyfitz is a Com-
munist now? Is that what you are trying to prove?
Mr. Stripling. No, sir.
INIr. Johnston. What is the benefit of this investigation, then?
Mr. Stripling. I was wondering, in fact I would like to know why
Mr. Byrnes withdrew. It was reported in the papers that Mr. Byrnes
declined to appear before the committee.
Mr. Johnston. Mr. Stripling, that is a completely unfair state-
ment, and it is an mif air c[uestion to ask. Mr. Byrnes never withdrew ;
he never agreed to accept a job to come before this committee.
Mr. Strh'ling. Mr. Johnston, you just read a resolution which you
submitted to the Motion Picture Producers when you were in Holly-
wood, in which they agreed to employ Mr. Byrnes.
Mr. Johnston. To advise
Mr. Stripling. It was announced in the papers he was to represent
your organization with reference to this investigation. There has
been no evidence of Mr. Byrnes anywhere connected with it. I just
want to know why lie is still not in the picture.
Mr. Johnston. He is in the picture just as much as he ever was in
the picture. He was employed to advise the Motion Picture Producers
Association, and he is doing that, and has done it. It was understood
322 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
he was not to appear before any congressional committees. He felt
that, having been a Member of Congi'ess, he did not wish to do so.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Johnston, I wonder if you would give the com-
mittee a brief outline of the functions of your organization with re-
gard to motion pictures. I hand you herewith the Year Book of
Motion Pictures which you will find contains the code of production
standards as enforced by the INIotion Picture Association. 1 think
you could explain these better to the conmiittee than anyone else, so
I will ask you to read them and take them up with the committee.
Mr. Johnston. This has to do, Mr. Stripling, with the motion-
picture code, and that is the code of making motion pictures or what
we think is morally fit to be seen on the screen.
Mr. Stripling. That is right.
Mr. Johnston. Do you wish me to read all of this? It is rather
lengthy.
Mr. Stripling. Well, I was wondering, Mr. Johnston, since you
have covered all of this by a code whether or not there is any branch
of your association which has as its purpose the detection of propa-
ganda which might be detrimental to our system of government.
Do you have anyone, for example, who checks pictures to determine
whether or not they are propaganda for a foreign government, or do
they check only from a moral standpoint. How far does your code
extend ?
Mr. Johnston. The chapters cover particular applications : "Crimes
against the law ; sex" — you have heard of that, I presume : "vulgarity ;
obscenity; profanity; costume; dances; religion; locations; national
feelings; titles; and repellant subjects."
Now, there is nothing in here about propaganda. We feel that it is
the duty of each motion picture producer to determine what goes on
the screen, just like it is the duty of each newspaper publisher to deter-
mine what goes into a newspaper.
Mr. Stripling. You draw a line, however, there with your code,
don't you?
Mr. Johnston. We draw a line only on those lines which offend a
sense of morals or decency. This is all the code is supposed to cover.
Mr. Stripling. Would you go ahead and cover some of the other
activities of the organization?
Mr. Johnston. We have a policy making in foreign fields, Vx'hich is
very important. A large percentage of our revenue, as you know,
comes from outside the United States. Policy making in the foreign
field is tremendously important and that is the reason this industry is
so disturbed, Mr. Chairman, about this inquiry.
We are not allowed to have our motion pictures in Communist coun-
tries, and in those countries which dislike communism, such as Argen-
tina, Brazil, Chile, and others, probably now we will not be allowed
to have motion pictures down there either, so it is of tremendous
financial importance to us abroad, that is, this investigation, Mr.
Chairman.
We also cover matters, in addition to the foreign field, that are of
more or less interest in the domestic field, such as contributions to or-
ganizations, policies to be adopted, and so on. It is under that guise
that I made the three recommendations to the Motion Picture Pro-
ducers Association.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 323
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Johnston, you were present this morning when
we heard Mr. John Howard Lawson, were you not ?
Mr. Johnston. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Did you hear the evidence wliich was submitted to
the connnittee regarding his Communist affiliations?
Mr. Johnston. I did.
Mr. Stripling. Did you hear the memorandum which was read
regarding his Communist affiliations?
Mr. Johnston. I did.
Mr. Stripling. If all of the evidence which was submitted was
proved to your satisfaction tolDe true, would you say Mr. Lawson had
any place in the motion-picture industry as a picture writer?
Mr. Johnston. If all of the evidence there is proved to be true, I
would not emploj^ Mr. Lawson because I would not employ any proven
or admitted Communist because they are just a disruptive force and I
don't want them around.
Mr. Stripling. They could be a disruptive force within the motion-
picture industry; isn't that true?
jNIr. Johnston. Of course.
Mr. Stripling. Don't you think this committee has an obligation
to expose them if they are there ?
Mr. Johnston. I have always said that you did, but I have always
thought you should do it under the American program of a free and
fair trial. I have never objected to your investigating Hollywood.
I told you we welcomed it, and we sincerely do. We haven't always
welcomed some of the methods you have adopted.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all of the questions I have at this time, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Johnston, you have gained a very enviable posi-
tion in America as a private citizen. By that I mean not an official
with the Government. I don't think that there is a single soul in all
of the United States, or any place else, who thinks that you are in any
way associated with communism or anything that might be com-
munistic— and that would, of course, apply to your distinguished
counsel.
Last week when the various testimony was being given much evi-
dence was poured into the record here that the producers, whom you
represent, apparently became genuinely disturbed at communistic ac-
tivities in Hollywood, and they testified as to what they tried to do
about it — Mr. Mayer and Mr. Warner and Mr. Disney. Some of them
testified that some departments of their organizations out there had
even been captured, so to speak, by Communists, and they worked
valiantly to do something about it — apparently did. The thinir that
disturbed me about it was your, shall we say, observation, public ob-
servations, that the industry has been smeared, or was being smeared,
when with almost every word that those gentlemen poured into the
record here I thought they did a noble job of acquitting themselves of
any connection with this thing in Hollywood.
I am disturbed to thing that you feel that their testimony did any-
thing but advance them in the eyes of the American public. I think
that the motion-picture industry has come out of this hearing with a
very fine reputation.
324 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
*
Mr. Johnston. I am very happy to hear you say so, Mr, McDowell.
It is the kind of statement that we like to hear.
Mr. McDowell. Well, thank you.
There has been testimony here that various figures have been
smeared. I have tried to search my mind for the last hour to find out
what figures have been smeared. Of course, Mr. Lawson was referred
to a number of times and there appears to be ample evidence that it was
not a smear, it was the truth.
When the subcommittee went to Hollywood, Mr. Johnston, we were
invited there by every element in Los Angeles, not only by all of the
various branches of your industry but by the press and the citizens
themselves. They made the demand, sir, that we investigate the movie
industry, and we did, and it apears to me that the movie industry, with
some few exceptions, which apparently you have no control over, has
come out of this thing in a splendid fashion. I have heard no smear
of any kind — no actual smear that I can recall. Somebody testified
here, I forget who it was, that a young lady, whose name slips me at
the moment, raised a distiurbance at meetings, and the inference was
there that she might be a Communist or fellow traveler, I am in-
formed that the young lady has been invited here to testify. So most
certainly there is no evidence so far as I can see that the committee
is. trying to smear Hollywood.
We are not concerned, Mr. Johnston, about trying to direct the kind
of pictures that you should make out there. We politicians in Wash-
ington know nothing at all about the art of motion pictures. We mere-
ly go to them — sometimes to be criticized. You talk about free speech.
I am a newspaperman. Many times I have hit the Government over
the head and I expect to continue to if I think it is wrong. That is
American. I attended, I think, more than any other member of this
committee, every meeting that has been held since last January. I
have never heard it even remotely discussed or suggested that some-
thing be done by the Committee on Un-American Activities to attempt
to get Hollywood to make some particular kind of pictures.
Now, it has been testified here by witnesses something about making
anti-Soviet pictures or anti-Russian pictures or anti-any thing. The
very word makes me shudder — anti or pro an^^thing. You are a great
American amusement association. It appears to me America is going
to keep you that way — not the United States Congress,
Mr, Johnston. Mr. McDowell, may I say just a word? I heartily
applaud all you have said and it is the kind of a statement that I am
very happy to hear a member of the committee make, it is the type of
statement Avhich is a truly American statement, but perhaps you are
misinformed about some angles of it.
May I suggest to you that, for instance, when I was on the stand
here in March I was asked over and over again, and I have the testi-
mony here before me, why we hadn't made anti-Communist picture,
and what were we going to do about making them. I tried, Mr. Mc-
Dowell, at that time to say that this industry was before a congres-
sional committee in the early 1940's because they said we were war-
mongering. We don't want to be called again before an investigation,
congressional investigating connnittee, and be called warmongering.
Furthermore, Mr, McDowell, the questions asked me repeatedly, and
the questions asked repeatedly of witnesses during this present investi-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 325
gation, have indicated "Are yon makinjr anti-Commnnist pictures and
why don't yon make them?" Now, we feel that this is the dnty and
responsibility of the producers just as it is the duty and the responsi-
bility of publishers, Mr. McDowell, to determine what goes in their
newspapers.
]VIr. McDowell. I agree witli you, ]Mr. Johnston.
Mr. Johnston. Thank you.
Mr. McDoAVELL. I would like to point out to you that the expression
of Members of Conoress is more or less like the expression of the
American people. Any person can say whatever he wants to say. The
expression of the Committee on Un-American Activities— or any other
committee — as both of you gentlemen know, is done by agreement. So
far as I can discover from the records of tliis committee the committee
by agreement has suggested or directed nothing that you do out there —
and so long as I remain a member of it, and I am sure Mr. Thomas and
Mr. Vail feel the same way, that won't be done.
Mr. JoiixsTON. Thank you very much, Mr. McDowell.
The Chairman. Mr. Yail.
Mr. Johnston. I might say, Mr. McDowell, as there are good and
bad writers in Hollywood there are sometime different types of Con-
gressmen. We are very glad to find that you are the kind that we like.
Mr. Vail. I am sorry to see ended so abruptly what promised to
be the accomplishment of a very beautiful sort of friendship.
Mr. Johnston. I don't think it is ended.
JMr. Vail. Mr. Johnston, as president of the Motion Picture Pro-
ducers Association, based upon wliat you have seen in the hearings to
date, based upon the exhibition you saw this morning, do you believe
that this investigation of communistic infiltration into the Hollywood
scene is warranted ?
Mr. Johnston. We welcomed an investigation in Hollywood and
we certainly think it is warranted.
Mr. Vail. I am glad to hear you say that.
Mr. Johnston. The thing that perturbs me, Mr. Vail, is, for in-
stance, you had a Mr. Howard Knshmore here to testify, I think you
had complete confidence in his integrity, he was a former admitted
Communist but had seen the error of his ways, like the Bible says, and
reformed
The Chairman. May I say we had Mr. Howard Eushmore before
us because he was an authority on Communists and we wanted to
learn some of the communistic ways.
IVIr. Johnston. All right ; and you had confidence in his integrity.
The Chairman. Did you have this man because he was an authority
on communism?
j\Ir. Johnston. I had this man because he was an authority on a lot
of things.
The Chairman. Did you have him because he was an authority on
communism ?
Mr. Johnston. That was one of the reasons, yes; amongst many
others.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. Vail. In the testimony a while ago I gathered the fact that your
headquarters or your offices are located here in AVashington?
Mr. Johnston. Yes, Mr. Vail.
326 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
iSIr. Vail. How much of your time, Mr. Johnston, is spent in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Johnston. Well, I presume the Hollywood people think not
enouffh — or maybe they think too much. I would say that probably
an averafje of about 2 or 3 weeks out of every 2 months.
Mr. Vail. I was interested in the picture that I saw shown on tlie
local screens during the past week and especially in your statement to
the effect "That we had no responsibility for the political or economic
views of any particular individual but we do have a responsibility for
what goes on on the screen."
Mr. JoHxsTON. Right.
Mr. Vail. "We regard that with great care."
You are aw^are, I presume, of the fact that throughout this country
in a great many municipalities we have moving-picture censor boards
set up by those municipalities?
Mr. Johnston. That is right.
Mr. Vail. And they are reviewing pictures every day and I assume
that some of them are rejected. Am I right in that assumption?
Mr. Johnston. Occasionally some of them are — and we think usu-
ally for foolish reasons, like the one in Memphis because it showed a
colored boy in a picture.
Mr. Vail. That does seem to be just a little bit farfetched.
Mr. McDowell. It showed what? I didn't understand that.
Mr. Johnston. We have had them rejected, like the one in Memphis
recently, because it showed a colored boy in the picture with some
white boys.
Mr. Vail. He wasn't in the wood pile?
INIr. Johnston. No, nor under a chip.
Mr. Vail. Have you also heard of an organization called the Legion
of Decency ?
Mr. Johnston. I know them very well.
Mr. Vail. That organization, as I understand it, was established
to screen those pictures which escaped the censor; is that right?
Mr. Johnston. No, I don't believe that is quite accurate, Mr.- Vail.
I think tlie Catholic Church has set up a group which they feel are
adequate and competent to review American motion pictures and see
whether they are the type of pictures which those who belong to the
Catholic Church should see. I think it has nothing to do with whether
they are adequately censored or not.
Mr. Vail. How many pictures do you see a week ?
Mr. Johnston. I would say about one, maybe two. I see as many
as I can, that time will permit me to see.
The Chairman. Your average is not as good as mine.
Mr. Johnston. I am glad to hear that, Mr. Chairman. You pay
for yours and I don't.
Mr. Vail. J assume that your attitude with respect to the fact that
this investigation is warranted hinges largely upon the fact that this
type of investigation must precede the recommendation of a congres-
sional committee for legislation that will afford protection to the
American people?
Mr. Johnston. Yes. Mr. Chairman, I have said before that T feel
there are two duties of Congress, to prove whether Communists are
foreign agents and/or are they trying to upset our Government by
unconstitutional means.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 327
I think that is a duty which Conp;ress has to perform. Personally I
feel that the Communist Party, if I might philosophize for just a
moment, Mr. Vail, I feel that the Communist Party is intellectually
and morally bankrupt. I feel that those members in America, wlio
are the dupes of the Communist Party and dance when the Kremlin
pull the strings, have had to change their line to cover that tremendous
intellectual bankruptcy. The Communist Party is, as the Fascist
Party Avas, based on hate, and the history of the world shows that that
is never successful. The Fascist Party was overthrown because it was
based on hate. The Communist Party is based on hate — the class
struggle— and I don't think the Communist Party can succeed either,
Mr. Vail. And, certainly, I think it is the duty of the Congress to
point out to the American people the dangers, and I think it is the
duty of Congress to determine whether these people are foreign agents
or not, and if so, are they attempting to disrupt our Government by
unconstitutional means.
Mr. Vail. That is exactly the job in which this committee is now
engaged. The motion-picture industry is clearly one factor in the
entire group of factors that must be explored by this committee before
it can present to the Congress its recommendations for legislation.
You and I know that the international situation is tense today, and
since we have the statement of no less an authority than Edgar Hoover
and former Ambassador William Bullitt, to the effect that the Com-
munist Party is the agent of a foreign power, it certainly is the job
of Congress to check into it and be certain that agents of a foreign
government are not circulating freely in this country.
Mr. Johnston. I think you are right. We welcome that, Mr. Con-
gressman.
Mr. Vail. It is my belief that we are not too far apart in our views.
You take the position that we are assuming a hostile attitude toward
Hollywood. The labor organizations are going to take the same
attitude. The educational groups are going to take the same attitude.
We are going to bear the brunt from the citizens of all those groups as
we are bearing it today. It takes a strong back to stand that attack
made from some sources but by the time we are through I am confi-
dent that we will have established the fact that the country is harbor-
ing some very dangerous characters and we will be in a position to
present evidence that will result in legislation that will give the country
a measure of protection against its present nakedness, against the
attacks of such enemies.
Mr. Johnston. I think that is very wase, Mr. Vail — Mr. Congress-
man. I want you to understand my position thoroughly in this and
the position of the industry. We are under attack. Statements have
been made that our pictures contain Communist propaganda. We
feel that there is very little if any Communist matter or propaganda
in our pictures. Please bear in mind that we are doing business on a
world-wide basis and when you hurt us you hurt our pocketbooks
world-wide and you hurt the American Nation world-wide, too, because
the best conveyor of good will between our Nation and other nations,
in my opinion, is the American motion picture. One picture is worth
10,000 words, according to the old Chinese proverb. In many coun-
tries they get their ideas of America from American motion pictures.
We don't want the feeling to go out to these countries that American
328 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
motion pictures contain Communist propaganda and have them ex-
cluded in those areas. It would be bad for us financially. We think
it would be bad for the American people and bad for the rest of the
world if that went out.
We do not attempt, and I have in no waj^ attempted, to criticize
the members of the connnittee. We feel that you are doing a job
which has to be done. We have criticized sometimes, Mr. Vail, the
methods in which it was done, because we feel that people should not
be smeared with communism unless they have a fair trial and oppor-
tunity of proving whether they are or not. That is the American
tradition, Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. I appreciate that, Mr. Johnston, that it is your job to
defend Hollywood, and a job that you are paid to do and I think that
that job could not have been placed in better hands.
Mr. Johnston. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Vail. That is all.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, do you have any more questions?
Mr. Stripling. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Johnston, you have by inference been very
critical of the methods of this committee. That is your prerogative.
Many other persons have been very critical of our methods. Many
have approved them. But this committee is created by law. Public
Law No. 601. One of the duties of the committee is to expose. I am
not going back over the years but this year we have exposed commun-
ism in the labor field, communism in the Government. We have spot-
lighted persons like Gerhart Eisler, Hanns Eisler — who, incidentally,
was employed in the moving-picture industry, and employed at a very
large salary — Eugene Dennis, many others over the period of years is
the result of exposures in the spotlighting. We have been instru-
mental in aiding persons like Earl Browder to go to jail, Fritz Kuhn
to go to jail, Pelley to go to jail, doing away with the German-Amer-
ican Bund. So I don't see that the moving-picture industry, any more
than we will say some other field, has any sanctum sanctorium before
it. We are going to continue to expose and if you will just sit around
here every day this week you will see more exposure and more spot-
lighting of Communists than you have ever seen before. What you
heard this morning, what you saw this morning, was just typical of
what you are going to hear and see all the rest of the week ancl maybe
some of next week — and it makes no difference whether you have got
glamour girls out there or whether you have got a lot of funds behind
you or not, if there are Communists in that industry we are going to
expose them.
I wish to announce that the next witness will be Mr. Roy Brewer,
who will be the first witness tomorrow, and we will adjourn until
tomorrow.
(Thereupon, at 3:30 p. m., a recess was taken until the following
clay, Tuesday, October 28, 1947, at 10 : 30 a. m.)
HEAEINGS EEGAEDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRA-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington, D. G.
The Committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
Statt' members present: Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Lonis J. Russell, H. H. Smith. Robert B. Gaston, investigators,
and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The record will show that a subcommittee is sitting and those present,
are Mr. McDowell, jNIr. Vail, and Mr. Thomas.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Stripling. ]Mr. Chairman, before we call the first witness T
would like to read into the record a telegram which was received yes-
terday from Walt Disney, who has previously testified. It says : ^-
Souie confusion has arisen over my testimony regarding the League of Women
Voters. My testimony referred to the year 1941, at which time several women
represented themselves as being from the League of Women Voters. I want you
to know that I had no intention of criticizing the League of Women Voters as of
now. Please see that this is read to the committee on Monday and that it is-
added to my testimony.
Walt Disney.
I ask that that be made a part of the record.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Dalton
Trinnbo.
The Chairman. Mr. Trumbo, take the stand.
(Mr. Dalton Trumbo, accompanied by Robert W. Kenny and Bart-
ley Crum, counsel, take places at witness table.)
The Chairman. Raise your right hand, please.
Mr. Trumbo, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God ?
Mr. Trumbo. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF DALTON TRUMBO
Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, I have a statement I should like to
read into the record, if you please
^= See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit G5.
329
330 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Trumbo, just a moment, please. We want to
conduct tlie hearing as orderly as possible, and I am sure you desire
to cooperate.
Mr. Trumbo. I do, indeed.
Mr. Stripling. You have counsel with you?
Mr. Trumbo. I have.
Mr. Stripling. And would you identify 3''our counsel?
Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Bartley Crum and Mr. Robert Kenny.
May I request of the Chair the opportuiut}' to read a statement into
the record ?
The Chairman. Yes. May we see your statement ^
Mr. I'rump.o. Yes.
The CiiAiR.AiAN. To determine whether it is pertinent to the inquiry.
(Statement handed to tlie chairman.)
Mr. Stripling. Do you have a copy ?
Mr. Crum (addressing Mr. Trumbo). Do you have an extra copy
for Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Trumbo. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. The jChair is ready to rule.
Mr. Trumbo. I beg your pardon, sir?
The Chairman. Mr. Trumbo, we have looked over this statement
very carefully. It has been our practice to permit witnesses to read
statements that are pertinent to the inquiry, that is, the alleged infil-
tration of communism in the moving-picture industry.
We have read your statement here. We have concluded, and unan-
imously so, that this statement is not pertinent to the inquiry. There-
fore, the Chair will rule that the statement will not be read.
Mr. Trumbo. The Chair has considered a statement from Gerald
L. K. Smith to be pertinent to its inquiries.
The Chairman. That statement is out of order.
Mr. Trumbo. And where is mine differenet from that, sir?
The Chairman. Asa witness, if you conduct yourself like the first
witness yesterday, you won't be given the privilege of being a witness
before a committee of Congress, before this committee of Congress.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
, j^Ir. Stripling. Mr. Trumbo ^
Mr. Trumbo. I would like to know what it is that is in my state-
ment that this committee fears be read to the American people?
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling, ask a question — —
Mr. Trumbo. I have some evidence to introduce
The CpIairman (pounding gavel). Ask one question, Mr. Strip-
in c
Air. Trumbo. I should like to introduce evidence
The Chairman (pounding gavel). You are out of order.
Mr. Stripling. S'ate your name, please.
]\Ir. Trltmbo. Dnlton Trumbo.
Mr. Stripling. What is vour present address?
Mr. Trumbo., 329 South' Rodeo Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. "\'\nien and where Were you born, sir?
Mr. TRUMiiO. I was born in Montrdse, Colo., on December 9, 1905.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Trumbo. My occuDation is that of a writer.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 331
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in the motion-picture
industry as a writer?
Mi\ Trumbo. I believe since 1934 or '35.
Mr. Stripling. Arc you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Trumbo. At this point, sir, I should like to introduce certain
evidence bearing upon this case
JNIr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman •
Mr. Trumbo. I
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, please
jNlr. Trumbo. I should like to introduce statements
The Chair^aean (pounding gavel). Just a minute-
Mr. Trumbo. About ni}^ work
The Chairman. What was the question-
Mr. Trumbo. From General Arnold of the Army Air Forces
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Now, just a minute
Mr. Trumbo. From a municipal judge
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Just a moment. The Chair
wants to find out what the question was and to see whether your answer
is i)ertinent to the question. What was the question ?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Trumbo, I shall ask various questions, all of
which can be answered "Yes" or "No."' If you want to give an ex-
planation after you have made that answer, I feel sure that the com-
mittee will agree to that.
However, in order to conduct this hearing in an orderly fashion, it
is necessary that you be responsive to the question, without making a
speech in response to each question.
Mr. Trumbo. I understand, Mr, Stripling. However, your job is
to ask questions and mine is to answer them. I shall answer "Yes'' or
"No," if I please to answer. I shall answer in my own words. Very
many questions can be answered "Yes" or "No" only by a moron or
a slave.
The Chairman. The Chair agrees with 3'our point, that you need
not answer the questions "Yes" or "No"
Mr. Trumbo. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. But ycu should answer the questions.
iNIr. Trumbo. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Trump>o. May I, if the Chair please, I am not going to make
a speech. I simply have evidence from responsible people as to the
nature of my work. 1 have 20 scripts which I propose and wish to
introduce into the record so that it may be known what my work is,
and what this committee may seek to prevent the American people
from seeing in the futui'e.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Now, don't make a statement like that. That is
not correct.
May I ask how long one of these scripts may be?
Mr. Trumbo. I am sorry to say that they average from 115 to IGO or
170 pages, with very few of them of the latter type.
The Chairman. And how many do you want to put in the record?
Mr. Trumbo. I have 20. They are not quite all that I have written.
The Chairman. I think the Chair will have to rule
Mr. Trumbo. But, sir
332 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Tliey are too long-
Mr. Trumbo, My "work has been under attack.
The Chairman. Too many pages,
Mr. Trumbo. Then may 1 introduce into evidence statements of
responsible people concerning my work ?
The Chairman. All right, you let the investigator ask his questions,
and then you answer them the best you can.
Mr. Stru'Ling. I will be glad to cover all of your works, Mr.
Trumbo.
Mr. Trumbo. I realize that, but yesterday a man's work was covered
after he had left the stand. I should like to discuss my work now.
Mr. Stripling. Well, Mr. Trumbo, I will repeat the question : Are
3'ou a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Trumbo. I shall answer that question in just a moment. I want
only to protest the fact that I have been denied the right to introduce
evidence, to introduce statements of General Arnold, of juvenile court
judges, of the head of the Motion Picture Division of the UNRRA, of
the Naval Chaplain in charge of motion-picture projects for the
United States Navy. These I consider pertinent. And with that
protest, I shall go to your question.
JNIr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
/ Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Stripling, the rights of American labor to in-
/ violably secret membership lists have been won in this country by a
I great cost of blood and a great cost in terms of hunger. These rights
i have become an American tradition. Over the Voice of America we
have broadcast to the entire world the freedom of our labor.
The Chairman. Are you answering the question or are 3-011 making
another speech ?
Mr. Trumbo. Sir, I am truly answering the question.
The Chairman. Because if you want to make another speech we
can find a corner right up here where you can make some of these
speeches.
Mr. Trumbo. I would be willing to do that, too.
The Chairman. All right, now, what was the question, Mr.
Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. The question, Mr. Chairman, is — I asked Mr.
Trumbo if he is a member of the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Trumbo. You asked me a question which would permit you to
haul eveiy union member in the United States up here to identify
himself as a union member, to subject him to future intimidation and
coercion. This, I believe, is an unconstitutional question.
/ The Chairman. Now, are you making another speech, or is that
the answer ?
Mr. Trumbo. This is my answer, sir.
The Chairman. Well, can't you answer : Are you a member of the
Screen Writers Guild, by saying "Yes" or "No," or I think so, or
maybe, or something like that?
Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, I should like to accommodate you.
May I try to answer the question again ?
The Chairman. Well, we would certainly like to have you accom-
modate us.
Mr. Trumbo. If there were a committee of Congress, all the mem-
bers of which had voted in favor of the Taft-Hartley bill
Mr. McDowell. Oh, that isn't answering the question.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 333
(The chairman poiindin<:^ gavel.)
Mr. TiiuMBO. It might be considered that committee was hostile to
labor.
The CiiAiRMAX (pounding gavel). Now, Mr. Trumbo
Mr. McDowell. It is no disgrace, you know, to identify yourself
as a member of a labor union in the United States. Most of us
belong to something.
The Chairman. Now the question is, Mr. Trumbo : Are you a mem-
ber of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Tru:mbo. Mr. Chairman, I would not consider it a disgrace to
be a member of a labor union.
Mr. McDowell. Of course he wouldn't.
Mr. Trumbo. But labor unions have the right to secrecy of their
membership lists.
The Chairman. I am getting back to the question: Are you a
member of the Screen Writers Guild ^
Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, this question is designed to a specific
purpose. First
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Do you-
Mr. Trumbo. First, to identify me with the Screen Writers Guild ;
secondly, to seek to identify me with the Communist Party and}
thereby destroy that guild
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Are you refusing to answer the
questions ?
Mr. TrL'Mbo. I will refuse to answer none of your questions, sir.
The Chair3Ian. Well, you are refusing to ansAver this question,
Mr. Trumbo. I am, indeed, not refusing to answer the question.
The Chairman. I will ask you the question
]\rr. Trumbo. You ask me.
The Chairman. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Trumbo. I repeat
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Excuse the witness
]Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Chairman
Mr. Trumbo. Am I excused?
Mr. Strh'ling. I have more questions
Mr. Trumbo. Am I excused, or not ?
The Chairman. No ; just a minute. The chief investigator wants to
ask some questions.
]Mr. Stripling. Just a moment. I have some other questions, Mr.
Trumbo, that I would like to ask 3^ou.
Are you now, or have vou ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
]\Ir. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, first I should like to know w^hether the
quality of my last answer was acceptable, since I am still on the stand?
The Chairman. This hasn't got anything to do with your answer
to the last question.
Mr. Trumbo. I see.
The Chairman. This is a new question, now.
^Ir. Trumbo. I see.
Mr. Stripling, you must have some reason for asking this ques-
tion
Mr. ISIcDowell, Yes, we do,
Mr. Trumbo. You do.
676S3— 47-
334 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I understand that members of the press have been given an alleged
Comnuinist l^art}' card belonging to me — is that true ^
Mr. Striplixg. That is not true.
Tlie Chairman. You are not asking the question
Mr. Trumbo. I was.
The Chairman. The chief investigator is asking the questions.
INIr. Trumbo. I beg your pai'don, sir.
The Chairman. Are you or have you ever been a member of the
Connnunist Party?
I Mr. Trumfo. I believe I have the right to be confronted with any
evidence which supports this question. I should like to see what you
have.
The Chairman. Oh. Well, you would !
]Mr. Trumbo. Yes.
The Chairman. Well, you will, pretty soon.
(Laughter and applause.)
The Chaikman (pounding gavel). The witness is excused. Im-
possibl*^.
Mr. Trumbo. This is the beginning
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Just a minute-
Mr. Trumbo. Of an American concentration camp.
The Chairman. This is typical Communist tactics. This is typical
Communist tactics. [Pounding gavel.]
(Applause.)
The Chairman. Now, there will be no demonstration from the
persons in the audience. People in the audience are the guests of this
committee. This is a congressional committee and we must maintain
order. Those standing up or walking around will please sit down.
Mr. Stripling, put on the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I would like to place into the record
the affiliations of Mr. Trumbo with the Communist Party.
The Chairman. Louder, please.
Mr. Stripling. Which have been compiled by the investigative and
research staff of the Committee on L^n-American Activities.
I should also like to place a witness on the stand to introduce the
Communist registration card of Mr. Trumbo.
Do I have permission to read this memorandum ?
The Chairman. How many pages are there?
Mr. Stripling. Like in the case of Mr. Lawson, Mr. Cliairman, it
is nine pages long.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, will j-ou come up here, please for
a minute.
( Mr. Stripling confers with the chairman.)
The ('iiAiRMAN. All right, Mr. Stri]:)ling, you read it.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, before I read this memorandum, I
would like to refer to an article which appeared in the Hollywood
RciDorter, which is one of the important trade papers of the motion-
picture industry, under date of August 2, lOl^,"^^ in which they state:
The reporter herein now asks Trumbo to answer these qnestions : Are you a
Communist? Is your party name or alias Hal C'onser? Are you a member of
group 3, branch A. of the American Connnunist Party? Are you the holder of
Communist Bool? No. 36802?
So far as we have been able to determine, Mr. Trumbo has never
answered that challenge from the Hollywood Reporter.
^' See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit 66.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 335
According to the International Motion Picture Almanac and other
sources available to this committee, Dalton Trumbo was the writer
of the following films — there is a long list of films here, Mr. Chair-
man, and I won't read those unless it is desired.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SxRirLiNG. I would like to point out, however, that Mr. Trumbo
is the author of Tender Comrade, about which Mrs. Lela Kogers
testilied. '" — —
(The lilms are as follows :)
Love Begins at 20, Everybody Cheer, Tugboat Princess (Columbia), Tiie
Devil's Playground (Columbia, 1937), Fugitives for a Night (RKO, 1038),
A Man to Remember (RKO, 1938), Sorority House (RKO, 1939), The Flying
Irishman (RKO. 1939), Five Came Back (RIvO, 1939), Career (RKO, 1939),
The Kid From Kokomo (First National, 1939), Heaven With a Barbed-Wire
Fence (Twentieth Centry-Fox, 1939), A Bill of Divorcement (RKO, 1940),
Curtain Call (RKO, 1940), Kitty Foyle (RKO, 1940). We Wlio Are Y.mng
(RKO), 1940), The Widow Wouldn't Weep (Paramount 1940), Accent on Love
(Twentieth Century-Fox 1941), A Guy Named Joe (ISI-G-M. 1943), Thirty Sec-
onds Over Tokyo, Tender Comrade (RKO, 1943), Jealousy (Republic, 1945), Our
Vinp^TIave Tender Grapes (M-G-M, 1945).
jNIr. SxRirLiNG. According to Variety of March 14, 1941, page 2,
Dalton Trumbo was the author of Remarkable Andrew, which was so
anti-British and anti-war that Paramount refused to continue with the
picture after paying $27,000 for it. That was written during the
period of the Soviet-Nazi pact.
The files, records, and publications of the Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities contain the following information concerning the Communist-front affilia-
tions of Dalton Trumbo :
1. According to the Hollywood Reporter, August 22, 1946, Well-known trade
publication of the motion-picture industry, Dalton Trumbo was aslvcd if he was
the holder of Communist Party Book No. 36802. The committee liiiows of no
denial by M)-. Trumbo of this fact. He has, however, openly endor.sed Com-
munist candidates, Communist legal defendants, and has openly cooperated with
the Communist legal defendants, and has openly cooperated with tlie Com-
munist Party and its instruments. According to the Los Angeles Times of
November 2, 1942, Mr. Trunilw endorsed Mrs. La Rue McCormick, Communist
candidate for State senator. In a speech quoted in the Worlver of June 22, 1947,
page 11 (magazine), IMr. Trumbo is quoted as follows:
And the defense of the rights of the Communist Party, and of all real or
alleged Communists, is the duty not only of liberals and progressives, but all
men and women who have love for their country and respect for its Constitution.
At an official meeting of the Communist Party featuring as its chief speaker,
William Z. Foster, party chairman, the poem. Confessional, by Dalton Trumbo,
was presented, according to the People's World of September 10, 1947, page 4.
Mr, Chairman, would it be agreeable if a member of my staff read
this memorandum ?
The Chairman. Yes ; that is agreeable.
INIr. Stripling. Mr. Gaston.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
No. 2. In April 1940, during the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact when the
Communist Party was actively denouncing President Roosevelt as a warmonger,
and agitating against lend-lea.se and the defense program, the Daily Worker
published in serial form Dalton Trumbo's antiwar story entitled "Johnny Got
His Gun." This book was widely sold at all Connmniist Party book s-h( ps and
also extensively circulated at meetings of the American Peace^ M ibilization. A
synopsis of this story appeared in the People's World of :\Iay 22, 1940, p;ige 8.
The story also appeared serially in the Daily Worker of April 1910. Both of
these papers are official Connnunist Party organ:zitions. Mr. Trumbo has been
a contributor to the New Masses. otHcial Connnunist Party weekly magazine,
according to its issues of April 15, 1941, page 13, and September 20, 1944, page 28.
336 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The New Masses has been cited as a Communist periodical by Attorney General
Biddle, according to the Congressional Record of September 24, 1942. It has
been cited as a Communist magazine by the Special Connnittee on Un-American
Activities on June 24, 1942, and March 29, 1944. According to the People's World
of July 16, 1943, Mr. Trumbo was a member of a committee to sell paintings at an
auction for the benefit of the New Masses, which was held in Hollywood. Main-
stream is a Communist quarterly magazine specializing in the literary field. It
is being actively promoted by the ofiiciul Comnuinist press at the present time.
Mr. Trumbo is listed in the winter 1947 issue of Mainstream as a memljer of its
editorial board. It should bo noted in this connection that it has been a long-
standing practice for Communist publications to utilize only Communists as staff
members and frequent coutvibutors.
3. Mr. Trumbo has made it a practice to appear in defense of Ccmnnunist
cases. He defended Harry Bridges, according to the Los Angeles Examiner
of May 25, 1941. Bridges was cited as a meml)er of the Communist Party
by the Daily Worker, the oflicial Communist organ. Mr. Trumbo was at a testi-
monial dinner in behalf of Harry Bridges at Park IManor Hotel, Los Angeles,
on April 12, 1941. according to the San Diego Labor Union Weekly of April
18, 1941. Jesus Hernandez Tomas, a leading Spanish Comnuuiist, was barred
from entry to this country l)y the State Department. Dalton Trumbo enlisted
in his defense, according to the People's World of November 30, 1943. Mr.
Truml)o was also the author of a pamphlet entitled "Harry Bridges," which
was written fgr defense purposes. According to the New York Times of De-
cember 22, 1943, page 40, Mr. Trumbo was a signer of a declaration issued by
the so-called Reichstag Fire Trial Anniversary Committee honoring George
Dimitrov, former general secretary of the Communist International.
4. The American Peace Crusade was organized by the American Peace Mo-
bilization. Attorney General Biddle has stated that : "The most conspicuous
activity of the American Peace Mobilization was the picketing of the White
House, which began in April 1941, in protest against lend-lease and the entire
national defense program. * * * On the afternoon of June 21, 1941, he
(Frederick V. Field, national secretary) suddenly called off the picket line
around the AVhite House" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942). Mr.
Trumbo was a speaker at a mass meeting held under the auspices of the American
Peace Crusade on April 6, 1940, according to the New Masses of August 6, 1940,
page 22. He was a speaker at a Peace rally at the Los Angeles Olympic Audi-
torium on April 6, 1940. He was also a speaker for the American Peace Mobili-
zation at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles on February 24, 1941. Mr.
Trumbo was the author of a skit which was presented at a meeting of the
American Peace Mobilization in Los Angeles on February 24, 1941.
5. The International Workers Order has been cited by Attorney General
Biddle as "one of the strongest Communist organizations" (Congressional Rec-
ord, September 24, 1942). This organization has consistently supported Com-
munist candidates, the Communist press and Communist campaigns. It was
cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on LTn-American Activities
on January 3, 1940, and June 25, 1942. According to the People's World of
May 28, 1943, page 3, Mr. Trumbo was a speaker for the International Workers
Order.
6. The American Youth for Democracy according to the official statements of
its leaders, was formerly the Young Communist League. On April 17, 1947,
the Comnuttee on Un-American Activities issued a report on the American
Youth for Democracy in which it called upon the governors or legislatures of the
various States and the administrative heads of the colleges and universities
"to t'horoughly expose the Communist connections of the American Youth for
Democracy as well as the inimical objectives of the Communist Party in America."
The Congressional Record of March 24, 1947, page A-1298. contains a state-
ment made l)y the Honorable J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, in which he spoke of tlie American Youth for Democracy as the or-
ganization "which conceals the evils and the corruption of American communism.
This namp is but a new one for the former Young Communist I>eague. It i-eflects
all the sinister purposes of the Comnuuiist Party of the United States. It
emplo.vs the same techniques and has the same objectives, namely the conver-
sion of our haven of libeity and freedom to worship as we choose to a godless,
totalitarian state where the adversaries of democracy can do as they please."
The American Youth for Democracy was also cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of March 29, 1944.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 337
According: to the letterhoad of the American Youth for Democi-acy for December
1, 1944. Dalton Trumbo was a sponsor.
7. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee is engaged in providing transpor-
tation and support for international Communist agents such as Gerhart Eisler.
The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee was cited for contempt of Congress
on A])ril IG, 194ti, and its members were convicted in a Federal court on June
27, ]!)47. According to a letterhead dated February 2(J, 194<), i.ssued l>y the
Spanisli Refugee Appeal of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, Mr. Trumbo
was a national sponsor. Mr. Trumbo is also listed as a sponsor of a dinner
held by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee at the Hotel Astor in New
Yorlv City on October 27, 194;>, according to its printed invitation.
8. The National Federation for Constitutional Liberties hils been cited by Attor-
ney General Biddle as part of the "Comnumist solar sy.stem'' and he stated that
"The defense of Communist leaders such as Sam Darcy and Robert Wood, party
secretaries for Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, have been major etforts of the
federation" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942). This organization has
been cited as a Conmiunist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on June 25, 1944, and March 29, 1944. Mr. Trumbo signed an open
letter published by the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties under
the title of '•(iOO Prominent Americans."
9. The Sleepy Lagoon Defen.se Committee was an auxiliary of the Interna-
tional Labor Defense, properly termed by Attorney General Biddle as the "legal
arm of the Communist Party." According to a letterhead of this Defense Com-
mittee, dated August 9, 1944, Mr. Trumbo was a sponsor.
10. The League of American Writers was the American aftlliate of the Inter-
national Union of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow. It has
been cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activi-
ties on January 3, 1940, June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944. It has also been cited
as under Communist auspices l)y Attorney General Biddle in the Congressional
Record of September 24, 1942. The organization has been pledged to the defense
of the Soviet Union and "use of art as an instrument of the class struggle." The
Daily Worker of September 5, 1940, page 7, lists Mr. Trumbo as a member of
the League of American Writers. The League of American Writers held a
conference in Hollywood on June 20-21, 1942. According to the People's World
of June 10, 1942, June 17, 1942, Mr. Trumbo was head of one of its speaker's
panels. According to People's World of March 31, 1943, page 5, Mr. Trumbo
lectured at a conference sponsored liy the West Coast Chapter of the League
of American Writers, during the summer of 1942 in Hollywood. He was also
a contributor to a magazine called Clipper published by the League of American
Writers.
11. The Writers Congress held on October 1, 2, 3, 1943, was sponsored by the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, successor to the Hollywood Branch of the
League of American Writers, which has been cited as a Conununist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities and by Attorney General Biddle
and the Committee for Cultural Freedom, headed by Prof. John Dewey. Mr.
Trumbo was an active participant in one of the panels of the Writers Congress,
according to tlie Peojile's World of October 13, 1943. page 5.
12. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization previously known as the Hollywood
Chapter of the League of American Writers, arranged a series of forums at the
El Patio Theater in Hollywood, beginning Dt-ceniber 2, 1946. Mr. Trumbo was
a speaker at these forums.
13. The Hollywood Forum was held under the auspices of the Daily People's
World, oflicial west coast organ of the Comnmnist Party, according to the Daily
Worker of April 15, 194G, page 11. Mr. Trumbo was a speaker at a forum meet-
ing held on April 9, 1946.
14. The Hollywood Democratic Committee was the successor to the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League which was organized by Isaac Romaine, alias V. J. Jerome,
member of the Central Committee of the Coiumunist Party. The Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League dissolved during the time of the Stalin-Hitler pact. According
to the People's World of August 3. 1943, page 38, Mr. Trumbo made a collection
speech in behalf of the Hollywood Democratic Committee.
15. The INIotion Picture Democratic Committee was cited as a Communist
front by the California Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities in the 1943 report, and by the House Conunittee on Un-American Activities
on September 2, 1947. Melvin Douglas and Philip Dunne resigned from the ex-
ecutive board on the Motion Picture Democratic Conmiittee because of its Com-
munist control. According to the bulletin of the Motion Picture Democratic
338 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Coiumitt(>e, dated March 26, 3940, Mr. Trnmbo was a speaker at its meeting held
on April H, ]!)40. Ilis siilijpct was "America Declares Peace." This meeting was
held during the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact.
16. According to the Dail.v Worker of October 7, 1942, page 7, Mr. Trumbo
was a sponsor of the Artists' Front to Win the War. The Artists" Front to
Win the War was an organization which supported the then current Com-
munist demand for a second front. Many of its sponsors were writers for
the ConuMunist press who had opposed the war during the Stalin-Hitler pact,
such as AJvah Bessie, Angelo Hei-ndon. Alfreil Kreyniborg, Albert Maltz,
and Ruth McKenney. On September 14, 1942, a meeting was held by the
so-called Citizens for Victory Committee at the Philharmonic Auditorium in
Los Angeles. Mi'. Trumbo was the author of a six-page article entitled "An
Open Letter to American People," which was distributed at this meeting, urging
the readers to petition and wire the President for the .opening of a second front.
17. Another ('(nnmunist promoted enterprise was the so-called Council for
Civic Unity. The People's World, official west coast Communist organ for April
28, 1944, mentioned that Dalton Trumbo made a collection speech for this organ-
ization which netted $3,000. A similar group, known as the Academic and Civil
Rights Council, mentions Dalton Trumbo as a speaker in the People's World of
January 2, 1041. Affiliated with the Council for Civic Unity were the follow-
ing Communist groups : American Youth for Democracy, formerly known as the
Young Comnmnist League; Morning Freiheit Association, supporting the Morn-
ing Freiheit, Yiddish organ of the Communist Party; the International Work-
ers Order and other organizations.
18. Paul Robeson, who has a long record of Communist affiliations, was the
moving spirit in what was known as American Crusade to End Lynching which
organized a pilgrimage to Washington, D. C, for September 23, 1946. This ven-
ture was actively sujtported by the Communist press. ]\Ir. Trumbo was a signer
of the call for tliis pilgrimage, which was another example of Communist efforts
to organize mass marches and mass demonstrations on capital cities.
19. According to the People's World of January 15, 1941, page 5, Mr. Trumbo
was listed as a sjieaker at a banquet sponsored by the North California Civil
Rights Council held at the Whitcomb Hotel in San Francisco on January 18.
1941. This meeting was primarily concerned with efforts to defend the Com-
munist Party and Communist cases. Mr. Trumbo also took part in a series of
meetings held about May 10, 1942, for the purpose of launching a committee to
free Earl P>rowder.
20. According to the program of a members meeting of the Hollywood Arts,
Sciences, and Professional Council of September 17, 1947, jMr. Trumbo was
listed as a speaker. The Hollywood Arts, Sciences, and Professional Council
is a branch of the Progressive Citizens of America which was formed by the
left wing group of the ICCASP after the latter organization was dissolved when
its Communist denominations could no longer be concealed.
21. The Daily People's World, official Communist Party publication on the
west coast, dated May 2, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the sponsors of
the Los Angeles Chaiifer of the Civil Rights Congress.
22. The Worker, official publication of the Conununist Party dated September
22, 1946, published a i)icture of the editor and editorial board of a new magazine
entitled "Mainstream," which was referred to as a "Marxist literary magazine."
Dalton Trumbo, whose picture appeared with this article, was stated to be a
member of the board of directors.
23. A circular announcing a "People's Rally for Peace" meeting at the Shrine
Auditorium in Los Angeles on April 24, 1941, under the auspices of the American
Peace Mobilization listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the speakers. The purpose
of this meeting, according to the circular, was to lU'ge the defeat of the House
of Representatives bill for lease-lend.
The Daily People's World, a Communist newspaper for the west coast, dated
July 15, 1941, states that Trumbo was in attendance at a meeting of the Ameri-
can Peace Mobilization held at the Hollvwood Town Forum, HoUvwood, Calif.,
on May 17, 1941.
24. The Daily Worker, dated June 20, 1941, listed Trumbo as a speaker at a
Free Speech Rally sponsored by the Southern California Branch of the National
Federation for Constitutional Liberties held at the Embassy Auditorium in Los
Angeles, June 18, 1941.
25. The Clipper, official magazine of the League of American Writers, de-
scribed above, for the month of August 1941, stated that Dalton Trumbo had been
a contributor for the past 12 issues of this magazine.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 339
A circular avertising the School for Writers sponsored by the Hollywood
Chapter of the League of American Writers for the 1941-12 term mentioned
Dalton Trumbo as a lecturer.
The Daily People's World, dated INIarch 31, 1943, in an article entitled "Young
Writers Develop Technique in Workshop," stated that Dalton Trumbo partic-
ipated in the writers conference held during December 1942, under the slogan
"The Pen Is a Sword," in which be.^inners, veteran screen writers, novelists,
poets, and writers in every medium discussed just how each writer could make
his pen a weapon for democracy. The article further stated that the conference
was called by the Writers Workshop, which was sponsored by the I^^ague of
American Writers.
The Screen Writer, the official publication of the Screen Writers Guild, for
the month of June I94(i. published an edited transcript of an informal discussion
held under the auspices of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization between the noted
Russian writer Konstantin Simonov and menil)ers of the Screen Writers Guild.
The forum was presided over by Dalton Trumbo.
26. The California Eagle, dated March 7, 1940, listed Dalton Trumbo as one
of the sponsors of the American Youth for Democracy, formerly the Young Com-
munist league, dance held in Los Angeles on March 4, 1946, for the lientfit of
the United Electrical Workers who were on strike. This is a Communist-con-
trolled union.
A pamphlet advertising the "Salute to Young America" program under the
auspices of the American Youth for Democracy to be held at the Hotel Holly-
wood, Hollywood, Calif., on December 1, 1944, listed Dalton Trumbo as a member
of the sponsoring committee and Mrs. Trumbo as secretary of the committee.
The Daily People's World for December 5, 1944, stated that Trumbo was a
speaker at the above meeting.
A pamphlet advertising the "Youth Conference"' under sponsorship of the
American Youth for Democracy, scheduled for October 21, 1945, at the Los
Angeles City College, listed Dalton Trumbo as a sponsor.
A printed advertisement announcing a "Welcome Home, Joe" dinner sponsored
by the Los Angeles County American Youth for Democracy, scheduled to be held
December 16, 1945, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the dinner committee members.
This meeting was avertised to be held at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles,
Calif.
27. The Daily Worker, dated October 19, 1942, listed Dalton Trumbo as a
sponsor of a dinner under the auspices of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Com-
mittee to be held at the Astor Hotel, New York City, on October 27, 1942. This
organization has been described above.
A pamphlet issued by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, dated October
21, 1944, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the national sponsors of this organization.
Letterheads of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, 192 Lexington
Avenue, New^ York City, obtained for the years 1945 and 1946, also listed Dalton
Trumbo as a national sponsor of this organization.
28. The Daily Worker, dated September 16, 1944, in an article entitled "Film
Front," lists Dalton Truml)0 as being affiliated with the Hollywood Democratic
Conmiittee. This organization has been described above.
29. The Daily Worker, dated November 22, 1944, stated that Dalton Trumbo
was elected to the board of directors of the Screen Writers Guild.
The Screen Writer, official publication of the Screen Writers Guild, in the
1946 issues reflected that Dalton Trumbn was the editor of the Screen Writer.
A proposal appeared in the Screen Writer, edited by Dalton Trumbo, July
issue, 1946, for an American Authors Authority. According to this report, the
authority is to be a marketing monopoly wdiich will copyright and lease to users
all writings by American authors. It is to begin with scripts for screen and radio
and articles for magazines. By controlling this lucrative field, the authority
will be the exclusive agent for America's most successful writers.
30. A letterhead for the People's Educational Center, dated January 11, 1945^
announced the second annual meeting of the People's Educational Center, a
Connnunist school at the Shoreham Hotel, Los Angeles, Calif., on Jaimary 21,
1945. The announcement listed Dalton Trumbo as a speaker during the evening
session on the subject. Role of the Motion Pictui'e in Shaping the Future.
Page 33 of the report of the California State Legislature's Joint Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 1947, classifies the People's Educa-
tional Center as a Communist front.
31. The Daily People's World, dated July 22, 1946, published a photograph of
Dalton Trumbo along with an article stating that Trumbo would be "an inaugural
340 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
guest speaker Saturday evening, August 10, 1940, at the California Labor School
Summer Term for White Collar and Professional Workers on the Monterey
Peninsula." The article further stated that reservations would be accepted at
the California Labor School, 216 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif.
Page 101 of the report of tlie California State Legi.slature's Joint Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 1947, lists the California Labor
School as a Comnumist school.
32. The Daily Variety, a Hollywood trade magazine, for the month of June
1945, listed Dalton Trumbo as a member of the executive council of the Holly-
wood Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.
This organization has been described above.
3.'5. The Daily People's World, official Communist Party publication on the
west coast, dated May 2, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the sponsors of
the Los Angeles Chapter of the Civil Rights Congress.
The Civil Rights Congress has been engaged in defending Gerhart Eisler,
Comintern agent, and Eugene Dennis, executive secretary of the Communist
Party.
34. The Daily People's World, dated March 20, 1946, stated that Dalton Trumbo
was a speaker at a meeting held at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles, Calif.,
under the auspices of the Mobilization for Democracy.
The Daily People's W^orld, dated April 5, 1946, in an article entitled "We Are
With — Trumbo Pledges Every Effort on Fight of Native Fascists," comments on
a speech by Dalton Trumbo delivered at a meeting of the Mobilization for
Democracy held previously in Los Angeles in which Trumbo is reported to have
outlined several undertakings by the United States Government, such as Expedi-
tion Muskox, Bikini, and the policies of MacArthur in Jajian, all of which Trumbo
interpreted as an indication of United States imperialism and the work of
Fascist reaction in tlie United States.
35. The California Sentinel, dated May 8, 1947, published a list purported to
be the official list of the officers and board of directors of the Southern California
Progressive Citizens of America. Dalton Trumbo was listed as a member of
the board of directors.
Page 236' of the report of the California State Legislature's Joint Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 1947, refers to the Los Angeles
Chapter of the Progressive Citizens of America as a consolidation of the National
Political Action Committee and the Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee
of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which are referred to as Communist
fronts.
36. The Daily People's World, dated October 19, 1942, listed Dalton Trumbo
as one of 400 prominent people who signed an open letter to President Roosevelt
urging the United States to sever diplomatic relations with Spain. This letter
was made public, according to the article, by tlie Council for Pan-American
Democracy, which has attacked alleged American imperialism.
37. The Daily People's World, dated November 6, 1945. carried an advertise-
ment under the heading, "Break relations with Spain," advising that a meeting
was scheduled for the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles, Calif., for November
16, 1945, at which Dalton Trumbo would serve as chairman. The meeting was
said to be under the auspices of the American Committee for Spanish Freedom.
This was part of the Communist campaign in behalf of Loyalist Spain ini-
tiated at tlie seventh Congress of the Communist International — the summer of
1935.
38. The Daily Worker, dated INIay 24, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the
speakers at the Artists Fight Back meeting .sponsored by ^Mainstream, to be held
at Manhattan Center, New York City, on June 11, 1047. The article stated that
the rally would give the answer of the writers and artists to the "Un-American
Committee's" attacks on democratic culture in America.
The New Y'ork World Telegram, dated June 11, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo
as one of the speakers at the Artists Fight Back rally held at Manhattan Center,
New York City, on June 11, 1947.
The Worlver, dated March 23, 1947, published a write-up on the magazine
Mainstream showing tlie table of contents for the winter edition, 1946, listing
Dalton Trumbo as a contributor with a poem entitled "Confessional." This
magazine has been described above.
39. The Daily People's Wcn-ld, dated October 24, 1942, listed Dalton Trumbo
as one of the persons who endorsed LaRue McCormick as Communist Party
candidate for State senator of Los Angeles County.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 341
The Daily People's World, dated July 6, 1944, announced that Dalton Trumbo
would be one of the judges of a short-story contest sponsored by the Daily People's
World to run from August 1, 1944, to February 1, 1945.
The Daily People's World, dated March 26, 1946, listed Dalton Trumbo as a
speaker at a forum lield at the Embassy Auditorium on April 8, 194G, under the
auspices of the Daily People's World entitled "Art — Weapon of the People."
A photostatic copy of this publicity is attached.
Mr. Striplixg. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to call Investigator Louis J. Russell.
The Chairman. ]\Ir. Russell.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Russell has previously been
sworn in this hearing.
The Chairman. Well, we will swear him now, just to make sure.
Mr. Russell, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. Russell. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. State your full name, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Russell. Louis J. Russell.
Mr. Stripling. You are a member of the investigating staff of the
Committee on Un-American Activities?
Mr. Russell. I am.
Mr. Stripling. You M^ere with the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion as an agent for 10 years ?
Mr. Russell. I was.
]Mr. Stripling. Were you designated to make an investigation to
determine whether or not Dalton Trumbo was a member of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. SrRiPLiNG. Will you give the committee the results of your in-
vestigation ?
]\Ir. Russell. Yes.
During the course of the investigation I secured information re-
garding the Communist Party registration card of Dalton Trumbo
for the year 1944. I have a photostatic copy of this registration card
before me.
Mr. Stripling. Read it to the committee ; that is, read for the benefit
of the committee the information contained thereon.
INIr. Russell. This card bears the name "Dalt T." At the time this
card was obtained, I also obtained a code which reflects the name
"Dalt T" was the name used for Dalton Trumbo on the Communist
Party registration card. This card reflects that "Dalt T" resided at
620 Beverly Drive, city Beverly Hills, county Los Angeles, State of
California. The card bears the number 47187. It contains a notation
"1944 card No. 37300." It contains another quotation which states
"New card issued November 30, 1944," The balance of the card con-
tains descriptive data regarding "Dalt T." It states that "Dalt T" is
a male. Occupation that of a writer. Industry, motion picture. The
question is then asked: "A member of the CIO, A. F. of L., inde-
342 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
pendent union, or no union?'' Independent union is checked. The
last question is : "Is member chib subscriber for Daily Worker?" The
answer "Yes" is checked."'*
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The CiiAiEMAN. Mr. Vail, do you have any questions?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. The evidence presented before this committee con-
cerning Dahon Trumbo clearly indicates that he is an active Com-
munist Party member. Also the fact that he followed the usual Com-
munist line of not responding to questions of the committee is definite
proof that he is a memeber of the Communist Party. Therefore, by
unanimous vote of the members present, the subcommittee recom-
mends to the full committee that Dalton Trumbo be cited for con-
tempt of Congress, and that for his refusal to answer the pertinent
question, "Are you a member of the Communist Party?" and his re-
fusal to answer other questions, the committee recommends appropri-
ate action be taken by the full committee without delay.
Mr. Stripling, next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Eoy Brewer.
The Chairman. Mr. Roy Brewer, take the stand, please.
(Mr. Roy M. Brewer, accompanied by counsel, takes place at wit-
ness table.)
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer, will you please stand and raise your
right hand.
Mr. Brewer, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole Iruth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. Breaver. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF EOY M. BREWEE
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, will you state your full name, please,
and present address ?
Mr. Brewer. Roy M. Brew^er, TIG North Curson Avenue, Los An-
geles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where w^ere you born, Mr. Brewer?
Mr. Brew^er. In Hall County, Nebr., August 9, 1909.
Mr. Stripling. You are the international representative of the In-
ternational Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees and Motion-Pic-
ture ISIachine Operatoi-s of the United States ?
Mr. Brewer. I am.
Mr. STRirLiNG. I have a brief preliminary statement wdiich I would
like to read, if I may.
The Chairman. May we see the statement, to see if it is pertinent?
Mr. Brewer. Yes [handing statement to the chairman].
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer, we think that everything in this state-
ment can be substantiated through questioning. Therefore, we would
suggest that at this stage the chief investigator ask questions.
Mr. Brewer. That is quite all right.
^' See iippcndix, )i. 530, for exhibit (17.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 343
The Chairman. Then you can answer in accordance with the state-
ment. If later on the committee decides to place it in the record, why,
when we come to that we will accept it.
Mr. Brewer. That is all right.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, yon stated yon are the international
representative of the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Em-
jiloyees and Moving Picture Machine Operators of the United States?
Mr. Brewer. Of the United States and Canada; yes, sir.
Mr. SiTiirrJNG. How long have you held that position?
iMr. Brewer. Since January 1, 1945.
Mr. Stripling. What did you do prior to that?
Mr. Brew^er. Immediately prior to that I was employed by the
War Production Board as the Chief of the Plant and Community
Facilities Service of the Office of Labor Production, here in Wash-
ington. Prior to that time I had been president of the Nebraska
State Federation of Labor, which is the State branch of the American
Federation of Labor, a position which I had held for 8 years.
Mr. Stripling. How large is your union ?
Mr. Brewer. The International Alliance is approximately 65,000
members.
Mr. Stripling. How many of your members are employed in the
motion-picture industry?
Mr. Brewer. Practically all in the motion-picture industry, but ap-
proximately 15,000 in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Fifteen thousand in Hollywood?
Mr. Brewer. Correct.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee a brief break-down
as to the type of jobs which your members hold throughout the
industry ?
Mr. Breaver. You mean throughout the entire industr}'^ or in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; in other words, what type of work do your
members do ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, so far as our membership throughout the Na-
tion is concerned, it is primarily confined to the work of motion-pic-
ture projectionists, motion-picture stage employees, employees in the
film and distribution exchanges of the various film companies and —
that is the basis of them throughout the Nation.
In Hollywood, we have most of the technical employees employed
in the making of motion pictures. We have the cameramen, the sound
men, and those employees who do work comparable to stage employees
in the studios, such as grips, property men, and so forth. AYe have
14 unions in Hollywood, wdiich represent, as I have stated, approxi-
mately one-half of the employees in the studios. There are about,
I think, 7,000 so-called mechanical employees, with the others of the
15,000 being represented by actors and by extras.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Brewer, you said "grips." What is a "grip?"
Mr. Brewer. Well, a "grip" is a man that handles the scenery on
the set.
Mr. McDowell. A scene shifter?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. That is a term that has gotten to be applied to
those men who move the scenery and the various objects on the set, in
344 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
the actual making of a picture or in the actual setting of a set on the
stage.
Mr. Stbipling. Mr. Brewer, how long have yon been in Hollywood?
Mr. Bhp:wek. I arrived in Hollywood on ISIarch 12, 1945. I had
previously made one trip there, which was in late December of 1944.
Mr. Stripling. Since vou have been there, have you observed any
Comunist influence or infiltration among the employees of the motion-
picture industry, in any field ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes, sir; I have — a great deal.
Mr. Stripling. Would you describe to the committee the extent of
such infihration which you have observed yourself?
The Chairman, And, Mr. Brewer, will you speak louder, please?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. Well, that is quite a long story. When I arrived
in Hollywood, on March 12, 1945, there was in progres a jurisdictional
strike
Mr, Stripling. May I interrupt you at this point, Mr. Brewer?
Mr. Chairman. I failed to have the witnes identify the gentleman
with him. Is he your counsel ?
Mr. Brewer. He is.
Mr. Stripling, Would you identify him?
Mr, Brewer, Mr, Matthew Levy.
Mr. Stripling. Proceed, Mr. Brewer,
Mr, Brewer. When I arrived in Hollywood, on March 12, 1945,
there was a jurisdictional strike in progress which had been called by
the Conference of Studio Unions, That was an organization of certain
American Federation of Labor unions that had been banded together
to form sort of an unofficial asociation of A. F, of L, unions. It was
comprised primarily of members of the painters union, but it also had
in its membership a union of the International Asociation of Ma-
chinists, a union of the International Brotherhood of Electrical
Workers, a union of the Building Service Employees International
Union, an organization of the plumbers' union, and there was a sort
of unofficial association with respect to molders and sheet-metal
workers who were employed in the studios in very small numbers.
Presumably, the issue over which this strike had been called was
the jurisdiction over a group of employees known as set dressers.
These are employees who have the responsibility for the dressing of
the motion picture sets prior to the shooting.
Mr. Stripling. Now, in connection with this jurisdictional strike,
Mr. Brewer, has there been any threat on the part of the Communists
at any time to take over your union ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, as a matter of fact, Mr. Stripling, as the situation
developed and as we became involved with the various forces at work
behind this strike, it became very evident to me that there was some-
thing very seriously wrong. It took me a little while to identify it, but
I finally identified it to my perfect satisfaction as a definite attempt on
the part of the Communist Party to take over the entire strucure of
the trade-union movement in the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Throughout the industry?
Mr. Brewer. The entire motion-picture industry in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Now, who was responsible for that effort and who
was in charge of it ?
INIr, Brewer, Well, the leader of the strike and the pi-esident of the
Conference of Studio Unions and the person that was really directing
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 345
most of the affairs openly was a man by the name of Herbert K.
Sorrell, who was officially the business agent of the painters' union,
local No. 644, in the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Has their effort, on the part of the Communists, to
take over your union, been successful?
Mr. Brewer. No, it hasn't; but it has been successful in creating a
great deal of strife and turmoil.
Mr. Stripling. AVhat is the present status of the situation regarding
Communists ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, the situation as it exists now is that the Con-
ference of Studio Unions has called a series of four strikes since 1944.
The" last one was called on September 26, 1946, and is officially still
going on, although it has been dissipated and economically is at the
present time completely ineffective.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned Herbert K. Sorrell. I believe that
there has been testimony before this committee that Herbert K. Sor-
rell was a Communist. Do you have any information as to the Com-
munist activities of Mr. Sorrell?
Mr. Brewer. I do, Mr. Stripling. And I would like to present this
to the committee, if you will permit me to do so.
I would like to say, as a preliminary to this, that when this strike
started, the first strike, in 1945, which was the first important strike
involved in this question, as it became obvious to me that the strike
was being prosecuted by and with the assistance of the Communist
forces in the motion-picture studios as well as with those same forces
in the entire community, we put out a series of bulletins, I have a com-
plete file of these bulletins, and I will leave them with the committee.
I will not ask that they be introduced as an exhibit, but if the com-
mittee finds something in there that they want to use as an exhibit,
it will be there for them.
As the result of the publication of those exhibits, Mr. Sorrell filed
a suit against me and the international president of my organization
for libel.
As a result of that, we started to investigate the situation and we
found in possession of an investigator some information with respect
to the Communist Partv membership of Mr. Herbert K. Sorrell.
Mr. Stripling. May I see tliose, please?
Mv. Brewer. Yes. [Handing documents to Mr. Stripling.]
Mr. Stripling. I have here, Mr. Chairman, a photostatic copy of a
card, which says : ^^
Control card, first-half of 1937, book No. 74282—
the name ''Herbert Stewart" — S-t-e-w-a-r-t —
State of California, County of Los Angeles, city of Los Angeles, district 13. Sec-
tion, Industrial. Unit, Studios. Occupation, Painter. Union, Painters 644.
Male. Age, 41. White.
Now, can you tell us whether or not tliis photostatic copy, or this
document, has ever been introduced before any Government agency in
the State of California ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. These documents were presented to the Joint
Fact-Finding Committee of the California State Legislature.
" See appendix, p. 325. for exhibit 28.
346 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Do you know wlietlier or not ]\Ir. Sorrell has ever
made any denial or reply regardin*^ this alleged membership in the
Communist Party?
Mr. Brewer. Well, I think he has made a general denial. But he
was subpenaed to appear before the committee to answer the allega-
tions as contained by those documents, and he failed to appear in
answer to the subpena.
At the time those were introduced by the California State Com-
mittee, there was also introduced evidence by what is considered to be
the foremost handwriting expert in America. His name is Mr. Clark
Sellers. He is the man that identified the kidnaping note in the Lind-
bergh kidnaping case as being the writing of Bruno Hauptmann. He
is also the man that recently testified in the Overell murder case,
identifying the signature on the dynamite receipts as the writing of
Bud Gollum. He testified that the signature on this Communist Party
membership book receipt was the writing of Herbert K. Sorrell.
Mr. Stripling. Now, I would like to state, Mr. Chairman, that these
same documents were submitted in evidence by a previous witness,
Mr. Adolphe Menjou, last week, in which he stated that evidence had
been submitted to the California committee to the effect that the party
record of Herbert K. Sorrell was carried in the name of Herbert
Stewart. This is the same document, or a photostatic copy of the
same document.
Do you know whether or not Mr. Sorrell's wife's name is Stewart?
Mr. Brewer. The report of the joiiit committee of the California
Legislature says that that was his mother's maiden name, that his
mother's maiden name was Stewart.
I have additional evidence here, Mr. Chairman, if you Avould care
to have it.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Would you explain to the committee,
please
Mr. Brewer. I also have a bulletin which was issued by our or-
ganization which outlines in some detail the Conmiunist activities,
some of the Communist activities in which Mr. Sorrell has engaged
since the year 193S, I will run through them briefly, if it is the wish
of the committee that I do so.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Brewer. In the testimony this morning there was mention
made of the Motion Picture Democratic Committee and the designa-
tion of that committee as a Communist front.
In 1940, there was a resolution presented to the Executive Com-
mittee of the Motion Picture Democratic Committee by Mr. Philip
Dunne and Mr. Melvin Douglas. That committee says, among other
things : {
The Motion Picture Democratic Committee reatlii-ms its support of the Roose-
velt foreign policy. 2. It commends the President ft>r his condemnation of
Russian aggression and the request that the Finnish war deht payments be
reserved for Finnish use. 3. That the Motion Picture Democratic Committee is
in fundamental disagreement with the Communist Party and other organizations
and individuals who supported the President until the Russian aggression and
have since turned on the Administration with attacks.
That resolution was rejected by the executive board by a vote of 19
to nothing. Mr. Herbert K, Sorrell at that time was listed as a mem-
ber of that conniiittee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 347
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Brewer, I notice from the statement that you
filed with the chairman you say :
The plan as we see it was for Communist forces led by Mr. Jeff Kibre, Com-
munist agent sent to Hollywood in liJ35. and his successor, Herbert K. Sorrell,
to infilti'ate and control Hollywood technical laluir, while other C'onununist forces
led by Mr. .John Howard Lawson, whose act ivities have been effectively described
here,'to infiltrate and control the talent guilds and so-called cultural groups in the
industry.
Whois Jeff Kibre?
Mr. Brewek. That is Jefi' Kibre.
Mr. Stripling. Kibre.
Mr. Brewer. I would like to say — I have some important testimony
with respect to the activities of Jetf Kibre which I would like to put in.
I would like to say, however, that I have a <2:reat deal more material on
the Communist activities of Mr. Sorrell, which
Mr. Stripling. Well, since your statement stated, "Led by Mr. Jeff
Kibre, Communist agent sent to Hollywood in 1935," and then you say
"and his successor, Herbert K. Sorrell," suppose we deal with Mr.
Kibre, before going to Mr. Sorrell, before goino- any further with Mr.
Sorrell.
Mr. Brewer. Fine. As I stated, when I arrived in Hollywood it
became necessaiy for me to find out what we were fighting in this
jurisdictional dispute. It became very evident to me that it was not
an ordinary trade-union argument. Presumably I was supposed to
be fighting a jurisdictional fight with the painters union.
One of the things which convinced me that this was not an ordinary
dispute was the experience which I encountered in the Central Labor
Council of the city of Los Angeles. Normally, when a union is in a
jurisdictional dispute with another international union there is a
bond of loj^alty that extends down the line of that international iniion,
"When I went down to the central labor council I found that the presi-
dent of that council was a member of the painters union. So I
T-aturally assumed that his sympathies would be with the painters
in this jurisdictional dispute. I found, however, that on the execu-
tive board of the Central Labor Council was a representative of one
of my own unions, who was Mr. Morville Kretcher, the business agent
of our film technicians' local No. 683.
Well, the very first issue that came before that council there that
had to do with the Hollywood dispute, to my surprise I found out
that the painter was on mj side and my own representative was on
the side of the Conference of Studio Unions. That, among other
things, established the fact that the line of loyalty in this dispute and
the line of loyalty in the entire union structure in Hollywood were
not those lines which follow ordinary trade union structure.
So. I began to invesfigate, and I found that in every one of our
unions we had certain disloyal groups. I came to identify those
groups of Communist factions. One of the most important pieces
of evidence which I found was that which was contained in the 1940
23roceeding of our own international alliance convention, which dealt
with the activities of ISfr. Kibre. I found printed there a series of
leports which had been published in 1939, in the Los Angeles Citizen,
and which had been later published in our 1940 proceedings, in 1940.
These reports were the reports of Mr. Jeff Kibre to offers of the CIO
and also to Communist Party functionaries who have been identi-
fied previously in this hearing.
348 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I have picked out a few of the pertinent excerpts which I think
are vakiable, not only to identify Mr. Kibre as a functionary of the
Communist Party, but also to outline the techniques which he had
written down and submitted to his superiors in that party.
And with your permission I would like to read these pertinent ex-
cerpts, which I think you will find very valuable in analyzintr the
Communist infiltration in Hollywood.
The Chairman. How long are they?
Mr. Breaver. Well, I will try to shorten them, ISIr. Chairman. I
will only read paragraphs that are pertinent. I would say that totally
there are probably three or four of these pages.
The Chairman. The reason I ask that question — we are probably
2 days behind in our schedule, and we w^ant to try to hurry along as
best we can, but at the same time include all the evidence that we pos-
sibly can. So, witlicut objection, so ordered.
Mr. Breaver. Well, if you feel it is not pertinent, why, you can
tell me.
This was a report written by Mr. Kibre to the State headquarters of
the CIO on April 23, 1938.
I might say, preliminarily, that there is evidence in the files of the
committee in California that there was a definite link between Mr.
Kibre and the Soviet Union. There is evidence in the file to show that
in the year 1934 there was a meeting held in the city of Carmel, Calif.,
which was attended by a woman by the name of Ella Winters, and that
she was in turn delegated the responsibility of contacting Mr. Kibre,
and that according to this evidence she did contact Mr. Kibre.
Now, the representative of the Soviet Union that was at this meeting
in Carmel was a Mr. Michael Aisenstein — and I think it is spelled
A-i-s-e-n-s-t-e-i-n.
]Mr. Stripling. What was his connection with the Soviet Union?
INIr. Brewer. He was a representative of the AMTORG Corp., which
was the then Russian purchasing agent in this country.
The plans which were laid at this Carmel meeting were later re-
flected directly in the activities of Mr. Kibre when he appeared in
our unions in 1935.
In 1938, Mr. Kibre, now a trusted member of our organization and
an employee of the studios in Hollywood, wrote this report to the
headquarters of the CIO in California :
KKVIEW OF PLAN AND OBJECTIVES VOR THE PAST SEVER;\.L MONTHS
Developments in Hollywood during the past 2 months have clearly demon-
strated that not only the correctness of the analysis of the general situation as
presented in the jast report but also the concrete possibiliies of a movement of
unity within the present craft set-up.
A studio unemployment conference representing 12 unions and guilds is the
most basic achievfmient. This conference has already practically reached the
point of demanding joint action liy all of the unions and guilds.
Meanwhile, a broad anti-IATSE movement —
and I might say "lATSE' 'is the designation for my unions, the Inter-
national Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees '■
representing a majority of workers in the industry has announced support of the
program of unemployment conference as the best means of lighting the company-
union policies of the lA and the employers.
By bringing the.'-e two movements together on a fundamental issue of better
conditions, a solid though not, a spectacular movement for a federaticn as teh
preliminary step for industrial "unionism has developed.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 349
Now, later on in the report Mr. Kibre makes what I feel to be a very
significant statement. He says that the Screen Cartoonists Guild,
which has figured very importantly in the activities in Hollywood and
which is the union about which Mr. Disney testified— he says positively
that this guild was organized by us. Later on he says :
The building of the unemployment conferences of the various i-elatecl activities
would have been impossible without the further development and coordination of
rank-and-file machinery embracing the entire industry. Influential groups have
been established in every major union and guild. These groups are coordinated
by a regular underground apparatus. It is through these groups, based in the
present organizations, committed to the object of an industrial union for the
35,000 workers in the industry, that the present field representative is working.
Then, in closing this report, Mr. Kibre says further :
The establishment of an industrial union in Hollywood will have repercussions
far beyond the industry itself. It will open up virtually the untouched field of
the amusement industry as a whole.
And I would like to say in connection with that that the amusement
industry is a well-organized industry and therefore when he says, "the
untouched field," he must have meant the field untouched by com-
munism, because it was a well-organized field' at that time.
Moreover, it will have tremendous influence on the entire development of the
CIO in Los Angeles County.
And I want to say here that the official CIO movement in Los
Angeles, as well as in the State of California, is recognized by all
experts in the field of labor as being completely under the domination
of the Communist Party. It is led by a man by the name of Phil
Connolly, who is generally recognized as being a Communist.
As the largest compact industry in the county, it will be of inestimable value in
giving the industrial movement a solid base, and with Hollywood and its prestige
linked to the harbor and the longshoremen, a tremendous spurt would be given
the organizing movement as a whole.
And there is a significant note. It is signed,
Respectfully submitted :
Jeff Kibke,
Field Rep)'esentative for Hollyioood.
And it has a significant note at the bottom, which says :
It is of extreme importance because of the nature of the work being carried on
that the report and the name of the representative be kept as confidential as
possible.
Now, the next report which we have is a very significant one because
it was written to Mr. Bob Reed, who has been identified here as a
Communist Party functionary attached to the fraction in the Actors
Equity in New York City.
Mr. McDowell. What was his name, again ?
Mr. Brewer. Bob Reed, and he was identified b}^ ]\Ir. Rushmore in
his testimony as a Communist Party functionary. Mr. Kibre starts
out this report by this statement :
My DELiR Bob : Well, one thing about Reds. They seldom write except on busi-
ness. A number of things are on my mind, but first it appears that the long-
-a waited showdown in the industry between the lA and real unity is fast on Its way
and that's the main business of this note.
Also, I am the undercover field representative for the CIO in Hollywood, because
of economy. Reedy Cowl had to go back to the Painters.
67683—47 — —23
350 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Then I will skip part of it here, which is not too significant, and pick
it up where he says :
In the uieantime, I wish you would discus« the matter of lA action with Jack
Statchel. Necessity of my getting in touch with the contacts in various cities,
and so forth.
I have taljen it up with Paul Cline
Mr. SrRiPLiNCi. Could you identify Jack Statchel ? Mr. Brewer, do
you know Jack Statchel ?
Mv. Brewer. I am sorry. I know that he is a recognized party func-
tionary, but I personally cannot identify him.
Paul Cline
The Chairman. Just a minute. Will you for the record identify'
Jack Statchel?
Mr. Striplinc;. I would like, Mr. Chairman, to put a memorandum
in on Jack Statchel, which I will have here in a few moments.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. Brewer (reading) :
I have taken it up with Paul Cline, but he feels personal appeal by vou or
V.J.
Now, the persons who analyzed these reports identified ''V. J.'" as V. J.
Jerome, who was also identified by Mr. Rushmore in his testimony.
rather than communicate through official channels would get quicker results. I
know definitely that a Morris lushewitz, publicity director
Mr. Strh^ling. Would you spell that, please ^
Mr. Brewer. It is M-o-r-r-i-s I-u-s-h-e-wi-tz.
publicity director of the motion-picture operators' local of New York, is one of
our people. Also I understand we have a person in the Cleveland local who pulls
considerable weight. It is imperative that I get hold of all of these contacts.
