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Full text of "Hearings relating to H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700, providing for creation of a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy. Hearings, Eighty-ninth Congress, first session"

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Committee on 
Un-American Activities 
89th Congress 

(according to paging) 

1. Hearings Relating to K.R. U70, H.R. 1033, - 
H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, -H.R. U389, H.R. 5370, 
H.R. 578^+, and H.R. 6700, Providing for 
Creation of a Freedom Commission and Freedom 

2. Communist Activities in the Chicago, Illinois, 
Area, Part 1 ^^t 

3. Communist Activities in the Chicago, Illinois, 
Area, Part 2 


/ MS Do^ :?. If/ 

HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, 

HJl. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, HJl. 5784, AND H.R. 








MARCH 31, APRIL 1, APRIL 28, MAY 7, AND MAY 14, 1965 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 



AUG 23 1965 

47-093 WASHINGTON : 1965 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Qovernment Printing Oflace 
Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price $1.00 


UNITED States House of Representatives 

EDWIN B. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairmwn 

JOE R. POOL, Texas JOHN H. BUCHANAN, Jr., Alabama 

RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri DEL CLAWSON, California 

GEORGE F. SENNER, Jr., Arizona 

Francis J. McNamara, Director 
William Hitz, General Counsel 
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 



Foreword 1 

March 31, 1965: Statement of— 

Hon Charles S. Gubser 5 

Hon. John M. Ashbrook 14 

Hon. Don H. Clausen 19 

Edgar Ansel Mowrer 20 

April 1, 1965: Statement of — 

Hon. Edward J. Gurney 38 

Hon. Karl E. Mundt 44 

Reserve Officers Association of the United States by Lt. Col. Floyd 

Oles, USAR (Retired) 79 

April 28, 1965: Statement of— 

The American Legion by Daniel J. O'Connor 82 

Reserve Officers Association of the United States by Lt. Col. Floyd 

Oles, USAR (Retired) 84 

Arthur E. Meyerhoff 105 

Hon. John H. Buchanan, Jr 122 

May 7, 1965: Statement of — 

Hon. Earl E. T. Smith 130 

Hon. Richard H. Ichord 147 

May 14, 1965: Statement of — 

Hon. Hale Boggs 177 

William B. Walsh 199 

Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States by Brig. Gen. James 

D. Hittle, USMC (Retired) 231 

Order of Lafayette 232 

Hon. William C. Doherty 233 

Rufus C. Phillips III 242- 

Hon. Edwin E. Willis, statement and insertions at close of hearings.. 247 

Appendix: Proposed bills for creation of a Freedom Commission and 

Freedom Academy 259 

Index i 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946] ; 60 Stat. 
812, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 



17. CJommittee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcom- 
mittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
( ii ) the difEusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at- 
tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, 
and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to 
the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such 
investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee; and. for that purpose, shall study all pertinent re- 
ports and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch 
of the Government. 


House Resolution 8, January 4, 1965 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session ) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 


Nine bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Acad- 
emy have been referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities 
during this 89-th Congress. They are : H.R. 470, introduced by Mr. 
Herlong January 4, 1965 ; H.R. 1033, introduced by Mr. Gubser Jan- 
uary 4, 1965; H.R. 2215, introduced by Mr. Ichord January 11, 1965; 
H.R. 2379, introduced by Mr. Boggs January 12, 1965 ; H.R. 4389, in- 
troduced by Mr. Gurney February 4, 1965 ; H.R. 5370, introduced by 
Mr. Clausen February 24, 1965; H.R. 5784, introduced by Mr. Ash- 
brook March 3, 1965 ; H.R. 6700, introduced by Mr. Buchanan March 
24, 1965; and H.R. 9209, introduced by Mr. Feighan June 17, 1965 
(after committee hearings had been completed) . 

During the 88th Congress, nine bills having the same purpose were 
referred to the committee.^ Extensive hearings were held by the 
committee during 1964 on these bills, but no bill was reported out by 
the committee during the 88th Congress. 

The nine bills presently being considered, though they vary some- 
what in detail,^ have the same purpose — to provide for the establish- 
ment, under Federal auspices, of a cold war educational and research 
institution which would be run by an independent seven-man com- 
mission, whose chairman and members would be appointed by the 
President, subject to confirmation by the Senate, and which would 
operate under the general supervision of the Congress in the sense 
that it would have to report to it regularly and would be dependent 
upon it for its appropriations. 

The purpose of the Academy would be to improve the ability of the 
United States, and the free world generally, to wage the cold war in 
which it is presently engaged with the international forces of com- 
munism. It would accomplish this in two ways : First, by instructing 
its students on the subject of communism generally, its strategy and 
tactics, and the weapons and devices it is using in all parts of the world 
to subvert free nations and replace them with Communist dictator- 
ships; secondly, by conducting research to develop new techniques 
which the United States and other non-Communist nations can utilize 
in resisting and defeating all types of Communist "cold" warfare. 

The cold war, as waged by the Communists, in the view of advocates 
of the Freedom Academy concept, has many different aspects. It 
includes traditional military or "hot" warfare and guerrilla warfare 
(i.e., Korea and South Vietnam) and also conventional diplomatic 
maneuvering. But it also includes economic, political, and psycholog- 

1 The bills introduced In the 88th Congress were : H.R. 352, Introduced by Mr. Herlong 
on January 9. 1963 ; H.R. 1617, bv Mr. Gubser on January 10, 1963 ; H.R. 5368. by Mr. 
Boggs on April 2, 1963 ; H.R. 8320, by Mr. Taft on August 30, 1963 ; H.R. 8757, by 
Mr. Schwelker on October 8, 1963 ; H.R. 10036. by Mr. Ashbrook on February 20, 1964 ; 
H.R. 10037. by Mr. Clausen on February 20, 1964 ; H.R. 10077, by Mr. Schadeberg on 
February 24, 1964 ; and H.R. 11718, by Mr. Talcott on June 24, 1964. 

' See Appendix, pp. 259-300. 


ical warfare; subversion; and numerous other unconventional forms 
of conflict. 

The free world, according to the Freedom Academy concept, is do- 
ing a more or less adequate job of study and training only in the tradi- 
tional fields of military operations and diplomacy. Little or no 
training and research is being undertaken in the various unconven- 
tional aspects of cold warfare which are just as important as, and may 
be more decisive in the long run than, traditional military operations 
and conventional diplomacy. 

The Communist bloc, on the other hand, beginning with the estab- 
lishment of the Lenin School in Moscow in the twenties, has been train- 
ing specialists in all forms of cold or unconventional warfare for 
almost 40 years. At the present time, scores of such schools exist in 
all parts of the Communist world — not only behind the Iron Curtain, 
but in Red China, in Cuba, and, on a limited and covert scale, even 
within the borders of free nations. Many thousands of graduates of 
these schools, professionals in varied forms of unconventional war- 
fare, are daily working in all parts of the globe to undermine non- 
Communist nations and promote Communist aims. The free world 
does not have a trained counterforce on all levels of public and private 
life to engage and defeat these Communist "troops." 

Advocates of Freedom Academy legislation believe that the free 
world needs such a force and that their Academy proposal offers an 
effective means for developing one. 

The bills referred to the committee provide that a broad range of 
students would attend the Freedom Academy. They would fall into 
three general categories : 

1. Officials of the U.S. Government whose agencies are in any way 
involved in the U.S. effort to resist communism. 

2. Leaders from all walks of civilian life in this country (broad 
comprehension of the nature of the conflict in which we are engaged — 
and also citizen participation in it — are essential to the U.S. effort to 
preserve and strengthen freedom and resist communism) . 

Students in this category would come from the ranks of management 
and labor, education, religion, the arts and sciences, and also civic, 
veterans', women's, fraternal, professional, and similar groups. 

3. Leaders and potential leaders from all walks of life, governmental 
and private, from foreign countries. They would include representa- 
tives of our NATO and SE ATO allies, as well as the newly independent 
nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, where the knowledge of 
the real nature of communism and the cold war is essential if the 
United States is to be successful in resisting further Communist en- 
croachments and thus the weakening of freedom and its own position 
in all parts of the world. 

The Freedom Academy would be purely a research and educational 
institution. It would not engage in operational activities of any kind. 
Its students, however, whether citizens of this or foreign countries and 
whether Government officials or privately employed, would utilize the 
knowledge gained at the Academy to improve measures now being 
utilized to resist communism and to develop new operations, govern- 
mental as well as private, to aid in this effort. 

2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND 


United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-Amekican Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 


A subcommitte of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) pre- 

( Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- 
isiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and John M. Ash- 
brook, of Ohio.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives WilliSj Ichord, 
and Ashbrook. 

Committee members also present : Representatives Joe R. Pool, of 
Texas ; George F. Senner, Jr., of Arizona ; and Charles L. Weltner, of 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred 
M. Nittle, counsel. 

The Chairjvian. The subcommittee will come to order. 

The Chair would like to make a statement. 

Nine bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Academy were 
referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities during the last 
Congress. Extensive hearings were held on these bills and the testi- 
mony has been printed and published in two parts. In the 89th 
Congress, to date, eight bills have been referred to this committee. 
Five of these are bills identical to those which were offered by the 
same members in the last Congress ; namely, Representatives Herlong, 
Gubser, Boggs, Ashbrook, and Clausen. The other three bills were 
offered in this Congress by Representatives Ichord, Gurney, and 
Buchanan. We are convened today to receive additional testimony 
upon these bills. 

Although the bills vary in certain details, they all have the same 
purpose, namely, to provide for the establishment, under Federal aus- 
pices, of a cold war educational and research institution as an inde- 
pendent agency, to be managed by a seven-man Commission, whose 
chairman and members would be appointed by the President, subject 
to confirmation by the Senate. 


The major difference between the bills before the committee appears 
to be that six make provision for an Advisory Committee and two 
for a Joint Congressional Freedom Committee. The bills provide for 
one or the other exclusively. • 

The Advisory Committee is to be composed of representatives from 
executive agencies concerned with the Academy's objectives, to insure 
cooperation between the Academy and these agencies, to review the 
operations of the Commission, and report its findings annually to the 
President and the Congress. 

The Joint Congressional Freedom Committee is to be composed of 
14 members, equally divided between the Senate and the House, whose 
purpose is to make continued studies of the activities of the Commis- 
sion, to hold hearings and investigations on matters relating to its 
objectives, as well as to receive bills, resolutions, and other matters in 
the Senate or House relating to the Commission and on which the 
joint committee will report respectively to the Senate and the House 
through those members appointed from the respective bodies. 

I direct that the bills, H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, 
H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700 be received in the 

I now offer for the record the order of appointment of the subcom- 
mittee designated to conduct this hearing, as follows : 

March 24, 1965. 
To Mr. Francis J. McNamara, 
Director, Committee on Un-American Activities: 

Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I 
hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, con- 
sisting of Honorable Richard Ichord and Honorable John M. Ashbrook as as- 
sociate members, and myself as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Washington, 
D.C., commencing on or about Tuesday, March 30, 1965, and at such other 
time or times thereafter and at such place or places as said subcommittee shall 
determine, on the following bills proposing passage of a "Freedom Commis- 
sion Act," and any other similar bills which may be referred to this Com- 
mittee: H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, and 
H.R. 5784. 

Please make this action a matter of Committee record. 

If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. 

Given under my hand this 24th day of March, 1965. 

/s/ Edwin E. Willis. 
Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

We are glad to have with us a member of the full committee who 
has kindly consented to participate in these hearings and I hope that, 
since he is here, he can attend all the hearings and will consent to be- 
come a member of the subcommittee. 

Anyway, Mr. Weltner, of Georgia, is with us and we welcome him. 

The first witness this morning is our colleague, Mr. Gubser, who is 
author of the bill, H.R. 1033, one of the bills referred to. Mr. Gubser, 
we appreciate your interest in this legislation and your offering of the 
bill. We welcome your views. 

1 See appendix, pp. 259-300. (Also included is H.R. 9209, a bill Introduced by Mr. 
Feighan after conclusion of the hearings.) 




Mr. GuBSER. Thank you very much. I would request permission 
to insert a statement in the record and make a very few informal 

The Chairman. You may proceed as you wish. If you want the 
statement introduced at this point it will be done. 

Mr. GuBSER. I would appreciate it at this point. 

The Chairman. It will be received at this point. 

(Congressman Grubser's prepared statement follows:) 


Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee. I deeply appreciate the oppor- 
tunity to appear before you to testify in behalf of my bill, H.R. 1033. 

There is no doubt that communism is spreading and that the territory of this 
planet which remains exclusively dedicated to freedom is diminishing. Though 
wishful thinkers say to themselves that test ban treaties, wheat sales, and other 
apparent improvements in East- West relations signal a permanent thaw in the 
cold war, a simple look around the globe reveals otherwise. The truth is that 
we are losing the cold war ! 

On December 18, 1963, I inserted a chart into the Congressional Record which 
I had prepared with the cooperation of the Library of Congress. The chart 
shows that in 1917, 10.1 percent of the world's population lived in 8,603,000 square 
miles of Communist territory. The growth and spread of communism has been 
gradual since that time, until as of last year 34.99 percent of the world's popu- 
lation (1,109,500,00^ people) lives in a Communist world which includes 
13,761,000 square miles. I will submit this chart for inclusion in the record at 
the end of my testimony .^ 

The world map i^ a seething blot of Communist-inspired trouble. Can any 
rational man look at the globe and say we are not losing the cold war? 

In searching for a reason, it is easy to fall into the trap of oversimplification. 
Undoubtedly there are many reasons, but certainly one of the most significant 
is our failure to win the war of propaganda. Time after time the free world 
has responded with military action to combat communism. But almost always 
the forces of subversion have done their work so effectively that military action 
has come too late. Southeast Asia is the perfect example. Laos fell to the 
forces of subversion which were unopposed until it was too late. In Vietnam, 
the forces of subversion gained such a head start that the military response has 
been placed at almost an impossible disadvantage. The same thing is happening 
in dozens of other places. 

It should be obvious by now that the Communist system of subversion is work- 
ing and that our response has been of the wrong kind and is too late. In the 
battle for men's minds an initial advantage is frequently decisive, particularly 
in backward and impoverished areas. 

In view of our consistent failure to match Communist propaganda, does it not 
seem wise that we take stock of what has produced the success of our enemies 
and meet it on the ground of that success? 

When Lenin and his followers captured Russia, they established a training 
system that has grown to 6,000 special schools which teach the tactics of 
espionage, subversion, infiltration, agitation, and propaganda. 

Admittedly, this is not a proper free world tactic, nor would we want it to 
become our practice. The basis of freedom is freedom of choice, and we do not 
wish to impose our choice upon others. To do so would be to defile the essence 
of freedom. But to allow a vacuum into which Communist propaganda can 
move is to create an environment where the Communist way can win without 
opposition. This is not freedom of choice. 

1 See p. 14. 


Our State Department hastily employs the cliche of "indoctrination" to indict 
any suggestion from non-State Department sources favoring a propaganda effort 
to influence people in favor of freedom as opposed to communism. This reaction 
is a carryover from the modern intellectual's proper and justified respect for "aca- 
demic freedom." But it employs a basic fallacy. 

Academic freedom exists in an academic environment where knowledge is 
freely available. But in the target areas for Communist propaganda, only Com- 
munist knowledge is available unless we present the other side. It is not indoctri- 
nation when one side presents its case, knowing full well that the other side 
will do likewise. To reject our propaganda mission, then, is to promote indoctri- 
nation rather than renounce it. 

Our long and consistent record of failures to meet the Communist propaganda 
offensive proves that it is time to break the diplomatic monopoly which seems 
to consider any public relations or educational program that it does not suggest 
and control as "indoctrination." 

Psychological warfare, public relations, propaganda, or whatever you choose 
to call it, is a science and a definite technique which must be learned through 
specialized instruction. Our diplomats have failed because they have not been 
trained in a highly skilled technique. It is time we recognize that Communist 
propagandists have filled the vacuum caused by the inactivity of freedom's pro- 
ponents and are winning the war for men's minds. 

The purpose of my bill is to fill this vacuum and give our overseas personnel 
the training which will enable them to recognize Communist propaganda for 
what it is and resist it on the spot. By so doing I am convinced we can avoid 
the inevitable military action which always comes too late. 