Send them report on the role of the lA in Hollywood.
Then Mr. Kibre winds up this in a very friendly way, which would
indicate a close personal relationship with Mr. Bol) Keed. He says :
Hope all of this isn't too big an order for a jolt out of the. blue sky, and hope Ida
is as sunny-faced as ever. Maybe I'll be seeing you in a couple of weeks. Hope
so. By the way, if Fred Keating is around, give him by regards.
Comradely,
Jeff.
Now, as you analyze these reports, it becomes significant that what
Mr. Kibre was trying to do
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, I wish you would identify for the com-
mittee the documents from which you have been reading.
Mr. B!fcEWp:R. This is a copy of the Proceedings of the 1940 Conven-
tion of the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees and
Moving Picture Machine Oj^erators of the United States and Canada^
the official report.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Now, Mr. Kibre's report was placed in the
official report by Mr. Kibre?
Mr, Brewer. No. This was placed in the report of the convention
by the office of our international union. These reports
Mr. Stripling. In other words, it was as a disclosure of the activity
of Mr. Kibre?
Mr. Brewer. That is right. And these reports were previously
published in the Los Angeles Citizen, wliich is the official publication
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 351
of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council in Los Angeles, at the time
of an election.
Mr. 8tiuplixg. Now. had Mr. Kibre ever denied the content of these
reports ^
Mr. Brewer. Not to my knowledge. And, significantly enough,
when these reports were made public and the election which Mr, Kibre
subsequently engineered in this effort to take over the Hollywood-
unions, he disappeared from the picture in Hollywood. His next
appearance on the scene w^as as a leader in the North American Avia-
tion strike, in Englewood. Calif., which was identified by President
Roosevelt as a political strike, called for the purpose of impeding the
defense of the country. He is now an official of the CIO fishermen's
union and lias been indicted and convicted of a charge dealing with
violation of the Federal antitrust laws.
The significance of the technique which is outlined in Mr. Kibre's
early reports, as I see it. Mr. Chairman, is that that technique has
been followed since that time in the organization and the activities of
the Conference of Studio Unions.
Mr. Stripling. Now. how many members does the Conference of
Studio Unions liave in the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, right now that is a little indefinite, but at the
time the strike was called they had about 9,000,
Mr. Stripling. Nine thousand ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. As compared with
Mr. Brewer. With 15,000 in our organization, and a total of approx-
imately 30,000, including actoi*s and extras.
Mr. Stripling. Now, I would like to get this straight, Mr, Brewer :
How many jurisdictional strikes have there been in the motion-picture
industry in the past 10 A^ears that j^ou can recall? Was there one in
1944?
Mr, Brewer, Yes; there was a brief strike called by Mr, SorrelL
]\Ir. Stripling. In '45 was there one ?
Mr. Brewer. There was a strike called on March 12, 1945, which
lasted for about 8 months.
Mr. Stripling. Was there one in 1946? A new one?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. There were two strikes in 1946, There was a
2-day strike called on July 2. 1946, and there was a second strike called
on September 26. 1946, which has not as yet officially ended,
Mr. Stripling. Now, as a labor official, can you tell the committee
whether or not the Communists were instrumental in fomenting any
of these strikes which you have labeled jurisdictional strikes? What
part did the Communists play in them? So far as this committee
is concerned, it is my understanding that their only interest would
be whether or not the Communists have exercised any influence in
labor relations or labor matters within Hollywood. They are not
concerned with jurisdictional strikes as such,
Mr. Brewer. AVell. analyzing Avhat has happened in the past and
analyzing the tactics, the techniques, and the activities of individuals
in the present and immediate past situations, one can onlv conclude
that the fundamental purpose of the Conference of Studio Unions
Avas to drive a wedge between the members of the union in Hollywood
and the official brandies of their organizations.
352 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
All of the unions which were in the — I won't say all, but most of
the unions which formed the core of the unemployment conference,
which Jeff Kibre was describing back in 1939, also formed the core
of the Conference of Studio Unions. It is our firm conviction and
belief that the Conference of Studio Unions was organized for that
purpose, and that the jurisdictional strikes which have since taken
place were all a part of the efforts of the Communist Party to dis-
rupt and destroy the American Federation of Labor, in the unions
in the studios, and to throw them into an industry-wide industrial
union which would be under Communist control.
Mr. Stripling. Now, in the Conference of Studio Unions, what
percentage of the rank-and-file membership would you say are Com-
munists or under the bidding or carrying out the bidding of Commu-
nists within the studio unions?
Mr. Brewer. Well, that is a very difficult question to answer because
the indoctrination processes of those unions that were brought into
the Communist orbit were very efficient. One of the very important
techniques which they developed was to insulate the thinking of these
individuals to any ideas except those which their officers put before
them.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned the officers. Let me put this question
first, then : What percentage of the officials of the Conference of Stu-
dio Unions do you feel are Communists? Is the union under Com-
munist domination ?
Mr. Brewer. The Conference of Studio Unions has consistently
follo\^ed the CoTnmunist Party line since its origin. Herbert K.
Sorrell has religiously followed the Communist Party line, with per-
haps one minor exception. There are a number of unions in the Con-
ference of Studio Unions which I consider to be completely under
Communist domination.
Mr. Stripling. Could you name some of those unions ?
Mr. Brewer. The first one is the Painters' Union, Local 64-t, of
which Herbert K. Sorrell is the principal officer.
The second one is the Screen Cartoonists Guild, of which a Mr.
Maurice Howard is the principal officer.
The third is the Screen Story Analysts Guild, which, incidentally,
is a part of the Painters' Union, of which Mr. Matty Madison and Miss
Frances Millington are the principal officers.
Mr. McDoAVELL. Mr. Brewer, did you say that the Screen Story
Analysts Guild was a part of the painters' union ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes; that is true.
Mr. McDowell. Well
Mr. Brewer. Actually — excuse me.
Mr. McDowell, Just what would be the connection between analyz-
ing the scripts and doing some painting?
Mr. Brewer. That is only a part of the very peculiar things that
happened in Hollywood labor. As a matter of fact — and again trying
to analyze the problem from a fundamental standpoint — it became
evident to us that the painters' union was being used by this Com^
munist core as an instrument of setting up within this trade-union
structure a second industrial union. They took over not only the
Screen Story Analysts, but the i:)ainters' union organized and issued
•charters to the Screen .Cartoonists Guild, to the Screen Publicists
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 353
Guild — now, those are press agents; those are the men who are the
press agents. Most of them are past newspapermen, but they organ-
ized those men, and women, and put them in the painters' union.
Mr. McDowell. Well, they could possibly be in the painters' union.
But your idea here — you are pointing out that this painters' union was
attempting to suck in everything, every other union, into itself, for
more complete control; is that it?
Mr. Brewer. Well, that was a part of their program. The first
thing that they were trying to do was to bring into the Conference of
Studio Unions all those unions that they could bring around to the
Communist Party philosophy.
Then, those groups thnt were unorganized in the studios at the tim;e
this campaign started, in order to give them an international union in
the American Federation of Labor which they could control, they put
into the painters' union.
Now, another very large union which they organized into the
painters' union was the office employees. Those are stenographers^
clerks, file clerks, and messengers. All those people were organized
and put in the painters' union, and then subsequently brought in and
made a part of the Conference of Studio Unions, to broaden the wedge
which they were driving in the labor structure in Hollywood.
There is one other union which is significant and important that
they organized, and that was what is called the Set Designers. Now,
that was a miscellaneous group of art department employees. They
included the set designers, the illustrators, the sketch artists, and
also the set decorators which they attempted to organize and eventu-
ally did organize into the painters' union.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, getting back to my question concerning
the percentage of officials of the Conference of Studio Unions who
you consider to be Communists.
Mr. Brewer. Well, I considered, as I say, that the entire Conference
of Studio Unions was under Communist domination.
Now, there were some of the unions which followed along with
them ior the most part. I would say that the machinists' union was
not so completely under their domination as were the others, but
they supported most of the Communist Party programs.
Mr. STRirLixG. Now
Mr. Brewer. So
Mr. Stripling. Pardon me.
Mr. Brewer. So the Conference of Studio Unions and all of those
unions that were a part of the conference and that were under their
influence were for all practical purposes a part of the Communist
spearhead in the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Now, in connection with these jurisdictional strikes
which you said the Communists figured in, was there any violence or
was there evidence of any of the typical tactics of the Communists?
JNIr. Brea\t:r. Yes. There was some of the most unbelievable
amounts of violence that have ever appeared on the scene in the
American labor movement.
I have here a list of our members that were injured in this 1946
strike.
You see, what had happened was that in 1945 the Conference of
Studio Unions for all practical purposes had lost the strike. They
354 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
had to close the studios down in order to make their strike effective.
And recognizing that the purpose of closing the studios down was
to destroy our union, it naturally became paramount to our interests
that they not succeed in that endeavor. So we announced at the time
that if they persisted in prosecuting a jurisdictional strike against our
unions in an effort to wrest from our union jurisdiction which had
been traditionally ours in the studios, we would resist it.
So, for all practical purposes, by the 1st of October that strike had
been lost. Efforts and conferences had been made for settlement, but
without success.
On October 5, there appeared at Warner Bros, studio mass picket
lines, which according to the stated intent of their leaders were de-
signed to prevent by physical force anyone from going through into
the studios.
As a result of these mass picket lines, a complete state of anarchy
was created at Warner Bros, studio. The management of that
studio could not get into his own studio. The police department at-
tempted to cope with it, but found themselves completely unable to
do so, with the result that pressure was brought to bear on various
groups, and eventually that strike was settled.
However, after the strike was settled, an investigation was entered
into by another committee of the California Legislature, headed by
C. Don Field. They found positive evidence, in an official report, of
Communist activities in those picket lines.
As a matter of fact, we didn't need a report of the committee on law
and order of the State legislature to tell us, because in the mass picket
lines there w^ere a number of prominent people who had been identified
with Communist activities. Among them was Mr. John Howard Law-
son, who was arrested in those mass picket lines.
Mr. McDowell. You mean he was walking the picket line ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes ; he was. In addition to Mr. John Howard Law-
son, there were other persons, who were not involved in the strike so
far as the Conference of Studio Unions were concerned, who were
there and who said they were observers, but who actually were assist-
ing, in our opinion, in creating the chaos and the anarchy that existed
there.
Mr. McDowell. They were a part of the film industry?
Mr. Brewer. Yes.
Mr. McDowell. They were
Mr. Brewer. And I have the names of some of the prominent ones,
if you would like to have them.
Mr. McDowell. Yes ; name some of them.
Mr. Brewer. Mr. John Garfield, Mr. John Wexley, Mr. Sidney
Buchman, Mr. Howard Koch, Mr. Larry Adler, Mr. Lewis Milestone,
Mr. Dalton Trumbo, Mr. Gary McWiUiams, Mr. Fi-ank Tuttle, Mr.
Robert Kossen, Mr. William Pomerance, and Mr. John Howard
Lawson.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, can you tell us whether or not it was at
Warner Bros, studios that the automobiles were overturned?
Mr. Brewer. Yes ; automobiles were overturned. Hundreds of men
were attacked. Automobiles were smashed. And on certain days they
cleaned up tons of broken bottles and bricks and stones that were used
in an effort to forcibly prevent members, fellow members of the Ameri-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 355
C'lxn Federation of Labor, from going to work and fulfilling their con-
tracts with the studios.
Mr. Strii'Ling. Well, then, Mr. Brewer, wouldn't the National Labor
Relations Board have jurisdiction in a matter of this kind ?
Mr. Bhea\t:r. Well, that I think, perhaps, is a legal question.
Mv. Stiupling. In otlier words, did any phase of the jurisdictional
strikes come Avithin the purview of the National Labor Relations
Board?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. As a matter of fact, the 1945 strike was called
at a time when the National Labor Relations Board was conducting a
hearing into the very question about which the strike was presumably
called. That was the question of representation of the set decorators
in the studios. Tlie hearing had started, on a Monday previously, and
the hearing had gone for 1 week. The Conference of Studio Unions
had placed their side of the story into the record. The hearing had
recessed and was to take up the following Monday, when the lATSE
was to liave had its opportunity to present its case.
On the Monday morning of March 12, the strike was called.
Mr. Stripling. Who presided in that hearing of the National Labor
Relations Board?
Mr. Brewer. At that particular hearing I can't say, Mr, Stripling.
I didn't attend them because I was busy with the activities in connec-
tion with the strike.
Mr. Stripling. Well, did the National Labor Relations Board suc-
ceed in any way in alleviating the situation directly ?
Mr. Brewer. Actually, the National Labor Relations Board did
eventually hand down a decision and held an election. The election
was held and the Conference of Studio Unions won the election by
a rather small margin. But that did not end the strike.
Mr. Stripling. Why didn't it end the strike ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, by that time all of these other unions were out
in support of them. They were making demands. The situation had
become so comj^licated that new issues had entered into it, and the
strike continued on for several months after the results of the election
were made known.
Now. there is a great deal more that I would like to say about this
violence.
The strike in 1945 was settled. But in 1946, on September 26, the-
mass picket lines were taken up right where they left off at Warner
Brothers in 1945. The violence that took place in the 1946 strike was
equal in intensity to that which existed in 1945.
We were a little more used to that sort of thing by 1946. I have
here — which I will leave with the committee — a complete report of
the personal injuries of our members and members of other A. F. of L.
unions in the 1946 strike.
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer
Mr. Brewt:r. Some 300 in number.
The Chairman. ]\Iay I ask a question right here? Would you say
definitely that this violence was due to the Communist influence in
those unions and the Communist influence on the picket lines?
Mr. Brewer. I will say definitely, Mr. Chairman, that had it not
been for the Communist activities in the motion-picture studio unions,
there would have been no strikes. And the violence — as I said, there
356 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
is an official report here whicli said that much of the violence was the
direct result of Communist infiltration.
The Chairman. Well, from your own opinion, would you say that
the violence on the picket lines was due to the Communists on the
picket lines?
Mr. Brew' ER. ]\Iuch of it ; yes.
The Chairman. Well, what do you mean by "much"? Do you
mean 25 percent or 75 percent, or
Mr. Brewer. Well, the picket-line activities were organized and di-
rected by Herbert K. Sorrell — all of them. He was the leader.
The Chairman. Who, in your opinion, is a Communist?
Mr. Brewer. Who, in my opinion, is a Communist. And in the
organization of all of the activities he was assisted by men who, in
my opinion, are Communists and are still active in the Hollywood
studio situation.
The Chairman. We will just suspend for a few minutes. Mr.
Stripling, come up here, please.
(Hearing suspends.)
The Chairman. Mr. Vail, do you have any questions?
Mr. Vail. Mr. Chairman, I have before me the statement that Mr.
Brewer sought to introduce at the beginning of his testimony this
morning, and it impresses me as being relevant, comprehensive, and
informative and of value to the intent and purpose of this committee.
It is my suggestion that the witness be permitted to read that statement.
The Chairman. I have looked over the statement. The statement
is pertinent. And Mr. McDowell agrees. You go ahead and read
the statement at this time.
Mr. Brewer. In response to your subpena, I welcome the oppor-
tunity to present to this committee the evidence which I have of
Communist infiltration into the Hollywood studio unions. I am
sure that tlije 30,000 employees now working in the Hollyw^ood studios,
of which our union represents approximately one-half, are fully con-
scious of the responsibility w^hich the committee has in this matter.
The story of Communist infiltration and intrigue which this com-
mittee is revealing to the American people is not new to us. We have
been resisting it for more than 10 years. I shall present evidence
which I think will conclusively establish the fact that there is, and
there has been, a real Communist plot to capture our union in Holly-
wood, as a part of the Communist plan to control the motion-picture
industry as a whole. The plan came dangerously close to success. I
am happy to say that thus far it has failed.
The plan, as we see it, was for Communist forces, led by Mr. Jeff
Kibre, Communist agent sent to Hollywood in 1935, and his successor,
Herbert K. Sorrell, to infiltrate and control Hollywood technical
labor, while other Communist forces led by Mr. John Howard Lawson,
whose activities have been effectively described here, were to infiltrate
and control the talent guilds and so-called cultural groups in the
industry. At the appropriate time these two forces were to be joined
in one over-all industrial union set-up under complete Communist
domination. Our international union, the lATSE, found itself as
the one real effective force standing in the way of this program.
Having failed to control our organization in Hollywood, the Com-
munists found it necessary to seek to destroy it. Fomenting and ag-
gravating jurisdictional irritations existing in the trade-union struc-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 357
ture in the studios, the Communists in 1944, 1945, 1946, and 1947
engineered and maintained a running series of jurisdictional strikes
against our union. The real urpose of these strikes was the weaken-
ing and ultimate destruction of the lATSE, which was the recognized
bulwark against Communist seizure of the studio unions.
Had those strikes been successful, and the lATSE been defeated,
we are sure that the few remaining forces of resistance would have
easily succumbed to the unbelivable effective machine which the Com-
munist movement had built in southern California in 1944. With a
Connnunist-controlled union representing all Holyw^oocl technical labor
supporting a Screen Writers Guild, through which only pro-Com-
munist writers could get into the industry, we believe that the screen
would have been effectively captured, notwithstanding the good inten-
tions of the producers of motion pictures.
Wliile tliis Communist plan has been defeated thus far, we have
not been successful in this fight without tremendous effort on the part
of the real A. F. of L. unions in the studios and a tremendous sacrifice
on the part of many of our members. Hollywood workers have fought
valiantly to prevent their unions from becoming an adjunct of Soviet
foreign policy. Hundreds have suffered personal injuries. Homes
have been bombed, automobiles destroyed, and children threatened.
Intimidation and coercion have cause many to live for weeks in terror.
Some may say that the Hollywood story is a figment of a motion-
picture make-believe; but to our members in the Hollywood unions,
it is very real indeed. To them it has meant the pitting of workers
against workers, brother rgainst brother; yes — and even husband
against wife. Thus have the Communists sought to justify their
slogan that the end justifies the means.
The trend of the time has aided our cause. Important persons in
the industry who a few years ago greeted our story as too fantastic to
believe, are now looking at it with recognition and concern. But
we know from expei-ience that the Communists will not give up —
the prize is too great. We hope, therefore, that with the help of the
committee, the Communist menace in the motion-picture industry may
be successfully destroyed, to the end that Hollywood labor may be
spared in the future the strife and turmoil of the immediate past.
We shall continue to fight, to expose, and to remove the Communist
menace from our trade-unions, so that, in keeping with our American
system, our labor organizations may continue to be free, clean, progres-
sive, patriotic, and democratic, with continued improvement of work-
ing conditions and maintenance of adequate security for the many
thousands of employees in this gTeat American industry.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
]Mr. McDowell. Mr. Brewer, were you here when Mr. Trumbo tes-
tified ?
Mr. Brew^er. Yes: I was.
Mr. McDowell. You observed him when he refused to testify?
Mr. Brewt.r. Yes; I did.
Mr. IMcDowELL. Did you observe his actions when he was asked if
he belonged to the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Brewer. I did.
Mr. McDowell. Would it offend you if I, or if any other person,
would ask you if you belong to a labor union ?
Mr. Brewer. It certainly would not.
358 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. Well, do you know of any other American member
of a labor union, of which there are millions and millions in this
country, who would be offended or who would conclude that some
right was being violated if that were asked ?
Mr. Brewer. I see no reason at all why today a man should deny
his membership in an American trade-union — none at all.
Mr. McDowell. You have become out there in recent years a very
vigorous and well-known fighter against communism. It has been
almost the 100-percent experience of every person who is opposed to
communism, who has come before this committee or in any other
way, to have been smeared in some fashion. Has that happened to
you?
Mr. Brewer. I should say so. I have been smeared as a Fascist
and a reactionary and a company union official, and everything elsa
Mr. McDowell. A tool of the producers ?
Mr. Brewer. A tool, yes — tool of the employers and associated with
reactionaries — about anything else that could be said along that line
has been said about me.
Mr. McDowell. Have you been called a religious bigot or an anti-
religious person, or whatever happened to fit at the moment ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, not effectively. There have been a couple of
times when rumors have been circulated, but I think they were pretty
effectively squelched.
Mr. McDowell. Have your personal morals been attacked by these
people?
Mr. Brewer. I don't think they have; not to my knowledge.
Mr. McDowell. Well, you have missed something. [Laughter.]
Have they disturbed your comfort — the comfort of your home life
at all ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, as a matter or fact, there was one period during
the activities in this situation when my home was guarded for a period
of about 6 or 8 weeks. I had a guard every night. As a matter of
fact, I received a threatening phone call and was told that if I didn't
change my position with respect to one of our own unions that had
come under the domination of the Communists, I wouldn't have any
home. I put a guard around the home that night. At 3 o'clock that
morning there was a suspicious car stop; and an unarmed officer whom
we had employed stepped out to the car, and they left. From that
time on, for a period of some 8 weeks, my home was guarded. I have
a wife and two children who I felt needed that protection.
Mr. McDowELT.. Well, Mr. Brewer, do you suppose if you had none
before these people and began to scream that this is the way Hitler
started things, and your constitutional rights were being subject to
illegal pressure, and so forth, that would have stopped everything?
You would have been free from then on ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, I found that unless you have a pretty good or-
ganization behind you, no one can hear your screams over the screams
that have preceded you.
Mr. McDowELTv. In other words, about the only way to protect
yourself out there was with a club, wasn't it ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, yes. We had to have protection from the activi-
ties which were carried on, as the evidence shows. As a matter of
fact, there is without a question of a doubt an underground smear
organization in the motion-picture studios that works very effectively.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 359
It is understandable, if you analyze how they work. They will pick
up some particular phase of some story which they want to amplify
and distort. Sometimes it's a story such as one that was circulated
about me — that I had been run out of the city of Omaha for selling
out to workers. That story appeared all of a sudden all over Holly-
wood, and it was, I am sure, as the result of a preconceived and clearly
executed plan. That is just one example of the many which we have
been able to detect in their activities.
Mr. McDowell. Thank you. You have been a good witness.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixg,. I have no more questions at this time. I understand
that the witness is to be recalled, Mr. Chairman ?
The Chairman. The witness will be recalled some time this after-
noon. So, would you stand by, Mr. Brewer ?
Mr. Stripling. There are several matters that I would like to put
in the record, which you asked for.
The Chairman. Oo ahead.
Mr. Stripling. On Jack Statchel, Mr. Chairman — he is a member
of the National Committee of the Communist Party. He is national
director of the trade-union division of the Communist Party. At the
Communist Party convention held January 30, 1936, in Cleveland,
he made a report on the trade-union work at the convention. He lias
also been a member of the New York State Trade Union Commission
of the Communist Party. He is a very well-known Communist figure.
Now, Mr. Chairman, this morning, when Mr. Trumbo appeared
before the committee. I failed to put into the record the subpena which
called, for his appearance. I would like at this time to make the
record clear on this point.^''
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Also to include therein two telegrams which were
sent to ISIr. Trumbo in connection with his appearance here.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The subpena and telegrams are as follows:)
Washington, D. C, October 13, 19Jf7.
Dalton Trimbo,
Care of Metro-Goldwyn-ifayer, Culver City, Calif.:
In resjK'iise to the subpena served upon you summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, in Washington, D. C. on October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on
October 27 instead of October 23, at the hour of 10 : 30, room 226, Old House Office
Building.
J. Paenell Thomas, Chairman.
Committee on Un-J.merican Activities,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C, October 11, 1947.
Mr. Dalton Trumbo,
1217 North Kings Road, Los Angeles, Calif., or
Lazy T Ranch, Stauffer. Ventura County, Calif.:
In response to tlie sui)p9na served upon yon summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, in Washington. D. C, October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on
October 27 instead of October 23, at the hour of 10: 30 a. m., room 226, Old House
Office Building.
J. Parnei.i. Thomas, Chairman.
** See appendix, p. .540. for exhibits 68-70.
360 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
(Original— 32080, vol. 58, p. 421)
By autJwrity of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America.
To RoBEBT E. Clark, United States Marshal:
You are hereby commanded to summon Dalton Trumbo to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Honorable J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chairman, in their chambers in the city of Washington, on October 23, 1947, at
the hour of 10:30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said
committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States in the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
John Andrews, Clerk.
The Chairman. The meeting will stand in recess until 2 o'clock
this afternoon.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 30 p. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m. of
the same day.)
Attest : J. Parnell Thomas.
STATEMENT OF PAUL V. McNUTT
AFTER RECESS
The committee reconvened at 2 p. m., pursuant to the recess.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. McNuTT. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully request permission to
bring a matter to the attention of your committee.
The Chairman. And will you please identify yourself for the
record ?
Mr. McNuTT. I am Paul V. McNutt. I am here as counsel for the
Motion Picture Association and the Association of Motion Picture
Producers.
The Chairman. You may proceed.
Mr. McNuTT. Yesterday afternoon
The Chairman. Just a minute. AVhat do you have, a long state-
ment ?
Mr. McNuTT. No ; it is not a long statement.
The Chairman. May I see the statement ?
(The statement was handed to the chairman.)
The Chairman. Just show a copy to Mr. Stripling, please.
Mr. McNuTT. I have only the two copies.
Mr. Stripling. I will give it back to you.
Mr. McNuTT. All right, Mr. Stripling.
(A copy of the statement was handed to Mr. Stripling.)
The Chairman. Sit down, please, Mr. McNutt.
(After a pause:)
The Chairman. Mr. McNutt, we will be pleased to have you read
this statement.
Mr. McNutt. Do you wish me to sit down ?
The Chairman. No; it makes no difference whether you sit down
or stand up, but I would like to know, the coimnittee would like to
know, first, who you are now speaking for.
Mr. McNuTT. I am speaking for the Motion Picture Association of
America and the Association of Motion Picture Producers.
The Chairman. And will you please tell the committee who are
members of the Motion Picture Association of America ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 361
Mr. MoNuTT. I am perfectly willing to put into the record the list.
The CiiAiRMAX. No. You tell the committee. You represent
them.
Mr. McNuTT. I represent all of the larger motion-picture pro-
ducers.
The Chairman. Who are they ? Name them, please.
Mr. McNuTT. Warner Brothers, there is M-G-M, there is Fox— it
goes on down the line.
The CiiAiRMAX. I see.
Mr. McNuTT. And I should like to put in the record, with the chair-
man's permission, all of those.
The Chairman. Can you name any more?
Mr. McNuTT. Yes; 1 can go on down the line. Let me have the
complete list.
The Chairman. No. You represent them,
Mr. McNuTT. That is right but, as a matter of fact, there are some
60 names on 1.
The Chairman, Can you remember four or five more?
]\Ir. McNuTT. Yes.
The Chairman. Name them, please.
]Mr. McNuTT. I have named AYarner Brothers, M-G-M, Twentieth
Century-Fox; the Universal is on that list, the Warner Bros. Studio;
there are practically all of tlie larger studios.
Tlie Chairman. All right. You proceed.
Mr, McNuTT. I have not memorized the members.
The Chairman. I see,
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McNutt, do you represent Charlie Chaplin?'
Mr. McNuTT. I do not.
Mr. Stripling. You do not ?
Mr. McNuTT, He is not a member of either association.
The Chairman. And do you represent these witnesses that we have
had here these last 2 days ?
Mr. McNuTT. I do not, Mr. Chairman,
The Chairman. But you do represent Mr. Warner?
Mr, McNuTT. Mr. Warner's organization is a member of the asso-
ciation.
The Chairman. And you represent Mr. Mayer ?
Mr. McNuTT. Mr, Mayer's company is a member of the association.
The Chairman. And they know about this statement that you are
going to read?
Mr. McNuTT, They do, R-K-0 is another member of the associ-
ation.
The Chairman. Let me ask you this
]\Ir. ISIcNuTT. Yes,
The Chairman. Do Mr. Warner and Mr. Mayer personally know
about this statement?
Mr. McNuTT. Mr. Mayer does.
The Chairman. Mr, Warner does not know about it ?
Mr, McNuTT. Not that I know of.
The Chairman. You may proceed.
Mr. McNuTT. Yesterday afternoon the organizations I represent
were accused of having tried to stifle this inquiry. This charge was
made against us without proof and on the basis of insinuation and
innuendo.
362 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This is a charge which does grave damage to our industry and seri-
ously reflects on the personal integrity, loyalty, and patriotism of in-
dividuals associated with it.
We cannot stand by and allow these vicious charges to go unchal-
lenged before the public.
In the chairman's own words, we were accused of trying to get the
committee to "lay off" the investigation.
I quote the chairman:
We had some very prominent persons in this country who, either through
you —
addressing Mr. Eric Johnston —
or someone you are associated with, contacted and got in touch with us and
asked us to lay off or postpone it.
The chairman also said :
And then we have had others get in touch with some of our investigators who
tried all the tricks of the trade, to find ovit what we were going to do. One man
went so far as to — he didn't offer anything, but I want to tell you he gave all
the signs of an offer — all the signs of an offer.
Does the committee have any proof of these gratuitous insinuations?
We wiint to know. The public is entitled to know.
If the charges can't stand the light of day in open and aboveboard
discussion, they should not be made.
The committee has stated it intends to conduct a fair hearing and
give the American public all the facts. Insinuation and innuendo are
never fair and are not facts.
With respect to postponement of the hearings, I wish to quote from
11 press release issued by the chairman on September 19, 1947. The
chairman said :
The committee had originally hoped to begin this hearing on September 29.
However, a number of unfoi'eseen circumstances have arisen regarding the
membership of the committee which necessitates a delay until October 20, in
order that all members may be present for this important hearing.
Our position in that respect coincides precisely with that of the
chairman.
From the very beginning, we have wanted all members of this com-
mittee in presence at these hearings. The chairman did not over-
emphasize it when he said the importance of these hearings demanded
the presence of the full committee.
We wanted all members present to hear our story. We wanted them
present so that this investigation would be the investigation to end
all investigations of Hollywood by the committee.
At no time did we want to stifle the inquiry. The truth is we re-
peatedly asked for a full, fair, and conclusive hearing because we
want to see Communists exposed wherever they may be.
Yet at another point in yesterday's hearing, the chairman said
that—
It makes no difference whether you have got glamour girls out there or
whether you have got a lot of funds behind you or not, if there are Communists
in that industry we are going to expose them.
Statements and innuendoes of the kind made at yesterday's hearings
hardly becomes a committee of the Congress which has expressed
its intention to conduct a.fair and impartial hearing.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 363
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McNutt, the Chair appreciates your contri-
bution and the Chair will reply to you in a very full and detailed
manner.
Mr. McNuTT. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. In the meantime, however, the Chair would like
to make two inquiries of you.
Does your organization employ Mr. Cahill ^
Mr. McNuTT. It does.
The Chairman. Did you know that Mr. Cahill went down to our
committee chambers a number of times ?
Mr. McNuTT. I did.
The Chairman. And for what reason clid he go down there ?
Mr. McNuTT. To get whatever information the committee was will-
ing to offer us in order that we might be prepared.
The Chairman. Exactly; to get whatever information. You an-
swered it yourself.
Mr. McNuTT. Certainly.
The Chairman. And he didn't get any.
Mr. McNuTT. In order that we might be prepared, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I would like to ask you another question.
]\Ir. McNuTT. All right.
The Chairman. Do you know a Mr. Rosner who li.ves up here at
the Shoreham Hotel ?
Mr. McNuTT. I do not know Mr. Rosner.
The Chairman. Have you ever heard of Mr. Rosner?
Mr. McNuTT. I have heard something of him.
The Chairman. That is all ; thank you.
Mr. McNuTT. We have nothing to do with Mr. Rosner, if you want
to know the trutli about it.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. McNuTT. Disclaim anything in that regard.
The Chairman, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. The next witnes, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Albert
Mahz.
The Chairman. Mr. Maltz, will you raise your right hand, please?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ?
Mr. Maltz. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF ALBERT MALTZ (ACCOMPANIED BY ROBERT W.
KENNY AND BARTLEY CRUM)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Maltz, will you state your full name and present
address for the record, please?
Mr. Maltz. My name is Albert Maltz. I live at 6526 Linden Hurst
Avenue. Los Angeles.
^Ir. Chairman, I would like the privilege of making a statement,
please.
The Chairman. Do you have a [jrepared statement?
Mr. Maltz. I have a prepared statement.
The Chairman. May we see it, please?
364 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Maltz. May I ask whether you asked Mr. Gerald L. K. Smith
to see his statement before you allowed him to read it?
The Chairman. I wasn't chairman at tliat time.
Mr. Maltz. Nevertheless you were on the committee, Mr. Thomas,
wei-e you not ?
The Chairman. I asked him a great many questions and he had a
hard time answering some of them, too.
Mr. Maltz. I am interested in that, but I still would like to know
whether he had his statement read before he was permitted to read it.
The Chairman. Well, we will look at yours.
Mr. Maltz. I gather that you don't want to answer my question,
Mr. Chairman.
(After a pause :)
The Chairman. Mr. Maltz, the committee is unanimous in per-
mitting you. to read the statement.
Mr. Maltz. Thank you.
I am an American and I believe there is no more proud word in
the vocabulary of man. I am a novelist and a screen writer and I
have produced a certain body of work in the past 15 years. As with
any other writer, what I have written has come from the total fabric
of my life — my birth in this land, our schools and games, our atmos-
phere of freedom, our tradition of inquiry, criticism, discussion,
tolerance. Whatever I am, America has made me. And I, in turn,
possess no loyalty as great as the one I have to this land, to tlie eco-
nomic and social welfare of its people, to the perpetuation and develop-
ment of its democractic way of life.
Now at the age of 39, I am commanded to appear before the House
Committee on Un-American Activities. For a full week this commit-
tee has encouraged an assortment of well-rehearsed witnesses to testify
that I and others are subversive and un-American. It has refused
us the opportunity that any pickpocket receives in a magistrate's
court — the right to cross-examine these witnesses, to refute their
testimony, to reveal their motives, their history, and who. exactly,
they are. Furthermore it grants these witnesses congressional im-
mimity so that we may not sue them for libel for their slanders.
I maintain that this is an evil and vicious procedure; that it is
legally unjust and morally indecent — and that it places in danger
every other American, since if the rights of any one citizen can be
invaded, then the constitutional guaranties of every other American
have been subverted and no one is any longer protected from official
tyranny.
What is it about me that this committee wishes to destroy? My
writings? Very well, let us refer to them.
My novel. The Cross and the Arrow, was issued in a special edition
of 140,000 copies by a wartime Government agency, the armed services
edition, for American servicemen . abroad.
My short stories have been reprinted in over 30 anthologies, by as
many American publishers — all subversive, no doubt.
My film. The Pride of the Marines, was premiered in 28 cities at
(hiadalcanal Day banquets imder the auspices of the United States
Marine C()rj)S.
Another film. Destination Tokyo, was j)remiered aboard a United
States submarine and was adopted by the Navy as an official training
film.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 365
My short film, The House I Live In, was given a special award by
the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences for its contribution
to racial tolerance.
My short story, The Happiest JSIan on Earth, won the li);>8 O. Henry
Meiuorial Award for the best American short story.
This, then, is the body of work for which this committee ur^es I be
blacldisted in the film industry — and tomorrow, if it has its way
in the publishin<i- and magazine fields also.
By cold censorship, if not legislation, I must not be allowed to write.
Will this censorship stop with me? Or with the others now singled
out for attack? If it requires acceptance of the ideas of this com-
mittee to remain innnune from the brand of un-xlmericanism, then
who is ultimately safe from this committee except members of the
Ku Klux Klan?
Why else does this committee now seek to destroy me and others?
Because of our ideas, unquestionably. In 1801, when he was President
of the United States, Thomas Jefferson wrote :
Opinion, and the just maintenance of it, shall never be a crime in my view;
nor brin.^; injury to the individual.
But a few years ago, in the course of one of the hearings of this
connnittee. Congressman J. Parnell Thomas said, and I quote from the
official transcript :
I just want to say this now, that it seems that the New Deal is working along
hand in glove with the Communist Party. The New Deal is either for the Com-
nuinist Party or it is playing into the hands of the Communist I'arty.
Very well, then, here is the other reason why I and others have been
commanded to appear before this connnittee — our ideas. In common
with many iVmericans, I supported the New Deal. In common with
many Americans I supported, against Mr. Thomas and Mr. Rankin,
the antilynching bill. I opposed them in my supjDort of OPA con-
trols and emergency veteran housing and a fair employment practices
law. I signed petitions for these measures, joined organizations that
advocated them, contributed money, sometimes spoke from public
platforms, and I will continue to do so. I will take my philosophy
from Thomas Payne, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and I will
not be dictated to or intimidated by men to whom the Ku Klux Klan,
as a matter of committee record, is an acceptable American institution.
I state further that on many questions of public interest my opinions
as a citizen have not always been in accord with the opinions of the
majority. They are not now nor have my opinions ever been fixed
and unchanging, nor are they now fixed and unchangeable; but, right
or wrong, I claim and I insist upon my right to think freely and to
speak freely; to join the Republican Party or the Communist Party,
the Democratic or the Prohibition Party; to publish whatever I
please; to fix my mind or change my mind, without dictation from
anyone ; to offer any criticism I think fitting of any public official or
policy ; to join whatever organizations I please, no matter what certain
legislators may think of them. Above all, I challenge the right of this
connnittee to inquire into my political or religious beliefs, in any
manner or degree, and I assert that not only the conduct of this com-
mittee but its very existence are a subversion of the Bill of Rights.
If I were a spokesman for (ieneral Franco, I would not be here
today. I would rather be here. I would rnther die than be a shabby
67683 — 47- 24
366 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
American, groveling before men whose names are Thomas and
Kankin, but who now carry out activities in America like those carried
out in Germany by Goebbels and Himmler.
The American people are going to have to choose between the Bill
of Rights and the Thomas committee. They cannot have both. One
or the other must be abolished in the immediate future.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling (pounding gavel).
Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Maltz, what is your occupation?
Mr. Maltz. I am a writer.
Mr. Stripling. Are you employed in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Malt2. I work in various fields of writing and I have some-
times accepted employment in the motion-picture industry.
Mr. Stripling. Have you written the scripts for a number of
pictures ?
Mr. Maltz. It is a matter of public record that I have written
scripts for certain motion pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
The Chairman. Louder, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Maltz. Next you are going to ask me what religious group J.
belong to.
The Chairman. No, no ; we are not.
Mr. Maltz. And any such question as that
The Chairman. I know.
Mr. Maltz. Is an obvious attempt to invade my rights under the
Constitution.
Mr. Stripling. Do you object to answering whether or not you are
a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Maltz. I have not objected to answering that question. On
the contrary, I ]3oint out that next you are going to ask me whether or
not I am a member of a certain religious group and suggest that I be
blacklisted from an industry because I am a member of a group you
don't like.
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Maltz, do you decline to answer the question?
Mr. Maltz. I certainly do not decline to answer the question. I
have answered the question.
Mr. Stripling. I repeat, Are you a member of the Screen AVriters
Guild?
Mr. Maltz. And I repeat my answer, sir, that any such question is
an obvious attempt to invade my list of organizations as an American
citizen and I would be a shabby American if I didn't answer as I have.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Maltz, are you a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Maltz. Next you are going to ask what my religious beliefs are.
Mr. McDowell. That is not answering the question.
Mr. Maltz. And you are going to insist before various members of
the industry that since you do not like my religious beliefs I should
not work in such industry. Any such question is quite irrelevant.
Mr. Stripling. I repeat the question. Are you now or have you
ever been a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Maltz. I have answered the question, Mr. Quisling. I am
sorry. I want you to know
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 367
Mr. McDo^vELL. I object to that statement.
The Chaibman. Excuse the witness. No more questions. Typical
Communist line.
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Chairman. Before the witness
leaves the stand I would like for his counsel, Mr. Kenny, to take the
stand for a moment.
The Chairman, No. I want this witness to leave the stand, and
then Mr. Kenny will take the stand.
Mr. Maltz. Let's ^o on with the rigged record.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Mr. Kenny, will you please take the stand ? Raise
your right hand, please.
Mr. Stripling. Your right hand.
The Chairman. Your right hand.
Mr. Crum. He cannot raise his right hand.
The Chairman. He cannot?
Mr. Crum. No ; he is crippled.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ?
Mr. Kenny. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF ROBERT W. KENNY
The Chairman. Mr. Kenny, the reason for calling you to the stand
this afternoon is a newspaper article which appeared in this after-
noon's Times-Herald.
Mr. Kenny. Yes ; I saw that too.
The Chairman. I would just like to read it to you so that you are
sure you know what I am referring to :
Counsel for 19 "defense witnesses" in the House Reds-in-filmland investiga-
tion said today he would advise all his clients to invite prosecution by refusing
to say whether they are Communists. * * *
Hollywood attorney Robert W. Kenny said he would also advise the other 18
"to walk the plank."
Mr. Kenny, is that a correct quotation ?
Mr. Kenny. Well, Mr. Thomas, you put me in a doubly embarrass-
ing position. As a former newspaperman I have always made it a
practice never to disavow anything that is ever printed in a newspaper.
The other problem, of course, is the relationship between attorney and
client and that is also a privileged situation.
I may say, however, that what I have said — and words are poor
conveyors of meaning — is that the brief that I submitted to you and
the other members of the committee has also been read by my clients
and that I hoped that they would follow the law that is set out in that
brief.
Now, if you recall the brief
The Chairman. I recall the brief. What I want to know is, first,
is that a correct quotation ?
jNIr. Kenny. Well, I will have to say that it is not quite correct.
The Chairivian. Not quite correct ?
Mr. Kenny. But I have also said that what a witness does in his
relation with this committee is a matter between the committee and
the witness. The best that we lawyers can do is to give the client the
best constitutional advice that we can. And that is exactly what I
368 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
embraced in the brief, which recited that we felt that this committee
was unconsitutional and illegal.
The Chairman. All riaht. Here is what I am driving at. What
I would like to know is did you advise your clients, who are to be
witnesses here, three of whom have already taken the stand and
refused to answer questions
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Thomas, I am sure-
Tlie Chairman. Did you advise your clients not to answer questions
put to them by the committee or its chief investigator ?
Mr. Kenny. You are not a lawyer, Mr. Thomas, and, as I think
your counsel, or someone, would advise you, that would be highly in-
apj)ropriate. If there is one thing that is sacred in this country it is
the matter of advice that a counsel gives.his clients.
The Chairman. Oh, yes.
Mr. Kenny. I am sure you didn't intend to invade that.
The Chairman. I appreciate that. I am not a lawyer ; I admit that.
Mr. Kenny. No.
The Chairman. But I would like to know, as the chairman of a
congressional committee, whether or not you, as the attorney for these
witnesses, advised them not to answer questions put to them by this
congressional committee or its chief investigator.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Thomas, I would be disgraced before every one of
100,000 lawyers in the United States if I answered that question.
That is one thing that cannot be answ^ered.
The Chairman. Have you got the statute there, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
The Chairman. I would like to read the statute, because if you did
give them that advice you would be doing everything you possibly
could to frustrate the congressional committee, and you would be in
more serious trouble than some of your witnesses.
Mr. Kenny. Well. Mr. Thomas, I am not here to be lectured by this
committee. I do think that it is the highest impropriety to ask a
lawyer what advice he gave his client.
The Chairman. I would like to read this statute.
Mr. Kenny. Oh, yes; surely.
The Chairman. Tliis is Criminal Code section 37, Conspiring To
Commit an Offense Against the United States :
If two or more persons conspire either to commit any offense against the
United States or to defraud the United States, in any manner, or for any purpose,
and one or more of such persons do any act to effect the object of the conspiracy,
each of tlie parties to such conspiracy shall be fined not more than $10,000 or
imprisoned not more than 2 years or both.
Dated March 4, 1909.
Now, then, you say that this Times article is not a correct reporting?
Mr. Kenny. Yes, Mr. Thomas. I had told you that I cannot, of
course, tell you what advice I have given my clients. That is obviously,
without being dramatic about it, that would be an invasion of one of
the most sacred rights — like the right between a person who confesses
and one who receives the confession, or a doctor and patient. Those
are all the most privileged communications that we haTe.
The Chairman. No, no. I am asking you now about a statement
you made to the news}:)aper, not about a statement made to your clients.
Mr. Kenny. That is right.
The Chairman. Now it hfis to do with a statement made to the
newspapers. Did you make this statement to the newspaper^
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 369
Mr. Kexny. No. What 1 told the committee earlier was what I had
said to the iiewspa})er in response to an inquiry as to what the course
would be taken by my clients, that my clients had all had an oppor-
tunity of readino- the same brief that I had given, to this committee,
and that I hoped that my clients might have a higher respect for my
legal learning than this committee has.
The Chairman. I see ; yes. Well, I hope they do. [Laughter.]
I still get back to the newspaper
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, may I interrupt?
The Chairman. Just a moment.
Mr. Stripling. It is the United Press.
The Chairman. Still getting back to the newspaper article, in what
way is this article, has the article failed to report what you said?
Mr. Kenny. Well, I will have to examine it.
The Chairman. The one I just read.
Mr. Kenny. I will have to examine it, Mr. Thomas, please.
(After a pause :)
Mr. Kenny. Well, tlws, as I say, puts me in the position of disavow-
ing a newspaperman ; but newspapermen aren't all lawyers ; some
exnewspapermen are — and I did not say that I would advise my clients
to invite prosecution. That is the first paragraph. That is simply
something that I did not advise my clients at all.
The Chairman. You didn't?
Mr. Kenny. Because I think my clients have all behaved them-
selves in a manner that would not invite a successful prosecution.
Now, let's see the next paragraph. That doesn't refer to me.
Kenny said — •
Pardon me. You will pardon the expression —
he also would advise the other 18 "to walk the plank."
Well now, what I undoubtedly did say is that they are probably
going to be invited to walk the plank. I don't advise anybody to walk
any plank. I am not that bad a lawyer.
The Chairman. I will tell you, Mr. Kenny, as chairman, I want
to let you know that you squirmed out of this one temporarily, but if
the committee should determine that is a violation of this Conspiracy
Act, then the committee will take under consideration referring the
matter to the United States attorney.
Mr. Kenny. That is right, Mr. Thomas. I might say that the com-
mittee has squirmed out of one too, because I am sure that committee
did not intend to invade the sacred province of relationship between
attorney and client.
The Chairman. Oh, no; and neither would you want to commit
conspiracy.
Mr. Kenxy. Neither one of us are intimidated; is that right, Mr.
Chairman C
The Chairman. We will have the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I think we should get the record
straight as to the extensive Communist record of Mr. Maltz before we
proceed any further.
Mr. Kenny. I wonder, Mr. Chairman, if there will be an oppor-
tunity somewhere along for counsel to register an objection and a
motion to strike the testimony concerning these dossiers of the witness
370 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Maltz, the witness Lawson, the witness Trumbo. Avho have appeared
ah'eady, on the ground that they are hearsay ?
The Chairman. When we hear all of these witnesses — I think there
are 18 or 19; I think maybe yon are losing a couple — but anyway, 18
or 19, when we have heard all of them, and we have got these dossiers,
as you call them, well fixed in the record, we will be very pleased to
have you make a motion.
Mr. Crum. Thank you.
Mr. Kenny. Maj' I at that time argue it rather fully and orally t
The Chairman. Oh, fully.
Mr. Stripling, proceed.
Mr. Stripling. I ask that Mr. Russell take the stand.
Mr. Russell has previously been sworn and identified.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, as a member of the investigators' staff
of the Committee on Un-American Activities, were you instructed to
make an investigation to determine whether or not Albert Maltz was a
member of the Communist Party ?
The Chairman, Have more order, please.
Mr. Russell,. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you give me the result of your investigation?
Mr, Russell. During the course of my investigation I was furnished
with information regarding the Communist Party registration card
of Albert Maltz. I have a photostatic copy of this registration card
before me.^"
This card is made out in the name of Albert M, which was a code
name used for Albert Maltz in the execution of his Communist Party
registration card. This card bears the number 47196. The address
of Albert M is given as 852G Linden Hurst ; city, Los Angeles ; county,
Los Angeles; State, California. This card contains a notation "1944
card No. 46801." The card contains a description of Albert M.
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Russell. Does it state the date
on which a new card was issued ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. What was the date.
Mr. Russell. November 30, 1944.
The description of Albert M as appears on the card is given as:
Sex, male ; occupation, writer ; industry, motion-picture. The question
is then asked : ''Member of C. I. O.. A. F. of L., independent union, or
no union?" The notation "Independent union" is checked.
The question is then asked : Member club subscriber for Daily
Worker. The answer "Yes" is checked.
This registration card is for the year 1944.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, that is all of Mr. Russell.
( Witness excused. )
Mr. SntiPLiNG. I should like to place in the record, Mr. Chairman,
the subpena which was issued on September 18 by the chairman of
the committee calling for the appearance of Albert Maltz before the
committee on October 23 at 10 : 30 a. m. This subpena was served
on Mr. Maltz on September 19, 1947, by Andrew Bayar, deputy
" See appendix, p. 540, for exhibit.71.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 371
marshal, for Robert E. Clark, United States marshal, Los Angeles^
Calif.^^
1 should also like to place into the record a telegram which the chair-
man sent to Mr. Maltz which reads as follows :
In response to the subpeiia served upon you summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, in Washington, D. C, on October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on.
October 28 instead of October 23, at the hour of 10:30 a. m., Room 226, Old
House Office Building.
J. Parnet-l Thomas. Chairman.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Chairman, we have here a memorandum
of the numerous affiliations of Albert Maltz, which is single spaced
and appears on 15 pages. What is the pleasure of the committee re-
garding the reading of this memorandum?
I might say, Mr. Chairman, it lists 58 different Communist affilia-
tions of the individual.
The Chairman. How many?
Mr. Stripling. Fifty-eight.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, start reading.
Mr. Stripling. Information from the files of the Committee on
Un-American Activities, United States House of Representatives, on
the Communist Affiliations of Albert Maltz (reading) :
Albert Maltz, novelist, playwright, and screen writer, was born in Brooklyn,
N. Y., on October 8, 1908, according to Who's Who for 1946-^7. The Inter-
national Motion Picture Almanac states that Albert Maltz wrote the screen play
for the following films :
This Gun For Hire (Paramount 1942) ; Destination Tokyo (Warner Bros.,
1943) : The Man in Half Moon Street (Paramount, 1944) ; Pride of the Marines
(Warner Bros., 1945) —
Mr. Chairman, I suppose we could suspend with the reading of the
films.
Mr. McDowell; Repeat that again.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to suspend with a further reading of
the scripts which he has written.
Mr. McDowell. All right, without objection, they are placed in
the record.
(The films referred to are as follows :)
Cloak and Dagger (Warner Bros., 1946) and Moscow Strikes Back (Republic,
1942), a documentary film. Who's Who for 1946-47 reflects that Albert Maltz.
also wrote the screen play for Deep Valley. 1944. The Los Angeles Daily News
for May 1.5, 1945, reported that All)ert Maltz was the author of the screen play
for the film The Hou.se I Live In (RKO). The Hollywood Reporter for Decem-
ber 1, 1944, announced that screen directors Robert Rossen and Lewis Milestone
(whose records are attached) had recently purchased screen rights to The
Cross and the Arrow, a novel written by Albert Maltz, and that the directors
would develop the novel into a motion picture. Tl)e novel was highly praised
by People's World, official west coast Communist oi'gan, and Communist book
clubs.
Mr. Stripling. The files, records, and publications of the House
Committee on Un-American Activities reveal the following informa-
tion regarding the pro-Communist activities of Albert Maltz (read-
ing) :
1. Albert Maltz has not to our knowledge publicly admitted membership in the
Communist Party. However, complete loyalty to the Communist Party has
^ See appendix, p. .540, for exhibit 72.
372 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
seldom been so startlingly demonstrated as it has been in the case of Mr. Maltz.
The outstanding demonstration occurred when Mr. Maltz started a literary and
communistic I'uror by criticizing the traditional Communist premise that "art
is a weapon." His criticism was contained in an article in the New Masses, of-
fiscal weekly publication of the Communist Party, on February 12, 1946."* This
here.sy by Mr. Maltz was immediately denounced by Communist leaders at mass
meeting and in article upon article in the New Masses and other official party
publications. On April 7, 1946, Mr. Maltz yielded to the pressure and publicly
recanted his statements in an article in the Worker, official newspajier of the
Communist Party.®" This controversy, which attracted Nation-wide attention,
has been reviewed in Life magazine for July 29, 1946; in the Washington Post
for February 25, 1946 ; and in the New York World-Telegram for September 18,
1946. The Washington Post said in part:
"It seems that a Communist critic, one Comrade Albert Maltz, had dared to
say, almost in as many words, that a literary artist need not be expected to turn
himself inside out trying to keep up with every kink and kidney bending in the
party line." The World-Telegram noted that: "The Party promptly dropped a
ton of bricks on Mr. Maltz." Life magazine observed thus about Mr. Maltz' re-
canting: "Folding completely before the party discipline, Maltz, even castigated
his sympathizers who had objected to the abusive tone in which cori'ection had
been administered."
Mr. Chairman, I am going to a.4\; Mr. Ga.ston to read it [memoran-
dum concerning Communist activity and affiliations of Albert Maltz].
Go ahead and read it.
Mr. Gaston (reading). On at least four occasions Albert Maltz has publicly
supported the Communist Party. The Daily Worker, official Communist news-
paper, on May 4. 1936, page 2. announced that one of Albert Maltz' plays would
be given for the benefit of the Communist Party. The Daily Worker, for Mai'ch
5. 1941, page 2, reported that Mr. Maltz was one of the signers of a statement to
the President defending the Communist Party, and on July 19, 1942, page 4,
the same publication listed Mr. Maltz as a signer of an open letter denouncing
former Attorney General Biddle's charges against the Communist Party and
€ommuni.st Party member Harry Bridges. The New Leader for February 8,
1941, listed Mr. Maltz as being on the "call" of a conference to keep the Com-
munist Party on the State ballot in New York.
3. On July 21, 1940, page 1, the Worker announced that Albert Maltz woiild
write a serifil story. The Underground Stream, depicting the life of a Com-
munist organizer and hero. The Communist Party's official organ, the Daily
Worker, said on January 25. 1943, in an article by the Worker columnist and
Party member Mike Gold, that: "I can think of almost no American author who
has done an adequate portrait of an American Comnmnist. Albert Maltz in 'Un-
derground Stream' did a wonderful sketch but not a sufficiently rounded portrait
of the American Communist." The Communist Party organizer and hero of
•"The Underground Stream" is a character named Frank Prince who is killed by a
Black Legion crew on orders of the management of an industrial plant because the
organizer refused to desert the Communist Party. Prince had become a Com-
munist, Maltz writes, as a result of "daily events, his work and life — -and among
those events a tire chain wielded by a policeman * * * later, the acceptance
of certain principles, of the political program for which the Communist move-
ment stood, had kept him in the party" (p. 103).
4. The Daily Worker of Juno 8. 1938. announced that "The New York State
Conunittee of the Communist Party will honor a group of 20 students who will
complete the 2-week National Training School for State Literary Directors on
June 15. 1938." Albert INIaltz was named by the Daily Worker article as one
of the main speakers at the event. He was to share the speaking platform with
such prominent Communists as Alexander Trachtenberg and Michael Gold.
5. The John Reed Clubs were openly connnunistic organizations named in
honor of .John Reed, one of the founders of the Communist Pnrty in t'le U'^'fed
States, and whose ashes Avere interred in tl>e Kremlin in Moscow. The Daily
Woi'ker for February 10. 19.34. listed Albert IMaltz as a spr'aker at a John Reed
Club svmr>osium in New York City.
6. Other Communist individuals have been defended bv Albert Maltz on a
number of occasions. Mr. Maltz is a member of the Eisler Defense Committee,
■^ Rpp pp. l-'i2-157 for complptp tPxt.
»»See pp. 158-1 02 for complete text.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 373
which the Communists organized after Gerhart Eisler, an agent of llie Com-
munist International, was convicted in the United States courts of passport
fraud and contempt of Congress. Mr. Malt// affiliation with the organization
is recorded in a pamphlet of the conunittee, entitled "Eisler Hits Back," page
15. Mr. Maltz also signed an api)eal to the President under the auspices of the
Citizens Committee to Free Earl Browder, according to a leaflet of the organiza-
tion. Earl Browder is the former general secretary of the Communist Party in
the United States. The committee in his defense was cited as a Communist
organization by Attorney General Biddle (Congressional Record, September
24, 1942, p. 7687) and by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
on March 29, 1944. The New York Times for October 9, 1944, page 12, listed
Albert Maltz as a signer of an open letter sent to Governor Dewey of New York
by the Schappes Defense Committee. This committee worked for the release
of Morris U. Schappes, an avowed Communist teacher convicted of perjury in
New York City, and the committee was cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on ITn-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The Daily
Worker for December 19, 1940, page 5, listed Albert Maltz as one of the signers
of an appeal on behalf of Sam Darcy, a Comnuuiist organizer. Mr. Maltz' de-
fense of Harry Bridges has previously been referred to. Mr. Bridges led the
disastrous San Francisco general strike of 19.34 and was identified as a Com-
munist Party member by the Daily Worker itself.
7. Albert Maltz has been associated with many official Communist publica-
tions. He has written for the Daily Worker, as shown by the issues of the
publication for Deceml)er 16, 1933 ; September 17, 1934 : and December 21, 1935.
Mr. Maltz has al.so taken an interest in the Daily Worker s financial problems.
The publication on March 25, 1945, listed Mr. Maltz as a member of a com-
mittee "to sponsor support for the Daily Worker and The Worker" (the Sunday-
edition). The article stated under a headline reading "Leading citizens sponsor
financial aid for worker" that "The committee has a wide representation of
people who in their daily active work have come to accept the Daily Worker
and The Worker as indispensable journals of opinion and action." Similar
infoi'mation is carried in the Daily Worker for April 1, 1945.
8. New Masses is an official weekly magazine of the Communist Party. That
Albert Maltz has been a contributor to New Masses is proven by the issues of
tlie publication for December 15, 1936, page 37 ; January 26, 1937, page 25 ; and
August 17, 1937, page 16. The Western AVorker, an official Communist publica-
tion, announced on November 30, 1936, that Albert Maltz would be among the
contributors to New Masses when the New Masses' twenty-fifth anniversary
issue was put out on December 10, 1936. The Daily Worker for October 7, 1938,.
reported that an emergency meeting held for New Masses on the same day at
the Manhattan Opera House in New York City would include a speech by Albert
Maltz. The issue of New Masses for April 2, 1940. page 21, listed Albert Maltz
as one of the signers of a New Masses letter to the President. All)ert Maltz
served on the sponsoring committee of a morale meeting for Romain Rolland
The Chairman. Mr, Gaston, on what page are you now?
Mr. Gaston. Page 3.
The Chairman. Page 3 ?
Mr. Gaston. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. What is the number of the citation ?
Mr. Gaston. No. 8.
The Chairman. There are 58 citations all told ?
Mr. Gaston. That is correct, sir.
The Chairman. Unless the committee has some objection, we will
suspend further reading and place it in the record from this point on.
Mr. Gaston. All right, sir, fine.
(The document referred to is as follows:)
— which the New Classes held at Carnegie Hall in New York on March 30, 1945.
This was reported in the Daily Worker for March 14, 1945, and New Masses for
April 16, 1945.
9. New Currents is a weekly magazine in the Engli.sh language dealing with
Jewish matters. It has the official approval of the .lewish Commission of the
Communist Party and has been cited as a Communist organization by the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on September 2, 1947. The issue of New Cur-
374 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
rents for March 1944, page 2, lists Albert Miiltz as a member of the advisory
board of the magazine.
10. Mainstream is a literary magazine which has been prominently promoted
by the Communist press and which advertises itself in the Daily Worker as a
"Marxist literary quarterly." The Worker for September 22, 1946, lists Albert
Maltz as a member of the editorial board of Mainstream.
11. People's World is the official west coast organ of the Communist Pai'ty.
Albert Maltz was a speaker at a meeting entitled "Hollywood Forum" which was
.held in Los Angeles on April 9, 1946, under the auspices of the People's World,
according to the Daily Worker for April 15, 1946, page 11. The People's World
of July 26, 1944, reported that it would run a short-story contest between August
1, 1944, and February 1, 1945, and that Albert Maltz would be one of the judges
of the contest. The People's World for June 1, 1945, said it was running a short-
story contest and that Mr. Maltz was serving as a .ludge.
12. Among other associations with the Communist press. Albert Maltz is shown
to have served on tlie editorial council of Equality, according to issues of the
anagazine for July 1939, June 1940, and July 1940. Equality, which apiieared
from May 1939, until late 1940, consistently followed the Communist Party line
and its managing editor was Abraham Chapman who has been identified as
John Arnold, a member of the New York State Jewish Buro of the Communist
Party. Albert Maltz was one of the incorporators of Jewish Survey, according
to records of incorporation of New Y'^ork State. Jewish Survey, incorporated
in 1939 and dissolved on December 2, 1942, was run by writers for the Com-
munist press such as Louis Harap. Contributors included David Zaslavsky of
the Moscow Pravda and Max Perlow and Albert E. Kahn, well-known Com-
munist leaders. Mr. Maltz was a contributor to Laisve. official Communist pub-
lication in the Lithuanian language field, according to a copy of the paper for
May 28, 1941. Mr. Maltz also contributed to Neues Deutschland (New Germany),
official organ of the Free German Ct)mmittee of Mexico, which had its head-
quarters in Moscow and whicli consisted largely of Communist refugees like Otto
Katz and Paul Merker. He contributed to the January 1945 issue and the March
and April 1946 issues of Neues Deutschland. It should be noted that it is
standard practice for the Daily Worker and other Communist publicjitions to
accept only Communist Party members for official positions on the publications.
It need scarcely be observed that contributors to such publications are required
to follow the Communist Party line in their writings.
13. Official Communist publishing houses have published works by Albert
Maltz. Mr. Maltz is listed as one of the authors in an International Publishers
catalog, undated, and also in a catalog issued by the Workers Library Publishers
in 1938. International Publishers in 1935 published a book entitled "Proletarian
Literature in the United States" which included one of Albert Maltz' short
stories. The Daily Worker lor July 12, 1938, announced that International
Publishers was issuing a book of short stories by Mr. Maltz entitled "The Way
Things Are." The Department of Justice has cited International Publishers
as a "publishing agency of the Communist Party" (brief in the case of William
Schneiderman, p. 145). It has been similarly cited by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944.
14. Official Communist sources have frequently voiced approval of Albert Maltz'
writings. Communist International, the official organ of the Communist Inter-
national, on the back cover of its May 1938 issue advertised Mr. Maltz' book,
The Way Things Are, and described the book as "a book of stirring stories of the
class struggle in tlie United States." The official west coast Communist organ, the
People's World, on January 4, 1945, page 5, listed Mr. ]\Ialtz' book. The Cross
and the Arrow, as one of the 25 best books of 1944 and the reviewer stated that :
"With this novel Maltz earned a position among the leading figures in American
fiction today." The Progressive Book Shop, one of a Nation-wide chain of Com-
munist book shops, held a Meet the Author Party to publicize Maltz' book. The
Cross and the Arrow, according to the California Eagle for October 5, 1944.
Albert Maltz himself testified before the California Legislative Committee on
Un-American Activities on October 13. 1!44, that the I'l-ogrcssive Book Shop
had sponsored an autographing party for this book of his. The Cross and the
Arrow was made a selection of the Book Find Club, according to Plain Talk for
May 1947, page 28. The Book Find Club is a Communist version of the book-of-
the-month clubs and promotes the writings of authors symi)athetic to the Com-
■munist viewpoint. The Abraham Lincoln School, Chicago, has been cited as a
Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March
29, 1944, and has been refused support by the American Federation of Labor in
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 375
Chicago on the grounds of "oommunistlc affiliations." The Daily Worker for
April L'l. ]94(), announced that a literary criticism seminar of the Abraham
Lincoln School would be held for the purpose of giving writers, critics, and others
interested in evaluating the Marxist criticism of literature an opportunity to
discuss the works of Albert Maltz and others.
15. The Los Angeles Workers' School was a Communist school directed by
Eva Shafran, a Communist organizer; La Rue McCormick, who was a Com-
munist candidate for California State senator, served on the board of directors
of the school. Albert Maltz was a lecturer at the school during its spring and
summer sessions in 1943, according to official pamphlets of the school and also
the issues of the People's World for April 16, 1943, page 5 ; April 23, 1948, page
5; May 7, 1943, page 5; May 13, 1943, page 5; May 21, 1943, page o ; and July
14. 1943, page 3.
If). The People's Educational Center started in Los Angeles in the fall of
1943, is the successor to the Los Angeles Workers' School. It was cited as a
Communist-front organization by the California State Legislative Committee
on I^n-Anierican Activities and records show that the center's staff and faculty
include nnmercjus card-holding members of the Communist Party, such as Carl
Wintprs. Eva Shafran, Mildred Raskin, and Bruce Minton. The People's World
for December 2, 1943, reported that the People's Educational Association, the
sponsoring organization for the People's Educational Center, met during the
previous week in the Hotel Hollywood in Los Angeles and that one of the persons
repre.senting the association at the meeting was Albert Maltz. The same article
said Mr. Maltz urged the association to establish a Hollywood branch of the
People's Educational Center and offered for the use of such a branch the
League of American Writers School at 1717 North Vine Street. The Labor Herald
for June 1. 1945, announced that a bimonthly forum by the People's Educational
Center was scheduled to begin on June 10, 1945, with Albert Maltz leading a
discussion on What To Do With Germany.
17. The Workers Book Shop, 50 East Thirteenth Street, New York City, is head-
quarters of a chain of Communist bookshops, which are the official outlets for
Communist literature and at which tickets for Communist Party and front
functions customarily are sold. The New York Workers Book Shop put out
a pamphlet in 1938 "entitled "Very Urgent," which requested money for the
Workers Book Shop mural fund. Albert INIaltz was listed in the pamphlet as
one of the active sponsors.
18. Albert Maltz has been affiliated with numerous organizations which spe-
cialize in the defense of Communists. The International Labor Defense has
been described as the legal arm of the Communist Party by Attorney General
Biddle and has been cited for its Communist character by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities. Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Free-
dom, Massachusetts House Committee on Un-American Activities, and the Cali-
fornia Committee on Un-American Activities. Equal Justice was a publica-
tion of the International Labor Defense. Albert Maltz was one of the signers
of an open letter to Attorney General Biddle which appeared in Equal Justice
for the spring of 1942.
19. The National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, M'hich specialized in
defending Communists also, was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and ^larch 29. 1944. Attor-
ney General BicTdle also cited the organization, pointing out that it had defended
such prominent Communists as Sam Darcy and Robert Wood, party secretaries
for Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, respectively. An official program leaflet
listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors of the Conference on Constitutional Lib-
erties in America, which was held in Washington, D. C, June 7 through 9, 1940,
and out of which grew the organization, the National Federation for Consti-
tutional Liberties. Albert INIaltz was listed as a sponsor of the National Fed-
eration for Constitutional Liberties on a letterhead of the organization dated
Noveml)er fi. 1940. Mr. Maltz has also signed appeals in behalf of the Communist
Party and individual Communists under the auspices of the National Federation
for ConsHtutional Liberties, according to the Daily Worker for December 19,
1940, page 5, and July 19, 1942. page 4.
20. The Greater New York Emergency Conference on Inalienable Rights was a
Communist-front organization specializing in the defense of Communists and
closely interlocked with the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties.
The Inalienable Rights Conference was cited for its Communist character by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29. 1944. and by Prof.
John Dewev's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The New Leader
376 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
for February 8, 1941, reports that Albert Maltz was on the "Call" of the Inalien-
able Rights Conference to keep the Communist Party on the State ballot in
New York.
21. The Civil Rights Congress is th<^ successor of the International Labor
Defense, legal arm of the Commimist Party. The House Committee on Un-
American Activities, in a report on September 2, 1947, described the Civil
Rights Congress as "dedicated not to the broader issues of civil liberties, but
specifically to the defense of individual Communists and the Communist Party."
This congress is now defending such persons as Gerhart Eisler. agent of the
Communist International, convicted of passport fraud, and Eugene Dennis, Com-
munist Party general secretary convicted of contempt of Congress. A letterhead
dated May 11, 1946, shows that Albert Maltz is a public sponsor of an organization
entitled "Veterans Against Discrimination of Civil Rights Congress of New
York," whicli is an acknowledged part of the Civil Rights Congress.
22. The Committee for Citizenship Rights was avowedly organized to oppose
the threatened revocation of citizenship of William Schneiderman, Communist
Party organizer, according to a letter of the organization dated January 10, 1942.
It was cited as a Communist-front oi'ganization by the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities on IMarch 29, 1944. The same letter referred to above
listed Albert Maltz as an endorser of the Committee for Citizenship Rights.
23. The American Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born, which also
specializes in defending Communists, was cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and March 29,
1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April
1940. An undated leaflet of the organization shows that Albert Maltz served on
the board of directors of the American Committee for Protection of the Foreign
Born. The organization defended such foreign-born Communists as Gerhart
Eisler and Harry Bridges.
24. The National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners and the
National Committee for People's Rights were cited as Communist fronts by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942. and March
29, 1944. Attorney General Biddle (in the Congressional Record, September 24,
1942, page 7686) stated that the "National Committee for the Defense of Political
Prisoners is substantially equivalent to International Labor Defense, legal arm
of the Communist Party" ; he also pointed out that the organization had defended
such Communists as Earl Browder and Angelo Herndon. "In January, 1938,"
the Attorney General stated further, "its (National Committee for the Defense of
Poliical Prison'r^;) name was changed to the National Committee for People's
Rights." Albert Maltz was a member of the National Committee for the Defense
of Political Prisoners, according to a list submitted by Joseph S. Gelders. the
organization's southern re])resentative, in testifving before the La Follette
committee in Washington, D. C, on January 14, 1937. The National Committee
for People's Rights listed Albert Maltz as one of the members of its national
committee who was eligible for election to its executive committee, according
to a mimeographed announcement put out by the organization in November 1941.
25. International Workers Order is a fraternal organization which Attorney
General Biddle cited as "one of the strongest Communist organizations." (Con-
gressional Record, September 24, 1942, page 7688). It was also cited as sub-
versive by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3, 1940,
and June 25, 1942, by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in
April, 1940, and by the California Committee on Un-American Activities in 1943.
New Masses for August 27, 1940, page 21, listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors
of a plays-for-children contest, sponsored by the junior section of the International
Workers Order.
26. Albert Maltz has shown an active interest in the Soviet Union. The
People's World, of March 11, 1943, carried a picture of Mr. Maltz and described
him as a famous American writer who had sent the following telegram to the
editors of National Defense, a literary magazine in Moscow : "Please use my
literary royalties for the defense of the Soviet Union. Greetings. Albm-t IMaltz."
The article reflects that royalties were due Maltz in Moscow for several works.
27. The Daily Worker for January 18, 1943, has an article entitled "Writers of
the World Meet in the Page of a Soviet Magazine," which points out that Soviet
readers are obtaining literature of American writers through a monthly magazine
published by the State Literary Publishing House and that one of the American
writers who have had articles published in that magazine is Albert Maltz.
28. The Daily Worker for April 28, 1938, page 4, reflects that Albert Maltz was
a signer of a statement by the American Progressives Defending the Moscow
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 377
Trials, which was the usual name affixed to a series of trials then being held in
the Soviet Union for numerous opponents of Dictator Stalin. It has been estab-
lislicd tliiit these trials liad for their aim the jjurging of all political enemies of
Joseph Stalin.
29. Soviet Russia Today was the official monthly publication of the Friends
of the Soviet Union, a predecessor of the National Council of American-Soviet
Friendship. The magazine was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944. The
issue of Soviet Russia Today for September 1941, page 30, carried the name of
Albert Maltz as author of a statement in support of the Soviet Union. The Daily
Worker for September 3, 1941, in an article entitled, "Soviet Victory Vital to
Preserve Cultural Heritage, Basic Economic Values," i-eported that Albert Maltz
was one of a number of persons whose statements expressing their solidarity
with the Soviet Union would be published in the magazine, Soviet Russia Today.
30. The National Council of American-Soviet Friendship was cited as a Com-
munist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29,
1944. The People's World for October 23, 1943, page 3, stated that Albert Maltz
was a member of the Hollywood Motion Picture Committee of the National Coun-
cil of American-Soviet Friendship.
31. The American Russian Institute, which was founded in 1926 as an alleged
clearing house for "factual" information on the Soviet Union, was cited as a
Communist front by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in a report
of June 12, 1947. A program put out by the American Russian Institute announces
a premier showing of Turning Point, a Soviet film, on January 3, 1947, at the
Sunset Theater in Hollywood and also announces that Albert Maltz would take
part in a panel discussion following the film showing.
32. Many Communist front organizations which supported Soviet foreign policy
have been backed by Albert 'Maltz. The American League Against War and
Fascism was active in support of Soviet foreign policy against the democracies
between 1932 and 1937. It has been cited by Attorney General Biddle as an or-
ganization seeking "to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy
adapted to the interests of the Soviet Union." (Congressional Rword, September
24, 1942.) The Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited this organiza-
tion as subversive on January 3, 1940, and March 29, 1944. The League was dedi-
cated to an openly treasonous program. Albei't Maltz has contributed to Fight,
a publication put out by the executive committee of the American League Against
War and Fascism, according to an issue of Fight for November, 1933, pages 8 and 9.
33. After the Stalin-Hitler pact was signed in 1939, the Communists established
the American Peace Mobilization, which opposed lend lea.se, aid to Britain, the
defense program, and picketed the White House. It also supported a number of
strikes in defense industries. The organization was cited as a Communist front
by Attorney General Biddle, by the Special Connnittee on Un-American Activities
and by the California Committee on Un-American Activities. An official program
listed Albert Maltz as a sponsor of a meeting held by the American Peace Mobili-
zation in New York City on April 5 and (i, 1941.
34. Among the Communist fronts that sprang up when the Soviet Union and
the United States were allies in a war against fascism was the Artists' Front to
Win the War. which made its debut at a mass meeting at Carnegie Hall in New
York City on October 16, 1942. The organization was cited as a Communist front
by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The
official program of the Artists' Front to AVin the War meeting at Carnegie Hall
listed Albert Maltz as one of the spon-sors. The meeting supported the then
current Comnnniist line calling for a second front.
35. Thp Win the Peace Conference was held in Washington. D. C, from April
5 to 7. 1946. to attack American foreign policy. It was repudiated by a number
of noted sponsors and was cited as a Communist front by the House Committee
on Un-American Activities on June 12, 1947, and September 2, 1947. The confer-
ence resulted in the formation of an organization called the National Committee
to Win the Peace. Alliert Maltz was a sponsor of the Win the Peace Conference,
according to an article in the Baltimore Sunday Sun for March 31, 1946. Thus,
Mr. Maltz has thus publicly avowed his allegiance to the line of the Communist
Party during four distinctly divergent periods.
36. At the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International, held in
Moscow in 1935, George Dimitroff, general secretary, called upon all affiliated
Communist Parties to make the greatest efforts in behalf of the campaign of the
Spani.sh Communists who wei'e active in Spain's civil war. Among the projects
organized by the American Conmiunists in response to this request was the
Theater Committee for Defense of the Spanish Republic.
378 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
37. Communists efforts in belialf of Spanish Communists continued after tlie
civil war ended in 1939. Among tliese later organizations was the Veterans of
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade which was cited for its Communist character by
tlie Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by
Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Abra-
ham Lincoln Brigade was composed largely of Americans lighting on tlie side of
the Loyalists in Spain's civil war. Earl Browder, former general secretary of
the Communist I'arty in the United States, testified before the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities that most of the members of the brigade were Com-
munists. The Daily Worker for Fel)ruary 21, 1940, listed Albert Maltz as one
of tlie signers of a protest to the President, which was sponsored by the Veterans
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. An advertisement sponsored by the Veterans
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and calling for a break in American relations
with Spain, appeared both in the Los Angeles Daily News for May 10, 1945. and
the New York Times for March 3, 1945, page 8. The advertisement listed Albert
Maltz as one of the sponsors. Albert Maltz is also listed as a sponsor on a
letterhead of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, dated December 28,
1946 ; the letter referred to announces the opening sale of tickets for a perform-
ance to be held at the Belasco Theater in New York on January 19, 1947, to raise
funds for Republican Spain. A press release issued by the Veterans of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade in June 1947 and requesting United Nations action on
Franco's regime in Spain is signed by a number of sponsors, including Albert
Maltz.
38. A similar organization is the American Committee for Spani.sh Freedom,
which was avowedly organized in July 1944, to fight for legislation ending Ameri-
can diplomatic relations with Spain and supplying American military aid for a
Spanish revolution. Among the well known Communists in the leadership of the
organization was Allan Chase, secretary, who is a former Connnunist Party
political candidate. The organization has worked closely with the Veterans of
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. A letterhead of the American Committee for
Spanish Freedom, dated January 21, 1946, lists Albert Maltz as one of the organ-
ization's sponsors. In an undated letterhead of the Los Angeles chapter of the
American Committee for Spanish Freedom, put out in 1945, the name of Albert
Maltz again appears.
39. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, which has worked in coopera-
tion with the Spanish-aid front organizations of the Communists, is engaged in
providing transportation and support for international Communist agents such
as Gerhart Eisler. who was recently convicted of passport fraud. The organiza-
tion was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on March 29, 1944. It was also cited for contempt of Congress on
April 16. 1946. and its leaders were convicted in a Federal court on June 27, 1947.
The Daily Worker for August 12, 1943, sets forth the announcement from Dr.
Edward A. Bar.sky, chairman of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, that a
scroll of greeting's to Spanish refugees freed from concentration camp;^ in north
Africa had been signed by 200 Americans. The list of names includes that of
Albert Maltz. A letterhead, dated February 26, 1946, reflects that Albert Maltz
served as a national sponsor of the Spanish Refugee Appeal which was organized
by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee to further its purpos-^ of n^d'ng
international Communist agents.
40. The American Committee for Yugoslav Relief is close'y assoointed w^'i tl^e
American Slav Congress, which was cited as a Communist front by the House
Committee on Un-American Activities on June 12, 1947. The American Com-
mittee for Yugoslav Relief is headed by Zlatko Balokovic, who is vice president
of the American-Slav Cong,ress. with headquarters in Moscow, and who lectured
on the happiness of the Yugoslav people under communism after a trip to that
country. An article in the Downtown Shopping News of Los Angeles for Febru-
ary 13. 1945. listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors of the Los Angeles American
Committee for Yugoslav Relief.
41. The League of American Writers was an affiliate of the International Union
of R'^volutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, and the league was
pledged to thp defense of the Soviet Union and the use of "art as an instrument
of the class struggle." The league was cited as a Communist front by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3. 1940. June 25. 1942, and
March 29, 1944. Attorney General Biddle said that "the overt activities of the
League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its Communist
control" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 7686). The league was
founded at a Congress of American Revolutionary Writers held April 26 through
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 379
28, 1935, in New York City. The record shows that Albert Miiltz was one of the
founders of tlie League of American Writers.
(a) Albert Maltz was a member of the executive committee of the first writers'
congress wliich resulted in the formation of the League of American Writers in
1935, according to the California Committee on Un-American Activities (1945
report, p. 126).
(b) The Bureau of Corporations, Department of State of New York, indicates
that at the time of the formal incorporation of the League of American Writers
on July 13, 1939, one of the original directors to act until tlie lirst annual meeting
was Albert Maltz, whose address was given as 3905 Forty-fourth Street, Sunny-
side, Long Island, N. Y.
(c) Albert Maltz presented a reading of The Working Class Theatre at the
tirst writers" congress in 1935, according to the Daily Worker for April 29, 1935,
pages 1 and 2.
{d) Albert Maltz was described as "among the most popular authors in the
Soviet Union today" by the president of the League of American Writers at the
opening of the Third American Writers Congress, according to volume 6, No. 1,
of the league's organ. The Bulletin. Albert Maltz was one of the signers of the
Call for the Third American Writers Congress which was held by the League
of American Wirters on June 2, 3, and 4, 1939, according to the magazine. Direc-
tion, for May-June, lf'39, page 1. The official progi'am of the Third Writers
Congress showed that Mr. Maltz also served as cochairman of the arrangements
committee on the drama.
(e) The Daily Worker for March 14, 1941, in an article headed "Writers'
league plans summer conference," stated that the League of American Writers
had completed plans for the tirst White Mountain Writers Conference, August 18
to September 2, at Jefferson, N. H., and that Albert Maltz would be included
among the lecturers. The New Masses for April 8, 1941, page 26, carried the same
information about Mi\ Maltz.
(/) The People's World, oflicial west coast Communist newspaper, on June 13,
1941, announced that Albert Maltz had been chosen vice president of the League
of 'American Writers at the fourth congress of the organization, held in New
York, June G through 8, 1941. Mr. Maltz was also listed as a vice president of the
organization in New Masses, June 17, 1941, page 9; Daily Worker, September 14,
1942, page 7 ; and People's World, September 23, 1942, page 5. The writers' con-
gress in June of 1941 adopted a firm antiwar stand, according to the Daily
Worker for June 9, 1941. This was still during the period of the Stalin-Hitler
pact, and part of the Communist Party line.
{g) The People's World for June 28, 1941, carried an article entitled, "Writers
Hear Soviet War Against Nazis Lauded," which described the sixth semiannual
meeting of the Hollywood branch of the League of American Writers. Albert
Maltz and others made speeches lauding the Soviet Union. The Nazis had
turned against Russia since the fourth writers' congress and the policies of the
League of American Writers were switched accordingly. This is further borne
out by the Daily Worker of July 24, 1941, which tells how the League of American
Writers, of which Maltz is vice president, pledged "full aid to Britain and Soviet
Union" and the Daily Worker of December 10, 1941, which tells how the league,
in which Maltz is again listed as vice president, has offered the service of its
members in the war against the Axis.
(70 The People's World for. June 24, 1942, described a writers' workshop con-
ference held by the League of American Writers. The article listed Albert
Maltz as a sponsor of the conference and said resolutions adopted by the con-
ference included support for the Communist Harry Bridges and a request for
immediate opening of a second front in Europe.
(/) The Daily AVorker for September 29, 1942, in an article entitled "Writers
Defend Minority Rights," reports that the League of American Writers had made
public a text of a telegram requesting a Democratic candidate for Governor in
the State of New York to state his position on attacks by the American Legion
on the electoral rights of the Communist Party. Albert Maltz' name is again
carried as an ofticer of the league.
(;■) Albert Maltz was listed as president of the west coast chapter of the
League of American Writers in a pamphlet advertising courses for the fall term
(1943) of the League of American Writers' School for Writers. Maltz wrote
the foreword to the pamphlet.
(fc) An undated bulletin of the League of American Writers listed Albert
Maltz as a member of the national board of the organization.
380 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
(I) Albert Maltz himself, in testimony before the California Committee on
Un-American Activities on October 13, 1944, admitted that he had been and still
was national vice president of the Leasne of American Writers, although the
organization, he said, was not functioning at the time of his testimony. He also
admitted that he was president of the Hollywood chapter of the League of
American Writers.
42. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization was the name given to the Holly-
wood League of American Writers after the League of American Writers could
no longer conceal its Communist domination. The original pledge of the league
to defend the Soviet Union and to use "art as an instrument of the class strug-
gle" is now the basis upon which the policies of the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion are founded. The issiie of Variety for July 10, 1944, listed Albert Maltz as
one of the speakers at a meeting of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, held
July 7, 1944; at this meeting the "Mobilization agreed to serve as a story depart-
ment for the Overseas Film Branch of OWI. The Guild Bulletin, oflicial organ
of the Screen Writers Guild, in its issue No. 71, dated October 1, 1944, page 5,
announced that Albert Maltz was one of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization
members writing scripts for OWI. Variety for October 18, 1944, said that Albert
Maltz would serve on a special research committee which the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization was setting up to investigate whether the California Committee
on Un-American Activities had ignored mandates of the legislature. Albert
Maltz personally testified that he was a member of the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization wiien he appeared before the California Committee on Un-American
Activities on October 13, 1944.
43. The New Theatre was the official monthly magazine of the League of
AVorkers Theatres, a section of the International Union of Revolutionary Theatre,
with headquarters in Moscow. The league was used to present Communist
propaganda plays and to raise funds for Communist purposes ; it was succeeded
in January 1935 by the New Theatre League, which had similar aims. The
magazine, New Thtiatre, was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The New Theatre League
was cited for its Communist character by the Special Committee on Un-Amer-
ican Activities on March 29. 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for
Cultural Freedom in April 1940. In the January 1936 issue of New Theatre,
the statement, "We are proud that among those who have associated themselves
with us in the creation of the New Theatre are :" is followed by a list of names
including that of Albert Maltz. The New Theatre League, in a press release
dated November 8, 1935, stated that Albert Maltz had been awarded first place
in a play contest for a one-act antiwar or "anti-Fascist" play, sponsored by
the New Theatre League and the American League Against War and Fascism
(which organization has been referred to above). Mr. Maltz' prize-winning
play was entitled "Private Hicks." This play was praised in the Daily Worker
for February 7, 1939, page 7, which stated that Private Hicks owed its start
to the New Theatre League. The Daily Worker for January 8, 193G, page 3,
reported that the New Theatre League was producing The Black Pit, written
by Albert Maltz. The New Theatre of Philadelphia, in an announcement dis-
tributed by that organization during a Paul Robeson concert at the Philadelphia
Academy of INIusic on March 7, 1941, stated that tlie theater organization would
produce Zero Hour, written by Albert Maltz and George Sklar. The Daily
Worker for June 10, 1938, page 7, listed Albert Maltz as a guest at a meeting
of the New Theatre League. Mr. Maltz has contributed to New Theatre mag-
azine, according to the issue for May 1935. page S.
44. The Theatre Union was one of the affiliates of the League of Workers
Theatres, which in turn was tied to the Moscow-directed International Union
of the Revolutionary Theatre. Theatre, Union reflected the current line of the
Communist Party in its propaganda and was used to raise funds for Communist
purposes. A leaflet of the organization listed Albert Maltz as a member of
the executive board of the Theatre Union.
45. Frontiei- Films produced and distributed pro-Communist films, including
a film on the Connnunist-led strike at the Allis-Chalmers plant in Milwaukee.
The organization was headed by the following contributors to the Communist
press: Kyle Crichton, alias Robert Forsythe ; Irving Lerner; Clifford Odets ;
Edwin Rolfe, and George Seldes. It was cited for its Communist character by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by
Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Daily
Worker for April 6, 1937, page 9, listed Albert Maltz as a staff member of
Frontier Films.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 381
46. Actors Laboratory was a training school for actors in Hollywood whose
officers have lengthy records of Communist-front activity as evidenced in at-
tached reports; such officers include Roman Bolnien, cliairman ; Larry Parks,
treasurer; Morris Carnevsky, Jules Dassin, Edward Dmytryk, members of the
executive board. Tlie organization coopei-ated with the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization which has been described above. The issue of Variety for August
K), 1044, carried an advei'tisement regarding the Actors Laboratory which was
endorsed by 30 individuals, incUiding Albert Maltz.
47. Tlie independent Cirizens Conuuittee uf the Arts, Sciences, and Professions
has been charged with being Connnunist dominated by Harold Ickes and other
liberals who previously had supported it. It was cited as a Communist front by
the n()us(> Connnittee on Un-American Activities on September 2, 1047. A leaflet
put out by tlie organization in 1045 listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors of
the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions. New
Masses for Marcli 13, 104.j, states that the magazine. Independent, is an organ of
the Independent Citizens Committee and that Albert Maltz is one of the con-
tributing editors to the publication.
48. The Independent Citizens Connnittee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions
split after Harold Ickes and other liberals condemned the organization as Com-
numist-dominated. The pro-Communist section, after the split, formed the Pro-
gressive Citizens of America. The Progressive Citizens of America was cited as a
Connnunist front by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in a report
of June 12, 1947. Tlie Daily Worker for May 16, 1947. page 11, announced that
the manuscript of Albert Maltz's novel. The Cross and tlie Arrow, would be
auctioned off on May IS, 1947, at the Hotel Brevoort in New York City for the
benefit of the literary division of the Progressive Citizens of America. The Daily
Worker of July ;">, 1047, page 11, published a photo of Albert Maltz with the
announcement that Mr. Maltz would participate in a conference to be held July
9 through 13, 1947, in the Beverly Hills Hotel, Hollywood, under the auspices of
the Hollywood Arts. Sciences, and Professions Council of the I'rogressive Citizens
of America. The Daily Worker for July 31, 1947, page 11, reprinted part of a
speech which the newspaper said Albert Maltz had given "recently" in Los Angeles
at a meeting under the auspices of the I'rogressive Citizens of America.
49. The American Committee of Jewish Writers, Artists, and Scientists, Inc.,
was a smaller, more .specialized version of the Independent Citizens Committee
of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which has been previously referred to.
The American Committee of Jewish Writers, Artists, and Scientists, Inc., was
affiliated with the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee of the Soviet Union and it also
published a magazine, New Currents, which had the approval of the Jewish
Commission of the Communist Party. The I'eople's World for June 29, 1944,
announced that a Hollywood chapter of the American Committee of Jewish
Writers, Artists, and Scientists was being organized and that Albert Maltz was
among the members of the organizing committee. Albert Maltz was listed as a
member of the advisory board of New Currents, in the December 1944 issue of
the publication.
50. The Jewish People's Fraternal Order is an affiliate of the International
Workers' Order, a Communist-front organization previously referred to. The
Jewish I'eople's Fraternal Order is headed by Albert E. Kahn, one of the leaders
of the Communist Party in New York. The People's World for September 14,
194.", carried an advertis'^'ment announcing that a rally would be held on Septem-
ber IT), 194.5, at the Embassy Auditorium in Los Angeles under the auspices of the
Jewish People's Fraternal Order, 257 South Spring Street, Los Angeles. Albei't
Maltz was announced as one of the speakers. The People's World for September
5, 1947, page 5, listed Albert INIaltz as one of the participants in a program spon-
sored by the Jewish People's Fraternal Order to be held September 7. 1947. at
the Philharmonic Auditorium in Los Angeles.
51. The American Youth for Democracy is the official successor of the Young
Comnnuiisf League. It has been the subject of a report by the House Committee
on Un-Am'M-ican Activities which described its character in detail. Its "sinister
purposes" have been denounced by the director of the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation (Congressional Record, Mar. 24, 1947, p. A1298). The P(>ople's World,
for Deceml)er 1, 1944, reflects that Albert Maltz is a sponsor of the American
Youtli for Democracy. A lettei- of the organization announcing a. meeting for
October 21, 1945, in Los Angeles shows that Alltert Maltz was one of the sponsors
of the meeting. A leaflet announcing a dinner to be held under the auspices of
the American Youth for Democracy on December 16, 1945, at the Ambassador
67083 — 47 2.5
382 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Hotel ill Los Angelos records the name of Albert Maltz as a member of the dinner
committee.
52. The National Committee Against Censorship of tiie Theater Arts was
formed when the introduction of Communist propaganda themes in Federal
theater projects aroused considerable i)ubiic criticism and an investigation in
Congress. The National Conmiittee defended such Connnunist propaganda. Rep-
resented in the organization were the Communist Party and the International
Labor Defense, the Communist Party's legal arm. Albert Maltz was a member ot
the National Committee Against Censorship of the Theater Arts, according to the
pamphlet entitled, "Censored"
5o. liook and .Magazine Guild was a local of the Communist-dominated United
Office and Professional Workers of America, operating in the book and magazine
field. The Book and Magazine Guild interceded in behalf of Morris U. Schappes,
an avowed Comnumist teacher convicted of perjury in New York, according to the
Daily Worker for September 23. 1941, page 3. A pamphlet put out by the Book
and Magazine Guild. 28!) Fourth Avenue, New York City, dated winter 1940, and
entitled, "Courses for Publishing Employes," listed a course. The Writer and
Oi'ganization, given by Albert Maltz.
54. Albert Maltz is a member of the Screen Writers Guild, according to the
sworn testimony of Enunett Laver.v, guild ijresident, before the California Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities (1047 report, p. 283). The Screen Writers
Guild participated in the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, an organization pre-
viously referred to. John Howard Lawson, identified by the Daily Worker for
August 23, 1937, page 7, as a Communist Party member, is a leading figure in
the Screen Writers Guild.
55. The National Council for Public Morale was headed by Arthur Upham
Pope, the official American biographer of the Soviet leader, Maxim Litvinoff;
Pope also is the recipient of archeological concessions from the Soviet Union.
The Washington Post for May 24, 1943, states that Arthur Upham Pope of the
National Council for Public Moi-ale had made public an open letter to the Presi-
dent requesting war on Finland. Albert Maltz was reported as one of the signers
of the open letter.
56. The People's Institute of Applied Religion has been described by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities as a Communist effort to gain a
foothold in the South by exitloiting the well-known religious attachments of that
section of the country. The organization is headed by Claude C. Williams, who
the Daily Worker has reported was discharged from the church on charges of
communism in 1934. An undated letterhead of the People's Institute of Applied
Religion, with headuarters in Birmingham, Ala., lists the name of Albert'Maltz
among its sponsors.
57. The Daily Worker for August 25, 1947, page 11, described with acclaim
the filming of the new movie. Naked City, at that time on location in New York
City; the newspaper listed Albert Maltz as one of the writers of the screen
play for the movie.
58. Albert Maltz' writings in the Daily Worker have also reflected his faith-
fulness to the Communist Party line. In the Daily Worker for December 1(5,
1933, page 7, Mr. Maltz and playwright George Sklar, with whom Mr. Maltz has
collaborated in writing plays, are the joint authors of an article entitled "The
Need for a Workers Theater." The article calls the existing Broadway theater
"a sterile theater'' and states :
"It's time we had a theater which will reflect the fact that we're living in a
certain type of society, a societ,y gripped by the most severe economic crisis
that capitalism has known." The article pointed out that the professional
bourgeois theater would become more and more a theater of escape as "the
class struggle deei)ens." It then goes on to say : "This is not so in the Soviet
Union. W^e see there an interest in the art of the theater such as the world
has never known before. We see a theatrical center in evei'.y city, in every
factory, in every village. Why? Because the Soviet theater is imt a theater of
the privileged class but the theater of a whole countr.v, of a wiiole people. And
it is a vital theater because it belongs to those who are building a new society
and not to those who are clinging to a dead one. The future of the theater
in America lies in the creation of a workers' theater.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripliiic;, the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Alvah Bessie.
The Chairman. Mr. Bessie, will you raise your right hand, please?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 383
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
, the truth, the Avhole truth, iuul nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Bessie. I do.
TESTIMONY OF ALVAH BESSIE
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
Mr. Bessie. Mr. Chairman, I also have a statement I would like to
read to this committee if you would like to examine it, or would you
prefer to have me read it ^
The Chairman. We will be pleased to examine it. First, I think
Mr. Stripling ought to identify the witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Bessie, will you state your full name and present
address for the record, please ?
Mr. Bessie. My name is Alvah Bessie and I live at 369 South Cres-
cent Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Bessie ?
Mr. Bessie. I was born in New York City on June 4, 1904.
Mr. Stripling. Are you here before the committee in response to
a subpena which was served upon you on September 18, calling for
your appearance before the committee on October 23 ?
Mr. Bessie. I am.
Mr. Striplixg. Did you receive a telegram dated October 11,
addressed to you, Mr. Alvah Bessie, 369 South Crescent Drive, Beverly
Hills, Calif., which read as follows :
In response to the subpena served upon you summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, Washington, D. C, on October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on
October 27, instead of October 23. at the hour of 10:30 a. m., room 226, Old House
Office Building, Washington, D. C.
Signed, "J. Parnell Thomas, chairman."
Mr. Bessie. I did.
Mr. Stripling. You are here in response to the subpena and the
summons *^^
Mr. Bessie. I am.
Mr. Stripling. In the form of a telegram from the chairman?
Mr. Bessie. I would like to ask about my statement at this point.
May I be permitted to read the statement ?
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Bessie; the committee is con-
sidering the statement.
Mr. Kenney. Do you have a copy of it ?
]\[r. Bessie. I have another copy of it.
The Chairman. Mr. Bessie, while there is some doubt that your
statement is pertinent to the inquiry, as will be very evident when you
read it
Mr. Bessie. I would still like to have permission to read it.
The Chairman. Just a minute. Nevertheless, the committee is
willing that you read the statement. We are just wondering, in order
to save time, if you couldn't read the first couple of paragraphs and
then let us put it in the record at this point, just as we did with the
record of Mr. Maltz.
Mr. Bessie. In accordance with your request, I will read the first
two paragraphs and the last two,
"^ See apiieiulix, p. 541, for exhibits 73 and 74.
384 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. That is fine. Thank you very much. Proceed.
Mr. Bessie. It is my understanding of the first amendment to our
Constitution that it expressly forbids Congress to pass any law which
shall abridge freedom of speech or of opinion. And it is my under-
standing of the f miction of congressional committees that they are set
up by the Congress for the express purpose of inquiring into matter
that may lead to the initiation of legislation in the Congress.
Now either the Constitution and its Bill of Rights mean what they
say or they do not mean what they say. Either the first amendment
is binding upon Congress and all legislative bodies of our Government,
or it means nothing at all. I cannot agree with this so-called com-
mittee in its implied belief that the Bill of Rights means whatever this
body chooses it to mean, or is applicable only to those with whose
opinions this committee is in agreement.
Those are the first two paragraphs. Now, the last two paragraphs.
In calling me from my home this body hopes also to rake over the
smoldering embers of the war that was fought in Spain from 1938 to
1939. This body, in all its previous manifestations, is on record as
believing that support of the Spanish Republic was and is subversive,
un-American, and Communist-inspired. That lie was originally
spawned by Hitler and Franco, and the majority of the American
people — in fact, the majority of the people of the world — never be-
lieved it. And I want it on the record at this point that I not only
supported the Spanish Republic but that it was my high privilege and
the greatest honor I have ever enjoyed to have been a volunteer sol-
dier in the ranks of its International Brigades throughout 1938. And
I shall continue to support the Spanish Republic until the Spanish
people in their majesty and power remove Francisco Franco and all
his supporters and reestablish the legal government Franco and his
Nazi and Italian Fascist soldiers overthrew.
The understanding that led me to fight in Spain for that republic,
and my experience in that war, teach me that this committee is en-
gaged in precisely the identical activities engaged in by un-Spanish
committees, un-German committees, and un-Italian committees which
preceded it in every country which eventually succumbed to fascism.
I will never aid or abet such a committee in its patent attempt to foster
the sort of intimidation and terror that is the inevitable precursor of
a Fascist regime. And I therefore restate my conviction that this
body has no legal authority to pry into the mind or activities of any
American who believes, as I do, in the Constitution, and who is will-
ing at any time to fight to preserve it— as I fought to preserve it m
Spain. . , ^ . .
The Chairman. And now, Mr. Bessie, m accordance with our agree-
ment, the whole statement will be placed in the record.
Mr. Bessie. Thank you.
(The statement is as follows:)
Statement of Alvah Bessie to the House Committee on Un-Amekican
Activities
It is mv understanding of tlie first amendment to our Constitution that it
expressly forbids Congress to pass any law which shall abridge freedom of speech
or of opinion. And it is my understanding of the function of congressional com-
mittees that they are set up by the Congress for the express purpose of inquiring
into matter that may lead to "the initiation of legislation iu the Congress.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 385
Now either the Constitution and its Bill of Rights mean what they say or they
do not mean what they say. Either the first amendment is binding upon Con-
gress and all legislative bodies of our Government or it means nothing at all.
I can.not agree with this so-called committee in its implied belief that the Bill
of Rights mt'ans whatever this body chooses it to mean, or it is applicable only
to those with whose opinions and activities this committee is in agreement.
1 am not in agreement witli the opinions, activities, or objectives of this com-
mittee or any committee remotely resembling it. And since the only legisla-
tion this committee could possibly initiate would automatically abridge freedom
of speech and opinion, and would therefore be automatically unconstitutional, I
have come to the conclusion, that will eventually be borne out by events, that this
body is totally unconstitutional and without power to inciuire into anything I
think, believe, uphold, and cherish, or anything I have ever written or said, or
any organization I have ever joined or failed to join.
As a one-time newspaperman I have been deeply interested in the mounting
reaction of disapproval by the press of the Nation of the activities of this com-
mittee. When tlie conservative New York Herald Tribune can say "* * * the
beliefs of men and women who write for the screen are, like the beliefs of any
ordinary men or women, everybody's business but their own, as the Bill of Rights
mentions. Neither Mr. Thomas nor the Congress in which he sits is empowered
to dictate what Americans shall think * * *" ; and when the Washington Post
can state that this "* * * supercolossal Hollywood investigation is [intended]
to intimidate and coerce the industry into an even more rigid acceptance of Mr.
Thomas' concepts of Americanism * * *" ; and when the Chicago Times can
say, "'Of course, the real object of Chairman Thomas and the reactionary Repub-
lican majority of the House Un-American Activities Committee is not primarily
to uncover subversive infli^ences in Hollywood. It is to smear New Dealers and
whatever their progressive successors may be called * * *" — then it is not
difficult tor any intelligent person to realize that if this investigation is permitted
to achieve its inuuediate objective, it will not hesitate to move on from the motion-
picture industry it has emasculated, to the tlirottling of the press, the radio, the
theater, and the book publishers of America. We saw this imttern at work before,
in Hitler's Germany, and we understand it thoroughly. The true purpose of this
Committee on Un-American Activities is to provide the atmosphere and to act as
the spearhead for the really un-American forces preparing a Fascist America.
In calling me from my home this body hopes also to rake over the smoldering
embers of the war that was fought in Spain in 1938 to 1930. This body in all
its previous manifestations is on record as believing that support of the Spanish
Republic was and is subversive, un-American, and Communist-inspired. That lie
was originally spawned by Hitler and Franco, and the majority of the American
people — in fact, the majority of the people of the world — never believed it. And
I want it on the record at tliis point that I not only supported the Spanish Republic
but that it was my liigh privilege and the greatest honor I have ever enjoyed to
have been a volunteer soldier in tlie ranks of its International Brigades through-
out 1938. And I .shall continue to support the Spanish Republic until the Spanish
people in the majesty and power remove Francisco Franco and all his supporters
and reestablish the legal government Franco and his Nazi and Italian Fascist
soldiers overthrew.
The understanding that led me to fight in Spain for that republic, and my
experience in that war, teach me that this conunittee is engaged in i^recisely the
identical activities engaged in by un-Spanish committees, un-German committees,
and un-Italian committees which preceded it in every country whicli eventually
succumbed to fascism. I will never aid or abet such a committee in its patent
attempt to foster the sort of intimidation and teri-or that is the inevitable pre-
cursor of a Fascist regime. And I therefore restate my conviction that this body
has no legal authority to pry into the mind or activities of any American who
believes, as I do. in the Constitution, and who is willing at any time to fight to
©reserve it — as I fought to preserve it in Spain.
The Chairm.vn. Mr. Striplino;.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Bessie, I am going to address certain questions
to you and I liope you will give me a responsive answer.
Mr. Bessie. I will do my best.
Mr. Striplixg. "\'Vliat is your occupation?
Mr. Bessie. I am a writer.
386 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever been employed in the motion-picture
industry?
Mr, Bessie. I have been employed on and off in the mot ion -picture
industry since January 1943.
Mr, Stkipi.ixg. Are you a member of the Screen Writers" Guild?
Mr, Bessie, This is the same sort of a question that was asked of
other witnesses. It involves a question of my association.
Mr. Stripling. Do you refuse to answer the question?
Mr. Bessie. I have not refused to answer the question, but I must
answer the question in the only way in which I know how, and that is,
that I believe that such a question violates my right of association and
is not properly falling — I do not believe it falls properly within the
scope of this committee's inquiry,
Mr. Stripling, We will move on to the $64 question, Mr. Bessie.
Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Bessie. Mr. Stripling and gentlemen of the committee, unless
it has been changed since yesterday in our country, we have a secret
ballot; and I do not believe this committee has any more right to in-
quire into my political affiliations than I believe an election official
has the right to go into the voting booth and examine the ballot which
has been marked by the voter. General Eisenhower himself has
refused to reveal his political affiliations, and what is good enough
for General Eisenhower is good enough for me.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Bessie, this committee has officially found that
the Conmiunist Party in the United States is not a political party
but is, in fact, the agent of a foreign government. I will ask you
again : Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr, Bessie. Mr. Stripling, if you did not understand the answer
to my question
Mr. Stripling. I understood your answer.
Mr. Bessie. I suggest you have the secretary read it back to j'ou,
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Bessie, there have been charges made before
this committee that you are a Communist. I didn't notice anywhere
in your statement that you denied that charge. You are now being
given an opportunity to deny whether or not you are a member of
the Communist Party. You have not answered whether or not you
are a member of the Communist Party.
Mr, Bessie, In the statement which you were kind enough to permit
me to read, I stated I stand on the Bill of Rights on this issue ; and
I think either the Bill of Rights means something or it doesn't; and
if it doesn't mean anything, it is news to me, and I think it would
be great news to the majority of the American people.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I ask you to direct the witness to
answer the question whether or not he is now or has ever been a mem-
ber of the Communist Party, which is the essence of this entire matter.
The Chairman. Mr. Bessie, in order to save a lot of time, we would
like to know whether you are or have ever been a member of the Com-
munist Party. We would like a very frank answer. You can an-
swer it "yes" or "no" ; or if you don't care to answer it, just say so.
Mr. Bessie. Mr. Thomas, with whatever respect is due this com-
mittee, I now state I have given you my answer to this question. I
have not attempted to evade the question. I have given you the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 387
answer to the questions, accordino; to my understanding: of what pro-
tections are offered tlie American people, and I object violently to the
procedure this connnittee engages in. in an attempt to make people
state what they think, believe, with whom they associate, whom they
go to dinner with, or what have you.
The Chairman. The only part of your answer I can remember is
that part about General Eisenhower; and I don't think that is a
Mr. Bessie. May I ask if you would have General Eisenhower here
and ask him
Mr. Stripling. Just a minute.
The Chairman. Just a minute.
IVIi'. Bessie. And ask him whether he is a member of the Kepublican
or Democratic Party.
The Chairman. I don't think that was a responsive answer to the
question. What we are attempting to do — wdiat this committee of
Congress is attempting to do — is to ascertain the extent of Com-
munist infiltration in the moving-picture industry.
Mr. Bessie. I don't believe that that is what this committee is try-
ing to do.
The Chairman. Just a minute
Mr. Bessie. I believe what this committee is trying to do
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Bessie. Is to do exactly the same thing
The Chairman. I am tellmg you what the committee is trying to
do. We know exactly what the committee is trying to do.
Mr. Bessie. I have my own opinion of it.
The Chairman. That is all right; you can have any opinion you
want.
]Mr. Bessie. Thank you.
The Chairman. The committee would like to know now whether
you have ever been a member of the Communist Party or whether
you are a member of the Communist Party now?
Mr. Bessie. I have given you several answers to that question, and
that is the best I can do for you, Mr, Chairman.
The Chairman. Then do you
Mr. Bessie. Because I believe you are violating my rights as an
American citizen.
The Chairman. So you refuse?
Mr. Bessie. I am not refusing. I have told you that is the answer
I have given j^ou. The answer is now recorded several times. I
don't believe you have the right to ask this question of anybody.
The Chairman. It is very apparent you are following the same
line of these other witnesses.
Mr. Bessie. I am following no line
The Chairman (continuing). Which is definitely the Communist
line.
Mr. Bessie. I am using my own head, which I am f)rivileged to do.
The Chairman. You are excused. If you want to make a speech,
go out here under a big tree.
JSIr. Bessie. Thank you. [Laughter.]
The Chairman (])ounding gavel). May we have order, please.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling, before you start, I just want to make one observa-
tion for the committee. I am very definite in this, to. It is my
388 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
belief that if General Eisenhower were a witness before this com-
mittee and he was asked the question, "Are you a member of the
Communist Party ^" he would not only be very responsive to the
question, but he would be absolutely insulted, and solely for this
reason : A great man like General Eisenhower would not ever think
or dream or stoop to ever being a low-down Communist. Go ahead.
[Loud applause.]
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Chairman, again I will ask Mr, Russell to take
the stand.
Mr. Russell, you have been sworn and you have been identified as
an investigator for this committee?
Mr. Russell, Yes, sir,
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. EUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Were you detailed to make an investigation to de-
termine whether or not Alvah Bessie was ever at any time a member
of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. What did your investigation disclose?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation I secured in-
formation relating to the registration card of Alvah Bessie in the
Communist Party of the United States. I have a photostatic copy
of the registration card of Alvah Bessie in the Communist Party of
the United States, which bears the number "47279" and which con-
tains the notation, "1944, card No. 46836."
It contains the name "Alvah Bessie," His address is given as "4653
Coldwater Canyon; city, Hollywood; county, Los Angeles; State,
California."
It contains a notation, "New card issued on December 10, 1944."
The description of Alvah Bessie is given as follows: "Male; white;
occupation, writer ; industry, motion pictures." The question is then
asked : "Member of CIO, A. F. of L., independent union, or no union?"
"Independent union" is checked.
The question on the bottom of the card, "Is member club subscriber
for Daily Worker?" Above that notation "Daily Worker" there is
contained in ink the notation, "P. W.," meaning the "Peoples World."
The answer "Yes" is checked.*'-
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, we have here a memorandum prepared by the in-
vestigative and research staff of the Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities dealing with the Communist affiliations of Alvah Bessie. It
is contained on 7 pages and lists 32 separate affiliations.
With the Chair's permission, I will ask Mr. Mandel, director of
research, to read this memorandum. Is that agreeable to the Chair?
The Chairman. Yes, sir.
Mr. Mandel (reading) :
Information From the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
United States House of Representatives, on the Communist Affiliations of
Alvah Bessie
Aecoi'dins to the Motion Picture Almanac, Alvali Bessie is credited with the
writing of the following motion pictures : Northern Pursuit, Warner Bros., 1943 ;
*- See appendix, p. 541,, for exhibit 75.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 389
The Very Thouglit of Yon, Warner Bros., 1944 ; Hotel Berlin, Warner Bros., 1945 ;
and Objective Burma, Warner Bros., 1945.
1. According to the records of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
Alvah Bessie is one of the leading contributors to the Communist publica-
tions in the United States.
Ht! has been connected witli New Masses, a weekly publication of the Com-
munist Party, as contributing editor, since 1937. During this period he has
contributed over 85 articles. As a standard Communist rule, such officials of
the Communist press are required to be members of the party.
2. The People's World of O'ctoljer 11, 1939, which is the official Communist
organ of the west coast of the United States, devotes an article in praise of the
writings of Alvah Bessie. The People's World of August 26, 1943, lists Alvah
Bessie as a speaker at a benetit given nnder the auspices of People's World.
3. In the September 22, 1942, issue of the Weekly Review, a publication of the
Young Communist League, Alvah Bessie is listed as an instructor at the Workers
School in New York City. The Workers School was established by the Communist
Party of the United States. Alvah Bessie has also been an instructor at the
People's Educational Center (People's World, January 11, 1944, p. 5).
4. Alvah Bessie, according to the November 16, 1943, issue of People's World,
was a speaker at a West Side Los Angeles rally sponsored by the International
Workers Order. The International Workers Order, a Communist-front organiza-
tion, has been cited as such by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
on .January 3, 1940, June. 25, 1943, and May 29, 1946.
In addition to this citation, it was cited by the House Committee on Appropria-
tions, in a report dated April 21, 1943, and by special legislative committees of
the States of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and California.
Former Attorney General Francis Biddle, in his listing of Communist-front
organizations, which appeared in tlie Congressional Record of September 24, 1943,
characterized the International Workers Order as "one of the strongest Com-
munist organizations." The People's World of November 10, 1942, lists Alvah
Bessie as the coauthor of a pamphlet issued by the International Workers Order
in connection with its front-line fighter's campaign.
5. Alvah Bessie was a contributor to the July and September 1937 and January
1938 issues of the magazine Fight, which magazine was the official publication
of the American League Against War and Fascism. The American League
Against War and Fascism was active in the period 1932 to 1937 in behalf of the
Soviet foreign policy. It proclaimed an openly treasonable program.
It was cited as subversive by the Special Committee on un-American Activities
on January 3, 1940, March 29, 1944, and May 29, 1946. Former Attorney General
Francis Biddle cited this organiaztion as established in the United States in an
effort to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy adapted to the
interests of the Soviet Union.
6. Alvah Bessie was also the sponsor of the organization known as the Artists'
Front to Win the War (the official program, October 16, 1942). While in 1942 all
Americans wei-e interested in winning the war, the Artists' Front to Win the
War echoed the demand of the Communist Party of the United States for the
express purpose of placing pressui'e upon the military leaders in this country
by a demand for an immediate opening of a second front in Europe at a time
when Russia was suffering military reversals. The Artists' Front to Win the
War was sponsored by the same persons who, during the Stalin-Hitler pact, were
referring to the United States as a war-mongering nation and demanding the
discontinuance of America's lease-lend program, which was designed to aid Great
Britain in its struggle against Nazi Germany.
7. Alvah Bessie was a sponsor and consistent supporter of the League of
American Writers (New Masses, April 22, 1941, and June 17, 1941 ; Daily Worker,
September 14, 1942; and People's World, September 23, 1942). The League of
American Writers, which was an affiliate of the International Union of Revolu-
tionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, was pledged to the defense of the
Soviet Union and "use of art as an instnunent of the class struggle." The Special
Committee on Un-American Activities has cited this organization as a Communist
front in reports of January 3. 1940, June 25. 1942, and March 29, 1944. Former
Attorney General Fi-ancis Biddle in his characterization of this organization
stated "the overt activities of the League of American Writers in the last 2 years
leave little doubt of its Communist control" (Congressional Record, September 24,
1942, p. 7686).
8. Alvah Bessie has openly avowed himself in support of the Soviet L'nion.
He has also contributed articles to the magazine Soviet Russia Today, which
390 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
magazine is. devoted to tlie interests of the Soviet Union (September 1937, p. 6;
October 1941, p. 30 ; .lanuary 1942, p. 29 ; and Fel)ruar.v 1942, p. 29) .
9. Karl Krowder, former head of the rommnnist Party of the United States, in
testifying before tlie Special Committee on Un-American Activities, stated tliat
the Communist Party formed certain of its members — certain of its members —
The Chairman. Mr. Mandel, liow far have 3^011 "one now?
Mr. Maxdi-x. I am now on point 9 and tliere are 32 points in all. I
am on pa^^e 2 and there are seven pa^es in all.
The Chairman. All right, the Chair will rule that further reading
be dispensed with and the material consisting of 5 more pages and
37 citations be placed in the record at this point.
(The material referred to above is as follows :)
into a fighting force known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade for participation
in the Spanish force known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade for participation in
the Spanish Civil War. This effort was initiated at tlie Seventh Congress of the
Communist International in the summer of 193.5. Alvah Bessie was a staff officer
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and fought in Spain as an ally of other Com-
munist units which were supporting the loyalist cause (People's World of De-
cember 30, 1942; files of the Committee on Un-American Activities).
10. Alvah Bessie was a member of the advisory board of the periodical New
Currents (March 1944) and a member of the editorial staff of the publication
Mainstream (winter 1947). Both these publications were organized by leading
Communists and supported by the Communist press.
11. The Daily Worker for December 12, 1938, carries an article entitled
"Unions Will Form Guai'd of Honor" concerning the arrival of 1.50 veterans
of the Lincoln Brigade. Alvah Bessie was listed as a commissar in the returning
group.
The Daily Worl^er for December 14, 1938 also carries an article concerning
the returning veterans of the Lincoln Brigade entitled "Huge Parade Will
Greet Boys at Ship." Returning veterans are listed according to State, and the
name Alvah Bessie is listed under the State of New York.
12. The Daily Worker for January 11, 1941 carries an article on page 7
entitled "Bells Toll for Hemingway at Vets' Symposium." This article stated
that a number of the veterans of the Spanish Civil War, being angered at the
picture of tlie Spanish Civil War presented by Ernest Hemingway in his
latest book. For Whom the Bell Tolls, had announced their intention of speaking
from the floor at a symposium of the book which was to be held at 50 East
Thirteenth Street (the headquarters of the Communist Party U. S. A.) under
the auspices of the Workers School. Alvah Bessie, sergeant adjutant of the
Lincoln Battalion and well-known short-story writer and novelist was listed
as one of the speakers.
13. A leaflet which was distributed in the Los Angeles area disclosed that a
meeting sponsored by the American Committee for Siwnish Freedom and by the
Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade was to be held at the Embassy Audi-
torium, 843 South Grand Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. On June 10, 194(i, Alvah
Bessie undertook to act as chairman of this meeting, introducing first Russell
Nixon, described as a former professor of Harvard University and am economist
of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Woi-ker.s of America, CIO, a
Comnumist-controlled union.
14. The Daily Worker for September 29, 1946, on page 3 carries a photograph
of Gen. Karol Swierczewski, of Soviet-controlled Poland, pictui'ed with Ameri-
cans whom he decorated with the Dombrowski Medal at the national convention
of the Veterans of the Abf'abam Lincoln Brigade. Bart van der Schelling
accepted the award for Alvah Bessie.
15. The publication Volunteer for Liberty for November 1940 in reporting
the ele<'tion of officers of tlie Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade listed
Alvah Bessie as a member of the national executive board.
16. xVlynh Bessie was listed as a sponsor for a theatrical jirograiu to be held
January 19, 1947, at the Valeska Theater, New York, entitled "Stars Entertain
for Rei)ul)lio<in S])ain." The program was arranged for the benefit of the Abra-
ham Lincoln Brigade.
17. On April 12, 1944, a mass meeting was held at the Philharmonic Auditorium
at Los Angeles for the benefit of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. This
committee has furnished transportation and sui>port for international Communist
agents likie Gerhardt Eisler.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 391
It has been cited ft)r contempt of Congress. Alvah Bessie took part in this
meeting and made an ehxpient plea for money, stating that $r)()0,00() was needed
to carry out the program of relief undertaken by the connnittee. He stated that
a $(JO.0O0 hospital was to be built in Mexico and that the money was to be used
to take care of Loyalists wherever they might be. During the taking of the
collection, Bessie took off his necktie and said he woiUd auction it olT to the
highest bidder. He stated that the tie had a history, that when he was in Spain
in 1!)37 and 1!)88 with the Abraham Lincohi Brigade, he Jiad purchased the tie at
Barcelona, Spain.
The Joint Anti-Fa.scist Refugee Connnittee, together with the Council on African
Affairs, held a diyner at the Ambassador Hotel, Los Angeles, Calif., February 4,
1945. Alvah Bessie attended this meeting and introduced the featured speaker
of the evening, Paul Robeson, who is devout Soviet apologist.
Virginia Wright in her column in the Los Angeles Daily News, June 11, 1945,
stated that Alvah Bessie, Warner Bros, screen writer, would be the principal
spealvor Saturday night in tlie garden cabaret to be held for tlie benefit of the
Spanish niaquis at 63t) R. Reese Place, Bnrbank. Tliis article stated tliat :
"Some 50,000 Spanish maquis, remnants of tlie men who fought for the Spanish
Republic then joined with the United Nations in liberating France, are now
destitute in Europe.
"It is of these Alvah Bessie speaks with knowledge. He was one of the
groups of Americans who fought in Spain as part of the famous Lincoln Brigade."
It was further indicated that the program was planned by the Bnrbank chapter
of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee.
18. The Daily Worker for September 27, 1942, published a class schedule for the
Workers School. 35 East Twelfth Street, New York City. This was at the time
the official school of Communist Party conducted at party headquarters. Alvah
Bessie is listed as teaching a course "Literature and the world we live in."
■ On page 17 of a booklet entitled "Workers School" announcing courses for
the winter term, 1943, Alvah Cecil Bessie was listed as lecturing on literature and
the world we live in, which is stated to be a course of 12 lectures (and discus-
sions) that will attempt to relate the world in which we live to some outstanding
achievements of literary art of our time. The announcement states that leading
dramatic writers (Steinbeck, Smolokov, Richard Wright, Lillian Hellman, Clifford
Odets. and others) will be used as a point of departure for discussions of the
history of social institutions as they have been reflected by the writers of all times.
19. The School for Writers, 1717 North Vine Street, Hollywood, Calif., which
was sponsored by the League of American. Writers, in a prospectus for the summer
term of 1943 shows Alvah Bessie as teaching a course in short stories. The
note* on the facility on the back of this prospectus carries the following informa-
tion concerning Bessie :
20. A letterhead on recent literature put out by the American-Russian Insti-
tute of Southern California lists Alvah Bessie as being on the board of directors.
This organization has conducted active pro-Soviet propaganda.
21. In a pamphlet entitled "Informed Speakers Offer You Facts on the
U. S. S. R." there appeared the following information:
"The American Council on Soviet Relations has a speakers' bureau to supply
just such information. We can provide your organization with speakers who
by study or by personal experience know the Soviet Union."
Alvah Bessie was listed as an available speaker.
A lO-ceii't pamphlet by Alvah Bessie, The Soviet People at War, was published
b.v the American Council on Soviet Relations, 112 East Nineteenth Street, New
York. This organization has been cited as a Communist party by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by the Committee
for Cultural Freedom, headed by John Dewey in April 1940.
A pamphlet entitled "Hear About the U. S. vS. R." was published by the Na-
tional Council of American-Soviet Friendship. This pamphlet explains the
speakers" bureau of the organization and is addressed particularl.v ^ organiza-
tions who might be interested in securing a speaker on various Russian topics.
Alvah Bessie, author of Men in Battle, was listed as an available speaker.
22. The Daily Worker for December 29. 1942, carries an article captioned
"Allied notables hail IWO booklet on war." The article states that numerous
acknowledgments from prominent leaders in all walks of life were putting into
the International Workers Order offices in New York City on receipt of a fraternal
de luxe limited edition of Tliis Is Your Enemy, written by Alvah Bessie, Ameri-
can novelist.
The International Workers Order arranged a symposium for November 22.
1&43, to be held at the Studio Carpenters Hall, 5164 Santa Monica Boulevard,
392 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Los Angeles, Calif. Approximately 530 people attended Instant meeting. Alvah
Bessie spoke.
Tlie People's World newspaper for March 17, 194.5, reports that Alvah Bessie
would speak on the last line in the Axis chain on Monday, March 19, 1945, at
the Screen Cartoonist Guild, 6272 Yucca, Hollywood. According to the announce-
ment, admission would he free and refreshments would be served under the
auspices of lodge 469 of the International Workers Order.
23. The Daily People's World for November 13, 1945, in a write-up on a meeting
sponsored by the American Committee for Spanish Freedom, relative to a
"Break relations with Spain rally" to be held at the Slirine Auditorium in Los
Angeles, November 16, 1945, stated that a number of Hollywood personages
would participate in the evening event with the script for the skit being provided
by Alvah Bessie. Alvah Bessie's name appears on the letterhead of the Ameri-
can Committee for Spanish Freedom as a sponsor. This organization was part
of the Conununist campaign in behalf of Soviet policy in the Spanish Civil War.
25. On December 16, 1945, a "welcome home, Joe" dinner was given as a "tribute
to America's young fighting men and women on the occasion of the second anni-
versary of American Youth for Democracy." This organization was formerly
known as the Young Communist League. This information appeared on a copy
of the program of the dinner. Alvah Bessie's name appeared on the program
along with the names of John Howard Lawson and Paul Kobeson.
26. The Chicago Herald-Tribune for June 9, 1941, reflects that Alvah Bessie
was elected a member of the national executive board of the Fourth American
Writers Congress.
Sender Garlin, in the Daily Worker for June 11, 1941, in commenting on the
Fourth American Writers Congress stated that : "Alvah Bessie, veteran of the
Spanish War, spoke on the writers and the struggle of fascism in Spain. He told
not only of the men who fought for Spain but of those literary mercenaries who
betrayed Spain's cause and the cause of mankind when Spain was temporarily
defeated * * *."
On November 12, 1943, the forum of the League of American Writers pi'esented
the subject "This Is Treason," a forum on Hitler's secret weapon. The proceeds
of this forum were to go to an organization known as Sleepy Lagoon Defense
Committee, an afiiliate of the International Labor Defense cited by Attorney
General Biddle as the "legal arm of the Communist Party."
At this forum Alvah Bessie read a paper by Dr. Harry Hoijer, reviewing Allen
Cha.se's book Falange. Prior to the reading of the paper Bessie stated that the
.Fascists of Germany and Italy really instigated the so-called Spanish Civil War
and were aided by the United States through its nexitrality laws as well as the
appeasement policy of Great Britain and France. He said the appeasement policy
gave the Japs time to prepai-e and also permitted them to buy more scrap to
wage war ultimately against the Allies.
In 1944 Alvah Bessie was listed as being on the national board of the League
of American Writers.
27. The magazine New Currents in its December 1944 and January 1945 issue
lists Alvah Bessie as a member of the advisory board. This magazine is a publi-
cation of the American Committee of -Jewish Writers, Artists, and Scientists, Inc.
The writers for this magazine have included those who have contributed to the
Communist and Soviet press.
28. The Independent Citizens Committee of the Artists, Scientists, and Profes-
sions, Inc., publishes a monthly joiirnal of opinion, the Independent, which is
sent to all members and to more than 100 daily and weekly newspapers through-
out the country. Alvah Bessie is listed as one of the contributing editors to this
publication. This organization has been repudiated by Harold L. Ickes and other
liberals as Communist-dominated.
29. The Daily Worker for September 22, 1946. published photographs of Alvah
Bessie and others who were to he connected with a new magazine. Mainstream.
Bessie was indicated to be on the editorial bonrd. Mainstream was described
as a Marxist literary magazine, aiiuing to advance a people's working-class
literature in America. It was stated that the magazine would strive "to stimulate
and guide Marxist thinking in literature."
A brochure advertising this magazine states "the fundamental character of
this magazine is determined by its allegiance to tiie Marxist science of history,
culture, and human progress. * * *" The brochure states: "We call upon
writei's to fight anti-Communist influences in writing today, we fight the literary
anti-Sovieteers who constitute an auxiliary legion of the war makers."
30. The Daily Worker for April 13. 1940, carried an article captioned "Phila-
delphia anti-Dies rally to hear noted authoi's." The article states that noted
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 393
authors would speak at a big mass meoting in Town Hall, 150 Broad Street, on
the following night, in a protest against the Dies committee unconstitutional raids
on the seizure of material from Couimuuist Party and IWO oflices there. The
speakers included Ruth McKenney, William Blake, Alvah Bessie, Mark Blitz-
stein, Bruce Minton, and others. The meeting was to be under the auspices of
the I'eople's Forum, with the New Masses participating.
Alvah Bessie, writer. New York, N. Y., appeared on a list captioned "I hereby
join in signing tlie January 1043 "Message to the House of Ilepresentatives'
opposing renewal of the Dies committee. Copies of this list were transmitted
to Members of Congress by the National Federation of Constitutional Liberties,
1123 Broadway, room 907, New York, N. Y."
31. The Daily Worker for February 18, 1942, carried an article concerning
the individuals interested in the innnediate release of Earl Browder. Alvah
Bessie is listed with many others by the Citizens Committee as having communi-
cated with the Chief Executive of the Nation on the Browder case, calling upon
him "to correct his injustice by an act of Executive clemency."
32. I'age 3 of the Daily People's World for April 19, 1946, carries an article
entitled "Forum Tonight To Hear Report on Peace Meet." It was stated that
a report on the Win-the-Peace Conference, by William Pomerance, executive
secretary. Screen Writers Guild, would highlight the Hollywood Forum on the
following night at the Allan Rudack Studio, 7312 Beverly Boulevard. Waldo
Salt was to be moderator of the forum, and Alvah Bessie was included among
the speakers. The Win-the-Peace Conference is the most recent version of the
American I'eace Mobilization, which picketed the White House during the
Stalin-Hitler pact.
The Chairman. Before we call another witness, the Chair would
like to say that we have had four very prominent writers before ns — •
writers who have worked in almost every field, writers who have writ-
ten many of the scripts in very prominent moving pictures. It is very
evident from the manner in which these writers responded to the ques-
tions that they didn't want to answer the questions.
It is very evident from the material presented by our investigative
staff and the research staff that these four men have extensive Com-
munist and Communist front records. Yet, this kind of people are
writing scripts in the moving-picture industry.
There will be more witnesses to come who will probably all carry
out the same line. The Chair would like to point out that this is one
of the reasons why this committee is investigating communism in the
moving-picture industry, and it is just definite proof that there is a
real reason for the investigation before these hearings.
So, when any person — it makes no difference whether he is in the
industry or out of the industry — says that we are persecuting these
people, says that we are making a witch hunt, says that we are looking
into something we have no business to look into, that to me is just
plain foolishness.
I don't think this committee has ever looked into anything where
we have found more evidence of Communist activities than we have
found in Hollywood. So this committee is going to continue this
probe — is going to continue the hearings ; we are going to do every-
thing we possibly can to spotlight these people just like we spotlighted
Fritz Knhn or Pelley or Gerhart Eisler or Hanns Eisler. Josephson,
Eugene Dennis, and anyone else whom we find has a Communist rec-
ord. It will be beneficial to the American people and it will be bene-
ficial to the industry itself, because you are the people — you persons
high up in the industry can do more to clean your own house than can
anybody else, but a^ou must have the will, and we hope that by spot-
lighting these Communists you will acquire that will.
Put on the next witness, Mr. Stripling. [Loud applause.]
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
394 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. Before the next witness goes on, I would like to
read a telegram just received by the Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities here from a well-known and veteran figure in Hollywood, and
particularly Avell known to the American people. I do not applaud
the language used here. Nevertheless, I will read the telegram :
The Un-American AcTi\iTiEs Committee,
Washington, D. C:
Congratulations on your splendid courage. Comnuinist rattlesnakes are bent
on inoculating the mind of our American youth. Clean out the rats. You are not
injuring our industry. You are helping to keep them American. Bless you.
Leo Carrillo.
The Chairman. The Chair would also like to make this statement:
Because of the failure of Mr. Maltz and Mr. Bessie to respond to ques-
tions propounded of them, this subcoinmittee, by a unanimous vote,
reconnnends to the full committee that Albert Maltz and Alvah Bessie
be cited for contempt.
Next witness.
]\Ir. Gaston. Will Mr. Brewer resume the stand, please ?
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Brewer has requested the privilege of placing
into the record many statements to substantiate some of the remarks
he made this morning. He does not want to be left without having
that placed in the record. Would that be agreeable to you, sir ?
The Chairman. Are these statements all pertinent to the inquiry ?
TESTIMONY OF MR. ROY M. BREWER— Resumed
Mr. Brewer. Everything that I want to put in, Mr. Chairman, is.
What I would like to say is this: In my testimony this morning I
made certain statements which I have the proof to back up. In the line
of questioning as it was developed, in order to answer a subsequent
question, I was required to deviate from entering that proof. I partic-
ularly want to clear up a couple of points so that I cannot be accused
of making statements that cannot be substantiated.
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer, if you will submit those to the com-
mittee investigators and they pass their inspection, so ordered.
Mr. Brewer. Thank you.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Brewer, this morning in your testimony you men-
tioned the National Labor Relations Board. Do you have any evidence
or knowledge of any communistic influence over this National Labor
Relations Board?
Mr. Brewer. There was considerable evidence on that in the
various
The Chairman. Just a minute. You mean in regard to the strikes
which you said were Communist-inspired out there? You are refer-
ring to just that?
Mr. Gaston. That is correct.
Mr. Brewer. The evidence which I have, Mr. Chairman, goes to
the whole effort on the part of this Communist group, including the
Kibre group, which was definitely identified as being Communist in
their efforts to penetrate and control the studio unions.
The first evidence of this came at the time when an election was
held in 1939 as the result of a petition from an organization known as
the United Studio Technicians Guild. That was an organization
founded and built around" Jeff Kibre. Presumably it was an indepen-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 395
dent organization, but the records which I read this morning proved
that it was directed both by the State organization of the CIO and
the Communist Party.
Now, the Hekl examiner in charge of the election which handled the
petition which this organization tiled was a man by the name of Wil-
liam Pomerance. He was the official representative of the Government
in their efforts to determine the representation in this case. William
Pomerance later was identified as an active member in pro-Communist
labor activities. He was the man who founded and organized the
Screen Cartoonists' Guild, which was stated by Mr. Kibre as having
been organized "by our people."
After he left the Screen Cartoonists' Guild he went to the Screen
Writers' Guild and until only recently served as the executive secretary
of the Screen Writers' Guild.
Another num that was emploved by the National Labor Relations
Board at the time of the 1039 election was a man by the name of Mau-
rice Howard. Maurice Howard is at the present time the secretary of
the Screen Cartoonists' Guild. He is a teacher at the People's Educa-
tional Center and has an impressive record of activities in various
Communist and pro-Communist activities. In addition to that, he
has been a leader in the activities of the pro-Communist group in the
Central Labor Council of Los Angeles and in the various activities of
the Conference of Studio Unions.
He was a member of the board of strategy of the Conference of
Studio Unions in the prosecution of the strikes.
There is another person by the name of Frances Millington who was
an employee of the National" Labor Relations Board. Miss Millington
is now an officer of the Screen Analysts' Guild in Hollywood.
There is another person by the name of William Esteman who until
a short time ago was the attornev for the National Labor Relations
Board in the Los Angeles office. Mr. Esteman has been, and as far as
I know is now, the attorney for the Conference of Studio Unions and is
also listed — and it was testified by Mr. Carlson — as a teacher in the
People's Educational Center.
The presence of these persons in official capacities on the National
Labor Relations Board had let us to believe, and I think rightly, that
in many cases our interests were prejudiced. At any rate, we felt
that there should liave been no election in 1939. *
We had contracts. There was no necessity for it, and in the reports
which INIr. Kibre wrote he changed his entire strategy in his attempts
to capture the unions as a result of the ruling which the National
Labor Relations Board made in giving them an election and granting
their petition.
Another activity which leads us to believe there was Communist
influence in the National Labor Relations Board in Los Angeles was
the efforts ^\ hich were made by the Communists to capture the extras.
The extras group had been a part of the Screen Actors" Guild. There
was some dissatisfaction among extras. Their employment is of such
a nature that it is not very steady, and so agitation started within the
extras' group for a separate organization.
They went to the National Labor Relations Board. The National
Labor Relations Board granted them an election. An election was
held, and they voted to pull away from the Screen Actors' Guild.
396 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
A part of the campiiijin which they carried on -was to the effect that
if they did vote to disafKliate with the Screen Actors' Guild they would
then be jiiven a chaiter from the American Fedeiation of Labor. AVell,
tlie actors took a pretty strong position about a painters' union giving
a charter to the extras, and they did not get a charter from any other
A. F. of L. union, with the result that the National Labor Relations
Board, which is supposed to facilitate the processes of collective bar-
gaining, through their action in the extras' case, actually stopped the
processes of collective bargaining for a period of 18 months for the
extras, because it was not until after a second election had been held
and the extras then voted to go back in association with the actors'
group that they got a contract and the processes of collective bargain-
ing were reestablished.
Another instance which happened was in this most recent strike.
AVe had a Communist faction in one of our important locals led by
a man by the name of Henschel. I believe that is spelled H-e-n-
s-c-h-e-1. This man attempted to lead a revolt in our organization at
the time of the strike, the first strike in 1945.
Incidentally, there is a very interesting history of Mr. Henschel's
activity in the Communist Party contained in the reports which Mr.
Kibre wrote to Hoy Hudson in New York.
Mr. Gastox. Mr. Brewer, who is Roy Hudson?
Mr. Brewer. Roy Hudson is the trade-union secretary of the Com-
munist Party and was at that time the labor editor of the Daily Worker.
Mr. Henschel Avas sent by the Communist Party to our 1938 conven-
tion in Cleveland, Ohio, for the purpose of attempting to push through
a pro-Communist resolution. He made such a bad job of it — ■ —
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Brewer, may I interrupt you a minute, please?
For the purpose of the record, Mr. Roy Hudson is a member of the
National Committee of the Communist Party Trade Union, secretary
of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, and, as you said,
labor editor of the Daily Worker. That is for the purpose of identify-
ing Mr. Hudson.
Mr. McDowell. Further for the purpose of identifying Roy Hud-
son, he was unhorsed from considerable of those jobs and is now
working The Vineyard in Pittsburgh, Pa.
Mr. Brewer. Thank you.
Mr. McDo*VELL. Go ahead.
Mr. Brewer. Mr. Henschel was sent, as I said, to our 1938 conven-
tion for the purpose of shoving- through or attempting to shove
through a resolution which the party wanted to pass. He made such
a bad job of it that the then acting secretary of the Communist Party
in Ohio, Mr. Max Weiss, wrote a complaint to Mr. Roy Hudson com-
plaining about the activities of Mr. Henschel and complaining against
the party officials in California who sent him to the convention so
inadequately prepared to carry out his mission, with the result that
the complaint was handed back and Mr, Kibre was instructed to in-
vestigate whether or not Mr. Henschel was a loyal comrade and a
loyal party member, or whether he had just failed in his obligation.
The report which Mr. Kibre printed in that respect is contained in
these proceedings, which I would be glad to submit to the committee
for the record.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 397
Mr. Kibre stated in this report that at that time, whicli was 1939,
or thereabouts, Mr. Heiischel liad been a party member for approxi-
mately o years' standing, a loyal party member, as Mr. Kibre described
him.
Now this man Henschel showed up, as I said, in 1945, as the leader
of a faction which was trying to embarrass our international union in
its efforts to ward off this attempt of the conference of studio unions
to capture our organization in Hollywood.
He organized a rank-and-file conunittee in almost exactly the same
manner as was demonstrated by Mr. Kibre in his description of their
efforts in 1939, and as a result of that he was discharged from his
employment by Warner Bros, and he was expelled from the union,
from our international union.
He went down to the National Labor Relations Board and filed a
complaint. The complaint was investigated by a man by the name of
Cameron. Now, we felt that we knew the law fairly well and we did
not feel that Mr. Henschel had any real case at all. He had violated
the rules of our union and we had expelled him and he was eligible to
expulsion by any rule of the game.
I might say that as a result of the Communist tactics our efforts to
conduct a trial were impeded to the extent that in order to insure the
trial would be fair and to be sure the record would be clear, we spent
some $5,000 for the transcript alone in the trial which we held.
. Mr. Gaston. Mr. Brewer, were any of your local unions ever taken
over by the Communists '^.
Mr. Brewer. Yes ; they were, but that is another story and if I might
be permitted to continue this one I think it is important.
The Chairman. I want to say, Mr. Brewer, we would like to con-
tinue with you on the stand for some time but we have a heavy schedule
of witnesses. We are getting further behind all the time. Something
that has arisen that will compel us to recess today at 4 o'clock so we
haven't got much more time.
Mr. Brewer, I will complete this very briefly then. To follow
through briefly and conclude this Henschel matter, the matter was
heard by the National Labor Relations Board and a decision was
handed down. We felt that the examiner which was sent out seemed
to be fair but the decision which he rendered was such a distortion of
the law that we were at a loss to understand it.
After the decision was handed down we began to investigate the
activities of the examiner that heard the case. The examiner's name
was a Mr. ]\Iortimer Reamer. We found much to our surprise that
Mr. IMortimer Reamer
The Chairman. May we have order, please ? I would like to sug-
gest to our visitors if they can remain for a few more minutes it will
hel]) to maintain order. Go ahead.
Mr. Brewer. This Mortimer Reamer had been the secretarv of the
National Lawyers' Guild, an organization which had been described
as a Communist front for lawyers and an organization in which Mr.
Robert W. Kenny was the national chairman, and at that time, I
might say. Mr. Robert W. Kenny had been active in organizations
that were openly opposing us and aiding our enemies in this fight.
67683—47 26
398 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
So, we felt, we c-ould not hel]) but feel after reviewing the entire
rase that thei-e had been a number of instances where the Communist
influences had influenced the Board and that in this particular case
there was an association of individuals, a known Communist faction,
a man who had been identified with certain Comnumist activities had
written a decison whch we felt was a serious prejudice to the case of
our union.
Now, in response to the question as to whether or not any of our
unions have been taken over, there were two unions wdiich we felt —
two of our own unions which we felt came into the Communist orbit
by reason of their adhe»"ence to Communist Party programs and by
reason of their expressed sympathy with the enemies of our organiza-
tion in this particular controversy.
There was one, particularly, which was known as the Film Tech-
nicians, a very important group. In our judgment this union was
captured in 1940. We watched their activities. They adhered to the
Commimist Party line and, as a matter of fact, they were one of the
organizations that helped to found the Conference of Studio Unions.
At the time when the studio unions got ready, however, to engage in
open combat with the lATSE this union withdrew from the Confer-
ence of Studio Unions and in this last strike at a very critical time in
the activities of the strike, this union revolted and officially joined the
strike with the Conference of Studio Unions.
As a result of that action, in accordance with the authority in our
constitution, the international declared an emergencj' and took over
the afl^airs of that local union.
The evidence which we have been able to get convinces us positively
that union was in the hands of leaders who were adherents to the Com-
munist Party program from 1940 on until their revolt in 1947.
There is one statement in the record which I made in the record this
morning, and that was in respect to my testimony about a libel suit. I
testified to that with respect to the documents which I presented. I
wanted the committee to know that when the proof of this membership
activity was established the libel suit has never been pressed. The libel
suit was never brought to trial. I didn't want the record to stand
without that in there.
Mr. McDowell. Is it still pending?
Mr. X^REWER. It is still laying there as it was almost 3 years ago
when it was filed.
Mr. McDoAVELL. You called somebody a Communist and they sued
for how much ?
Mr. Brewer. $150,000.
Mr. McDowell. You did better than I did, I got $100,000.
Mr. Brew^er. We are being sued for so many
The Chairman. I don't think that is very pertinent.
Mr. Gaston. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
INIr. M(;DowELL. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. No questions.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 399
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Brewer. We will call
on you, probably, later on so if you will just stand by so that you can
complete your testimony at a later date, we will appreciate it. Mr.
Stripliufii; will advise you.*"
Mr, Brewer. Thank you very nuich.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Adjourned until 10 : 30 tomorrow morning.
(Thereupon, at 4 p. m., the conmiittee adjourned until 10 a. m., the
followin<2; day, Wednesday, October 29, 1947.)
"' See appendix, pp. 541—545, for letter from Mr. Roy M. Brewer, as exhibit 76.
HEAEINGS REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRA-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1947
House of Kepresentatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D. C.
The committee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The record will show that a subcommittee is sitting, with Mr. Mc-
Dowell, Mr. Vail, and Mr. Thomas present.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator ;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, H. A. Smith, Robert B. Gaston, investiga-
tors; and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Now, the Chair at this point would like to make a brief recapitula-
tion with reference to the committee's investigation of Communist in-
fluences in the motion-picture industry.
Responding to the demand of the people, the present Committee on
Un-American Activities made a preliminary investigation which pro-
duced ample evidence that a full-scale investigation was in order of
the extent of Communist infiltration in Hollywood.
This committee has utilized the services of trained investigators, all
former FBI agents, to assemble this evidence in this manner.
The committee's authority to conduct such an investigation, under
authority of Public Law 601, is crystal clear.
We have not violated and we are not violating the rights of any
American citizen, not even the rights of the Communists whose first
allegiance is to a foreign government.
The committee is well aware that powerful influences have sought
in every manner to divert this committee from its main course of
inquiry.
I am proud to say that this committee has not been swayed, intimi-
dated, or influenced by either Hollywood glamor, pressure groups,
threats, ridicule, or high-pressure tactics on the part of high-paid
puppets and apologists for certain elements of the motion-picture
industry.
The people are going to get the facts, just as I announced on the
opening day.
This committee has now been sitting for 7 days. Last week we had
before us 20 witnesses, all of wliom had been subpenaed, all of whom
were tops in their profession, and all from Hollywood. They are
among our most prominent producers, directors, writers, and actors.
Their names stand high, not only in Hollywood, but throughout the
world, as great entertainers and producers of entertainment. They
401
402 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
certainly had more at stake in Hollywood than some of the actors who
have descended upon Washington, with stars and starlets to bowl over
a coniniittee of tlie Congress of the United States who dared to put
the spotlight on the Communist foreign agents operating within their
very industry.
These prominent Americans who appeared the first w^eek, all from
the industry, are the ones who leveled the charges; it wasn't the
committee.
And now, in the second week, when those who have been accused
publicly, openly, of being Communists and of attempting to utilize
the motion picture for the furtherance of a ruthless dictatorship, have
they come before this committee and answered these charges? No.
They have come as Communists always do and scream, "Bill of
Rights," "Constitution," and vilify those who would seek to expose
them.
There can be no doubt in anyone's mind who has attended these
meetings that Mr. Lawson, Mr. Trumbo, Mr. Bessie, and Mr, Maltz
are Communists. They have been Communists for a long while and
they will continue to be Communists, serving not the best interests
of the United States, but the best interests of a foreign government.
Oh, yes, the paid apologists for these people have employed full-
page ads in an effort to distort and to divert the beam of exposure
which they saw was descending upon them from this committee. This
is to state to the American people and to everyone concerned that this
beam is not going to be turned off or shut off until all the Communists
in Hollywood are exposed.
Mr. Stripling, call the next witness. .^
Mr. Striplino. Samuel Ornitz.
The Chairman. Who?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Samuel Ornitz.
The Chairman. Mr. Ornitz.
Mr. Ornitz, raise your right hand, please.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Ornitz. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OP SAMUEL ORNITZ
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ornitz, will you please state your full name and
present address ?
Mr. Ornitz. Samuel Ornitz, 1044 South Redondo Boulevard, Los
Angeles.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Ornitz?
Mr. Ornitz. New York City, November 15, 1890.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Ornitz. I am a writer.
I wish the opportunity to make a statement
The Chairman. Now, just be identified, please.
Mr. Ornitz. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. That is sufficient identification, Mr. Chairman.
At this point, if he has a statement — —
The Chairman. We would like to see the statement.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 403
Mr. Stripling. Do you have a copy ?
Mr. Crum. Yes.
Tlie Chairman. We want to see the statement, to see if it is pertinent
to the inquiry, and also whether it answers the charges that have been
leveled against you.
(Statement handed to the chairman.)
Mr. McDowell. I wouldn't have any part of it .
The Chairman. ]Mr. Ornitz, this statement is clearly out of order.
It is not at all pertinent. It is just another case of vilification, and the
statement will not be read by you.
Mr. Orxitz. I beg to differ with the chairman
]\Ir. Stripling. Mr.
Mr. Ornitz. This statement is particularly pertinent
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Air. Ornitz. In that I am accused
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Just a minute-
Mr. Ornitz. Here
The Chairman. Ask another question
Mr. Ornitz. I beg your pardon-
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Ask another question •
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ornitz-
Mr. Ornitz. I accuse the members of this committee of being
The Chairman ( pounding gavel) . You will not accuse anybody
Mr. Ornitz. I do accuse them
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Step aside from the witness
stand
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Ornitz, you are here before this committee in response to a
subpena; are you not?*^*
Mr. Ornitz. I am.
Mr. Stripling. A subpena which was served upon you on September
25; is that covi'ect?
Mr. Ornitz. Correct.
Mr. Stripling. You are also here in response to a telegram which
was sent to you by the chairman on October 11; is that correct? ®*
Mr. Ornitz. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You were snbpenaed here for the purpose of sub-
mitting yourself to questioning by the Committee on Un-American
Activities?
Mr. Ornitz. I am.
ISfr. Stoipling. Certain queetions will be directed to you. You are
expected to answer those questicwis.
Air. Ornitz. I am prepared to answer them.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Ornitz. I wish to reply to that question by saying that this
involves a serious question of conscience for me.
The Chairman. Conscience?
Mr. Ornitz. Conscience, sir, conscience.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Ornitz. I am replying to that question to the best of my ability
and in spite of the interrnptions.
*" See appendix, p. .545, for exhibit 77.
^ See appendix, p. 545, for exhibit 88.
404 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. Well, are you a member ? That is the thing.
Mr. Ornitz. If I may reply to it in less detail than our chairman
did this morning, in practicing intimidation, as he has practiced it
continually during this hearing
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, this has nothing to do with the ques-
tion— the answer the witness has given.
Mr. Ornitz. I have tried to answer this question several times now.
I will make another attempt.
Mr. Stripling. It is a very simple question, Mr. Ornitz. Are you
or are you not a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Ornitz. The question of conscience and constitutional rights
are not simple matters to me.
Mr. Stripling. It has nothing to do with conscience or constitutional
rights, Mr. Ornitz.
Mr. Ornitz. If you will let me answer your question, I will establish
that.
Kindly let me answer the question. I am asking this as a citizen
and taxpayer of representatives of my Government, to let me answer
the question conscientiously. I say you do raise a serious question
of conscience for me when you ask me to act in concert with you to
override the Constitution.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Ornitz. Wait a minute. Let me answer the question
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Just a minute.
The Chairman, Ask the next question.
Mr. McDowell. Ask the next question.
Mr. Ornitz. You are asking me to violate a constitutional guaranty.
Mr. Stripling. It does not involve a constitutional guaranty.
Mr. Ornitz. It does.
The Chairman (pounding gavel.) Mr. Stripling, ask the next ques-
tion.
Mr. Ornitz. I want to answer this question. It is against the
Constitution
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . Ask the next question.
Mr. Stripling. You have refused to answer the question.
Mr. Ornitz. I have not refused. I have not been allowed to finish
my answer. It is against the Constitution to ask me to reveal — not
to reveal, but to state, to violate the sanctity of association.
Mr. McDowell. Ask the next question.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ornitz, you stated that you were a writer. The
Screen Writers Guild is a recognized union or guild within the motion-
picture industry. Certainly there could be nothing compromising by
answering whether or not you are a member of that guild. You are
not ashamed of being a member of the guild ; are you ?
Mr. Ornitz. I have wanted to answer the question, in my way, ami
not your way.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. I am quite aware of that — that you don't want
to answer it.
Now, Mr. Ornitz, I will ask you this question
Mr. Ornitz. I do want to answer
Mr. Stripling. Are you now, or have you ever been a member of
the Communist Party of the United States ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 405
Mr. Ornitz. I wish to state to you that my political affiliations, like
my religious affiliation, is a matter fully guaranteed by the Constitu-
tion. I can belong to any party that I see fit to join, and you have
no right to inquire into
Mr. Stiiiplixg. Even though that party may be affiliated with a for-
eign government and directed by a foreign government '(
Mr. Ornitz. That is a loaded question, and I will not fall for it.
The Chairman ( pounding gavel ) . All right ; the witness
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Ornitz. I have replied to that. You have no right to ask me
that question.
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . The witness is through.
Mr. Ornitz. I wish
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Stand aside.
INIr. Ornitz. I wish to repeat
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Stand away.
The next witness. Go ahead. All right ; next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, take the stand.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Russell has previously been
sworn in this hearing. He has also been identified previously as an
investigator for the Committee on Un-American xVctivities.
Mr. Russell was with the Federal Bureau of Investigation 10 years
as an agent.
Mr. Russell, were you detailed to make an investigation to determine
whether or not Samuel Ornitz was a member of the Communist Party
at any time?
jNIr. Russell. I was.
JNIr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the results of your
investigation ?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation I obtained in-
formation regarding the Communist Party registration card which
was made out in tlie name of Sam O. According to a code which I
obtained in connection with this registration card, the name Sam O.
is the Communist Party registration of Samuel Ornitz. This regis-
tration card, a photostatic copy of which I have before me, bears
the number 47181. It contains a notation : "1944, Card No. 41826."
The address of "Sam O.'' is given as 1044 South Redondo; city, Los
Angeles; county, Los Angeles; State, California. This card con-
tains a notation : "New card issued on December 2, 1944." The de-
scription of Sam Ornitz as given on this card is as follows : "Male.
Occupation, writer. Industry, motion picture." The question is then
asked : "Member of CIO, AFL, independent union, or no union."
"Independent union" is checked. Another question is asked : "Is
member club subscriber for Daily Worker?" "Yes" is checked.®^
Mr. Stripling. That is all, JMr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, I have here a memorandum prepared by the in-
vestigating and research staff of the Committee on Un-American
Activities regarding the Communist association and affiliation of Sam-
uel Ornitz. We have listed here 30 affiliations, contained on 7 pages.
* See appendix, p. 545, for exhibit 79.
406 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Ornitz is the iuitlior of over 20 pictures made b}' various studios
in Hollywood.
What is the pleasure of the committee regarding the reading of
this information on Samuel Ornitz?
The Chairman. Start reading, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I will ask Mr. Gaston to read this, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
According to the Motion Picture Almanac and other authoritative sources,
Samuel Ornitz has been connected with the motion-picture industry since 1930,
as a screen writer. Among the pictures he wrote are the following :
May we skip the list of pictures, sir ?
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The films referred to are as follows :)
The Richest Man in the World (M-G-:\I), 1930; Sins of tJie Children (M-G-M),
1930; Men of America (KKO), 1932; Secrets of the French Police (KKO), 1932;
Hell's Highway (RKO), 1932; Imitation of Life (Universal), 1934; One Man's
Journey (RKO), 1933; The Man Wlio Reclaimed His Head (Universal), 1934;
One Exciting Adventure (Universal), 1934; Three Kids and a Queen (Universal),
19a5 : Mark of the Vampire (:\I-G-M), 1935; Follow Your Heart (Republic), 1936;
Fatal Lady (Paramount), 1936; A Doctor's Diary (Paramount). 1937; Two
Wise Maids (Repulilic), 1937; Portia on Trial (Republic), 1937; The Hit Parade
(Repulilic), 1937; King of the Newsboys (Republic), 1938; Army Girl (Repub-
lic), 1938; Little Orphan Annie (Paramount), 1938.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
The files, records, and publications of the Committee on Un-American Activities
contain the following information concerning the Communist-front affiliations
of Samuel Ornitz :
1. There is no evidence of any open admission of Communist Party member-
ship by Samuel Ornitz. However, Rena M. Vala, a former member of the Com-
munist Party, has cited Samuel Ornitz as a fellow member in her affidavit
dated November 23, 1942, according to the 1943 report of the California Joint
Fact Finding Committee on Un-American Activities. Miss Vale said that in
1935 "Samuel Ornitz identified himself to me as a Communist Party member
and discussed at considerable length the intentions of tlie Communist Party in
Hollywood and especially in relation to the motion-picture industry" (p. 123).
Testimony of Ivan Francis Cox, former member of the Communist Party, be-
fore the California Superior Court on December 8, 1937, reflects also that Samuel
Ornitz was a member of the Communist Party. The California Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities has listed Samuel Ornitz as a financial
contrilmtor to the Communist Party as of August 15 and September 11, 1940,
according to testimony received in that committee. Testimony presented by
George Oliver Bertholon, former members of the Communist Party and Young
Communist League
The Chairman. We will suspend there for just a second. Without
objection, we will suspend with the further reading of the document.
It Avill be placed in full in the record at this point as though read
and will also be made public.
(The remainder of the document referred to is as follows :)
Testimony presented by George Oliver Bertholon, former member of the Com-
munist Party and Young Communist League before an executive session of the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities (vol. 3, p. 1161, executive hear-
ings) reflects that Mrs. Sanuiel (Sadie) Ornitz was a member of the Communist
Party and that her son, Donald Raymond Ornitz, was a member of the Young
Comnuinist League.
According to Communist standards, party members are not supposed to have
even personal relations with those who are hostile to the party.