Mr. Chairman, there are other features of my bill which could be discussed, 
for example, the provision for training foreign nationals. But the basic argument 
for this important provision is the same. We must recognize the fact that the 
Communist propagandist is succeeding because he is allowed to operate in a 
vacuum and we must present a counterf orce which denies this advantage. 

This legislation is certainly not perfect and perhaps needs amendment. Per- 
haps an entirely new bill needs to be written. But the basic idea that we need 
a Freedom Academy is a sound recognition of the reality that freedom is losing 
to slavery and there is no present indication that the trend will change. 

Mr. GuBSER. Mr. Chairman, I had planned to do no more than sub- 
mit this statement, which is basically the same statement which I pre- 
sented to the committee last year, but through the kindness of your 
committee director I was just handed a copy of the State Department's 
adverse report, upon all of these bills, including my own. 

The Chairman. Will you yield at this point ? I am vei-y glad that 
you brought that up. I take it you want to make comments about it. 

Mr. GuBSER. I would like to make a few comments about it if I may. 

The Chairman. So that the record will be complete the letter of the 
State Department, addressed to me and dated March 29, 1965, will be 
inserted in the record at this point, and we will be glad to get your 
comments on the letter. 

(The letter follows:) 




March 29, 1965 

Dear Mr. Chairman: 

The Department appreciates the opportunity to comment 
on H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 
4389, bills to create a Freedom Commission and Freedom 
Academy, which you forwarded to the Department. 

These bills are identical in purpose and scope to 
proposals submitted in previous sessions of Congress and 
on which the Department has commented. On these occasions, 
we expressed appreciation of the purposes of the sponsors 
and recognized the merits of certain aspects of the pro- 
posal, but expressed the belief that the bill as a whole 
would not serve as a useful instrument of national policy. 

The sponsors of the Freedom Commission bills urge 
correctly, in the Department's view, that in our struggle 

with the forces of tyranny and communism in particular--- 

we must employ not only military strength but also all of 
the political , psychological, economic and other non- 
military means at our disposal. The President has given 
to' the Department of State a primary role in marshalling 
all of our resources in these fields which cut across 
many broad areas of government responsibility. The 
integrated efforts of the foreign affairs and security 
agencies are as vital in developing the overall strategy 
and tactics of the "cold war" as in carrying them out. 
Expertise and operational experience are as important in 
the formulation of policy as they are in its execution. 
For this reason, the Department seriously questions whether 
comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the 
infinitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be 
developed by a new, separate government agency, especially 
one without operational responsibilities. 

The. Honorable 

Edwin E. Willis, Chairman 

Un-American Activities Committee 
House of Representatives 


The Freedom Coinmlssion proposals place great stress 

upon the mobilization of private citizens domestic and 

foreign to fight the cold war, and upon a systematic 

orientation of our citizens against communism. The pro- 
posals contemplate that these tasks be undertaken on a 
large scale by the Executive branch of the government. 
While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train 
private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary 

need and hence our first priority is to improve in 

all possible ways the training of government personnel 
involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign 

While the cost of implementing the Freedom Commission 
program has never been specified, various proponents have 
stated it would amount to several million dollars a year. 
We feel therfe are more effective ways to use such expendi- 
tures in our struggle for freedom. 

Another problem raised by several of the Freedom 
Commission bills is federal control. Under the provision 
entitled "Information Center", the Freedom Commission 
vould be "authorized to prepare, make and publish text- 
books and other materials, including training films, 
suitable for high schools, college and community level 
instruction". There is further provision that the 
Commission can distribute such material on "such terms 
and conditions as it shall determine". 

The Department doubts the value of any effort to 
centralize and standardize the dissemination of information 
in such areas. This would appear to be a marked departure 
from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the 
field of political education. 

For these and other reasons, the Department cannot 
support the bills to create a Freedom Commission which 
are now before you. 

- 3 - 

The Bureau of the Budget advises that from the 
standpoint of the Administration's program, there is 
no objection to the submission of this report. 


uglas MacArthur II 

Mr. GuBSER. Mr. Chairman, it is very interesting to me to note the 
changed line in the State Department opposition to this bill. Last 
year, if you will recall, a great point was made of the fact that it is 
not the proper function of the United States Government to attempt to 
indoctrinate people of other nations. 

My statement which I just filed was addressed to that point, and I 
quote part of it : 

Our State Department hastily employs the cliche of "indoctrination" to indict 
any suggestion from non-State Department sources favoring a propaganda effort 
to influence people in favor of freedom as opposed to communism. This reaction 
is a carryover from the modern intellectual's proper and justified respect for 
"academic freedom." But it employs a basic fallacy. 

Academic free<lom exists in an academic environment where knowledge is freely 
available. But in the target areas for Communist propaganda, only Communist 
knowledge is available unless we present the other side. It is not indocrtination 
when one side presents its case, knowing full well that the other side will do 
likewise. To reject our propaganda mission, then, is to promote indoctrination 
rather than renounce it. 

I note that the State Department's adverse report this year does not 
dwell on the point of indoctrination. Instead it takes the tack that this 
is Federal control. This to me is absolutely amazing because now the 
State Department has absolute control of this propaganda effort and 
they are objecting to extending it to a system whereby individual 
citizens could participate in carrying out that important function. 
This bill would, in effect, be a relaxation of Federal control and the 
spreading of the responsibility to more of our citizens instead of to 
just a very few. 

The events of the world about us, Mr. Chairman, and I don't need 
to relate them, are clear-cut evidence of the fact that we or the State 
Department or whoever is responsible for this job has not assumed 
the responsibility and has not done anything about it. I would like 
to leave you with just this one point : If you accept the State Depart- 
ment's thesis that the Department, the Department alone, has all the 
knowledge that is required to do this job and has the sole responsibility 
of carrying on this very, very important mission, and as long as that 
policy continues to produce a worldwide result like that which is 
happening before our very eyes today, then I say we are inviting the 
frustration which causes extremist groups to spring up all over this 
country. We are creating a situation where extremist groups will take 
over that which the State Department has failed to do and that which 
the State Department refuses to give anyone else the right to do. 


If we have had irresponsible statements made about communism, if 
we have had irresponsiole propaganda that has gotten into worldwide 
news channels as a result of extremist groups, it is because of the 
frustration that has resulted from the fact that the State Department 
continues, year in and year out, to do nothing about solving this 

Mr. Chairman, I didn't intend to make a speech, but I get pretty 
exercised on this subject and I sincerely hope and pray that this com- 
mittee will once again face up to its responsibility, like it always does, 
and that it will report out a bill and give the House a chance to vote 
on it, in spite of the State Department's objections. Thank you, 
Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. The committee is very grateful for your views, I 
do remember very clearly that the whole iDurden of Ambassador Harri- 
man's testimony last year was built around the word "indoctrination" 
and, I too, was troubled by the fact that nowhere in this latest expres- 
sion of views is that word used . 

Am I correct ? 

Mr. GuBSER. That is correct as I read it. 

The Chairman. I said last year that this ought to be made a matter 
of record. We have bills up here, apparently, from two sources. There 
are some who have a feeling that if the Freedom Academy bill should 
pass, the operation will be taken over" by the State Department. 

On the other hand, here we see the State Department acknowledging 
that we intend no such thing. We certainly will not, because we can- 
not involve this Academy or this Commission in formulation of for- 
eign policy or anything else. 

Mr. GuBSER. Of course not. 

The Chairman. It is none of our business in CongTess. That is 
their department. But certainly there ought to l>e a way to have an 
institution of this kind which, on the one hand, respects the running 
of our foreign policy by the State Department and, on the other hand, 
serves as an educational center for the purposes stated in this bill. 

Mr. Gubser. Mr. Chairman, it seems to me tliat there is another 
point which I failed to mention; that too often American policy is to 
react rather than act; and always when something happens Avhicli is 
advei"se to our interests and the rest of the world, the official propa- 
ganda line or the reaction doesn't come immediately— it comes tomor- 
row or the next day — because somebody had to consult with head- 
quarters back in Washington before they could act. We all know, as 
people who deal M'ith the news columns, that the time to rebut some- 
thing that is adverse to your position is in the same article that prints 
it in the first place. On the sex?ond day the reaction is never as effective 
as the action on the day that it actually happens. This is one of the 
things that trained people could do for us. 

They would have the knowledge and they would liave the ability to 
act instead of reacting. Action is far more productive of results than 

Mr. IcTiORD, Mr. (^hairman, I want to commend my colleague, Mr. 
Gubser, for his appearance before the connnittee today and taking 
interest in this area and introducing a bill l)ecause I feel very much 
like the gentleman from California, that this i's one of the most'im- 
portant pieces of legislation to be presented to this body this session 
and also last session. 


The o-entleman witness is also a member of the Armed Services 
Committee and is very familiar with the military aspects of the con- 
flict in South Vietnam. How do you feel that this Freedom Commis- 
sion or Freedom Academy could have helped our country in the con- 
flict in South Vietnam ? 

Mr. GuBSER. I will only address myself to one small aspect of that 
question, if I may. We have dedicated, competent people, and this is 
nothing against them, but I feel, if we had had more people in Viet- 
nam right along who could take the offensive propagandawise, that 
perhaps our position with the Vietnamese themselves would have been 
more clearly understood, but as it stands now we wait for something to 
happen which is adverse to our interests and then we explain our 
position and we react to it, and this is never a favorable public rela- 
tions position. 

Had we had more people who would instinctively react to a situa- 
tion and act then, I think that we wouldn't be in the position of con- 
stantly explaining our actions and more than likely there would have 
been a great deal more political stability in South Vietnam than we 
have experienced up imtil now, and we all agi^ee that the political in- 
stability is responsible in a large measure for the military instability 
of the situation. 

I think the benefit of this bill will come from having trained people 
on the spot qualified to make immediate judgment as to what could be 
done to our advantage. It would be a cumulative thing. There would 
be no one dramatic incident which you could point to, but if it were 
done day in and day out by trained people then you would have a 
cumulative effect. 

Mr. IcHORD. I think the gentleman is familiar with the fact that 
the State Department is also sponsoring more or less a substitute for 
this bill called the National Academy for Foreign Affairs. I believe 
that is the name of it. What do you consider the advantages in your 
bill over the Department of State bill, namely, the National Academy 
of Foreign Aft'airs ? 

Mr. GuBSER. I certainly am not opposed to the State Department's 
idea of a national Foreign Service academy. I would strongly favor 
it, but the thing is that this does not go below the diplomatic echelon, 
and I maintain that anybody in the military or in the consular service 
where they have a reasonable degree of responsibility should be trained 
in these techniques. The State Department proposal is not a substitute 
for this bill, though I am in favor of it. It will only be an enriched 
course in diplomacy. It will not be a course in basic public relations, 
and that is what I consider this Freedom Academy proposal to be, 
among other things. 

Furthermore, by taking the American people into your confidence 
we would make them a part of the activity. The American people are 
able to assume this responsibility. Tlie ability to think and act prop- 
erly and in the national interest isn't confined to the State Department. 
We can support State Department and U.S. Information Agency 
activity if we have an informed populace at home that understands 
these things. 

I think if we would have had the Freedom Academy in existence 
id years ago you perhaps wouldn't be getting some of the mail that you 
are getting from some of these people who believe that our position 

47-093 O— 65 2 


in Vietnam is wrong. I think they would understand the basics of 
Communist propaganda and Communist infiltration and they would 
be supporting us rather than making our task more difficult. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, all of the bills provide for an Advisory 
Committee with the exception of H.K. 1033, introduced by the wit- 
ness, and H.R. 5784, introduced by our colleage, Mr. Ashbrook. 

Your bill and Mr. Ashbrook's bill, Mr, Gubser, provide for a Joint 
Congressional Freedom Committee. I am a little concerned about 
setting up a joint committee. I wonder if the members of the com- 
mittee would really have the time to perform the duties required in the 
bill. I would like you to comment on that aspect of difference. 

Mr. Gubser. I think you may very well have an excellent point and 
I want to make my intentions in introducing this bill clearly known. 
It is presented as an idea. There is no pride in authorship. I have no 
illusion that if it were passed it would be in that form. It is merely to 
make my support of the idea known, to present it for your considera- 

I have full confidence that this committee could improve it and come 
up with something that would be in the national interest and I would 
support it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Another point is your bill provides a salary of $20,000 
for each member of the Commission and a salary of $20,500 for the 
chairman of the Commission. Of course, since the bills were intro- 
duced last year we have passed the civil service increase ratings, and 
you believe that the salaries should be adjusted accordingly ? 

Mr. Gubser. I certainly would think so. As I stated, it is only an 
•idea draft. It is the principle and the objective that I am after. The 
details I think you are more qualified to work out. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Ashbrook ? 

Mr. Ashbrook. Thank you very much. Like my colleague, Mr. 
Ichord, I, too, welcome you to the committee and thank you, Mr. Gub- 
ser, only not for what you have done, but what you have said this 

Getting back to the point of the Joint Congressional Freedom Com- 
mittee as against the Advisory Committee, I would like to ask your 
opinion on one specific point, and this I know has been a matter of 
concern to me. One of the reasons that I have not been favorable to 
the Advisory Committee concept is the fact that on the Advisory Com- 
mittee you would have one representative each from the following 
agencies and departments. As I recall I think they are State ; Defense ; 
Health, Education, and Welfare; CIA; FBI; AID; and the USIA. 
It seems to me that the problem we have here is that the State Depart- 
ment has pretty much transcended in this field and it would end up, for 
want of a better phrase, literally running the Freedom Academy. I 
think if there is anything we are looking for it is the idea of academic 
freedom and independence from the Government, to get away from 
Federal control. 

What would be your thinking on the matter of the Joint Congres- 
sional Freedom Committee as against the Advisory Committee ? Does 
it seem that this is a danger in the approach that we see in the Advisory 
Committee ? 


Mr. GuBSER. Once again I would not like to deal with the details 
and specifics. I would like those to be developed by you people after 
your hearings and your deliberations. I would just say generally that 
I would not be in favor of domination by any one school of thought 
or any one agency. 

On the other hand, I would not be one that would want to completely 
freeze the State Department out. I Avould want their influence to be 
completely felt, as it should be. This is the agency that is responsible 
for our foreign policy, but I do think that the base should be broad- 
ened and certainly all ideas ought to have a fair chance of being con- 

Wliatever technique or whatever commission or joint committee 
would accomplish that objective I would be for, but I am not prepared 
to state specifically what I think, at this point, it should be. 

Mr. AsiiBROOK. I know in my discussions of this bill with people 
from the academies and professors, and so forth, their biggest fear is 
in setting up something that will not really be independent, that will 
not really have what is classically known as academic freedom. And I 
would be most interested in your thinking on this question, because I 
know this is one thing the committee is gomg to wrestle with — how we 
do something like this, make it a meaningful part, of our policy, and 
yet at the same time give it a certain amount of freedom, which could 
mean its going off half cocked in one direction or another. 

This is a real delicate area where we have some difficulty in trying 
to ride two horses and have a policy that we want, a strong policy on 
the cold war vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, and at the same time have 
academic freedom. 

How do you reconcile these? 

Mr. GuBSER. You just may want to consider expanding the Com- 
mission idea to include representatives of the minority and majority 
on, say, the Foreign Affairs Committee and the Armed Services Com- 
mittee of the Congress, but here again I wouldn't want congressional 
influence to dominate the policy. However, it certainly should be 
there and it might be a leavening influence. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. But you feel that a Freedom Academy of this type 
should have differences of opinion ? You might have people on the 
Academy that say we should bomb North Vietnam and those who 
would say we negotiate, and each would have a forum for their 

Mr. GuBSER. Of course. Some day I hope this country comes back 
to the point where a difference of opinion is respected. 

Mr. AsHBROoK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Gubser. 

Mr. Gubser. Thank you. 

(The chart submitted by Mr. Gubser follows :) 



[From Congressional Record, Dec. 18, 1963, p. A7701] 
Communist expansion since 1917 



At time of communi- 
zation 2 

Population ' 

of world 
total < 

Mid-1963 5 


Percent of 

Area in 
(1963) « 












7, 1917 
26, 1924 

10. 1946 

30. 1947 
9, 1948 

12. 1948 

Aug. 20,1949 
Sept. 21, 1949 
Oct. 7, 1949 

Apr. 19,19.50 
Dec. 29,1954 

Dec. 2, 1961 

Total. . 