The Daily Worker of Septendier 14, 1932, page 1, listed Samuel Ornitz as a
signer of A Call for Support of the Comnmnist Party Candidates for President
and Vice President, William Z. Foster and James W. Ford.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 407
In a pamphlet entitled "Culture and the Crisis," on page 32, Samuel Ornitz
is again listed as a member of the League of Professional Groups for Foster and
Ford. In the Presidential campaign of 1936, iin official letterhead of the Com-
mittee of Professional Groups for Browder and Ford, dated September 24. 1936,
carries the name of Samuel Ornitz as a member. Earl Browder was at that
time Connnunist candidate for President and .James Ford was the Communist
candidate for Vice President. The Daily Worker on March 5, 1941, page 2,
carried a statement directed to President Roosevelt in defense of the Communist
Party. Samuel Ornitz is shown as a signer of this statement.
2. Leo Gallagher has been a candidate for Secretary of State and other offices
on the Communist Party ticket in Californa. Samuel Ornitz is shown as an
active partlcii)ant in a dinner in behalf of Leo Gallagher, according to the
People's AVorld of June 4, 1941. This was during the period of the Stalin-Hitler
Pact.
3. The Daily Worker of June 25, 193G, page 2, lists Tom Mooney as a member
of the honorary presidium of the Communist Party. His case was the center of
world-wide Communist agitation. The Daily Worker of March 23, 19.33, lists
Samuel Ornitz as a speaker at a meeting in behalf of Tom Mooney held in San
Francisco. The testimony presented in a California court on October 3, 1940,
reflects that Mr. Ornitz wrote the dramatic .skit for this case.
4. The People's World for April 3, 194.5, contained an article headed "Memorial
started for Eva Shafran — Education Foundation will serve Los Angeles labor,
progressives." The article stated that "Plans for the organization of an Eva
Shafran Educational Foundation as the best means of honoring Eva Shafran and
(•arrying on the work of progre.ssive education to which she devoted her life
were made public here today. Samuel Ornitz, noted writer and lecturer, is
chairman of the foundation. Eva Shafran was a well-known member of the
Communist Party.
5. The People's Daily World is the official west-coast organ of the Communist
Party. In its i.ssue of July 9, 1943, Mr. Ornitz is listed as one who "enthusias-
tically sponsored and endorsed a call for a fund drive," in behalf of this paper.
This Communist paper organized what was known as the Hollywood Forum,
held at the Embassy Auditorium during the week of April 2, 1946, according to
People's World, March 26, 1946, Ornitz was a speaker of this forum.
6. The Workers Bookshops are part of a chain of official Communist book shops
scattered all over the country. According to the Daily Worker of August 28,
1934, Mr. Omitz' works have been on sale at the Workers Bookshops in San
Francisco. It should be noted, at this point, that Communist book shops do not
promote hostile literature. At this time, Mr. Ornitz was a signer of a protest to
the Governor of California and the mayor of San Francisco, in defense of the
Workers Bookshops, according to the Daily Worker for August 28, 1934, page 5.
7. The American League for Peace and Democracy was formed by the Com-
munist Party prior to the period of the Stalin-Hitler Pact. According to former
Attorney General Biddle, this organization was "established in the United States
in an effort to create public sentiment in behalf of a foreign i^olicy adapted to the
interest of the Soviet Union" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942). At
that time this policy called for the support of the democracies against the Fascist
aggre.ssors in line with current Communist policies. This organization was also
cited as a Conmiunist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
on January 3, 1940, June 2.">, 1942, and March 29, 1944. A letterhead dated
January fJ-S, 1939, of the American Congress for Peace and Democracy organized
by the American League for Peace and Democracy, shows Mr. Onitz as an
endorser.
Mr. Ornitz was also a .speaker for the Los Angeles branch of this organization
at a meeting held on September 28, 1938, at the Los Angeles Trinity Auditorium.
According to the People's World of July 8, 1938, page 1, he was scheduled to
speak at another Los Angeles meeting of this organization in behalf of Spanish
refugees. The People's World of September 27, 1938, also lists him as a speaker
for the American League for Peace and Democracy in Los Angeles.
8. The American League for Peace and Democracy was succeeded by the
American Peace Mobilization, after tlie signing of the Stalin-Hitler pact. Ac-
cording to former Attorney General Biddle, thi.s organization was engaged in
"picketing the White House, which began in April 1941. in protest against lend-
lease and the entire national-defense program. This picket line was suddenly
called off on the afternoon of June 21. 1941, when Hitler was opening his attack
on the Soviet Union" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942).
408 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This organization has also been cited as a Communist front by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. According to the Daily
Worker of April 24, 1941, page 7, Mr. Ornitz was a leader of this organization.
The American Peace Mobilization launclied wliat it called the American Peace
Crusade. According to the New Masses of August 6, 1940, page 23, Mr. Ornitz
was the head of a Speakers' School of the Hollywood Peace Forum, in connec-
tion with this crusade. Again the People's World of April 19, 1940, lists Mr.
Ornitz as a speaker at the Hollywood Peace Forum. This meeting was sponsored
by the Hollywood League for Democratic Action, under the title "Can Our Ballots
Stop Bullets?" He is also listed by the People's World of July 3, 1940, as a
speaker at the Hollywood Peace Forum with Herbert Biberman at the Embassy
Auditorium. Both Biberman and Ornitz were leading members of the American
Peace Mobilization. On June 8, 1940, Mr. Ornitz was a speaker of a so-called
peace assembly, held on the steps of the Los Angeles City Hall, iinder the
auspices of the American Peace Mobilization and the American Peace Crusade.
Mr. Ornitz also spoke at the Hollywood Peace Forum, held at the First Unitarian
Church at Los Angeles on May 31, 1940.
He was also a speaker and a committee member of the American Peace Crusade
meeting held at Los Angeles at the Embassy Auditorium, on June 21, 1940. He
presented a radio address over station KFVD, on June 5, 1940, to supplement
the campaign of the American Peace Mobilization. He spoke at the Hollywood
Town Meeting under the auspices of the Hollywood Peace Forum on June 21,
1940. He also sent greetings to the meeting of the American Peace Mobilization
held in Chicago, August 31, to September 2, 1940. Mr. Ornitz was a member of
the resolutions committee at the Chicago meeting of the American Peace
Mobilization.
The People's World of January 23, 1940, page 5, and February 8, 1940, page 5,
lists him as the speaker at various so-called peace meetings held in Hollywood
and Los Angeles.
Samuel Ornitz himself admitted he helped organize the American Peace Cru-
sade, according to an article by Ornitz appearing in the New Masses for August
27, 1940, page 12.
The antiwar stand of the American Peace Mobilization was drastically altered
when Hitler attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. The People's World
dated July 7, 1941, page 3, quoted Tom CuUen, executive secretary of the American
Peace Mobilization as saying: "The invasion of the Soviet Union has altered the
character of the present war * * *." The newspaper also stated that the
American Peace INIobilization would hold a mass meeting on July 14, 1941, at the
Philharmonic Auditorium at which the new policy of the APM and a program
to aid the defeat of Hitlerism would be presented. That Samuel Ornitz went
along with the American Peace Mobilization in its sudden twist is evidenced
by the same newspaper article which stated that Ornitz would be one of the
speakers at the aforementioned mass meeting.
9. The International Labor Defense, American section of the International
Red Aid, with headquarters in Moscow, has been cited by former Attorney Gen-
eral Biddle as the "legal arm of the Communist Party" (Congressional Record,
September 24, 1942).
It has been cited by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities as a
Communist front on June 2.5, 1942, March 29, 1944.
Its chief interest was the defense of Communist cases. According to a
1937 letterhead of the International Labor Defense, Mr. Ornitz was a member
of its Advisory Board. He was also a member of its national committee. Equal
Justice, official organ of the International Labor Defense, for May 1940, page 7,
carries the gi-eetings of Samuel Ornitz. Closely associated with the International
Labor Defense, and similarly Ornitz.
Closely associated with the International Labor Defense, and similarly in
its purposes, was the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners.
This organization has been cited by Attorney General Biddle as "substantially
equivalent to International Labor Defense, the legal arm of the Communist
Party."
It has defended such prominent Communists as Angelo Herndon, William
Schneiderman, and Earl Browder (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942).
It has been cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on June 25, 1942, and INIarch 29, 1944. Mr. Ornitz is listed as a mem-
ber of this Committee on its letterhead dated October 31, 1935.
10. The National Committee for People's Rights was a successor organization
to the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners. According
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 409
to Attorney General Biddle, "In January 1938 the name was changed to the
National Committee for People's Rights" (C'ongressional Record, September
24, 1942). This committee has been cited as a Communist front by the Special
Committee on Uu-Americati Activities on March 29, 1944, and June 25, 1942.
According to the official organ of the National Committee for People's Rights,
entitled "News You Don't Get," for November 15, 1938, Mr. Urnitz is listed as
a member.
11. The criminal syndicalism laws of the various States have been bitterly
fought by the Communist Party because they are directed chiefly against their
machinations. According to the New Masses, of December 1931, page 30, Mr.
Ornitz is listed as a speaker at a meeting iield at the Star Casi.io in New York,
on Deceml)er 6, 1931, to tight the "vicious criminal-syndicalism law of Kentucky."
12. The campaign in behalf of the Scottsboro boys was conducted chiefly by
the International Labor Defense, described above. According to the Western
Worker, official Communist organ of July 13, 193G, Mr. Ornitz was a participant
at a b(>neHt in behalf of the campaign for the Scottsboro boys, who had previously
been convicted. This benefit affjiir was held at Club Alabama in Los Angeles.
13. World-wide condemnation accompanied the so-called Moscow trials, which
were used by the Soviet Regime to eliminate all its critics. These trials were
universally held to be a travesty of .justice. According to Soviet Russia Today,
of March, 1937, pagt^s 14 and 15, Mr. Ornitz was a signer of an open letter to
American liberals, defending these trials. A similar statement appeared in the
Daily Worker of April 28, 1938, page 4, as a Statement of American Progressive
on the Moscow Trials.
Mr. Ornitz again was listed as a signer.
Leon Trot.sky was a Soviet official who broke with Stalin and sought asylum in
Mexico. According to the Western Worker, a west-coast edition of the Daily
Worker, dated March 1, 1937, Samuel Ornitz was one of the 51 persons who signed
an open letter criticizing the American Committee for the Defense of Trotsky.
The open letter also denounced demands for investigation of the Russian "purge"
trial as political interference in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union with
hostile intent.
International Literature is the official organ of the International Union of Rev-
olutionary Writers, which had its headquarters in Moscow. International Lit-
erature, No. 7, dated Julyl938, page 105, listed a group of individuals who were
signers to a "Statement of American Intellectuals."
The statement voiced approval of the attempt of the Soviet Union to preserve
and extend its gains and strength by the then recent Moscow trials, and it sup-
ported efforts of the Soviet Union to "free itself from insidiovis internal dangers."
Samuel Ornitz was listed as one of the signers of this statement.
14. In August 1943 a committee was organized for a reception for Prof. S.
Michoe's and Col. I. Feffer, members of the first official Soviet Jewish delegation
to the United States. According to the Peoples World of August 9, 1943, page 3,
Samuel Ornitz was a member of the national reception committee for these men.
15. New Masses is an official Communist weekly which has been cited as a Com-
munist periodical by former Attorney General Francis Biddle (Congressional
Record, S?ptember 24, 1942). It was also cited as a Communist magazine by the
Special Committee on Un-Ainerican Activities on June 24, 1942, and March 29,
1944. Samuel Ornitz has contributed to New IMasses, as evidenced by the issues
of the publication dated December 19.31, page 4 : October 1931, page 3; August 27,
1940. page 12 : and August 12, 1941, page 19. It is an accepted Communist practice
to limit tlie use of the columns of its publications to per.sons who toe the party line.
ir>. The Zukas-SCMWA Committee was organized in defense of B. Joseph
Zukas, who was a Communist leader of the State, County, and Municipal Workers
in the California Relief Administration, wiiose activities were under investigation
by a California State Assembly connnlttec in 1940. According to the letterhead
of this fomniiftee. dated July 15, 1940. IMr. Ornitz was a sponsor.
17. The INIorning Freiheit is the official Communist organ in the Jewish lan-
guage. The Peoples World of October IS, 1943, page 3. lists Mr. Ornitz as vice
chairman of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Morning Freiheit Association.
The Peoples World for April 16, 1947, reported that Paul Novick. editor in chief
of the Moining Freiheit, New Yoi-k City, would speak on April 19, 1947, at the
Embassy Auditorium. Ninth and Grand Streets, in celebration' of thp twenty-fifth
anniversary of the Freiheit. The article further stated that Samuel Ornitz,
"president of the Freiheit Association, Los Angeles," and Harry Daniels, legis-
lative director of the Communist Party, would also speak at the celebration.
410 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
18. Acting in accordance with the instructions of the Seventh Conj;ress of the
Comnuiiiist International issued in the sumni'er of 1935. the Communist Party
conducted an active campaijiii in lielinlf of the Spanisli Connnunists during the
Spanish Civil War. At a meeting helil at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeies
on February 24, 1037, Mr. Ornitz contributed toward a fund in .support of these
etTorts.
19. The Abraham Lincoln Battalion (Brigade) was a military organization
recruited by the Communist Party for the purpose of giving military aid to the
Spanish < 'onmuuiists.
Ear! P>row(lt'r, former executive secretary of tlie Communist Party has admitted
that GO percent of its corps were members of the Communist Party. Mr. Ornitz
is listed by the Peoples World of July 19, 1938, as a speaker for an organization
known as the Friends of the Aliraham Lincoln Brigade.
The Peoples World of July 30, 1938, page 3, lists him as a speaker in honor of
Harry Hynes and Virgil Klietta, who were both members of the Communist Party,
killed in action under the Abraham Lincoln Battalion. The Friends of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade is cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities on Marcli 29, 1944, as is also the Abraham Lincoln
Brigade or Battalion.
20. The League of American Writers was the American affiliate of the Inter-
national Union of Revolutioiuiry Writers, with headquarters in Moscow. It has
been cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on January 3, 1940, June 25," 1942, and March 29, 1944.
It has also been cited as under Coiumunist auspices by Attorney General Biddle
in the Congressional Record of Septend)er 24, 1942. The organization has been
pledged to the defense of the Soviet Union and "use of art as an instrument of the
class struggle." Mr. Ornitz is listed by the Daily Worker of January 18, 1935,
page 5, as a signer of the call for the Comiress of American Revolutionary Writers,
which founded the League of American Writers.
The Daily Worker of September 14, 1942, page 7, lists Mr. Ornitz as a signer
of a statement issued by the League of American Writers demanding the opening
of a second front. This statement was issued after Hitler's attack on Stalin and
the change of the Communist Party line from antiwar to prowar.
Samuel Ornitz also was one of the signers of the call to the fourth congress,
held by the League of American Writers in New York City, June (>-8, 1941.
21. The Writers Congress held October 1, 2, 3, 1943, was organized by the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, as successor to the Hollywood Chapter of the
League of American Writers. On the official program of the Writers Congress,
Mr. Ornitz is listed as a member of the panel of minority groups.
22. The Progressive Citizens of America was founded as a frankly pro-com-
munist group as a result of a split in the Independent Citizens Committee of the
Art.s, Sciences, and Professions, after Harold L. Ickes and other liberals had
condemned the Independent Citizens Committee as Communist dominated. Mr.
Ornitz is listed by the Daily Worker of July 5, 1947, page 11, as a participant
in the conference of the Hollywood arts, sciences, and professions council of the
Progressive Citizens of America. The Progressive Citizens of America has been
cited by the Conuuittee on Un-American Activities as a Communist front in its
report on June 12, 1947.
23. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi League was founde^l by Isaac Romaine, alias
V. J. Jerome, member of the Central Conuuittee of the Communist Party. It was
dissolved upon the signing of the Stalin-Hitler Pact. According to the Hollywood
Now of June 16, 1939, official organ of the League, Mr. Ornitz is listed as a member
who was active since the organization was founded. According to the People's
World (»f August 11, 1938, page 1, he was a speaker at a meeting which founded
the organization. Hollywood Now of September 28, 1938, again lists him as a
speaker.
24. The International Workers Order was cited by Attorney General Biddle as
"one of the strongest Communist organizations" (Congressional Record September
24, 1942) . The Special Committee on Un-American Activities has cited this organ-
ization as a Conununist front on January 3, 1940, and June 25, 1942. The organ-
ization has actively" supported Communist campaigns, candidates, and the
Communist Party piess.
On February 4, 1940, Mr. Ornitz was the principal speaker at a meeting of
the International Workers Order, held at 972 North Hobart Boulevard, Los
Angeles.
Again, the People's World of June 4. 1943, page 2, lists him as a speaker under
the auspices of the Fraz Boas Lodge of the International Workers Order in Los
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 411
Angeles. The Peoples World of November 16, 1943, page 2, mentions Mr. Ornitz as
a speaker at a meeting held on November 22, 1943, at Carpenters Hall, 51(54 Santa
Moiiic'M Boulevard, Los Angeles.
2."). The Hollywood Leagne for Democratic Action cooperated vpith the Holly-
wood Peace t'ornm at a meeting held at the Wilshire-Ebell Anditoriiun on May 3,
1940. Mr. Ornitz was a si)ealcer. The Hollywood Leagne lor Democratic Action
was the i)redecessor of the Hollywood branch of the Independent Citizens
Conmiittee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which is mentioned above.
20. The American Stndent Union has been cited as a Connunnist front by the
Sp(>cial Conmiittee on Un-American Activities on Jannary 3, 1940. .June 2.3, 1942,
and March 29, 1944. The Rapi)-Coudert committee investigating Communist
activities in the New York public schools has cited this as an organization "for
transmitting the aims and programs of which the Y'^oung Connnunist League is
the initiating and projecting element."
Mr. Ornitz was one of the principal instructors of the American Student Union
cami» lield in the San Bernardino Mountains from August IS to 2.5, 1940.
2V. The Workers International Relief was an international organization, with
headquarters in Moscow, which raised funds for Couununist-led strikes and
campaigns throughout the world. It was closely associated with the Inter-
national Labor Defense. According to the Daily Worker of May 8, 1934, Mr.
Ornitz was the chairman of an open-forum meeting, held in Los Angeles on April
15, 1934, in behalf of the Workers International Relief.
28. According to Peoples World of January 21, 1940, Mr. Ornitz was a sponsor
for the Conference for Democratic Action held at Fresno, Calif. This organization
has been cited as a Connnunist front by the California Joint Fact-Findiug
Committee on Un-American Activities, in its report for 1943, page 91. It is
closely linked to the Hollywood League for Democratic Action cited above.
21-'. Actors Laboratory was a training school for actors in Hollywood whose
officers have lengthy records of Connnunist-front activity as evidenced in attached
reports; such othcers include Roman Bohnen, chairman, Larry Parks, treasurer;
Morris Carnovsky, Jules Dassin, Edward Dmytryk, members of the executive
board.
The organization cooperated with the Hollywood Writers Mobilization which
has been described above. An undated leaflet of the Actors Laboratory Theatre,
entitled "An Evening for the Lab" lists Samuel Ornitz and his wife as "audience
sponsors."
30. The Motion Picture Artists Committee was an affiliate of the North
American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, which was al.so part of the
campaign to aid Spanish Communists. The North American Committee was cited
as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on
January 3, 1940. and March 29, 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for
Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Motion Picture Artists Committee was
led by William Cropper, well-known cartoonist for the Communist press, and
Kyle Chricton, alias Robert Forsythe, a frequent contributor to New Masses.
Samuel Ornitz was a member of the Motion Picture Artists Committee, according
to Who's Who in America, volume 20 (1938-39), page 1904.
The Chairman. Next -witness, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. SxRirLiNG. Mr. Ring Lardner, Jr.
Tlie Chairman. Mr. Lardner. Ring Lardner, Jr., is the next witness.
Mr. Kenny. I would like to say, Mr. Chairman and Mr. Stripling,
Mr. Lardner was notified to hold himself in readiness, if you recall.
He was subpenaed. He is not in attendance today. How^ever, if you
indicate when you wi.sh him here, I will see that he is available.
Mr. Stripling. He has been here almost every day, has he not?
Mr. Kknny. Well, the last week nearly every day. And I think we
can get Mr. Lardner
The Chairman. Is he in the city now, do you know ?
Mr. Kenny. I don't know. I think — well, I have 19 clients and I
haven't kept track of them. I think I can locate him for you.
The Chairman. All right, you locate him as quickly as possible and
tell him we want him here today.
412 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, Kenny. I will. Because lie has not been given a definite time
to appear, I have not had an opportunity to talk with him on his con-
stitutional rights, as the other witnesses, so I would like some time
in order to discuss matters with him.
The CiiAiR]\rAN. Well, that is true, but Mr. Lardner has been here
almost every day.
Mr. Kenny. That is right.
'J'he Chairman. He knows just what has been going. He knows
just what the other witnesses have been doing. They huve all acted
under your instruction.
Mr. Kenny. No; they haven't.
The Chairman. As his attorney, we want you to get Mr. Lardner as
soon as possible.
Next witness
Mr. Kenny. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I will get him as soon as possible,
but "possible" does include, I am sure, a reasonable opportunity to
consult with counsel on his constitutional rights, does it not?
The Chairman. You have already had that opportunity.
Mr. Kenny. Not with Mr. Lardner.
The Chairman. Oh, not with Mr. Lardner ?
Mr. Kenny. No.
The Chairman. Go ahead, next witness.
Mr. Striplino. Mr. Kenny, is Mr. Biberman here ?
Mr, Kenny, Yes ; Mr, Biberman is here. You subpenaed him.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman.
The Chairman. Mr. Herbert Biberman.
(Mr. Herbert Biberman, accompanied by Robert W, Kenny, counsel,
takes place at witness table.)
The Chairman, Will you raise your right hand, please?
Mr. Biberman, do you solemnly swear that the testimony that you
are about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr, Biberman, I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr, Biberman, Mr. Chairman
TESTIMONY OF HEEBEUT BIBERMAN
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman, will you state your full name and
present address, please?
Mr. Biberman. Herbert Joseph Biberman, 3259 Deronda Drive,
Hollywood, Calif.
Mr Stripling, When and where were you liorn, Mr, Biberman ?
Mr. Biberman. I was born within a stone's throw of Independence
Hall in Philadelphia, on the day when Mr. McKinley was inaugurated
as President of the United States, March 4, 1900, on the second floor
of a building at Sixth and South, over a grocery store.
Mr, Stripling, INIr, Biberman, would you assure the committee that
you will be as detailed and specific in all your answers ?
Mr, Biberman. I assure you I will be as detailed and specific in
answers to any questions you direct at me.
Mr. Chairman, I have a statement here which I feel has the greatest
relevance to the subject of this inquiry and to the chairman's remark
of this morning:.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY . 413
The Chairman. Have you fully identified this witness ?
Mr. BiBERMAN. I would
Tlie Chairman (sounding gavel). Just a minute. Have you fully
identified this witness 'i
Mr, Stripling. No, sir; I haven't.
The Chairman. Then continue to identify him.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation '^
Mr. BiBERMAN. I. am a director, a producer, and a writer — in the
theater in the past and in motion pictures at present.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in the motion-picture
industry?
Mr. BiBERMAN. Since 1935, January 2.
Mr. STiiiPLiNG. You have been a writer ?
Mr. BiBERMAN. I have been a writer.
Mr. Stripling. Have you been a member of the Screen Writers'
Guild?
Mr. BiBERMAN. Mv. Chairman, I Jiave a statement here I ask you
to look at. Would you kindly do that now ?
(Statement handed to the chairman.)
The Chairman. INIr. Biberman, this statement is clearly not per-
tinent. If another case
Mr. Biberman. You mean because it is directly on the subject, Mr.
Chairman ?
The Chairman. It is another case of vilification, and therefore will
not be read.
Mr. Biberman. There is no vilification in this statement. I feel
your refusal to allow me to read it is a shameful and cowardly act.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Next question, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman, are you a member of the Screen
Writers' Guild or have you ever been a member of the Screen Writers'
Guild?
Mr. Biberman. Mr. Stripling, I vvould like to reply to this very
quietly — Mr. Chairman, also. If I will not be interrupted, I will
attempt to give you a full answer to this question.
It has become very clear to me that the real purpose of this
investigation
The Chairman (pounding gavel). That is not an answer to the
question
Mr. Biberman. Is to drive a wedge
The Chairman (pounding gavel). That is not the question.
(Pounding gavel.)
JNIr. Biberman. Into the component parts
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Not the question
Mr. Biberman. Of the motion-picture industry.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Ask him the next question.
Mr. Biberman. And by defending my constitutional rights here
I am defending
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . Go ahead and ask him the next
question.
Mr. Biberman. The right not only of ourselves
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member
Mr. Biberman. But of the producers and of the American people.
Mr. Stripling. Of the Communist Party?
67683 — 47 27
414 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairmax. Are you a ineiiiber of the Coinnnmist Party or
have you ever been?
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member
Mr. BiBEKMAN. What is the question now?
Mr. Stripling. Are you now or have you ever been a member of
the Connnunist Partj'^?
Mr. BiHERMAN. It is perfectly clear, gentlemen, that if you continue
in this particular fashion
(The chairman ])ounds gavel.)
]Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, will you direct the witness
Mr. BiBERMAN. You have only one idea
Mr. Stripling. To answer the question?
The Chairman. Answer the question.
Mr. BiBERMAN. And that is to cause strife in the industry
The Chairman (pounding gavel). You are excused
Mr. BiBERMAN. Chaos in the industry, and this I will not permit.
Mr. Stripling. Will you direct the witness to answer that question
before he leaves the stand ?
Mr. BiBERMAN. I have not refused to answer the question. I told
you before I will answer this question fulh^
Mr. Stripling. My. Biberman
Mr. BiBERMAN. Your purpose is to use this to disrupt the motion-
picture industry
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. BiBERMAN. To invade the right not only of me
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. BiBERMAN. But of the producers
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. BiBERMAN. To their thoughts and to their opinions
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
]\Ir. BiBERMAN. And this I will not permit.
Mr. SiTJiPLiNG. Do you refuse to answer whether or not you are
noM' or have ever been a member of the Connnunist Part}'?
Mr. BiBERMAN. Mr. Stripling, I apologize for one thing and that is
raising my voice. I had no intention of doing so. [Laughter.]
I told you mail}' times, if you will not interrupt me, I will answer
this question at great length. Shall I proceed with answering this
question ?
The Chairman. No. You can answer the question ''Yes" or "No."
That is a very simple question.
]\Ir. BiBERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I would be vevy suspicious of any
auswer that came out of my mouth that pleased this committee.
Mr. Stripling. I would, too.
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . All right, you are excused. Take
him away.
Next witness,
Mr. Stripling. I want the record to show that Mr, Biberman was
before the committee in response to a subpena served upon him on
September 22, and also in response to a wire sent to him on October 11,
I will noAv ask that Mr. Russell take the stand.*''
The Chairman. Mr. Russell.
"'See appendix, p. ,546, for oxIiil)its 80 and 81.
. COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 415
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
^Ir. Sthii'Ltnc. Mv. liiisst'll, you have made and Avere instructed to
make an invest ij^ation to determine whether or not Herbert Biberman,
a writer-director from Hollywood, is now or was in the past a member
of the Conmiunist Paity of the United States?
Mr. EussELL. I was.
Mr. Striplixo. Give the connnittee the results of your investigation.
Mr. Russell. During the course of mj^ investigation I obtained in-
formation I'egarding Communist Party registration card of Herbert
l^iberman for the year 1944. This card bears the number 47267. It
is made out in the name "Herbert Biberman." The address is given
as 3259 Deronda Drive, city, Los Angeles, county, Los Angeles, State,
California. This card contains a statement "New card issued on De-
cember 10, 1944." It contains another notation : "1944 card No.
46844."*^
The description of Herbert Biberman is given as follows: Male.
Occupation, director. Industry, motion pictures. Color, white. The
question is asked : ^Member of CIO, A. F. of L. independent union or
no union. Independent union is checked. Another question con-
tained on the card, a photostatic copy of which I have before me is
member club subscriber for Daily Worker ? Above that is a notation
in ink "PW" — meaning People's ^Yorld. The answer "Yes" is checked.
Mr. STRiruixo. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, our investigation shows without any doubt that Mr.
Biberman is a member of the Communist Pai'ty. I don't think any-
thing could better characterize his affiliation, however, than to point out
that during the period of the Soviet-Nazi pact ISIr. Biberman was a
member of the National Council of the American Peace Mobilization.
In fact, his name appears as one of the signers of the call. He was the
honorary chairman of the Los Angeles Branch of the organization.
Everyone remembers the treasonable activities of the American Peace
Mobilization.
Now, we have a memorandum here on Mr. Biberman prepared by
the committee's statf, in which 19 separate affiliations are listed.
What is the desire of the committee, Mr. Chairman?
The Chaiemax. All right, start reading.
Mr. Striplixg. Is it all right if Mr. Gaston reads, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairmax". Yes.
Mr. Gastox (reading) :
IXFOKirATiox From thk Fir.Ks of thk Com.mittkk on XJN-A^rERiCAX Activitiks —
United States Hoi^se of Representatives, of Hekbert Bhjerman
Herbei-t Biberman, according to tlie International Motion Picture Almanac has
written the fohiwing films: King of Chinatown, Road to Yesterday, and The
Master Race. He has also directed One Way Ticket and Meet Nero Wolfe.
The files, records, and publications of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
contain the following information concei'ning the Communist ami Comunist-front
affiliation of Mr. Biberman:
1. The People's Educational Center was fomided and is conducted by leading
members of the Conmiunist Party in Los Angeles and Hollywood. It is the suc-
cessor to the Communist Los Angeles Workers School, which participated in the
founding and development of the People's Educational Centei'.
S<>e appendix, p. .'540, for exhibit 82.
416 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The People's World of January 13, 1944, page 4, states that Herbert Biberman
was on the staff of the People's Educational Center during that j-ear, and accord-
ing to the summer 1945 catalog of that school, he was listed as a lecturer. His
biography included therein states that he spent "6 months in the U. S. S. R.
studying the Soviet theater.'' Tlie Peoph^'s World is the official west coast organ
of the Communist Party. Herbert B-lbermau's affiliation with the People's Educa-
tional Cetner during the year 1947 is shown in Variety, June .'JO, 1947, page 10.
2. In an exhibit presented before the Special Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities during the public hearings (vol. 14, p. 85S.i), Herbert Biberman's name ap-
pears as a sponsor of a testimonial dinner to Leo Gallagher. In 1938 Leo Gallagher
was the Communist Party candidate for the office of secretary of state in Cali-
fornia. The dinner was lield on June 2, 1941, in Los Angeles.
3. Mr. Biberman has written for the New Masses, the official weekly magazine
of the Communist Party which was described as a "Communist periodical" by
Attorney General Francis Biddle in the Congressional Record of September 24,
1942, page 7688. His contributions appear in the is.sues of August 20, 1940,
pag.i S ; June 17, 1941, page 17 ; July 8, 1941, page 26 ; and July 29, 1941. page 16.
4. The Daily Worker of September 3, 1940, page 4, which is the official organ
of the Communist I'arty of tlie United States, named Herbert Biberman as a
member of tlie National Council o¥ the American Peace Mobilization, and his name
appears as one of the signers of the Call to the American People's Meeting which
was held in New York City, April 5-6, 1941.
The proceedings of the first convention, November 30-December 1, 1940, page 4.
also lists his name as the honorary chairman of tlie Los Angeles Branch of the
organization. The American Peace Mobilization will be remembsred as the
organization which picketed the White House during the time of the Stalin-
Hitler pact. On the day that Hitler attacked Russia, the pickets were withdrawn
from tlie White House. According to New Masses of August 6, 1940, page 22,
Herbert Dlbi-rman was the temporary chairman and speaker at an April 6, 1940,
mass meeting of tlie American Peace Crusade, which was the forerunner of the
American Peace Mobilization in California.
He was also listed as an officer of the American Peace Crusade in the leaflet.
We, the People of the United States Will Keep Out of War, published by that
organization. According to the Daily Worker of April 21, 1941, page 7, Herbert
Biberman was a leader of the American Peace Crusade which aided in the forma-
tion of the American Peace Mobilization. The Emergency Peace Mobilization
was held on August 31 (o September 2, 1940, in Chicago, for the purpose of
organizing the American Peace Mobilization.
5. IMr. Biberman is listed on a program leaflet of June 7, 1940, page 4, and a
letterhead of June 3, 1940, as a member of the provisional committee of the Con-
ference on Constitutional Liberties in America which was cited as a Communist
front bv the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of
March 29, 1944.
The Conference on Constitutional Liberties in America was the predecessor
to the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, an organization noted for
its defense of Communists. A letterhead of the latter organization lists Mr.
Biberman as a sponsor.
In addition to being cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in Reports of June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944, and by
the Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of Jmie 12, 1947, the
National Federation for Constitutional Liberties was cited by Attorney General
Francis Biddle in these words : "The defenses of Communist leaders such as Sam
Darcy and Robert Wood, party secretaries for Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, have
been major efforts of the federation" (Congressional Record, Sept. 24, 1942,
p. 7687).
6. The American Committee to Save Refugees was a part of the Communist
campaign for Loyalist Spain, and it provided transportation and support for
international Communist agents such as Gerhart Eisler. An undated folder,
"For the Rescue of Refugees," lists the name of Herbert Biberman as a signer
of a pro-Soviet statement of this organization. The American Committee to Save
Refugees was also cited as a Communist front bv the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities in report 1311, March 29, 1914.
7. The Communist International at its seventh congress
Tlie CiiAiPMAN. Suspend the reading, ])lea.se. Without objection,
further reading will be dispensed with. It will all be placed in the
record at this point.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 417
(Balance of the statement referred to above is as follows :)
The CoMimimist International at its Seventh congress which was held in Mos-
cow in 1935, instructed the various Communist Parties to assist in the Spanish
Communist cause. The Communist Party of the United States, in response to
these orders, set up a Spanish-aid campaign and formed organizations to accom-
plish this task.
One of these was the North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy,
which was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities in reports of January 3, 1940, and March 29, 194-1, as well as by the
Committee for Cultural Freedom, Professor Dewey, chairman, April 1940.
Herbert Biberman was listed as a member of the local sponsoring committee for
the North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy in a letterhead of
that committee.
8. The Daily Worker of August 17, 1937, page 3, reveals that Herbert Biber-
man was a sponsor of a benefit for Spanish Loyalist children, and another Daily
Worker, that of September 17, 1937, page 9, shows that he was a contributor
to an ambulance for Loyalist Spain. Both of these projects were a part of a
campaign in behalf of the Spanish Communist cause organized by the Communist
Party in accordance with the orders of the Communist International.
9. The first congress of Mexican and Spanish-American Peoples, which was
supported by Latin-American Communist Paities was cited as a Communist
front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of
March 29, 1944, and by the Committee on Un-American Activities in the report
of September 2, 1947. A mimeographed release, dated March 24r-26, 1939, lists
Mr. Biberman as a signer of the call to the congress.
10. The Hollywood Democratic Committee, which succeeded the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League, organized by Isaac Romaine, also known as V. J. Jerome, a
member of the central committee of the Communist Party. Mr. Biberman's
connection with this organization is shown by an official ballot, dated July 26,
1944, on which his name appeared as a candidate for oflice in that organization.
11. The Communist press has given its support to a petition for the pardon
of Festus Coleman, of which Mr. Biberman was a signer, according to the People's
World, October 16, 1942, page 2.
12. According to the Daily Worker, September 14, 1942, page 7, and People's
World, September 23, 1942, page 5, Herbert Biberman was a signer of a state-
ment of the League of American Writers in behalf of a second front. The League
of Amei'ican Writers has been pledged to defend the Soviet Union and "use
of art as an instrument of the class struggle." The Clipper, a publication of
the league, lists Herbert Biberman as a contributor in its August 1941 copy,
page 31. It was affiliated with the International Union of Revolutionary AVriters,
with headquarters in Moscow and has been cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on three occasions. (See com-
mittee reports, January 3, 1940, June 15, 1942, and March 29, 1944.) Also, At-
torney General Francis Biddle has said that "the overt activities of the League
of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its Communist
control" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 76S6).
13. The New Theatre of July 1936, page 14, contains an article by Mr. Biber-
man. New Theatre was the official organ of the League of Workers Theatres, an
afliliate of the International Union of Revolutionary Theatres, with headquarters
in Moscow, and was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in report 1311, March 29, 1944.
14. The Associated Film Audiences, which merged with Films for Democracy
to foi'm Film Audiences for Democracy, was organized for the purpose of gaining
the support of audiences for pro-Communist films. During the time of the
Stalin-Hitler pact it was antiwar in conformance with the Communist Party
line. Mr. Biberman was a member of the executive board of Associated Film
Audiences, according to Film Survey, May 1939, page 4. *
15. A letterhead, dated February 2, 1944, lists Herbert Biberman as a national
board member of the Jewish People's Committee, which was headed by William
Weiner, Reuben Saltzman, Joseph R. Brodsky, and other leading Communists.
In the report of March 29, 1944, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
cited the Jewish People's Committee as a Conununist front.
16. Mr. Biberman's affiliation with the Consumers Union is shown by the
Consumers Union Reports, December 193S. page 15, to which he was a contributor.
The Consumers Union was led by Arthur Kallet, alias Edward Adams, a staff
writer for the Daily Worker. The Special Committee on Un-American Activities
cited it as a Communist front in the report of March 29, 1944.
418 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
17. Herbert Hibcniiiiirs iiiuut' ;ii)i»t';iis dii a Ifltfrlifad of tVhiuary 124, I'.MO,
as a sponsor of i\ui Hollywood League for Dt'iiiocratic Action, the predecessor of
the Hollywood branch of the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts,
Sciences, and Professions. The issue of conimunism within the Independent Citi-
zens Connnittee resulted in the dissolution of tlie (ir{;anization and the resignation
of Harold L. Ickes and other liberals. The Connnittee on TJn-Ameri<-an Activitie.s
cited the Hollywood League for Democratic Action as a front orsanizution de-
fending Communists in the report of June 12, 1!>47. It was also cited by the
Committee for Cultural Freedom. Prof. John Dewey, chairman, April 1040.
18. According to evid«Mice submitted to the Si)ecial Connnittee on Un-American
Activities during the public hearings (vol. 1, p. .">(;!>). Herbert Biberman was a
member of the executive board of the ^Motion Picture Artists Coinmitte<\ aflili-
ated with tlie North Amei-ican Connnittee to Aiil Spanish Democracy.
The Motion Picture Artists Committee wjis headed by William Cropper, Kyle
Crichton, also known as Robert Forsythe, and other writers for the Coranuuiist
press. The North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy was cited
as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in
the reports of January 8, 1040, and March 2!). 1044. and by the Committee for
Cultural Freedom, Prof. John Dewey, chairman, April 1040.
10. The Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Profe.«sions
split after Harold Ickes and other libi^rals condemned the organization as (Vun-
munist dominated. The pro-Conununist section, after the split, formed the Pro-
gressive Citizens of America. Tlie Progressive Citizens of America was cited as
a Communist front by the House Connnittee on Un-American Activities in a
report of June 12, 1047. The official ballot of the Progressive Citizens of America,
dated September 17, 1047, lists Herbert Biberman as candidate for the executive
board.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, before Mr. Vail makes his remark,
I wonder if _yoii would ask Mr. Kenny and Mr. Crtim which one of
their clients are present for examination at this time?
The Chairman. Either Mr. Kenny or Mr. (^rum, could you tell ii.s
the names of yonr clients who are present now ?
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Dmytryk is.
Mr. Crum. And we are advised. Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Lardner
will be detained but will be here this afternoon.
The Ciiair:\ian. Good. What other clients are here now?
Mr. Crum. We advised Mr. Strijilin^ this moi-ning that Mr. Adrian
Scott has larynofitis, but he Avill be here at your pleasure. It was
thought advisable until the committee wanted to hear him for him
not to be here. We can have them here.
The Chairman. How about Mr. Lavery.
Mr. Stripling. You don't represent Mr. Lavery ?
Mr. Crum. No ; we do not.
The Chairman. Is Mr. Lavery in the room ?
Mr. Lavery. Yes.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Chairman, I have before me a manual issued by the
International Labor Defense, which is the le<jal arm of the Communist
Party, containing instructions to members of the party Avho are appre-
hended by the law.
These instructions are as follows :
It is absolutely essential to remember that the policeman arresting yon is a
servant of the boss class. Otherwi.se wiiy shotdd he be arresting you for working-
class activities. He is your enemy. Give him no information of any kind what-
soever, either about your.self or your fellow workers or any organization which
yon belong to or in which you are interested. No matter how innocently he may
seek to get this information, no matter whether he tells you that this information
is for the purpose of helping you, do not give it to him. Give no information in
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 419
tlu' iK>.lice station wheiv yon are brouKlit by the arresting officer and booked.
Booking means simply tliat tlie record of tlie ;irrest is made in a book. Give no
information to any assistant district attorney wlio may come to you smilingly
and in a kindly manner try to get information from yon, stating that he is in-
terested only in the trnfli and wants to help you. If, on the contrary, he comes
to you in a threatening, bidldozing manner, trying to force information out of you,
do not yield, and when we say no information we mean, above all, that you shall
not give the names of your fellow work(>rs, the names of organizations that you
belong to, details about your union, or any other inforniatit)n, regardless of how
innocent it may appear to you.
I believe that these inenibers of the party liave folhnved those in-
strnctions to the letter. Mr. Chainnaii.
The CiiAiR^r.vx. Tlie Chair would like to announce that by unani-
mous vote of the subconunittee, the subconiniittee recommends to the
full committee that Samuel Ornitz and Herbert Biberman be cited for
contempt and approjiriate action be taken inmiediately.
The next witness, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixc;. Emmet Lavery.
The Chairman. Mr. Lavery, will you raise your rioht hand, please?
Mr; Lavery. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to ^ive is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God ?
Mr. Lavery. I do, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Sit down', please.
Mr. La^T'^ry. jNIr. Chairman, after being identified by Mr. Stripling,
I have several very brief motions for the record which I would like
to make.
I hasten to add that they are for the purpose of clarifying the dis-
cussion, not for obstructing the work of the committee.
I hope to be a reasonably responsive, and I hope eloquent, witness.
TESTIMONY OF EMMET G. LAVERY
Mr. Stripling. jNfr. Lavery, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address?
Mr. Lavery. My name is Emmet G. Lavery. I live at 1075 Casiano
Koad, Los Angeles 24.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born?
Mr. Lavery. I was born at Poiighkeepsie, N. Y.. Dutchess Countv,
November 8, 1902.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Lavery. I am a playwright, screen writer, and member of the
Bar of the State of New York.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a writer?
Mr. Lavery. I have written, alternately, for the stage and screen,
since the year 1934. At the present time I am I'ehearsing, or about to
lehearse, in New York a ])lay which has been variously described and
was described before this committee.
In Hollywood, I am currently preparing for an independent film
production, an adaptation of a play about the Jesuits, for The First
Legion.
5lr. Stripling. Would you give us the names of some of your plays,
Mr. La very?
420 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Lavery. Gladly. I think the play — and I would be ^lad to
offer a co])y of it in evidence, by way of identification — with which
the committee is probably most familiar is The Magnificent Yankee,
a dramatization of the life of Mr. Justice Holmes from the biography
by Francis Biddle, former Attorney General of the United States.
My screen plays best knowm are two that dealt with war topics:
Hitler's Children, an adaptation from Education for Death, by Gregor
Ziemer, and Behind the Rising Sun — both produced by R-K-6.
My writings for the theater have included The First Legion, which
has been produced in 12 languages since it was first done in the United
States in 1934; Monsignor's Hour; Second Spring, a play about Car-
dinal Newman and Cardinal Manning; Brother Petroc's Return, an
adaptation of the English novel by an English nun; Brief Music;
Kamiano, a play about Damien; Murder in a Nunner}', an adaptation
of the English novel by Eric Shepherd.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, how long have you been in Hollywood ?
Mr. Lavery. I first went to Hollywood in 1934. I remained there
until approximately 1937. I was in the East from 1937 to 1941. I
returned to Hollywood in 1941. I remained in 1942. I came" back
East. I returned in 1943. And I have been there since.
And let me volunteer, if permitted, that I am now serving my third
term
JNIr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Lavery.
Mr. Lavery. All right, Mr. Stripling, "
Mr. Stripling. Will you answer this question
]\Ir. Lavery. Surely.
Mr. Stripling. Without an outburst: Are you a member of the
Screen Writers' Guild?
Mr. Laatery. Well, I wanted to volunteer the information that I
am both a member and serving my third term as president.
Mr. Stripling. Do you see anything incriminating in any way to
a person answering whether or not he is a member of the Screen
Writers' Guild?
Mr. Lavery. Well, Mr. Stripling, as one lawyer to another, you
know that is something for each individual to decide for himself.
I can only answer for myself. For myself, I am delighted and proud
to answer that I am president of the guild, to which I have been greatly
devoted.
Mr. Stripling. Well, isn't it true that the Screen Writers' Guild
is the one big writers' organization or union within the motion-picture
industry?
Mr. La\t5RY. We are the only one. We are the recognized bargain-
ing agency for screen writers in Hollywood, and our position there
corresponds, roughly, to that of the Dramatists' Guild in New York or
the Radio Writers' Guild or the Authors' League. As a matter of
fact, we are afRliated with the Authors' League of America.
Mr. Stripling. Can you explain to the committee why there is so
much reluctance on the part of the previous witnesses to answer the
simple question as to whether or not they belong to a recognized guild
in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Lavkry. Mr. Stripling, I can't go into their minds. I don't
know. But I would like to remind the Chair at this time that, in
order to expedite the discussion. I would appreciate the opportunity
to make several very brief • motions
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 421
Mr. Striplixg. This is not a discussion, Mr. Lavery. It is for
the purpose of obtaining facts.
Mr. Lavery. Well, I stand corrected.
If I might make several brief motions, I assiire you, Mr. Chairman,
I don't intend to argue them. I mean it is merel}^ to have a notation
for the record, with or without your jiermission — I mean, if you rule
"no" on them it is perfectly all right with me.
The Chairman. May I ask if these are motions to be made by you
as a witness or motions to be made by you as an attorney, or moticms
made by your organization?
Mr. La\'ery. Well, I guess it is all three, Mr. Chairman. I am here
today in about three capacities. I am here as myself, as counsel for
myself, and as the only authorized spokesman for the Screen Writers'
Guild of Hollywood, which has been mentioned considerably by wit-
nesses before this committee.
So, on my ow^n behalf, in various capacities, I simply wanted to
make one or two requests of the Chair, to straighten out the record.
If the rule is "no," why we can simply go on with the examination.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I should like to state Mr. Lavery
is here in response to a subpena
Mr. LA\a:RY. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment — calling for his appearance, rather.^^
Mr. Lavery. I do want to say that I would be here, whether you
gave me a subpena or not.
The Chairman. I just want to find out whether these motions are
pertinent to the inquiry of alleged communism in Hollywood.
Mr. Lavery. I think so, Mr. Chairman. I wouldn't offer them if
they weren't. I mean, they are right specifically on the nose.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have them in writing?
Mr. Lavery. Well, the motions are oral, but a statement that I
would like to offer I have here in writing.
The Chairman. Which do you want to offer first — the motion or
the statement ?
I\Ir. Lavery. I would like to offer the motions first, if I might.
The Chairman. All right; without objection, so ordered.
Mr. LA^^;RY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
My first request for the record will be : Would the committee recall
to the stand Mr. Jack L. Warner, of Warner Bros. Studios, and sub-
pena all pertinent records of Warner Bros. Studios, in order to estab-
lish by Mr. Warner's own records that it w^as at my request and not
Mr. Warner's that our association was dissolved early in 1946.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I move the committee take the
motion under consideration.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask whether, in the
course of the examination by Mr. Stripling, I may have the oppor-
tunity to reply specifically to serious misstatements of fact made by
three witnesses last week. I refer specifically to Mr. Jack Moffitt,
who made serious misinterpretations about a plaj^ on Congress which
I have written. I refer specifically to Mr. Morrie Ryskind, who said
that the Screen Writers' Guild under my domination, under my leader-
ship, was Communist domination; and I refer Aery specifically to Mr.
** See appendix, p. 54G, for exhibit S.S.
422 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Rupert Iluglies. wlio made the serious implication, if not direct charge,
that I "was a Comininiist masquerading as a Catliolic. And as a
Catholic I ask llie opjjortunity to estahlish in this record how far from
the truth Mr. Hughes is. Will I have the opportunity to reply specifi-
cally to those three witnesses?
The Chairman. Without objection, the Chair will give you per-
mission to reply to those. That is just why you are here. Charges
have been made against you and against your organization.
i\Ir. La VERY. Thank you. Mi-. Chairman.
The Chairman. We subpenaed the other side, and you are the only
one to date, however, willing to come here and be very frank. And
it is very refreshing. I will tell you that.
Mr. Lavery. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to offer in evidence at this time,, if I may, an official
transcript of the testimony which I gave to Senator Jack Tenney and
the California Joint Fact Finding Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities on October 7, 1046, drawing particular attention of the com-
mittee to page 28-3 of the printed text of the rei)ort and in particular
the remarks of Chairman Tenney, who at that time Avrote into the
record of this committee that in his opinion
The Chairman. Let me ask you : Does this have anything to do
with these motions ?
Mr. LA^^RY. Oh, this is part. In other words, I am moving to offer
in the record as evidence before this committee the official transcript
before a comparable committee in the State of California, in October
1946, and drawing particular attention to the issue: Am I a Com-
munist, or is the Screen Writers' Guild
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The matter referred to is as follows :)
T>os Angeles. Calif., Monday, Octohek 7, 1946, 10 A. M.
Chairman Tenney. The committee will come to order. Let the record show
that Ave have Senator Nelson S. Dilworth, of Ileniet ; Assemblyman Harold
Sawallisch, of Richmond; Assemblyman Fred H. Kraft, of San Diego; and
Assemblyman .Tack Thompson, of San .Jose. I think probably we had better
swear the stenographers first, who are going to i-ejiort the hearing.
(Whereupon Byron Oyler and Carey S. Cowart were sworn in as official
reporters.)
Chairman Tenney. For whom are yon reporting?
Mr. .lAMEs Pino. Mr. Clifton Clay employed me for IMr. Emmet Lavery.
Chairman Tenney. And yon are repoi'ting for whom?
Miss Ellene Rasmussen. Westwood Hills Press.
Chairman Tenney. The Westwood Hills Press. You are reporting directly
for the newspaper ; is that correct?
INIiss Rasmussen. I'^es.
Chairman Tenney. It is up to the committee as to what we should do with
reference to the otlier reporter. The committee generally has not pursued the
policy of permitting any other reporters to take the transcript. What is your
pleasure?
Senator Dilworth. I move we limit the transcripts to the one official transcript
by the sw<»rn reporters on the part of the committee.
]Mr. Sawalliscit. I second the motion.
Chairman Tenney. Will you include in that motion the reporter for the
newspaper?
Senator Dilworth. There is no objection to newspaper reporters. I doTi't
care how they take it down.
Cliairman Tenney. You are reporting for the newspaper: is that corre<'t?
Miss Rasmitssen. Will you ask Mr. McNitt?
Chairman Tenney. Yes.
COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 423
^Ir. Fkank McNitt. Yes. We asked her. She reported for us when your
committee had the hearing hxst Jan\iai-y.
Chairman Ticnnky. Slie is u bona fide reporter?
Mr. McNiTT. Ye.s.
Chairman Tennky. For the newspaper ; is that right?
Mr. McNiTT. That is right.
Senator Dilwokth. What newspaper is it?
Chairman Tknney. Westwood Hills Press. Yovir name.
Miss Rasmussen. Rasmussen.
Chairman Tenney. Your first name?
Miss Rasmussen. EUene.
Chairman Tennett. Miss Ellene Rasmussen?
Miss Rasmussen. Yes.
Mr. La VERY. May I be heard on the motion? My name is Lavery. I am a
witness hereunder subpena. I did not know what the procedure of the com-
mittee was. I had hoped for permission to have a full transcript taken of such
testimony of mine that the committee might hear on the assumption the com-
mittee hears so much testimony that probably in the final report I could not
get the full context that I would like.
Chairman Tenney. May I say to you, Mr. Lavery, the committee has made it
a policy tor years that any person subpenaed who ma.y wish to have a copy of
the transcript may make an arrangement with the official reporter and get it
in that manner. That is the official policy.
Mr. Laveky'. Of course you have to wait a long time to get it.
Chairman Tenney. No.
Mr. Laveky. Can you get it on 48 hours' notice?
Chairman Tenney'. No; that is up to the reporter. The committee is always
anxious to get the report as soon as possible. You may make arrangements
with the official reporter, if the motion carries, and receive it in that manner.
Mr. Lavery. Thank you.
Chairman Tenney'. It has been moved and seconded, moved by Senator Dil-
worth and seconded by Mr. Sawallisch, that all reporters save the official re-
porters of the committee and those for the press, be excluded from taking
testimony. Is there any discussion? [No response.] All tliose in favor signify
by saying "Aye."' Contrary-minded? So ordered. We are sorry. You will
have to leave. [Mr. Pino leaves the room.]
All right, Mr. Combs, will you call your list of witnesses subpenaed for this
morning.
Mr. Combs. ^Ir. Lavery is here. Ellenore Abowitz? William Bidner? Albee
Slade. Elliott Wax.
Mr. W^\x. Here.
Mr. Combs. John Stapp. C. B. Horrell.
Chairman Tenney-. 1 think he is supeuaed for 2 o'clock.
Mr. Combs. 1 think that is all for this morning, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Tenney. All right. Call your first witness, Mr. Combs.
Mr. Combs. Mr. Lavery.
Chairman Texxky. V.'ill you be sworn, sir? (Witness sworn.)
Emmet C La\i:iiy, called as a witness by the committee, having been first duly
sworn, testified as follows :
By Chairman Tenney :
Q. Will you state your full name, Mr. Lavery? — ^A. Emmet G. Lavery.
Q. Your occupation? — A. I am a writer by profession. I was a lawyer, admit-
ted to the bar of the State of New York in 1925.
Q. Are you presently employed? — A. I am a free-lance writer employed in
the making of motion pictures, and I am also a playwright.
Chairman Tenney. All right, Mr. Combs.
Mr. Combs. I might state for the record, Mr. Chairman, that the committee did
not issue a subpena for Mr. Lavery because it suspected him of any subversive
activities nor because it had any information or suspicion that he was affiliated
with any organization such as the Communist Party or any of its component
subdivisions. The sub^Dena was issued to Mr. Lavery more for informative
purposes.
The Witness. May I say for the record I am delighted at the opportunity
to testify liefore the committee and I hoi)e that the chairman of the conunittee
will find it possible to i-ead into the record, in lieu of an opening statement, a
telegram which I sent him yesterday.
424 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Combs. I will introduce the telegram as an pxhihit in cormcction with your
testimony.
The Witness. That is perfectly satisfactory.
Mr. Combs. And attach it to your testimony.
The Witness. That is all right.
Chairman Tenney. I helieve, Mr. Combs, it was the policy of the committee
in the past not to accept statements except as they are tiled with tiie committee.
I believe we will be able to bring out from Mr. Lavery everything you say in
the telegiam.
The Witness. May I renew my request for the sake of the record? I have
asked that the formal statement I addressed to the chairman of the committee
be introduced into the record along with my testimony.
Chairman Tenney. All such statements will be accepted and filed with the
committee.
The Witness. I don't want it filed. I want it in the minutes.
Mr. Combs. It will be.
The Witness. I want it in the public minutes. I want it in the full report.
Chairman Tenney. It will be attached to the committee records.
The Witness. That is not what I asked. I asked will it appear in the printed
text of the committee's final report.
Chairman Tenney. We cannot assure you of anything like that.
The Witness. That is why I am renewing my motion. If you deny it for
the record that is all right, but I want it clear.
Chairman Tenney. We want everything in the record under oath.
The Witness. I will repeat it under oath right now.
Chairman Tenney. It has been the policy of the committee to accept any
statement which you wish filed. It will be accepted and we will have it as part
of our record, but whether it will be in the report is a matter for the committee
to decide.
The Witness. That is perfectly true.
Chairman Tenney. Continue Mr. Combs.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Mr. Lavery, your name is Emmet G. Lavery? — A. Tiiat is right.
Q. Where did you reside prior to coming to California? — A. I was born and
resided for a good many years in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., where I was president of
the board of aldermen for two terms. I was city editor of the Poughkeepsie
Sunday Courier for 10 years. I practiced law in the city of Poughkeepsie. My
family lived there for many years.
Q. About when did you first come to California? — A. I first came to California
in 1934.
Q. You have resided here ever since? — A. With a few intervals here. I was
here from 1935 to 1937. I was in the East from 1937 to 1941. I returned here in
1941 and liave l)een here ever since, with the exception of a few months in the
East at the end of 1942 and the early part of 1943.
Q. Are you affiliated with the Screen Writer's Guild? — A. I am serving my
second term as jiresident of the Screen Writer's Guild.
Q. You have been affiliated with it for many years? — A. Yes; I first joined the
Screen Writers' Guild when I came to California.
Q. You are familiar, I am sure, with an organization known as the Hollywood
Writers Mobilization Committee? — A. I was their wartime chairman.
Q. And, of course, you are acquainted with Mr. Robert Rossen? — A. Yes; I
know Robert Rossen.
Q. And John Howard Lawson? — A. Yes: I know John Howard Law.son.
Q. Are you acquainted with Pauline Lauber, sometimes known as Pauline
Lauber Finn?— A. Yes : I know Pauline Lauber.
Q. You knew her in 1945 ; did you not? — A. She was secretary of the Hollywood
Writers Mobilization at the time I was chairman.
Q. That was in 1945? — A. Partly in 1945. It may al.so have been in 1944. I
retired as chairman of mobilization in .lanuary or February 1946. It was 1945
when I was in mobilization.
Q. Does she still hold any official position with mobilization, to your knowl-
edge?— A. I think she is still executive secretary. At the moment I don't happen
to be an officer of mobilization, but I believe she is still its executive secretary.
Q. Do you know how much she received as salary at the time she was secretary
in 1945? — A. That I can't say nnw. I could have told you then, but it is nearly
a year since I have been off.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 425
Q. From what source did the funds come from which her salary was
paid? — A. Our revenue in the mobilization came through several sources. During
the war years the Screen Writers' Guild of Hollywood contributed tlie sum of
JflO.OOU annually. I think they did that for 2 years. There was a slight extra
appropriation. I think we might have contributed as much as $24,000. It was
our way of dt)ing war service work. There were other sources of revenue for
the mobilization. The OWI made available certain expense moneys in return
lor the preparation of scripts. The Los Angeles Community Chest last year, I
believe, was a cosponsor of the work of the mobilization.
Q. How much did you receive from the Community Chest, Mr. La very? — A. I
can't tell you oft'hand.
Q. Was it in the neighborhood of twenty some thousand dollars? — A. I think
it was in two sums. It might have gone as high as that, but I don't think that
high in any one period. It seems to me the initial appropriation was around
$13,00U or $10,000. 1 may be wrong about that.
Chairman Tenney. I think that is correct for 6 months.
The Witness. Yes ; for a 6-month period.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Was any portion of that sum allocated to the payment of Pauline Lauber
Finn's salary as executive secretary? — A. Now, I can't say as to that. There
were various sources of revenue. What sources paid what bills I couldn't say
unless I had the accounts before me.
Q. Are you acquainted with her background at all? — A. No, beyond the fact
that she was a very capable secretary. In the mobilization as in the Screen
Writers Guild we ask neither the political nor the religious atiiliation of any of
our employees or members.
Q. I understand th;it, but the question was to test your own familiarity with
her background. — A. No ; I don't know what her background is.
Q. Did she go under the name of Pauline Lauber or Pauline Lauber Finn at
the time she was employed by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization? — A. I believe
her professional name was Pauline Lauber, but we also knew her under her mar-
ried name, Pauline Lauber Finn.
Q. What, generally, were her duties as executive secretary of mobilization,
Mr. Lavery? — A. The correlation of committee work, the supervision of office
detail, duties not unlike, say, the executive secretary of the chamber of com-
merce.
Q. Would she be the official who would have charge of the mailing list of the
Hollywood Mobilization? — A. Only incidentally.
Q. She would have access to it, would she not? — A. Anybody on the staff
would have access to it mechanically, but the mobilization, no less than the Screen
Writers Guild, has always been very careful and very zealous about the use of
its membership list.
Q. Do you know whether or not the Hollywood Writers Mobilization used the
mailing list of any other organization? — A. I have no knowledge that they did.
Q. At least you had no knowledge of that fact ac the time that you were presi-
dent of the organization? — A. No ; but I remember when we premiered the Town
Meeting discussion of Tomorrow the World, and we wanted to reach as many
ipeople as possible, we may have gone to a wide variety of people in Hollywood and
asked them to come — whether or not we had access to their mailing list in the
course of that, I don't know.
Q. What position did Pauline Lauber Finn hold in connection with the Screen
Writers Guild? — A. I don't think Pauline Lauber had any connection per .se with
the Screen Writers Guild except that the Guild was definitely a sponsor of the
work of the mobilization because that was the channel through which we did our
war service work and Mrs. Lauber was executive secretary of the mobilization.
Q. Do you know whether or not she ever held any official position with the
Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions?— A. I don't know, but I don't recall her name as officer of that committee.
Q. Is your acquaintanceship with Mr. John Howard Lawson casual or intimate?
— A. I would say that it was casual, but it has extended over a long period of
years. It seems to me I have known Jack Lawson at least 10 years.
Q. You didn't know him in New York?— A. No; I didn't know Jack Lawson
in the East.
Q. Is that a social acquaintance or professional or both, Mr. Lavery? — A. It is
definitely a professional acquaintance. I met Mr. Lawson as I know Mr. Rossen
and as I know most of the people in my profession. I know them as lawyers
know lawvers. I know them through the Screen Writers Guild.
426 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Q. You have never visited in Mr. Lawson's home? — A. No; I have never been
a visitor in Mr. Lawson's home.
Q. You are a member of the executive council of the Hollywood Independent
Citizens Conmiittee, are you not? — A. I was, briefly. I was a member of the
council for some time. I was elected to the executive committee, and the pressure
of other work i)revented me from servinu: on the executive committee, and I
resigned irom the executive committee of the Hollywood Independent Citizens
Connnittee, but I am still a member of the committee generally.
Q. You are, I see. Do you recall in Octob.n- l!i48, that the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization and the University of California at Los Angeles jointly sponsored
a. writers congress? — A. Definitely; I was a speaker at it.
Q. Did you have anything to do with making the initial arrangements for that
congress? — A. I don't knc^w what you mean l)y •"initial arrangements," hut I
had quite a little to do with the plamiing of the schedule as it finally worked out.
(}. No; let me clarify that. By "initial arrangeinents'" I mean contact with the
faculty at the University of California at Uos Angeles for the purpose of initiating
the congress. — A. I don't think I sat in on the preliminary conferences.
Q. Now, there were some articles that appeared in the Hollywood Citizens
News concerning yourself. I don't recall just when they were. Ytm are familiar
with them, are you not? — A. No; not unless you specify the year.
• Q. Well, this year. — A. I must say I have not seen-them.
Q. You haven't seen them? — A. B it like Mr. Jiistice Holmes. I get a great
deal of comfort out of not reading the newspapers sometimes.
Q. Did you see any articles last year accusing you of being affiliated with a
subversive organization? — A. I didn't see them in the Citizens News. Yet I am
well aware that those slanders have been repeated on many occasions, and I
recently threatened to sue for lib?l the editor of the Plollywood Reporter if he
did not retract them, and as a result of which at his own expense he published
a two full page advertisement in which he printed my complete letter of denial,
and my aflSrmation of political and religious faith and my reaffirmation of the
fact that I have never had anything to do with Marxian communism.
Q. Mr. Lavery, about when did those articles in the Hollywood Reporter
appear"? — A. R?cently there have been a series. Actually Mr. Wilk^rson, the
editor of that papn* has been embarked on that project tor about 10 years. I
just happened to be the momentary objective with a few other people. I might
say in passing that INIiss Myrna Loy is suing him for $1,000,000.
Q. That is in connection with the Matthew Woll articles? — A. Yes. It is just
as libelous as what he printed about me except his publication of the retraction
lessened the damage I could collect in the law courts, and that is why he
published it.
Q. Is your suit still pending? — A. I see no point at the moment in suing him
unless he reiterates the libel.
Q. Your suit A. I never filed suit. I filed a demand for retraction. Under
the laws of California since he published the retraction my damage is lessened;
therefore, I have no reason to sue him at the moment.
Q Have you ever been a subscrib?r to the People's Daily World? — A. No.
Q. You have no sympathy with IMarxian doctrines at all, have you? — A. None
at all. I have repeated that on many occasions and I am delighted to do it now.
Let me say parenthetically that the difference between me and other jieople in
Hollywood is that I oppose communism in another way. I think the answer
to the Communist and INIarxian philnsoiihy is to livi^ a better philosophy. Other
people go at it differently. That is my theory.
Chairman Tenney. I would just like to interrupt a second there. Mr. Lavery,
I am glad to hear you make that statement. To elaborate on it f6r the record
The Witness. I will be delighted.
Ciiairman Texney. I don't know how faunliar you are with Marxian philosophy,
but I think you should know, being a writer, that they hate nothing more than
a reformer. A reformer is almost as bad as a Trotskyite. and consequently, to
make things better, while that would be desirable, would not appease them in
their activities for the destruction of our Government and its institutions. Isn't
that correct?
The Witness. I would be delighted to elaborate the point. Let me .say, frankly,
that I take my social essays from the Gospel of the Apostles and not from the
essays of Karl jMarx. In particular I take my social essays from the encyclicals
of Leo XIII. The Catholic Church has a broad affirmative social program which
is rather far reaching, very progressive, and very democratic. T believe in it
very much. To make it more concrete, my approach to the field of social action
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 427
is identical witli that of people such ."rs Archbishop Liicey, of San Antonio ; Bishop
Haas, of Wisconsin ; Bishop Shiel. of Chicago. They believe, and I balieve the
problem at the moment is to integrate Cluistian ideals, Catholic ideals, broad
virtQes of good persuasion in the broad life of a democi-atic community. I see
the tuily real answer to Marxian communism is a live, alert deuKK-racy which is
trying to put in efE<'Ct its own social program. Tlie reason, frankly, that I as an
individual liave never had any great enthusiasm for popular crusades against the
Communist menace is because I, personally, believe in this town the menace is
very small and that if we confine our opposition to communism to public speeches
ami public crusades we simply expose ourselves to thp dangers that Hitler bnmght
about in Germnny where your arbitrarily divide sections of the community, align
group against group. You face that futility of trying to decide who is a Com-
munist and who is not and what you mean by communism. It seems to 'me the
great clsallenge of the moment is to live a democ-ratic life which offers our p;^ople
everything they can legitimately desire. And so I have tried to apply myself in
my life, in my church, and in my plays, particularly my current play on Mr. Jus-
tice Holmes — to which I invite this committee to come when it plays in Los
Angeles — I believe the challenge is to get out and work in the market place and
live a truly American life. I don't see much good to b:^ achieved by debating
generalities, which is very easy, and just saying '"Down with communism."
Chairman Tennett. May I ask one other question in connection with that.
Q. As you watch tlie aggressive impei-ialist policy of Sovh-t Russia by diplo-
matic moves backed up by military threats in its encirclement of all the border
countries in Europe and see that paralysis creeping over Europe, how would you
combat that?— A. I still think. Senator, the answer is to live a better life at home
and live a better life abroad. I think the challenge to civilization at ths moment
is to put the greatest distance possible between World War II and World War III.
I hope with all my heart that we do not have war with Russia.
Q. And so do we all. — A. If we had war with Russia many of us would have
naturally to stand for tho.«:e American principles tliat we believe in.
Q. Let me interrupt you there. — A. But I think, Senator, lire point you are
getting at and the point I want to hit is this: How do we increase that peace
span between World War II and World War I'lV If popular irritations, if popu-
lar dangers are magnified be.vond their true scope, W3 are nf»t adult people trying
to put the greatest distance between AVorld War TI and AVorld War III. I believe
with the Pope it is a great time for prayer. People who are church-going people
should pray for peace. And, incidentally, whether you realize it or not, in
Catholic churches every Sunday for many, many years we have prayed for peace
with a large section of Russia.
Q. That is quite laudable. — A. May I point out how we do it. At the end of
Mass there is a prayer inserted by one of the Popes some years back for a reunion
with the Orthodox Russian Church. Every Sunday those prayers are said in
every Catholic Church the world over. The Catholic Church believes and works
for peace with Russia and so do I if I can get it.
Q. Let me point out this one situation. I would like to have your reaction on
that. We find today as we view the situation in Europe the identical situation
that developed under Hitler, the encirclement policy, the policy of aggression, the
declarations that we are not going to make war. We are seeing in some quarters
the same type of appeasement offered to Hitler. Now, do you feel we should do
the same thing with Stalin? — A. Senator, that is a difficult question. If I were
sitting on the United Nations Council it would not b3 easy to give an answer
to that, "Yes" or "No". All I can say is it puts us on the alert more than ever
at home to preserve the democratic society that we have. Even if we grant
the developing situation in Europe is one to try the patience of saints and great
men, still in trying to get them remedied it .seems to me that we throw in the
sponge prematurely. If in order to prepare for an emergency, a contingency that
has not yet happened, we begin at home to apply the principles of thought con-
trol to smooth everything out to a given line, it seems to me more than ever we
have to make that democratic life work at home where it is a free interplay of
opinions that makes the broad variety of home economic life. If we l)egin to
stamp out all the way along the line then truly we have gone for the Stalin pat-
tern. It seems to me this is the moment when we need the greatest diversity in
home life so that everybody can be heard, everybody can be represented in the
developing pattern of American life. If we go to the opposite and practically
project a wartime situation when there is no war it seems to me that we scrap
the democratic pattern even before we have come to this alleged struggle over
the democratic pattern.
428 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Q. Yon recognize communism as an atheistic evil thing in the ■world, but you
minimize its importance in American life; is that substantially it? — A. Senator,
tliat is almost it, but not quite. Let's take a section of life I know about. After
all, it doesn't get us very far if we sit here and discuss what we think is right
or wrong about the European situation. We are not on the spot and don't know
the facts. But take a small segment of American life that I know something about.
I have always said and I shall always insist that communism in the Hollywood
scene is a small and unimportant minority, and the vast majority of people who
work in tlie picture industry are not Communists, have nothing to do with
connuunism, and have been needlessly smeared in Congress and — —
Chairman Tenney. Our committee has said that many times. We believe the
great majority of people are loyal Americans. But we saw in the developments
before Hitler, the fifth columnists marching in this country with their front
organizations and extending great influence just as the Communists do. They
follow the same technique. That is something you should not overlook. But we
are getting too far afield if we get into a general philosophic discussion. I think
you had better proceed, Mr. Combs.
By Mr. Combs:
Q. Mr. Lavery, you have been engaged in writing in the motion-picture field
ever since you came to California? — A. Oh, yes — not continuously — but off and
on since 1935.
Q. Were you ever regularly employed by any one studio? — A. Oh, j-es ; many
tioies. When I first came out here I was under contract with Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer. Later I worked for Columbia. When I returned in 1941 I was under
contract with RKO. Since then I have been under contract to Walter Wanger
and to Warner Bros. At the moment I am an independent free lance.
Q. How long have you bee a free lance, about? — A. Oh, since perhaps February
or March of the last year, previous March.
Q. Is your anti-Communist sentiment generally known among the writing
fraternity? — A. I think so. Nobody in Hollywood motion pictures — I shouldn't
say nobody, but most people in the Hollywood picture industry have no doubts
as to where I stand.
Q. You have never endeavored to make it a secret, have you? — A. All I can say
my plays speak for themselves.
By Chairman Tenney :
Q. You do know that John Howard Lawson is considered one of the outstanding
Marxian Communists on the Pacific coast? — A. I am aware that that has been
represented.
Q. I don't think he has ever denied it. — A. No; I don't suppose he has.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Mr. Lavery, have you ever given any thought to the allegation that has been
made many, many times, for example, by Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, head of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, that there are people in authority such as the
United States Attorney General and others say that while the Communist Party
in the United States may have given up its idea or its goal of achieving a revolu-
tion in this country, that the tndy indoctrinated Communist minority, that hard,
disciplined corps of Communist functionaries, small but quite potential neverthe-
less, are of considerable use to the Soviet Union along the lines of espionage?
Have you ever considered that? — A. Speculatively, yes. Dramatically I suppose
we have all considered it.
Q. Let me call your attention to a development we found recently. In our
Oakland hearing which we concluded a week ago Thursday we introduced into
the record photostatic copies of the minutes of the executive committee of an
organization known as the International Federation of Architects, Engineers,
Chemists, and Technicians, a CIO union. That union was started in New York
in 1933. Its president since 1937 has been a member of the Communist Party,
not an inferred member, but the proof is available in written form. The national
organizer for the union, Marcel Surer, ran for alderman in the city of New York
T)n the Communist Party ticket. The organization, locals of which exist in this
country and in Canada, comprise scientists, physicists, chemists, and so on. In
1943 in Berkeley, the place where the cyclotron was developed, it was shown by
the testimony of this hearing that all but two of the employees in the radiation
laboratory were members of this local union in Berkeley. Coincident with the
operation of the local in Berkel.ey, there was operating in San Francisco the Call-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 429
fornia Labor School, typical of similar oues, analogous to the People's Educational
Center, ostensibly a liberal institution for the dissemination of learning to people
in the trade-unions. The head of that school, Mr. David Jenkins, testified that
be had never been affiliated with the Communist Party, but his memory was
refreshed by a copy of a registration ticket in New York which he admitted.
He also admitted he had been arrested for Communist agitation. Witnesses
testified that he had free access to and from the Soviet Consulate in San Fran-
cisco. Teaching in the California Labor School of which he was the director
were certain atomic scientists, some of whom have access to the over-all picture
of atomic development in the United States. In addition to that, the' committee
analyzed and read excerpts from the Royal Commissioner's report in Canada
where proof was introduced coming from the Soviet Embassy itself that top
atomic secrets had been obtained in Canada and in this country. A sample of
uranium 235 was flown directly by plane from Ottawa to Moscow, and Igor
Suresko, whose job it was to code and decode messages between the ambassador's
office in Ottawa and the Soviet Union, took the official documents and made them
available for the Canadian authorities. I don't want to go by the mark by
citing all this matter which, of course, is in the record and which is substan-
tiated by documentary reports and sworn evidence, but I cite it to show how in a
project as important as atomic research infiltration can exist, not because the
vast majority of scientists in the United States are Communists, but where, in a
strategic place, where information is of value, a very small, compact, well-
disciplined, fanatical group can do untold damage. The analogy I am trying
to draw is this : In a situation like Hollywood which exercises such a profound
and widespread influence on the public, a long-range strategy of penetrating two
unions in that industry with the idea of getting control can be productive of
equal damage. — A. May I meet that issue head-on?
Q. Yes. — A. I don't know what the situation is in Berkeley. All I know is the
situation in Hollywood.
Q. Yes. — A. May I point out in passing that the guilds and unions do not employ
people who work in the motion-picture industry. This question in Hollywood
gets into a question this committee should not duck if it wants to follow through.
What ijroducers and what pictures? Now, look, we don't employ people. If
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer wants to employ a certain writer, or Warner Bros, wants
to employ a certain writer, that is the business of those studios. I have not yet
in my 10 years' experience in Hollywood found a man who can finance what you
would call a Communist picture through Loms B. Mayer or Mr. Sam Katz at
Metro. [Laughter.] They are anything but communistic gentlemen. I think the
Skourases, the Schenks, and Mr. Zanuck at Twentieth Century-Fox are as alert
aS this committee to not allow Marxian doctrines in pictures. It begs the ques-
tion to ask, What are the guilds or the unions doing about this? For one thing
they are not the employers.
Now, another thing. You are probably curious why I do not share immediately
your same quality of alarm when a minority with whom we do not agree politi-
cally is active in this or that union, I feel the danger is that in peacetime, when
we are not yet at war, of trying to liquidate a minority with which we may not
agree politically, that we may eliminate a lot of good people along the way.
The danger of generalization
Chairman Tenney. May I interrupt.
Q. Mr. Lavery, as you probably know, I am past president of local 47 of the
American Federation of Musicians, Los Angeles. At the time I was president we
had about 8.000 members and I saw 65 Communists take over the local. — A. All I
can say is I have not seen any Communists take over the Sci'een Writers Guild
at the present time. And as this committee says, my own Americanism and my
faith in this country has not been questioned here. Let me give a specific example
of what I mean by the danger of generalization with relation to minority groups.
At the risk of being jjersonal let me take a case that has concerned this com-
mittee here, a generalization which does a great deal of damage in the life of the
community. I take it that all members of the committee are familiar with the
Sleepy Lagoon case. People v. Henry Lewis. I have been studying the reports
of this committee and reading them with a great deal of interest for a long time.
I have not been able to find the page yet. but maybe counsel can give it to me.
where this committee has taken, shall we say, legislative notice of the fact that
what it cnlls a Conmiunist cause celebre was unanimously reversed by the district
court of appeals, three iudges. Thomas P. Wliite writing the opinion — incidentally,
a Catholic, of whom all Catholics are proud. Now, nowhere in the connnittee
67683—47 28
430 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
reports, even in the 104r» minutes, do I find even a footnote of where it mentioned
the reversal.
Mr. CoMHS. Excuse me. By minutes you mean the 1945 report?
The Witness. I mean the 1045 report to the assembly.
By Chairman Tenney :
Q. The reversal of that case came after the report was published. — -A. Oh, no.
Let me correct that. Senator. I checked that yesterday. The reversal of the
Sleepy Lagoon case came in February 1944 and the volume I am referring to is
April 1945.