C zechoslovakia 

Korea (Democratic People's 


China (People's Republic).. . 
Germany (Democratic Re- 


Vietnam (Democratic Re- 

■ 182, 182, 000 


' 2, 879. 000 

" 1, 950, 000 

11 1, 126, 000 

15, 600. 000 


6, 993, 000 

16, 530, 000 
12, 339, 000 

9, 291, 000 

9, 247, 000 
463, 493, 000 

17, 688, 000 

24, 977. 000 
16, 632, 000 

6, 933. 000 







224, 700, 000 
1, 000, 000 
19, 000, 000 
1, 800. 000 
8, 100, 000 
18, 900, 000 
14, 000, 000 
8, 900, 000 

10, 100, 000 

730, 800, 000 

17. 200, 000 

30, 800. 000 
17, 000. 000 

7, 200, 000 








8, 603, 000 






3, 897, 000 

42, 000 

120, 000 


1, 109, 500, 000 

12 13,761.000 

• Date given is that on which the country declared itself a people's republic, was incorporated into the 
U.S.S.R. (Estonia. Latvia, Lithuania) or, as in the case of Cuba, when Castro announced he would lead 
Cuba "to a people's democracy." East Germany excludes Berlin in all columns. 

2 Because it is extremely difficult to obtain reliable demographic data for the years prior to 1955, most of 
the population statistics has been synthesized from the following sources: "Statesman's Yearbook," 1917, 
1940, 1941; "U.N. Demographic Yearbook," 1955, 7th issue, table 3, pp. 117-127; "U.N. Demographic 
Yearbook," 1962, 14th issue: "World Summary," p. 124. 

' In most cases the population given is quite close to the date of communization. In certain cases, how- 
ever, the data available was several years distant from the date of communization. 

* The availability of world total population upon which the percentages must be based is even more 
difficult to obtain. The following world figures taken from U.N. sources were used: 1920, 1,811,000,000; 
1930, 2,015,000,000; 1940, 2,249,000,000; 1945, 2,423,000,000; 1950, 2,509,000,000; 1955, 2,750,000,000; 1960, 
3,008,000,000; 1961, 3,069,000,000. 

5 "World Population, 1963," Population Bulletin, vol. XIX, No. 6, October 1963. (Percentage for 1963 
based on world total of 3,180,000,000 persons.) 

' Total world area, excluding Antarctica: 52,409,000 square miles. Communist nations constitute 26.25 
percent of this figure. 

' 1915. 

« 1939. 

' Presently included in all U.S.S.R. statistics. 

10 1935. 

" 1934. 

'2 26.25 percent. 

The Chairman. The Chair will recognize Mr. Ashbrook, the ranking 
minority member of this committee, to make whatever comments he 
cares to from where he sits on his own bill, H.R. 5784. 



Mr. Ashbrook. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity to say 
a few words not only in behalf of the idea expressed in the concept of 
a Freedom Academy, but in particular on the specific bill which I 

As most of you know, my bill is a companion bill with that of Mr. 
Gubser's, so many of the same statements which Mr. Gubser made 
would be equally applicable to my bill. 

(At this point Congressman Ashbrook submitted a prepared state- 
ment. It follows :) 




How is it possible that a small group of ragged Russian revolutionaries, in a 
few short decades of history, could place almost one third of the world's popula- 
tion in the grip of slavery? 

The answer lies, in part, in the concept and implementation of total political 
war which these revolutionaries and their successors have developed over the 
years. As early as 1928 the U.S.S.R. was graduating finely trained agents 
schooled in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organiza- 
tional aspects of spreading global communism. 

In contrast, the free world has yet to establish an organization or agency to 
combat this onslaught on the very existence of free men or to develop an inte- 
grated body of operational knowledge to extend the areas of freedom. 

This is the purpose of pending legislation to establish a Freedom Commission. 
Specifically, H.R. 5784, which I have submitted would train Government of- 
ficials, private U.S. citizens, and foreign students concerning the strategy and 
tactics of the international Communist conspiracy. A Freedom Commission, 
an independent agency, would be established in the executive branch, to oversee 
and direct the program. 

The Commission would be empowered to establish a Freedom Academy for the 
express purpose of : 

(1) developing systematic knowledge about the international Communist 
conspiracy ; 

(2) development of counteraction to the international Communist conspiracy 
into an operational science that befits and bespeaks the methods and values of 
free men ; and to achieve this puri>ose the entire area of counteraction is to be 
thoroughly explored and studied, with emphasis on the methods and means that 
may be best employed by private citizens and nongovernmental organizations and 
the methods and means available to Government agencies other than the methods 
and means already being used ; 

(3) the education and training of private citizens concerning all aspects of the 
international Communist conspiracy ; 

(4) the education and training of persons in Government service concerning 
all aspects of Communist conspiracy. 

The legislation would also establish an information center to disseminate in- 
formation and materials which will assist i)ersons and organizations to increase 
their understanding of the true nature of the Communist conspiracy. When one 
remembers that organizations such as the American Bar Association, the Na- 
tional Education Association, and The American Legion, among others, have 
stressed the urgent need for responsible information and education on the Com- 
munist conspiracy, this aspect of the Freedom Academy legislation is of particu- 
lar value. 

Also to be established by this legislation is a Joint Congressional Freedom Com- 
mittee, which shall make continued studies of the activities of the Commission 
and of problems relating to the development of counteraction to the international 
Communist conspiracy. 

When one reflects that it was just 1 year after Charles Lindbergh made his 
historic flight across the Atlantic that the Soviet Union began sending trained 
personnel around the world, is it any wonder that they are winning in this struggle 
for survival and the areas of freedom diminish year after year? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Chairman, with each day's headlines reporting 
new incidents showing the Communist Party's growing grip on Indo- 
nesia — and I just point this out as one example — here is a news article, 
which I would also ask permission to have inserted in the record fol- 
lowing these remarks, that shows how it is being done over there. 

The Chairman. That will be done. The insertion will be made.^ 
Mr. AsHBROOK. It also shows why the United States desperately 
needs to face the facts and start a Freedom Academy to train demo- 
cratic leadership to fight back right where the cold war is being lost. 

1 See p. 18. 


That, of course, is at the village level and the grassroots precinct level. 

The Chairman. Would you yield ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Yes. 

The Chairman (to group of students) . I might say that the com- 
mittee is pleased to have you students visit us. You are always 

Mr. AsHBRooK. The organizational tactics described in the article 
which is being inserted, an article written by Neil Sheelian, are an 
exact copy of tactics developed by that master of Communist tactics of 
mass organization and propaganda, Willi Munzenberg. This was 
developed in Germany in the 1920's. 

Anyone who is interested may learn the whole story by reading 
Ruth Fischer's book, Stalin and German Communism. Munzenberg 
not only developed these forms of mass organization in Germany; 
he was also a secret officer of the Communist International at the same 
time, which liked his techniques and admired his genius so much that 
it had them taught in the Communist schools of revolution, such as 
the Lenin Institute. 

The Comintern even sent members of Asian Communist parties — 
including, we may be sure, some of the early leaders of the Indonesian 
Communist Party — to Germany to train and work under Munzenberg 
and learn through on-the-job training all the skills of mass political 
organization we now see destroying freedom in Indonesia, expelling 
United States businessmen, and humiliating United States diplomats, 

I wonder, Mr. Chairman, when we will learn that the cold war is 
no task for amateurs, that kids from Keokuk and Pocatello are not 
going to save countries like the Congo and Indonesia ; that we have to 
train some foreigners in the skills they will need to cope with the 
Communist wreckers and create their own independence, free and 
democratic organizations to build better lives for their citizens. 

As you read the article you see how the other side — and when I say 
"the other side," of course I recognize the fact that we are in a 
struggle; I think many of us do not really in our day-to-day living 
reflect upon the point that we are in a cold war struggle — trains 
people; that you can go to Moscow, you can go to their various insti- 
tutes, and learn something about their beliefs. Of course, we disagree 
with their beliefs, but they learn their task well and they go back to 
their country. In a free government such as ours, our goal is never 
going to be the indoctrination, the instilling of motives in people, so 
when they go back to their country they will subvert. I think the dif- 


ference between the Freedom Academy and the Lenin Institute, the 
type of cold war strategy of the Kremlin, is the fact that we can open 
up our Academy, or we can open up our Commission, to people 
throughout the world. 

Let them come in on a free-exchange-of-ideas basis, learn about 
communism, learn about our system of government, and then go back 
to their country, not with the idea in mind of reporting back to people 
here in Washington as they do at the Lenin Institute, not with the 
idea in mind of subverting or indoctrinating, but going back to their 
countries and becoming spokesmen for freedom, spokesmen for our 
way of life. I happen to think that one of the reasons why we are 
failing to some extent in the cold war struggle is the fact that we 
don't even recognize it exists. And to me, this would be the most 
single attribute and factor in our favor if we would enact a bill like 
this, in that it would show to the rest of the world that we really think 
there is a struggle; that we have set forth on our part an effort to 
train people in the ways of the cold war struggle; that if we would 
do this we would have not only Americans who could learn some- 
thing about communism, but many hundreds, maybe literally thou- 
sands, from throughout the world who could come to this Academy. 

I know in the hearings, as I look through them, we tend to under- 
rate the value of such a Commission as a Mecca for students through- 
out the world who want to learn about freedom, who want to learn 
more about communism. And I would make that point, and stress 
that point, that a Commission of this type is not only valuable to the 
United States, but because we are a leader in the world it would be 
valuable to the rest of the world. 

It would give a forum to many students who come into this country 
on an exchange basis. Maybe they would be from the state depart- 
ments of free countries throughout the world, maybe they would be 
military people, but they could come to our country, could learn about 
freedom, could learn about communism, in an effective manner. I 
would stress that point as strongly as any otlier factor in favor of the 
establishment of a Freedom Commission. This article in the New 
York Times of March 28 points up the importance of it. 

I certainly hope, Mr. Chairman, that in this session of Congress we 
can make such a step, and I certainly pledge all of my efforts both 
as a member of this committee and as an interested Member of Con- 
gress in legislation of this type. 

(The article submitted by Mr. Ashbrook follows:) 



THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MARCH 28, 1965. <^f •:^"^) 

Willage in Java a Case Study in Red Tactics 

Peasant Tells 
He Joined a Group 
Run by Party 




SPfcIM to The New York Time* j 

SOLOTIRAN,' IndonesU —I 
RjMr. Martoyoso, an elderly Java j 
nese rice farmer who lives in| 
this small village, was asked by I 
a visitor why he had joined the 
peasant association of the Com 
munist Party of Indonesia. | 

Mr. Martoyoso, a typical 
Javanese peasant, is 70 y( ars 
old. He is slim and short and 
his brown face Is shrunkei 
with age. He dresses in soiled 
turban and sarong, the type of 
clothing his ancestors have 
worn for centuries. I 

The farmer twisted his face 1; ja 
in thought and, as his tcothless i S 
mouth spread into a smile, he r 
replied: "Because I am a farm 
er tind it is a farmer.s' organiza 
tion. There are not any olhcr 
farmers' organizations heic 
The Communists are the only 
people who have ever offered 
to help us." 

Mr. Martoyoso said most of 
the other farmers In the village 
"think the same way." Ap 
parently they do, since most of 
them have also joined the Com- 
munist party'3 Indonesian Peas- 
ants Organization. 

Case Study in Tactics 

Solotiran is a peasant com- 
I""' munity of about 2.500 11 miles consciousness and. a sense of iganization has won loyally byjThey arc also an effective 





~':^!^^-fi " 

-^■- P:. '/SS^ 




^^- ^ - 

r*^ ?\ 



v.r \ 




< n ^ ' 




/».'-'' * 



: -\ ' 

-o. _- 

Li \ 



The New York Timet ibj Nell Sheehtn) 

Miss Suinlharni, teacher, with members of her class at Communist women's kindergarten 

no north of the city of Jogjakarta. !soi,darity and direction. 

re- Its woven bamboo and stuccol ,p^ jjo hectares of arable 

huts, with red tile roofs, are setl, '"e /':« "eccarcs of araoie 

I among rice fields and banana I '*"<^ '" 'he village is rich. 

volcanic soil that yields two to 


[groves at the foot of Mount 
Merapl, a volcano that is still 

The village Is 3, case study 
in how the Communists are 
converting quiet Javanese vil- 
lages into party strongholds. 

Through a combination of 
hard work, good organization 

It has supported peasants in 
disputes over crop-sharing 
rights v'ith the more solid farm 

three crops a year. The constant 

growth In population, however, 

has put great pressure on the 

rudimentary econ(imy and has|crs in the village and adjoining 

generated considerable social|arcas. 

discontent. One of the most Important 

Approximately half the farm- [Communist activities is by a 

ers are landless and most of cultural group that puts on 
practical politics and a greatithe others, like Mr. Martoyoso, 'plays and skits and stages song 
Hl,|dcal of fun. the Communists own only about onc-thiid of a and dance shows. 
^^;have brought the peasants of hectare. A hectare is about two. These performances provide 
,.,. 'Solotiran into the 20th century. I and a half acres. ' tamusemcnt for villagers who 

fj^lThey have given them politicali The Communist pca.sant or-iwould otherwise lead dull lives. 

showing farmers better tech-'means of indoctrinating the 
niqucs. forming cooperatives forjpeasants in Communist ideol 
the purchase of seeds, salt andlogy. 

oil and holding classes to teach I In a recent performance for 
the illiterate to read and write, a visitor, eight village boys and 

girls, all about 10 years old, 
danced gracefully in classical 
Javanese style, weaving their 
hips and arms, and sang what 
sounded like lilting Javanese 
folk tunes 

The lyrics, however, urged 
the peasants to "crush" im- 
perialists, colonialists and the 
so-called seven village devils— 
among them the larger landown^ 
ers, corrupt village officials and 


The Chairman. Thank you very much. 


Our colleague, Congressman Clausen, has offered a bill, H.R. 5370. 
He was to be here, but other appointments in his schedule have kept 
him away, so I now insert in the record his statement about this 

(Congressman Clausen's prepared statement follows :) 



I am happy again to have the opportunity to join with the many informed and 
distinguished Americans who have endorsed the Freedom Academy proposal. I 
sponsored such legislation in the 88th Congress. In the current Congress, 1 
have introduced H.R. 5370. 

In the hearings conducted by this committee during the last Congress, I testi- 
lied on behalf of this proposal at some length. As these hearings continue, I 
expect to have the pleasure of extending my remarks. For the moment, I wish 
to reaffirm my position with respect to this bill. In the light of the grave 
international situation, it seems that every passing hour witnesses a growing 
urgency for the adoption of the Freedom Academy proposal. 

I want to direct the attention of the committee particularly to the provisions 
of section 10 of my bill. This, in fact, conforms to provisions of other bills 
before this committee, particularly section 10 of H.R. 470, H.R. 2379. H.R. 4389, 
H.R. 2215, and H.R. 6700. This section deals with the security check of per- 
sonnel who participate in the operation or program of the Freedom Academy. 

My bill, and other bills which I have noted, require in general a security 
investigation of (1) all persons employed by the Freedom Commission, (2) any 
person who is permitted to have access to classified information, and (3) at the 
discretion of the Commission, of any individual under consideration for training 
at the Academy. It is noted that none of the bills, including my own, require 
a security check of members of the Freedom Commission. These members are 
appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. 

Not only does the bill fail to make provision for a security check of the Com- 
mission members, but there is presently no statutory provision of which I am 
aware that would require it. However, it is true that for some years past, in- 
vestigations for appointments of this sort have been normally required under 
executive order. Executive Order 10450, promulgated by President Eisenhower 
in April 1953, presently in effect, requires that the appointment of every civil 
officer or employee in any department or agency of the Government shall be 
made the subject of an investigation. 

Under the executive order, the scope of the investigation is determined accord- 
ing to the degree of adverse effect the occupant of the position to be filled could 
bring about — by virtue of the nature of the position — on the national security. 
Although a "national agency check" is required of all appointees, a full field 
investigation is required only for "sensitive positions," that is to say, those 
positions which would have a materially adverse effect on the national security. 
While I think that there is no question that membership on the Freedom Com- 
mission is a "sensitive position," this may, on the other hand, depend upon one's 
point of view. It must also be realized that executive orders are matters within 
the authority of the President. They may be amended or revoked at his 

Nevertheless, in view of the fact that prior practice and existing executive 
orders have required preappointment investigation, together with the further 
consideration that appointments are subject to the approval of the Senate, I have 
adopted the position of other bills which contain no express provision for investi- 
gation of members of the Commission. However, while adopting that position 
in the proposal, I am not certain that such a requirement should necessarily be 
omitted. I feel it is a matter the committee should review in some depth, as I 
believe it will. I want to make clear that my omission of such a requirement does 
not necessarily express my settled conviction on this ix)int. 


I want to say further that I greatly appreciate the thoroughness of the com- 
mittee's inquiry on the subject of the Freedom Academy bills. Your hearings 
in the last Congress were extensive and commendable. I believe that those of us 
who have submitted proposals on this issue are hopeful that an early and favor- 
able report upon one of these bills can be made to the Congress. 

The Chairman. Since this is a new Congress, the committee has 
voted that the hearings conducted last year be regarded as included in 
this year's hearings. 

(At this point Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.) 

The Chairman. Our next witness is Mr. Edgar Ansel Mowrer. 
Would you please come forward, sir ? 

Mr. Mowrer, we are delighted that you could find time to appear 
before our committee this morning. I know, and a lot of people know, 
about your background. But I think for the record it might be better 
for me to state it than for you. 

Colleagues, Mr. Mowrer has been a newsman, writer, and columnist 
for 50 years, and that is a long time. He covered World War I for 
the Chicago Daily News. He was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for 
overseas reporting in 1932. During World War II, he was Deputy 
Director of the Office of War Information. He has been a radio 
commentator as well as a columnist on foreign affairs. A trustee of 
Freedom House, Mr. Mowrer is also the author of 10 books on inter- 
national and foreign affairs, including: An End to Make Believe in 
1961, A Good Time to he Alive in 1960, and Challenge and Decision 
in 1950. Your service to your profession and to the country is well 
recognized and stretches out for many years, and I am glad to make 
these remarks a part of the record. We are very much interested in 
having your views on the bills we have pending before us this morning, 
sir. You may proceed. 


Mr. Mowrer. I do not have to introduce myself, Mr. Chairman? 

For the record, my name is Edgar Ansel Mowrer. I am a syndi- 
cated columnist on world affairs. 

The Chairman. If you wish to expand on your formal education and 
further experience you are welcome. 

Mr. Mowrer. For 26 years a foreign correspondent, chiefly in 
Europe, but in most parts of the world. I have come here to testify 
in favor of the bill to create a Freedom Academy because I consider 
that it may help us to deal with the main problem of our time. 

Looking back over the many years, I am terribly struck with the 
parallelism between the behavior of Europe in the 1930's, democratic 
Europe, and our behavior since 1945. 

It is true that there have been some notable differences. Europe, 
Britain, and France neglected their defenses, while at the same time 
they were trying to persuade themselves that Hitler, Mussolini, and 
their cohorts did not mean business. The result was a catastrophe of 
which all the details are known. 

The Chairman. I think at this point I should ask you two or three 
questions that will further demonstrate your experience. 

Did your experience overseas include firsthand contact with Com- 
munists ? 


Mr. MowRER. Very decidedly so. As a foreign correspondent of 
neutral America, it was the duty of a good one to get in contact with 
people of every political party. Thus, in Germany, where I spent 
a long time, I knew everybody from Prince Louis Ferdinand of 
Prussia to Mr. Neumann, the head of tlie Berlin Communists. 

In Paris I knew Mr. Cachin, who was the second leader, and some 
minor figures. In England I knew Claude Cobum, who was at that 
time publishing a Communist weekly. With all of these people I had 
as friendly relations as one could ever have had with the Communists, 
which is not saying too much, because there is always an element in 
which their public affairs, you might say, their convictions, predomi- 
nate over their personal relationships. 

Tlie Chairman. It is my information that at one time, at least, you 
wouldn't have been in line to win a popularity contest, so I ask yo^u : 
Were you not at one time simultaneously denied entry to the Soviet 
Union, Nazi Gennany, and Fascist Italy ? 

Mr. MowRER. That is true. At one time I had the honor, doubtful 
honor, whichever you choose to call it, of having been refused re- 
entrance into the Soviet Union, into Nazi Germany from which I was 
literally expelled, and into Facist Italy where I had made the march 
on Rome with Mussolini and then quarreled wnth him because of 
his mtolerable and arrogant and imperialistic behavior. 

The Chairman. Did Nazi Minister of Propaganda Dr. Goebbels 
ever express an interest, in one fashion or another, in you ? 

Mr. Mowrer. Yes, sir. In September 1939 another correspondent, 
H. R. Knickerbocker, now dead, and I filed a story in which we gave 
the world the full details on the amounts of money that the Nazi 
leaders had more or less illegally stashed overseas for their personal 
use, just in case. This provoked from my former acquaintance. Dr. 
Paul Joseph Goebbels, a vicious attack on the radio, which he made 
personally, declaring that he would give a division of German troops 
to lay hands on those dirty American so-and-so's, Knickerbocker and 
Mowrer. Personally I never felt prouder. 

The Chairman. I compliment you. Now will you proceed in your 
own way to express why you favor these bills and relate to us your 
further experiences, if you will. 

Mr. Mowrer. In the course of my experience with Communists and 
other people, I became aware of hoAv hard it was for Americans who 
have never lived under a totalitarian regime to miderstand the work- 
ings, and not. only the physical workings, but the mentality and the 
infinite cheating and dissimulation which was part of the Nazi as well 
as the Communist idea of spreading their rule. 

For instance, when I went to Russia in 1936 those two English 
Socialists, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, had just published a book on 
the Soviet Union in very flattering terms which was the laughingstock 
of the foreign correspondents in Moscow. They explained how, with- 
out any adequate preparation, the two Webbs had come to Moscow, 
listened to what the Russian Communists told them, written it all 
down like tiiith, and produced a book. And the common comment 
among the men overseas was, "This is just lovely, only there isn't a 
word of it that corresponds with Soviet action," which is the only 
thing that counts. 


1 was in Moscow in November-December 1936, attending the ratifi- 
cation of the new Soviet constitution, allegedly the most democratic 
in the world. It was indeed a wonderful document, setting out many 
civil rights, except for two or three provisos which most of the for- 
eigners overlooked. One was that the rule of the Communist Party 
should never be in any way upset or diminished, and the other was 
that none of this had any relation to political crimes. 

Since almost anything in Russia was defined as a political crime, 
this meant that of course most of the constitution was undone by these 
two little provisos, and this escaped tourists. 

This seems to have escaped even one former American Ambassador 
in Moscow, Joe Davies. You will remember, perhaps, that during the 
war, in 1943, there was presented here in Washington a film by Mr. Joe 
Davies called Mission to Moscow, which was based on his book and 
which gave such a caricature, if you will excuse me, of the real condi- 
tions in the Soviet Union that a group of us retired to the nearest cafe 
to laugh it off. 

What I am driving at, Mr. Chairman, is that it seems to me that we 
are lacking in the understanding of the basics of this international 
power conspiracy — ideology, pseudoreligion, whatever you wish to 
call it — which threatens us at many points over the globe. 

There again it reminds me of a time when a very distinguished 
Frenchman asked me to come to Paris and tell him what Hitler was 
going to do. I did my best, after 10 years' acquaintance with the 
Fuehrer. I thought I knew about it. Wlien it was all over he looked 
at me and said, "I just don't believe a word of it. Hitler is a man 
like everybody else." 

For many years we did the best we could to believe that Stalin was 
a man like anybody else, and if so, God help everybody else. And we 
have since tried to believe that it is possible for a Communist regime 
to change radically without ceasing to be Communist. 

Therefore, because we want peace we are continually grasping at 
straws, hoping. Surely, if our wartime President, FDR — in many 
ways, in my opinion, a great President — had really done his homework 
thoroughly or had the proper advisers about him during the war, he 
would not have thought that he could manage Stalin. If the Amer- 
ican administration at that time had rubbed their noses a little more 
thoroughly into the Communist thing — and I am not blaming any one 
person, for this was a general frame of mind, as you will remember — 
they would not have believed that, because the Russians had signed the 
Yalta Treaty agreeing to set up democratic regimes in all the east 
European countries, they had the slightest intention of abiding by 
it. For a "democratic" regime is part of what is known as Aesopian 
language in Communist parlance, which means, well, just as Mr. 
Goering used to say, "I determine who is a Jew," the Kremlin deter- 
mines what is a democratic regime. These were very grave errors in 
my opinion. I think that our doing nothing about communism in 
China was a very grave error. I do not say that we could have pre- 
vented the taking over of China by comnumism. I don't know. 

I do know that we made no serious effort and I do know, if you will 
permit me to quote a man without mentioning his name, that one of 
the very senior officials in the State Department had dinner at my 
house, along with Congressman Walter Judd, and discussed hotly 


whether or not Red China could ever be a danger to the United States, 
and the meeting broke up when the State Department official said, 
"Congressman, I don^t believe that anything can happen m the Far 
East in the next 50 years that can seriously damage the interests of 
the United States." 

I think that we have to realize — ^that is what I am trying to say 
with all these details — that most Americans still do not know very 
much about a totalitarian regime or about communism; that they are 
inclined to believe any sign that they are transforming themselves 
or thawing or anything of the kind ; and that, therefore, we have been 
led into some difficulties such as the one in Laos, which we would not 
be in had it been understood that any sort of coalition government 
with Communists was inevitably, in their eyes, a pretext for a take- 
over. They have been trying to take over ever since; as far as they 
could without openly going into all-out war, and it is only our recent 
military counteractions that, in my opinion, have prevented them from 
doing it. 

My friends in the State Department, and I am happy to say I still 
have a good many, counter with this: That it is impossible for a 
citizen or Congressman to know the situation, what should be done 
about it, understand it, unless he is in possession of all the facts. 

By "all the facts," they mean the latest reports from all over the 
world. This I consider a total mistake, for wasn't Chamberlain, 
wasn't Daladier, in possession of all the facts, that is to say, the day- 
to-day facts that had been provided by the admirable British and 
French overseas services ? Of course, to be sure, as I note one of my 
predecessors last February testified here, they admitted later that 
they had never read Mein Kampf. To assume that you could under- 
stand the Nazi regime in Germany or Adolf Hitler himself or esti- 
mate what he was going to do without having read Mein Kamjjf was 
a terrible and tragic error. It is my belief that there should l3e an 
independent. Government-supported but essentially independent, non- 
partisan, nonparty Freedom Academy which offers to a group an 
intensive course, not only necessarily on communism, but on all the 
enemies of American freedom. 

I can also see from reading the newspapers and listening to my 
daughter's friends, meeting students, that there is even a great lack 
in our country of the essential implications of American freedom. 
So it seems to me that any authoritative body which would give an 
intensive course, what and why freedom, who and what is threatening 
freedom, how they are doing it, what are the essences of these various 
things that are threatening our freedom, if this had, as it should 
have, high-power, opinion-making, influential citizens, including — 
why not? — some foreigners, it could bring about a change and not 
come into any conflict with the State Department, for surely the last 
thing such an academy would have the nerve to try to do is to set a 

(At this point Mr. Senner entered the hearing room.) 

The Chairman. I am glad you say that and I want you to develop 
that point. In other wordSj as I understand it, and I am not an 
author, the authors of these bills don't envisage the Freedom Academy 
or Freedom Commission as making foreign policy or speaking for 


our Government vis-a-vis our relations with other governments. You 
agreed with that ? 

Mr. MowRER. It ought not to be done and would not be done. 

I do not think that any Freedom Academy or any body which is a 
study body should have, m any way, that power. Certaiiily they may 
try to influence foreign policy as citizens. The students who come out 
of it may have learned something which enables them to thmk that tliis 
or that change could well be made in the policy. 

Then they should publish, where they can, reports and if this Acad- 
emy had sufficient stature I am quite certain that what they said would 
ripple out through the country. The people would begin to give 
credence to what they said. Think only of the foreign element. Look 
at the new rulers of many of the African and Asian states. They 
are fine people. They are patriots. Many of them have taken great 
dangers and run the risk of death to make their countries independent, 
but so far as the world about them is concerned, they are babies. It is 
not their fault. They have had no opportunity to have any experience 
and no occasion to study the matter thoroughly. 

Therefore, many of them are patsies or pushovers for Communist 
agitators. We learn now that the Government of Burundi, after 
imagining for a long time that Red China was really their great friend, 
found that Red China had been involved in a conspiracy to get rid of 
their government ; that was all. 

So they have now put out the Red Chinese. Had the three or four, 
or whoever, in Burundi had training at the Freedom Academy they 
never would have invited the Red Chinese in. 

As an old foreign correspondent, I submit there is no real sub- 
stitute for the personal experience of a foreign country. Since policy- 
makers cannot possibly have lived in all foreign countries, the best 
they can do is call upon people who have. 

I furthermore submit that in the daily routine of the State Depart- 
ment, all too few officials have the opportunity and the quiet to go 
away, let us say, and immerse themselves for 6 months — wherever, 
it doesn't matter — in the Communist conspiracy. 

They haven't the opportunity. Mr. Rusk gets to his office and I am 
presuming he finds a stack of reports on his desk. By the time Mr. 
Rusk has done the stack he calls in the boys from here, there, and 
everywhere and he sends it around. This is no criticism. 

This is true of all foreign offices in the world. They need a Freedom 
Academy on which they could draw, which would argue with them 
if they cared to have it. There also ought to be, I would say, a part 
of the Freedom Academy consisting of some of the faculty who might 
be used, if the President or the State Department cared to,*as con- 
sultants. Their opinions would be asked in view of what they would 
learn, but that would have to be outside the Academy itself. 

In other words, Mr. Chairman, I am convinced that the situation 
is not as good as many of my colleagues and most of the officials either 
think or simply say that it is. 

To me the test of whether we are doing well in the war against 
communism is the map. I remember when communism was restricted 
to Russia and doing very badly there. It has now spread over a billion 
people with no end in sight. I point out furtliermore that, with the 
dubious exception pf Guatemala which was not entirely Communist, 


in no case has the free world recovered from the Communists what they 
had previously taken from us. 

In other words, I believe President Kennedy said they go on the 
theory that "Wliat is mine is mine, and what's yours will be mine, 
or is part mine." 

Even in Vietnam today when we discuss a compromise — a com- 
promise today cannot be successful for one simple reason : The North 
Vietnamese are trying to communize South Vietnam ; the South Viet- 
namese are not seriously trying, nor are we, to anticommunize North 
Vietnam. If both were doing this, then a compromise could be to let 
North Vietnam remain Communist but South Vietnam non-Commu- 
nist. But no, the whole talk is the compromise between us, who want 
only a free and independent and non-Communist Vietnam, and the 
Communists who want a Communist Vietnam. 

Mr. Pool. May I interrupt right at this point? We had hearings 
last year, and we had one witness who came here and explained to us 
how the Communists work in Vietnam. They have a regional office, 
and their terror squads fan out from their regional office into these 
villages and terrorize the people. 

Mr. MowRER. That is right. 

Mr. Pool. Americans have a responsibility not to engage in those 
practices. The Communists have no inhibitions against things like 
that. I would like to have your comment on what we are up against in 
formulating our tack in this field. 

Mr. MowRER. The tw^o greatest experts in Washington on this, with 
whom I am personally acquainted, are Allen Dulles and General 
Edward Lansdale. I asked Allen Dulles once when we were sitting- 
together at dinner why it was that the Communists were able to do in 
South Vietnam what we couldn't seem to do in North Vietnam, and 
he said, "The answer is quite simple : Terror." 

If we would resign ourselves to go into North Vietnam and murder 
all the people who didn't immediately offer to assist us, perhaps it 
would be counterbalanced, but I trust that we don't feel that we have 
to do anything of the kind. 

The other expert on this subject is, as I say, General Lansdale, U.S. 
Air Force, retired, and why is he an expert ? During the years in 
which the great Magsaysay, of whom I was proud to be a friend, in 
the Philippines was fighting the Communist Huks he was assisted 
and helped in every way by Lansdale as, I believe, first a major and 
then a colonel. 

Lansdale and Magsaysay worked out the successful tactics, the 
hamlet tactics and so on, which eventually suppressed the Huks or 
reduced them to very small potatoes, though I hear tliey are coming 
up again now. 