Q. That was the date it was submitted to the legislature. I think you are going
far afield there because the real point was that the Communists made it a cause
eelebre.— A. But aren't you going to give the judiciary of California credit for
clearing up the case? The defendants were released.
Q. Do you realize many of them were arrested again and convicted of other
crimes? — A. I realize rhat. But in what minutes do you intend to footnote the
fact that the Api)ellate Court of California found the evidence was so slim and
flimsy that in the unanimous <ipinion of the judges the decision was reversed?
The reason T bear d<nvn on the Sleepy Lagoon case is this— —
Q. That was not the issue. The issue was initiated by Mrs. LaRue McCormick,
a known Communist functionary. — A. What lias tliat to do with whether people
are guilty or innocent? We don't decide on the l)asis of that. That is the pf)int
in this case. That is the crucial point I want to argue with the Committee today.
I am not a Communist. I lielieve the Sleepy Lagoon case is a perfect example of
how a lot of community hate can be engendered in the treatment of a particular
case, and the Appellate Court of California comes along and reverses the case
and the prosecution releases the defendants. And, I say, as a taxpayer, as a
member of the bar of the State of New York, and a man interested in due process
and the judicial philosophy of law. that it is time tlie committee footnoted the
fact that the Appellate Court of California took a different viewpoint.
Q. The viewpoint on the facts the commitee went into. That is the point. Now,
I supported Tom Mooney in his efforts to be released from San Qu?ntin. I didn't
think that Tom Mooney was ever guilty of the crime for which he was convicted,
but I know the Communist Party used it in their program of agitation. — A. Sup-
pose they did do it?
Q. But not for the purpose I was working for, to see justice done. They were
using it for the purpose of recruiting people into the Communist I'arty. following
out Leniii's admonition to use every grievance and every abuse. — A. I won't
argue with that. But suppose the Communist Party used the Sleepy Lagoon case
for their particular purpose? Is that any reason why this committee should
not at evei-y opportunity quote the full facts about the Sleepy Lagoon case so
that when scholars in the future work down that index, Senator, they will get
the full story? The passing reader can go right straight through those reports
and up until this year repeated emphasis is made by witnesses that people were
convicted, convicted, convicted. No reference is made to the fact that on appeal
it was thrown out.
Q. I understand your feeling in the matter, hut I don't think it is important
for the fact that our committee was interested in tlie activities behind it. — A.
Don't you think it is important to the judges of California?
Q. That case is on record in the records of the State in court decisions.— A. But
you quote it as a conviction after it has been reversed by the appellate court,
which is an injustice to Justice Tom White and the other justices. There should
be .some notation.
Q. I don't think the committee ever mentioned the fact that Tom Mooney had
been released and pardoned by Governor Olson. I think those are matters of
common knowledge. The point we are interested in is the mandate of the legisla-
ture to investigate ('onimunist agitation and subversive activities. It may be
the men are perfectly innocent. We don't know. But the point we are interested
in is what are the Communists doing with it and how they are utilizing it. — A. You
used it for the alleged guilt to clinch that argument of your case. It w(mldn't
have been half so good a case if you did not refer to the 16 convictions. I say you
should quote the whole way. That is the danger of generalization. When people
come along and find the case was reversed later on ai'p?al they will say, "Which
way was it?" It may be, as the Senator says, they used that "case for "their own
purposes, but what about the objective guilt or innocence of the people concerned
there and what about the full story for the scholars later who will come along
and get only half of the picture?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 431
Q. Tliose scholars will so to the California Reports and the Supreme Courts.—
A. Is there any attempt at correlation between the legislative and judicial benches
of sovernnient in California V
Q. Not in that respect. We can't do anytliinjj there, I know. I don't think
it is incumbent upon this committee, and it couldn't he done until the decision
was written because that part of tlie report was written prior to the reversal.
As a matter of fact, as chairman I did not hear aliout it until after — A. Could
I. simply as a friendly neighbor, in justice to the three justices who wrote
tiiat opinion, ask that at some time it be entered on the minutes"
Cliairman Tknxf.y. We would have no objection to that.
Mr. Combs. I am confident in the next issue of the reort which will cover
the last 2 .vears, that if the evidence at least here develops as we anticipate
it will, that will be mentioned in the report.
The WriNKSS. I just feel it should have bt^en mentioned sooner. I spent all
of Sunday
Mr. Combs. It wasn't decided yet.
The Witness. February 1044. and the last report was 1945.
Mr. Combs. Yes; but our report was not written then.
The Witness. It was submitted to-the legislature — I have it right here — April
10, 19-! 5.
Chairman Tenney. That was before the statement.
Mr. Combs. It was written long before that.
'I'he Witness. Not a year before. Six months before. Even so the court
of appeals had a 3 months' head start.
Chairman Texnev. So that you will feel all right about it we will take care
of that at the next printing.
The Witness. All right:. I am sorry I Interrupted.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. We were interested in tlie zoot-suit riots down here, and Mrs. McCormick
testified under oath she was a member of the Communist Party and she con-
ceived the idea of creating a Citizr-ns Conmiittee for the Defense of Mexican-
American Youth. — A. Have you gone into that side of the picture?
Q. Yes; we have.— A. What 1 mean by the other side of the picture, are you
aware there is at least one radip station in this town, a member of the national
hook-up, which is tirmly of the opinion that a great deal of those zoot-suit
riots were precipitated by a newspaper which I shall not mention at this point?
Q. Yes: we are aware of that. — A. And also the situation was so grave, and
so thoroughly did the radio station believe it was newspaper-inspired tliat they
put on a speci.'U program on the air. These Are Americans, in order to counter-
act it. That radio station took an opposite jwint of view. Irrespective of what
the Communist point of view might have been, that radio station representing
good, sound Americans decided a certain newsi»aper in this town was stimulating
this anything beyond all due proportion and it took action accordingly. I don't
find anything in the minutes of this committee that shows what that radio
station did yet. I take it it does not care. In fact, they are rather proud
of it.
Chairman Tenney. Have you noticed we published in the report and gave
dates, column and page numbers of the People's Daily World, the California
Eagle, and Al Waxman's Eastside Journal, which preceded these riots by months,
and we have testimony on it.
The Witness. Did you quote the Hearst press?
Mr. Combs. Yes; we did.
Chairman Tenney. Yes; we did.
'I'he Witness. As thoroughly as the others?
Mr. CnMiis. No ; not as thoroughly.
f'hairman Tenxev. We found Al Waxman as editor of his paper was holding
meetings with his boys and was inciting them to violence against the police, and
at the same tini" he was going to the police department every morning demand-
ing that they take action against these zoot-sniters. There you had a situation
which we proved beyond a .-hadow of a doubt the agitational inethods involved.
The Witness. By my traiiung at Fordham Law School — maybe the Irish are a
little peculiar
Chairman Tenney. 1 am Irish, too.
Mr. CoMRS So am I.
The Witness. It wasn't a good ease unless you had both sides. There is an-
other side to the zoot-suit thing. I am not trying to say that is the right side.
432 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
although I have a belief about it, but nevertheless as I read the minutes I find
a lot about the California Eagle and other papers, but I find very little about Mr.
Hearst. Now, why hasn't this committee ever subpenaed the radio station that
put on that program and asked them what they thought about it, why they felt
it was so necessary to counteract the agitation, and what was the true origin of
those riots?
Chairman Tenney. We went into that, Mr. Lavery, and did not find any of
that agitation.
The Witness. The radio station was convinced of the opposite. You can sub-
pena them tomorrow and they will tell you.
Chairman Tenney. If you go back — and we will be glad to go back — if you
can find any editorials in the Heai'st press or in the metropolitan press prior to
the riots we will be glad to have it. But we can show you dozens from all of
these radical newspapers in which they were agitating the question. That is a
part of Communist technique. I would certainly recommend that you read some
of these books on Communist technique to understand what they do.
The Witness. Senator, I assure you I am not a freshman when it comes to a
study of Communist technique. I have observed them for a good many years.
I have said that our difference is one of methodology : how best to combat the
evils that concern us.
Mr. Combs. Isn't that the whole difference?
The Witness. Yes ; because in a democracy the test is the means that men
choose to get the means. It makes a lot of difference what methods you pursue.
I insist with respect to the one guild which I think I am an authority on, the
Screen Writers Guild, that time after time the actions and the thinking of 10
or 12 people at the outside — it never gets past 10 or 12 — are used to smear the
good work of a thousand active members and 400 associate members. I have in-
sisted many times, and the voting record of my guild shows, we are a rather con-
servative guild. We are not a radical guild. We are conservative. And most
of the motions will show it. Yet, time after time, the actions or thinking of a
small minority are quoted and transferred to the thinking of the majority. In
a situation like this where we are not even really the employers, instead of
talking to me you should be talking to Louis B. Mayer, Darryl Zanick, and
Henry B. Warner.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Suppose we take a somewhat hypothetical case. Assume you prepare a
script or story adaptation and submit it to one of the studios and it is purchased.
Does that go to the Screen Writers Guild first? — A. Not necessarily. It is true
the vast bulk of the story material that comes to a studio for analysis is not sub-
mitted to the guild, but is submitted to readers in the studios. I think most of the
readers are members of the Screen Story Analysts Guild, but a great deal of the
material is submitted directly by an agent to the producer. I would say on a
rough guess that probably 70 percent of the material might come through the
reader's department, but 30 percent, and the important 30 percent, is direct per-
sonal agent to producer. And for your information, at M-G-M, I understand on
good authority, the stories are told to the producers somewhat in the fashion
of minnesingers. The stories are not read ; a very fine storyteller chooses them.
Q. Then after the story is toid, what happens to it? — A. On most lots it is
circulated to producers, and if they feel like showing an interest in it, they do.
That is not the way most of the top productions are made. What happens in
the average case is that they have a great fondness for the best books of the
month, for the best books of the year, which are submitted in galley proof in
advance of publication by an individual agent to a studio. They are considered
with particular emphasis on the stars available to play them. It is more on the
basis of star availability and directorial interest than anything else that they
finally make a decision as to what scripts they want to do.
Q. Assuming the story is translated into a particular interest and the decision
has been made, then what is the mechanics of putting that story into shooting
script form? — A. Every studio has a number of contract writers, people working
40 weeks out of 52, or 30 weeks out of 52 a year, whom they can assign to the
preparation of that material. Or, like myself, I am a free lance now. It often
happens the studio goes outside of and contracts to got a special man in a special
field that they feel can do better than anyone else. But the writers and readers
have very little choice about either initiating or deciding those matters.
Q. That is what I wanted to bring out. — A. That is the producer's function.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 433
Q. When you finally arrive at the point where the shooting of a script is lo
be made, would tlie free-lance writer also write the story of the script? — A. Yes.
It all depends on the availability of the particular person you want. The large
studios carry a large contract. I suppose Metro has a large number of contract
writers. Warners has a substantial list, and so has Twentieth Century. But
they also loan writers between studios.
Q. But in the average case or in the majority of cases, once the galley proofs
are submitted and accepted and the .stars are available, either a regularly
employer writer A. That is right.
Q. Or a free-lance writer is assigned to the job A. That is right.
Q. Of writing the shooting script.— A. And usually regiments it. It goes on
like the 40-mule team on the borax ad. They think the more people who work
on it. the better. So in ^Metro yon can find .scripts where as many as 15 different
writers have gone to work on a script, each rewriting what the last man before
him has written.
Q. Now, there is a Screen Analysts Guild, isn't there? — A. Yes.
Q. And there is a Screen Readers Guild, isn't there? — A. It seems to me the
Screen Analysts Guild is the Screen Readers Guild.
Q. And a Screen Writers Guild?— A. That is right.
Q. Are there any other guilds that have to do with the tran.smutation of an
original story into a picture? — A. The guilds don't have anything to do about
tiie transposition of a story into a picture. I think you are right; the writers
and readers, then there is the Screen Directors Guild and the Screen Actors
Guild, all of which i)liiy a vital part, you might call it, in the relations between
the actor and the studio, the director and the studio, and the writer and the
studio. Incidentally, that is where the Screen Writers Guild comes in. We
have no control of their scripts.
Q. That is a very important point for our record at this point. — A. We are an
luiaffiliated guild. We are not CIO or A. F. of L. We are affiliated with the
Authors League of America. We were duly constituted the official bargaining
agency for the writers some years ago in a duly certified NLRB election. We do
not have what you call a closed shop. It is about 90 iDercent minimum basic
agreement between writers and the studios, under which contract certain terms
of work are governed, hours, conditions at the studios, arbitration of story cred-
its. But we as a guild have no control over anybody's story material, either from
the producer or through the individual writer.
Q. About how large is the guild at the present time? — A. We have about a
thousand active members and 4(X) associate members. Roughly we correspond
on the screen to the Dramatists Guild in the theater or the Authors Guild in the
field of the novel.
Q. Is there any distinction between the members of the guild — those who are
full-time studio employees and those who are free-lancing? — A. Oh, no. There is
a distinction between associate and active members.
Q. Wliat is that distinction? — A. Well, that distinction — let's put it the other
way around, in terms of the active member. An active member of the Screen
Writers Guild is a man or woman who has worked for 26 weeks in the motion-
picture industry or who has had a .screen play credit, or two original story
credits. An a.ssociate member of our guild is a person usually working in the
industry who does not qualify yet for active membership, and who has no vote
in the guild. Some years back the rules for an associate membership in the
guild were loose and informal. People who had a friendly interest in pictures,
whether actually working in them or not, came in and had no vote, and still have
no vote.
Q. Tell me this, Mr. Lavery. When an original application is made for affilia-
tion with the guild, how is that application for membersliip acted upon — A. Why,
it comes before the board of the Screen Writers Guild and with very few excep-
tions people seldom liave been refused admission to the guild. In other words,
we operate on the proposition of everybody belonging, and so do the producers.
We are not operating on the principle of trying to keep people out. If a man
qualifies for active membership, we want him in.
Q. What are the grounds for refusing application? — A. Actually I know of
oidy one case in recent years and that was not pushed through to a final conclu-
sion. I remember Howard Emmett Rogers filed an application for membership
in the Screen Writers Guild. The board at that time said it would like to talk
to Mr. Rogers about his reasons for suddenly joining because for years he went
up and down the country telling everybody we were nothing but Communists, so
434 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
frankly the board had a quest inn about the sincerity of liis ai)ijlifution. It did
not dispose of it finally. It suggested he come to a meeting of the membership
couunittee of the board, but he never appeared at it.
Q. Mr. Rogers is employed by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer? — A. That is right.
Q. What is his status now? — A. I don't know. I think he is still on the pay
roll there. I have no doubt lie will be before this committee sometime or other.
For many years Mr. Rogers has seen Communists under every bed and under
every camera. He was an active member in the group defeated in the bargaining
election years ago to see who would repre.sent the writers in this town — the
company union which the campanies favored or the Screen Writers Guild which
the majority favored. Mr. Rogers was defeated in that election. A good many
people have since come into the guild. Mr. Rogers filed application for member-
ship, which was referred to the board, but he never appeared.
Q. About how long ago was that? When was that application filed? — A. My
guess would be a year and a half ago. It was some time back.
Chairman Tenney. I would like to. ask a question, Mr. Combs.
Q. xMr. Lavery, is Albert Maltz a member of the Screen Writers Guild? — A. Oh.
yes.
Q. Are you familiar with the controversy that started when Mr. Maltz made a
statement which was published in the Nation in refei-ence to journalistic and
artistic creations in which he said he felt a book might be written without the
use of the Marxian dialectic? It apparently kicked up a lot of fuss in Hollywood
and ran in the People's Daily World and I think Albert Maltz finally recanted and
said that all journlistic endeavors should be carried forwai-d with art as a
weapon. Are you familiar with that controversy? — A. I am not familiar with
that particular controversy, but I am familiar with a great number of Albert
Maltz' plays. I am rather familiar with the last novel he published, The Cross
and the Arrow, which incidentally is a novel of postwar Germany with a very
intense spiritual appeal.
Q. He finally came to the conclusion that John Howard Lawson and the other
Marxists were correct ; that no writing of any kind, whether it be motion pictures
or for any entertainment, could possibly be an artistic creation unless written
into it was the class struggle, class consciousness, and the other dialectic prin-
ciples of Marx. — A. That may be the Conmuuiist point of view. I don't know if
Albert Maltz is a Communist. All I can say is in a guild of a thousand active
members we all have a wide variety of thoughts about how we would do a script.
Q. Isn't it true most of the Communists make most of the noise?— A. They
make most of the noise, but they don't make most of the script.
Q. What about Sillen?— A. What about Sillen?
Q. This chap Sillen? — A. That is a new one to me. How do you spell it?
Q. S-i-I-l-e-n. — A. I don't know.
Q. Mike Gold. He is a member, is he? — A. We have .some Golds. I don't
think jNIichael — it seems to me there are several people with the name of Gold
in the guild.
Q. Michael Gold was a delegate to the Kharkov Conference in Russia, out of
which came the American Writers League. Are you a member of that group?-^—
A. No: I am not. Let me say my affiliations are rather limited. I believe a
man can take on only a few things at a time. I am president of the Screen
Writers Guild. I was wartime chairman of the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion. I am currently a member of the Hollywood Connnittee of Arts, Sciences,
and Professions. That is the extent of njy affiliations, except I am founder of
the National Catholic Theater Conference and am rather pi-oud of the fact;
that organization was established in 1937.
Mr. C'oMRS. May I say this for the record. We find a tendency in the motion-
picture industry, for a great many people are sincere liberals, and certainly are
not Conmiunists, or by any stretch of the imagination pro-C(>nuuunist^we find
among those people a tendency to lend their names as sponsors and contributors
to a vast nuiltitude of assorted organizations. I can say that we don't find
your name in that category.
The Witness. However, may I say this : The reason you don't find my name
on a lot of those' is because I try to be a little selective. You can only do so
much in 24 hours. But in this oonmiunity it is the inclination of people to partici-
pate in a wide variety of community activities, which I think is very com-
mendable. It would be much more to tlie shame of Hollywood if they stayed
at home in their ivory towers and swimming pools and took no concern of what
VA'as going on in the world.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 435
,Mr. CdMBs. Our criticism. Mr. Lavery— or. at least, mine — is not to the num-
bei- that they alfiliate with ; it is the fact they do not pay any attention to investi-
gating tile or.iianizations hefore they affiliate with them.
Tlie Witness, ^lay I say to tliat, we are now living at a time, and yon must
know on this connnitlee, we have a tendency to accuse being Connmniist anything
we may not liappen to agree with politically.
Mr. Combs. Not this committee.
Th(> Witness. No.
Ciiairman Tenxev. I want to interrupt tiierc to say you are a Fascist if you
don't go along with these things, too.
The Witness. Well, suppose we grant that. The inclination is to cal la man a
Fascist in some quarters as readily as a Communist in other quarters. I would
like to refer this committee to a series of letters I have written for the Tidings,
the Catholic diocese paper of Los Angeles, in which I have tried to analyze what
is the re.siionsibility of a man, a Catholic, in what I call a mixed society, in groups,
guilds, and unions, where you don't meet people of the same beliefs, religious,
I)olitical, or what have you. If the inference is to be in this country that one
withdraws from every guild where a question has ever been used or raised about
their ultimate purpose, then obviously the field of action is going to be left to the
status quo hoys.
Mr. Combs. That is vei-y true. I think you are right.
Chairman Tenney. I agree with you.
The Witness. But here in Hollywood, it .><eems to me in your crusades against
committees merely on say-so's, the result is you will drive out people who are
not only actual hook holders in the Communist Party, but you will drive out all
honest, liberal, progressive i>eople as well who believe in social change.
Mr. Combs. I think you are right.
Chairman Tenney. Let me add there, Mr. Lavery — let me point out for the
sake of the record — that up through your history in the Hollywood motion-picture
Democratic Committee, which undoubtedly was Communist dominated and
inspirwl
The Witness. That, I deny, because I was afhllated with them.
Chairman TENNiri- (continuing). Let me point out to you Melvyn Douglas and
several other people at the time of the Hitler-Stalin pact resigned from the
organization because of its Conununist chai'acter. Then it became the Hollywood
Democratic Committee, the 'same group. And now it is the Hollywood Inde-
pendent Citizens Committee for the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which every
investigating committee has looked into and has declared it to be a Communist
organization or a ('onnnunist front organization. Let me differentiate. This
comndttee knows probably better than anyone else that a Communist front
organization is composed, for the greater part, of good American citizens who
have no knowledge of the Comnninist control and direction of the organization.
The WiTNES.s. I would like to hit that right on the no.se. I would like to meet
that issue squarely as the Senator raises it. I will give you a thought from Mr.
.Justice Holmes again : "When the going gets tough, we should think things
instead of words." One of the greatest weasel words in modern law is Commu-
nist front, because, the truth of the mattei- is. it destroys organization. Now, let
me follow thrcuigli. Senator. There is hardly an organization in the average
life of an average big city in this country to which you could not apply Commu-
nist front on the theory there was one Communist in it.
Chairman Tenney. I disagTee with you. A Communist front organization is
characterized by the fact its .secretary and board of directors are controlled by
the Communists. You and I were members of Communist front organizations.
I didn't know it at the time, hut T know it now. I was told for years that the
National Lawyers Guild was a Comnumist front organization. I was in Chicago
when a resolution was introduced to condemn nazism, fascism, and conununism.
They were not willing to condemn communism, and 3,000 lawyers threatened to
disaffiliate because of it.
The Witness. Let's take two organizations. I have been identified with the
Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee in its current form.
, ..jChairman Tenney. They would use you because of your reputation.
The Witness. Just a second, Senator. I have sat in on board meetimrs. I was
not part of the first one, hut I was a member of the last one. I have sat in on
meetings there, and I didn't see, even on the basis of hearsay testimony, any
preponderance of Communist thought or couti-ol. Now. I Wiuit to lejive This
thought with you
436 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Chairman Tenney. Before you do that
The Witness. I don't want to 2:et away from that. I want to stick right on it
witli you, Senator, because, believe me, that is tlie big cliallenge of today.
Chairman Tenney. Here is the point. I don't lilce to interrupt, but I want
to bring this to your mind so that you can formulate your answer to it.
By Chairman Tenney:
Q. You don't read the I'eople's Daily World? — A. Not very often.
Q. And you don't read the Conuuunist publications, and if you don't d(» that
you can't know what the Communist Party line is. I do read them. — A. Senator,
I am surprised at you. If yovi keep that up you will be affet-ted by it.
Q. No; because I believe I read it objectively. I don't think I am influenced
by anything unless I have the facts behind it. But the outstanding, almost
amazing, fact is that these organizations never, never disagree with the Com-
nmnist Party line. That couldn't be coincidental. — A. May I hit that question
right on the nose? Senator, as a Catholic, day after day. I meet this question.
It is discussed in our churches all the time. It gets down to something as simple
as this : Shall we be only for those things the Communist oppose? Now, look
at the situation you are in. If the Communist Party says two and two are four,
and we know it to be so, shall we oppose it? If the Communist Party comes out
for the FEPC shall the Catholic Archbishop of Los Angeles come out and say,
"No; it is Communist"? Obviously, in a democracy the Communists are smart
enough from time to time to stand for a good thing. If we are going to de-
termine other than by objective trutli against who is for and who is against,
we are in for a three-ring circus and we will never get the ti'uth.
Q. Let me point out that what you say is partly true. After all, the Com-
munists pick up abuses and grievances and magnify them. — A. Is that bad?
Q. As far as being good, it is all right, because it does .some good. We want
to see things better. They want to make it worse. The real test is this: For
instance, when the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League was organized by V. J. Jerome
and John Howard Lawson and other Communists, it was a good organization as
far as the average American citizen is concerned, because they were against
the persecution of the Jews and the barbaric treatment of people in central
Europe. That was fine. But suddenly Stalin and Hitler got together. Now,
the real Communists went along with the new line. All of the innocent and
good American citizens immediately dropped out. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi
League folded up. Then it became the American Peace Mobilization. They
began to say, "The Yanks are not coming." Picket lines went around the White
House. Roosevelt was a warmonger. It was an imperialist war. Every decent
member in the membership got out, but the real Communists stuck right down
the line, and the Communist front organizations followed that line through.- —
A. But that is ancient history. We are dealing with contemporary history.
Q. But we have to go back to some facts we know about in order to apply
them to conditions that we are not so familiar with. — A. As lawyers, are you
going to be bound by the dead hand of precedent because something happened
in Hollywood 5 years ago?
Q. Not at all.
Mr. Combs. Does a lawyer have to be bound by precedent?
The Witness. No ; not if you are a good lawyer. Sometimes you make yttur
own precedent if you are a good judge and a good lawyer fighting for the truth.
I think the current trial at Nuremberg was a good thing. If it had to wait for
the dead hand of precedent it would never have been held.
Mr. Combs. You would have to wait for a long time.
The Witness. I know; but I want to rnise this question with the committee.
After all, let's be realistic in this thing. As a Catholic. I have been called both
a dupe and a dope for being president of the Screen Writers Guild. Those names
don't bother me a bit. I was brought up as a lawyer to looli for the objective
truth as I see it and not to weigh the Issues who is for or against, becau.se if you
do you become so objective you cannot make an intelligent appraisal of events.
In this town right now, in the Screen Writers Guild, in the mobilization, and in
the independent citizens' committee, there are honest people who are not being
hoodwinked.
Chairman Tenney. We are sure of that.
The Witness. I know. Senator ; but particularly after your committee has
been in session for a long time, it is the feelinc that those of us who linger
overlong in progressive groups are btMng fooled. Believe you me, I would rather
stay home than go to guild meetings every month, but I consider it part of my
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 437
oblif^atioii as an American citizen to pitch in and fight for social justice and
social change within the framework of our Constitution. But if we are going
to tab every questionable organization as a Connnunist-front organization, in
time you will drive out the Communists, but you will drive out a good 30 percent
of solid American citizens along with tlieni, and I think it will be a tragedy in
this country.
Chairman Tknnky. May I say, Mr. Lavery, that as soon as the Communists
fulfill their objectives they dissolve.
The Witness. Then on that basis the Screen Writers Guild should be elim-
inated.
Chairman Tenney. We are not talking about it. We never said the Screen
Writers Guild is a Communist organization.
The Witness. Witnesses have been here. What about private conversation
of people who were up here?
Chairman Tenney. We have said many times, and we say again, your organi-
zation has a lot of Communists in it. You know it, and I know it.
^ The Witness. Yes; but
Ciiairman Tenney. But we don't say the organization is Communist because
of that reason.
The Witness. I want to repeat that, and I will put it in large letters in the
Screen Writer.
Mr. Combs. Nor have we called you a Communist.
The W'Itness. I have been waiting for a long time to get a statement. I see
now the Senator's test of a Communist-front organization is one which comes
into life quickly and is dissolved quickly.
Chairman Tenney. No. Let me give you a full definition. A Communist-front
organization has for its core a group of Communist functionaries who have been
indoctrinated in Communist schools. They go out and get good people who don't
know anything about its Communist affiliation. They address these organiza-
tions with these names. They have used me, and they probably have used you.
All right. Then the organization goes along, and the good members, the Ameri-
can members, don't pay too much attention to it. The directors run it. The
Communist Party tells them what to do, and they carry it out. But the test is
this : Through their public enunciations they follow the party line. I will be glad
if you can show me any time where HICCASP has disagreed with Joe Stalin
or the foreign policy of Soviet Russia on the current Communist line; then I
will go along with you.
The Witness. On a certain point you will have to amend your definition., be-
cause at certain times you could prove the Pope himself was a fellow traveler.
Chairman Tenney. No, Mr. Lavery ; I said consistently, without deviation.
The Witness. All right. Consistently, without deviation.
Chairman Tenney. The true liberal is this : He will go along with the Com-
munist Party for a long time because invariably they pick out things that form
an impact on the public conscience; but occasionally when they get into conflict
with the interests of our own people, say, the foreign policy of Soviet Russia,
and the Byrnes policy at Paris, bringing the troops back from China to help the
Comnninist Chinese overthrow the Chinese Government — when those things run
contrary to the American conscience, the liberal has to leaVe them. The point
I am making is that the Communist-front organization never deviates from the
principles of Marxism or the conscience of Joe Stalin. They follow it very
consistently.
The Witness. One point I want to raise with respect to the Senator's defini-
tion : Who, short of the Supreme Court at Washington, will decide what you
mean by "Communists"?
Chairman Tenney. Referring to Mr. Justice Holmes, I could quote you a few
things he said about communism. I think you will find some quotations in the
1943 report.
The Witness. I am talking about a contemporary definition of communism.
In other words, let's face it. My grandfather, an Irish immigrant, came to the
Hudson Valley in New York State around 1860 or ISoO when the Know-Nothing
Party was ruiming up and down that valley. In those days to be a Catholic was
a dangerous and suhvfisive thing. He sat up nights with a gun on his knee
trying to protect the church against night-raiding Know-Nothings. I heard the
story as a boy. and I have never forgotten it. Now, I say to myself, as a Catho-
lic who believes in democratic American ideals, the wheels can turn very quickly.
Half of the things you receive in this committee against the Communists can be
438 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUHE INDUSTRY
applied ((Hiinrrow in tiic Imiuls of ii (•(iniiiiittcH not si» zciilnus ;if;:iinst ('atholic-a
very t-asily.
Cliiiirniaii Tknney. Would Mr. Fostt^- hp an anthorityV
'I'lie WiTNPTSs. On coinnninisni he may bt\
Chairman Tknnky. We have just jjot page after i)age of quotations.
The WiTNKss. Ye.s. I'>ut this eountry will not conline itself to learning these
definitions set up by AVilliain Z. Foster. You are in politics. I ran for Congress
and lost, happily enough. In politics we must realize the traffic of the ordinary
phra.se. When pfople talk about conununism and Comnninist-front organizations
they are not careful enough to keep Foster's definition in mind; when they !<ay
Connnunist they mean anything they don't agree with. I may be !i Communist
today, a Catholic tomorrow. And as a Catholic who wants to see social liberties
protected for all of us Catholics I feel it requires extraordinary alertness to see
that these things aren't used to wash out people because of so-called political
differences.
Chairman Tenney. Would you apply that to Mr. Gerald L. K. Smith and the
Fascists? I'^ou have already said or agreed that communism was an evil atheistit
thing.
The Witness. Let me correct it.
Chairman Tenney. This committee .says
The Witness. May I correct the dialogue, Senator. That is your dialogue, not
mine. My specific quote was : "I am opposed to the principles of Marxist com-
munism, and I take my social thinking from the Encyclicals of Leo XIII on that
((ues;tion." I didn't use tliat dialogue. That is yours.
Chairman Tenney. Do you think it is an evil thing'.'
The WiTNKSs. I don't think it is a good thing.
Chairman Tenney. Therefore, if it is not good it must be evil, is that a reason-
able conclusion?
The Witness. Except that you and I ai-e strange people to decide what is good
and .evil. I am objective enough, according to Mr. Justice Holmes' philosophy,
to say the way I was brought up with my faith, both political and religious. I
don't believe Marxian communi.sm is a desirable thing. I don't like it for this
country. But to characterize in tlie world at large what is good and evil, I hesi-
tate to do that. I suppose you couhl say the basic inference of my attitude is
that Marxian communism is an evil thing. I hate to sound like a demagogue,
"That is an evil thing.'' It sounds like a Fourth of July siieech.
Chairman Tenney. You do know that as a prere(iuisite to Iteing a Comnumist
you must be an atheist. Foster has stated that on many occ-asions. Of course,
the Constitution of Soviet Russia points that out also. Therefore, you being a
Catholic would be opposed to any propagandization of atheism.
The Witness. I have stated that unequivocally.
Chairman Tennp;y. Have you read the pi-esent encyclicals of the Holy Father
in reference to communism?
The Witness. Yes, indeed.
Chairman Tenney. Have you read the recent statement published by the recent
Cardinal Glennon after his trip from Europe; have you read that?
The Witness. Yes.
Chairman Tenney. It is my opinion and I think the opinion of the members of
this committee that Catholicism stands today as the greatest bulwark against
Fascism, atheistic Connnunist encirclement.
The Witness. Yes but on the European scene that is a terrific oversimplifica-
tion of the picture. In Europe the sti-uggle in many sectif)ns is a struggle between
Catholicism and communism, but it is a Catholicism the like of which this com-
mittee has .seldom met face to face. I would say the Christian Democrats in
Italy and the MPR in France would not have an easy time before this committee.
That is a militant, progressive movement, living the encyclicals. That is not a
status quo system. That is a wonderful kind of Catholicism. This committee
should not be under any delusions when it says the clash in Europe is between
communism and Catholicism. Let's face it. The clash is between two tery active
kinds of faith. That is not status quo Catholicism, and people should not get that
concept in this country. They should know what kind of Catholicism it is.
It is a very militant and progressive kind. Truly, there is only one kind of
Catholicism. Don't misundei-stand me, but it is a Catholicism that is out in the
market place, living the Gospel, living the philosophy of social change. It is not
the conservative sta.v-at-home, go-to-church-once-a-Sunday, and don't-read-the-
encyclical Catholicism.
COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 439
Chairman Ti:nnky. Have you read any pamphlets and hooks written and pub-
lished hy Father Feely of the Sau Francisco University, Iiis hook Fascism? Have
you read that?
'I'he Witness. No; hut let me say, Senator, let's get in the record
<"hairnian Tknnky. I want to try to reconcile what might seem to be, at least,
in the record, a sort of apology for the Communists.
The Witness. No, Senator. I resent that clearly.
Chairman Tenney. Will yon clarify that?
'J'lie Witness. This is no apology. Wh<Mt I am trying to outline and demai'cate
for yon is the fact that Catholicism is Catholicism applied; it is the Catholicism
^)f Arclihishop Shell of Chicago, it is the Calholicism of Archbishop Lucey of San
Antonio, it is the Catholicism of Pope Leo XIII and I'ope Pius XII, of ,Iac(pies
Maritain at the Vatican and the Christian Democrat Von Stertz. I.iet's get it
straight, once and for nil. I am not ;in apologist for conmnmisni. I don't want
to define the degree of my Catholicism. 1 feel it would be presumptuous. Hut
can we get it in the record for once? I have two plays now in rehearsal at
the Vatican. If that doesn't satisfy the Senator I don't know what will.
Chairman Tenney. It does. You have put it in a negative way. and the con-
clusion is properly drawn that you believe commimism to be an evil thing, but you
minimize the activities of these in<lividuals and the strategy and techniques
which have been worked out by Lenin, by Stalin, by the outstanding contem-
jKirary Connnunist lenders in the I'nited States for very deflnite purposes.
The Witness. Let me say this. I think we are much closer right at this moment
in this country as well as elsewhere to fascism than to communism.
Cliairman Tenney. Wliat is the difference. Mr. Lavery?
The Witness. I thiidi if you will get Gerald L. K. Smith on the staml yon
will get the difference tomorrow.
Chairman Tenney. I .see no difference.
The Witness. I have spoken to Gerald L. K. Smith. Why don't you subpena
him and ask him for yourself? I think he will give you quite a lot of dissension.
{Applause.]
Chairman Tenney. 1 want to admonish the audience that demonstrations are
not permitted. We are glad to have you here and want you to stay, but if you
continue to go into demonstrations we will have to ask yon to leave. I want to
say that this committee has gone into the activities of (ierald L. K. Smith. The
committee has no use for Gerald L. K. Smith or his ilk. We have condemned
itnti-Seniitism. We have condemned every Fascist activity just as we have
condemned the activities of subversive groups and the Communists. The chair-
man of this committee has had letters from Gerald L. K. Smith. He said he
would be glad to come. Mr. Smith wants i)ublicity. We don't feel we want to
give him the opportunity of nsiiiir this committee as a soap box for his doctrines.
1 want to say empliatically we have no use for him. But I cannot see, Mr.
Lavery. any difference between Red fascism or the fascism we have just de-
feated fin the battlefields of Europe.
I think the committee had better take a few minutes' recess.
( A short recess was had at this point.)
Chairman Tenney. Have you anything further from Mr. Ljivery, Mr. Combs?
Mr. Combs. No; that is all.
Chairman Tknney. Mr. Lavery. we appreciate y<mr coming down. I think
there is one other series of questions we have not gone into with Mr. Lavery.
Q. What is this proposal in reference to American Authors Aiithority? — A. I
would be glad to go into it.
Q. I would like to have a statement about that for the rec(nd. — A. The four
guilds of the Authors League of America are considering the formation of a
project known as the American Authors Authority. It is a simple committee
of the whole to represent the four guilds of the Authors League with respect
to certain practices in the marketing of original material for the screen, the radio,
and for the publishing field. At the present time there are no regulations and
no basic agreement which govern the sale of original material to the screen.
:\Iost of the Screen Writers Guild and most of the other guilds of the Authors
League believe that the time has come to stabilize that situation. We think
it can be stabilized by a licensing program, a program under which original
material is licensed for stated intervals to the screen rather than sold. That
is not a unique departure in the writing field. The Dramatists Guild in the
theater has operated under that policy for a hmg time. Producers in New
York literally license plays. We believe that it is time for writers of America
440 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
to license their material to the screen, to the radio, and to tlie book publishers.
The American Authors Authority is a plan whereby the four jiuilds of the
leajjuo could put into oijeratiou Ihis licensing program. It also involves the
principle of separation of copyrights and the reversion of copyrights. At the
present time when a man sells material to tlie screen the major studios usually
require that they be listed as the corporate author of the property, a complete
legal fiction, but they insist on it and the vi^riters usually agree. When pictures
are remade in Hollywood, as they often are, the original writers do not share
in the profits of the remake, whereas in the theater a man shares in the con-
tinuing profits from his play as long as the copyright exists. We think it is
a very laudable thing.
Q. Would that mean, Mr. Lavery, that the authority would copyright the
production or the work in its own name? — A. There have been various proposals
in that respect. In the early discussion of the plan it was proposed that in-
dividual authors should assign to the authority as trustee their copyright in
order to clarify and unify the position of the authority in enforcing authors'
rights. That is not a hard-and-fast principle. It is a matter of argument be-
tween counsel at the present time. It may well be in the final analysis the in-
dividual will hold onto his copyright or there might be a joint trusteeship of
the individual copyright and the authority. However, it works out, the authority
is simply an attorney in fact, a trustee, designed to restore to the individual
writers so many of his rights which are now held by book publishers, advertising
agencies, and motion-picture studios.
Q. May I ask this : W^ould the autliority if it were set up under some plan
or another because of the bargaining contract that you have with the publishers
include independent writers? — A. No. That has been discussed in committees
both east and west. Obviously, you can .see. Senator, that if the authority was
to work it would only be good to the degree that everybody was in. In other
words, it isn't planned to keep anybody out. This is a plan involving the par-
ticipation of all writers in all fields.
Incidentally, there is no thought of group control of content of scripts. Let
me assure you that writers are a pretty hard bunch to unify from any one
proposition from the time of day to the time of night. No guild to my knowledge
has ever attempted and could not attempt to bring about group control of con-
tent of property. That is simply not an issue in this case. It is a trusteeship
designed to restore to individual writers many of their rights which are now
held by other people because it is true the writer has sold them away.
Q. Would it be along the lines of the American Society of Composers and
Publishers? — A. Well, that is not as good as a parallel as it might be. It is
perfectly true some columns have referred to the AAA as a writers' ASCAP.
But ASCAP is a thing that fits the musicians. Ours isn't .something that tits
the musicians. The closest parallel is how the Dramatists Guild functions in
the theater. In the Dramatists Guild they hold individual copyrights. Their
material is only licensed to Broadway producers. When Broadway dramatists
market their wares to the screen they sell them, but because they have been a part
of a licensing program in the theater they would like a licensing program for
pictures. So far as the studios are concerned they would not be hurt financially
at all. They might have to pay something out on a remake when they make
a remake once every 7 years, and the writer who originally conceived it would
participate once more, but actually it won't hurt them very nuich.
Q. Who, if you know, originated this idea within your group? — A. Oh, that
was on the agenda of our Screen Writers' board for a long time. I think, with-
out taking any credit away from Jim Cain. I think I really kicked the ball off
in an article in the Screen Writer called Time for Decision, which was an ex-
planation of the licensing program. But we had a subcommittee which had been
considering this project for some time.
Q. Would you mind telling us, if you have no objections, who were the members
of the subcommittee, if you know? — A. I haven't got them here, but I can get them
and send them to the committee. I think it was either seven or nine people on
that subcommittee. We had been discussing it for a long time.
I miglit point out in passing that when the project was submitted to the
Authors League council in New York recently they unanimously referred the
proposal to the four guilds for study, and took the opportunity of rededicating
themselves then and there to the principle that licensing of material is to be
preferred to sale, and that separation of copyrights and the reversion of rights are
sound principles that we shall all stand for at all times.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 441
Now, I am perfectly well aware that people like Dorothy Thompson and Louis
Bromfield have gone up and down the country saying this is a Stalinist plot. It
seems to me that everything is a Stalinist plot to those two, no matter wiio starts
it or finishes it. The truth of the matter is, this is a highly capitalistic enter-
prise designed to put {t little more capital into the pockets of the wrtiers. It is
definitely a capitalistic enterprise, nothing else. Licensing is one of the soundest
traditions in American business, as you gentlemen know. The International
Business Machine Corp. never sells a macliine, and we think if that is good
practice for IBM it is excellent practice for writers, too.
Chairman Tenney. I think that is all unless you gentlemen have some ques-
tions.
The Witness. May I just add as a footnote that I appreciate the opportunity
to appear before the conmiittee. I have enjoyed the discussion with Senator
Tenney. I would like to add only one thought, that if it is desirable to study
social tensions in a community it seems to me that the way to meet social tensions
is to get at the roots of them. It isn't enough either in committee, pviblic plat-
forms, in debate, in guilds and unions to pass resolutions about the people who
are responsible for this tension or that tension. I think that we have to look
underneath in the life of the connnunity and see what the causes of the tensions
are. If it was true that in the Sleepy Lagoon case certain Communists agitated
that case for their own point of view, then it seems to me the challenge to this
committee and to me as an individual is to go even still deeper into the life of the
community and to say to ourselves, "What are those conditions there that made
it so easy for those people to agitate that condition? What is the root condition
that needs to be corrected?"
Chairman Tenney. Mr. Laverj-, may I say this with reference to that, and
point out .something that happened in that case for your information. In the
first place, our activity as a committee is confined to investigating subversive
activities of ■ whatsoever kind may exist; therefore, we are confined to that
activity. Now, in the Sleepy Lagoon case and the ^oot-suit riots, and so forth,
the Communist press for months had been accusing a group known as the Sinar-
quists as a fifth column, a Fascist fifth colunm, fomenting difficulties in Los
Angeles. Mrs. LaRue McCormick, Philip Connelly, and many, many people
connected with Communist front organizations, and in many cases openly Com-
munists, were making these accusations. The committee felt that because of
what was being done they should do something about it. We made but we did
not issue subpenas. We sent invitations and asked them to come b^^fore the
committee and give us all the information they had so that we could make an
investigation of that matter. None of them came. They ignored the invitation.
So the committee then issued subpenas to all of them. We met in this room.
We brought them before us and told them we were interested in their accusations
and wanted some evidence. I believe the niembers of the committee and Mr.
Combs will verify what I say ; they did not offer the committee one scintilla of
evidence, not a single thing. There was only one conclusion to draw from that :
tliat they were deliberately arousing racial antagonisms for their own purposes.
Now, certainly we admit there are many abuses. I admit very freely that there
were many, many abuses. We have seen many cases of discrimination because of
race and color.
We condemn that with all of the vehemence that we can. It is un-American.
We are opposed to it. Wherever we have found it we have attempted to knock
it down. We subpenaed members of the Ku Klux Klan in this room in 1940 and
1941. We believe we broke them up. Today we are going into that matter again.
If there is any evidence of these things we want it. We feel with all of its weak-
nesses and all of the things wrong with us this is the greatest country on the face
of the globe. We don't want communism. We don't want nazism. We don't
fascism. As a citizen I will be g'ad to go into those things that might occur to
you, but as a committee we are confined to one thing. We do appreciate your
coming before us.
The Witness. I am available for the committee at any time.
Chairman Tenney. Thank you very much.
Mr. CojfBs. May Mr. Lavery be excu.sed?
Chairman Tenney. You may be excused, IMr. Lavery.
The Witness. Tiiank you.
Chairman Tenney. Mr. Robeson, Senator Dilworth will swear you.
Mr. La\try. And on pa^e 283, Mr. Tenney says I am not a Com-
munist and the o;uild is not Communist-controlled. Thank you.
442 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. All ri<;ht, Mr. Sti-ipliiiji;', i)r()cee(l with >()Ui-
questions,
Mr. Lavei!Y. I liad one more
The Chairman. Oh, go ahead.
Mr. Lam:ry. I wanted to have a notation made for tlie record that
in October 1946, a few weeks after I appeared before the Tenney com-
mittee, I appeared vokmtarily before the office of the FBI in Los
Angeles — the office of Mr. Richard B. Hood — and I iisked him to make
a notation on liis record at that time that as president of the guild I had
appeared before the FBI voluntarily and had offered to put myself
and any records of our guild completely at his disposal at any time. I
have not heard fi'om him.
The Chairman. When was that?
Mr. Lavery. That was in October 194G. I think the records of ^Ir.
Hood in the Los Angeles office of the FBI will bear me out on that.
I would also ask the chairman to permit me to have a notation
made for the record that when the committee held its hearings in Los
Angeles, in the spring of last year. I was not subpenaed then, nor were
any records of my guild subpenaed, and this is the first opportunity
that I have had.
Mr. Chairman, I won't l)other you with anything more about it,
except it
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, just to keep the record straight ■
Mr. Lavery. Surely.
Mv. Stripling. The subcommittee was in Los Angeles this year.
Mr. Lavery. Oh, I am sorry.
Now, Mr. Chairman — and this will dispense with my preliminary
motions — I have a piece of information that I w^ould like to put in
the record on my owni motion and on my volunteering, because I am
not sure as a student of constitutional law whether the committee does
have the authority to demand it of me, but let me break the suspense
immediately and tell you that I am not a Communist. I never have
been. I don't intend to be. I will make open confession and admit
that I am a Democrat who in my youth was a Re])ublican. And if the
committee wants to know why I changed from Republican to
Democrat
Tlie Chairman. No; we are not interested in why you changed.
[Laughter.] Go ahead, Mr. Stripling, with the questions. Proceed
with the questions,
Mr. Lavery. This is the [handing statement to Mr. Stripling]— —
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Just a minute.
(The chairman confers with Mr. Lavery.)
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling, wath the questions,
Mr. Lavery. The Chair suggested I might leave that.
Mr. Striplin(}. ]\Ir. Chairman, I think in the interest of orderly
])rocedure it would be nuich better if the witness answered the questions
which the committee is going to ask him.
The Chairman. The witness has already agreed.
Mr. Lavery. I have agreed.
INIr. Stripling. All right. You are now the president of the Screen
Writers Guild; is that true?
Mr. Lavery. That is correct.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 443
Mr. STUiiM.ixr;. How many times liavo yon bctMi piesidont ?
Mr. Lavehy. I am servino; my third and last term.
Mr. STiurLiNG. And when were yon hist elected?
Mr. Lavery. a year ago this November.
INIr. Stritlixg. How many members are there of the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. Lavery. I think our active voting members number approxi-
mately 9o7. Onr nonvoting- associate members number approxi-
mately 5P>1.
Mr. Stripling. And what is the purpose of the guild?
Mr. Lavery. We are the official bargaining agency for screen
writers in Hollywood. We correspond roughly to the position of
the Dramatists Guild in the theater and are unaffiliated with either the
A. F. of L. or the CIO. Our only affiliation is with the Authoi-s
League of America.
Mr. STRirLiNG. Now, the Authors League of America, was that
established by the guild ?
Mr. Lavery. No. The Authors League of America is a much older
organization. It has been in existence for some time. It is a, you
might call it, federation which unifies the Radio Writers Guild, the
Authors League, the Dramatists Guild, and ourselves, although we
are not full members of the league. We are merely an affiliate.
Mr. Stripling. What is the purpose of the American Authors Au-
thority ? What does it seek to do ?
Mr. Lavery. Well, the American Authors Authority, which is not
in existence, was a licensing plan proposed by the Screen Writers
Guild to get better terms for the marketing of original material sold
for the screen. At the present time the Screen Writers Guild has a
minimum basic agreement with produ.cers, under which various terms
of employment are stabilized. But that is definitely an employment
situation. We have no contract which covers the sale of original
material.
The AAA was an attempt to establish a plan of licensing under
which authors would not sell outright their material for the screen,
but would license it for a certain term of years, for various per-
centages of profit.
Mr. Stripling. You stated that the American Authors Authority is
not now in existence. Was it originally formed ?
Mr. Lavery. No. It was a plan that was offered to the Authors
League of America.
There was a great deal of discussion among the member guilds of
the league, and the AAA as such was never adopted. But I think the
principle of licensing, which was the core of AAA, is still very much a
live issue and will be continued to be discussed in the Authors League
of America and member guilds for many years to come.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Lavery, as president of the guild, have
you ever noticed or observed or are you aware of any Counnunist in-
filtration within the Screen Writers iGruild?
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Stripling, I have said many times — I make it as a
general assumption — that there are probably Communists in the
Screen Writers Guild. I can't particularize that assumption as to
individuals, but I am walling to make the assumption generally that,
I think, there are Communists in the Screen Writers (niild.
444 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. What influence do you think they exert within the
guild?
Mr. L AVERY. Well, Mr. Stripling, I think it is not half as much as
they make out. I think that our Screen Writers Guild is not much
different from most guilds, most unions in this country. It has what
this committee would probably consider an extreme left and it has an
extreme right, but the great rank and file of the membership is what
I call liberal center. And, like any guild, we have our discussions.
We try to keep them in the f amih^ We try to solve them in the family,
as long as we can. I think we keep our guild on a good, even keel.
My only concern with respect to this whole proceeding, Mr. Chair-
man, is merely that people might go back home and think that they
have been political martyrs. An election in November which is com-
ing up in our Screen Writers Guild might be seriously affected, and
not for the better, if people thought that perhaps government had
interfered any more than was necessary in the normal operations of
the guild.
I think our guild has been competent in the past and is now com-
petent to manage its own affairs, to keep it definitely in the American
order of things, and to do well by the country and by its own guild.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with Mr. John Howard Lawson?
Mr. La VERY. Yes. I have known John Howard Lawson for some
years.
Mr. Stripling. Is it true that he was the first president of the guild ?
Mr. La VERY. I think way back in the early days, prior to reorgan-
ization of the guild in 1937, John Howard Lawson was president, in
those very early days ; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Is he now a member of the guild?
Mr. La VERY. Yes ; I believe Mr. Lawson is obviously still a member
of the guild.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think that John Howard Lawson is a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ?
Mr. La VERY. Mr. Stripling, I have no information beyond what I
have heard read into the record here during the few days that I have
been in Washington. I don't know whether he is or not. I have never
seen his card. But I have heard the testimony that has been offered
here this week.
Mr. Stripling. Does Mr. Lawson conduct himself in guild affairs-
along the Communist Party line?
Mr. Lavery. Well, the truth of the matter is, Mr. Stripling, that
Mr. Lawson hasn't been as active in the affairs of the guild, at least on
the floor of meetings that I have chaired, as he was in years gone by.
Mr. Stripling. What about Mr. Dalton Trumbo? Do you know
Mr. Dalton Trumbo?
Mr. L WTERY. Yes ; I Imow Mr. Trumbo.
Mr. Stripling. And Mr. Trumbo was editor of the Screen Writer,
the official publication of the guild, was he not ?
Mr. Lavery. That is true. At one time Mr. Dalton Trumbo was
editor of the Screen Writer, the monthly publication of the Screen
Writers Guild.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know if he holds any other position in the
Screen Writers Guild at this time?
Mr. Lavery. I don't think so at this time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 445
Mr. Stripling, Do you think Mr. Dalton Trumbo is a Communist ?
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Stripling,' 1 have no information beyond what I
have heard here this week. I mean, I have heard the memoranda read
and the charge made tliat there was a membership card in his name.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the statement which the Hol-
lywood Reporter carried, asking Mr, Trumbo and others wdio are
members of the Screen Writers Guild to deny that they held party card
so and so ?
Mr. Lavery. Yes. But the reason that perhaps I don't attribute too
much weight to what the Hollywood Reporter says, Mr, Stripling, is
that one time they said the same thintis about me and until I threat-
ened to sue ^Ir. Wilkerson for libel. He published a two-page retrac-
tion, at his own expense. He was making the same charge against
me.
Mr. Stripling. Well
The Chairman. Isn't it quite strange, then, that they don't threaten
to sue?
Mr. Lavery, Well, maybe I like to sue more than other people, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. These daj^s everybody likes to sue, I can tell you
that,
Mr, LA\TiRY. I meant to make a notation in the record earlier, Mr.
Chairman, with respect to the credibility of witne'-ses who have pre-
ceded me, that I have a libel suit pending in the State of California
against one of the star witnesses of this committee, I have sued Mrs,
Lela Rogers in the Superior Court of California for $1,000,000, in libel
and slander, for remarks made about a play of mine, which has been
mentioned here. The Gentleman from Athens, in a Town Hall broad-
cast on September 2,
The Chairman, Wasn't that all in the newspapers?
Mr, LA^T.RY. It was also in the records of this committee, Mr, Chair-
man,
The Chairman, Well
Mr, Laat>ry, Everything except the fact that I sued her for libel.
The Chairman. Well, is it pertinent to this inquiry?
Mr, Lavery. I think it is pertinent as to the credibility of whatever
Mrs, Rogers said.
Mr. Stripling. I don't think Mrs. Rogers made any mention of it
during her testimony, Mr. Lavery.
Mr, Lavery. No; but she talked about communism in Hollywood,
Mr. Stripling. But we are now asking you about communism in
the Screen Writers Guild, of which there is apparently quite some
activity.
Mr. Lavery. All right, let us discuss communism in the Screen
Writers Guild.
Mr. Stripling. I think that is the purpose for having the witness
here.
Mr. La%tery. All right.
Mr. Stripling, As president of the Screen Writers Guild, we would
like to know just what influence the Communists exercise in the Screen
Writers Guild, because the people whom we have had here the last
several days and who have refused to answer whether or not they
were Communists have long associations with the Communist Party.
67683—47 29
446 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
There has been introduced documentary evidence to show that
Communist membership.
Now, what influence do the six people who have been here in the
last 3 days exercise in the guild ?
Mr. La VERY. Mr. Stripling, I say they do not have control of the
guild, and if they did have control of the guild I would have stayed
home long ago.
Mr. Stripling. Did they ever have control of the guild?
Mr. La VERY. Not while I have been president.
Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Trumbo, who was the editor of the Screen
Writer, the ofKcial organ of the guild?
Mr. La VERY. Yes ; that is true, but I think
Mr. Stripling. I think some of these others have held prominent
positions in the guild.
Mr. La VERY. Yes ; but we are a guild of many, many members, Mr.
Stripling — 937 or 931 active members. You have mentioned the names
of perhaps a half dozen.
Mr. Stripling. There will be others.
Mr. La VERY. I will be glad to discuss them, if I can.
Mr. Stripling. Would you think it is possible for a few Commu-
nists to exert tremendous influence within unions and organizations?
Mr. La VERY. . I think it is possible for them to try. I don't think in
a group of writers it is possible for them to get away with it. Have
you ever tried to organize a group of writers to do anything?
[Laughter.]
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, are you familiar with an organization
known as the Hollywood Writers Mobilization?
Mr. Lavery. Yes. I was its wartime chairman. And may I point
out for the record that there was an error made the other day in
one of the dossiers describing the organization the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization. I don't know much about the personal careers of Mr.
John Howard Lawson or the political careers of Mr. Lawson and
.Mr. Trumbo. I know something about the Writers Mobilization. I
don't know where your investigators got their information, but I am
sure the FBI in Los Angeles can tell you that the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization was not the successor of the League of American Writers.
Nobody who knows the Hollywood scene would ever make that ob-
servation. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization was roughly wdiat
you might call a writers' war board, formed on the west coast during
the war, to service the agencies of the Government in their need
for various scripts in various parts of the war effort.
And I have brought with me here today, if the committee is in-
terested, a medal [indicating] — not an important medal, but a medal
anyway — which the Treasury Department of the United States sent
to me as chairman of the Writers Mobilization in return for the work
that I did in the war years.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, if the members have any questions
at this point. I would like a few moments to review certain notes I
have.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDoAVELL. No questions.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 447
The Chairman. Mr. Laveiy, the committee has gone over your
statement. In view of the fact that you have indicated your atti-
tude very fully up to now — and you will probably have more to add —
plus the additional fact that there is much in your statement that is
not pertinent to the inquiry, we decline to have you read the state-
ment in these hearings.
-Mr. LvvEHY. May 1 have a notation made for the record, Mr. Chair-
man, that I respectfully dissent ?
The Chairman. That is all right. That is your right.
Mr. La VERY. And may I carry the further notation that I am al-
ways available and at the service of the committee for any questions.
I don't want to leave this stand, Mr. Chairman, without going ex-
haustively into any questions
The Chairman. Oh, we are not asking you to leave the stand.
Mr. La VERY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. We want you to go into the matter very thoroughly.
Mr. La\t:ry. I will be glad to.
The Chairman. Very thoroughly.
Mr. La VERY. I will be glad to.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, can you tell me what position, if any,
you ever held in the Hollywood Writers Mobilization ?
Mr. Lavery. I was its wartime chairman.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether the Writers Mobilization ever
attempted any censorship ?
]\Ir. Lavery. I don't see how they would be in a position to, Mr.
Stripling. They wrote literally on assignment to Government agen-
cies. The production of
Mr. Stripling. Would you describe for the committee just what the
Wiiters Mobilization did do — its entire functions?
Mr. La\^ry. Yes. As a matter of fact, some of it is here in my
record. I have the full report, which was once put in the Congres-
sional Record. But, briefly, it was a clearing house set up by six
or seven guilds in Hollywood, to pool their common functions as
writers, actors, directors, and producers, in the preparation of scripts
for War bond drives ; docimientaries for use of the Army or Navy or
Treasuiy Departments; and similar activity — the preparation of
speeches during the war drive. But this was definitely what you
might call a cooperative research agency placed at the disposal of
the Government.
The speeches or films or scripts were ij<ver produced by us. They
were written by us and then turned over to the people who had ordered
them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, in connection with your activities
with the Hollywood Writers Alobilization, did they ever take a posi-
tion regarding the production of Abie's Irish Rose?
Mr. Lavery. I can't recall, Mr. Stripling. Now, perhaps at some
time. I retired from the mobilization in late 1945, when I was east
to work on The ^Magnificent Yankee. Ofl'hand, I don't recall action
regarding Abie's Irish Rose.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce into the
record a letter from Bing Crosby dated ]March 11, 19-47, addressed to
Mr. Howard Koch, chairman of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization.
448 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Lavery. May I point out, then, if you are reading wlien ]Mr.
Koch was chairman, that was when I was no longer active in the mobil-
ization and I have no knowledge
Mr. Stripling. Were you a member of the mobilization?
Mr. Lavery. Not after that time. I was not identified with the
mobilization after Mr. Koch became chairman.
The Chairman. What is the date of this letter?
Mr. Stripling. March 11, 19-17.
The Chairman. March 11, 1947.
Mr. Lavery. May I point out that by that time I had resigned from
the mobilization?
Mr. Stripling. Why did you resign, Mr. Lavery ?
jNIr. Lavery. Increase of other work. I was president of the Screen
Writers Guild at the same time. I had just come back from New York,
where I had been at work on my own play. There was too much to
do. So I simply carried on with the guild and resigned from the
mobiliz'tion.
The Chairman. Well, even though it hasn't anything to do with
this witness, is the letter pertinent to the inquiry?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. I think it deals with the objections on the pait
of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization to the production of Abie's
Irish Rose. Mr. Bing Crosby wrote a letter concerning it.
The Chairman. All right, go ahead and read it.
Mr. Stripling. It is addressed to Mr. Koch, chairman of the Holly-
wood Writers Mobilization, 1655 North Cherokee, Hollywood 28,
Calif.
Dear Mr. Koch : I feel the production Abie's Irish Rose is a victim of a very
unfortunate turn of events. When I was approaclied to lend my name to a
group cnncpyned with the production of this picture — and that is all I ever
did — lend my name — I consented on the representation, entirely credible, that
such a film would prove an effective means of advancing interracial amity.
The film was made with complete script and dialog approval of all sects and
with proper representatives of such groups in attendance on the set.
It is inconceivable to me now that any group can, in conscience, object to
the film or any part thereof. But a concerted campaign is being waged against
the booking of the picture, in the motion-picture business, and against its exhibi-
tion to the public.
In the most lib'^ral interpretation possible, such action can only be construed
as unfair, unjust, and restraint of trade.
Sincerely yours,
Bing Crosby.
Mr. Lam2Ry. Mr. Chairman, I would be glad to comment on it,
though I was not a member of the mobilization at that time.
The Chairman. In view of the fact that you are on the witness
stand, you can comment.
Mr. LA^^i:RY. I think there are lots of people in America who might
make a comment on Abie's Irish Rose without being a Communist.
There are matters of taste in the theater. There are many people,
both Catholic and Jew, who work in the theater who don't like the
oversimplification of those types. I can conceive of lots of people
protesting the production of Abie's Irish Rose as merely perpetuating
stage types that have gone out of fashion and that don't do justice
to the racial groups concerned. I don't think one has to be a Com-
munist to take exception to Abie's Irish Rose.
Mr. McDoAVELL. On the other hand, Mr. Lavery, one wouldn't be
some sort of a Fascist to have enjoyed Abie's Irish Rose.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 449
Mr. Lavt.rt. I ag:ree absolutely, Mr. McDowell, absolutely.
Mr. McDowell. If I recall, I saw it four or five times, and millions
of Americans did and thought it was a delightful story and well
played.
Mr. La VERY. I agree with you. I think that one could have a dif-
ference of opinion over the merits of Abie's Irish Kose without either
being a Fascist on the one side, or a Communist on the other.
The Chairman". If you people don't stop pretty soon, I'll be reading
the book.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Lavery, in regard to the presence within the
Screen Writers Guild of Communists, do you think that any action
should be taken to remove these people from the guild, or do you
think it is all right for them to remain in the guild?
Mr. La\^ry. Mr. Stripling, I stand with Mr. Edgar Hoover, of
the FBI. Mr. Hoover says he thinks it would be bad policy to outlaw
the Communist Party and to drive it underground. I think so, too.
I think that under our existing contract with the producers and our
existing constitution, it would be next to impossible for us to remove
anybody from our guild for political belief, private political belief
or action.
In our guild, I have said many times that if any individual members
are guilty of indictable offenses, that are clearly sedition or treason,
let a proper complaint be brought to the FBI and an indictment
sought by a Federal grand jury and action taken accordingly. But
short of that, particularly in time of peace, it would be disastrous
for a guild to attempt to project a standard of conduct not yet em-
bodied in the law by the Congress of the United States.
Mr. Stripling. What is your opinion as to the Communist Party of
the United States? Do you think the}' are a political party, or do
you consider them to be the agent of a foreign principal i
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Stripling, like many Americans, I am confused.
I don't know. I don't know. I will say quite frankly, that, as an
American, I like my country. I don't think I would like a party
that was devoted to a foreign power or that was an agent of a foreign
power. I think the basic difficulty is that it is a demonstrable point
in each individual case. If a man is an unregistered agent of a foreign
power, then I think he ought to be indicted and tried for any offense
that is api)ropriate under the Federal law. But to make the general
observation, I don't know. Perhaps it is. I haven't the access to the
information.
Mr. Stripling, For example
The Chairman. Just a minute, Mr. Stripling.
A short time ago you mentioned J. Edgar Hoover, that you agreed
with J. Edgar Hoover.
Mr. Lavery. Yes.
]\Ir. Stripling. Have you ever heard that J. Edgar Hoover testified
before this committee that Communists were agents of a foreign
power ?
]Mr. LA^T.RY. Yes; I think I have heard something to that effect, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Well, then, in view of that, won't 3'ou, too. agree
with J. Edgar Hoover that Communists were agents of a foreign
power ?
450 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Lavery. I would still say, Mr. Chairman, that it was a case of
proof and fact in each individual case. We toss the word "com-
munism" around. I have heard nobody on this stand or in the com-
mittee either define the kind of communism we are talking about. I
assume it is Marxian communism. But there are shades and shades
of people in this country Avho consider themselves Communists, and
there are shades and shades of people who are called Communists
without being it. So when counsel asks me to generalize, do I think
the Communists are agents of a foreign power, I will say, "Well, how
can anybody under oath answer with any assurance." I don't know,
I don't have the facts.
Mr. Stripling. We will limit it to Stalinists. Do you think the
Stalinist Communists are the agents of a foreign power"?
Mr. Lavery. Mr, Stripling, I have no way of knowing who is or who
is not a Stalinist. If I was a member of the FBI or if I were a mem-
ber of the research staif of this committee, perhaps I would have such
information. I don't. And as a matter of fact, under the constitution
of the guild of which I am president, I am discouraged from inquiring
into the political or religious belief of our members, and I think wisely.
We would have no guild if the president could begin to examine each
member on his political or religious beliefs.
The Chairman. Nothing has been brought up about religion, Mr.
Lavery, except by yourself.
Mr. La\^ry. No. Mr. Rupert Hughes brought up religion. He
said that I was a Communist masquerading as a Catholic.
The Chairman. Well, I want to tell you something. I didn't hear
Rupert Hughes say that, but I want to tell you this, that this com-
mittee is never interested in one's religion.
Mr. Lavery. Thank you, ]\Ir. Chairman.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, what is your opinion about outlawing
the Communist Party?
Mr. Lavery. I think Mr. Hoover is right on that. I think it would
be disastrous to drive them underground. I think the best answer to
communism is to live a better life, run a better guild. I think if we
make political martyrs out of them we make it easy for the Commu-
nists. I think Mr. Hoover is absolutely right. Certainly in time of
peace, if we are not on the verge of war, I think it would be fatal to
outlaw any one political party.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, for example, we take Mr. Albert Maltz.
Are you familiar with Mr. Maltz ?
Mr. La\t:ry. Yes ; I know Mr. Maltz.
Mr. Stripling. Do you remember that Mr. Maltz wrote an article
which appeared in the New Masses, official organ of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Lavery. I heard reference made to it.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Are you familiar with the letter which he
wrote and the article which 'lie subsequently wrote in which he did a
complete somersault ?
Mt. Lavery. No; I am not. I am familiar with that book — Cross
and the Sword, was it; Cross and the Arrow — that was mentioned,
but I am not familiar with the author, Mv. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Well, would you say that a i^erson in the Screen
Writers Guild who consistently, without any deviation, followed the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 451
exact line as laid down by the Soviet Union and who has followed the
Communist Party throughout the world, would you say that person
is followin<; the Communist Party line of Stalinism, or do you think
that he is exercising his freedom of political belief?
Mr. La VERY. Mr. Stripling, I just don't know. I mean, this is a
Mr. Stripling. There are a number of these people, Mr. Lavery, in
your guild ; a number of them, very prominent.
Mr. Lavery. Yes.
Ml'. Stripeing. Now, you have been president three times. You
certainly must have observed their activities, and I think you are a
little more aware than you have told the committee of just how they
operate.
Mr. Lavfj?y. Mr. Stripling, if you want me to make myself counsel
for the prosecution, that is rather difficult. That is your job. I am
not here either as prosecutor or as defendant. I'll admit I have had
arguments with a lot of these people in the guild, arguments about a
lot of things, but I am not here crying as an alarmist. I say we have a
good guild. I say it is on an even keel. I say that some of the people
who liave appeared before you with tales about our guild are sincere,
but I think tliey are mistaken. They are more alarmed than I am. I
don't know why you rate so highly the influence of Mr. Maltz, Mr.
Lawson, Mr. Trumbo. They are able men. They are articulate men.
And they are competent screen writers. But they are only a few of a
membership of 900 some. We have often had our arguments within
the family, often. I think so far I have had the upper hand. Since I
have the upper hand, I have nothing to complain about. And when
Mr. Stripling says, "Aren't you worried about Mr. Maltz," I say, "not
particularly." If I were, I wouldn't continue as president of our
guild.
Mr. Striplixg. Mr. Lavery. during tins year, in the spring of this
year, did ^Slr. Eric Johnston come to Hollywood and appear before a
meeting of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Lavery. Yes, indeed; as the result of a series of invitations
from me. I had been urging INIr. Johnston to come over and speak to
our guild for a year.
Mr. Striplixg. How long did that meeting last?
Mr. I^avery. Oh, perhaps an hour and a half, maybe 2 hours.
iVIr. Striplix(;. Did Mr. Johnston urge the guild to oust the Com-
munists within it?
Mr. Lavery. Oh, I think that is a very broad interpretation of what
Mr. Johnston said. I think
Mr. Striplixg. I just asked you. Did he?
Mr. Lavery. No; I wouldn't say that that was the effect of it. I
don't think Mr. Johnston would attempt to come to the guild and tell
them what to do.
Mr. Striplixg. You tell the committee what happened. We sub-
penaed Mr. Johnston and his minutes.
Mr. LA^•ERY. I would be glad to give to the committee my recollec-
tion of Mr. Johnston's talk that night, although I suggest, as a lawyer,
that the best evidence is Mr. Johnston's own copy of the speech, which
I am sure he would be glad to give to the committee.
^Nlr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I was in error. We did not sub-
pena tlie minutes of the meeting. However, Mr. Johnston did tell me
of that meeting:.
452 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Laa^ry. Yes, he spoke. We had a lot of questions and answers.
He gave iis a picture of the international situation. He certainly in-
dicated his forthright disapproval of connnunism, at all levels. He
did give what he thought was the high ideal, with relation to writing
for the screen, to the kind of stories at this time that might attract the
interest of writers. But I can't honestly say that I recall Mr. John-
ston telling the guild to get rid of any group of members. As a mat-
ter of fact, it was a very peaceful meeting. If Mr. Johnston made that
kind of a speech, we probably would have been there until 2 o'clock that
morning.
The Chairman. Why would that be, if he made that kind of a
speech ?
Mr. Lai-ery. Why, Mr. Chairman, because writers are articulate
people. They will argue at the drop of a hat. It doesn't matter what
the argument is about. And if somebody tells them they can't do
something, particularly if he be a producer or a representative of a
producer, we will stay there all night with him, just perhaps to be neg-
ative. That is why I recall quite distinctly that I don't think Mr.
Johnston made that broad sweeping demand, because we would have
had a long, long evening of it, believe me.
Mr. Stripling. It wasn't a very heated meeting, in other words ?
Mr. La\t.ry. I don't think so. I thought it was a very /riendly
meeting, and on our part we hoped it would be the first of several, that
Mr. Johnston and his associates would come back from time to time
and discuss with us our common problems in picture making.
JNIr. Stripling. Was his appearance there regarding the problem of
picture making, or was it regarding the issue of communism within
the guild?
Mr. Lavery. Oh, no. Ever since INIr. Johnston had become pres-
ident of the Motion Picture Association I had been urging him to come
and speak to the writers, and I think Mr. Johnston was anxious to
come and speak to us. As you can imagine, in an industry as diversi-
fied as ours, relations between producers, employers, and writers, par-
ticularly at the creative level, are often, shall we say, competitive.
There is not always the clearest understanding and sympathy between
the man who is paying for the script and the man who is writing it.
Both Mr. Johnston and myself thought, and many other people did,
it was a good opportunity for closer understanding between manage-
ment, production management, on the one hand, and writers on the
other. We hoped that it woulcl be the first of several meetings.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Stripling, may I interrupt for a moment?
Mr. Lam^ry. Surely.
Mr, Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Witness, aren't you aware of the development of
communism all over the world?
Mr. Lavery. Yes. I read the headlines every day, Mr. Congress-
man.
Mv. Vail. And isn't it your feeling, too, that communism has
gained a foothold in this country, and its influence is spreading
rapidly ?
Mr. Lavery, I don't think it is spreading as rapidl}' in this country
as it is elsewhere in the world.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 453
Mr. Vail. But it is spreading rapidly today ?
Mr. La VERY. Elsewhere.
Mr. Vail. That is the general consensus. In the Gallup poll not
long ago the American people indicated, by their ballot, that only
1 percent felt that connnunism was a serious threat to this country.
Now, don't you believe that the American people should be alerted to
the danger that exists in the form of communism today?
Mr. La VERY. Mr. Congressman, I think that they are alert to the
general danger abroad of communism, but I think that the alerting at
home requires a different approach, if we are really to meet the menace
and be equal to it. I think in our own domestic American life the
way to meet the challenge of communism is not repressive legislation
or scareheads, but to show that we have a better way of life, to drama-
tize that life.
I feel that on the screen, for instance — now, this committee has
asked previous witnesses as to whether they think anti-Communist
pictures should be made. Mr. Chairman, T think that there is nothing
that sends an audience out of a theater quicker than an antipicture
about anything, special propaganda in any form. But I do believe,
with all my heart and soul, that this is a great time for all of us to
dramatize the American way of life, in any medium, at any level of
life that is available for us. The more attractive we make our Amer-
ican scheme of life, I think the more secure we are.
Mr. Vail. Don't you think that the gentlemen who appeared before
this committee have dramatized communism to some degree by the
exhibition they put on? Don't you think today that it is vital and
that the American citizen be as militant and American as these Com-
munists are militant throughout the world?
Mr. La\-ery. Mr. Congressman, I think there is a better way to do
it. I think that if we are to keep harping on the note of fear, it is
like the old-fashioned revival or the old-fashioned mission, where you.
scare the devil out of the parishioners for a week, and after that they
are rather accustomed to the notion of fear.
I think these are times when we have to do other things that we hold
dear. I don't think it is enough to make people afraid. It is very
easy to make them afraid. I think the problem of all citizens and this
Congress is how to make people aware of the active love that they have.
I think that the negative force of fear is distinctly negative, distinctly
noncreative. I think the challenge of the theater and the screen is to
project an American way of life, particularly an historical drama,
that vitalizes the whole tradition of which we are a part.
Believe me. I am much more interested, as a playwright and a screen
writer, in trying to show, for instance, on the screen which Mr. Justice
Holmes would be like than showing how bad Mr. Stalin is. It would
be very easy to show how bad Mr. Stalin is. But I think that the
positive virtues of our great American leaders are the thing that the
screen should be sliowing at this time.
Mr. Vail. Well, I think that it is the general opinion today that
anyone who seeks to temper the public acceptance of the menace of
communism is doing a distinct disservice to their country.
Mr. Lavery. Well. Mr. Congressman, may I just take one exception
to that, particularly in the international field, if you like. There were
three editorials in the Observatori Romano last sprmg, front page,
454 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
from the Vatican, on the international situation. The Pope himself,
speaking through the editorial in the Observatori Romano, reminded
people tliat perhaps the time had come to slow down the push toward
war.
Now, I don't think anybody calls the Holy Father a warmonger for
trying to slow down the feeling of national pride and security. I
think he is a man that is trying to put out fires. And I think that if
sincere people come before this committee and say that they think the
positive picture of the American life is the better way to do it, that
doesn't mean they are less loyal Americans. I think it means they are
more vital Americans, and they are trying to do it on a deeper and more
stable basis than merely a lot of negativistic attacks perhaps on a
potential common enemy.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell, do you have any questions?
Mr. McDowell. Yes.
Mr. Lavery, it is a great relief to have you testify, to hear you
testify.
Mr. Laa-ery. Thank you, Mr. Congressman.
Mr. McDowell. Without waving your arms and screaming and
insisting that something was being done to you — about the Bill of
Rights. It is good to hear somebody from the Screen Writers' Guild
talk as freely as you have. Some of the things that you say I agree
with and some I disagree with.
If your job, of course, as the president of the Screen Writers' Guild
is to look after the interests of that guild and its membership, and I
presume so long as you are the president of it you are going to decry
any pointing out that may be Communist influence in the guild. That
would be the normal thing that a president should do.
Mr. Lavery. I simply want to appraise it, Mr. Congressman, at its
true level. I won't deny that there are Communists there and that
they probably would love to control it. I just say that we shouldn't
rate their efforts too highly. That increases their own sense of prestige.
It makes it much too easy for them.
Mr. McDowell. That is what I would think would be the proper
attitude for the president of the guild to take. However, that still
does get away from the fact that there are there, we think, some very
serious enemies of the United States.
I think you are a good example of, shall I say, a liberal coming before
this committee. We have been many times accused of trying to do
something to liberals. We are not. Liberals are a part of America,
just the same as I am, and I am not a liberal.
You sort of pooh-poohed the idea that a small minority of Com-
munists can do much, can have much influence. Well, now, the facts
don't bear out that thought. There is a very tiny minority of Com-
munists that run 200,000,000 people in Russia, which has become a
slave state. If known to every Pole
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Congressman
]\Ir. McDowell. To every Pole in the world
Mr. Lavery. I would agree to that.
Mr. McDowell. There are very few Poles that are Commies, com-
pared to the number of Poles that are not, and yet Poland is a Com-
munist state.
Mr. Lattery. I merely say we have beaten them, whatever their size
and number may be. They have not run away with the opera house.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 455
Mr. McDowell. Well, the fact remains here that the Congress of
the United States is cognizant of the fact that subversive influence,
Communist or Fascist, is at work here in the United States. And they
have given us the job of finding out where they are and what they are
doing, and we are trying to do that.
Mr. La VERY. I appreciate that.
Mr. ISIcDowELL. There is no effort, has been no effort, nor will there
ever be an effort on the part of the Congress to direct or influence, even,
the motion-picture industry or any other American industry.
I think you have been a very fine witness.
]\Ir. La VERY. Thank you, Mr. Congressman.
The Chairman. At this point, the Chair would like to ask Mr. Kenny
how many witnesses he has left now ?