Both of those people agreed that meeting this thing is a very special 
problem ; that Mao really had something when he worked out this idea 
of using soldiers, disguised as civilians, and infiltrating them into the 
peasants as fish in water, and so on. And, therefore, I would say that 
there are only two ways of dealing with this, and perhaps they should 
be combined, if we are determined we are going to have a free and 
independent South Vietnam. 

One is a further expansion of the Magsaysay-Lansdale tactics, which 
I believe the British used with great success in Malaysia. The other 


would be what we are doing now, trying to make any further subver- 
sion from the outside, any supplying of the Viet Cong in South Viet- 
nam, just too painful to be contemplated. 

Mr. Pool. We have no schools in our Government to teach these 
theories. Is that correct ? 

Mr. MowRER. I don't quite understand. 

Mr. Pool. We don't have courses in these tactics. 

Mr. MowRER. Insofar as it is not a purely military problem, we 
should certainly make the Americans familiar with what the Commu- 
nists do with the Mao Tse-tung tactics. I was myself, as I say, in the 
Philippines awhile when this was going on. Our people, for instance, 
continually report when, by mischance, one of our planes bombs some 
of our people or some innocent villagers, and it is lamentable. On 
the other hand, the fact that the Communists never go into a village 
for the first time without ruthlessly murdering any people they find 
who are not willing to go along with them is not stressed. It should 
be made clear what we are up against. 

Mr. Senner. Mr. Chairman. Mr. Mowrer, I am sorry, I wasn't 
here to hear all of your testimony. I am very interested in the state- 
ments that you have made. 

However, as I understand history, the downfall of Hitler and of his 
attempted conquest of Russia came about because of the terror and the 
cruel treatment imposed by the German troops on the Russians. This 
also is supposedly true, by historians' statements, with regard to Napo- 
leon's invasion of Russia. What I can't reconcile in my mind is how 
can the Viet Cong commit their terror and inhuman treatment and 
still be able to win the support from the South Vietnamese. 

Mr. MowRER. Mr. Congressman, in my opinion as a fellow who has 
been writing on foreign affairs for 50 years, who has specialized a 
good deal on studying communism in various parts of the world, this 
IS an example of how hard it is for a man to understand Communist 
tactics unless he digs into them. There are I can't tell you how many 
Communist schools throughout Russia and in China today where 
especially bright people are indoctrinated, are taught, how-to move 
into a village of generally ignorant peasants with the carrot, with the 
great reform, the great, wonderful things that are going to happen 
"if you will only support us against these horrible Fascists and 
American imperialists," and so on and so on. 

Look what they are doing today, as I read in the papers, on the 
American campuses. There is apparently a small new flareup of 
interest in communism as a viable philosophy among many hundreds 
and hundreds of students. If these students can be induced by sly 
Communist propaganda or, if you like, for the sheer hell of it — I don't 
know which — to agree that this is a viable form and desirable form of 
philosophy, then it ought to be easier with these peasants. 

At the same time they also set up immediately organizations which 
look after the peasants. Let us make no mistake about that. 

I would like to jump from Vietnam to Italy now because today, in 
my opinion, the most remarkable example of Communist influence in 
any country that is not under Communist rule is in Italy. A few 
years a^o I was sent abroad by the Reader's Digest to try to figure out 
and write on how it was done, and I went into the matter very care- 


I was 8 years a correspondent in Italy and speak the language and 
so does my wife, and we would go into Communist villages and, while 
I would talk with the mayor, and so on, she would go into the wives' 
houses and discuss this matter and kiss the babies and what not. 

They have set up the most elaborate, slick, and fallacious system of 
propaganda that I have ever known. Everything is interpreted to 
mean something that it isn't. 

Secondly, in Italy the Communists have what I would call a super- 
Tammany political organization. There are whole areas of Italy 
aromid Ferrara in the north — you know where it is — around Ferrara 
and Bologna, where the Communists dominate all the municipalities 
and they look after the boys and girls. Did you, by any chance, years 
ago read a very interesting book called The Little World of Don 
Caniillo ? If not, it is amusing as well as enlightening reading. 

Mr. Senner. Then I take your answer to be that where terror and 
brutality are utilized by the Communists to accomplish these objec- 
tives, their philosophy of also taking care of people apparently has 
given an added something that has been lacking in the Nazi and 
Fascist movements. Is this correct ? 

Mr. MowRER. I think it is correct, if you stress the fact that they are 
training thousands and thousands of propagandists every year. Suz- 
anne Labin, that French anti-Communist writer, in her last book 
gives figures that she has painfully acquired on the billions that the 
two big Communist countries, plus the East European countries, are 
giving to training experts to delude people into believmg that commu- 
nism is a free, wonderful, Utopian society. We have practiced what 
could be called honest propaganda for the great part. The Voice of 
America, I believe, is continually in discussion with some Congress- 
man as to whether or not they should broadcast propaganda or the 
straight facts. 

The Communists have no scruples about that. I read their moni- 
tored broadcast reports which are sent out. They are very educational, 
and what do they teach me at least ? That on the same day Radio Mos- 
cow and Radio Peiping and Czechoslovakia, and so on, will tell differ- 
ent stories to different coimtries — make the punishment fit the crime. 
This is a very powerful weapon and it is working. There are half a 
dozen comitries on earth today where a Communist takeover could not 
be excluded, I am sorry to say, in my opinion. 

Now you will get back: "Is this business in Vietnam, and so on, 
worth a war, worth killing Americans?" 

And there you get to the appreciation of what you think the Com- 
munists will do once they have taken it over. If you agree with one 
of my colleagues writing in Newsiueek that just because we lose South 
Vietnam doesn't mean we are going to lose anything else, then you will 
say, "Well, then, maybe it isn't worth the sacrifice. They aren't sup- 
porting us too well," all the known arguments. 

If you agree with me that it is impossible for militant communism 
to cease trying to expand without being Communist, then you would 
say the question is whether you make the stand for keeps here. More- 
over — I may shock some of you — I am totally convinced that sooner 
or later we will not only have to stop the leaks in containment — and 
it has been leaking steadily since it was proclaimed by my friend 
George Kennan in 1947 and is still leaking around in various spots — 

47-093 O— 65 3 


we will not only have to make containment watertight, but we will 
have to go to the counteroffensives. It is necessary, if communism is to 
wither away, that it be unsuccessful. 

Nobody ever deserts, I believe, a political movement, even in the 
United States, when it is winning. There is nothing like success. We 
have not been successful. Our successes have been holding a line. 

Mr. Senner. In following your colloquy here, and I know it is 
against your conscience and mine, is there a possibility that we could 
use more terror and force, play the part of Big Brother and use the 
ingenuity and initiative of man to follow the capitalistic free enter- 
prise system ? 

Mr. MowRER. I would think that it depends on the seriousness of the 
danger. Nobody deplored more than I did the bombing of open Ger- 
man cities during World War II because, having been m Germany, I 
knew that there were lots of anti-Nazis there who were friends of ours, 
or who would liked to have been, and whom we were killing ruthlessly. 
And if you saw Germany just after the war, you must admit that, to- 
gether with the British, we did a job. I went back to Berlin, a town 
where I had spent 10 years, and wandered around in a daze. I didn't 
know where I was. It was gone. 

Now, why did we have to do that? Because the Germans started 
this. They did it first to Warsaw. Then they did it to Coventry. 
They broke the Dutch morale in 5 days in 1940, largely by bombing — 
the snuffing out of Rotterdam. If the thing gets serious enough, if the 
Chinese come into this, I would have no reluctance whatever to using 
what countermeasures the general staff decides are necessary. 1 
would do it with a sinking heart, but a feeling that it has to be done. 

I frequently argue with those people who tell me, "Ah, ah, but we 
must not use the same things." I ask them, "Did you approve or 
disapprove of our counterbombardment of German cities?" "Ah," 
they say, "that was different. Hitler was a danger." 

Communism is something like that, and there we come to the root of 
it and back to the Freedom Academy. I believe the United States 
is in a bigger danger than we were on the night of Pearl Harbor. It 
is not the same danger. The night of Pearl Harbor I spent a sleepless 
night, like many of us who had been worrying over this thing, and 
about dawn turned over and went off w^ith the feeling that we could 
beat the Japs. 

Mr. Senner. Mr. Mowrer, this is a graver danger, a greater danger, 
which we face than was Pearl Harbor. 

Mr. Mowrer. We are fighting back, but we are not fighting back 
effectively against communism because we are running what the}' call 
a carrot-and-stick policy and what I call schizo])hrenia, a divided men- 
tal approach to things — it is a question how long we can go on snug- 
gling up to Moscow, offering cooperation in important places like outer 
space to Moscow, and at the same time oppose Moscow successfully. 

A totalitarian government can do that because its friendship is un- 
real, but Americans are friendly people and when we are friends with 
Moscow it is very difficult to tell them we don't really believe it. 

We are just trying, just a hope. That is why, in my opinion, the 
country is not facing up to the Communist menace and why I believe 
that a Freedom Academy would be helpful in the matter. 


The Chairman. In that connection, last year a State Department 
witness in opposition to the adoption of this bill stressed the danger of 
indoctrination. That word was used by him throughout his testi- 

In other words, the use of this Freedom Academy would result in, 
or would aid or abet or lead to, indoctrination, and that was the theme 
of opposition last year from the witness of the State Department. 

Would you care to comment on that? Then I will tell you about 
what they say this year. 

Mr. MowRER. Don't you think there has to be an element of indoc- 
trination to maintain any sort of civilization ? Don't children have to 
be taught that stealing and murder and rape are wrong? That is 
indoctrination, Mr. Congressman. I have no hesitancy in indoctrin- 
ating any American with the fact that a free society is superior to a 
totalitarian or slave society. 

If they are afraid of that kind of indoctrination, I should feel very 
bad about it indeed. 

The Chairman. This year, since this is a new Congress and new 
bills had to be introduced, we did the usual and asked for a fresh 
expression of views on the part of the State Department. We have 
the letter here. It has been offered in evidence, but if you don't 
mind I would point out the points they make and get your views 
on three or four points for the record. 

Here is what they say this year. They say : 

Expertise and operational experience are as important in the formulation of 
I)olicy as they are in its execution. For this reason, the Department seriously 
questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in- 
finitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be developed by a new, 
separate government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities. 

If you find that passage I wish you would comment upon it from 
the copy of the letter you have before you. 

Mr. MowRER. What would you like me to comment on ? 

The Chairman. On that particular j>aragraph that is before you 
there, that "expertise and operational experience." 

Mr. MowRER. It is not for an old foreign correspondent to say that 
experience and expertise are not- necessary in the formulation of 
policy. Of course they are, and, as I say, if all our leading citizens 
could have had some experience, then there might be no need to do 

If they would all go and live a year in Russia or live a year in Red 
China, they would not have to do this. It seems to me, as I say, this 
would be a backing and not a rival to what the State Department 
is doing and to our diplomatic schools and so on, for the schools, 
the diplomatic academies, teach diplomacy as such. They cannot give 
in 6 months — I have forgotten how many months. Does anybody know 
how long these young men study in these special schools before they 
enter our Foreign Service ? I think it is less than a year ; some months. 

It is impossible to understand the various systems all over the 
world in this time. Now, he says he — 

questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in- 
finitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be developed by a new, 
separate government agency, especially one without operational resiK>nsibilities. 


The Chairman. That is the point. They seem to say that without 
day-to-day operational responsibilities the Freedom Academy couldn't 
be of a great help. 

Mr. MowRER. Has anybody proposed, as I say, that a Freedom 
Academy, its president or its faculty, should attempt the formula- 
tion of policy or the execution of policy ? 

The Chairman, But they say that without day-to-day operational 
responsibilities, which the Academy would not have, the Academy 
cannot perform a useful function. Tliat is the point. I disagree 
with that. 

Mr. MowRER. If that were true, then we could never have an army 
because the President decides the policy that the United States is 
at war, but except in a special case where a move might be strongly 
political, he is better off to leave the conduct of the war itself to the 
Joint Chiefs. The Joint Chiefs are told what the aim of the Govern- 
ment is and are told, "Here you are. Go and do it the best way." 

It wouldn't occur to me, as one who has worked in I can't tell 
you how many foreign comitries, who believes the professional diplo- 
mats are almost always better than amateur diplomats, to say that 
operationally the Freedom Academy should have anything to say 
at all, but it should be able to furnish a body of opinion, studies, and 
have people throughout the other branches of the Government as 

Today they complain that so many different branches of the Gov- 
ernment are getting into foreign political problems. I believe there 
is a bill before the Senate now that has something to do with foreign 
aid, but this is largely not a. technical problem, whether or not we 
give foreign aid. It is a political problem. This is not exactly com- 
parable, but this is something which a Freedom Academy could help on. 

For instance, are we giving foreign aid as a weapon in the cold 
war — we are certainly giving military aid — or are we giving it as 
pure charity, or are we giving it in a half-and-half way, believing that 
raising standards will necessarily help us since — what is it? — a fat 
Communist is less dangerous than a lean Communist ? I think, if I 
may say so in this particular case without seeming critical, that we 
cannot forget too soon that the State Department has lavished for- 
eign aid upon a man called Nasser of the United Arab Republic, upon 
another one called Sukarno, that we gave a great deal of help to the 
Poles, hoping that they would break away and form another Tito. 

None of these has come about. There is being created throughout 
Africa and Asia a number of regimes with a partially tribal existence, 
one-party states, that are almost indistinguishable from Nazi-Fascist 
philosophy. They are totalitarian. 

Certainly one of the things we need is not just comment from 
friendly liberal professors who say, "Well, it doesn't matter whether 
Ghana has any democracy or not. They will." 

Well, will they? There is no evidence that they will unless you 
are talking in terms of decades, centuries, and so on. 

Therefore, I would certainly say that it should be set up in the bill 
and in the Freedom Academy that I would like to see you create 
that we should not make policy or attempt to. 

The Chairman. They make the point in this letter that the Free- 
dom Commission bills propose that the executive branch on a large 


scale undertake the mobilization of private citizens, domestic and 
foreign, to fight the cold war and also the systematic orientation 
of our citizens against communism. 
Then the letter makes this statement : 

While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train private U.S. citizens 
and foreign nationals, our primary need — and hence our first priority — is to 
improve in all possible ways the training of government personnel involved in 
the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs. 

So they say that while it might be all right in certain circumstances 
to give private citizens and foreign nationals thorough grounding in 
communism, the great need is the training of Government personnel 
involved in foreign affairs operations. The State Department doesn't 
seem very enthusiastic about having anyone train except Government 
personnel. What are your comments on that statement ? 

Mr. MowRER. Yes. I think in the first place that most bureau- 
crats, if you will pardon the expression, would consider it very nice 
if the citizens would take their word for most things without con- 
troversy. I do not think that that is compatible with our system of 
Government, nor do I think that you can win a cold war without the 
support of an overwhelming majority of our citizens, and that sup- 
port should not be merely passive, "papa knows best," but it should be 
an active support. 

The cold war is in my opinion a real war and, as I said before, could 
be more dangerous than a fighting war, because in a fighting war you 
have to stand up and live or die, but the cold war can go by default, 
can go by little concessions; therefore, the more need for having en- 
lightened citizens with the right that Americans maintain for them- 
selves, and I hope forever will, criticize any policy they don't like, to 
suggest alternative policies in any field. 

Believe me, as one who has written, as I say, for 50 years on this 
and spent more than 27 years abroad in various countries, the belief 
that the diplomat abroad knows more about the country than the 
foreign correspondent is great error. In most countries I would rather 
go to the foreign correspondents to find out what is going on than I 
would to the U.S. diplomats, for the correspondents are not handi- 
capped in getting around by protocol and all the people they must 
talk to and all that kind of thing. 

In the second place, as I tried to point out, we have repeatedly been 
wrong through too much reliance upon day-to-day operators who are 
not in the position to learn what is necessary to make these decisions. 

The State Department recognizes this. They not only have opera- 
tives and embassies and everything, but they have a planning bureau. 
I was delighted when they brought in a planning bureau, but the 
Freedom Academy is not supposed to do that in my opinion. 

(At this point Mr. Senner left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Congressman, it comes down to this. President Johnson has 
asked for a consensus. I hope he gets it, but does he want a consensus of 
sheep, or does he want a consensus of convinced people who have had 
access to the facts and who have thought out the conclusions and agree 
with him? 

The Freedom Academy would help provide the kind of people 
enlightened in foreign affairs. May I say one thing more? Having 
specialized most of my life on foreign affairs I am still appalled by the 


indifference and apathy throughout the great American people to 
foreign issues except when they rise to the level of a crisis, when there 
is nothing to do but fight or die. 

We cannot maintain our position in the current world until enough 
Americans get the miderstanding of foreign political issues, get the 
same understanding of conflicting policies and regimes that they bring 
to domestic affairs. 

All of you, as elected people, realize that you must never count on the 
stupidity or ignorance of your opponents in local matters, that they 
are pretty smart cookies and they know pretty well what is going on 
in Pikesville or Pittsburgh. We have to create enough people who will 
know and follow moves. 

I play chess. I am not a chess champion, but I follow championsliip 
chess games with some understanding and great enthusiasm, because I 
have played enough to understand the moves and see what it is all about. 
We have to create a knowing public. 

One last word, if you can let me have it. As I understand from read- 
ing Mr. Possony's testimony, in which I thought he outlined extremely 
well most of the things which the Freedom Academy should do, and 
there is no need for me to repeat this, the Freedom Academy would also 
invite Government officials from other branches which have had no op- 
portunity to learn about these things, financial people, for example, for 
our financial and our political problems are tied up so closely in tliis 
that nobody can tear them apart. 

The Chairman. Do you visualize the possibility, and maybe the de- 
sirability, too, that perhaps administrative assistants of Members of 
Congress could attend this institute ? 

Mr. MowRER. Mr. Congressman, if I were an elected representative 
of the American people who had spent my life in domestic affairs and 
was told that I could spend 3 months when Congress was perhaps not 
in session by attending lectures on certain subjects in a Freedom Aca- 
demy, I certainly would do it right off. 

The Chairman. Finally, the State Department makes this point. 
It says that the bills raise the problem of Federal control inasmuch as 
they authorize the Freedom Commission to prepare, make, and pub- 
lish textbooks, training films, and other materials for high school, col- 
lege, and community level instructions, and to distribute this material, 
and so on. Then they say : 

The Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and standardize 
the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear to be a 
marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the 
field of political education. 

I would like you to comment on that. They are touching a sensitive 
Americn concept — of the Federal Government not controlling schools 
and colleges, and so on, that we all agree with, but then they use this 
argmnent in opposition to this institute. Do you see any validity to that 
objection on their part ? 

Mr. Mowrer. Do you think that the opposition is based on the fact 
that this would be in any way a Government institution ? 

The Chairman. They raise the issue that, since the institute could 
publish books and so on, the dissemination of that information to 
the citizenry would indoctrinate or would lead to Federal control of 


teaching, inasmuch as these publications would find their way into 
colleges and liigh schools. 

Mr. MowRER. Point of order. May I ask a question ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. MowRER. Is it not true that the Federal Government supports 
Howard University ? 

The Chairman. Yes; through the Department of Health, Educa- 
tion, and Welfare. 

Mr. MowRER. Certainly. I think the greater part of the money is 
given by the Federal Government. Yet, so far as I know — and I 
have a friend who is a professor there — the Government has never 
attempted to tell Howard University what it was to do, nor has it 
said that the publications by professors in Howard University were 
documents of the U.S. Government, or let me give you a better one 

The Chairman. They may draw a distinction between Howard 
University and a congressionally created Commission. 

Mr. MowRER. If the Government is not in education in Howard Uni- 
versity, it need not be in education in the Freedom Academy. Let 
me give you another example which is manifest. Surely, politically 
the British are a broadly democratic people and they certainly shoot 
off their mouth with the greatest freedom about the government and 
everything else. 

Yet the BBC, though entirely supported by government money, 
is absolutely independent of government pressures. In fact, the di- 
rector of the BBC is now in dutch with several of the leading poli- 
ticians for allowing certain people to make statements, and he has 
made it perfectly clear to the government that this was the basis on 
which the BBC was set up and once they entrusted him with rmming 
it he was going to run it. 

There is a problem, of course, that there could be an encroaclmient 
over there, but there can be an encroachment by any government over 
anything else. Some people think there is too much encroachment 
in the United States today and some think not enough. 

The Chairman. Do you think the answer might be in the quality 
of the personnel who run this institution ? 

Mr. MowRER. I would think that a study of the organization and 
independence of the BBC would be fruitful in this matter. Since I 
haven't got the full details I don't want to say any more, but I do not 
think that this need encroach in the slightest on freedom of education. 

The Chairman. Or lead to Federal control ? 

Mr. Mowrer. Certainly not. Here we spoke of indoctrination. All 
my life I have been considered more or less of a maverick who has 
sometimes gotten himself into trouble by shooting off his mouth too 
soon where he shouldn't, and therefore I would be the last person 
to say that at the Freedom Academy they should inculcate, indoctri- 
nate, teach a single attitude toward communism or anything else. 

For instance, I don't object to having Communists lecture at our 
universities, provided they are labeled Communists and it is perfectly 
clear that they represent the Soviet Union or China or the Trotskyites 
or the monkey businesses instead of representing the United States, 
for I reiterate that it is impossible to be a good Commmiist and an 
American patriot at the same time. 


Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. The bells have sounded over in the House for a quorum 
call and I have to leave, but I want to take this opportunity to thank 
you, sir, for appearing before the committee. I think you have made 
an outstanding statement and you have made very many penetrating 
comments upon the problems confronting our country in this field, and 
you made an excellent witness. 

I do want to thank you very much for your appearance. Since 
you are here — you obviously have a profomid knowledge of our prob- 
lems in the cold war — I would like you to comment, if you wnll, upon 
the so-called Chinese-Soviet split. I would like to have your analysis 
of the split. 

Mr. MowRER. This is my personal view ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. 

Mr. MowRER. I think that it is a mixture of the theological disputes 
of the Middle Ages and the power disputes of national states of all 
times and the personal rivalries of people who, the higlier they g&t, the 
touchier they become. 

I think it is all combined. I do not think it is fraud because, in my 
own estimate, it started not where some of the people say, but when 
the Soviet Union stopped helping Red China make nuclear weapons — 
I believe the date was 1958 — and when the Chinese got nasty about 
it they withdrew all the Soviet technicians from all over. Stalin 
was not a man to tolerate a rival. In fact, to one who was in Moscow 
in 1936 when Stalin was busy liquidating all the former Coimnmiists, 
including his own closest buddies, it w"as perfectly obvious that there 
was no place not. only in the Communist world, but in Russia itself, 
for anybody but the great Stalin. 

Mao considers that he, practically alone among Communist people, 
though helped by wartime conditions, managed to establish an inde- 
pendent Communist country, and he more or less deferred to Stalin. 
I do not consider, however — I am almost convinced — that the split 
will ever go to an open break, at least under present circumstances, 
and I will tell you why. 

In 1937 and 1938 when I was in an open-and-closed conspiracy 
against Adolf Hitler, I found an ally in the British Foreign Office, Sir 
Rdbert Van Sittart, the permanent Secretary General, who w^as doing 
his level best to convince the consM-vative government that Hitler 
meant business. He never succeeded. But we became very close allies, 
so much so that he used to let me see the British reports so I could 
write better stuff about what was going on in Germany, where I 
oouldnt ^o, but we always differed on one point. 

Van Sittart said, "Mussolini and the Italians don't like the Ger- 
mans. We can divide the Italians from the Germans." 

And, in my opinion, it was not so much Sir Samuel Hoare, but the 
advice that Sir Samuel got from his first assistant. Sir Robert Van 
Sittart, that brought the so-called Hoare-Laval plan to settle the trou- 
ble in Ethiopia by a compromise, the British hoping somehow or other, 
by making these compromises, that they would induce the Italians 
not to form w^hat became the Rome-Berlin Axis or, even when it was 
formed, to break it. 


I always argued against this, largely on the basis of personal know- 
ledge of both Hitler and Mussolini, but also on the following thesis. 

Hitler was determined to create the great new Third Reich, 400 
million strong, by absorbing East Europe and the Russian Ukraine. 
Mussolini was determined to create the ETnpero Romano^ the new 
Roman Empire, stretching God-knows-where, around the Mediterra- 
nean. Both of them had based their whole political life on the realiza- 
tion of these things. Hitler's only justification for being there was to 
create this monstrously great new German state. 

Mussolini's only justification was that his rivals were pacifists, they 
didn't realize it took Roman grandeur, and so on. He had to make a 
new Empero Romwno. It would seem to me perfectly obvious that 
neither one could sucxieed without the help, or against the opposition, 
of the other, and therefore I predicted to Van Sittart regularly that 
they would not come apart until perhaps they had taken all they 
wanted and it came to dividing the swags. Then, of course, there is 
opportunity for any amount of disputes. 

At the present time, the Soviet actions, as distinct from the Soviet 
talk, show a determination to spread communism by subversion and 
propaganda wherever possible. I don't have to tell you people that 
there are a dozen countries where there has been found evidence of 
direct Soviet help, Cuba and the rest of them. 

The Chinese are determined to spread communism throughout 
Asia, preferably ahead of the Soviets and so on, but neither one of 
them can succeed if the other one drifts apart or opposes it. 

Therefore, just like two second-storymen engaged in a little job. 
they may quarrel while they are on the ladder, but they are not going 
to fight each other or come apart, and this is to me so simple that I 
would think even sophisticated diplomats could understand it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Pool. Very well put. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, sir. 

We will recess until 10 a.m., tomorrow morning. 

(Whereupon, at 12 :35 p.m., Wednesday, March 31, 1965, the sub- 
committee recessed to reconvene at 10 a.m., Thursday, April 1, 1965.) 

2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND 


United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.G. 
public hearings 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 :20 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord presiding. 

(Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Ivoui- 
siana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Clawson, 
of California.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Ichord and Claw- 

Committee member also present: Representative Joe R. Pool, of 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred 
M. Nittle, counsel. 

Mr. Ichord. The meeting will come to order. 

The purpose of the meeting this morning is to continue the hearings 
on H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, 
H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700, several bills concerning the establishment 
of the proposed Freedom Academy. 

Inasmuch as neither the chairman nor Mr. Ashbrook will be able to 
attend the hearings this morning, the subcommittee has been changed. 
I will read for the record the letter of designation of the chairman of 
the full committee dated April 1, 1965. 

April 1, 1965. 
Mr. Fbancis J. McNamara, 
Director, Committee on JJn-Amerioan Activities: 

Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I hereby 
appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, consisting 
of Honorable Richard Ichord and Honorable Del Clawson as associate members, 
and myself as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Wshington, D.C., commencing on 
or about Thursday, April 1, 1965, and at such other time or times thereafter and at 
such place or places as said subcommittee shall determine, on the following bills 
proposing passage of a "Freedom Commission Act," and any other similar bills 



Which may be referred to this committee : H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R 
2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700. 
Please make this action a matter of Committee record. 
If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. 
Given under my hand this first day of April, 1965. 

/s/ Edwin E. Willis, 
Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

The first witness this morning is our colleague, the distinguished 
gentleman from Florida, Mr. Gumey, who is the author of H.R. 4389. 
Mr. Gurney, we are very pleased to have you with us today. 



Mr. Gurney. Mr. Chairman, I certainly welcome the opportunity to 
appear before the committee on behalf of this bill. First of all, let me 
say that my role here really is to indicate my full-fledged support of 
this bill rather than to edify the committee about the bill or its contents 
or the problem it seeks to meet. 

I say this because I am well aware of the fact that extensive hearings 
have been held by this committee in prior years and that you, Mr. 
Chairman, and other members who have sat on the committee in the 
past probably know more about the bill and its problem than do I, 
because this is one of the special areas before this committee — this 
great problem of fighting communism. 

Then, too, of course, the bill has had extensive hearings before 
appropriate Senate committees. 

I do have a little special interest in this legislation which is a bit 
different from other Members of Congress. Mr. Alan Grant, who 
hatched the idea of the Freedom Academy, is a constituent of mine. 
He is a lawyer in Orlando, Florida, the city next to where I live. I 
have known him ever since I have been in Florida and, as a matter of 
fact, was a member of his initial group way back in 1950 that under- 
took to begin some courses of instruction on a voluntary basis on com- 
mimism in the local high school in Orlando, so I do have a personal 
interest in this legislation. 

Actually the idea, as you know, was born well over a decade and a 
half ago and was proposed by Mr. Grant to the executive branch of the 
Government as early as 1954. It met with some favorable reception at 
that time, and other unfavorable reception, and it was never pushed 
too hard in those years by the executive department. Later on, of 
course, it was introduced in the form of authorizing legislation in the 
House and the Senate in 1959. 

Hearings were held in that year and the year after, and in 1960 a 
Freedom Academy bill actually did pass the Senate overwhelmingly, 
but was not acted upon by the House. 

I think it is worthwhile to note here that the Senate committee in 
reporting out the bill made this comment : "The committee considers 
this bill to be one of the most important ever introduced in the Con- 
gress," and then amplified that feeling in their report. 

Leading Members of Congress have not only introduced the bill 
both in the House and the Senate, but have supported it, and so have 
other leading figures in this Nation, both in Government and out of 


Government. Many magazine articles and editorials have been written 
in the leading news media in the comitry supporting the bill, so it 
isn't a new idea. 

It is considered by a great many people in the Nation, and leading 
figures, as a very sound idea. 

Without, as I say, trying to go into the ramifications of the bill, 
which I know you are aware of — and the committee hearings in the 
past are replete with arguments pro and con — I would like to express 
my feeling here in favor of the bill in this perhaps, overall large sense : 
That I feel, as well as other Members of Congress, that in the eternal 
struggle of the so-called cold war between this Nation and the free 
world and the opposing Communist forces, we are steadily on the 
losing side. 

We make some gains and advances ; we score some victories. But 
it seems to me, overall, that perhaps communism is defeating us in 
this struggle between our way of life and theirs and that, while we 
have some weapons that we have used in this fight, such as foreign aid 
and, let's say, the Peace Corps, and while these weapons have been 
partially effective, nonetheless, they have not been a complete or a 
successful weapon m this struggle, in this cold war. 

We need new weapons to successfully win this war with communism. 
While we have magnificent weapons in the military field and superb 
Armed Forces — certainly we exceed the Communist ability there — I 
think on almost every front in the realm of ideas, and that is really 
what we are talking about here in this cold war, we have not used the 
potential that I think this Nation possesses. 

This idea of the Freedom Academy is this : It is to develop a weapon 
in the idea field in order to fight more successfully this cold war. The 
Communists, of course, have used ideas very successfully for years. 
Certainly in any struggle of this sort, which has perhaps a potential 
for hot war in the future, and right now we are engaged in the war 
in Vietnam in this struggle, it is far better to resolve the struggle and 
the outcome, if possible, by ideas than it is by bullets. 

Perhaps one of the best illustrations in this field which took place 
many years ago in history is the old story of the Trojan horse. In- 
stead of storming the walls of the city, the Trojans built this horse 
and put themselves inside and got the thing wheeled in the city and 
took the city in this fashion. 

Essentially, this is what we are talking about here. We need to 
develop new ideas so that we can fare more successfully in this battle 
against communism, and the Freedom Academy is a new kind of 

As you know, Mr. Chairman, what the bill does, of course, is estab- 
lish an Academy, a school, where people are specially trained in the 
background and the history of communism and would be taught 
methods of fighting this psychological war. The bill would establish 
a school that would be a research center so that we would have a 
resource in the Nation which would gather material on this whole sub- 
ject of communism and this cold war. Certainly it would serve as a 
receptacle like a library for collecting all manner of material on this 

We have academies for other things. We have service academies to 
train our young men to take their places in the various branches of the 


armed services. We have many other academies in this country for 
all kinds of things, which train people specially for one walk of life or 
another walk of life, and essentially this is all we are talking about 
here, the establishment of a school to cope with this very special area 
of fighting the cold war. 

I have read the hearings held before this committee and the Senate 
committee, and the hearings point up the fact that we do not have this 
kind of a resource in the Nation today, and this is another reason why 
I think we need this desperately. 

So I say, in summing up, that this Nation ought not to be afraid of 
establishing a Freedom Academy, of passing this legislation to probe 
this new idea of fighting the cold war which we are ever waging 
against communism. And I think if we do this we will have a new 
resource and a weapon in the cold war struggle against communism. 

I would like permission to file a further formal statement with the 
committee, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Without objection that permission will be granted.^ 

Mr. Gurney, did you introduce a bill dealing with the subject during 
the last session of Congress ? 