Mr. Kenny. Well, I think, Mr. Chairman, you have subpenaed to-
morrow, of the gentlemen that I represent, a man named Bert Brecht,
you have subpenaed for today Mr. Adrian Scott and Mr. Edward
Dmytryk — the producer and director, respectively, of the picture
Crossfire. On Friday you have subpenaed, I think it is Mr. Cole, Mr.
Salt, and one other gentleman. Those are the only ones that have been
given a definite date to appear.
The Chairman. Now these two who have been subpenaed for
Friday
Mr. Kenny. Three. There is one named
The Chairman. Are they in town now ?
Mr. Kenny. Yes.
The Ciiair:man. They can go on ahead of time if we want to put
them on?
Mr. Kenny. That is right. I would like a little time because
The Chairman. You better advise all of your witnesses to stand
ready and to be near, because we are going to put them on from now
on quite rapidly.
Mr. Kenny. Yes.
I would like — for instance, I had today in attendance during this
hearing this morning, and at noon I will have an opportunity to con-
sult with Mr. Lardner
The Chairman. Have those that have been subpenaed for Friday
ready to go on tomorrow.
Mr. Kenny. That is very good.
The Chairman. Thank j^ou.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, would you repeat again when you re-
signed from the Writers Mobilization?
Mr. Lavery. I think it was early in 1946.
Mr. Stripling. Early 1946?
JSIr. Lavery. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know a Mr. Mitchell Lindeman?
Mr. Lavery. I believe he came into the office of the Mobilization
after I had resigned. I know the name. I don't know him personally.
Mr. Stripling. You don't know him jpersonally ?
Mr. Lavery. No.
Mr. Stripling. AYhile you were associated with the Hollywood
The Chairman. Speak louder, please.
Mr. Stripling. While you were associated with the Hollywood
Writers Mobilization, did the Mobilization ever endeavor to obtain
456 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
information on the Committee on Un-American Activities, with the
idea of having it abolished? .
Mr. La VERY. I don't recall that, Mr. Stripling, but I do recall at one
time I was with the Mobilization I think there was some discussion
as to whether Senator Jack Tenney of the California committee de-
served serious study and analysis by people who had been attacked
without a hearing. I remember discussions with relation to the Cali-
fornia committee. I don't happen to recall any with relation to this
committee.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I have here a photostatic copy of a
letter written on the letterhead of New Masses, one of the official pub-
lications of the Communist Party, 104 East Ninth Street, New York 3,
N. Y., dated January 17, addressed to Mr. Mitchell Lindeman, the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, 1655 North Cherokee, Hollywood
28, Calif.
Dear Mr. Lindeman : I am very much interested in helping expose tlie Un-
American Activities Committee, and I do have some material in my files but I
cannot send out the clippings, and so on, as I may need them at any time.
By the way, Mr. Chairman, this letter is from Virginia Gardner,
who was the Washington correspondent of the New Masses.
I am going to New York this next week, however, and will ask the magazine
circulation department to send you copies of New Masses in which articles on
the committee appeared last year. Tliere were three or four. I may find extra
copies of Challenge, for which I also write, in which columns on the committee
appeared. If not, I will ask them to supply you with them.
For instance, this Challenge "500 Fraternal Building, 1405 Glen Arm Place,
Denver 2, Colo."
I would have written in reply sooner but your letter was only forwarded to
me from the Daily Worker office in the National Press Building some weeks
after it was sent. Note my address above.
Incidentally, your letter finally arrived at this office open, with any literature
it may have contained missing. I would still like to see what you sent, so will
you send a brochure again? If you would like something on the committee after
it is reorganized under Thomas, please let me know and also whether you can
pay for it. I got some woman to do some i-esearch work on Rankin for you a
couple of years ago and it took me about 6 months to collect the money for
her pay.
Sincerely,
Virginia GARONm.
Mr. Lavery. May I ask the date on that, Mr. Stripling ?
]\Ir. Stripling. Yes. I put the date in, Mr. Lavery.
Mr. Lavery. I see.
Mr. StriplinCx. January 17, 1947.
Mr. Lavery. Well, that was long after I had left the Mobilization.
Mr. Stripling. The committee, Mr. Chairman, has had quite a bit
to say, however, in its memorandum on the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization.
Mr. Lavery stated that he is no longer with this organization.
The Chairman. I wouhl like to suggest to both the investigator
and the witness that we hurry along, because we must finish with this
testimony before noon.
Mr. Lavery. I have just a few small points that I would like to
make.
Mr. Stripling. Go ahead, Mr. Lavery.
Mr. Lavery. I won't take too much time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 457
Just replying specifically, Mr. Chairman, to a point made last week
by the previous witness, I think it was Mr. Jack Moffitt who said that I
had written a play which attempted to slur the Congress of the
United States. I simply want to assure this committee that I have
the greatest respect for the Congress of the United States. And in
some small testament of that section I tried to become a member of it.
I tried to run for Congress last spring. The voters of my district,
perhaps wisely, decided in the primary election that I wasn't the man
to come to Congress. But I offer that one doesn't run for a thing
that he doesn't value. I have the greatest respect for the Congress of
the United States.
And I assure you that this play that we are working on. The Gen-
tleman From Athens, will be a trilbute to the democratic process. It is
not designed to tear down any figure in America.
Mr. ]\IcDowELL. What is the name of it ?
Mr. Lavery. The Gentleman from Athens. And when we open,
Mr. Chairman, I would be delighted to have this committee and any
Members of Congress to come and see it. I thought if I can't go to
Congress, at least I will try to write about it in terms that will be
acceptable to people who hold this thing dear.
Mr. McDowell. Well, not that the committee will have anything
to do with the play, but The Gentleman from Athens is a play about
the United States Congress ?
Mr. Lavery. Yes. It is a mythical town called Athens, Calif.
jNIr. McDowell. Oh.
Mr. Lavery. I would also like to point out that in the nature of
picture making, Mr. Chairman, it so happens that our guild does not
qualify the writers who are members of it. I think people miefht
get the idea that perhaps we just go out any week that we are short
of members and recruit a few more and that if the membership com-
mittee were not extraordinarily alert we might get a lot of Stalinists
in. Oddly enough, our guild accepts members only after they are
qualified in the industry. If a man works 26 w-eeks in pictures or
comes to us on transfer from the Authors' League, he is an active
member of our guild, but he cannot be a voting or an active member
of our guild unless he works 26 weeks in the picture industry or comes
to us on transfer from the Authors' League.
Another point: I feel that very few people here have had the
opportunity to discuss the making of pictures. When people talk
about the contents of what gets on the screen, I wonder if any wit-
ness has told this committee that it is not like the writing of a novel or
the making of a play, which is often a rather individual and sole
effort. It has often been said in Hollywood that the making of pic-
tures is a kind of collaborative compromise in which the world and
his brothers are in it. Fifty or more departments are involved in
the preparation of the script, from the time that it is bought to the
time it goes on the screen. Everybody and his brother has a hand in
that script— "Put it in for Harry," "take it out for Joe"— the adver-
tising department, the location department
The Chairman. I think that the committee is familiar with that.
Mr. Lavery. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. If you will understand
that, why I am happy as a writer.
The Chairman. I think we understand that.
458 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Lavery. One more point I would like to leave with the com-
mittee, which is in my prepared statement, and I urge again if I
can't read it at least the committee accept it into the record.
I feel at this time the Congress of the United States and this com-
mittee could do a great thing to raise the sights of picture making.
If somebody would go to Congress and ask for enough money to permit
the Library of Congress to organize an international film festival in
which the best films .
The Chairman. Organize a what?
Mr. Lavery. An international film festival in which the best work
in the films of eacli country is presented at a festival, better than any
that have been held.
Now, there are many international films festivals, but not one that
we give. And sometimes the rivalries are international and rather
bitter. A lot of prize competition. It seems to me that the Congress
of the United States and the Lil)rary of Congress could do a great
thing for picture making the world over, for better understanding
between nations, if they would say: "Let us hold in Washington a
great international film festival, with the best work of each country
brought here and shown in the Library of Congress."
The Chairman. May I ask a question right here?
Mr. Lavery. Surely^. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Do you have in mind inviting all of the nations
of the world to that festival?
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Chairman, I will leave that to Congress and the
Library of Congress.
The Chairman. Well, the reason I asked that question was that I
was wondering if we invited Russia, whether they would attend.
Mr. LA^^ERY. Mr. Chairman, I don't think anybody can read the
mind of the Russians these days, but I do think
The Chairman. You think they would ?
Mr. Lavery. Your guess is as good as mine. Perhaps they would.
But I was not thinking only of the Russians, Mr. Chairman. I was
thinking that pictures, after all, are one of the great mediums of
international communication. It is probably the only way the French
people know what Americans as a whole are like — we know what the
French people are like. "Most of our people never meet — the French,
the British, and even the Germans, the Austrians, and the Hungarians.
Here is this great medium of communication which could do so much
for better understanding between nations, which needs a little en-
couragement.
I think it would be a graceful thing if the Library of Congress and
the Congress of the United States would say : "Why don't we have a
festival, without prizes, where the best work of each nation is pre-
sentee!, so that we can understand really what the creative force of
pictures in the world is today."
The Chairman. Do you have anythiiig more now, to answer?
Mr. Lavery. No. That concludes my statement.
The Chairman. Do you have any more questions, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. I havp no more questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 459
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
IVIr. Lavery. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. We will recess until 2 o'clock tliis afternoon.
(Thereupon, at 12: 15 p. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m.)
afternoon session
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order,
^Ir. Stripling, tlie first witness.
Mr. Stripling. IVIr. Ring Lardner, please.
The Chairman. Mr. Lardner.
Mr. Crum. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Lardner will ]iot be able to be here
this afternoon. We will produce him tomorrow morning, sir. We
have here Mr. Adrian Scott and Edward Dmytryk,
The Chairman, Would you mind coming up here?
Mr. Crum. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. When was Mr. Lardner subpenaed?
Mr. Stripling. The subpena, Mr. Chairman, called for his appear-
ance on the 23d of October. However, the connnittee wired him that
they would notify him of the exact date. He has not been advised of
the exact date. However, since he has been in attendance here day
after day
Mr. Crum. No ; he hasn't been in attendance every day.
The Chairman, That is right; he hasn't been in attendance every
Mr. Crum. We will produce him tomorrow morning.
The Chairman, All right; tomorrow morning.
Who is the next witness ?
Mr, Stripling, Mr, Edward Dmytryk,
The Chairman, Mr. Dmytryk, raise your right hand, please. Do
you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ?
jNIr. Dmytryk, I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF EDWARD DMYTRYK, ACCOMPANIED BY
MR. KENNY AND MR. CRUM
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Dmytryk, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address, please.
Mr. Dmytryk. Edward Dmytryk; my address is 9361 Olympic
Boulevard, Beverley Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
]Mr. Dmytryk. I was born on September 4, 1908, in Grand Forks,
British Columbia, Canada,
Mr. Stripling. When an how did you become a citizen of the United
States?
Mr, D^iytryk, I was nationalized in 1939 in Los Angeles.
Mr, Stripling, What is your occupation ?
Mr, Dmytryk, I am a motion-picture director,
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been acting in that occupation?
Mr. Dmytryk. Well, I have been a director since 1939. However,
I first entered motion pictures early in 1923.
460 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. With what studios are you now associated?
Mr, Dmytryk. I am with R. K. O.
Mr. Stripling. What studios were you associated with in the past?
Mr. Dymtryk. I have worked at Universal. Most of my years were
spent at Paramount.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee the names of some
of the pictures you have directed ?
Mr. Dmytryk. Mr. Chairman, I have a statement here that I would
like to make. The names of some of the pictures I have directed are
included in here. May I please make this statement ?
Mr. Crum. Show it to the chairman.
The Chair]man. Let me see the statement. [After a pause.] This
statement is typical of the other statements that we have inspected.
It is not at all pertinent to this inquiry. Therefore, the Chair rules it
cannot be read.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, will you let the record show the
membership of the committee, please?
Mr. Dmytryk. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Just a minute.
This committee is just in recess over this morning's hearing. There-
fore, it is not necessary to show the membership present at this time,
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Dmytryk, you are here in response to a subpena
served upon you on September 19 ; is that true ? ^°
Mr. D^tYTRYK. Yes; I am.
]Vfi\ Stripling. And also in response to a telegram which the chair-
man sent you on October 11 ; is that correct ? ^^
Mr. Dmytryk. Yes.
INIr. Chairman, I feel that since this statement concerns the questions
which have been brought up here as to the effect of this investiga-
tion
The Chairman. The Chair has ruled that the statement was not
pertinent at all. The chief investigator will ask questions, and you
will please answer them.
INIr. Dmytryk. All right.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Dmytryk, are you a member of the Screen Direc-
tors Guild?
Mr. DiMYTRYK. Mr. Stripling, I feel that these kinds of questions
are designed to
The Chairman. Just a minute. It is not up to you to "feel" what
the design is. It is up to you to answer the questions and be responsive
to the questions.
Go ahead.
Mr. DsiYTRYK, Mr. Chairman, if you will let me I will answer the
question. However, most other witnesses, certainly the witnesses the
first week, were given the right to answer as they pleased. Some went
on at great length
Mr. Stripling. Pardon me, Mr, Dmytryk. About how long a time
would you require to answer whether or not you were a member of the
Screen Directors Guild? Would 5 minutes be long enough?
Mr. Dmytryk. It would take me a lot less than 5 minutes.
'• See appendix, p. 547, for exhibit 84.
" See appendix, p. 547, for exhibit 85.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 461
The Chairman. It would take you 5 minutes to answer whether you
are a member of the Screen Directors Guikl i
Mr. Dmytryk. I said it would take me a lot less than 5 minutes, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. A lot less than 5 minutes. Can't you answer "yes"
or "no," are you a member of the Screen Directors Guild ?
Mr. Dmytryk. There aren't many questions that can be answered
"yes" or "no"
The Chairman. I am referring to this one question. Can you
answer it "yes" or "no?"
IVIr. Dmytryk. I would like to answer the question. I would like
to answer it in my own way.
The Chairman. We want you to answer the question, but we want
a specific answer. That question can be answered "yes" or "no."
Mr. Dmytryk. I don't feel you should tell me how to answer the
question. I have told you that I would like to answer the question
in my own way.
The Chairman. Well, you try to answer the question to the best of
your ability, but you must make it very plain whether you are a mem-
ber or not a member of the Screen Directors Guild.
Mr. Dmytryk. I will be glad to answer.
The Chairman. If it takes a long time to answer it, why, something
is wrong.
Mr. Dmytryk. I don't think it will take long enough to bore you,
Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. Dmytryk. I think that this kind of questioning is designed to
bring about a split in many of the guilds among the members of the
guilds at a time when we have just succeeded in getting unity between
the guilds.
I do want to say, however, that it is a matter of public record, since
a fight some of us had against Mr. Wood — Sam Wood — in which Mr.
Wood wound up on the losing end, with the entire guild against Sam
Wood, that I was an officer of the Screen Directors Guild.
]\Ir. Stripling. Are you now or have you ever been a member of the
Conmiunist Party, Mr. Dmytryk?
Mr. Dmytryk.. Well, Mr. Stripling, I think that there is a question
of constitutional rights involved here. I don't believe that you
have
The Chairman. When did you learn about the Constitution? Tell
me when you learned about the Constitution.
Mr. Dmytryk. I will be glad to answer that question, Mr. Chair-
man. I first learned about the Constitution in high school and
again-
Mr. ISIcDowELL. Let's have the answer to the other question.
Mr. Dmytryk. I was asked when I learned about the Constitution,
Mr. Stripling. I believe the first question, Mr. Dmytryk, was : Are
you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Communist Party?
Mr. Dmytryk. All right, gentlemen ; if you will keep your questions
simple, and one at a time, I will be glad to answer.
Mr. Stripling. That is very simple.
Mr. DMYn^YK. The chairman asked me another question.
67683 — 47 30
462 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Never mind my question. I will withdraw the
question.
Mr. Dmytryk. I have been advised that there is a question of con-
stitutional ri«;hts involved. The Constitution does not ask that such
a question be answered in the way that Mr. Stripling wants it
answered. I think that what organizations I belong to, what I think,
and what I say cannot be questioned by this committee.
Mr. Stripling. Then you refuse to answer the question ?
Mr. Dmytryk. I do not refuse to answer it. I answered it in my
own way.
Mr. Stripling. You haven't answ'ered whether or not you are a
member of the Communist Party.
Mr. Dmytryk. 1 ans^^ered by saying I do not think you have the
right to ask
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Chairman, it is apparent that the witness is
pursuing the same line as the other witnesses.
Tb,e Chairman. The witness is excused.
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Stri]:)ling.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to put Mr. Russell on the stand.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Mv. Russell, you have previously been sworn and
identified before the committee.
Mr. Russell. I have.
Mr. Stripling. Were you instructed to make an investigation to
determine whether or not Edward Dmytryk was ever at any time a
member of the Communist Party?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the result of your
investigation ?
Mr. Russell. Edward Dmytryk joined the Communist Party of
Los Angeles approximntely in the spring of 1044 and was recruited
by Herbert Biberman. It should be noted that Herbert Biberman is
reported to have been a member of the party for approximately 18
years. Edward Dmytryk w^as issued Communist Party book No.
84961, for the year 1944, and when the party was reportedly dissolved
in the summer of 1944 and the Communist Political Association
organized in its stead, he was issued 1944 Communist Political Asso-
ciation membership card No. 46859, and for 1945 the Communist
Political Association membership card No. 47238.
In the fall of 1945, when the Communist Political Association was
dissolved, and the Communist Party of the United States of America
reinstatedj registration card No. 35393 was executed for Edward
Dmytryk.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
You don't have any additional information on this man?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; there is some.
Mr. Stripling. Go right ahead. Sorry.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 463
Mr. Russell. During? this membership Dmytryk was first a mem-
ber of a club within the northwest section of Los Angeles County
Connnunist Party of writers and directors. In 19-i5 he was placed in
a cultural group which was referred to first as a special group for nine
of the most prominent Communists in the motion-picture industry and
later referred to as the Davis Club, in honor of the Communist council-
man in New York City, Ben Davis.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the committee has a memorandum
here concerning Edward Dmytryk [reading] :
Edward Dmytryk has been associated with the motion-picture industry as a
producer and a director. According to tlie International Motion Picture Ahnanac,
and other sources, he produced The White Tower, RKO, 1947, and was the director
of the following films: Television Spy, Paramount, 1939; Zaza, Paramount, 1939;
Some Like It Hot, Paramount. 1939; Emergency Squad, Paramount, 1940; Mys-
tery Sea Kaider, Paramount, 1940 — —
There are quite a number, Mr. Chairman. Is it all right to suspend
the reading, or do you want them all read? The pictures which he
has directed?
The Chairman. Yes; without objection, so ordered.
(The material referred to is as follows :)
Golden Gloves, Paramount, 1940 ; Her First Romance, Monogram, 1940 ; The
Devil Commands, Columbia, 1941 ; Under Age, Columbia, 1941 ; Sweethearts of
the Campus, Columbia, 1941; The Blonde from Singapore, Columbia, 1941;
Secrets of the Lone Wolf, Columbia, 1941 ; Confession of Boston Blackie, Colum-
bia. 1941 ; Counter Espionage, Columbia, 1942 ; Seven Miles from Alcatraz, RKO,
1942; The Falcon Strikes Back, RKO, 1943; Hitler's Children, RKO,.1943; Fare-
well, My Lovely, RKO, 1944; Behind the Rising Suu, RKO, 1943; Murder, My
Sweet, RKO, 1944 ; The Invisible Army, Back to Bataan, RKO ; and Cornered.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
1. The American Youth for Democracy was formerly known as the Young Com-
munist League. On April 17, 1947, the Committee on Un-American Activities
issued a report on the American Youth for Democracy in whicli it called upon
the governors or legislatures of the various States and the administrative heads
of the colleges and universities "to thoroughly expose the Communist connec-
tions of the American Youth for Democracy as well as the inimical objectives of
the Communist Party in America." The Congressional Record of March 24,
1947, page A-1298, contains a statement made by the Honorable J. Edgar Hoover,
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, in which he spoke of the
American Youth for Democracy as the organization "whicli conceals the evils
and the corruption of American communism. This name is but a new one for the
former Young Communist League. It reflects all the sinister purposes of the
Communist Party of the United States. It employs the same techniques and
has the same objectives, namely, the conversion of our haven of liberty and
freedom to worship as we choose to a godless, totalitarian state where the adver-
saries of democracy can do as they please." The American Youth for Democracy
was also cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities in the report of March 29, 1944. People's World of December 1, 1944,
lists Edward Dmytryk as a sponsor of the American Youth for Democracy.
People's World is the west-coast organ of the Communist Party.
2. The People's Educational Center came into existence in the fall of 1943
with a $1,000 loan from the writers' school which was held under the auspices
of the League of American Writers. It acquired a rather complete library from
the Communist Los Angeles Workers School
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, how long is this ?
Mr. Stripling. There are only six points, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
464 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
An article from People's World of February 6, 1945, page 3, column 3, an-
ounced the dissolution of the Los Angeles Workers School and stated that it had
participated in the founding and the development of the People's Educational
Center. The records of the Committee on Un-American Activities reveal that
many members of the faculty and staff of the People's Educational Center, such as
Carl Winters, Eva Shafran, Mildred Raskin, Bruce Minton, Ruth McKenney, Dor-
othy Healy, John Howard Lawson, were cainl-holding members of the Com-
munist Party. Variety of June 30, 1947, page 10, and the school catalog for the
winter of 1947, page 14, list Edward Dniytryk as an instructor for the People's
Educational Center.
3. The League of American Writers, an affiliate of the International Union of
Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, was pledged to the defense
of the Soviet Union and the "use of art as an, instrument of the class struggle."
On three occasions it has been cited as a Communist front by the Sl)ecial Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities as shown by the reports of January 3, 1940;
June 25, 1942 ; and March 29, 1944. It was also cited by Attorney General Francis
Biddle, who said in his charaterizatioi; of the organization : "The overt activities
of the League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its
Communist conti-ol" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 7686) . Accord-
ing to People's World of February 11, 1943, page 5, Edward Dmytryk was affiliated
with the League of American Writers School as a teacher-director.
4. The 1943 Writers Congress was sponsored by the Hollywood Writers Mobili-
zation which succeeded the Hollywood branch of the League of American Writers.
The program of the Writers Congress contains the name of Edward Dmytryk as
a member of the panel on minority groups.
5. The predecessor of the Hollywood Democratic Committee was the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League which was organized by Isaac Romaine, alias V. J. Jerome,
a member of the central committee of the Communist Party. The Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League was dissolved during the Stalin-Hitler pact. Edward Dmytryk's
name appears on the ballot, dated July 26, 1944, as a candidate for the executive
board of the Hollywood Democratic Committee.
6. The Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy has been active on
behalf of the Chinese Communists and against the government of Chiang Kai-shek.
It was cited as a Communist front by the Committee on Un-American Activities
in the report of September 2, 1947. According to the organization's 1946 and
1947 letterhead, Edward Dmytryk is a sponsor of the Committee for a Demo-
cratic Far Eastern Policy.
The Chairman. The Chair desires to announce at this time that by
unanimous vote of the subcommittee the subcommittee recommends to
the full committee that Edward Dmytryk be cited for contempt and
that appropriate action be taken immediately.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, since reference has been made here
today to the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, and since the various
witnesses who are represented by Mr. Kenney and Mr. Crum all seem
to follow a well-defined course, I should like to place into the record
at this time the letter which was sent by Abraham J. Isserman, who
was the attorney for Gerhart Eisler in the recent trial in the District
of Columbia in the case of Eider v. the United States, on contempt
action, and also Eisler v. the United States, for passport fraud.
Mr. Isserman, as attorney for the Civil Rights Congress, which is
the legal arm of the Communist Party, wrote the following letter to
the Hollywood Writers Mobilization on January 13, 1947 [reading] :
Helen Bryan has turned over to me your note addressed to her under date
of December 19th re Wood-Rankin. Let me briefly bring you up to date on the
situation.
The following contempt cases are pending: Spanish Refugee Committee cases,
National Council of American-Soviet Friedship cases, case of George Marshall,
National Federation for Constitutional Liberties.
I am associated with Washington counsel in the Soviet Council cases and I
am representing George Marshall, in his case. We have a working arrangement
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDU&TRY 465
•with the counsel for the Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee which has resulted
in considerable joint effort by way of preparation for trial.
Part of this preparation has been a research project covering all the activities
of the Wood-Rankin committee from January 1, 1945, through January 7, 1947.
It took a numlier of months and considerable expense to gather this material
and it consists of a considerable number of files containing copies of corres-
pondence, newspaper clippings, releases, Congressional Record excerpts, etc.
This material, of course, nmst remain in our possession, for immediate use. It
has not been sufficiently duplicated to provide a copy for your use and the use of
others on the west coast. However, the master copy will remain in my posses-
sion and if you have anyone in the East who would like to consult it for your
purposes that can be arranged.
In addition to this factual material I am about completing a very exhaustive
memo directed to the illegality of the resolution under which the committee func-
tions and to the violation of constitutional rights involved. This work too has
taken many months and is not now in condition to be forwarded to the west
coast.
As you probably know, I was associated with the attorneys in the movie strike
and may I)e coming west, perhaps early next month. If I do I will try to bring
this material with me.
At this point we do not have available separate copies of the hearings in the
Spanish committee cases or in the other cases. You might try your luck by
writing to the Committee on Un-American Activities in Washington asking for a
copy, perhaps through some neutral agency.
I might also briefly tell you what our general advice has been in meeting
committee subpenas :
1. We honor the subpena if it is regular on its face on the theory that we do
not flaunt the right of Congress to issue subpenas.
2. We generally supply the committee at the hearing with a description of our
activity and with written and printed material which might conceivably be classed
as propaganda on the theory that we are ready and willing to show that our
propaganda is neither subversive nor un-American. At the same time we attack
the procedures of the committee and the illegality of the resolution under which
the committee functions.
3. We have refused the committee's requests for infoi'mation on our internal
affairs, finances, members, correspondence, etc., on the theory that these matters
only become the business of the committee as, if, and when the committee can
establi.sh that we are engaged in un-American or subversive propaganda, because
otherwise we don't fall within the scope of the committee's investigating power.
It is on these matters that we have taken issue with the committee and it may
some day be thrashed out in court in the contempt cases.
Of course, in connection with the demand for records the subpena is examined
from the standpoint of whether the demand is legally too broad to warrant
compliance.
The organizations have in most cases refused to furnish information pursuant
to written requests by the committee or pursuant to requests by investigators
who make on-the-spot demands for information or for the examination of files
as if these were matters of right. Actually the only way in which such a com-
mittee is entitled to information as a matter of right is in response to proper
subpena returnable not before investigators or counsel but before a committee
or a subcommittee of the committee (this may be a one-man subcommittee) and
at a hearing. There is no need for a blanket turning over of any records.
Also we demand the right to counsel, although thus far counsel has been com-
pelled to wait outside of hearings and witnesses have been permitted to consult
counsel on the outside of the hearing room. We also try to put into the record
the written statement of our ixisition in respect to the committee's illegal and
Red-baiting tactics. Also in such statement we stress the positive activities we
engage in and their thoroughly American nature.
I hope this will give .some help to you. If you need further advice on any
specific point I will attempt to supply it.
P. S. — Some years ago the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties
published a pamphlet which I wrote dealing with the old Dies committee, which
pamphlet was entitled "The Power of Investigating Committees." The pamphlet
gave practical suggestions on what to do in respect to the committee, its agents,
etc. It is now out of print, and I have .suggested to the Civil Rights Congress
that it be revised to fit the current situation. However, no action as yet has
been taken by the Congress.
466 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The next witness, Mr. Ch:iinn;in, is Mr. Adrian Scott.
The Chairman. A(h'ian Scott. Raise your right hand, please.
You do solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Scott. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr. Stripling.
TESTIMONY OF ADRIAN SCOTT
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Scott, will you state your full name and present
address for the record, please?
Mr. ScoTT. My name is Adrian Scott. My address is 603 North
Beverly Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr, Scott. In New Jersej^, on February 6, 1911.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Scott. I am a producer.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a producer?
Mr. Scott. I believe it is a little over 2 years.
Mr. Stripling. Are you here before the committee in response to
a subpena served upon you on September 19 ? '-
Mr. Scott. I am.
Mr. Stripling. And in response to a telegram sent to you on October
11 by the chairman calling for your appearing on October 29; is that
right ? ''
Mr. Scott. Yes ; that is right,
Mr. Stripling. Do you have a statement, Mr. Scott?
Mr. Scott. I do have a statement which I would like to read. I
believe the statement is pertinent. It deals with "Crossfire" and
anti-Semitism.
The Chairman. Just a minute. We are trying to read the
statement.
Mr. Scott. Thank you. .
The Chairman, It is hard to read the statement and listen to you
at the same time.
(After a pause.)
The Chairman. This may not be the worst statement we have re-
ceived, but it is almost the worst.
Mr. Scorr, May I disagree with the chairman, please ?
The Chairman. Therefore, it is clearly out of order, not pertinent
at all, hasn't am^thing to do with the inquiry, and the Chair will rule
that the statement will not be read.
Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Scott, are you a member of any guild, either the
Screen Directors Guild or the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Scott. I don't think that is a proper question, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever a member of the Screen Writers
Guild ?^
Mr. Scott. Mr. Stripling, I repeat, I don't think that is a proper
question.
" See appendix, p. .547, for exhibit Sfi.
" See appendix, p. 548, for exliibit 87.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 467
Mr. SxRirLiNG. Are you now or have you ever been a member of the
Communist Party?
Mr. Scott. May I answer the first question, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stritling. You said it wasn't a proper question.
Mr. Scott. I will see if I can answ^er it properly.
The Chairman. You said it wasn't a proper question.
Mr. Scott. I believe it is a question which invades my rights as
a citizen. I do not believe it is proper for this committee to inquire
into my personal relationsliips, my private relationships, my public
relationships.
The Chairman. Then you refuse to answer the question?
]\Ir. Scott. The committee has no right to inquire into what I think,
with whom I associate,
Mr. Stripling. We are not inquiring into what you think, Mr.
Scott.
Mr. Scott, we would like to know whether you were ever a member
of the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Scott. I believe I have answered your question.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I ask that you direct the witness
to answer the question.
The Chairman. The witness will have to answer the question.
Mr. Scott. I beg your pardon ?
The Chairman. The witness must respond to the question by
answering.
Mr. Scott. I believe I have responded to the question, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Do you decline to answer the question ?
Mr. Scott. I have answered it the way I would like to answer it.
The Chairman. Were you ever a member ? I don't know from your
answer whether you were or were not a member.
Mr. ScoTT. My answer still stands.
The Chairman. Are you a member ?
Mr. Scott. I believe I have answered the question. Would you
like me to answer it in the way I did before ?
The Chairman. From your answer, I must be terribly dumb, but
from your ansAver I can't tell wliether you are a member or not.
Mr. Scott. Mr. Thomas, I don't agree with you. I don't think you
are. I have answered the question the best way I can.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail, can you tell whether he is a member or
not?
Mr. Vail. No ; I cannot.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell, can you tell ?
Mr. McDoweli.. No.
The Chairman. I just can't tell whether you are a member.
Mr. Scott. I am very sorry.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Scott, could you tell the committee whether
or not you are now or have ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Scott. Mr. Stripling, that question is designed to inquire into
my personal and private life. I don't think it is pertinent to this — I
don't think it is a proper question either.
Mr. Stripling. Do you decline to answer the question. Mr.
Dmytryk ?
Mr. Scott. Mr. Scott.
468 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Scott.
Mr. ScoTT. I believe that question also invades my rights as a citi-
zen. I believe it also invades the first amendment. I believe that I
could not engage in any conspiracy with you to invade the first
amendment.
The Chairman. Now, we can't tell even from that answer whether
you are a member of the Communist Party.
Mr. Stripling. I repeat the question, Mr. Scott: Can you state
whether or not you have ever been a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. ScoTT. I repeat my answer, Mr. Stripling.
The Chairman. All right, the witness is excused.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. The Chair would like to announce that by unani-
mous vote of the subcommittee, the subcommittee recommends to the
full committee that Adrian Scott be cited for contempt and that ap-
propriate action be taken immediately.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, you have previously been identified
and sworn.
Mr. Russell. I have.
Mr. Stripling. As a member of the investigators' staff of the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities, were you instructed to determine,
if possible, whether or not Adrian Scott is now or was ever a member
of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Russell. I was,
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the result of your
investigation ?
The Chairman (pounding gavel). May we have more order, please.
Mr. Russell. In the fall of the year 1944 Adrian Scott was issued
1945 Communist Political Association Card No. 47200. In the spring
of 1945 Scott was a member of the Communist Politic^al Association
and held 1944 Communist Political Association Card No, 46832. In
the fall of the year 1945 Scott was issued Communist Party R9gistra-
tion Card No. 35394 for the year 1946.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, according to our investigation, Mr.
Scott is a member of the Screen Writers Guild. In fact, he was an
alternate member of the board of directors of the Screen Writers
Guild.
I have no further information which I desire to submit at this
t]me on Mr. Scott, The memorandum concerning Mr, Scott I think
the committee should read in executive session.
The Chairman, Without objection, so ordered,
Mr, Stripling, will you come up here a minute, ]:)lease?
Mr, Stripling, Yes, [After a pause :] Mr, Kenny or Mr, Crum,
will you please come up here, either one.
The Chairman (after a pause). All right, Mr, Stripling, next
witness.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 469
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Dore Scliary.
The Chairman. Mr. Dore Schary.
Mr. Schary, will you raise your right hand, please ?
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Schary; I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF DORE SCHARY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Schary, will you please state your full name and
present address ?
Mr. Schary. Dore Schary, 12850 Marlboro Street, West Los
Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. You are accompanied by counsel ?
Mr. Schary. As a representaitve of the motion-picture business, I
have with me. Mr. McNutt, who has been chosen to represent the
motion-picture industry.
Mr. Stripling. And he is you counsel ?
Mr. Schary. I don't think I need a counsel, but he is here to repre-
sent me.
Mr. Stripling. Do you desire him to be there with you ?
Mr. Schary. Yes ; I do. Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Schary ?
Mr. Schary. I was born in Newark, N. J., August 31, 1905.
Mr. Stripling. And what is your present occupation ?
Mr. Schary. My present position is executive in charge of produc-
tion at RKO.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you bene with RKO ?
Mr. Schary. As executive ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Schary. Since January 1, 1947.
Mr. Stripling. What did you do before you came to EKO ?
Mr. Schary. Before — immediately before I came to RKO I was
employed by David O. Selznick as a producer. I was with him for a
period of 3 years' during which time I produced the following films :
I'll Be Seeing You, The Spiral Staircase, Till the End of Time, The
Farmer's Daughter, and Bachelor and the Bobby Soxer.
Mr. Stripling. ]\Ir. Schary, were you ever ait any time a member
of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr, Schary. Yes ; I was.
Mr. Stripling. Were you also a member of the Screen Directors
Guild?
Mr. Schary. No. sir; I have never been a director in films.
Mr. Stripling. What other studios have you been associated with?
Mr. Schary. Most of them. Before going with Mr. Selznick I
was employed by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studios for a period of 7
years, both has a writer and as an executive, and befoTe that time I
worked, I believe, at every major studio with the exception of Twen-
tieth Century-Fox ; that is, at the home studio of Twentieth Century-
Fox.
Mr. Stripling. I would like your answer again as to how long you
have been associated with RKO-Keiths.
Mr. Schary. I didn't hear you, sir.
470 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. I would like you to answer again for the committee
how long you have been associated with RKO-Keiths.
Mr. SciiARY. I have been associated with them as an executive sJJice
January 1, 1947. Before that time I was on kind of a lend-lease
arrangement between David Selznick and RKO. We had a profit-
sharing agreement on some films and I was loaned out by Mr. Selznick
toRKO.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Schary , are you acquainted with Hanns Eisler ?
Mr. Schary. I know him.
Mr. Stripling. Did you ever employ Hanns Eisler ?
Mr. Schary. No. He was employed at the studio shortly after I
got there. His employment was not made by me.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell the committee who did employ Hanns
Eisler?
Mr. Schary. You want to know the actual chain of events about
that?
Mr. Stripling. That is right.
Mr. Schary. He is employed — technically a man assigned to music
is employed by two people, one of them a Mr. Dakalienokoff. He is
in charge of music. He arranges for the employment of musicians
assigned to score films, and a Mr. Leon Goldberg, who is the comp-
troller of the studio.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever heard that Hanns Eisler was a Com-
munist ?
Mr. Schary. I did not hear it until the recent investigations.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Eisler — this committee held liearings on Hanns
Eisler for 3 days, and I think the committee submitted volinuinous
evidence showing that Mr. -Eisler had been engaged in Communist
activities for many years; that he was the head of the International
Music Bureau with headquarters in the Soviet Union; that he had
engaged in various cultural or musical activities in the United States
which had as their purpose the undermining of our system of gov>;rn-
ment.
I believe it was brought out at the hearing that Mr. Eisler received
$26,000 for various scores whicli he had written for RKO-Keiths.
Now, as an executive of RKO-Keiths, what is the policy of your
company with regard to the employment of people who are notoriously
international Communists ?
Mr. Schary. That policy, I imagine, will have to be determined by
tlie president, by the board, and by myself. I can tell you personally
what I feel. Up until the time it is proved that a Communist is a man
dedicated to the overthrow of the Government by force or violence,
or by any illegal methods, I cannot make any determination of his
employment on any otlier basis except whether he is qualified best to
do the job I want him to do.
Mr. Stripling. If Mv. Eisler, himself, stated in writing that he was
working for the overthrow of this Government by force and violence,
would that be sufficient evidence for you?
Mr. Schary. That would be ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. I will give you a copy of the hearings with the evi-
dence in them
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. And ask that you read them.
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 471
Mr. Stripling. Regarding Mr. Eisler.
Mr. ScHARY. Where is that, sir? Where would I find it ?
Mr. Stripling. I would be glad to find it.
Now, Mr. Schary
The Chairman. May I ask a question right there?
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. In view of the testimony that was presented to the
Un-American Activities Committee concerning Hanns Eisler and
knowing him now as a Connnunist, and knowing also the record of
both Gerhart Eisler and Hanns Eisler, would you as a studio executive
be willing to hire him now ?
Mr, Schary. As I told Mr. Stripling, if there is evidence to support
the charge that he is dedicated to the overthrow of the Government by
force I would not hire him. I would hire no such man because I be-
lieve he would not be dedicated to the best interests of America.
The Chairman. Just let's forget that for a second, and think of
Hanns Eisler.
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. You have read a lot about Hanns Eisler lately ?
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Would you be willing to rehire Hanns Eisler?
Mr. Schary. I think, Mr. Thomas — and I really don't want to be
evasive, and I don't want you to assume that I am — I can only judge
in terms of the record. Now, I have been asked by Mr. Stripling that
if, on the record, I was shown that this man had been definitely proven
that he was dedicated to the overthrow — that the Communist Party
was dedicated to the overthrow of the Government — of course I would
not hire him. But I cannot judge that until it is part of a proven
record. I think I must do that as a citizen.
The Chairman. All right. Well, supposing it is not called to your
attention that the Communist Party is dedicated to the overthrow of
the Government by force or violence, but knowing the record of Hanns
Eisler — just think in terms of Hanns Eisler — having read what you
have about Hanns Eisler, aro you willing to rehire Hanns Eisler?
Mr. Schary. Well, you get into a completely different area. You
are confusing me between a matter of a principle and a matter of
whether I would, as an executive in charge of motion pictures, hire
Hanns Eisler.
The Chairman. I am talking about you now as an executive.
Mr. Schary. As an executive, I can only repeat and maintain that
position, Mr. Chairman, which I think is a very rational position as a
citizen. I will hire only those people I believe best qualified for their
jobs until it is proven, until it is a matter of record, and if that record
is shown to me of course I would not hire anyone who is dedicated to
the overthrow of the Government by force.
The Chair:man. All right, but supposing we can prove that Hanns
Eisler was a Communist and was very active as an international Com-
munist
Mr. Schary. Yes.
The Chairmax. But there has never been any proof, we will say, that
he advocated, ])ersonally advocated, the overthrow of the Government
by force or violence.
Mr. Schary. Yes.
472 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman". Knowing the record as you do — in all newspapers
now-^would you rehire Hanns Eisler ?
Mr. SciiARY. I have to answer that in two parts, and I again don't
want to seem evasive.
One part is that I don't know whether I would hire Mr. Hanns
Eisler because of his particular qualifications as a musician. The
second, there has been a ruling, I believe, in the Supreme Court which
prohibits me as an American to arbitrarily refuse employment to a
man purely because of his politics. I believe that was adjudicated by
the Supreme Court and I cannot, as an American, refuse that.
What I might feel personally about that would be another thing.
The Chapman. Therefore, assuming that Hanns Eisler is a great
artist; assuming also that he is a Communist, you would not hesitate
to rehire him ?
Mr. ScHARY. I would not hesitate to rehire him if it was not proven
that he was a foreign agent. I would still maintain his right to think
politically as he chooses.
The Chairman. Have you ever heard of Rip Van Winkle?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir ; many years ago.
The Chairman. Well, I want to tell you something. If some people
in the United States don't wake up and get out of the long sleep we
will find some of the difficulties here that they have encountered in
France and Italy and Yugoslavia and Poland and Finland, and some
of these South American countries. It is the Rip Van Winkle opinion
that has been permitting communism to grow throughout the world
the way it has.
That is all.
(Loud applause.)
Mr. S< 'hary. ]\Iay I comment for a moment on that, Mr. Chairman ?
The Chairman. Your answers need no comment. They are very
clear.
Mr. ScHARY. I don't think you are being fair and I think I should
be permitted to comment on that.
The Chairman. Well, go ahead and comment, then.
Mr. Sciiary. What I feel about that is this: That I have been
opposed to Communists. I am not a Communist. I have never been a
Communist. I never contemplated becoming a Communist, and I am
opposed to Comnumists. I have fought the Communist line at any
time that I have seen it become appaient. I fought in 19^0 when it
was very apparent, and I have fought it in any possible way I can, and
I shall continue to fight it, but I believe, along with most American
citizens, as Mr. Vail pointed out today, that it is not as great a danger
as some people believe it to be. I think the American people resent it.
I don't think communism has anything to offer the American people,
and that is why I don't think it is as dangerous as some people do.
Mr. Stripling, Mr. Schary, what is your attitude regarding the
Communist Party of the United States? Do you think that it is a
domestic ])olitical party or do you consider it to be a party which takes
its direction from a foreign government and acts in strict conformity
with the policies of that government, namely, the Soviet Union?
Mr. Schary. Whether it is under orders from Moscow, of course I
don't know, but I do say that there is a great similarity, very often,
between Russian foreign policy and the Communist Party line in
America.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 473
Mr. Stripling, There is an exact similarity, isn't there?
Mr. SciiARY. As I say, I liave noticed there has been that.
Mr. Stripling. Yon conldn't give the committee any deviations from
it, could you, exact deviations?
Mr. ScHARY. Not to my knowledge ; no.
Mr. Stripling. Now, are Mr. Scott and Mr. Dmytryk, who preceded
you, employed in your studio?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes ; they are under contract.
Mr. Stripling. You heard them refuse to answer the question
whether or not they are members of the Communist Party, did you not ?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Will you continue to employ them?
Mr. ScHARY. They are under contracts to RKO. They were em-
ployed by RKO before I came there. My association with both Mr.
Scott and Mr. Dmytryk has been very professional. As an executive
I have consulted with them on films, t can only say this, Mr. Stripling,
I do not know what these men in their minds are pledged to.
It would come to me as a very terrible shock if I found out that these
charges being made here in terms of their being foreign agents are
true. That would come to me genuinely as a very surprised shock, but
I must say, not in defense but in honesty, that at no time in discussions
have I ever heard — or films — these men make any remarks or attempt
to get anything subversive into the films I have worked on with them.
I must say that in honesty.
Mr. Stripling. Well, INIr. Schary, you saw them here this afternoon
given every opportunity to answer the questions
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Whether or not they were ever a member of the
Communist Party.
Mr. Schary. That is right, sir.
Mr. Stripling. You have heard the investigator for this committee
read the name, date, number, and place of their Communist member-
ship.
Mr. Schary. That is right, sir.
Mv. Stripling. There has been no denial from these two gentlemen.
ISIr. Schary. That is right, sir. I can perhaps disagree with their
method of answering this question. I must say that there probably
remains some area of doubt about their right to answer that way. I
personally would disagree with their method.
Mr. Stripling. Now, have you employed at your studio a person by
the name of Bertholcl Brecht ?
Mr. Schary. Repeat that, please ?
Mr. Stripling. Berthold Brecht, B-e-r-t-h-o-l-cl B-r-e-c-h-t.
Mr. Schary. No, sir ; I never have.
Mr. Stripling. He has never been employed at RKO ?
Mr. Schary. No, sir ; not while I have been there, not that I know
of ; no, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Getting back to Mr. Eisler again, Mr. Schary. If
Mr. Eisler, as one who had taken out citizenship papers in the United
States, were to send a cablegram to a foreign government in which he
quotes :
It gives us courage in the struggle and binds us to give all our strength in
the defense of the Soviet Union.
474 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Would you say that his allegiance was completely with the United
States or possibly with the Soviet Union?
Mr. ScHARY. No, sir. If that is a fact, then, of course
Mr. Stripling. He sent the following message.
Mr. ScHARY. Then there is no doubt about that, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Then would you consider that Mr. Eisler should
remain employed in the motion-picture industry ? I am not relating
it to your studio, but do you think, for example, that a man with the
notorious record Mr. Eisler has, and who has written the most revolu-
tionary music, and — I am speaking from the standpoint of words in
the music; I am not speaking of the score
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. If he attacks our entire system over and over again,
a man who heads up a bureau with headquarters in Moscow with the
avowed purpose of destroying capitalism throughout the world, do
you think he has a place or is entitled to draw as much as $26,000 a
year from the motion-picture industry and to write the score for pic-
tures as prominent as None But the Lonely Heart, and others?
Mr. ScHARY. Well, Mr. Stripling, as 1 stated, if this is fact, of
course I agree with you and, of course, he shouldn't be.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Schary, I have here a letter written on
the letterhead of the Vanguard Films, Inc., Culver City, Calif., office
of Dore Schary, dated April 17, 1915. It is written to Mr. Emmett
Lavery, care of Mrs. Pauline Lauber, Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion. Subject: Writers' assignments for Hollywood Bowl memorial
program, April 23.^* It states :
Dear Emmett : I am enclosing herewith a list of the writing assignments of
the Hollywood Bowl memorial program to be presented April 23. Following the
list of assignments we will state the tentative continuity for the show. We are
rushing these assignments to you by messenger so that you can contact the
writers. The continuity of the show will follow in a couple of hours after we
have completed work on it. The writers who will do the over-all narration and
who will be most concerned with the complete continuity of the show are Helen
Deutsch, Maxwell Anderson, and Leonardo Bercovici.
Then it states :
Mayor Bowron's speech, 2% minutes, to be written by Mary McCall.
T>^ you know Mary McCall?
]VIr. Schary. Yes.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
County Representative Smith's speech, 2^2 minutes, to be written by Maurice
Rapf.
Do you know Maurice Rapf ?
Mr. Schary. That is right. .
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Federal Judge .T. T. F. O'Connor, 2^^ minutes, to be written by Faragob.
Do you know Francis Faragoh?
Mr. Schary. Yes.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Gov. Earl Warren, 5 minutes, to be written by Emmett Lavery.
Do you know Mr. Lavery ?
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
^* See appendix, p. 548, for exhibit
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 475
Mr. STKirLixo (reading-) :
Note to Mary McCall : Mayor Bowron's speech will open the program and will
include the theuie of the program.
Dramatization of President Roosevelt's record. The details of tiiis will be
discussed at a general meeting for all the writers, 10 minutes, to be written by
Alvah Bessie — •
Do you know Mr. Bessie?
]\Ir. ScHAKY. No; I did not know liim at the time. I knew him
after that.
Mr. STRiPLi>rG (reading) :
Leon Meadows and Abe Polansky.
The United Nations Section (this section will also be detailed at the writers'
conference), 15 minutes, to be written by Vladimir Pozner and King Lardner.
Mr. SciiARY. .Yes.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
The Human Side of President Roosevelt, 5 minutes, to be written by Harry
Trivers, Abe Burroughs, Harry Kurnitz, and Abe Polansky.
The section of the program that will segue from
Mr. ScHARY. Segue.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
from the memorial to President Roosevelt to the pledge of support to President
Truman, 3 minutes, to be written by Paul Green.
Pledge of Allegiance to the Ideals of Mr. Roosevelt and to the Future, 1 minute,
to be written by Dalton Trumbo. Introduction to the Pledge of Allegiance, 2
minutes, to be written by Dalton Trumbo.
By the time you get this letter we will have called you on the telephone and
asked for your help in arranging a meeting for all the writers this afternoon.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
DORE SCHARY.
Mr. ScHARY. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Schary, I read this letter for one purpose.
Several of the writers who are assigned here to do certain portions
of the program have been identified before this committee as being
members of the Communist Party. They have likewise refused to deny
that they are members of the Communist Party. If you had such an
assignment to do over again, would you call upon men who had been
identified before a Committee of Congress and men who had refused
to deny before a conmiittee of Congress, to write these various assign-
ments ?
Mr. SciTARY. If I were assigned today as I was at that time by the
city to do a memorial program to President Roosevelt, some of my
selections on that list might be ditferent.
At the time that memorial was written it was shortly after the death
of Franklin Roosevelt. These writers were all people connected with
the War Mobilization Board and I asked for help in the arranging of
this program because we were desperately in need of time.
I can only say again that these men at that time wrote speeches that
I thought were very American and very much in tribute to the Presi-
dent. They had nothing subversive in them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Schary, do you think or do you consider that
threre is any Comnmnist influence in tlie motion-picture industry in
any field, which is definitely a disrupting influence or force within
the motion-picture industry?
476 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. ScHARY. I think there are Communists in Hollywood. No one
at any time would care to deny that. That has been testified here,
and I would be glad to testify that I believe there are Communists
in Hollywood, but again testimony has revealed that these people at
any time they have tried to dominate guilds and unions have been
defeated.
I think the large segment of Hollywood, represented, I think, very
ably this morning by Mr. La very, like most Americans of a middle-
of-the-road group — some of them may be left of center, some right,
but essentially middle-of-the-road people. ^
Whenever the Communist attempts to dominate any organization in
Hollywood he is defeated and for that reason, while I believe there
are Communists, I don't think they have any weight either in the
organizations of Hollywood or in tlie actual things that appear on
the screen.
I think that since we are investigating im|)artially — and I shall be
very happy to continue that investigation impartially — we should talk
about the actual things that get on the screen and I think to that end,
I don't know of any subversive films ever made, I just don't.
The Chairman. I want to say to you in answer, in the first place,
I want to make it very clear that your appearance here today is no
reflection on you.
]Mr. ScHARY. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. We are very pleased to have you. In regard to the
scripts and the pictures, investigators of this committee now are
making a very thorough study of some of the pictures.
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. It is very likely that in another phase of these hear-
ings we will devote all of our time to just that thing.
I feel as you do, Mr. Schary, that your industry is just like many
other industries, there are a number of Communists in it. The influ-
ence of the Communists in the industry — the influence is far out of
proportion with the number of Communists in the industry, let me put
it that way. But the mere fact that it is there deserves our attention.
I know you and your associates out there want us to give it our atten-
tion. That is our job so we are going to do that, we are going to con-
tinue to do that.
Mr. Vail, do you have something?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, on that point, could I
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Could I ask you this question, Mr. Schary?
Mr. Schary. Yes, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Are you now producing, is your company producing
a picture based upon the book entitled, "Rachael" written by Howard
Fast?
Mr. Schary. Yes, that is a short story called "Rachael."
Mr. Stripling. Written by Howard Fast?
Mr, Schary. Yes. It was purchased — I think the studio has owned
it since 1936.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the Communist record of
Howard F'ast ?
Mr. Schary. I am familiar with it, yes.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 477
Mr. SiTtiPLiNG. He is a publicly avowed Communist?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes; that is right.
Mr. Stripling. You have no objection, then, to producing the works
of Communists?
Mr. ScHARY. The point I want to make, Mr. Stripling, is that I did
not purchase the story Rachael. That was purchased before I got
there. When I got there and reviewed the material there was a script
already written, a script of Rachael, and I found it, I must say, a very
charming story, not political whatsoever. It is a picture of American
pioneer life in the early 1800's and, as a mater of fact, the film has
been completed. There is nothing whatever political in it.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Schary, I have been very much interested in your
testimony, and I am in complete accord with your temperate and tol-
erant attitude. I think we all feel that way, but to my way of thinking
a new situation has arisen in America today that is not covered com-
pletely by the law. As a matter of fact, this committee is sitting for
the purpose of considering the situation as it applies to Hollywood, so
that we may get a general picture of what is going on in the country so
that it can make its recommendations with respect to legislation to the
Congress when it convenes.
It is my thought that the American people, while maintaining an
attitude of tolerance, should also maintain an alert attitude to prevent
further inroads of this menace to its welfare.
Now, in your own case, you have admitted that Hanns Eisler was
employed in your studio for some little time ; you associated with him,
and yet it took this connnittee to alert you insofar as the real nature
of his activities were concerned; isn't that true?
Mr. Schary. Yes. As I said, I did not know Hanns Eisler was a
Communist until — or reputedly a Communist, I should say, until this
record was shown me — until, rather, I heard it before. The point I
make, however, was that he was not employed by me at the time. The
question of em})l()yment then came up later on with Mr. Stripling.
As far as the other points you make, Mr. Congressman, certainly
I believe that America and the American people should be alerted and
very vigilantly alwut their prerogatives.
My point is that they are. I believe they are very alert and very
vigilant and this is why conmiunism, I believe, has not gotten any
kind of a hold politically in the United States whatever. I don't think
it has anything to offer the American people.
Mr. Vail. I appreciate the fact that it has nothing to offer the Amer-
ican people, but when you say it has made no progress in this country,
of course I disagree with you. Perhaps we have more information
concerning the development of communism in this country than you
have.
Mr. Schary. That is right.
Mr. Vail. And certainly we are quite watchful. We are well aware
of the connnunistic activity in Government circles, incidentally. It is
our business to be alert to those things and it is your business, ap-
parently, to follow your screen duties. That is one of the reasons
why the activities of Mr. Eisler escaped your attention, but they did
not escape ours. That is the point I am bringing out.
67683 — 47 31
478 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTHY
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
Mr. Vail. And I think we have made you more coniscious since your
experience with Mr. Eisler and the knowledge you now possess con-
cerning Mr. Eisler, of the fact that Communists exist where you
perhaps didn't think they existed before, and if we perfoi-m the same
service with others, with other Americans, we will have done the jol>
to which we were assigned.
Mr. ScHAKY. I respect that. Mr. Congressman. I would only like
to nuike one connnent, if I may, sir, that I honestly believe tJuit the
people in Holywood, management, labor groups, guilds themselves,
are vevy, very conscious and very aware of their heritage as Americans.
They are called upon by the Government of the United States very
often to express and perform those prerogatives.
I just want you to know that our concern about it and our desire
to keep all American rights is just as keen as yours.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Schary, and don't for-
get what I said about Rip Van Winkle. [Laughter.]
Mr. ScHxVRY. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. The committee will stand adjourned to meet at
10 : 30 tomorrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 3 :10 p. m., an adjournment was taken to 10 : 30 a. m.
of the following day, Thursday, October 30, 1947.)
"^ See appendix, p. , for exhibit 93.
HEAR1N(} REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRA-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1947
House of RErKESENTAxivEs,
('o:M.MriTEE ox Ux- American Activities,
Wa^'ihingfon, D. O.
The coniiiiittee met iit 10: 'M) a. ni., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The CHAiiniAX. The meeting will come to order. Everyone please
be seated.
Tlie reconl will show thai a snbcomniittee is sitting, consisting of
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Vail, and Mr. Thomas.
Statt' members present : Mr. Kobert K. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell and Robert B. Gaston, investigators; and
Mr. Benjamin Mandel. director of research.
Mr. Kennv. Is Mr. Kenny in the room?
Mr. Kexxy. Yes. sir.
The C'liAiK.AiAX'. Ml". Crum t
Mr. ('him. Yes. sii-.
Tlie Chaiioiax'. Will you please come to the chairman's desk.
(Conference at bench.)
'riie CiiAiRMAx. The committee will go into executive session. We
will be in recess for about 10 minutes.
Mr. Stripling, will you come with the committee?
Mr. Stkipeixo. Yes, sir.
( There was a recess taken from 10 : 35 to 10: 42 a. m.)
The CnAiK:\rAx. The committee will come to order.
Mr. Stripling, first witness.
Mr. Striplix(;. Mr. Ring Lardner. Jr.
The CiiAiRMAX. Mr. Ring Lardner, Jr.
Ml'. Lardner. Avill you raise your right hand, please. You solemnly
swear the testimony you are about to give is the truth, the whole truth,
and nothing but the truth, so help yon God ?
Mr. Larox'er. I do.
The C'liAiRMAX. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF RING LARDNER, JR., ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL,
MR. KENNY AND MR. CRUM
Mr. STRipr,ixG. Mr. Lardner, will you please state your full name
and present address?
Mr. Lardxer. Ring W. Lardner, Jr., 325 Georgina Avenue, Santa
Monica. Calif.
479
480 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born. Mr. Lardner?
Mr. Lakdxek. On August 19, 1915, in Chicago. 111.
Mr. Stripling, AVhat is your occupation?
Mr. Lardner. A writer.
Mr. Stripling. Hoav long have you been a writer?
Mr. Lardner. I have been a writer about 10 years.
Mr. Chairman, I have a short statement I would like to make.
The Chairman. Have you completed the identification?
Mr. Stripling. That is sufficient.
(The witness hands statement to the chairman.)
Mr. Crum. Have you a co]3y for Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
^(The witness hands statement to Mr. Stripling.)
The Chairman. Mr. Lardner. the committee is unanimous in the
fact that after you testify you may read your statement.
Mr. Lardner. Thank you.
JVlr. Stripling. Mr. Lardner, you are here before the committee in
response to a subpena served upon you on September '22; is that
correct ? ^^
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lardner, are you a member of the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. Lardner. Mr. Stripling, I want to be cooperative about this,
but there are certain limits to my cooperation. I don't want to help
you divide or smash this particular guild, or to infiltrate the motion-
picture business in any way for the purpose which seems to me to be
to try to control that business, to control what the American people
can see and hear in their motion-picture theaters.
The Chairman. Now, Mr. Lardner, don't do like the others, if I
were you, or you will never read your statement. I would suggest
Mr. Lardner. Mr. Chairman, let me
The Chairman. You be responsive to the question.
Mr. Lardner. I am
The Chairman. The question is, and I will ask it ; I will repeat the
question.
Mr. Lardner. All right.
The Chairman. The question is: Are you a member of the Screen
Writers Guild?
Mr! Lardner. But I understood you to say that I would be permitted
to read the statement, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Yes; after you are finished with the questions and
answers
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
The Chairman. But you certainly haven't answered the questions.
Mr. Lardner. Well, I am going to answer the questions but I don't
think you qualified in any way your statement that I would be allowed
to read this statement.
The Chairman. Then I will qualify it now. If you refuse to an-
swer the questions then you Avill not read your statement.
Mr. Lardner. Well, I know that is an indirect way of saying you
don't want me to read the statement.
'^ See appendix, p. 548, for exhibit 89.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 481
The CiiAuniAx. Tlieii you know ii<>lit now you are not going to an-
swer the question : is tliat correct 'I
Mr. L'ardxer. No ; I am going to answer tl)e question.
The CiiAiHMAx. AH right, then; answer that question.
Mr. Lakdxer. All right, sir. I think these points I am bringing
out are relevant to the question because I have to ccmsider why the
question is asked
The Chairman. We will determine why the question was asked.
We want to Icnow whether you are a member of the Screen Writers
Guild.
Mr. Laruxkr. Yes
The Chairmax. That is a very simple question. You can answer
that "yes" or ''no.'' You don't have to go into a long harangue or
speech. If you want to make a speech you know where you can go out
there.
Mr. Lardxkr. Well, I am not very good in haranguing, and I won't
try it, but it seems to me that if you can make me answer this question,
tomorrow you could ask somebody whether he believed in spiritualism.
The CiiAiRMAX'. Oh, no; there is no chance of our asking anyone
whether they believe in spiritualism, and you know it. That is just
plain silly.
Mr. Lardxer. You might
The Chairmax. Now, you haven't learned your lines very well.
Mr. Lardner. Well
The Chairmax^ I Avant to know whether you can answer the ques-
tion "yes" or "no."
^Ir. Lardx'er. If you did, for instance, ask somebody about that you
might ask him
The CiiAiRMAX'. Well, now, never mind what we might ask him.
We are asking vou now, Are vou a member of the Screen Writers
Guild?
^Ir. Lardxer. But
The Chairman. You are an American
Mr. Lardxer. But that is a question-
The Chairmax'. And Americans should not be afraid to answer
that.
Mr. Lardxer. Yes ; but I am also concerned as an American with the
question of whether this committee has the right to ask me
The CiiAiRisiAX. AVell, we have got the right and until you prove
that we haven't got the right then you have to answer that question.
Mr. Lardxer. As I said, if you ask somebodj^ say, about
spiritualism
The Chairman. You are a witness, aren't you? Aren't you a
witness?
Mr. Lardxer. ]\Ir. Chairman
The CiiAiR^iAx. Aren't you a witness here?
Mr. Lardxer. Yes ; I am.
The Chairmax. All right, then, a congressional committee is ask-
ing you : Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ? Now you
answer it "yes"' or "no."
Mr. Lardxer. Well, I am saying that in order to answer that
The Chairmax-. All right, put the next question. Go to the $64
question.
482 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Witness. I haven't
The Chair:max. (io to the next question.
Mr. Strii'Lin(j. Mv. Lardner, are you now oi- have you ever been a
//jnember of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Lardnek. Well, I would like to answer that question, too.
Mr. STRiPLiNCi. Mr. Lardner, the charjje has been made before this
committee that the Screen AVriters Guild which, according: to the
record, you are a member of, whether you admit it or not, has a num-
ber of individuals in it who are members of the Communist Party.
This committee is seeking to determine the extent of Connnunist in-
filtration in the Screen Writers Guild and in other g:uilds within the
motion-picture industry.
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. And certainly the question of whether or not you
are a member of the Communist Party is very pertinent. Now, are you
a member or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Lardner. It seems to me you are trying to discredit the Screen
Writers Guild through me and the motion-picture industry through
the Screen Writers (hiild and our whole practice of freedom of expres-
sion.
Mr. Stripling. If you and others are members of the Connnunist
Party you are the ones who are discrediting the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Lardner. I am trying to answer the question by stating first
what I feel about the purpose of the question which, as I say, is to
discredit the whole motion-picture industry.
The Chairman. You won't say anything first. You are refusing
to answer this question.
Mr. Lardner. I am saying my understanding is as an American
resident
The Chairman. Never mind your understanding. There is a ques-
tion: Are you or have you ever been a member of the Commimist
Party?
Mr. Lardner. I could answer exactly the way you want, Mr. Chair-
man
The Chairman. No-
Mr. Lardner (continuing). But I think that is a-
' The Chairman. It is not a question of our wanting you to answer
that. It is a very simple question. Anybody would be proud to an-
swer it — any real American would be proud to answer the question,
"Are you or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party" —
any real American.
Mr. Lardner. It depends on the circumstances. I could answer it,
but if I did I would hate myself in the morning.
The Chairman. Leave the witness chair.
Mr. Lardner. It was a question that would
The Chairman. Leave the witness chair.
Mr. Lardner. Because it is a question
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Leave the witness chair.
Mr. Lardner. I think I am leaving by force.
The Chairman. Sergeant, take the witness away.
( Applause. )
The Chair:man. Mr. Stripling, next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russgll, will you take the stand, please?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 483
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr, STKii'LiN(i. Mr. Russell, you are an investigator for the Com-
luittee on Un-American Activities?
Mr. RussEix. I am, sir.
Mr. Stripling. You have previously been sworn in this hearing?
Mr. Russell. I have.
Mr. Stripling. You were detailed to make an investigation to deter-
mine whether or not Ring Lardner. Jr., vas ever a member of the
Communist Party?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the benefit of your
investigation ?
Mr. Russell. l)in-ing the course of my investigation I obtained in-
formation regarding the Comnmiiist Party registration card of Ring
Lardner, Jr. This card bears the nuuiber 47180. It is made out in
the luime of Ring L., which, during the course of the investigation,
developed to be the name of Ring Lardner, Jr., as contained on his
Communist Party registration card.
This card contains a notation : "1944 Card No. 46806."
The address of Ring Lardner is given as 447 Loring, L-o-r-i-n-g;
city, Los Angeles; county, Los Angeles; State, California.
' The card contains a notation, "New card issued on November 30,
1944.'- '« ■
Tlie description of Ring Lardner as contained on the card is as
follows: "Male: occupation, writer; industry, M. picture."
The question is then asked : "Member of CIO, A. F. of L., independ-
ent union, no union" ^ "Inde[)endent union" is checked.
Another (]uestion asked is: "Is member club subscriber for Daily
Worker" ? The answer, "Yes" is checked.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, the committee has prepared a memorandum concern-
ing the Connnunist affiliations of Ring Lardner, Jr.
Ac-coi'diiij'' to the International Motion Picture Almanac and other sources.
King Lardner, Jr., has written the followins; films: Meet Dr. Christian, RKO,
1!».S'.»; Tlie Courageous Dr. Christian. KKO, 1940; Arkansas Judge, Repuhlic. 1941 :
W< man of tlie Year, MGM, 1942; The Cross of Lorraine, MGM, 1044; Tomorrow
the World. United Artists. 1944: Cloak and Dagger, Warner Bros., 1946.
The files, records, and imhlications of the Committee on Un-American Activities
contain th<' following information concerning the Communist-frt)nt affiliations of
King Lardnei-. Jr. :
1. Under date of August 22, 1940, the Hollywood Reporter, a puhlication in
Los Angeles, Calif., carried an editorial headed "More Red Commissars." This
cdit<jrial is quoted, in part, as follows :
Now let us take a look at another memher of tlie Screen Writers Guild's exec-
utive hoard — Ring Lardner, .Jr. As chairman of the Guild's powerful original
materials connnittee Lardner incuhated and sponsored the James M. Cain plan
for literary dictatorship tlirough the so-called American Authors Authority.
The Reporter has this to ask Ring Lardner, Jr. : "Are you a memher of the
I'omnmnist I'artyV Are you at present assigned to the Party's Northwest
(propagan<la ) section? Do you hold Party Book No. 25109?" The article con-
tinues: "Lardner has a long record of activity in Connnunist front organizations.
The March 19:57 is.sue of The Western Worker listed him as one of the signers
<»f an open letter which denounced the demands of tlie American Committee for
the Defense of Trotsky for an investigation of the Rn.ssian "purge" trials. This
'''■ See appendix, p. 549. for exhibit 90.
484 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
letter contended that such an investigation would constitute ixtlitical interfer-
ence in tlie internal affairs of the Soviet Union.
Lardner and his fellow signers at that time were acting in accordance with
the directives of the Stalin dictatorship which was attempting to silence the
Conununist faction that was loyal to Ti-otsky. Trotsky later was murdered in
Mexico hy an assassin who allegedly was a niemher of the Communist Party.
Mr. Chairman, this memoranduin continues for 4 pages, listinp; 12
separate affiliations of Mr. Lardner.
The Chairman. We would like to have it read.
. Mr. Stripling. Have it read ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr, Strii'Lixg. Would it be all riofht if Mr. Gaston reads it?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Gastox (readino;) :
In 1941 Lardner resigned his official position in the Screen Writers Guild,
after James K. McGuinness and How^ard Emmett Rogers had conducted a vigor-
ous campaign against the Communist activities of that organization. But this
was only a temporary retreat made necessary hy the searchlight which Mr.
McGuinness and Mr. Rogers had turned on the Guild's leadership. At present,
Lai'dner, in addition to heing chairman of the original materials committee, is
a member of the editorial committee, which is responsible for the editorial
policies of the Guild's magazine.
In 1942, Lardner was on the editorial board of Communique, published hy the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, a Communist-front organization, and a member
of the mobilization's minority committee, a smaller group also actively engaged
in party-line work. * * *
2. The American Youth for Democracy is the new name for the Young Com-
munist League.* The Committee on Un-American Activities, in its report of April
17, 1947, called upon the governors or legislatures of the various States and the
administrative heads of the colleges and universities "to thoroughly exixtse the
Communist connections of the American Youth for Democracy, as well as the
inimical objectives of the Communist Party in America." The American Youth
for Democracy was also cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in the report on March 29, 1944. The People's World
of December 1, 1944, reveals that Ring Lardner, Jr., was a sponsor of the American
Youth for Democracy. The People's World is the organ of the Communist Party
on the west coast.
People's World, on August 17, 1944, contained an article setting forth the
winners in a contest sponsored by the American Youth for Democracy. This
was a letter-writing contest held in connection with a play entitled "Tomorrow
the World," and had for its theme Why Democracy Is Better Than Fascism.
The article announced that judges for the contest were Ring Lardner, Jr., Frank-
lin Fearing, William O. Oliver, R^v. J. Raymond Henderson, and Mayer Frieden.
It should he noted that this was during the ijeriod when Russia was our ally.
The American Youth for Democrac.v, room 701, 542 South Broadway, Los
Angeles, Calif., published a pamphlet setting forth the work for the American
Youth for Democracy. This pamiihlet listed a committee which would sponsor
the American Youth for Democracy first anniversary dinner in I>os Angeles in
November 1944. Among those listed as sponsors were Ring Lardner, Jr., John
Howard Lawson, Mrs. Charlotta A. Bass, Mrs. Dalton Trumho, and Edward
Dmytryk.
3. Geoi'ge Dimitroff, the former general secretary of the Communist Inter-
national, was honored by a declaration issued by the Reichstag Fire Trial Anni-
versary Committee. According to the New York Times of DcM-ember 22, 1943,
page 40, Ring Lardner, Jr.. was a signer of this declaration which paid honor to
Dimiti-off The Reichstag Fire Trial Anniversary Committee was cited as a
Conimuin'st front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the
repoi't of March 29, 1944.
4. The California Action Conference for Civil Rights was cited by the California
Joint Fact-Finding Committee as being "Communist inspired and dominated."
The People's Daily World of September 27, 1941, lists Ring Lardner, Jr., as ^^
sponsor of the California Action Conference for Civil Riffhts.
In the spring of 1946, the Civil Rights Congress, 205 East Forty-second Street,
New York City, issued a pamphlet entitled "Urgent Summons to a Congress on
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 485
Civil Rights." This paiiiphlt't c.-ilk'd upon civil rights, labor, religious, racial,
and other organizations and individuals to attend a Congress on Civil Rights
in I>etroit on April 27-28, 1940, to formulate and agree upon a national program
to defeat the offensive and reactionary and Fascist forces and to assure the
maxiiHum ututication of effort to advance that program. The summons con-
tained a partial list of sponsors. This list included the name of Ring W.
Lardner, Jr.
The Civil Rights Congress is the successor to the International Labor Defense,
legal arm of the Communist Party.
;"). The American Friends of Spanish Democracy and the Veterans of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade were a part of the Comnnniist Party program to
provide aid and assistance to the Spanish Loyalists in response to instructions
received from the Conmiunist International at the Seventh Communist Inter-
natitmal Congress held in 1035 in Moscow. The American Friends of Spanish
Democracy was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in the report of March 29, 1944, and by the Committee
on Un-American Activities in the rei>orts of June 12, 1947, and September 2, 1947,
The Daily Worker of April 8, 1939, page 4, states that Ring Lardner, Jr., was
affiliated with this organization as a signer of a petition to lift the arms embargo
which the American Friends of Spanish Democracy sponsored. His affiliation
with the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade is shown by the New Masses
of April 2, 1940. page 21, which lists him as a signer of a letter which that
organization sent to the President of the United States. The Veterans of
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade was cited as a Comnnmist front by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of March 29, 1944, and as
"under Communist control" by Professor John Dewey, chairman of the Com-
mittee for Cultural Freedom, April 1940.
6. The League of American Writers was affiliated with the International Union
of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, and has been jiledged
to the defense of the Soviet Union and the "Use of art as an instrument of the
class struggle." The Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited it as a
Conmuuiist front in the reports of January 3, 1940, June 25, 1942. and March 29,
1944. It was also cited by former Attorney General Francis Biddle in these
words: "The overt activities of the League of American Writei"s in the last 2
years leave little doubt of its Communist control" (Congressional Recoi-d, Sep-
tember 24. 1942, page 7686). Ring Lardner, Jr., according to the Daily Worker
of Septenibei' 14, 1942, page 7. and People's Woi'ld of September 23, 1942, page 5,
was a signei* of a statement of tlie League of American Writers in behalf of a
second front. He was also affiliated with the Hollywood ci)ai)ter of the league
of American Writers as a signer of the cable sent to Leon Blum, President Roose-
velt, and Secretary Hull for supplies to Loyalist Spain, as shown bv the New
Masses of Mai-ch 29, 1938, page 21.
7. The Writers Congress was sponsored by the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion which is the successor to the Hollywood bi-anch of the League of American
Writers. The program of the Writers Congress, 1943, lists Ring Lardner, Jr.,
as the chairman of the panel on minority groujis.
8. Tlie Oi)en Letter to American Liberals was a denunciation of the efforts
made to defend Leon Trotsky and a reaffirmation of faith in the Soviet Union.
It also defended the Moscow triiils which were characterized by forced confes-
sions and \v'ere staged as political deuionstrati(»ns rather than trials, in our sense
of the term. The Open Letter to American Liberals, of which Ring Lardner, Jr.,
was a signer, according to Soviet Russia Toda.v, March 1937, pages 14 and 15.
was cited as a Communist-front pro.iect by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities in the rei)oi-t of June 25, 1942. Soviet Russia Today was formerly the
publication of the Friends of the Soviet Union and has l)een cited as a Com-
munist-front publication by the Special Committee on LTn-Ameriean Activities
on June 25, 1942, and March 29. 1944. and by the Committee on Un-American
Activities on June 12. 1947, and Seiiteinl)er 2. 1947.
9. The Progressive (^itizens of America has been described as an "allege<lly
liberal organization which believes in cooperating with Communists" l)y the
Committee on Un-American Activities in its report of June 12, 1947. It was
formed by the pro-Communist group of the Independent Citizens Committee of
the Arts, Sciences, and Professions ^vhich dissolved because of the issue of com-
munism. According to the Daily Worker of May 16, 1947, jiage 11, a manuscript
by Ring Lardner, Jr.. was sold at auction for the benefit of the literature divi.-;ion
<if the Progressive (^itizens of America.
486 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
10. According to the Daily Worker of Marcli 81. 1947, pajie 11. Hiii;t Liirdncr, Jr..
collaborattxl with John Ilnhlcy and I'liil Ea.stnmii in tiie writing of the sereen
version of the Brotherhood of Man, an animated color cartoon produced by
United Productions of America for tlie Anto Workers Union. This film was based
on the i)ainphlct. The Races of Mankind, coauthored by Ruth Benedict and (icue
Welttisli, which the War Department banned. (Jene Weltfish heads the Congress
of American W(»men which is the American affiliate of the Women's International
Democratic Fedei-ation. One of the agencies through which the Br<»therliood
of Man can be booked is the International Workers Order lilni' division. The
International Workers Order was cited by Attorney General Francis Biddle as
"One of the strongest Coniminiist organizations" (Congressional Record, Septem-
ber 24. 1042, page 7B88). and as a Communist front by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities in the reports of Janiiai'y 3, 1!)4(». and June 25, 1942.
11. The Artists" Front to Win the War, which was cited as a ("omnmnist
front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the reiM)rt of March
29, 1944. supported the then cui-rent Communist demand for a second front.
Sponsors (»f the organization included many writers for the Communist press
who had opposed the war during the Stalin-IIitler pact such as Alvah Bessie.
Angelo Ilerudon, Alfi'ed Kreymborg. Albert Maltz, Ruth McKenney, and Dalton
Trumbo. The progran* of the Artists' Front to Win the War, October 16, 1942,
page 5, lists Ring Lardher, Jr., as a sponsor.
12. The Voice of Freedom Conniiittee, according to PM of May 19, 1947, page 19,
was formed by Dorothy Parker, whose record of affiliation with Communist-
front organizations is set forth in a separate report. Accoi'ding to a news release
of the organization, dated June 1(!, 1947. Lang.ston Hughes. Paul Robeson, and
Donald Ogden Stewart, all of whom have lengthy records of Conwnunist-front
affiliations, are sponsors of the Voice of P'reedom Committee, wliose function is
the support of commentators who have received the acclaim' of the Communist
press. Ring Lardner, Jr., is listed by a leaflet of the organization as a signer
of a petition which the Voice of Fieedom Committee sponsored.
The Chairmax. Mr. Strip]in<>:, the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lester Cole.
The Chairman. Mr. Lester Cole. Raise your right hand, please.
You solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help yott God?
Mr. Cole. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF LESTER COLE
Mr. Strii'lin(;. Mr. Cole, will you please state your full name and
})resent address?
Mr. Cole. Lester Cole, 15 Courtney Avenue, Hollywood, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Cole?
Mr. Cole. I was born June 19, 1904, in New York City.
Mr. Stripling. "\Yliat is your occupation?
Mr. Cole. I am a writer.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a writer?
Mr. Cole. For a])proximately 15, 16 years.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Cole. Since — I fir.st came to Hollywood in 192(5 ; I left and went
back to New York in 1929; returned in 1932, and have been there ever
since.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Cole. Mr. Chairman, T woidd like at this time to make a state-
ment (handing statement to the chairman).