Mr. Gurney. I think I did. 

Mr. IcHORD. For the record, is your bill identical with H.R. 2379, 
introduced by the gentleman from Louisiana, Mr. Boggs? 

Mr. Gurney. I was talking to Congressman Clawson about this 
earlier. Actually, Mr. Chairman, I have not compared my bill with 
others and I can't answer your question. . - 

Mr. Ichord. I presume that you did have discussions with Mr. 
Grant on the bill ? 

Mr. Gurney. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. And yours is probably the latest version as proposed 
by Mr. Grant's committee, and the latest version was incorporated in 
H.R. 2379 introduced by Mr. Boggs. Thank you very much, Mr. Gur- 
ney. We appreciate your contribution to the work of the committee. 

Mr. Clawson, any questions? 

Mr. Clawson. I would just like to ask one. 

From my superficial knowledge of these bills to establish a Free- 
dom Academy I have this question: Do you envision the program 
to be also a counterespionage activity in Communist countries ? 

Mr. Gurney. I am sorry ? 

Mr. Clawson. Communist subversion rather than espionage, per- 
haps try to convert Communists to our side ? 

Mr. Gurney. I think the main purpose of the bill, Mr. Clawson, is 
actually to develop a school to research in this wliole area of com- 
munism — what it means, its background, its history, its objectives, its 
methods of fighting — so that we would have a school with library 
resources and faculty resources which would contain as much informa- 
tion as possible on this subject in this Nation. 

That would be one purpose, so that we conduct effective research 
in this area. The other purpose would be schooling and training stu- 
dents in the school. These students would come from Government 
certainly, and all levels of Government. They also would come from 
the private sector of the United States because we need people in our 

1 See pp. 41-43. 


schools and from other walks of life who understand more about 
communism, and they need a place to go to find out about it. 

These are the two main reasons for the bill and for the legislation 
and for the school. It really isn't so much an operational part of the 
Grovernment as it is a teaching part of the Government. 

As far as the operational part is concerned, I think that appropri- 
ately lies either in the Armed Forces or the State Department or the 
CIA or some branch of Government like that. 

Interestingly enough, and I was amazed to discover this as I read 
the testimony that has been taken in previous years, there is an amaz- 
ing lack of knowledge in this country not only about communism, but 
there is no central place to get information about communism. 

For example, in Florida in recent years our legislature enacted a 
law which required instruction about communism in our public 
schools, and our teachers were hard pressed to find a place to go to 
prepare themselves to teach this subject. There is very interesting 
testimony — I can't remember whether it was before this committee or 
before the Senate committee — either last year or the year before by 
one of the teachers in Florida, who obviously was a very intelligent, 
capable, dedicated teacher, who deplored the fact that he had no place 
to turn to, to find adequate source material to teach this subject. 

It is amazing in a country with the educational resources that we 
have. There is another interesting bit of testimony along these same 
lines that came out^ — I think it was last year again — where a South 
American student in this country, obviously very concerned about the 
advance of communism in his own country, wanted to find a place 
where he could go to learn specially about communism, its background, 
its methods, its objectives, so that he, in turn, could go home and carry 
the message to his country. 

He couldn't find any place to go. 

Mr. Clawson. I have heard statements about what we are going 
to use this acquired knowledge for and what the purpose is going to 
be. How do you think this is going to be used and under what 
circumstances and conditions is it going to be used ? 

Mr. Gurnet. I would say this would be true, in direct answer to 
your question: That the knowledge acquired will be used to under- 
stand better and to fight more effectively the Communist threat to this 
Nation and the free world. 

Mr. Clawson. Thank you. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you veiy much, Mr. Gumey. 

Mr. Gurnet. Thank you. 

(The formal statement submitted by Mr. Gumey follows:) 



The idea for a Freedom Academy to combat cold war communism is a decade 
and a half old. 

This conamittee is well aware of the exhaustive worlc done by Alan Grant, Jr.. 
of Orlando, Fla., who over these past 15 years has done more to promote this idea 
than any single American. 

It was Mr. Grant who started this work with a small group known as the 
•Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy. It was Mr. Grant who first caught 
the attention of the executive branch of Government with his idea in 1954. 


I am personally acquainted with Mr. Grant. In fact, I was a part of his 
group who lectured on communism in the Orlando High School a decade and 
a half ago. 

Since that time, more than a dozen bills to create this Academy to combat 
cold war communism have been extensively debated, yet noqe has ever passed 
both Houses of Congress in the same se.ssion. 

Sponsors of these bills have included Republicans and Democrats whose po- 
litical philosophy range over the entire political spectrum. 

These include, over the years, Senators Case, Dodd, Douglas, Fong, Gold- 
water, Hickenlooper, Keating, Lausche, Miller, Mundt, Proxmire, Scott, Smathers, 
and go on. 

In the House they have included, besides myself. Congressman Herlong of 
my own State of Florida, Congressman Ichord of this committee, Congressmen 
Boggs, Gubser, Judd, Schweiker, and Taft. 

Private support has come from numerous outstanding citizens. To name 
Just two who have appeared before this committee : Dr. Stefan T. Possony, 
director of International Political Studies at the Hoover In-stitution in Stanford, 
Calif., and Dr. William Kintner, professor of political science at the University 
of Pennsylvania. 

The first legislation on this subject was introduced in Congress in 1959. In 
1960, the Senate passed a similar bill overwhelmingly, but the legislation never 
got out of committee on this side. 

The report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, adopted by the 
full Senate Judiciary Committee said, in part : 

"The committee considers this bill to be one of the most important ever intro- 
duced in the Congress. * * ♦ " 

The major objective sought by this bill is to establish a research and training 
institution to cope with the threat of cold war communism. 

The research arm would include a complete library, indexing publications on 
communism and its history. 

To impart this knowledge we would gather all the top talent available, our 
top brainpower on communism and the motives driving it. 

We would train our Government personnel, our private citizens, and foreign 

This idea for a Freedom Academy has received favorable comment from the 
news media. There have been scores of editorials written over the years urging 
this "new weapon for democracy," as it was labeled by Reader's Digest. 

The reasons we desperately need this Freedom Academy are many. 

First and foremost, we are losing the cold war with the Communists. 

We fight communism on some fronts, already. We have a foreign aid program 
which is supposed to at least check the spread of communism, if not actually 
roll back the borders. We have the Peace Coips working for us, too. But 
these are not enough. 

We need to roll out new weapons. Fight fire with fire. 

In the armament field, we think nothing of spending millions of dollars on 
an exi)erimental weapon which may be obsolete before it gets off the drawing 

We have superb missiles, planes, tanks, guns, and soldiers. We have the best 
economy in the world. 

But the Communists have a huge arsenal of weapons. They have somethins' 
else to employ. They use ideas, propaganda, to sway millions to their side. Their 
emphasis on this aspect of the cold war is probably even greater than their stress 
on their armed forces. 

In this century, our Communist adversaries have made a science of revolution- 
ary strategy. They have learned the rules of penetration thoroughly. They have 
marched ahead in their ambitions, but not without meticulous care and precision. 

Our way of life is being severely tested by communism and its cancerous 

As Dr. Possony has so ably stated, both political parties have been guilty of 
negligence in meeting the Communist threat ; both parties have given lipservice 
to this menace during election time, but little more. 

How do we go about closing the "propaganda gap" which has been widening to 
our disadvantage? 

I strongly feel the Freedom Academy concept is the vehicle to launch our efforts 
in this field. 


As has been brought out in previous testimony and outlined briefly here today, 
we are doing something in this field, but it is far too little and too fragmented. 

The Freedom Academy, a research and training institution, would erase the 
disjointed efforts in this field and replace them with a cohesive unit, capable of 
providing in-depth courses about communism. 

Objections to this Freedom Academy have been voiced, principally by the State 
Department. For that matter, the Government has come up with its own proposal 
to establish a National Academy of Foreign Affairs. 

But this would only serve to compound the problem, not solve it. The mere 
fact the executive branch has recognized a need here and has proposed its own 
academy bears out the urgency of the situation. 

But it seems quite likely the State Department is afraid some of its jurisdiction 
will be usurped by the Freedom Academy. This is not the case at all. The State 
Department already has existing training programs for its per.sonnel, and I'm 
afraid an Academy of Foreign Affairs would serve only as an extension of these 
schools. That will not meet the problem we are facing. In fact, that is an en- 
tirely different problem. The Freedom Academy would not deal with foreign 
policy, which is State's responsibility, but would be for the sole purpose of under- 
standing Communist cold war tactics and techniques, through its classes and 
instructors supported by its library. 

We cannot fail to try this Freedom Academy idea. If the executive branch 
doesn't want it, we should make it an arm of Congress. We must make a start 
in this field, or the Communists are going to continue beating us, and beating us 

The Freedom Academy, an information center or university to train our able, 
talented young people, can be the first step in the right direction. 

In closing, let me give the following as an example if I may. 

We could take a lesson from Mao Tse-tung, the Red Chinese ruler. He has 
written the "bible" used in guerrilla warfare. We should study and respect his 
writings — this man who was successfully fighting Chiang Kai-shek in the jungles 
40 years ago — at least respect his writings on tactics to be used, not his principles 
or his ideology. 

We must comprehend his teachings and apply his techniques — fight fire with 
fire, where possible. If we don't we're lost. We may as well roll over and play 

Our dilemma is somewhat akin to that facing the bullfrog, as the story goes. 

If thrown into a cauldron of scalding water, he would quickly leap out, thus 
saving his life. However, when placed in a pail of tepid water which was slowly 
heated to the boiling point, the bullfrog perished. 

Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." Unless we wake up soon, that won't be 
necessary. We'll bury ourselves in our own complacency. 

Unless we get started, the new Kremlin bosses can update Khrushchev's state- 
ment to read, "We will not bury you. You will do it for us." 

Our very survival as a free nation may well depend on what this committee 
does in coping with the global threat of communism. 

Mr. IcHORD. The committee is honored to have with it this morning 
a distin^ished Member of the other body, Senator Karl Miindt of 
South Dakota. Senator Mundt, it is a great pleasure to have you 
with us today, sir. I might state for the record that Senator Mundt 
is a sponsor of Senate bill 1232, a Freedom Academy bill presently 
pending in the other body. 

(At this point, Mr, Clawson left the hearing room.) 
Mr, IcHORD. Senator Mundt for several years has been a leading ex- 
ponent of the Freedom Academy concept, being one of the sponsors 
of Senate 1869, the first Freedom Academy bill that was introduced 
in the Senate on April 15, 1959, and I believe passed the body in 1960. 
It is a great pleasure to have you as a witness, Senator Mundt. 

47-093 0—65- 




Senator Mundt. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. It is a 
pleasure to be here. I come to you as an alumnus of this committee, 
where I spent almost 10 happy years, dating back to its original chair- 
man, Martin Dies of Texas, and served through the hectic early days 
of the committee's career, and I am glad to come back. 

You have developed swankier quarters than we had up on the fifth 
floor of the Old House Office Building when I used to be here, and 
I suspect that the erudition of the committee has advanced as its sur- 
roundings have improved. But in all events, I am delighted to be here 
for several reasons, and I am happy to be here immediately following 
Congressman Gurney, of Florida, because I come to talk to you about 
a concept which I believe had its inception in Florida in the first 

As a matter of fact, I first became familiar with the challenge pro- 
vided in this legislation by studying the legislation introduced by 
Congressman Herlong. He, and I think Congressman Judd, together, 
introduced the original version of this that has gone through many 
evolutionary stages. 

It did, as the chairman has said, pass the Senate overwhelmingly 
in 1960, but unfortunately too late in the session for the House to give 
it due consideration and deliberation. We now have it before us again. 
It is before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which is a badly 
overworked committee, and, while we held extensive hearings last year, 
we did not have an opportunity to devote sufficient time to mark the 
bill up and bring it out. We hope to do that this year. 

However, I come here to express the hope that this committee and 
that the House of Representatives in this session will take the initia- 
tive and act on your version or a version of the Freedom Academy bill 
in the first place. 

I think we can then get it passed in the Senate without too much 
difficulty because this is a crying need. I would like to see it originally 
brought out from this committee because as a longtime defender of 
the House Committee on TTn- American Activities, I am aware of the 
kind of criticism which is leveled against it every time appropriations 
are required or every time some disenchanted witness decides to throw 
his barbs at the committee: "Well, this is just an investigating com- 
mittee. It doesn't serve any legislative purpose. It just wastes a lot 
of taxpayers' money. ^Hiat did it ever produce in the way of 

(At this point Mr. Clawson returned to the hearing room.) 

Senator Mundt. We have one great big important feather in our 
cap as devotees of this committee because the first 17 sections of the 
Internal Security Act of 1950 were written in this committee. It was 
known for a while as the Mundt-Nixon bill. It came over and be- 
came part of the McCarran bill of the Senate, but tliere it is, 17 sections 
of it, written primarily by this committee. 

They still are there. They are the law of the land, and it was the 
first piece of legislation passed by this Congress to deal comprehen- 
sively with the Communist situation and to provide the mechanics of 


registration and the mechanics of disclosure so important to dealing 
with that kind of internal menace. 

I think you have an opportunity in this legislation to pass a bill 
which is far more important even than that one was, and that is be- 
cause I can think of nothing more important than to try to mobilize 
the expertise of this country into an intelligent and effective contest 
against the Communists in those areas of the world where we meet 
them cheek to jowl in nonmilitary competition. There isn't anybody 
who can deny the fact, and this goes for the people in the State De- 
partment also, that we are losing the cold war in most of the places 
where we meet in that kind of competition, and it is encouraging that 
the Department of State, which originally looked this over and said, 
"No, we don't like it," finally said, "We will have a Perkins commit- 
tee make a study of the problems and they will ^ive us the proper kind 
of reinforcement so we can say, 'No' convincingly enough so Judd 
and Herlong and Gumey and Mundt and Douglas and your committee 
and our committee will get off our necks and quit talking about it." 

Well, the Perkins committee made a study and to the embarrassment 
of the State Department, instead of saying, "Your Foreign 'Service 
Institute is doing the job," they said, "The Foreign Service Institute 
is failing miserably in this area of instruction." 

Something new must be added. Something new must be done, and 
we are living in a dream world if we actually believe that you can 
continue to send American amateurs into foreign countries to engage 
in competition with Communist professionals with success, because 
in this day and age amateurs don't win anything very often in com- 
petition with professionals, and the American Baseball League and 
the standing of our Senators in that outfit pretty well prove that 

You have to have people who are trained for the job. So I would 
like to see this committee take the initiative and really put another 
feather in your war bonnet by coming to grips with the problem and 
getting this legislation on the floor, where I am sure it will pass, 
forcing it over to the Senate; and start at this time in the House, 
because this is the type of thing that to the alltime credit of this com- 
mittee will strike a real blow against un-American activities all over 
the world. 

I have a prepared statement that I will skip through, but I wanted 
to say that as a preliminaiy, because I am proud of the record of tliis 
committee. I am proud of the work that you are doin^. ' I am en- 
tirely conversant with the kind of abuse you get. I suffered it for 10 
years myself. I had the Communists picketing our apartment down 
at Capitol Towers for the better part of 3 years, as long as the Internal 
Security Act bore the name of Mundt and Nixon when it was going 
through the House. When it got over to the Senate, it bore the name 
of McCarran so the Communist line dispersed, but the 17 sections were 

Our counti-y, I think we can all admit, has experienced a tremen- 
dous decline in international respect since 1943. At the end of World 
War II, due both to our leadership toward victory and to an accumu- 
lation of international prestige built over the decade, this country oc- 
cupied an enviable stance. 


It was liked, admired, and trusted to a degjee even by conquered 
nations, and we had tlie one great Military Establishment intact in the 
whole world. 

Now what has happened ? Wliy has the world deteriorated ? You 
can't point your finger of blame at any individual or any individual 
policy. But when that kind of historic demonstration is before us, 
it seems to me that alert Americans ought to ask themselves why and 
what can we do about it. We spent $100 billion in foreign aid in 
over 100 foreign countries and the dividends continue to bring de- 
creasing resvilts, and looking at the picture as a whole we are disap- 
pointed at what was achieved. 