Mr. McDowell. I think it is insulting, myself.
The Chairman. This statement is clearly another case of villifica-
tion and not pertinent at all to the inquiry. Therefore, you will not
read the statement.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 487
Mr. Cole. Well, Mr. Chinrinaii
The Chairman. Mr. Striplin<>\ ask the first question.
Mr. Cole. Mr. Chairiiiaii, may I just ask if I do not read my state-
ment
The Chairman. You will not ask anything.
Mr. Cole. Is the New York Times editorial pertinent — the editorial
in the Herald Tribune pertinent?
The Chairman. Go ahead and ask the question.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cole, are you a member of the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. CoLE. I would like to answer that question and would be very
happy to. I believe the reason tlic (piestion is asked is to help en-
lighten
The Chairman. No, no, no, no, no.
Mr. Cole. I hear you, Mr. Chairman, I hear you, I am sorry, but
The Chairman. You will hear some more.
Mr. Cole. I am trying to make these statements pertinent.
The Chairman. Answer the question, "Yes" or ">Jo."
Mr. Cole. I am sorry, sir, but I have to answer the question in my
own way.
The Chairman. It is a very simple question,
Mr. Coi>E. What I have to say is a very simple answer.
The Chairman. Yes; but answer it "Yes" or "No."
Mr. Cole. It isn't necessarily that simple.
The Chairman. If you answer it "Yes" or "No," then you can make
some explanation.
Mr. Cole. Well, Mr. Chairman, I really must answer it in my own
way.
The Chairman. You decline to answer the question ?
Mr. Cole. Not at all, not at all.
The Chairman. Did you ask the witness if he was here under
subpena ?
Mr. Cole. What is it, Mr. Chairman? I beg your pardon?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cole, you are here under subpena served upon
you on September 19, are j-ou not?
Mr. Cole. Yes: I am.
Mr. Stripling. And the question before you is: Are you a member
of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Cole. I understand the question, and I think I know how I can
answer it to the satisfaction of the committee. I wish I would be
permitted to do so.
The Chairman. Can't you answer the question ?
Mr. Cole. You wouldn't ])ermit me to read my statement and the
question is answered in ni}^ statement.
The Chairman. Are you able to answer the question "Yes" or "No,"
or are 3'()U unable to answer it "Yes" or "No?"
Mr. Cole. I am not able to answer "Yes" or "No." I am able, and I
would like to answer it in my own way. Haven't I the right accorded
to me, as it was to Mr. McGuinness and other people who came here?
The Chairman. First, we want you to answer "Yes" or "No," then
you can make some explanation of your answer.
Mr. Cole. I understand what you want, sir. I wish you would
understand that I feel I nuist make an answer in my own way, because
what I have to sav
488 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Then you decline to answer the question?
Mr. Cole. No ; I do not decline to answer the question. On the con-
trary, I would like very much to answer it; just <i'\xe me a chance.
The CiiAiRiMAX. Supposing we gave you a chance to make an ex-
])lanution, hoAv long would it take you to make that explanation?
Mr. Cole. Oh, I Avould say anywhere from a minute to 20, I don't
know.
The Chairman. Twenty?
Mr. Cole. Sure, I don't know.
The Chairman. And would it all have to do with the cjuestion ?
Mr. Cole. It certainly would.
The Chairman. Then ,rould you finally answer it "Yes'' or "No"?
Mr. Cole. Well, I really don't think that is the question before us
now, is it ?
The Chairman. Then go to the next question.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cole, are you now or have you ever been a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Cole. I would like to answer that question as well ; I would be
very happy to. I believe the reason the question is being asked is that
because at the present time there is an election in the Screen Writers
Guild in Hollywood that for 15 years Mr. McGuinness and others
The Chairman. I didn't even know there was an election out there.
Go ahead and answer the question. Are you a member of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Cole. If you don't know there is an election there you didn't
hear Mr. Lavery's testimony yesterday.
The Chairman. There were some parts I didn't hear.
Mr. Cole. I am sorry, but I would like to put it into the record that
there is an election there.
The Chairman. All right, there is an election there. Now, answer
the question. Are you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr, Cole. Can I answer that in my own way, please? May I,
please? Can I have that right? Mr. McGuinness was allowed to
answer in his own way.
The Chairman. You are an American, aren't you ?
Mr, Cole. Yes; I certainly am, and it states so in my statement.
The Chairman. Then you ought to be very proud to answer the
question.
Mr. Cole. I am very proud to answer the question, and I will at
times when I feel it is proper.
The Chairman, It would be very simple to answer.
Mr. Cole. It is very simple to answer the question
The Chairman. You bet.
Mr. Cole (continuing). And at times when I feel it is proper I will,
but I wish to stand on my rights of association
The Chairman. We will determine whether it is proper.
Mr. Cole. No, sir. I feel I must determine it as well.
The Chairman, We will determine whether it is proper. You are
excused. ^^
Next witness, Mr. Stripling.
(Witness excused.) •
" Sep appendix, p. 549, for oxhil)it 91.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 489
The Chairman. The Chuir wuiikl like to caution people in the audi-
ence that you are the guests of the committee. We must maintain
order. We have many witnesses ahead; we cannot have any demon-
strations.
Go ahead.
Mr. Stripi.inc. Mr. Russell.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripijno. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Russell has already been iden-
tified as a member of the investigative staff of the committee. He has
already been sworn.
Now, Mr. Russell, were you instructed to make an investigation to
determine whether or not Lester Cole was or had ever been a member
of the Connnunist Party '(
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the results of your
investigation?
Mr. Russell. Yes, sir. During the course of my investigation I
received information relating to the Communist Party registration
card of Lester Cole. I have a photostatic copy of this card before
me. It bears the number '"iT^'iC." It is made out in the name,
"Lester Cole." No address is given. The city is Los Angeles. The
county is Los Angeles. The State is California.
T^ps registration card contains a statement: "New card issued on
December 16, 19-14."
The description of Lester Cole is given as : "Male ; Avhite ; occupation,
writer; industry, motion pictures."
The question is asked : "Member of CIO, A. F. of L., independent
union, no union." "Independent union" is checked.
Another question contained on the reiristration card is : "Is member
club subscriber for Daily Worker?" Above that is a notation "PW"
meaning "Peoples World." The answer "Yes" is checked.''^
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I should like to introduce into the
recoi'd a ]:)hotastatic copy of the Hollywood Reporter, August 21,
1946, in Avhich it states :
Let us have a look at the Gtiikl. Other guiding lights: Lester Cole is the first
vice president. The other day the Reporter reviewed Cole's political record and
asked him a few pointed questions about communism. So far they haven't been
answered.
I have here, Mr. Chairman, a memorandum from the committee's
staff which lists the various pictures which Mr. Cole has written the
scripts for. It is a long list. I also have seven affiliations of Mr.
Cole in the Communist Party or its front organizations. I ask it be
made a i)art of the record, or do you desire me to read it?
The Chairman. All right, without objection, we will eliminate
mentioning the pictures there but make sure they are placed in the
record at this point.
Start reading tlie memorandum.
•" See apijciulix. p. .549, for exhibit 92.
490 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
(The motion pictures referred to ai'e as follows:)
Accordiiif^ to the Iiiteinatioaal Molina Picture Alauinac- aad other sources,
Lester Cole has written the following tilais: The Honorable Johnson's, Para-
mount, 1930; If I Had a Million, Paramount, IIWO; Love Technique, Paramount,
1980 ; Walls of Gold. Fox, 1933 ; Charlie Chan's Greatest Case, Fox, 1933 ; Sleeiiers
East, Fox, 1934; Wild G«)ld, Fox, 1934; Under Pressure, Fox, 1935: Too Toutrh to
Kill, Columbia, 193.".; Hitch Hike Lady, Republic, im'>: The Affairs of Cappy
Ricks, Republic, 19;i7 ; Beware of Ladies, Republic, 1937: P\»llow Your Heart,
Republic, 19;:J7; The President's Mystery, Republic. 1937 ; The Man in Blue, 19:^7 ;
The Jury's Secret, W4H; Midnight Intruder, Universal, 19;:i8; The Crime of Dr.
Hallet, Universal, 1938 ; Sinners in Paradise. Universal. 19:^8 ; Secrets of a Nurse,
Universal, 1938; Winter Carnival, United Artists, 1939; The Big Guy, Universal,
1939; The Invisible Man Returns, Universal, 1939; The House of Seven Gables.
Universal, 1940; Pacific Blackout, Paramount, 1941; P'ootsteps in the Dark,
Warner Bros., 1941; Night Plane for Chunking. Paramount. 1943; Hostages,
1943-44; None Shall Escape, 194:^—14; Ob.iective Burma, Blood on the Sun. and
Romance of Rosey Ridge.
Mr. Stkiplinu (readino:). The files, records, and publications of the
Committee on Un-American Activities contain the following concern-
ing the Comnumist-front affiliations of Lester Cole :
1. While the records of this committee do not indicate tliat Lester Cole has
publicly admitted membership in the Communist Party, it is known that he has
supported a Communist Party candidate for election. The People's World of
October 22, 1942, page 2, and October 31, 1942, page 3, reveal that Lester Cole
supported LaRue McCormick, the Communist Party candidate for the office of
State senator in California from the thirty-eighth senatorial district, Los Angeles
County.
2. Lester Cole has revealed his sympathies with the Soviet Union as witnessed
by his signature to the statement made by American Progressives in defense of
tlie Moscow trials. (See Daily Worker, April 2S. 19:iS.) The Moscow trials
aroused world-wide condemnation. They were characterized by fon-ed con-
fe.ssious and were staged as political demonstrations rather tliati trials in our
sense of the term.
3. The Hollywood Reporter, edited and owned liy William Wilkerson, charged
Lester Cole with holding Communist Party membership book No. 4G805 in the
northwest (propaganda) section of the Communist Party, according to the Holly-
wood Reporter of August 19, 1946. To tlie best knowledge of this committee,
this charge was never denied or refuted by ]\Ir. Cole.
4. The Communist press was active in the support of the petition for the
pardon of Festus Coleman, of which Lester Cole was a signer, according to the
People's World, November 24, 1942, page 1.
."). The I^eague of Araerican Writers, an affiliate of the International Union
of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, has been pledged to
defend tlie Soviet Union and "use of art as an instrument in the class struggle."
On three occasions it was cited as a Communist front iiy the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities (i-eports of January 3, 1940, June 25, 1942, and March
29, 1944) as well as by Attorney General Francis Biddle, who said in the Con-
gressional Record of September 24, 1942, page 7686. "The overt .activities of the
League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its Ccmi-
muiust control." The People's World of February 11. 1943. page 5, lists Lester
Cole as a speaker at the League of American Writers School. Also. New Masses
of April 22, 1941. page 25 and the Daily Worker of April 5. 1941. page 7. carry
the name of Lester Cole as a signer of the Call to the Fourth Congi-ess of the
League of American Writers, June 6-8. 1941, New York City. This conference
whicli was held a few days prior to Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union, de-
nounced tlie war as imperialistic, attacked President Roosevelt and endorsed the
American Peace Mobilization which was then picketing the White House, and
denouncing President Itoosevelt as a war monger.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, without objection, we will suspend
-with further reading of this report and place it in the record at this
point.
Mr. Stritltng. All right. •
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 491
(The bahuR'o of the statement is as follows:)
6. According to the People's World, October 22, 1942, page 2, and October 31,
1942, page 8, Lester Cole was active in the Hollywood Writers' Mobilization, the
snccossor of the Hollywood branch of the Loague of American Writers.
7. One of tlie (»rganixations particii»ating in the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion is tho Scr^-en Writers' (luild, of which Lester Cole is a member of the ex-
ecutive board, according to the Daily Worker of August 10, 1947, page 11-m and
the Sci-een Writer of July 1!)47,. page 28. John Howard Lawson, who was identi-
fied by tile Daily Worker, officijil organ of the ('ommunist I'arty (issue of August
28, 1987, page 7), as a Communist Party memlier, is a leading figure in the Screen
Writers' Guild.
The Ch.mkm.vx. Now, the Cliair would like to advise that by iinaiii-
nious vote this siibcoinniittee recommends to the full committee that
Ring Lardner, Jr., and Lester Cole be cited for contempt of Congress
and that aj)i)ropriate action be taken immediately.
Xext witness.
Mr. Stkii'Ltng. Mr. Berthohl Brecht.
The Chairman. Mr. Brecht. will you stand, please, and raise your
riji^ht hand t
i)o yon solennily swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Brecht. 1 do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF BERTHOLD BRECHT (ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL,
MR. KENNY AND MR. CRUM)
Mr. STHirLix(i. Mr. Brecht. will you })lease state your full name and
present address for the record, please? Speak into the microphone.
Mr. Bhecht. iNIy name is Berthohl Brecht. I am living at 34 West
Seventy-third Street. New York. I was born in Augsburg, Germany,
February 10, 1898.
Mr. STRirLixG. Mr. Brecht. the committee has a
The Chairman. What was that date again?
Mr. Stripling. AVould vou give the date again ?
The Chairman. Tenth'of Februarv 1898.
Mr. McDowEix. 1898?
Mr. Brecht. 1898.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the conmiittee has here an inter-
preter, if you desire the use of an interpreter.
Mr. Crcm. Would you like an interpreter?
The Chairman. Do you desire an interpreter?
Mr. P>recht. Yes.
The Chairman. Mr. lnteri)reter. will you stand and raise your
right hand, j^lease^
Mr. Interi)reter. do you s()lend\ swear you will diligently and cor-
rectly transhite from English into German all (juestions which may
be proi)ounded to this witness and as diligently and correctly trans-
late from (irerman into English all answei-s made by him, so help vou
Ood?
Mr. Bacmcjardt. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
(Mr. David Baumgardt was .seated beside the witness as intei--
])reter. )
492 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Strii'I^ini;. Would you identify yourself for the record, please,
sir?
Mr. Baumgardt. David Baumgardt.
Mr. Stripltng. Where are you eniplo3'ed, Mr. Baumgardt?
Mr. Baumgardt. In the Libiary of Congress.
Mr. Bkkciit. Mr. Chairman, may 1 read a statement in English?
The Chaii;max. Yes; but has the chief investigator (•omi)leted his
investigation of both the interpreter and the witness ?
Mr. Striplix(j. No, sir; I have not.
Now, would you speak into the microphone, Mr. Bauuigardt ?
Are you employed in the Congressional Library ?
Mr. Baum(jakdt. I am employed in the Congressional Library, yes.
Mr. Strii'ling. AVhat is your position in the Congressional
Library ?
Mr. Baumgardt. Consultant of philosophy of the Library of Con-
gress.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Brecht, will you state to the ccnnmittee
whether or not you are a citizen of the United States?
Mr. Brecht. I am not a citizen of the United States; I have only
my first ])apers.
Mr. Stripling. When did you acquire your first papers?
Mr. Brecht. In 1041 when I came to the coiintry.
Mr. Stripling. When did yon arrive in the United States?
Mr. Brecht. May I find out exactly? I arrived Jvdy 21 at San
Pedro.
Mr. Stripling. July 21, 1941 ?
Mr. Brecht. That is right.
Mr. Strpling. At San Pedro. Calif.?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. You were born in Augsburg, Bavaria, (iernmny. on
February 10. 18S8; is that correct?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Striplinc;. I am reading from the immigration records
Mr. Crum. I think, Mr. Stripling, it was 1898.
Mr. Brecht. 1898.
Mr. Stripling. I beg your i)ardon. •
Mr. Cri':m. I think the witness tried to say 1898.
Mr. Stripi>in(;. I want to know whether the innnigration records
are correct on that. Is it '88 or '98?
Mr. Bre(tit. '98.
Mr. Stripling. Were you issued a quota immigration visa by the
American vice consul on May 8, 1941, at Helsinki, Finland?
Mr. Brecht. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. And you entered this country on that visa?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Where had 3^ou resided prior to going to Helsinki,
Finland?
Mr. Brecht. May I read my statement? In that statement
The Chairman. First, Mr. Brecht, we are trying to identify you.
The identification won't be very long.
Mr. Brecht. I had to leave Germany in 1933, in February, when
Hitler took power. Then I went to Denmark but when war seemed
imminent in '39 I had to leave for Sweden, Stockholm. I remained
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUKE INDUSTRY 493
there tor 1 year aiul then Hitler invaded Norway and Denmark and
I had to leave Sweden and I went to Finland, there to wait for my
visa for tlie United States.
Mr. Sthii'Ling. Now, Mr. Brecht, what is your (K'cn[)ation?
Mr. Uhixh r. I am a playwright and a poet.
Mr. Sthii'lino. A playwi-ight and a poet?
Mr. Bkkc'ht. Yes.
Mr. STKiri.iNo. Where are you presently emi)loyed?
Mr. BinxnrT. I am not employed.
Mr. Stkii'ijxo. AVere you ever em[)l()yed in the motion-picture
industry?
Mr. Bkeciit. Yes; I — yes. I sold a story to a Hollywood firm,
Han<2;man Also Die, but I did not write the screen play myself. I am
not a professional screen-play writer. I wrote another story for a
Hollywood firm but that story was not produced.
Mr. Stripijno. Hangmen Also Die — whom did you sell to, what
studio?
Mr. Brfx'ut. That was to. I think, an independent firm, Pressburger
at United Artists.
Mr. Stripling. United Ai'tists?
Mr. Brfx'ht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. When did you sell the ])lay to United Artists?
Mr. Brfxtit. The story — I don't remember exactly, maybe around
'4-5 or '44 ; 1 don't remember, quite.
Mr. Striplinc;. And what other studios have you sold material to^
Mr. Breciit. No other studio. Besides the last story I spoke of ]
wrote for Enterprise Studios.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiiir with Hanns Eisler? Do you
know Johannes Eisler?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you known Johannes Eisler?
Mr. Brecht. I think since the middle of the twenties, 20 years
or so.
Mr. Stripling. Have you collaboiated with him on a number of
Avorks ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht. are you a member of the Conmiunist
Party or have you ever lieen a member of the (\)mmunist Party?
Mr. Brecht. ]May I read my statement? I will answer this ques-
tion but may I read my statement?
Mr. STRn>LiN(;. Would you submit your statement to the chairman?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
The Chairman. All right, let's see the statement.
( Mr. Brecht hands the statement to the chairman.)
The (^hairman. Mr. Brecht. the committee has carefully gone over
the statement. It is a vei-y interesting story of (irerman life but it
is not at all ])ertinent to this inquiry. Therefore, we do not care to
have you read the statement.
Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripi-ing. Mi-. Brecht. before we go on with the questions. I
would like to ])Ut into the record the subi:)ena which was served upon
07683—47 32
494 COMMUNISM IN MOTION' PICTURE INDUSTRY
you on September 1!), calling for your ap[)earance bel'ttre the foinniit-
tee. You are here in response to a sub})ena. are you not <' •"
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Striplixo. Noav. I will rejjeat the original questi(^n. Are you
now or have you ever been a member of the Connnunist Party of any
country ?
Mr. Brix^ht. Mr. Chairman, I have heard my colleaiiues when they
considered this question not as ])roper. but I am a guest in this country
and do not want to enter into any legal arguments, so I will answer
your question fully as well I can.
I was not a member or am not a member of any Communist Party.
The Chairman. Your answer is. then, that you h-.ive never been a
member of the Communist Party ^
Mr. Brecht. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You were not a member of the Connnunist Party in
Germany ?
Mr. Brecht. No; I was not.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Brecht, is it true that you have written a num-
ber of very revolutionary poems, plays, and other writings?
Mr. Brecht. I have written a number of poems and songs and plays
in the fight against Hitler and, of course, they can be considered,
therefore, as revolutionary because I, of course, was for the overthrow
of that government.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, we are not interested in any works
that he might have written advocating the overthrow of Germany
or the government there.
Mr. Stripling. Yes; I understand.
Well, from an examination of the works which Mr. Brecht has
written, particularly in collaboration with Mr. Hanns Eisler, he seems
to be a person of international im})ortance to the Comnnniist revolu-
tionary movement.
Now, Mr. Brecht, is it true or do you know whether or not you have
written articles which have appeared in publications in the Soviet
zone of Germany within the ])ast few months?
Mr. Brecht. No ; I do not remember to have written such articles. I
have not seen any of them printed. I have not written any such articles
just now. I write very few articles, if any.
Mr. StripliN(;. I have here, Mr. Chairman, a document which I will
hand to the translator and ask him to identify it for the connnittee and
to refer to an article which refers on page 72.
Mr. Brecht. May I speak to that publication?
Mr. Stripling. I beg your pardon ?
Mr. Brecht. May I explain this publication ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Will you identify the publication?
Mr. Brecht. Oh, yes. That is not an article, that is a scene out of
a i)lay I wrote in, t think, 1937 or 11)38 in Denmark. The play is
called Private Life of the Master Race, and this scene is one of the
scenes out of this i)lay about a Jewish w(mian in Berlin in the year of
'36 or '37. It was. I see, printed in this magazine Ost und West, Julv
194G.*'
'■' See apixMidix, p. 549, for PxliiMt 9."..
"" Sfp appendix, p. r^rtO, for exhibit 04.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 495
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Translator, would you translate the frontispiece
of the magazine, please?
Mr. Baumgardt. "East and West, Contributions to Cultural and
Political Questions of the Time, edited by Alfred Kantorowicz, Berlin,
July 1947, first year of publication enterprise."
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, do you know the gentleman who is the
•editor of the publication whose name was just read?
Mr. Brkciit. Yes; I know him from Berlin and I met him in New
York again.
Mr. STRii'LiN(i. Do you know him to be a member of the Communist
l*arty of Germany ?
Mr. Breciit. AVhen I met him in Germany I think he was a journalist
on the Ullstein Press. That is not a Communist — was not a Com-
munist— there were no Communist Party papers so I do not know
^^xactly whether he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany.
Mr. Stripling. You don't know whether he was a member of the
'Communist Party or not?
Mr. Brkciit. I don't know, no ; I don't know.
Mr. Stripling. In 1930 did you, with Hanns Eisler, write a play
entitled, "'Die Massnahme"?
Mr. Brkciit. Die Massnahme.
Mr. Stripling. Did you write such a play ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes ; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Would you explain to the committee the theme of
that play — what it dealt with?
Mr. Brecht. Yes ; I will try to.
Mr. Stripling. First, explain what the title means.
Mr. Brkciit. Die Massnahme means [speaking in German].
Mr. BAr:M(iARnT. Measures to be taken, or steps to be taken — meas-
ures.
Mr. Stripling. Could it mean disciplinary measures?
Mr. Baumgardt. No; not disciplinary measures; no. It means
measures to be taken.
Mr. McDowell. Speak into the microphone.
Mr. Baumgardt. It means only measures or steps to be taken.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
You tell the conmiittee now, Mr. Brecht
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling (continuing). What this play dealt with.
Mr. Brecht. Yes. This play is the adaptation of an old religious
Japanese play and is called No Play, and follows quite closely this old
story which shows the devotion for an ideal until death.
Mr. Stripling. What was that ideal, Mr. Brecht?
Mr. Brecht. The idea in the old play was a religious idea. This
young peoi)le
Mr. Stripling. Didn't it have to do with the Communist Party?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. And discii)line within the Communist Party? j
Mr. Brecht. Yes, yes; it is a ncAv play, an adaptation. It had as a j
'background the Russia-China of the years 1918 or 1919, or so. There i
some Communist agitators went to a sort of no man's land between j
the Russia which then was not a state and had no real
496 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, may I interrupt you ? Would you con-
hider the play to be pro-Coiiiniuiiist or anti-Commuuist, or would it
take a neutral position re<iarding Communists?
Mr. Brecht. No; I would say — you see, literature has the right and
t he duty to give to the public the ideas of the time. Now, in this play —
of course, I wrote about 20 plays, but in this play I tried to express the
feelings and the ideas of the German workers who then fought against
Hitler. I also foimulated in an artistic
Mr. Stripling. Fighting against Hitler, did you say ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Written in 1930?
Mr. Brecht. Yes, yes ; oh, yes. That fight started in 1923.
Mr. Stripling. You say it is about China, though ; it has jiothing to-
do with Germany?
Mr. Brecht. No, it had nothing to do about it.
Mr. Stripling. Let me read this to you.
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Throughout the ])lay reference is made to the
theories and teachings of Lenin, the A, B, C of communism and other-
Communist classics, and the activities of the Chinese Communist
Party in general. The following are excerpts from the play :
"The Four Agitators : We came from Moscow as agitators : we were to travel'
to the city of Mnliden to start propaganda and to create, in the factories, th^
Chinese Party. AVe were to report to party headquarters closest to tlie horder
and to requisition a guide. There, in tlie anteroom, a young comrade came-
toward us and spol^e of tlie nature of our mission. We are repeating the
conversation.
"The Young Comrade: I am the secretary of the party headquarters which is
the last toward the horder. My heart is beating for the revolution. The wit-
nessing of wrongdoing drove me into the lines of tlie figliters . Man must help
man. I am for freedom. I believe in mankind. And I am for the rules of the-
Communist Party which fights for the cla.ssless society against exploitation-
and ignorance.
''The Three Agitators: We come from Moscow.
"The Yonng Cftmrade : The two of us have to defend a revoluti<m here. Surely
you have a letter to us from tlie central ctimmittee which tells us what to doV
"The Three Agitators: So it is. We bring you nothing. But across the border,
to Mukden, we bring to the Chinese Worl^ers the teachings of the classics and
of the pi'opagandists : The ABC of communism: to the ignorant, the truth
about their situation; to the oppressed, class consciousness; and to the class
conscious, the exi)erience of the revolution. Fnmi you we shall requisition an
autoiiKibile and a guide.
"The Four Agitators: We went as Chinese to Mukden — I men and a woman —
to spread propaganda and to create the Cliinese Party through the teacliiiig.s-
of the cl:'ssics and of the propagandists — tlie ABC of communism ; to bring
truth to the ignorant abimt their situation: tlie oppressed class conscious, and'
class conscious, the experience of the revolution.
"The Young Comrade: The individual has two, the party has a thousand eyes..
The party sees seven states. The party has many hours. The party cannot
be destroyed, for it tights with the methods of the classics which are drawn
from th" knowledge of reality and are destined to be changed in that the teacli-
iiigs spread through the mas.ses. Who, however, is the ])arty? Is it sitting
in a bouse with telephones? Are its thoughts secret, its revolutions unknown?
Who is it? It is all of us. We are the party. Yon and I and all of you — all of
us. In your suit it is, Comrade, and in your liead it thinks: wherever i live there-
is its home and where you are attacked there it fights."
Now, Mr. Brecht, will you tell the committee whether or not one of
the characters in this play was murdered by his comrade because it
was in the best interest of the party, of the Communist Party; is
tliiitti-ue?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUKB: INDUSTRY 497
Mr. Brecht. No, it is not quite according to the story.
Mr. Striplixg. Because he would not bow to discipline he was
murdered by his comrades, isn't that true?
Mr. Brec'Ht. No; it is not really in it. You will find when you
read it carefully, like in the old Japanese play where other ideas were
at stake, this young man who died was convinced that he had done
damage to the mission he believed in and he agreed to that and he
was about ready to die in order not to make greater such damage.
So, he asks his conu'ades to hel]) him, and all of them together help
him to die. He jumps into an abyss and they lead him tenderly to
that abyss, and that is the story.
The Chairman. I gather from your remarks, from your answer,
that he was just killed, he was not nmrdered ?
Mr. Brecht. He wanted to die.
The Chairman. So they kill him?
Mr. Brecht. No ; they did not kill him — not in this story. He killed
himself. They supported him, but of course they had told him it
were better when he disappeared, for him and them and the cause he
also believed in.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, could you tell the committee how many
times you have been to Moscow?
Mr. Brecht. Yes. I was invited to Moscow two times.
Mr. Stripling. Who invited you ?
Mr. Brecht. The first time I was invited by the Volks Organization
for Cultural Exchange. I was invited to show a picture, a docu-
jnentary picture I had helped to make in Berlin.
Mr. Stripling. What was the name of that picture ?
Mr. Brecht. The name — it is the name of a suburb of Berlin, Kuhle
Wampe.
Mr. Stripling. While you were in Moscow, did you meet Sergi
Tietyakov — S-e-r-g-i T-r-e-t-y-a-k-o-v ; Tretyakov ?
Mr. Brecht. Tretyakov; yes. That is a Russian playwright.
Mr. Stripling. A writer?
Mr. Brecht. Yes. He translated some of my poems and, I think
<me play.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the International Literature No. 5,
10?>T, published by the State Literary Art Publishing House in Moscow
had an article by Sergi Tretyakov, leading Soviet writer, on an inter-
view he had with Mr. Brecht.''^ On page 60, it states :
He is quoting Mr. Brecht —
"I was a member of the Angsburjj Revolutionary Committee,'' Breebt con-
tinued. "Nearby, in Munich. Levine raised the banner of Soviet power. Aug.s-
liurg lived in the reflected glow of Munich. The hospital was the only military
unit in the town. It elected me to the revolutionary committee. I still re-
member Georg Brem and the Polish Bolshevik Olshevsky. We did not boast
a single Red guardsman. We didn't have time to issue a single decree or
jiatiitnalize a single bank or close a church. In 2 days General Epp's troops
tame to town on their way to .Munich. One of the members of the revolu-
tionary committee hid at my house until he managed to escape."
He wrote Drum at Night. This work contained echoes of the revolution.
The drums of revolt persistently sunnnon the man who has gone home. But
the man prefers (juiet i>eace of his hearthside.
The work was a scathing satire on those who had deserted the revolution
and toasted tliemselves at their fireplaces. One should recall that K-ipp
^ See appendix, p. .")50, for exhibit 9.'
498 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUHE INDUSTRY
launched his drive on Cliiistmas Eve. cak-uhitiujj that many Ivcd ^iuaidsnu'ii!
would have left their detachments for the family Chi'istmas trees.
His play. Die .Massnahme, the first of Bretcht's plays on a Connnunist theme,
is arranged like a court where the characters try to Justify tiiemselvcs for
having killed a comrade, and judges, who at the same time represent the audi-
ence, sununarize the events and I'each a verdict.
When he visited in Moscow in 1932, P>recht told nic his plan to organize a
theater in Berlin which would reenact the most intei'e.sting court trials in the
history of mankind.
Breeht conceived the idea of writing a play idxmt the terrorist tricks resorted
to by the landowners in oi-der to peg the price of grain. But this recjuires a
knowledge of economics. The study of economics Itrought Breeht to Marx iind
Lenin, whose works became an invaluable part of his library.
P.recht studies and quotes Lenin as a great thinker and as a gi*eat master
of prose.
The traditional drama portrays the struggle of class instincts. Breeht de-
mands that the struggle of class instincts be replaced by the struggle of social
consciousness, of social convictions. He maintains that tlie situation must not
only be felt, but explained — crystallized into the idea which will overturn the
world.
Do you recall that interview, Mr. Breeht (
Mr. Brecht. No. [Laughter.] It must have been wiiften 20
years ago or so.
Mr. Stripling. I will show you the magazine, Mr. Brecht.
Mr. Brecht. Yes. I do not recall there was an interview. | Book
handed to the witness.] I do not recall — Mr. Stripling. I do not recall
the interview in exact. I think it is a more or less joiii'tiaiistic suin^
mary of talks or discussions about many things.
Mr. Striplin(j. Yes. Have many of your writings been based upon
the philosophy of Lenin and Marx?
Mr. Brecht. No; I don't think that is quite correct l)ut. of course.
I studied, had to stiuh^ as a playwright who wrote historical plays.
I, of course, had to study Marx's ideas about history. I do not think
intelligent j^lays today can be written without such study. Also, his-
tory now Avritten now is vitally influenced by the .stiulies of Marx
about history.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, since you have been in the Uiiiteif
States, have you attended any Communist Party meetings?
Mr. Brecht. No ; I don't think so.
Mr. Stripling. You don't think so?
Mr. Brecht. No.
The Chairman. Well, aren't you certain ?
Mr. Brecht. No — I am certain; yes.
The Chairman. You are certain you have never been to Connnunist
Party meetings?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; I think so. I am here 6 years — I am here those — •
1 do not think so. I do not think that I attended i)olitical meetings.
The Chairman. No : neA^er mind the political meetings, but have you
attended any Communist meetings in the United States?
Mr, Brecht. I do not think so ; no.
The Chairman. You are certain?
Mr. Brecht. I think I am certain.
The Chairman. You think you are certain ?
Mr. Bkecht. Yes; I have not attended sucli meetings, in my opinion.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, have you since you have been in the
United States, have you met with any officials of the Soviet Govern-
ment ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 499
Mr. Bkecht. Yes, yes. In Hollywood 1 was invited, sometimes
three or foui- times, to the Soviet consulate with, of course, many other
Avr iters.
Mr. Si'iui'ijxci. AA'hat otliers?
Mr. Bkeciit. AVith otlier writers and artists and actors who the}"
gave some receptions at special Soviet [speaking in German]
Mr. BAUMO.MtDT. Festivities.
Mr. Bkecht. Festivities.
Mr. STKirLiNG. Did any of the officials of the Soviet Government
ever come and visit you '.
Mr. Bkecht. I don' think so.
Mr. Stripling. Didn't Gregory Kheifets visit you on April 14, 1943,
vice consul of the Soviet Government ? Yon know Gregory Kheifets,
don't you %
Mr. Bkecht. (Gregory Kheifets?
The CiiAiHMAX. Watch out on this one.
Mr. Bkecht. I don't remember tliat name, but I might know him;
yes. 1 don't remember
Mr. Striplixo. Did he come and visit you on April 14, 1913?
Mr. Bkecht. It is (juite possible.
Mr. Stkiplino. And again on A])ril 27, and again on June 16,
1944^
Mr. Bkecht. That is cjuite ])ossible, yes; that somebody — I don't
know. I don't remember the name, but that somebody, some of the
cultural attaches
Mr. Stkiplix(;. Cultuial attaches.
Mr. Bkecht. Yes.
The Chairman. Spell the name.
Mr. Stkiplix(;. (iregory, (j-r-e-g-o-r-y Kheifets, K-h-e-i-f-e-t-s.
I will s})ell the last name again, K-h-e-i-f-e-t-s.
Mr. Bkecht. Kheifets?
Ml'. Striplixo. Yes. Do you remember Mr. Kheifets?
Mr. Bkecht. I don't remember the name, but it is quite possible.
But I remember that from the — I think from the — yes, from the con-
sulate, from the Russia^ consulate some people visited me, but not
only this man, but also I think the consul once, but I don't remember
his name either.
Mr. SrKiPEiX(;. What was the nature of his business?
Mr. Brecht. He — it must have been about my literary connections
with German writers. Some of them are friends of mine.
Mr. Striplixt;. (xerman writers^
Mr. Brecht. Yes: in Moscow.
Mr. Striplin(;. In jMoscow?
Mr. Brecht. Yes. And there appeared in the Staats Verlag the
Sergei Tretyakov translations of my jilays, for instance, this Private
Life of the blaster Race. A Penny foi' the Poor, and poems, and so on.
Mr. Stkipmxc;. Did Gerhart Eisler ever visit you, not Hanns, but
Gerhart ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes: I met Gerhart Eisler, too. He is a brother of
Hanns and he visited me with Hanns and then three or four times
without Hanns.
Mr. Strh'lixo. Could you tell us iu what year he visited you?
Wasn't it the same year that Mr. Kheifets visited you?
Mr. Brech r. I do not know, but thei-e is no connection I can see.
500 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTUKE INUrsiHY
Mr. SrinrM.\(;. Do you ivcall liiin visiting y()ii on ,Jiimi;ny IT, ]'.>44?
Ml". Bkix'iit. No; I do uol recall such (late, l>ut he uiijjfht have
visited nie on such date.
Mr. Stkiplixc;. Where did he visit you '.
Mr. Bkkciit. He used to ask for his hrother who, as I told you, is an
old friend of mine, and we phiyed some <2;ames of chess, too, and we
spoke about politics.
Mr. Si'RiPLixG. About politics?
Mr. Brecjit. Yes.
The Chairman. What was the last auswei'!' I didn't <:et the last
answer?
Mr. Stripling. They spoke about politics.
In any of your conversations with Gerhart Eisler, did you discuss
the German Communist movement?
Mr. Brectit. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. In Germany %
Mr. Brecht. Yes; we spoke about, of course, German politics. He
is a specialist in that, he is a politician.
Mr. Stripling. He is a politician?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; he, of course, knew very nuich more than I knew
about the situation in Germany.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, can you tell the committee when you
entered this country, did you make a statement to the Immi<^ration
Service concernino- your past affiliations?
Mr. Brecht. I don't remember to have made such a statement, but
I think I made the usual statements that I did not want to or diet not
intend to overthrow the American Government. I might have been
asked whether I belonged to the Communist Party, I don't remember
to have been asked, but I would have answered what I have told you,
that I W' as not. That is what I remember.
Mr, Stripling. Did they ask you whether or not you had ever been
a member of the Communist Party?
Mr. Brecht. I don't remember.
Mr. Stripling. Did they ask you whether or not you had ever been
to the Soviet?
Mr. Brecht. I think they asked me, yes ; and I told them.
Mr. Stripling. Did they question you about 3'our writings?
Mr. Brecht. No; not as I remember, no; they did not. I don't
remember any discussion about literature.
Mr. Stripling. Now% you stated you sold the book, the story, Hang-
men Also Die, to United Artists ; is that correct?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; to an independent firm; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Did Hanns Eisler do the backgrouiul nuisic for
Hangmen Also Die?
Mr. Brecht, Yes; he did.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall who stan-ed in that picture ?
Mr. Brecht. No ; I do not.
Mr, Stripling. You don't even remember who played the leading
role in the picture?
Mr. Brecht. I think Brian Donlevy played it,
Mr, Stripling, Do you reuiember any of the other actors or
actresses who were in it?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 501
Mr. Bkecut. No ; I do not. You see, I had not veiT much to do with
the filniization itself. I AAi'ote the story and then to the script writers
some advice about tlie back<2:round of Nazis, nazism in Czechoslovakia,
so I had nothinj^ to do with the actors.
The Chairman. ISIr. Stripling, can we hurry this along? We have
a very heavy schedule this afternoon.
Mr. Stripling. Yes*
Now, Mr. Bi'echt, since you have been in the United States have you
contributed articles to any Communist publications in the United
States ?
Mr. Breoht. I don't think so; no.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the magaziiie New Masses?
Mr. Brecht. No.
Mr. Stripling. You never heard of it ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; of course.
Mr. Stmpling. Did you ever contribute anything to it?
Mr. Brecht. No.
Mr. Stripling. Did they ever publish any of your work ?
Mr. Brecht. That I do not know. They might have published some-
translation of a jioem, but I had no direct connection with it, nor did
I send them anything.
Mr. SiTiiPLiNG. Did you collaborate with Hanns Eisler on the song'
In Praise of Learning?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; I collaborated. I wrote that song and he only
wrote the music.
Mr. SiTiiPLTNG. You wrote the song?
Mr. Brecht. I wrote the song.
Mr. Sti^ipling. Would you recite to the committee the words of
that song?
Mr. Brecht. Yes ; I would. May I point out that song comes from
another adaj)tation I made of Gorky's play. Mother. In this song a
Russian worker woman addresses all the poor people.
Mr. Stripling. It was produced in this country, wasn't it ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes, 35, New York.
Mr. Stripling. Now, I will read the words and ask you if this
is the one.
Mr. Brecht. Please.
Mr. Stripling, (reading) :
Learn now the simple truth, you for whom the time has come at hist ; it is not
too late.
Learn now the ABC. It is not enough but learn it still.
Fear not, be nf)t downhearted. Again you must learn the lesson, you must be
ready to take over —
Mr. Brecht. No, excuse me. that is the wrong translation. That is
not right. [Laughter.] Just one second, and I will give you the cor-
rect text.
Mr. Stripling. That is not a correct translation?
Mr. Brecht. That is not correct, no; that is not the meaning. It is
not very beautiful, but I am not speaking about that.
Mr. Stripling. What does it mean? I have here a portion of The
People, which was issued by the Communist Party of the United States,
published by the Workers' Library Publishei-s. Page 24 says :
In praise of learning, by Bert Brecht ; music by Hanns Eisler.
502 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
It says here :
You must be ready to take over; learn it.
Men on the {U)le, learn it; men in the prisons, learn it; women in tin- kitchen,
learn it ; men of Gf), learn it. You nnist be ready to take over —
and "Toos right on throu^jh. That is the core of it —
You nnist be ready to take over.
Mr. Brecht. Mr. Stripling, maybe his transhition-
Mr. Baumgardt. The correct translation -vvouhl be. "Yon mnst take
the lead."
The Chairman. ''Yon mnst take the lead"'?
Mr. Baumgardt. ''The lead." It definitely says, '"The lead." It is
not ''You mnst take over." The translation is not a literal translation
of the German.
Mr. Striplin(;. Well. Mr. Brecht. as it has been published in these
publications of the Communist Party, then, if that is incorrect, what
did you mean ?
Mr. BRECirr. I don't remember never — I never got that book myself.
I must not have been in the country when it was published. I think
it was published as a song, one of the songs Eisler had written the
music to. I did not give any permission to publish it. I don't see —
I think I have never saw the translation.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have tlie words there before yon (
Mr. Brecht. In German, yes.
Mr. Stripling. Of the song?
Mr. Brecht. Oh, yes; in the book.
Mr. Stripling. Xot in the original.
Mr, Brecht. In the German book.
Mr, Stripling, It goes on :
You nuist be ready to take over ; you must he ready to take over. Don't
hesitate to ask questions, stay in there. Don't hesitlale to ask questions,
<romrade
Mr, Brecht. Why not let him translate from the German, word
for word ?
Mr. Baumgardt. I think you are mainly interested in this transla-
tion which comes from
The Chairman, I cannot understand the interpreter any more
than I can the witness
Mr. Baumgardt. ]Mi'. Chairman, I apologize. I shall make use
of this.
The Chairman. Just speak in that microphone and maybe we can
make out.
Mr, BAUM(;ARDr. Tlie last line of all three verses is correctly to be
translated:
''You must take ovei- the lead," and not "You must take over."
"You must take the lead." would be the best, most correct, most
accurate translation.
Mr. Striplinc;. Mr. Brecht, did you ever make application to join
the Connnunist Party?
Mr. Brecht. I do not understand the question. Did I make
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever made ap])lication to join the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Brecht. No, no, no. no, no, never.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 503
Mr. Sthu'linc. Mr. Cliairinan. we have here
Mr. Bkkcut. I was an indepeiulent writer and wanted to be an
"mdeijendent writer and I point that out and also tlieoretically, I
tiiink, it was the best for me not to join any party whatever. And
all these thjnos you read here were not only written for the German
communists, but they Mere also written for workers of any other
kind; Social Democrat workers were in these j)erformances; so were
Catholic workers from Catholic unions; so were workers which never
had been in a party or didn't want to tro into a party.
Tlie Chairman! Mr. Brecht, did Gei'hart Easier ever ask you to
join the Communist Party?
Ml-. Bkecht. No, no.
The Chairman. Did Hanns Eisler ever ask you to join the Com-
jnunist Party i'
Ml*. Breoht. No; he did not. I think they considered me just as
a writer who wanted to write and do as he saw it, but not as a political
figure.
The (^HAiRMAN. Do you recall anyone ever having asked you to
join the Communist Party?
Mr. Brecht. Some people might have suggested it to me, but then
I found out that it was not my business.
The Chairman. Who were those people who asked you to join the
Communist Party?
Mr. Brec HT. Oh, readers.
The Chairman. Wlio?
Mr. Brecht. Readers of my poems or people from the audiences.
You mean — there was never an official approach to me to publish — ^ —
The Chairman. Some people did ask you to join the Communist
Party.
Mr. Kenny. In Germany. [Aside to witness.]
Mr. Brecht. In Germany, you mean in Germany ?
The Chairman. No ; I mean in the United States.
Mr. Brecht. No, no, no.
The Chairman. He is doing all right. He is doing much better than
tmany other witnesses you have brought here.
Do you recall whether anyone in the United States ever asked you
to join the Communist Party?
^Ir. Brecht. No; I don't.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell, do you have any ([uestions?
Mr. McDowell. No; no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, do you have any more cjuestions?
Mr. Striplin(;. I would like to ask Mr. Brecht whether or not he
wrote a poem, a song, rather, entitled, "Forward, "We've Not For-
gotten."
Mr. McDowell. ''Forward.'" what?
Mr. StripliN(}. Forward, We've Not Forgotten.
Mr. Brecht. I can't think of that. The English title may be the
i-eason.
Mr. Stripling. Would you translate it for him into German?
(Mr. Baumgardt translates into German.)
•Nfr. Brecht. Oh, now I know: yes.
504 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY ]
Mr. Stripling. You are familiar Avith the Mord-; to that (
Mr. liRECHT. Yes.
Mr. Stuipling. Would the committee like me to read that ? '
The Chairman. Yes; without objection. <ro aliead.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Forward, we've not forgotten our strenjjjth in the tights we"ve w<iii :
No matter what may threaten, forward, not forjrotten how strong wt' arc as
one ;
Only these our hands now acting, huihl thn rond. tlic walls, thf towers. All
the worhl is of our making.
Wliat of it can we call oursV
The refrain :
P'orward. March on to the towei-, through the city, hy land the world;
Forward. Advance it on. Just whose city is the city? Just whose world is^
the world?
Forward, we've not forgotten our union in hunger and pain, no matter what
may threaten, forward, we've not forgotten.
We have a world to gain. We shall free the world of shadow ; every shop andl
every room, every road and every meadow.
All the world will be our own.
Did you write that, Mr. Brecht?
Mr. Brecht. No. I wrote a German })oeni. but that is very differ-
ent from this. [Laughter.]
]Mr. Stripling. Tliat is all the (questions I have. ]Mr. Chaiiman.
The Chairjman. Thank you very much. Mr. I^reclit. You are a goixl
example to the witnesses of Mr. Kenny and Mr. Cnun.
We w ill recess until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
(Whereupon, at 12: 15 p. m., a recess was taken until '2 p. ni. of thu
same day.)
afternoon session
The committee reconvened at 2 p. m.. pursuant to the taking of the
recess.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness, Mr. Chairman, will Ite ]Mr. Louis J.
Russell.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, take the stand, please.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, you have been previously sworn by
the chairman, have you not?
Mr. Russell. I have.
Mr. Stripling. Will you state your full name?
Mr. Russell. Louis j. Russell.
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee again your past em-
ployment background, particularl}^ with the Federal Bureau of Inves-
tigation?
Mr. RussELiv. I was emjiloyed by the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tioh for a period of 10 years. I have also been employed by the
Thomas A. Edison Co., Inc., of West Orange. N. J., as director of
plant protection. I have been associtated with the Committee on
Un-American Activities since May 1945.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 505
Mr. Stku'Lixg. Mr. Chairiiiaii, there has ah'eady been phiced in the
record Mr. Russell's participation in the present matter under inquiry
by the connnittec, namely, the Communist infiltratior. into the motion-
picture industry.
Mr. Russell, during your investigation of the Hollywood movie in-
dustry did you conduct any research work which woidd reflect the
interest of the Soviet Union in the Hollywood motion-picture in-
tlustry ^
Mr. Russell. Yes.
In the publication called "International Theater," which was pub-
lislied in Moscow, Russia, as the official publication of the Interna-
tional Union of the Revolutionary Theater, there is contained a great
deal of information concerning the interests of the Communists not
only in Moscow but of the Communist International in the motion
pictures as a means of furthering the class struggle.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chaii-man, in order to conserve time I ask that
Mr. Russell refer to the numbers of these issues and the date rather
than to read the entire article into the record.
The CiLViRMAN. Without objection so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. At this point, Mr. Chairman, I also ask unanimous
consent of the committee to put into the record a speech which was
delivered by V. J. Jerome in the summer of 1938 to the National Con-
vention of the Communist Party on the Cultural Commission within
the United States.
The Chairman. Without objection so ordered.
(The matter referred to is as follows:)
liiyoKT ON THK NATIONAL ( 'ONVKNTION IN ReLVTION TO CULTUKAI, MOVEMENT
(V. J. .Jerome)
(Delivf^red personally, summer 1938)
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
First reix)rt in the National Convention on Culture, an achievement. Hope
that writers in the field will make demands on the editors of the Communist.
SURVEY OF ACTIVITIES
(From manuscript : )
Necessary to supplement leaflets and papers with cultural media which should
be used by us. There is also the subjective factor — the winning: over of profes-
sionals to our party increases forces and modes of expression for our agitation
and education through the medium of culture. Result: Beginnings of people's
•culture fusing with the life of our movement in the form of films, plays, recita-
tions, chalk talks, and the like. Our party should remember the use of these
things in the campaign of 1937 — the use of schools, settlement houses, organized
t-amera clubs, presenting actual scenes of the living conditions of the ])eople in
the communities. The East Side Players of New York wrote and produced a play
on housing, presented the play to indoor and outdoor audiences, helping to build
the Tenant's League. These experiences should be assembled. The section
•could regularly carry on such work.
In the trae-unions this work is important. Plays such as Plant in the Sun,
representing through the medium of drama the idea of solidarity, Negro rights,
•etc. Dramatic iireseiitati(ms facilitate political campaigns in the ti'aile luiions
by emotional appeal, making it easier for us to come with our programatic
•campaigns.
Detroit Automobile Tlieater has presented a play on Spain to 50,000 auto
workers.
In Chicago a play was presented on industrial unionism to A. F. of L. audience
using the theme of sit-down strike.
506 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Theater jfi'onps developing forms of workers' education. Our comrades must
utilize — get firmer gi-asp of cultural activity. * * ♦ .
Think of the fund of cultru'al tradition that can he exploited among tlie Negro
groups in line with the emi)hasis that Comrade Hi'owder has given in his report
for the general need for vitalizing our activity among national groups. Think
of the tasks among the Negro i)eople. In the Negro Peoide's Theater of Rich-
ni(md, Va.. a start was made througli some assistance of certain comrades in
New York. Harlem Suitcase Theater. Actual demand tVtr cultural ecjuality of
Negroes must hecome part of our struggle for Negro culture. Remove dis-
crimination against Xcgro people. And remove the condition of making Negroes
menials in the hall of culture.
American youth: A s])ecial duty on our party, our resolve to give increased
guidance and a.ssistance to YCL centering on cultural work.
Work among women: I^eadership shown must he emi)hasize<i and developed in
terms of their special prohlems.
Consider tlie children and their cultural demand.s — winning; through them their
families.
Basis for tlie.se developments in orgaiiizati(tns such as Artists Congress. Amer-
ican Artists Union. League of American Wi-iters. Similar work in this tield
has heen done hy Tlieater Arts Committee for Peace and Democracy with its
splendid radio division. Note with special aiipreciation the work d<me by Com-
rade Reid in helping estahlish this organization.
New Theatre League <loing educational work in trade unions and mass or-
ganizations and which has hrought forward a series of excellent playlets hefor«>-
audiences in many towns and cities.
Frontier Films: Its Heart of Spain ;ind China Strikes hack.
Associated Film Audiences stopped the showing of Siege of Alcazar.
Choruses, nuisicians, d;mcers, entertainment unions. WPA projects: camiiaigu
for the enactment of Federal art hill is now in full swing and shouli! h.Mvr the-
full support of the party.
Puhlications : New .Ahisses, Daily Worl^er. colninu of .Mike (Jold.
PROBLEMS
How can we coordinate cultural activities witli the movement as a whole.
We need a far more positive approach to cultural work : to realize the opjiortuni-
ties of cultiu'al movements that mass agitation otTer to our pai-ty. This ap-
proach of necessity will lead to the solution of the second problem, th;it of de-
veloping cultural persoiuiel in our part.v.
We liave made advances; yet in regard to the opportunities and in general
needs we have scarcely made a turn. AVe have still in our party a certain
evil remaining from the past — tlie evil of pulling up stal^es. We should recog-
nize that there is still a tendency in the committees, units, etc., to divert the
comrades doing cultural work to assign them to new work. It is an indication
of development when a comrade shows himself tit to be transferred to varied
activities. We should not discourage such transfers. But we sliould bear in
mind — concern must always he given to condition of the work that tlie comrade
has heen doing so there will not he pulling up of stakes, which we have got rid
of successfidly in many tields of our endeavor.
In dealing further with the question of coordinating the work, we can only
speak experimentally. We have done so little because actually we are groping
for particulars, methods in building UTp coordinating activity.
We liave liad in certain districts, and in certain sections, certain enterprising
districts ami swtions, cultural committees that have undertaken to do work set
up by districts and committees. In the course of recent months we have made a
survey of certain of these committees. We found in many instances that these
committees, while doing certain valuable worlv, did not always yield the fruits
that the planters had looked for; and in examining causes we foiuid that com-
mittees were left to drift for themselves. They were invested with too much
autonomy. Expei'ience would show us that where .such cultural committees
are established by sections it is best to regard them as subcommittees, let us
say, of the education and organization committees, or if a separate counnittee,
apart from the e<lucational committee, then responsible to the lending
committee of the section to which it gives regular reports and a counts
of its activities, having its activities placed on the agenda for review, discussion,
atid plaiHiing. Without this they will really be drifting. They need integrated
cultural committees. If we examine the way a committee has been set up, we
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 507
woiilil tiiul that tlie organization tie-up is that of integration ; hut the emphasis
cannot he overstated, tlie work of such coiuniittees must l)e considered a work
of importance, of cnllural im])ortance, along the central activity of the party
as a whole.
Another difliculty iu regard to tliese committees, or to cultural work carried
on without committees hy some of our party hodies, is the tendency to limit
cultui-al activity to festive occasions, to Lenin Memorial, May Day, and other
red-letter days, etc. It is very good to feel that we have forces who come to
the assistance of the party and heautify and intensify the party's agitational
work, hut the time has c(»me when we must register our dissatisfaction with
any policy which limits cultural activities to simply occasional entertainment,
to gala entertainment, even though it he Bolshevist-gala entertainment. We
have to have day-to-day cultural activity as part of the class struggle, as part
of the general sti'uggle foi' building tlie front of the American people for democ-
racy, for culture, and in doing this the party everywhei'e will, in the course of
time, realize that there is anything to he regretted it is the late start in
integrating this cultural work with our genei'al campaign — the minutest day-to-
<lay activities.
The prohleni that I want paiticularly to stress tcmight is the problem which
has caused us real concei'n in the course of tmr experience — that of our re-
.sponsihility to the cultural workers. And we are dealing with human factors.
We are dealing with heterogeneous liuman factors — nmcli more heterogeneous
than any other social components of the Connnunist Party. The Communist
Party is a monolithic party. The wcu'king class is a homogeneous class but it
becomes monolitliic to the extent that we l)()lslievize the memhei'ship of our
party, make them tlioroughbred Communists.
A realistic view of the situation shows us tliat in the cultural forces much
work lias to he done by our party, and wlien we .speak of our party I do not
mean .just the leadership of the party, but every party comrade, both in regard
to him.self and evei-yone with whom he comes in contact.
We have won many cultural people to our fold as members and friends and
sympathizers, but recruiting, unless it is followed by the next step, the step
of solidifying, helping, rendering permanent tliis recruiting, we liave not really
done the recruiting; in otlier words, solidifying our gains in the course of winning
these people.
If this is a problem for the party as a whole, how mucli more is it a problem
in regard to tlie workers in the cultural tield, for with theii- valuable e(]uipnient
they bring in varying forms draw-backs which reflect themselves in tlieir work,
unless we help them to fivercome it. Draw-liacks that are hang-overs of past
environments, past miseducation, jtast outlook on life and societ.v. Such trail's
as liberalism, which has nothing in common with progressivism. Speaking of
lil>eralism, or to round out the word, rotten liberalism, su'h traits as aca-
demicism, viewing a topic, an issue, almost witli a Hamletic waver, between
yea and na.v. What has this in common with the Communist theory and prac-
tice? But we find it still in oui' midst — i»ure and simple professionalism. It
it merely a cari'y-over of an organized notion of our function in which one
has not yet learned to make the synthesis between his political program and
his pi-ofessional conti-ibution to the carrying out of that progi-am.
And, of course, hyjiei-individualism. that direct cur.se of them all — all of which
constitutes susceptibilities to Trotskyism and other alien classes.
Certain examples which will illusti-ate at the present moment the danger of
jiermitting such notions to remain in oui' midst. How often do we come across
certain individuals mingling with us who advance the following idea about the
people's front : for examiile, that Dimitrov's rejtort finally recognized that they
wei'e right all the time. In other words, that Dimitrov's report is a concession
to the petty bourgeoisie — the party in the past is now repudiating hy the seventli
congn'ss line, and now that the party has ]iroved itself worthy they may .join it.
What doe.s this mean'/ Can we allow such notions to manifest themselves politi-
call.v':' We have written extensively in our writings and jieriodicals — Comrade
Browder's people's front illustrated for us to see that the adoption of a new line
does not constitute a repudiation but. on the contrar.v. it constitutes a necessary
historic transition to a new tactic rendered requisite hy a develoiiing situation.
Now. he who is oj'posed to the adoption on the part of the working-class party
of the correct tactic stands on the side lines sneering that "They liave changed
their line." This sneering reflects itself in shadows of grimaces on the part of
some of our weaker comrade.s. We must overcome such notions in our midst.
We welcome them Cthe comrades) b\it we do not welcome their interest on tlie
508 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTUHE INDUSTRY
basis of tlu'ii- uiKlcistandinjj that that which they arc joiiiiiii:' is imt a pai'ty (»f
coniiiiunisni. It is our duty to chirify theso comrades.
We have a task to perform ; we are educators ; we are traiisforuiers of conscious-
ness ; and tliat transformation of consciousness does not end with the roj^istration
of a .iriven candiiiate to tlie party but be.iiins with tliat moment, for then we liave
the administrator — the channel throu;,di whicli to do it.
Anotiier manifestation of this — the tendency to abuse and distort the criticism
contained in tlie word ".sectarianism." How often do we not tind that when a
certain liberalism begins to insinuate it.self and when it is criticized correctly that
very often we find countercharges that criticism is sectarianism. Yes ; we have — ■
we hope for good — thrown sectarianism out the window. \Ve have established
ourselves as being on the highroad to becoming a mass party. We hope before
very long to count our nmnbers in terms of hundreds of thousands. 'I'liat is a
.prospective with a program.
We built qualitatively as well as quantitatively, and we cannot, and should
not, permit the charge contained in the word "sectarianism" to cover the employ-
ment of opportunism, conscious or unconscitms.
To illustrate this with an in.stance: The book Red Star Over China, which
has created confusion in the party and around the party. The action of the
party in adopting a critical attitude to the book, in keeping the boctk from
circulation in our party bookshops, has not been completely understood by many
comrades. I think it should be stated in all due fairness to tho.se comrades that
the party did not come out quickly enough with an authentic opinion on the
book; and, of course, there were many speculations. It was necessary and im-
perative to have prompt reviews of the book, to make the matter clear before
our members. Of course, the party has an attitiide to the book : there were
reviews in several periodicals. Here is a book written by a man who undoubtedly
is disposed as a friend and well-wisher of the Chinese people. A man who is,
you might say, profoundly sympathetic, and attached to the Chinese Soviets, and
who wrote a boi>k that is in many pages inspiring. I'et those who have read the
book carefully, those wh(» have followed the review in the Communist, will conisa
to the conclusion that the book brings forward Trotskyite conclusions that actually
damage an otherwise valuable documentary accoiuit. In fact, the philosophy of
the book is that comnnmism is adorable if it arises as a Chinese phenomenon. A
.sort of new except ionalism cut off from international communism — not only cut
off, but Snow's thesis seems to be that wherevei- the Comm-unist International
enters as a factor it brings about tragedy and ruin in the wake of the Chinese
revolution. And as for the Soviet Union, that is the villain of the piece. Snow
maintains that the Communist International is, or is used as, a sort of vest-pocket
bureau of the Soviet Foreign Office. This is purveying Trotskyism. W'e do
not say that Snow is a Trotskyite. We do not say that Snow is a Trotskyite,
but we do say that by his unclarity and by his failure, his professional failure,
to check on data, a responsibility wliich he owes to himself as a foreign corre-
spondent, he has made hin^self a vehicle for carrying Trotskyite poi.son into his
book; and, therefoi'e, notwithstanding the great value of his book in many other
ways, we have to register this deep-going criticism in the hope that thereby be
will i)erhaps put forth a new edition in which he will make the corrections that
we have indicated.
I mention this as an instance in the party of sectarianism. The word is used
by friends and comrades. W^hyV Because they abuse the word "sectarianism."
In fact, it would be extremely sectarian to Trotsky not to have taken the attitude
that we have taken to such a word. There is an antitoxin to drive out this re-
maining poison in the system of certain of the people that come toward us. This
antitoxin is the valuable fiow of education — of study of Marxism, Leninism, which
we owe as educators, as members of the party, to those who come toward us.
We have to devi.se the necessary methods to help overcome this. Of course, we
don't mean in the book learning; we mean practice.
Far too many of these people somehow or other are members at large, not
because they have been assigned due to their strategic posts that they may occupy
in the camp of the enemy, in Wall Street or other places. Tliey have sort of
placed themselves at large.
I cite an instance where a i-epresentative of the central committee set out to
visit a certain group at large to conduct an instructive talk on a vital political
subject and he was told that they couldn't reveal themselves. In other words,
they don't know us and we don't know them. They missed the study, the work,
the'activity, the helpful guidajice, and the contact with the life of the basic party
•organizations.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 509
There are two ways for intellectuals to come into the party. One is the way of
perennially skirting the fringe. The other is the way to come — weave himself
right into the cloth of the banner of Leninism. Every one of us knows what the
results of two such ways of coming are.
For instance, I think that in certain places and in certain professions it is
advisable to have special units of workers in a given profession established in
WPA units, or perhaps units of a given establisliment. But, to say, as we have
observed in certain cities not fartlier than a stone's throw from here, tliat everyone
who wields a pen shall therefore belong to our writers unit — and there are such
demands I notice, in Chicago, in Philadelphia and here — I think this means
isolating themselves from the party. It means a life of inbreeding, failure to live
the life of the party. There is no blanket judgment on this. In every district
or section the leadership exercices its due discretion to see where in special
places professional units can be and should be set up. They have their place and
should function where they have their place; but where they have no reason for
being, there is absolutely nothing l)ut loss in such an arrangement.
I was in Los Angeles last year and came upon a unit consisting of one or two
lawyers, one or two medicos, publicity agents, a couple of storekeepers and
teachers. I visited that unit, and I was told that this is an industrial unit.
That was not the opinion of the county leadership. Actually it seemed that it was
some sort of mushroom growth ; and in investigating the basis upon which they
had built themselves — -they had not a single profession, let alone an industrial
profession — the common denominator upon which they existed, I found, was the
desire to keep from being open party members. In other words, the negative
policy of concealment was the basis for joint work.
Certainly, we have to safeguard professionals. We cannot adopt the same
methods of work, nor can we always nor should we always have the genei'al policy
of open work, dependent upon who the professionals are. P>nt to say that there
can be such a thing as a basis of work which hasn't a positive program, but rather
a negative program of withdrawal, is the opposite. Well, as to that unit, tliey
disbanded, and some of them became attached to factory groups and units, helped
put out factory papers, and began to find themselves in the party, making them-
selves useful. They gave their equipment to basic party units, began to register
their party attitude to things. Before leaving I spoke to some of those comrades.
There was a different light in their eye in speaking of the party.
Promote the. party press among our professionals. I don't like to embarrass
gatherings of professionals by asking how many have really read the Daily
Worker, and I don't mean page 7 only. How many read the Party Organizer?
How many read the Communist? Very few, comrades. And where will this
transformation come about? Where shall we equip ourselves for further educa-
tion? * * * It is a very important question. Ask yourselves; probe your
consciences tonight. I think if we can all answer in the afBrmative there would
be a much wider circulation of the Daily Worker and of the entire press.
We must begin to educate through the medium of study groups. The question
of study groups is a fundamental problem, of course, not only educational work
in the units, but actual study groups where groups of party comrades build
around themselves nonparty people, and begin bringing in the policies of our
party through a program of education related to the current topics of the houi*.
I would say that if the comrades of the section could see their way to instituting
such study groups around the professional units it would really be a basic
achievement — it would be a preparation for the bolshevizing of the comrades —
for making genuine Communists of the entire circle of party comrades and their
familiars. The leading committees should actually do the building of these
study gi-oups.
And further, we must more than ever impress the professionals — our friends
and sympathizers, that we have a positive approach also to their work. It isn't
just a question — they shouldn't imagine that they are just brought into the party
as tliough to be turned into instruments apart from their work, but on the con-
trary, that their coming into the party was their b^ing friends of the party and
sympathizers as in terms of their actual work. We do not always make this
clear. The party increasingly clierishes and values sp'^cific qualities that the
professionals bring into our midst. Gone is the day when we just took a pro-
fessional comrade and assigned him to do nondescript party work. We say, on
the contrary, comrades, you have something specific to give. You have the
general contril)utions to make, in your loyalty, in your dues payments, your at-
tendance, and your various duties and tasks to perform. But you have also a
67683—47 33
510 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
different contribution to nuilce, wliether yon are a writer, a tilm artist, a radio
performer. We need Ihis no matter how valuable you are to the party on the
picket line, and If in your turn you do not contribute, you would not i*eally be
valuable to us. Tliis is important to register. And we must also register the
fact that the party is not satisfied with anything save the best in terms of
quality and caliber and talent that the comrades can produce. Our motto is:
Nothing is too good for the working class — and not, as some say, and possibly by
their inferior work, not ))ecause they are unable to do better, but a sort of sloppy
arrangement, that anything is good enough for the working class. We want
quality. We want good leaflets, splendid posters, such as tlie Communist Party
of Germany used to put out when artists such as Kathe KoUwitz gave of their
best to poster production. And, of course, murals, and everything that is good.
We want our basic agitational work to reflect that we have talented professionals
in our midst — good sketches, good plays. In fact unless the form is there the
content is not there.
I came across something recently — a translation of a poem — Rossett's transla-
tion of Francois Villon — "Where are the snows of yesteryear?" An American
paper carried in translation of that same line : "What's become of last year's
snow?" Is it really the same? The form is not there. And as Marxists, as
dialecticians, we believe in the daily unity and interpenetration of form and
content.
I was present last night at a cabaret — TAG. I want to say that I think the
comrades of TAG deserve a cheer for this innovation that they have brought
into our movemnt ; it opens an avenue for very fine achievements. Speaking in
terms of medium as to its possibiliites, it possibilities are great. There was
some fine singing, good schnitzelbank, and yet at the end we had something tacked
on the end of the program about Mayor Hague in the form of a round. The
form, the words particularly, and music, were nothing to write home about.
And I feel that, although tlie content was intended with the form, especially I
was a little ashamed of the thing, because these comrades can do so much better.
The content wasn't there because there wasn't that medium of presenting the thing
effectively. I say that as party comrades we must be the first to demonstrate
that it is not true what the Eastmans say, "Artists in uniform, crashing art out
of creation." On the contrary, we have to demonstrate by our creations that we
are the ones that are the guardians of art. Quality. Stimulate; criticize. And
we demand the best that the comrades can offer.
We have Iiad another tendency, comrades. A tendency — part of the same
thing — of utilizing certain names of notables for public statements. Very good,
and we need more of such names. But I think, comrades, that if we get these
signatures and let it go at that we are not really doing the right thing by these
people : for who will deny the fact that if they are prepared to give their signa-
tures for a progressive cause, even for a direct Communist cause, they are also
prep'ired in one way or another to vitalize those signatures into action? Don't
we shy off? Just leave them and then call upon them again? We don't want to
use these people for window trimming. These are people who demonstrate by that
t'^at tliey want to do something. We are the stimulators. We should draw them.
Do we? You will find that very often we neglect these people. To draw them
means to draw them to do something. Why can't we draw some of these people
and asl^ them to become pamphleteers for our cause. Have we a great overage?
Certainly not.
We can ask them to become poster artists, mural makers. They can embellish
onr shop papers and do various performances in our day-to-day work and struggle.
Thev are waiting for their invitations. Let's give them a ring. I think we
Itave neglected some very important and useful people in America. We need
and we can get cultural workers to temper the press with protests, with letters,
to write to Congressmen in behalf of various causes that we promulgate. These
are important activities, and these are the beginnings to bring these people
closer, and this has to become a systematic activity. Units should put this on
the agenda — how to draw these people and for what occasion. This will help
to Americanize our work. It will help to bring our message to greater numbers;
and not only will the party gain but we will thereby make use of the special
tnlents which are remaining idle in our midst, and we shall be making happier
and more devoted party comrades of these professionals. Let us remember that
the enemy class bludgeons the masses with every form of clubbing — the radio,
press, and so forth. Let us bear in mind the demagogic use to which they are
put. Let us not abandon a single cultural field to reaction. The Communist
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 511
Party is by its valiUTit leadership administering its role as vanguard of progi-essive
humanity. Let our party demonstrate its role of vanguard of modern culture.
Mr. Stwrlixg. Mr. Rtissell, will you name the bulletins of the
International Theatre which you have referred to?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
Bulletin No. 2 of International Theatre published in 1934, pages 1,
3, 4, 5, and T.*- The October 1934 issue of International Theater, on
page 3,^*^ contains an article describing the growth of the revolutionary
theater in the United States. This particular article states that such
dramatists as Alfred Kreymbourg, John Wexley, Albert Maltz, George
Sklar, Lee Simonson, and others are coming over to the revolutionary
theater. John Wexley and Albert Maltz have been employed by the
Hollywood motion-picture industry.
Page 56 of issue 3 and 4 of International Theater for the year 1934
contains information concerning the training of cadres in the United
States.**
We might also at this time discuss very briefly an article entitled
"Straight From the Shoulder," which appeared in the November
1934 issue of the New Theater, on page 11, which was written by John
Howard Lawson, the movie w^riter, *^ the comment of the editors of the
New Theatre regarding this article by Lawson is as follows :
However, John Howard Lawson's argument that a united-front theater cannot
produce specitically Communist plays is certainly true, and he has brought up
real but not insurmountable difficulties facing playwrights, whether Socialists,
Communists, or just sympathetic, who write for such united-front organization
and audience. His article indicates the immediate need for a Communist pro-
fessional theater that will produce plays as Lawson and others will write, plays
with a clear Communist line and straightforward political statements and
references.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, can you tell the committee whether or
not the Soviet Government has ever sent an official representative to
the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Russell. Yes. During the summer of
The Chairmax. Just a minute.
This testimony is very important to the committee. The commit-
tee wants to hear every word of it. We will just have to maintain the
best order that we possibl}^ can.
Go ahead, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Russell. During the summer of 1943, one Mikhial Kalatozov
made his appearance in Hollywood. According to the Soviet Em-
bassy in Washington, D. C, the purpose of Kalatozov's being in Holly-
wood was to strengthen the artistic and commercial ties with the
cinema people of the United States and those of the Soviet Union.
Just prior to Kalatozov's arrival announcement of the fact was
made by Miss Pauline Swanson of the National Council of American-
Soviet Friendship, 814-816 Broadway, Arcade Building, Los Angeles,
Calif. According to this announcement, Mr. Kalatozov was to be
presented to the Hollywood film colony at a reception and cocktail
party given at the Mocambo Restaurant on the afternoon of August
22, 1943. An article in the west coast organ of the Communist Party,
^- See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 96.
f See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 97.
^ See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 98.
=» See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 99.
512 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
the People's World, carried the following item concerning Kalatozov
in its issue of September 10, 1943. This article is quoted as follows :
MOSCOW LIAISON
Mikhial Kalatozov, Soviet film director, is in Hollywood to give first-hand
advice on pictures dealing with Russia and to study Hollywood methods. They
are starting him off with a reception at the Mocambo.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, can you tell the committee where Mr.
Kalatozov resided while he was in Los Angeles, the address?
Mr. liussELL. Yes. While in Hollywood, Kalatozov resided at
4744 Los Feliz Boulevard, which is located close to the Soviet Con-
sulate and near the homes of some of Hollywood's best-known stars.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Kussell, to what extent did Mr. Kalatozov com-
municate or contact people in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation I became
familiar with the content of several cablegrams which indicated that
Kalatozov had contacted various motion-picture studios in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. AVoulcl you read the content of those telegrams to
the committee?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
One of these cablegrams was dated December 7, 1943, wherein it is
indicated that Kalatozov cabled his superior, Alexander Andrei vsky,
in Moscow, as follows :
Lawrence agrees to distribute our films in Africa, Italy, France. Agreement
advantageous to us. Imperative that we receive immediate reply.
As yon know, Mr. Chairman, we are presently investigating this
matter and there will be an identification made of Lawrence at the
time a report is submitted.
Mr. Stripling. Do yon have other cablegrams, Mr. Russell?
Mr. Russell. Yes. A copy of a cablegram which was received by
Mikhial Kalatozov on January 20, 1944, from his superior in Moscow,
Alexander Adreivsky, reads as follows:
Agreement RKO not received. Will cable after receipt. Regarding radio
concert you should receive detailed cable.
This cablegram indicates an agreement with the RKO studios in
Hollywood had been reached between Kalatozov and that studio.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have cablegrams indicating connection with
other studios in Hollywood?
Mr, Russell. Yes.
In a cablegram dated January 23, 1944, addressed to Alexander
Andreivsky, of the cinema committee in Moscow, is stated :
Immediately inform if Warner Brothers films brought to Moscow were seen
by you.
Mr. Stripling, Mr, Russell, do you recall that several weeks ago the
committee held a hearing on Hanns Eisler?
Mr, Russell. Yes,
Mr. Stripling. Did you assist in the investigation of Hanns Eisler?
Mr. Russell, Yes, sir.
]\Ir. Stripling. Did you go to California early this year to assist in
that iiivestigation ?
Mr. Russell, I did.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 513
Mr. Stripling. Could you furnish the committee with some infor-
mation reofarding the association of Hanns Eisler with certain indi-
viduals in Hollywood?
]\Ir. Russell. Yes.
On October 13, 1943, Hanns Eisler and his wife, Louise, attended a
gathering in the home of Paul Jarrico, 727 Linda Flora Drive, Los
Angeles, Calif., which was addressed by Joseph North, former editor
of the New Masses.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
Mr. Russell. Yes.
]Mi-. Stripung. I believe it has been placed in the testimony here,
Mr. Chairman, that Paul Jarrico was one of the original script writers
of the picture Song of Russia, about which there has been considerable
said during this hearing.
Mr. Russell. On November 9, 1943, the Hanns Eislers were invited
to an affair given by the Russian vice consul in Los Angeles, Calif.,
by V. V. Pastoev, who at that time was the Soviet vice consul in Los
Angeles. On November 16, 1943, the Eislers entertained the Pastoevs
at a party in their home.
On January 10, 1944, Gregori Kheifets, a Soviet vice consul from
San Francisco, Calif., visited Hanns Eisler.
]Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of the record Hanns
Eisler is now subject to deportation, and the Immigration and Natu-
ralization Service has arrested him and he is out on bond awaiting a
hearing on a deportation order. At the time of the hearing he was
shown to be the head of the International Music Bureau with head-
quarters in Moscow.
Mr. Russell, did you receive any information during your investi-
gation regarding the brother of Hanns Eisler, Gerhart Eisler, who
has been convicted in the court in the District of Columbia for being
in contempt of Congress and also for violation of the passport regula-
tions ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
During the year 1940 certain people in the United States were en-
gaged in a campaign to purchase Gerhart Eisler's way out of a con-
centration camp in France. This campaign started when Hanns
Eisler, the brother of Gerhart Eisler, received a cablegram from Ger-
hart asking him for money which he needed for an operation. This
money was actually to be used for the purpose of buying Gerhart
Eisler's way out of the concentration camp in France.
Mr. Stripling. Could you give the committee the details regarding
this matter ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
One person active in this matter was Charles A. Page, who was in
1940 a free-lance writer in Hollywood. Also active
The Chairman. Now, how do you spell that name?
Mr. Russell. Page, P-a-g-e.
Also active, Louise Bransten.
Mr. Stripling. That is Louise, L-o-u-i-s-e, Bransten, B-r-a-n-
s-t-e-n?
]\lr. Russell. That is right.
Both of those persons engaged in considerable activity on behalf
of Gerhart Eisler. It is a known fact that Page requested Louise
514 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Bransten's advice as to how the situation could be handled and it was
resolved that the best way of securing information concerning the
method of handling the situation would be to contact an individual
known as Otto Katz, who was then in Connecticut. It might be re-
called at this point that Gerhart Eisler
The Chairman. How do you spell that last name ?
Mr. Russell. Katz, K-a-t-z.
It might be recalled at this point that Gerhart Eisler when he first
entered the United States stated before the immigration officials who
examined him that he was en route to see Otto Katz who was at that
time residing in Mexico.
Mr. Stripling. Could you further identify Otto Katz, Mr. Russell?
Mr. Russell. Yes. Otto Katz, whose real name is Andre Simone,
and who has numerous other names and aliases, is a known agent of
the Soviet Government who was very active in Mexico City during
the period of the late war. At present he is in Czechoslovakia. He
was also very active in Hollywood at one time, particularly during the
year 1935.
At this point I would like to introduce a telegram received from the
chief of police in Los Angeles, Calif., pertaining to Charles A. Page
and Hanns Eisler.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, was Mr. Page ever employed in the
Department of State?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; he was an employee of the Department of State.
Mr. Stripling. I will come to that in just a moment. Could you
further identify Louise Bransten as soon as you put the telegram into
the record ?
Mr. Russell. Yes, I will.
During the testimony of Joseph Savoretti in the hearing regarding
Hanns Eisler, Mr. Savoretti made several statements regarding a war-
rant which had been issued for the arrest of Hanns Eisler. In one of
these statements he made the following statement, and I quote from
the record of the hearing :
The warrants were thereupon sent to our district office in Philadelphia by the
New York office under date of August 15 for service. The investigator of the
Philadelphia office learned that the aliens had proceeded to 2738 Outpost Drive,
care of Page, Hollywood, Calif.
Yesterday the committee dispatched a telegram to the chief of police
to determine whether Charles A. Page, who has been mentioned hereto-
fore, was identical with the person mentioned in the testimony of
Charles A. Savoretti regarding the warrant which had been issued for
the arrest of Hanns Eisler. The reply of V. B. Horrall, chief of police,
Los Angeles, Calif., states :
Re tel Charles A. Page and Marv Page. Page registered at 273fi Outpost Drive,
Hollywood, from 1938 to 1941.
I believe this establishes the residence of the Pages at 2736 Outpost
Drive when this address we requested was 2738 Outpost Drive, Holly-
wood, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, will you identify Louise Bransten?
Mr. Russell. Yes. She was born on October 10, 1908, at Berkeley,
Calif., the daughter of Abraham Rosenberg and Alice Greenlmum.
She is the former wife of Richard Bransten, also known as Bruce
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 515
Minton, former owner of New Masses, and at present the husband of
Until INIcKenney, the writer, botli of them were recently expelled from
the Communist Party of the United States on a charge of revisionism.
McKinney and Bransten have both been employed in the movie indus-
try. Louise Bransten's father died in 1929 and left an estate valued
at over $2,000,000. Louise was the beneficiary of a $500,000 trust fund
which provided that $250,000 be given to her on her twenty-fifth
birthday and the other half upon reaching the age of 45. At the age
of 25 she made an agreement with the executors of her father's estate
to accept shares of stock in a particular company in lieu of $250,000
in cash. Li view of the fact that I have made no investigation regard-
ing the company mentioned I would rather furnish its name in execu-
tive session because if the name of the firm is mentioned there might
be an unjust reflection on its character.
In 1943, after her mother's death, Louise Bransten inherited a large
sum of money, some of which is held in trust.
Li June 1933 Louise Bransten, accompanied by her husband Richard,
made a 6 weeks' tour of the Soviet Union. During the water-front
strike in San Francisco Louise and Richard Bransten carried out
assignments for the Communist Party, working with Earl Bi'owder
and Gerhart Eisler. In 1944 Louise Bransten made a loan of $50,000
to the People's World, which is the west coast organ of the Communist
Party. She has also contributed through the Rosenberg Foundation,
of which she is a member of the board of directors, $6,000 to the
American-Russian Institute, and $10,000 to the California Labor
School. She has also contributed to the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee
Committee. At present she is living in New York City and is married
to Lionel Berman, who is interested in documentary films. Bransten
is now employed by the New York Committee To Win the Peace.
Mr. Stripling. Now, would you identify Charles A. Page?
Mr. Russell. Yes. The last-known address of this person, insofar
as I know, is the Jeiferson Apartments, Sixteenth and M Streets NW.,
Washington, D. C. He was employed by the State Department from
about the year 1928 through the year 1933, During the years 1934
through 1941 he was a free-lance writer in Hollywood, Calif. When
he discontinued this type of work he returned to the State Depart-
ment. He has been in contact with Louise Bransten, Haakon Chevalier,
Vassili Zublin, a Soviet diplomatic ofhcial, Herbert Biberman, John
Howard LaM'son, Gerhart Eisler, Otto Katz, and Hanns Eisler. He
at one time attempted to obtain a position for Haakon Chevalier.
INIr. Stripling. Do you know where he attempted to obtain such
position?
]Mr. Russell. Yes ; with the Office of War Information.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know through whom he tried to get the job?
Mr. Russell. Through Robert E. Sherwood.
The Chairman. Through Robert E. who?
Mr. Russell. Sherwood, S-h-e-r-w-o-o-d.
Mv. Stripling. Do you know whether or not he obtained a position ?
Mr. Russell. No; he did not obtain a position.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee what commission Page
held in the State Department? Is he in the State Department at this
time, INIr. Russell ?
]Mr. Russell. No ; he is not in the State Department at the present
time.
516 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Striplincx. Do you know whether or not he was ever contacted
in Washington by Louise Bransten while he was in the State De-
partment?
Mr. Russell. Yes. On January 3, 1944.
Mr. Stripijng. Can you tell the committee the nature of work or the
place of employment of Page wliile he was in the State Department?
Mr. Russell. Yes. At one time he was assigned to the American
Embassy in Montevideo, Uruguay. During this employment he cor-
responded frequently with Herbert Biberman and John Howard Law-
son, of the Hollywood movie colony. This person was referred to
upon one occasion by a leading Connnunist in Mexico as being "one
of our men," and this Communist in this connection said of Page, "We
have one of our men right inside the American embassy and we get
the real inside dope from there."
I could name the person who said this, if the committee considers it
necessary.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Page was also attached to the cul-
tural— he was the cultural attache at the embassy in Paris for a while.
Mr. Russell. He was also in New York with the cultural section of
the State Dejoartment.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, during your investigation of Louise
Bransten did you determine whether or not she was in. communication
with various officials of the Soviet Government ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
On April 25, 1945, Louise Bransten was contacted by Stepan Apre-
sian, of the Soviet consulate. Apresian was attached to the Soviet
consulate in San Francisco. She, Louise Bransten, was contacted by
this individual in San Francisco at the Hotel Canterbury on April 25,
1945. The purpose of this meeting, which was arranged by a Mr.
Khrameev, of the Soviet consulate, was to arrange for the distribution
of 40,000 copies of a speech to be made by Molotov before the United
Nations Conference at San Francisco.
On the 24th of April 1945 Bransten was requested to work on the
translation of this speech at the Soviet consulate in San Francisco,
Calif. Ten thousand copies of Molotov's speech were purchased by
the International Workers Order, as a matter of information. The
40,000 copies of Molotov's speech were to be distributed after they had
been printed by a particular lithographing and printing company in
San Francisco.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, we prefer to give the name of the company in execu-
tive session.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Sti?ipling. Can you tell the committee whether or not your
investigation disclosed ^vhether or not Louise Bransten entertained
any of the officials of the Soviet Government?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
On May 19, 1945, Dmitri Manuilsky, the Ukraine Communist leader,
was the guest of honor at a dinner given by Louise Bransten in her
home. Dimitri Manuilsky was a member of the three-man board
which functioned as the Communist International during the late war.
This was during the time that the Communist International had sup-
posedly been dissolved. Other persons who attended the dinner given
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 517
by Bransten for Maniiilsky were Frederick Thompson, Holland
Roberts, president of the California Labor School, and Max Yergan.
Mr. Stripling. That was Holland Roberts ?
Mr. Russell. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. H-o-l-l-a-n-d?
Mr. Russell. Yes. Roberts, R-o-b-e-r-t-s.
INIr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, will you tell the committee the various
connections between Louise Bransten and persons in Hollywood or
the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
First, we have the direct connection between Louise Bransten and
Charles A. Page, who operated as a free-lance writer in Hollywood for
a period of 7 years. Then tliere is the association of Gregori Kheifets,
the Soviet consul, with Hanns Eisler and Louise Bransten.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I would like to point out that Mr.
Bsrthold Brecht, the witness this morning, admitted having met with
Kheifets on several occasions and of Kheifets coming to his liome.
Mr. Russell. Hanns Eisler, of course, was employed by the Holly-
wood moving-picture industry. Then there is a tie-up between Page,
tlie associate of Bransten, and Herbert Biberman and John Howarct
Lawson of the movie colony. Also it might be stated at this point
that when Louise Bransten went to New York City in November
1945 she was contacted by an individual known as George George, a
member of the Communist Party, and a contact of Hanns Eisler in
Los Angeles, Calif. George at one time worked for one of the studios
in Hollywood as a free-lance writer.
Mr. Stripling. Did he work for Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Mr.
Russell ?
Mv, Russell. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Can you at this point furnish the committee with
any information concerning contacts in Hollywood, Calif., which
have been made by outstanding or notorious leaders of the Communist
Party?
jNIr. Russell. Yes.
On May 3, 1942, Alexander Stevens, also known as J. Peters, and
whose real name is Goldberger, visited Los Angeles, Calif. When he
arrived in Los Angeles he was met by Herbert Biberman at the Union
Station. During that day a meeting was held by Alexander Stevens,
Waldo Salt, and Herbert Biberman. Also on tliat same date another
metting was held at Herbert Biberman's home, which was attended by
Paul Jarrico, Morton Grant, Robert Rossen, and Hyman Kraft. Ros-
sen, Biberman, Salt, and Jarrico are also associated with the motion-
picture industry. Also on that same date a third meeting was held by
Alexander Stevens, J. Peters, R. Goldberger, as he is known, Morton
Grant, John Howard Lawson, and Vera Harris, the wife of Lou Harris,
a screen writer.
During the evening of May 3, 1942, another meeting was held in
Herbert Biberman's home between Stevens or Peters, John Howard
Lawson, Lester Cole, Madeline Ruthven, and Herta Uerkvitz. Lester
Cole is a screen writer while Ruthven and Uerkvitz are Communist
Party functionaries in Los Angeles, Calif. Ruthven, Lawson, Stevens,
and Salt also held a meeting on the same date, late at night, in the
home of Waldo Salt. During this visit, among other things, Stevens
518 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
was working on the Communist-inspired movement to secure the re-
lease of Earl Browder, Communist l^arty president at that time, from
a Federal penitentiary, where he had been incarcerated on a charoe of
usin<>; a false passport to travel to the Soviet Union.
Stevens also had a very successful financial trip since he collected
$1,500, or furnished this sum to Communist Party functionaries in
California, which he had received from Louise Bransten. He also
received the sum of $2,200 from a Ruth Wilson, whom I can identify
in executive session, the reason being that she at present may have a
connection with a leading department store in the United States and
I am certain that any mention of her name in connection with that
department store would cast an unjust reflection upon the particular
store, because I know its reputation.
The Chairman. Without objection.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Chairman, with reference to J. Peters, or Stev-
ens, I should like to state that the committee issued a subpena calling
for his appearance before the committee yesterday. However, we have
been unable to serve the subpena. It was issued several months ago.
He was arrested by the immigration authorities about 3 weeks ago
in Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
The committee has evidence to show that J. Peters, or Alexander
Stevens, or Isadore Boorstein, as he is also known, has for years been
the leader of the underground section of the Communist Party in
the United States.
The committee has the passport, a fraudulent passport, by the way,
which he traveled to the Soviet Union on on October 7, 1931, under
the name of Isadore Boorstein. When and if we can obtain Mr.
Peters and have him before the committee we will go into great detail
concerning his activities.
The Chairman. Well, I would like to make this point, and that is
that the Government agencies that we have asked to aid us in getting
Mr. Peters haven't been either very alert or cooperative. They have
known that we have wanted Peters for a long time.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
But I do want to point out right at that point that the Govern-
ment agencies that I have in mind do not include the Federal Bureau
of Investigation.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, did your investigation disclose whether
or not Louise Bransten was ever contacted by Gerhart Eisler?
JNIr. Russell. Yes. On December 29, 194:3, she was a guest at a
dinner given by Lenient U. Harris, of Chappaqua, N. Y., at his home.
Gerhart Eisler was present at this dinner.
Mv. Stripling. Could you identify Lenient Harris further for the
committee?
]Mr. Russell. Yes ; Lement Harris is high in the Communist Party
circles of the United States. He has charge of the party's work
among the agricultural workers in the United States as well as the
Western Hemisphere. He also has something to do with Communist
Party financing in the United States, since it is known that he at-
tempted to persuade Louise Bransten to invest $10,000 in the Salute
magazine.
Mr. Stripling. S-a-1-u-t-e?
Mr. Russell. S-a-1-u-t-e.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 519
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether your investiga-
tion disclosed whether or not Peters was, or Alexander Stevens was,
very successful in raising funds among various people in the motion-
picture industry when he was out there in behalf of Earl Browder?
Mr. Russell. Well, the donations that I know about are those re-
ceived from Louise Bransten and Ruth Wilson. However, it is known
that Bransten — or, that Stevens, or Peters, as he is known, visited a
bank with Herbert Biberman and that Biberman entered a safety
deposit box in the bank. However, I can't state whether or not he
got money from the box.
Mr. Striplixg. He did enter the bank with Peters ?
Mr. Russell. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, do you have any information regarding
further contacts on the part of Louise Bransten with other persons
associated with the Soviet Government?
Mr. Russell. Yes; she has been associated with Vassili Zublin, or
the Soviet Embassy in Washington, D. C. She has also been asso-
ciated with Gregori Kheifets, of the Soviet consulate in San Francisco,
and Mr. V. V. Pastoev, of the Soviet consulate in Los Angeles, Calif.
For instance, on May 12, 1944, Gregori Kheifets, Aubrey Whitney
Grossman, and John Tripp McTernan, were in attendance at a party
in San Francisco which was given by Louise Bransten.
Mr. Stripling. Did your investigation disclose whether or not
Bransten is an important figure in the Communist set-up in the United
States?
Mr. Russell. Bransten is what would be termed in a confidence game
lacket as the sharper or the loader. That is, in Communist Party
circles she directs the manner in which contacts with certain people
are to be made, whether or not these persons are connected with the
Communist Party of the United States or other countries, or whether
they are connected with the Communist Party at all. She has con-
tacts, did have them, in numerous Government agencies. However,
there are so many names that
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Russell, on that point. Could
you tell the committee whether or not Louise Bransten was in com-
munication or put in communication with certain individuals who
were approached by an agent of the Soviet Government, or representa-
tives of the Soviet Government, regarding certain espionage activities?
Mr. Russell. Yes. Louise Bransten was closely associated with
Peter Ivanov, the Russian vice consul in San Francisco, Calif. He
was also a secretary in that consulate. I understand Mr. Ivanov has
returned to Soviet Russia. I have some information regarding his
stay in the consulate at San Francisco, Calif., if you want it read into
the record.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether or not Louise
Bransten was associated with a man by the name of George Charles
Eltenton ?
Mr. Russell. Yes; she was very closely associated with George
Charles Eltenton, and his wife Dolly.
Mr. Stripling. Could you identify George Charles Eltenton ?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; Charles Eltenton was an employee of the Shell
Development Corp. in Emoryville, Calif., from 1938, and I know that
during, that is, as late as July 1946. He possibly is still employed
there.
520 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Do you know wliether or not George Charles Elten-
ton ever made any trips to the Soviet Union ?
Mr. Russell. Yes; it is known that he spent some time in Soviet
Russia and that he lived in the vicinity of Leningrad. While there
he became very familiar with the Russian language and as the result
w^as asked to translate several Russian works into the English language.
For instance, he was requested to translate a book written by a
Victor Konratiev, a book written by V. Konratiev, entitled, "The
Free Hydroylem." Konratiev is a friend of Joffe, who developed
the first atom smashing machine in the Soviet.
Mr. Eltenton, along with his wife Dolly, attended a party given
by Louise Bransten on November 10, 1944, and at the time Eltenton
was trying to educate a scientist along Soviet lines since he had
loaned this particular scientist a copy of the Soviet Constitution
which he asked him to read. I can identify that scientist if
necessary.
Mr. Stripling. Was this scientist employed at the radiation lab-
oratory in California?
Mr. Russell. He was employed at the radiation laboratory at tlie
University of California.
Mr. Stripling. At Berkeley?
Mr. Russell. At Berkeley.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Eltenton attended a
reception in the honor of Molotov in the St. Francis Hotel in San
Francisco on May 7, 1945?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; he did attend the reception for Molotov in the
St. Francis Hotel on May 7, 1945, during which he held quite a con-
versation with Mr. Molotov.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have any information regarding further
association between Bransten, Louise Bransten. and Eltenton ?
Mr. Russell. Yes; it is known that Louise Bransten at one time
attempted to secure employment for Dolly Eltenton with the Ameri-
can-Russian Institute through Gregory Kheifets. Also Louise Bran-
sten requested Eltenton to send a telegram of congratulations to a
Russian scientific society in the Soviet Union and during the month
of July 1940, it was sent. The person in charge of this scientific
gathering in Soviet Russia was an individual known as Peter Kapitza.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, tell the committee whether or not
Eltenton was ever contacted by an official of the Soviet Government
regarding espionage activity.
Mr. Russell. Yes; during the year 1942, the latter part, Eltenton
was contacted by Peter Ivanov, whom I have identified as a vice
consul of the Soviet Government and a secretary in its consulate in
San Francisco. Ivanov requested Eltenton to secure information
concerning some highly secret work which was being carried on at
the radiation laboratory at the University of California. Ivanov
offered Eltenton money in return for his cooperation in securing in-
formation regarding the secret Avork which was being conducted at
the University of California and Berkeley in its radiation laboratory.
M'r. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Eltenton, in further-
ance of this offer, contacted anyone else?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; in order to cooperate with Ivanov he approached
Haakon Chevalier, who was a professor at the University of
California
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 521
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment. Is he the same person who was a
Avriter in the fihn industry for several years ?
Mr. K,ussp:ll. I have no information concerning his occupation in
tlie fihn industry.
Mr. Stripling. All right, proceed.
Mr. Russell. And requested him to find out what was being done
at the radiation laboratory, particularly information regarding the
highly destructive weapon which was being developed through re-
searcli. Eltenton told Chevalier that he had a line of communication
with an official of the Soviet Government who had advised him that
since Russia and the United States were allies Soviet Russia should
be entitled to any technical data which might be of assistance to that
nation.
At the time of this particular conversation Chevalier advised Elten-
ton that he would contact a third person who was working in the
radiation laboratory and attempt to secure information regarding the
type of work conducted there or any information which he could re-
garding technical developments which might be of assistance to the
Soviet Government.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, can you tell the committee whether or
not Mr. Chevalier did contact a scientist employed in the radiation
laboratory?
M'r. Russell. Yes; Chevalier approached this third person.
Mr. Stripling. Was that third person J. Robert Oppenheimer?
Mr. Russell. That is' right ; Chevalier approached this third person,
J. Robert Oppenheimer, and told him that George Charles Eltenton
was interested in obtaining information regarding technical develop-
ments under consideration by the United States and also that Eltenton
was interested in obtaining information regarding the work being
performed at the radiation laboratory at the University of California.
This third person
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment. Did Chevalier tell J. Robert Oppen-
hiemr that he had the means of communication whereby he could
transmit such information to the Soviet Union 'i
Mr. Russell. Yes; he did. He told J. Robert Oppenheimer that
Eltenton had a source through which he could relay the information
to the Soviet Government.
Mr. Stripling. What did Mr. Oppenheimer reply to this approach
on the part of Mr. Chevalier ?
Mr. Russell. He said that he considered such attempts as this to
secure information a treasonable act and that he certainly would not
have anything to do with such a thing.
M'r. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether or not J. Robert
Oppenheimer subsequently worked on the atomic project at Los
Alamos, N. Mex., in the development of the atomic bomb?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; he did. He was in charge of it.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, there are further questions here
regarding this matter which involve various individuals which I think
that the committee should consider in executive session before w^e
make their name's public.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions that I have at this time
from Mr. Russell.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
522 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, just sit right there, please.
Mr. Russell. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. The Chair would like to make this statement.
The hearings today conclude the first phase of the committee's
investigation of communism in the motion-picture industry. While
we have heard 39 witnesses, there are many more to be heard. The
Chair stated earlier in the hearing he would j^resent the records of 79
prominent people associated Avith the motion-picture industry who
were members of the Communist Party or who had records of Com-
munist affiliations. We have had before us 11 of these individuals.
There are 68 to go. This hearing has concerned itself principally with
.spotlighting Communist personnel in the industry.
There is, however, an equally dangerous phase of this inquiiy which
deals with Communist propaganda in various motion pictures and the
techniques employed. At the present time the committee has a special
stalf making an extensive study of this phase of the committee's in-
quiry. Either the full committee or a subcommittee will resume hear-
ings on this matter in the near future, either in Washington or in Los
Angeles, at which time those persons whose Communist records the
committee has will be given an opportunity to appear before the
committee to confirm or deny those affiliations. We will also have a
number of witnesses who will deal with propaganda in the films and
the techniques employed.
I want to emphasize that the committee is not adjourning sine die,
but will resume hearings as soon as possible. The committee hear-
ings for the past 2 weeks have clearly shown the need for this investi-
gation. Ten prominent figures in Hollywood whom the committee had
evidence were members of the Communist Party were brought before
us and refused to deny that they were Comuumists. It is not neces-
sary for the Chair to emphasize the harm which the motion-picture
industry suffers from the presence witliin its ranks of known Com-
munists who do not have the best interests of the United States at
heart. The industry should set about immediately to clean its own
house and not wait for public opinion to force it to do so.
The hearings are adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 3 p. m., the committee adjourned.)
APPENDIX
The following were introduced with testimony in the course of the
hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, October
20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, and 30, 1947, and are retained in the files
of the Committee on Un-American Activities as exhibits :
Exhibit 1. Statement of Jack L. Warner.
Exhibit 2. Testimony of Jack L. Warner in executive session before the Sub-
committee on Un-American Activities, May 15, 1947, in Los Angeles, Calif.
Exhibit 3. List of 43 tilms introduced by Jack L. Warner.
Exhibit 4. Motion Picture News, March 23, 1918; review written by Peter
Milne of the film. My Four Years in Germany, based on book under same title
by James W. Gerard.
Exhibit 5. List of 39 films, pro-American short subjects, submitted by Jack L.
Wtirner.
Exhibit 6. Statement by Senator Martin, of Pennsylvania, United States
Senate, Congressional Record, July 16, 1947, on education in patriotism through
motion pictures.
Exhibit 7. List of 26 pro-American short subject films produced by Warner
Bros, studio in cooperation with the United States Armed Forces.
Exhibit 8. New York Times. D?cember 8. 1941, page 1 ; January 3. 1942, page
1 ; January 7, 1942, page 1 ; January 23, 1942, page 1 ; February 11, 1942, page 1 ;
F(*ruary 16, 1942, page 1 ; Feln-uary 19. 1942, page 1 ; March 2, 1942, page 1 ;
March 10, 1942, page 1 ; March 15, 1942. page 1 ; March 27, 1942, page 1 ; April 9,
1942, page 1; April 10, 19. '2, page 1 ; Mav 1, 1942, page 1; May 7, 1942, page 1;
May 12, 1942, page 1 ; May 27, 1942. page 1 ; June 5, 1942, page 1 ; June S, 1942,
page 1 ; June 12, 1942, page 1 ; June 13, 1942, page 6 ; June 22, 1912, pag^ 1 ; July
2, 1942, page 1 ; July 11, 1942, page 1 ; July 25, 1912, page 1 ; August 8, 1C42, page
1 ; August 19, 1942, page 1 ; August 26, 1942, page 1 ; September 1, 1942, page 1 ;
September 9, 19^2. page 1 ; September 10, 1942, page 1 : September 13, 1942, page
1 ; September 17, 1942, page 1 : Septemlier 27, 1942, page 1 : October 5, 1942, page
1; October 13, 1942, page 1: October 17, 1942, page 1; October 27, 1942, page 1;
November 8, 1942. page 1 ; November 23. 19^2, page 1 ; December 5, 1942, page 1 ;
December 20, 19J2, page 1 ; December 22, lf^42. page 1 : December 30, 1942, page 1.
Exhibit 9. Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., Employment Application and Personnel
Record, first us"d in 1936.
Exhibit 10. Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., Employment Application and Per-
sonnel Record, first used in 1941.
Exhibit 11. Photograph showing John Howard Lawson in film-strike picket line
at Warner Bros, in 1945.
Exhibit 12. Pamphlet issued by the National Federation for Constitutional
Liberties.
Exhibit 13. Leaflet, Who's Next, in connection with the film strike in 1945,
issued by the Communist Party of Los Angeles County.
Exhibit 14. Flyer, The Issue in the Strike, issued to picket lines in the film
strike of 1945 by the North Hollywood Communist Club.
Exhibit 15. N?w Misses, October 23, 1945, page 20, open letter to Jack Warner.
Exhibit 16. lATPE Bulletin, November 2, 1945, Los Angeles, Calif.
Exhibit 17. lATSE Bulletin, November 13, 1945, Los Angeles, Calif,
523
524 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 18. Subpena — Jack L. Wakneb
Marslial's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the CoNGitEss of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby coirimanded to .summon .Jack L. Warner, Warner Bros. Studios,
40;h) W. Olive, Burbank. California (business), to be and appear before the Un-
American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of which the Hon. J. I'arnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and
there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and
he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
( Signed ) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 19. Subpena — Sam Wood
Marshal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Represj ntatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Sam Wood, Universal Studios, Universal
City, California (business), to be and appear before the Un-American Activities
Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the
Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber in the
city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there to testify
touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart
without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 20. Subpena — Louis B. Mayer
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, page 48G
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Louis B. INIayer, 910 Benedict Canyon
Road (residence) ; Metro-Goldwyn-]\Iayer Studios, Culver City (business), to be
and appear before the Un-American Activities (Committee of the House of Repre-
sentatives of the Unit<'d States, of which the Hon. .1. Parnell Thomas of New
Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, Forthwith, at the
hour of then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed
to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 525
Herein fail not, and make return of tliis summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
( Signed ) J. Paknell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 21. Statement of Louis B. Mayer.
Exhibit 22. Loew's Inc., Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Pictures, salary paid and scripts
worked on by Dalton Trumbo from 1943 to October 4, 1947.
Exhibit 23. Loew's Inc., Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Pictures, salary paid and scripts
worked on by Lester Cole from 1945 to October 4, 1947.
Exhibit 24. Loew's Inc., Metro-Goldwn-Mayer Pictures, salary paid and scripts
worked on by Donald Ogden Stewart from 1943. to October 4, 1947.
Exhibit 25. Congressional Record, July 15, 1947, page 3727, copy of address
made by Mr. Louis B. INIayer before the Newspaper Advertising Executives Asso-
ciation, San Francisco, July 7, 1947.
Exhibit 26. Letter : Ayu Rand to the Committee on Un-American Activities,
November 1, 1947.
Exhibit 27. Subpena — Adolph Menjou
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the United States of
America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Adolphe Jean IMeujou, 722 North Bed-
ford Drive, Beverly Hills, California (residence) to be and appear before the
Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, Forthwith, at the hour of , then
and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ;
and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 28. Photostatic copies of Communist Party documents and exemplars
of the handwriting of Herbert K. Sorrell in connection with the testimony of
the noted examiners of questioned documents : Clark Sellers and John L.
Harris * * * before the Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American
Activities in California of the California Legislature, at hearings in Los Angeles,
Calif., January 4, 1946.
29. Subpena — John Charles Moffitt
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 82080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon John C. MoflStt, 463 S. McCadden, Los
Angeles (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American Activities Com-
mittee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the Hon.
J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the city of
Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of ■ then and there to testify
touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he is not to depart
without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
67C83— 47 34
526 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, tliis 2r)th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Paknell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest : John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 30. Letter
New York London Chicago Hollywood
Executive OflSees Telephone Circle 7-2160
Established 1898
William Mokris Agency, Inc.
Rockefeller Center, 1270 Sixth Avenue, New York 20, N. Y.
October 27, 1947.
Mr. J. P. Thomas,
Chainnan, House Committco, Washington, D. C.
Dear Sii: : On behalf of John Weber of California I am handing you herewith
a photostatic copy of a sworn-to statement made by him. 1 am also including a
ph(;tostatic copy of a similarly sworn-to statement by Helen Straus of New York.
1 will send to you the originals of these statements as soon as I can have copies
of them made for the members of your committee.
1 ask that you immediately p. ace these statements into the record of the
present hearings and that you acknowledge to me at my office at the adtlress
above given, that this has been done.
Yours truly,
William Morris (Signed).
William Morris, President.
Cable : "Willmorris" New York. "Willholl" Hollywood.
Exhibit 31. Affidavit
State of California,
County of Los Angeles, ss:
John Weber, being first duly sworn, deposes and says :
I am a resident of Los Angeles, California, and a literary agent employed as
such by the William Morris Agency, Inc., since shortly after my honorable dis-
charge from the Army on October 'IS, 1944.
Around the beginning of the year 1947 I met Chalmers "Slick" Goodlin, who
was introduced to me as a client of the William Morris Agency, Inc. At this
time Mr. Goodlin advised me that he was interested in securing publication of
material concerning his e.xploits as a rocket pilot. He also told me of interviews
which he had had concerning thij in the past with a number of magazines, in-
cluding Time, Newsweek, Life Magazine, and the American Magazine, and he
stated tliat other national magazines, such as Collier's Magazine and Look Maga-
zine appeared interested in securing articles. I told him that I thought that the
market for such magazine stories should be very good, and I assured him that
my associates who handle magazine matters would do everything they could to
help him.
Since this meeting I have only met Goodlin on no more than one or two other
occasions wlien he happened to be in the office to discuss his business affairs with
the persons in the office who were handling them. In these conversations, which
were very brief, I merely inquired how things were progressing in a very general
way, and he seemed to be optimistic concerning the possibility of publication. He
did not in any of my conversations with him ever give me any written material,
nor did he orally discuss in any detail his material or his experiences as a test
pilot. I understand that Mr. Goodlin did submit to my associates certain written
material which he had prepared with the knowledge of the Army Air Forces and
I5ell Aircraft Corporation, and that this material, which was never read by me
and which was not, in fact, sold through me or the William Morris Agency, Inc.,
is appearing in the January issue of Air Trails Magazine and in a condensed ver-
sion in Reader's Digest for that month.
I am attaching herewith a newspaper report of the true facts as related by
Goodlin to the Los Angeles Herald Express on October 22, 1947.
I categorically deny the entire story reported in the local newspapers as the
testimony of John C. Moffitt before the House Un-American Activities Committee
ihat I obtained or attempted to obtain from Chalmers "Slick" Goodlin secrets
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 527
concerning the supersonic experimental plane, the XS-1, and that such secrets
were communicated by me to Communist Headquarters.
The statements attributed to Mr. Moffitt are entirely and completely false.
(s) John Weber.
John Weber.
Sworn and subscribed to before me, Pearl Leiba, this 22nd day of October 1947.
(s) Pearl S. Leiber,
Pearl Leiba,
Notary Public, Los Angeles, State of California.
My Commission expires Aug. 21, 1951.
[Clipping, Express, October 2. (s) John Weber, (s) Pearl S. Leiba]
Test Pilot Denies Secret Data on Stories on U. S. Plane
Test Pilot Chalmers "Slick" Goodlin emphatically denied today that the
aviation article he wrote contained any secret information on snpersonir- bomb-
ers and declared it was cleared by the Army Air Force in Washington, D. C.
Writer John Chai-les Moffit yesterday told the House Un-American AlTairs
Committee that Goodlin emphatically denied today an article which revealed
secrets of the supersonic Bell XS-1 and which was dispatched by a literary
agent, uncensored, to Communist Party headquarters in New York.
sheer nonsense, charged
"I don't know where this man Motfit got his information, but he certainly
got it all wrong," said Goodlin today at his Rosmond, Calif., home. It's the
sheerest kind of nonsense."
Goodlin also denied that he had any dealings personally with Literary Agent
John Weber, head of the literary department of William Morris Theatrical
Agency, concerning the article.
"I brought tlie article, which had been approved both by the AAF and Bell
Aircraft, to Weber's office last June and gave it to one of his associates," he
said. "I don't even know that Weber ever saw it.
"After they sent the article to their New York ofHce and kept it for three
months, I finally sold it m.vself. It will appear in the January issue of Air
Trails magazine, and also a condensed version in Reader's Digest for that
month.
"I certainly would welcome an FBI investigation of the whole thing," he
said.
Goodlin also denied Moffit's statement that he was fired by Bell Aircrp.ft as
a result of the article, declaring a check of Bell records would show he re-
signed last June.
Weber also said charges that he sent secrets about supersonic aircraft to
Communist headquarters were "malicious slander."
FILM FIGURES PROTEST
Thirty-five top movie personalities also protested testimony at the investi-
gation in full-page trade paper advertisements.
The celebrities, who said they were "Disgusted and outraged." included
Eddie Cantor, Norman Corwin, Henry Fonda, Ava Gardner, Paulette Goddard,
Benny Goodman, Van Heflin, Paul Henreid, Katharine Hepburn, Myrna Loy,
Dorothy McGuire, Gregory Peck, Cornel Wilde, Norman Krasna, Edward G.
Robinson, Alexander Knox, and Hume Cronin.
Exhibit 32. Affidavit
State of New York,
County of New York, ss:
Helen Strauss, being duly sworn, deposes and says:
I am employed by William Morris Agency, Inc., at the head of the Literary
Department in its New York office. I have been so engaged for a period of
528 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
approximately four years. Prior to that time, I was associated with the Storj
DepartiiiPiit of Paramount Pictures, Inc., for approximately nine .vears.
My first associatidti with Clialnicrs "Slirli" Goodlin was tliron;;!! his manager,
Frank Xicliol.s, and tliat was in approximately March 1947. Prior to that time,
I had been informed about Mr. Goodlin by our California office throufjh memo-
randa that I received and telephone and teletype messages I had exchanged.
I had learned from these conversations that Mr. Goodlin was a test pilot for
the Bell Aircraft Corp. and he was preparing to pilot a rocket plane through
the supersonic structures and that he was a most distinctive pilot and, there-
fore, one about whom the public would be anxious to learn and whose articles
or stories would have considerable interest to the public. From the ixnnt of
view of capitalizing on the reputation of Mr. Goodlin and his knowledge and
ability, I was asked to endeavor to sell articles or stories written, or to be
written, by Mr. Goodlin or others in association or collaboration with him.
In order to carry this ,out, I met with Mr. Nichols, and he gave me the names
of the various magazines tiiat had approached him or Mr. Goodlin with regard
to obtaining articles from Mr. Goodlin. As I recall, he stated that these maga-
zines were Collier's and Look. There may have been some others, but I don't
recall their names at this time. The one I thought most desirable for Mr. Goodlin
was Collier's Magazine. In this connection, I endeavored to bring about some
association between Mr. Goodlin and Collier's Magazine. Collier's had ap-
proached Mr. Goodlin directly through Bell Aircraft Corp- before we ever entered
into the situation. I, William Morris Agency, and our California agency were
acting in this transaction solely in the capacity of agents and advisors to Mr.
Goodlin, for which we would receive a commission of 10% of the amount
Mr. Goodlin earned by reason of the services we were to render.
I communicated with the Managing Editor, Joe Alex Morris, with whom I had
many transactions in my capacity as agent for various authors, to inquire as
to the interest of Collier's in an article or story from Mr. Goodlin. He in turn
communicated with Frederick R. Neely, their Aviation Editor in Washington,
who in turn informed me that he had been in touch with Walter Bonney, who
was in charge of public relations for Bell Aircraft, regarding a possibility of
supersonic flight by Goodlin, that they would be interested in publishing an
article on the flight, if it were successful. Actually, they were not interested in
Goodlin and had originally asked for an exclusive story on Woolems, who was
Bell Aircrait's test pilot before Goodlin and who had been killed in a plane
crash last year.
The only material that I saw pi-epared by Mr. Goodlin or anyone associated
with him was sent to me by our California office. It consisted of generalized
statements which had no relationship whatsoever with the supersonic flight. I
just have a general recollection of this material, but I am positive that it did
not contain any secret information or any confidential information or any
technical information of any kind. I submitted this to Collier's Magazine, and
Collier's turned it down.
The only other contact I had with Mr. Goodlin or his manager, Mr. Nichols,
came in the form of a telephone conversation between ]\Ir. Goodlin and my
assistant, Esther Mrus, which was relayed to me by Miss Mrus, and that was
to the effect that Mr. Goodlin stated that he had been successful in selling this
article to the Air Trails Magazine. I am informed Miss Mrus advised him
that, we were pleased that he had been successful in selling the article and
wished him well. No conmiission or compensation of any kind was ever paid
to William Morris Agency for our efforts on liis behalf.
We do not act for anyone at the present time in the file of aviation. Further-
more, we do not have any information of any kind which by any stretch of the
imagination would be deenuMl to be confidential, .secretive, or which in any way
involves the safety or welfare of the United States Government.
/S./ Helen Stkauss.
Sworn to before me this 25th day of October 1947.
/S./ Leon Kellman,
Leon Keixman,
Notarif Public New York City, Reg. No. S37-K.
Commission expires March 30, 1949.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 529
Exhibit 33. Subpena — Rupert Hughes
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of REPRESENTATI^'Es of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Rupert Hughes, 4751 Los Feliz Blvd.,
Los Angeles, California (residence), to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of ■. — , then and there to
testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is
not to dejiart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Cfiairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 34. New Masses, February 12, 1946, pages 19-22 ; article, What Shall
We Ask of Writers? by Albert Maltz.
Exhibit 35. Daily Worker, February 12, 1946; article by Mike Gold, Change
the AVorld, condemning Albert Maltz for writing article designated in exhibit 34.
Exhibit 36. The Worker, April 7, 1946; article, Moving Forward, by Albert
Maltz.
Exhibit 37. Subpena — James K. McGuinness
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of RbjpresentxVtives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark United States Marshal.
You are hereby coinmanded to summon James K. McGuinness, 911 N. Rexford
Drive, Beverly Hills, California (residence) ; Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios,
Culver City, California (business), to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of , then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnexl Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 38. Telegram, Sam Wood to the Committee on Un-American Activities,
October 22, 1947.
530 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 39. Subpena — Robert Taylor
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authobfty of the House of lUa^RESENTATivEs of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Robert Taylor, 807 N. Rodeo Drive,
Beverly Hills, Calilornia (residence), to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of , then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Commitee ; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of tliis summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parneix Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 40. Subpena — Howard Rushmore
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Stripling.
You are hereby commanded to summon Howard Rushmore to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of tlie United States, of which the Hon. .7. Parnell Thomas is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, on October 22, 1947, at the hour of forthwith,
then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said (]'om-
mittee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 22nd day of October 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairina?i.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk..
Exhibit 41. Subpena — Morrie Ryskind
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32060, Vol. 58, Page 48G
By Authority of the Hoxtse of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Morrie Ryskind, 605 N. Hillcrest Ave-
nue, Beverly Hills, California (residence), to be and appear before the Un-
American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of wliich the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their
chaml>er in the city of Washington, on Forthwitli, at the hour of then and
there to testify touching matters of inquiry conuuitted to said Committee; and
he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 531
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Paknell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 42. Letter: Harold J. Salemson to Fred Niblo, October 31, 1946.
Exhibit 43. Subpena — Richard Macaulay
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Richard Macaulay, Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer Studios (writer). Culver City, California (business) to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at tlie
hour of then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed
to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest ;
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 44. Letter: Harold J. Salemson to Mr. Richard Macaulay, March 9,
1946.
Exhibit 45. Letter : Dalton Trumbo to Mr. Richard Macaulay, March 22, 1946.
Exhibit 46. Variety, October 14, 1946, article entitled, 'Who Censors What?''
by Richard Macaulay.
Exhibit 47. Subpena — Robert Montgomery
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : H. A. Smith.
You are hereby comnmnded to summon Robert Montgomery to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the Ht)use of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23, 1947, at the
hour of 10 : 30 a. m. then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry com-
mitted to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
at the city of Washington, this 7th day of October 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 48. Subpena — George Murphy
Marshal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon George Murphy, 911 N. Bedford Drive,
Beverly Hills, California (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American
532 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washinj^ton, on T'orthwith. at the hour of then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Commitee; and lie is
not to (Icjiart witliout leave of said Committee. Herein fail not, and make return
of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Paenell Thomas,
Chair77ian.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 49. Subpena — Ronald Reiagan
IMai-shal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
Bt Atjthoeity of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Ronald Reagan, 9137 Cordell Drive,
Beverly Hills, California (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. .1. Parnell Thomas of New Jers(>y is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he
is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fall not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 50. Subpena — Gary Cooper
Marshal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark. United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Gary Cooper, 11940 Chaperal St., West
Los Angeles, California (residence) ; I'athe Studios, 9836 W. Washington Blvd.,
Culver City, Calif., (business) to be and appear before the Un-American Ac-
tivities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which
the Hon. .1. Parnell Thomas of New .lersey is chairman, in their chamber in the
city of Wasliington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there to
testify touching matters of inquiry connnitted to said Committee; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this sunniions.
Witne.ss my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 51. Document obtained by the Committee on Un-American Activities
from the United States Deiiartment of State concerning pamphlets distributed
by the Connnunist I'arty in Italy during May 1947.
Exhibit 52. Document obtained by the Conunittee on Un-American Activities
by the United States Department of State concerning literature distributed by
the Communist Party in Yugoslavia, July 19, 1947.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 533
Exhibit 53. SiTbpena — Leo McCabey
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Thomas Leo McCarey, Pathe Studios,
9336 W. Washington, Culver City, California (business) to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of
then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Com-
mittee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 54. Sukpe^na — Lela E. Rogers
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Lela E. Rogers, 5930 Franklin Ave.,
Hollywood, California (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnehlx, Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 55. Peoples' Educational Center, Los Angeles, Calif., 1947 Winter
Catalog.
Exhibit 56. Peoples' Educational Center, Los Angeles, California, 1945 Winter
Catalog.
Exhibit 57. Subpena — Oliver Carlson
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of thb
United States of Ame2Jica
To: H. a. Smith.
You are hereby commanded to summon Oliver Carlson to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Repre.sentatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington, on Wednesday, October 22nd, 1947,
534
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m. then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at tlie city of Washington, this 10th day of October 1947.
(Signed) J. Pabneix Thomas,
Chairnuin.
Attesc :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 58. Note: Correction
Cable address — Disney.
Walt Disney Productions,
2400 West Alameda Ave., Burbank, Calif., November 3, 1947.
Committee on Un-American Activities,
House of Representatives,
House Office Btiildituj, Washington, D. C.
(Attention: Hon. J. Parnell Thomas.)
Gentlemen : I am taking the liberty of referring you to my testimony before
your committee in Washington, D. C, on October 24, 1947, in the course of which
and in answer to a question by your chairman, I stated substantially that when
Mr. Sorrell "Pulled the strilve," the first people to smear me and put me on the
unfair list were certain organizations among which was The League of Women
Voters.
Since returning to my office in Burbank, Calif., I have had an opportunity to
carefully review my files pertaining to this subject matter. I can now definitely
state tliat while testifying as above I was confused by a similarity of names
between two women's organizations. I regret that I named The League of
Women Voters when I intended to name the League of Women Shoppers.
Therefore I trust your committee will find it consistent to make requisite
amendment to the record with respect to my testimony so as to erase any implica-
tion that The League of Women Voters had at any time intervened or taken any
action with regard to the matters about which I was being interrogated.
For the information of the committee I am enclosing herewith photostatic
copies of letters received from various units of the League of Women Shoppers
which are self-explanatory.
Respectfully submitted,
/s/ Walter E. Disney.
Walter E. Disney.
Ends.
No agreement will be binding on this corporation unless in writing and signed
by an officer.
Exhibit .^8a
HoLLY^vooD League of Women Shoppers
4415 Placidia Ave., North Hollywood, Calif.
Officers
Chelene Eckerson, president
Dorothy Tree, vice president
Tatiana Tiittle, treasurer
Dixie Newton, assistant
treasurer
Sylvia Blankfort, secretary
Natalie Commons, executive
secretary
Mildred Traube, second vice
president
Directors
Molly Adlor
Laurie Hliuikfort
Elizabetli I'.inbaiik
Evelyn Caiiell
Illiea Chodorov
I'egsy Dunne
Sue Edmond
Elizabeth Paragon
Directors
Josephine Kahn
.Tudith Kan(l(>l
Dorothy Peterson
Madelene Kutlnon
Dorothy Wilson
Sponsors
Mrs. E. P. Ryland
Mrs. Floyd J. Seaman
Mrs. Frank Scully
Viola Brotliers Shore
Marion Spitzer
Dr. Louise M. Snvder
Ruby D. Campbell
Mrs. Floyd Covington
Mrs. Oliver Carlson
Mrs. Ernest Dawson
Mrs. George Day
Frances Farmer
Mrs. Lowell C. Frost
Sponsors
Mrs. Ira Gershwin
Lucille Gleason
Mrs. A. Heist
Ionian Hellman
.Mrs. William .lacobson
^Irs. Boris Karloff
Dr. Nadina Kavinoky
Mrs. Abraham liehr
Mrs. Norman Kilbourne
Mrs. E. J. liUnenschloss
Eleanore Wilson McAdoo
Mrs. Kenneth McGowan
Arline MacMahon
jNIrs. Jyconard Oechsli
Mrs. Jolin C. Packard
Dorothy Parker
Luiso Kainer
Elizabeth Kisdon
Sylvia Sidney
Gloria Stuart
Mrs. George A. Warmer, Jr.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
535
June 17, 1941.
Mr. Walt Disney,
Bitrbank, Calif.
Dear Mr. Disney : The National League of Women Shoppers having its oflBces
in New York and having branches all over the United States have sent us a
wire asking that a full report on the strike of the Screen Cartoonists Guild in
your studio be sent them as soon as possible.
The League of Women Shoppers is a consumers' organization founded on the
principles that working conditions are important considerations in the purchase
of goods. Our large and active membership will not patronize those establish-
ments where labor is unfairly treated.
When a situation like this arises, it is our policy to make a thorough investi-
gation of it, and we would therefore appreciate the opportunity to talk with you.
We are anxious to obtain your reaction to the situation before consulting
the union.
May we have an appointment on Friday, June 20th, 11 : 30 A. M. We shall
telephone Thursday afternoon to confirm this appointment.
Sincerely,
/Signed/ Sylvia Blankfort,
Sylvia Blankfort,
Secretary, Hollytcood League of Women Shoppers.
Exhibit 58b
Hollywood League of Women Shoppers
4415 Placidia Avenue, Hollywood
Granite 0948
Officers
Chelene Eckerson, president
Dorothy Tree, vice president
Tatina Tuttle, treasurer
Dixie Newton, assistant
treasurer
Sylvia Blankfort, secretary
Natalie Commons, executive
secretary
Mildred Traube, second vice
president
Directors
Molly Adler
Laurie Blankfort
Elizabeth Burbank
Evelyn Capell
Rhea Chodorov
Peggy Dunne
Sue Edmond
Elizabeth Faragon
Directors
Josephine Kahn
Judith Kadel
Dorothy Peterson
Madelene Ruthven
Dorothy Wilson
Sponsors
Ruby D. Campbell
Mrs. Floyd Covington
Mrs. Oliver Carlson
Mrs. Ernest Dawson
Mrs. George Day
Frances Farmer
Mrs. Lowell C. Frost
Mrs. Ira Gershwin
Lucille Gleason
Mrs. A. Heist
Lillian Hellman
Mrs. William Jacobson
Mrs. Boris Karloff
July 3, 1941.
Sponsors
Dr. Nadiua Kavinoky
Mrs. Norman Kilbourne
Mrs. Abraham Lehr
Mrs. E. J. Lunenschloss
Eleanor Wilson McAdoo
]\Irs. Kenneth McGowan
Arline MacMahou
Mrs. Leonard Oechsli
Mrs. John C. Packard
Dorothy Parker
Luise Rainer
Elizabeth Risdon
Mrs. E. P. Ryland
Mrs. Floyd J. Seaman
Mrs. Frank Scully
Viola Brothers Shore
Sylvia Sidney
Marion Spitzer
Dr. Louise M. Snyder
Gloria Stuart
Mrs. George A. Warmer, Jr.
Mr. Walt Disney.
Burbank, California.
Dear Mr. Disney: On June 30th, the Board of the Hollywood League of
Women Shoppers was presented with the facts of the strike as given to the
Investigation Committee, by yourself, the Screen Cartoonists Guild, and the
Strikers.
Since the policy of the League of Women Shoppers is to uphold the State and
Federal Laws, the Board, after careful consideration of the facts, resolved that
the strikers are justified. According to the Federal Law, they are acting within
their rights to join a union, bargain collectively, and go on strike for a living
wage and security in -their jobs. Union discrimination has also been practiced,
by your admitted firing of an artist for union activities.
We have seen the three-year contracts your artists must sign when hired.
We were appalled to learn the penalties, which you evaded divulging to our com-
mittee, if the artists violated the contracts.
The National League of Women Shoppers has received a complete report of
our investigation exactly as told to us and they will advise you of their decision.
We are informing our membership of our findings and actions and until condi-
536
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
tions are amicably settled our members will not patronize those theatres where
The Rc'hictant Dragon, Fantasia, and oth(M- Disney pictures are shown. When
the strike is settled our nu'Uibership will be advised to resume tlieir patronage.
We sincerely hope that fur the good and weli'ai-e of your business and the
security and well-beiuK of your employees, whether in your studio or on the
picket line, these differences will be speedily solved.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) Sylvia Blankfort, Secretary.
Sylvia Blankfort, Secretary.
Exhibit 58c
The League of Women Shoppers, Inc.
National Headquarters, 273 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.
Tel. Caledonia 5-9395, Cable Address, Shopleaguenewyork
July 7, 1941.
Officers
Honorary president :
Aline Davis Hays
President :
Sophia Ames Boyer
Vice presidents :
Mrs. Sherwood Anderson
Nina 1*. Collier
Fannie Cook
Marion Hathway
Lillian Hellman
Officers
Secretary :
Iris Winsor
Treasurer :
Freda Sternberg
Sponsors
Mary C. Barker
Mrs. William O. Douglas
Dorothy Canfield Fisher
Branch Leagues
Sponsors
Lucile Webster Gleason
Inez Hays Irwin
Freda Kirchwey
Dorothy Parker
Cornelia Bryce Pinchot
Mrs. Carl Sandburg
Gale Sondergaard
Mrs. Stephen S. Wise
Mary E. Woolley
Boston, Massachusetts : Mrs. J. P. Hocker,
304 Bexley Hall, 52 Massachusetts Ave-
nut\ Camtiri(l'.re
Chicago, Illinois : Room 710, 203 North
Waliash Avenue
Columbus, Ohio : Care of Frances Dunn,
2046 West Fifth Avenue
Denver, Colorado : Box 82, Capitol Hill
Station
Hollywood, California : 6912 Sunset Boule-
vard
Nashville, Tenn. : Care of Mrs. Susie Clark
Prince, Room 640, Doctors Building
New .Tcrs(>y : 207 Market Street, Newark
New Yiirk : 271! Fifth Avenue
I'hihidcl|ihia, I'ennsvlvania : Care of Made-
line Blitzstein, 322 South 16th Street
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania : 206 Stanwyx
Street
San Francisco, California : Care of Rikee
Elsesser, 1580 Masonic Avenue
St. Louis, Missouri : Care of Mrs. Elwood
Douglass, 103 N. Sappington Road, Kirk-
wood
Washington, D. C. : 1010 Vermont Avenue
NW.
Mr. Walt Disney,
Walt Disney Studio,
Buena Vista and Alemeda Streets,
Burbafik, California.
Dear Mr. Disney : In response to the many inquiries which have come to this
office, we recently asked the Hollywood League of Women Shoppers to investigate
the strike now taking place at your studio.
The League of Women Shoppers is a consumer.s' organization whose thousands
of members believe in using their buying power in such a way as to help workers
attain decent living standards and working conditions. We never, in a labor
dispute, support either the workers or the manag»'nient without a full and impar-
tial investigation by one of our League investigating committees. For this
reason, the sub.sequent decisions of our Executive Boards, either local or national,
are accepted by many additional thousands of fair-miiuled consumers throughout
the country as fair and just from the point of view of the well-being of American
workers.
The National Executive Committee of The League of Women Shoppers has
carefully considered the long report sent it by the Hollywood League of Women
Shoppers. The committee then voted to support the striking employees in this
instance, for the following reasons :
1. The need of the Disney employees for a bona fide union is evidenced by the
onerous terms of the 3-year hiring contract, the lack of job security, and the low
general wage level, the long hours, and speed-up.
2. On the other hand, you have seemed unwilling to engage in genuine collective
bargaining with the union cho.seu by a majority of your artists, and by speech
and action have shown an antiunion bias which makes a fair settlement of your
employees' grievances quite impossible.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
537
This oflSce is sending a full report of the investigation to all branch Leagues,
with the recommendation that they notify their members and all sympathetic
organizations of the facts and of our decision. We also ask that all local theater
managers be notified.
We would like to urge you to make every effort to bring about a fair settlement
of this dispute in the shortest possible time. We are convinced that only by such
an effort on your part can the strike be brought to an end and the Disney Studio
considered fair to its employees.
Sincerely yours,
Katharine Armatage (Signed).
Katharine Armatage, Chairman Board.
Market 3-3642
Exhibit 58d
New Jersey League of Women Shoppers
Affiliated with the League of Women Shoppers, Inc.
207 Market Street, Newark, N. J.
Mrs. Harry Furness
Beatrice Kaufman
Nathlyn Lamer
Beatrice Mintz
Mar.y Lorene Read
Frances Semel
Dr. Virginia Wuerthele
Sponsors
National :
Mrs. Sherwood Anderson
Mary C. Barker
Mrs. William O. Douglas
Dorothy Canfield Fisher
Lucile Gleasou
Inez Hays Irwin
Freda Kirchway
Dorothy Parker
Mrs. Gifford Pinchot
Mrs. Carl Sandburg
Gale Sdndcruaard
"Mrs. Stephen S. Wise
Dr. Mary E. Wooley
Local :
Mrs. Henry Barkhom
Mrs. Madison C. Bates
Mrs. Irene Fuhlbruegge
Miss Annie P. Hughes
Mrs. Clara Savage Lit-
tledale
Mrs. David Loeser
Mrs. Amelia B. Moor-
fleld
Miss Sadie Reisch
Mrs. Harry F. Ward
Officers
President :
Hannah Sjnith
Vice Presidents :
Katharine Armatage
Ruth Berthold
Mrs. Lewis H. Loeser
Secretary :
Charlitte Brady
Treasurer :
Rose Hirsch
Executive Board
Mrs. Laurence Ackerman
Louise Bendersky
Eleanor Bolan
Grace Co wen
Mrs. Philip J. Dodge
Mrs. Nathaniel L. Foster
July 7, 1941.
Mr. Walt Disney,
Bnrbank, California.
My Dear Mr. Disney : The New Jersey League of Women Shoppers, a local
of the League of Women Shoppers, Inc., has been informed of the labor dispute
at your studios.
We have received a full report of the investigation made by our Hollywood
League, which we presented to our membership, and after careful consideration
we accepted the findings of the Hollywood League and endorsed the strike.
The employees' demand for union recognition, shorter working hours, higher
wages, and other conditions which, in our opinion, are essential for the mainte-
nance of a decent American standard of living is a just cause for our .support.
It is our usual procedure to publicize our position in various ways which we
consider elfective.
We urge a fair and quick settlement of this dispute in order that we may in-
form our membership and encourage once more patronage of your films.
Sincerely yours,
(s) Hannah Smith, President.
State 3146
Exhibit 58e
The League of Women Shoppers of Chicago
Affiliated with the National Lague of Women Shoppers, N'ew York
203 North Wabash, Room 710
July 14, 1941.
Managee, The Palace Theater, '
Chicago, III.
Dear Sir: The National League of Women Shoppers has endorsed the strike
of the Walt Disney artists for recognition and the right of collective bargaining.
538 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This endorsement is a result of the Investigation made by the Hollywood League.
We are, therefore, writing to yovi to advise you of our endorsement and to
inform you that our nieml)orship feels tliey will have to wait to see the newest
Disney picture, The Reluctant Dragon, until such time as the strike is settled,
which we hope will be very soon.
A copy of this letter is being sent to the Disney Studios, and we trust that you
will also advise them directly that we in Chicago would like to see this matter
adjusted as quickly as possible.
Very truly yours,
Thk League of Women Shoppers of Chicago,
By , President.
P]XHIBIT 59
Cable Address : Disney
Walt Disney Pboductions
2400 West Alameda Ave., Burbank, California
November, 3, 1947.
Ke : Un-American Prop., Vol. 5, made by Washington Reporting Service.
Committee on Un-Ameeican Activities,
House of Representatives,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C.
(Attention : Hon. J. Parnell Thomas)
Gentlemen : I refer to page 727 of the stenographic transcript of the hearings
before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, in
the above matter.
In answer to a question by Mr. Smith with respect to one Wm. Pomerance,
I stated in effect that S'orrell put him (Pomerance) in charge as business man-
ager of the Cartoonists, and later "he went to the Screen Actors as their business
agent."
I request permission to correct the foregoing answer by substituting in lieu
of "The Screen Actors" the name of another organization, "The Screen Writers
Guild, Inc."
Since returning to my ofl5ces in Burbank, California, I have made inquiry and
succeeded in refreshing my recollection to the effect that Wm. Pomerance,
after his separation from the Screen Cartoonists Guild was engaged by the Screen
Wi-iters Guild.
I thank you in advance for giving this matter your attention.
Respectfully submitted.
(s) Walter E. Disney.
Walter E. Disney.
No Agreement will be binding on this corporation unless in writing and signed
by an oflScer.
Exhibit 60
Supbena — John Howard Lawson
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United Stati;s of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon John Howard Lawson to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chaiiinan, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at
the hour of 10:30 A. M., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart witliout leave of said
Conunittee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 539
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Pabnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 61. Daily Worker, September 6, 1935, page 5 ; article by John Howard
Lawson.
Exhibit 62. Daily Worker, February 26, 1935, page 5.
Exhibit 63
Copy of Communist Paety Registration Card — John Howard Lawson
No. 47275.
Name : John Howard Lawson. 1944 Card No.
Address : 4542 Coldwater Canyon Ave.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Cal.
Name of club :
New card issued on : 12/10/44. 194 —
fTo be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White X Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union P. W.
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker ? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 64. Subpena — Eric Johnston
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Donald T. Appell.
You are hereby commanded to summon Eric Johnston, President, Motion Picture
Association of America, 1600 Eye Street NW., Washington, D. C, to be and appear
before the Committee on Un-American Activities of the Hou.se of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas is chairman, and he is
to bring with him copies of all resolutions proposed or submitted relating to the
investigation of the movie industry by the Committee on Un-American Activities
and original minutes pertaining to all meetings held by the Motion Picture Asso-
ciation of America relating to such resolutions for the period May 1 through
September 10, 1947, in their chamber in the city of Washington on October 20,
1947, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of
inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of
said Committee.
Herein fail not, and fake returns of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States at the city of Washington this 29th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas, Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 65. Telegram : Walter E. Disney to the Committee on Un-American
Activities, October 24, 1947.
Exhibit 66. Hollywood Reporter, August 22, 1946 (photostatic copy).
Exhibit 67
Copy of Communist Party Registration Card — Dalton Trumbo
47187.
Name : Dalt. T. 1944 Card No. 39300
Address: 620 Beverly Dr.
City: Bev. H. County: L. A. State: Calif.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Nov. 30. 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
540 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Male X Ft'inalo White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : JNIotion Picture.
Member of: CIO AFL Iiul. ITiiion X No Union.
Is member club subscriber for Daily \\'orlver? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 68. Subpena — Daltox Trumbo
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Dalton Trumbo to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which th<' Hon. J. rarncll Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington on Octisber 23rd, 1!)47, at the hour
of 10: P>0 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of incjuiry committed
to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Represuetatives of the United
States at the city of Washington this ISth day of September 1947
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas, Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 69. Telegram : Committee on Un-American Activities to Mr. Dalton
Trumbo, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 70. Telegram : Committee on Un-American Activities to Mr. Dalton
Truiubo, October 13, 1947.
Exhibit 71
Copy of Communist Party Registration Card — Albert Maltz
No. 47196. Copy of Comnumist Party Card^— Albert Maltz.
Name : Albert M. 1944 Card No. 40801
Address : 6526i Linden Hurst.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Calif.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Nov. 3 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : M. Picture.
Member of: CIO AFL Ind. Union No Union
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 72. Subpena — ^Albert Maltz
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representati\'es or the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to sununon Albert Maltz to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. .T. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at the hour of
10 : 30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to
said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 541
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the'city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Paknexl Thomas,
Attest : Chairman.
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 73. Sitbpena — Alvah Bessie
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatbtes of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Alvah Bessie, 369 South Crescent Drive,
Beverley Hills, Calif., to be and appear before the Un-American Activities Com-
mittee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the Hon. J.
Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the city of Wash-
ington, on October 23, 1947, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., then and there to testify
touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he is not to depart
without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the ciy of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parneix Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 74. Telegram: J. Parnell Thomas, chairman, to Mr. Alvah Bessie,
October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 75
Copy of Communist Party Registration Card — Alvah Bessie
No. 47279.
Name : Alvah Bessie. 1944 Card No. 46836
Address : 4653 Coldwater Canyon Ave.
City : Hollywood. County : L. A. State : Cal.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : 12/10/44. 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White X Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union P. W.
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 76. Letter
International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employes and Mo^^N6 Picture
Machine Operators of the United States and Canada
International Building, 630 Fifth Avenue, New York 20, N. Y.
Affiliated with the American Federation of Labor
Richard F. Walsh, International President.
Thomas ,T. Shea, Assistant International President.
William P. Raoul, General Secretary-Treasurer.
Harland Holmden, First Vice President, 760 Hippodrome Bldg., Cleveland 15, Ohio.
William P. Covert, Second Vice President, 63 McRae Drive, Leaside, Torronto, Ontario,
Canada.
Floyd M. Billingsley, Third Vice President, 230 Jones St., San Francisco 1, California.
67683 — 47 35
542 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
James J. Bronnan, Fourth Vice President, Ramsey, New Jersey.
Roger M. Kennedy, Fiftli Vice I'resident, 1000 Hofmann Bldg., Detroit 1, Michisan.
Felix "D. Snow, Sixth Vice President, 1017 Washington St., Kansas Citv C, Missouri.
Carl G. Cooper, Seventh Vice President, 130 North Vista St., Hollywood 36, California.
William C. Harrett, Eighth Vice President, Apt. 304, 1609 No. Noimandie Avenue, Holly-
wood 28, California.
Louise Wright, Ninth Vice President, Apt. 3, 5012 Victor St., Dallas 14, Texas.
Telephone : Gladstone 7187.
HorxYwooD Office,
603(3 Hollywood Blvd., Suite 217-218,
HoHyu-ood 28, Calif., November 3, l^it.
Hon. J. Parneh^l Thom.\s,
Chairman of the House of Representatives
Comimittee on Vn-Ameriean Activities,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Chairman Thomas : Following thinush upon my request to have addi-
tional evidence introduced into the recoi-d of the recent hearing of the com-
mittee into the penetration of Communist activity in the Hollywood motion-
picture industry, I would like to .submit the following material to supplement
my testimony given before the committee :
(1) To supplement my testimony that Herbert K. Sorrell has followed the
Communist Party line since 1937, with one minor exception, I would like to
submit herewith the following:
la. An Informational Bulletin, dated November 13, 104"), published by the
lATSE, which outlines in detail the record of Herbert K. Sorrell in Communist
front activities from 1938 to 1945.
lb. In addition, I would like to submit a report of the California State Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities, dated February 19. 1946. This report also
outlines the activities of Herbert K. Sorrell and in addition contains the testi-
mony of Clark Sellers and John Harris concerning the documents which I intro-
duced in evidence at the committee hearing. Contained also in this document
is a letter by the Committee, written to C. Don Field, in which the Committee
sets forth as follows :
"The secret Communist Party affiliation of Herbert K. Sorrell is therefore
established beyonrl a shadow of a reasonable doubt and his activities explained
in light of current Communist Party purposes and objectives. There is no doubt
in the minds of tl.e members of the Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-Ameri-
can Activities that Herbert K. Sorrell is a member of the Communist Party and
presently an important stooge and tool of Communist Party design for the de-
struction of American Federation of Labor unions in Hollywood and the estab-
lishment of Communist influence and domination in the motion-picture industry."
Ic. An excerpt from the Report of the Congress of American-Soviet Friend-
ship, in which is cited a report from Herb Sorrell, outlining the success which
his Conference had had in carrying on educational work on the Soviet Union
in Hollywood. The next paragraph, which quotes Louis Weinstock, should also
be noted. Mr. Weinstock is a member of the National Committee of the Com-
munist Party of America. Mr. Weinstock's remarks would indicate that Mr.
Sorrell had not only been able to induce groups in Holl.vwood into supporting
the Comnninist Party program, but had been instrumental in throwing the entire
Painters International Union behind this program.
Id. In this connection I would also like to submit a photostat of the People's
World, dated September 6, 1946, which indicates the part which Herbert K.
Sorrell played in attempting to get the Paiiiteis Iiiteniatioiial Union to support
the World Federation of Trade Unions, which was opposed by the American
Federation of Labor because it was dominated by Soviet Russia. In this clip-
ping it will be noted that Mr. Sorrell was supported by Mr. Courtney Ward, who
was ousted by President William Green, President of the American Federation
of Labor, from the Cleveland Fedei'ation of Labor because of his pix)-communist
activities.
le. Inserted also in connection with Sorrell's activities are excerpts from the
Peoples Daily World dated: 3/8/40, 4/19/40, 5/17/40. 11/2/44, and July 24, 1944.
lee. The first one shows Mr. Sorrell identified with known communists and
their efforts to organize the Workers Alliance. Emil Freed is an admitted com-
munist; La Rue McCormick is an admitted communist; and Joe Williams is an
official representative of the Peoples Daily World.
If. The .second photostat shows the association of Herbert K. Sorrell, along
with other prominent pro-communists, including Dalton Trumbo and Carey Mc-
Williams, in the "Yanks are Not Coming" program, a program designed to frus-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 543
trate the activities of this country in aiding England during the period of the
Hitler-Stalin pact.
Ig. The third photostat substantiates Mr. Sorrell's association with the
Schneiderman Defense Committee.
Ih. The fourth photostat shows Mr. Sorrell, along with John Howard Lawson
and others, as sponsoring La Rue McCormick, communist candidate for the
office of State Senator.
li. The last photostat shows Mr. Sorrell associated with Mr. John Howard
Lawson as Hollywood Representatives supporting the People's World.
There are many other such documents which could be produced. These are
only a few picked at random to support the material printed in the lATSE
Bulletin.
(2) With respect to the second point on which I want to submit material, i. e.,
the adherence of the Conference of Studio Unions to Communist Party programs,
I would like to submit the following :
2a. A dossier of the activities of the Conference showing support of various
pro-communist groups from August 12 to July 12, 1944. This was taken from
minutes which have come into my possession, but which do not extend beyond 1944.
2b. The attached pamphlet entitled "Manifesto of the World Labor Conference,"
showing Conference support of the World Trade Union Conference, which pro-
gram they have religiously supported since its inception, despite the opposition
of the American Federation of Labor and of the International unions with which
the local unions in the Conference are affiliated. The Conference of Studio Unions
also supported the National Service Act which was one of the best tests of
communist domination that has been found. Only those unions in America which
were under the complete domination of the communists supported the National
Service Act in 1942 and 1943.
2c. Other material which I would like to submit in this connection is a
clipping from the Hollywood Citizen News of December 11, 1946. This was a
meeting of the "Southern California Committee to Win the Peace." The Con-
ference of Studio Unions is listed, along with many other communist and pro-
communist oi'ganizations, as a contributor to this program.
2d. I am enclosing transcript of a radio progam broadcast by Sam Baiter,
who was sponsored for quite some time by the Conference of Studio Unions.
The script is a complete text of his address. You will notice the subtility with
which the world situation is discussed by Mr. Baiter. He then gives equal im-
portance to the line of the Conference of Studio Unions concerning the Hollywood
Studio strike, following up with a discussion of the United Nations. You will find
Mr. Baiter's remarks on the United Nations at the end of the war in complete
accord with Soviet Russia. This is only one script of many used by Mr. Baiter
which follows the party line religiously.
(3) I am also enclosing herewith various copies of the CSU News. You will
find in these a great deal of evidence of procommunist activities :
8a. CSU News, Vol. 1, No. 8, dated December 28, 1946, on page 3, carries a
notice urging the Conference of Studio Unions to listen to Averill Berman and
Peter De Lima. Both of these commentators have records of procommunist
leanings so far as their dissemination of the news is concerned.
3b. On page 4 of Vol. 1, No. 9, you will find an advertisement supporting the
Actors Lab.
3c. Vol. 1, No. 12, page 4, you will find a story concerning the activities of
the procommunist French unions and their support of the Conference of Studio
Unions.
3d. In Vol. 1, No. 14, you will find speeches by Vincente Lombardo Toledano,
well-known Mexican Communist, in support of the Conference of Studio Unions.
3e. In Vol. 1, No. 15, Feb. 15, 1947, you will find a story concerning the support
of Latin American Unions arranged by Holedano, advocating boycotting of
American pictures.
3f. In Vol. 1, No. 16, page 3, you will find a paragraph urging support of
Russian pictures as compared with American pictures. You will also find an ad
on page 2 of the same issue.
3g. In Vol. 1, No. 17. page 3. you will find the pledge of Egyptian unions in
boycotting American films.
3h. Vol. 1, No. 19, has an article urging that the workers support the Peoples
. EdiTcational Center, which has been branded as a Communist school.
3i. In Vol. 1, No. 22, you will find an editorial urging an investigation of the
Hollywood strike situation by a Congressional committee, although these same
groups are screaming against the investigation of communism in the motion-
544 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
picture industry. On page 4 of the same issue is another item urging people
to listen to Averill Bernian.
3j. In Vol. 1, No. 23, page 2, is an article urging support of the Peoples Educa-
tional Center.
3k. In Vol. 1, No. 26, there is ai? item remarking about support from the Western
Council for Progre.ssive Business, Labor, and Agriculture. This is an organiza-
tion which is sponsoring pro-Hussian commentators.
31. Vol. 1, No. 29, shows their enthusiastic support of the PCA.
3m. Vol. 1, No. 35, shows the support of the pro-communist Mexican Workers
Union in favor of the CSU.
Other information indicating communist support of the Conference of Studio
Unions was the fact that Paul Robeson, admitted procommunist, was the principal
spealcer at their meeting on March 16, 1947.
In the Motion Picture Daily of the 17th of March 1947 was an item stating that
Louis Weinstock, admitted member of the National Executive Council of the
Communist Party, had raised $10,000 in support of the strike of the Conference
of Studio Unions.
(4) a-j. Additional evidence to support the charge that the communists were
active in the support of the strike is contained in various bulletins published by
the Conference of Studio Unions between the dates of January 15, 1947, and
February 15, 1947. In these bulletins you will find various items which show
their association with foreign and procommunist unions in an effort to boycot
American pictures, support of pro-Soviet commentators, support of the Peoples
Educational Centei*, and support of various other communist fronts.
(5t In connection with the evidence that the strikes were supported by com-
munists, I submit the record of Emil Freed, 5a, admitted communist, who was
arrested in the picket line supporting the Conference of Studio Unions and sen-
tenced to one year in jail as a result of his defiance of the court orders. In this
connection the facts that the American Youth for Democracy was openly used as
a means of obtaining mass pickets and the report of the C. Don Field Committee,
5b, which specifically investigated and found evidence of communist activity in
the picket lines of the Conference of Studio Unions are important.
(6) I am also submitting herewith a complete file of the reports of Jeff
Kibre, portions of which I read into the record and which, in my opinion,
formed the most important evidence we have of the communist plot to take over
the unions in the motion picture industry.
(7) I also enclose herewith a copy of the Constitution and By-Laws of the
lATSE, and I call your particular attention to the special laws on page 79,
■which were passed by our recent Convention because of the threat of our
existence by communist infiltration and efforts to dominate our unions.
(8) I also enclose herewith for the Committee's consideration a complete file
of the lATSE Bulletins put out during the 1945 strike, in which we set forth
in various ways the association of Communists in the strike and in the motion
picture industry.
(9) In connection with the actions of our Local 683, I would like to submit
a letter which I sent out to all unions of the lATSE setting forth the pro-
communist leanings of the officers of Local 683, which later revolted and joined
the Conference of Studio Unions in its effort to drive the lATSE out of the
Hollywood labor picture. I would also like to point out the fact that the former
officers of Local 683 of the lATSE were instrumental in the forming and the
direction of the Peoples Educational Center; they were instrumental in form-
ing and directing the affairs of the Conference of Studio Unions until 1944. Our
analysis of tlieir activity would indicate that they formed the Conference and
established the basis for an attack on the lATSE by the Conference of Studio
Unions, but then withdrew from the Conference because they felt they could
not remain in the Conference when the fight came out into the open. However,
at a critical time in the period of the Conference strike against the lATSE,
they openly revolted and joined the strike. There are reams of evidence to
substantiate that the officers who controlled the affairs of Local 683, lATSE,
between 1940 and 1947, were strict adherents to communist party programs
and policy.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 545
I trust this will be of value to the Committee. I shall be glad to submit
any further material which the Committee might desire to substantiate my
testimony.
Respectfully yours,
/s/ Rot M. Brewer,
International Representative.
RMB : LF
I'. S. The attached excerpts from DAILY VARIETY, dated March 12, 1945,
and April 2, 194.5, show the so-called "rank and tile activity" led by Irving
Henscliel in the 1945 strilvc, who is mentioned in the Jeff Kibre Reports as
a party member of three years standing, to 1938, and proves conclusively that
the rebellion within the lATSE in support of the studio strike was fomented
and directed by communists and pro-communists.
In addition to the other material which I have outlined above, I am sending
you a copy of a series of the "Hollywood Closeup" which we published in
1945 and 1946, which contain a series of open letters. These open letters were
directed only to those persons who, through personal activity or organizational
activity, had injected themselves into the strike on the side of the Conference
of Studio Unions. You will find some interesting questions in these articles,
all of which have gone unanswered — not One single one of these open letters
were answered by any of the persons to whom they were directed.
Exhibit 77. Sxjbpena — Samuei. Ornitz
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 320S0, Vol. 58, Page 488
r>Y Authority of the House of Representattveb of the Congress of the
United States op America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Samuel Ornitz to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. .T. Parnell Thomas, of New .Jersey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Wasliington, on October 23, 1947, at the
hour of 10: 30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry com-
mitted to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 23d day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andeews, Clerk.
Exhibit 78. Telegram : The Committee on Un-American Activities to Samuel
Ornitz, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 79. Communist Party Registration Card of Samuel Oenitz
No. 47181 1944 Card No. 41826
Name : Sam O.
Address : 1044 S. Redondo.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Cal. ^
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Dec. 2, 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : M. Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union No Union
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No
209
546 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 80. Subpena — Herbejrt Bibebman
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 488
By Authority of the House of liEPursENTATnTs of the Congr! ss of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Herbert Biberman to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which tlie Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Wasliington, on October 2?>, 1947, at the
hour of 10:30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry com-
mitted to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the .seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the City of Washington, this 19th day of September 1947.
(Signed) .J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 81. Telegi'am : The Committee oti Un-American Activities to Herbert
Biberman, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 82. Communist Party Registration Card — Herbert Biberman
No. 47267 1944 Card No. 46844
Name : Herbert Biberman.
Address : 3257 Inonda Dr.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Cal.
Name of club :
New card issued on : 12/10/44. ' 194 —
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Director.
Industry: Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union No union P. W.
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? YesX No
209
Exhibit 83. Subpena — Emmet Laveby
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority or the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Emmet Lavery to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Wa.shington, on , at the hour of ,
then and there to testify touching matters of inquiiy committed to said Commit-
tee; and lie is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 547
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Pabnbxl Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andbews, Clerk.
Exhibit 84. Subpena — Edward Dmytryk
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Repeesentatives of the Congress op the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Edward Dmytryk to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at
the hour of 10 : 30 A. M., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committeed to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Parnell Thomas.
Chairmcm.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 85. Telegram : The Committee on Un-American Activities to Edward
Dmytryk, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 86. Subpena — Adrian Scott
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Robert Adrian Scott, generally known
as Adrian Scott, to be and appear before the Un-American Activities Committee
of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the Hon. 3".
Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber in the city of
Washington, on October 23rd, 1947. at the hour of 10 : 30 A. M., then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he
is not to depart without leave of said Commitee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of Sepember 1947.
(signed) J. Pabneix Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
548 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 87. Telegram : Committee on Un-American Activities to Adrian Scott,
October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 88. Letter : Dore Schary, on letterhead of Vanguard Films, to Emmet
Lavery, April 17, 1945.
Exhibit 89. Subpena — Ring Lardner, Jr.
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 488
By Authqritt of the House of Representatives of the Conqress of the United
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Ring Lardner, Jr., to be and appear
before tiie Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jei-^ey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd. 1947,
at the hour of 10 : 30 A. M., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Com-
mittee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 19th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 90. Communist Party Registration Card — Ring Lardner, Jr.
No. 47180 1944 Card No. 46808
Name : Ring L.
Address : 447 Loring.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Calif.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Nov. 30. 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : M. Picture.
Member of: CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union,
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No.
209
Exhibit 91. Subpena — Lester Cole
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
Bt Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congeess of the Unites)
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Lester Cole to be and appear before the
Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at the hour of 10:30
a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said
Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 549
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. PAENia^L Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 92. Communist Party Registration Card — Lester Cole
No. 47226 ' 1944 Card No. —
Name: Lester Cole.
Address: ?
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Calif.
Name of club :
New card issued on: Dec. 16. 1944
(to be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White X Negro
Occupation: Writer.
Industry: Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union
Is member club subscriber for Su. Worker? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 93. Subpena — Bertold Brecht
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By AtlTHOEITY OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CONGRESS OF THE
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Bertold Eugen Friedrich Brecht, gen-
erally known as Bert Brecht, to be and appear befoi-e the Un-American Activities
Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the
Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the
city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., then and
there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and
he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18tli day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnetll Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 94. Ost Und West, July 1946, Magazine printed in Germany, containing
part of the play. Private Life of the Master Race, by Bert Brecht.
Exhibit 95. International Literature No. 5, 1937, article by Sergei Tretyakov
on an interview with Bert Brecht.
Exhibit 96. Bulletin No. 2, International Theatre, 1934, pp. 1, 3, 4, 5, and 7.
Exhibit 97. International Theatre, October 1934, p. 3.
Exhibit 98. International Theatre, No. 3-4, 1934, p. 56.
Exhibit 99. New Theater, November 1934, p. 11, article entitled "Straight
From the Shoulder," by John Howard Lawson.
X
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