Tliis country today is being popularly blamed by much of the 
politically conscious population of the world for a great share of the 
misfortunes of the world. We have failed so miserably that when the 
United States under this administration launches a rather humane 
kind of offensive in South Vietnam by using riot gas to disperse Com- 
munist installations — the same kind of tear gas, the same kind of riot 
gas, used by the police departments in every community of this coun- 
try, the same kind of tear gas and riot gas that bankers buy and put 
in bombs to chase bank robbers out; it leaves its victims after a few 
hours completely as well as they were before, is much more humane 
than shooting with a BB rifle in the face, or a pistol or a .22 rifle or 
modern small arms or hand grenades or bombs — the whole world — the 
Communists, the neutrals, our friends — condemns the United States 
and accuses us of returning to barbarism and using poisonous gas. 

Now look at the other side of the coin. Just a few days ago the 
Communists out of North Vietnam moved in and bombed our Em- 
bassy, killing civilians, killing women, killing children, a completely 
barbaric attack. Show me the foreign country which has come to the 
support of the United States and publicly said, "This is barbarism. 
This is a terrible thing. The Communists are launching an attack 
against innocent noncombatants." 

Don't expect the Communists to condemn the North Vietnamese. 
Where are the neutrals? They are not speaking up for us. The peo- 
ple who condemned us for using tear gas are not condemning the 
Communists for killing women and children. Even our friendly coun- 
tries, our associates, and our allies in the Western alliance say nothing 
or say very little against that kind of attack. 

Something is wrong with American policy. There is nothing wrong 
with American attitudes, nothing wrong with the American ideal, 
nothing wrong with the basic concept that we provide a lot of foreign 
aid and leadership and help the free world get stronger, resist the en- 
croachments of imperialistic, aggressive, atheistic communism. No- 
body really believes we are imperialistic. Nobody really believes we 
are trying to superimpose any religious creed or a political philosophy 
on anybody. 

We do this out of an abundance of good will and out of some im- 
pulse of self-preservation, and we get attacked. The reason is in my 
opinion basic and fundamental, involved in conditions which this leg- 
islation can correct and which are not going to be corrected and 
which are not correctable without something along this lijie. 

And why there should be this stubborn sense of pride on the part of 
the State Department to resist an idea because they didn't think of it 


first? You didn't think of it first. I didn't think of it first. I don't 
know whether ALan Grant thought of it first or somebody down on 
the Orlando Committee thought about it first or some happy Florida 
college professor, pepped up by drinking orange juice in the morning, 
thought of it first, but somebody got the idea. 

I think it is a corking good idea, and here is a chance to do some- 
thing about it and I am appalled at a State Department which comes 
before the Senate Foreign Eelations Committee, of which I am a 
member, and when we say, "What is wrong in Saigon? Why can't 
they maintain a stable government?" They say, "The military is all 
right. These little fellows are good fighters, bitt they can't develop a 
civilian government. Tliey can't have stability among the people 
governing the land. They don't have any trained people under the 
top leaders." 

Think of it. This is their testimony. This is how they try to defend 
the fact that they don't get anyplace: "Tlie military does a good job, 
but the civilian government, led first by one leader of South Vietnam 
and then by another, in the lower echelon are untrained. They are 
unskilled. They don't know how to nm the machinery of freedom." 

And we ask them, "Then, you as a State Department are primarily 
responsible for the collapse of South Vietnam because vou have 
blocked the only — the only — effort to provide that kind of training 
for those kind of people." 

That is where we stand. You can correct it. We can help correct 

I think that perhaps some of this reaction to America is inevitable 
because we are rich and because we are powerful, but I don't think that 
reaction is automatic, because I think that sometimes wealth and power 
have traditionally elicited respect, more commonly than hatred. Peo- 
ple have migrated to this country by the tens of millions because they 
admire our wealth and our power and our system, so it isn't something 
of which we should be ashamed. 

More than that has to be involved. The United States has expended 
these efforts outside our borders now for a long time, about 24 or 25 
years I believe since we passed H.R. 1776, the lend-lease bill. I was a 
member of Sol Bloom's House Committee on Foreign Affairs when 
we passed the thing in its first inception. It was to last 2 years, and 
now it has lasted 24 or 25 years, and we get abuse instead of acclama- 
tion for what we are doing. 

(At this point Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.) 

Senator Mundt. I think we have waited too long to come to grips 
with the basic problem. We have become an international scapegoat, 
despite our generosity, and it is more difficult to turn somebody who 
hates you into a friend than it is to avoid causing the person to hate 
you in the first instance. 

I know that we realize the United States does not deserve this 
hatred. We have done more in a sincere effort to cultivate friendship 
than anybody in the history of the world and we have reason to hope 
for better reactions and we have reason to feel that we are entitled 
to them. 

Our fault has been a failure to comprehend what makes the other 
peoples tick, to understand their philosophy, their background, their 
psychology. We have concentrated on one problem — foreign develop- 


ment, economic aid. We have done very little effectively to encourage 
the propagation of attitudes friendly to our interests or to utilize 
assistance to best further our own interests. This isn't just a matter 
of straight information. When I was in the House of Representatives, 
we passed Public Law 402 of the 80th Congress which provided the 
mechanics of information, the Voice of America, the mobilized libra- 
ries, the libraries on sites over there, the whole program of student 
exchanges. This was fine, straight information, but there is failure — 
and Mr. Clawson was touching on that point a moment ago in talking 
with Mr. Gumey — to understand the people with whom we deal and 
to understand the job our people are supposed to be doing over there. 
They fail to get the job done primarily because they fail to under- 
stand thoroughly, as experts should, the whole challenge of our day 
and age and what precipitates it. 

We seem to depend strongly on rationality. We are practical; we 
attempt to disseminate information on a straight information ap- 
proach. The other fellow uses propaganda, which is a more effective 
selling technique. 

In developing areas of the world, we increasingly confront Com- 
munist antagonists who compete for allegiance, or at least tolerance, 
among the same host people where our diplomats and our Americans 
are housed. The Communists elicit emotional responses, where ours 
are rational responses. They are evangelists. We are practical sales- 
men. They offer with development activity a dogma, a creed, that 
packs emotional substance along with rational approach ; that is, they 
build dams and spread a world view which helps people torn away 
from their traditional ways of life and their homeland by the impact 
of the dam to adjust to the new life. In this view propagated by the 
Communists of course, the United States is the world's fundamental 
evil and when we build dams we simply flood people out of their homes 
with no regard for human beings. 

Somehow our people have not been able to study their hosts in the 
intensity required to understand how to appeal emotionally as well as 
rationally. The question of race supplies an excellent example. 

We go into the situation as democratic people who believe that all 
men are created equal, should have an equal opportunity, but we fail 
to translate American concepts in terms of people of different races 
and different attitudes and different areas to make them appeal to them 
in the kind of atmosphere in which they live and with the type of 
associates with whom they commingle. 

So while we work hard to bring benevolent change to hundreds of 
millions of people, the Communists exploit the insecurity and the 
threat to individual identity resulting from our and their efforts at 
economic development. 

The Freedom Academy bills before your committee propose inten- 
sive basic research, first of all. They propose an effort to master an 
academic discipline fairly new to us — nonmilitary warfare, in which 
we have been engaged with great futility for 17 or 18 years. This 
discipline involves the understanding of emotional and psychological 
processes of differing peoples. People from different national back- 
grounds are motivated by different stimuli. To erect adequate de- 
fense against nonmilitary aggression waged against our interests, we 
seriously need this understanding. 


Our social sciences, of course, in this country lead in this direction, 
but they are incomplete. Their material is not put together and uni- 
fied and integrated and related to the attitudes and the minds and the 
mores of the people in the host countries where we meet the Commu- 
nists toe to toe and one or the other is winning and one or the other 
is losing in an economic war and in a political war and in a propaganda 

People base their attitudes and judgments on cultural values that 
they knoAv. Differences are apparent even within the United States. 
People from different areas often build and hold to different values. 
Maine is quite different from Arkansas. Translated outside our gen- 
eral culture, this raises fundamental problems. How w^ell do our 
people comprehend the effects of American activity in different cul- 
tures when we have no concentrated effort to understand their cultures ? 

Part of the problem is the inclination to apply knowledge gained in 
social sciences by observation and measurement among one segment of 
human civilization to other segments where such information does not 
apply. Africans act differently from Americans. Apparently 
Laotians act differently from Vietnamese. Certainly Chinese act dif- 
ferently from Russians, even though they both claim adherence to 

Knowledge about differing national and racial characteristics is 
diffuse. It IS not systematized. You can't read it in a book. We need 
an institution like the Freedom Academy to systematize it and to dis- 
seminate it among persons who can utilize it in our own interest. 

I have talked to many American diplomats. "How much training 
have you had in the job of defeating communism in the area where 
you are going to do the work ? " 

The answer : A day, 3 days, a week, 2 weeks. 

It is a tremendous challenge. They ought to study it as hard as a 
dentist studies a tooth before he puts up a shingle and says, "I am a 
dentist and I can take care of human beings." 

We cannot assume that other people think like we do. We should 
learn how they do think and determine how to apply that knowledge 
to our interest. Our antagonists utilize such knowledge to undercut 
governments friendly to us, to subvert independent nations, to mobilize 
youths, to get mobs to bum down our libraries. They are motivated to 
do things which they shouldn't be doing because the Communists have 
made a study of what it takes to motivate the people in that particular 
country about the kind of problems that confront them. 

The Communists know something about their target people. They 
appeal to hatred, to grudges, to resentments, to discontent, to idealism, 
to ambitions, whatever motivates them. They appeal to the poor to 
rid themselves of exploiters, and they label us the exploiters. They 
appeal to the young to institute justice, and they label us as the manu- 
facturers and portrayers of injustice. We need the same knowledge 
about what motivates these people to help to improve their defense 
against such tactics, for their defense contributes to our own defense. 

What is in this Freedom Academy bill, then, which is applicable to 
what I have been talking about ? I would like to outline a few factors 
in the proposed legislation which are potentially responsive to the 


1. This institution would not be encumbered by the traditionally 
highly specialized structure of social science. Instead of economics, 
sociology, political science, linguistics, and the many others, each 
maintained in a separate compartment, the whole lot would be unified 
in a shape applicable to this analysis of various cultures. The whole 
world then could be contemplated, as well as men can do it, in a unified 
and not a highly diversified way. Such comprehension would allow 
for more thorough instruction than is now available on the imme- 
diate problem. It would be a better answer than the State Depart- 
ment's casual comment that they can get it at Princeton, they can get 
it at Harvard, they can get it at George Washington, they can get it 
at Georgetown, they can get it at American University. They are not 
getting it. It isn't taught anywhere. 

The question is should they have it, or should we send out amateurs? 

2. It would permit research into subjects now ignored. How non- 
military warfare or guerrilla warfare is fought would be analyzed, for 
example. We have a War College for military warfare. We don't 
even have a kindergarten for nonmilitary warfare, and this year we 
will continue spending in the long pull in this economic program. 

If the economic cultural program fails, we have to fight a "hot" 
war. This is the waging of peace, but we don't have a kindergarten 
where they teach how to avoid the war they hope never to fight. They 
have war colleges all over the place. They have military academies, 
air academies, merchant marine academies, and a war college in town ; 
nothing for the fellow who wants to be able to develop an expertise 
as a peacetime representative fighting in the cold war for the U.S.A. 

3. As a pioneer in research and training in areas not now familiar, 
the Freedom Academy work and methods might, where successful, 
serve as an example for imitation by other institutions. Maybe it 
would make it possible for some of the great universities of this coun- 
try and colleges to improve their own programs. 

I heard what Mr. Gurney said. They require them to teach what 
communism is, the true facts about communism, in Florida. They have 
a difficult time getting a textbook. You can get one written by a crypto- 
Communist that makes it sound better than it is. You can get one 
written by some extremist in the anti-Communist field who makes it 
sound like something which it is not. But to get an objective, intelli- 
gent, analytical basis, it is very difficult to find a text written either 
for colleges or high schools. 

4. The Freedom Academy could lead to better comprehension of our 
own Government and of executive branch processes in foreign affairs 
as they are related to the problems of combating communism in foreign 

5. The Freedom Academy could organize, verify, and systematize 
ideas and data and concepts from throughout the world, from every 
possible cultural situation, and apply them to our interests, so that 
those who go there to represent us in the foreign country would know 
something more than about the geographical facts, something more 
besides the population facts, and the rainfall facts. They would know 
what it is that makes people operate in that area, what motivates them, 
what their dreams are, what their ideals are, what their fears are, what 
their history has led them to support or to fear. 


6. It would better situate us to keep pace with world change. As 
change occurs it would be observed and evaluated as part of the con- 
tinuous research effort. Since we passed the Voice of America pro- 
gram in this Congress, originating also in the House, in the 80th Con- 
gress, the vision of America throughout the world has become more im- 
portant than the Voice of America, the utilization of television and 
community screens and the whole Pandora's box of opportunity that 
television provides. We are playing with it as though it were a toy. 
We have done a good job with radio, not very much on television. 
People can believe what they see, and we can get a story across through 
the use of the various opportunities of television. 

7. It would provide information helpful to private business in main- 
taining good relations with host governments and peoples abroad. 
American corporations all over the place have fine junior executives 
stationed in virtually every foreign capital of the world. They are 
eager to help in the fight for freedom. They are motivated not only 
as patriotic Americans; they are motivated because their job goes 
out the window when the Communists walk in the door. They are 
motivated because their corporation might be expropriated. 

The corporation, the one that pays their check, is pushed out of the 
country and they lose their job. Self-preservation is the greatest mo- 
tivating factor any human being has ever had anywhere. They are 
motivated by self-preservation plus pretty good Americanism. They 
would like to help, but a lot of them develop into the "Ugly American" 
and they are hurting us. Why ? Nobody has trained them. Nobody 
has given them the background. They know what to do to sell Buick 
automobiles, aspirins, and Coca-Cola, but they don't know what to do 
about serving Americanism. Even President Eisenhower one time 
when asked by Khrushchev, "Tell us the difference between com- 
munism and democracy," said it was too difficult a question to translate. 

Every American ought to have an answer to that one quickly, 
which is right, which is sound. He has to get it some place. He has 
to understand it and an American shouldn't speak like a Babel tower 
with a thousand different explanations of the difference. We ought 
to understand it so well that you can say it with the same validity that 
you talk about the Constitution and what is the 10th amendment or 
the 5th amendment or the 1st amendment. 

8. It would bolster our defense and the defense of nations not 
unfriendly to us in resisting Communist nonmilitary aggression, 

9. It would teach Americans to understand the factors which moti- 
vate the Communists and would identify the best means to counteract 
that motivation and to help advance democratic processes instead of 
communism, one of the most difficult jobs I could never quite master 
after serA'ing almost 10 years on this committee on which you serve so 
well now — what is actually motivating a Communist ? 

I asked it of Alger Hiss. I asked it of Elizabeth Bentley. I asked 
it of Wliittaker Chambers. They are smart people that could make a 
success in any area. "What in the devil makes you work for the Com- 
munists?" And their eyes glitter and they have a sense of mission 
and they themselves believe they are somehow serving a good cause. 
They don't do it for money. They don't do it for power. I am talk- 
ing about these people in our country, like the three that I have 


"\ATiat motivates Communists ? We ought to know that and get the 
demotivator in operation and try to motivate them with a better ideal, 
a religious ideal, an ideal of the brotherhood of man, the equality of 
opportunity, and the American dream. But first we have to under- 
stand that these are just not a bunch of people going out because they 
are paid. They are prodded into supporting the Communists. They 
have been misled. They have been brainwashed, gentlemen, by some 
of the greatest psychologists in the world. 

You know what they talk about with respect to Dr. Pavlov and his 
dog and the condition of saliva, not a condition of mind. The whole 
Communist approach is based on the conditioning capacity of the 
human mind and how you operate it, and our people overseas ought 
to understand that. 

We should know how to condition people in freedom. 

Let me conclude by saying that I think that the training in this 
Academy would primarily include three categories. You are familiar 
with them. The first is what I have been talking about, the intense 
training of people from our own Government who work in foreign 
affairs, how to give them the tools they need to achieve the objectives 
that they hold in mind. 

Second, there would be training for Americans engaged in non- 
Govemment activity, in the private sector. Read the sorry State De- 
partment substitute evolved from the Perkins commission report which 
they put in as a backfire to the Freedom Academy concept. They don't 
even approximate anywhere the concept of giving people in the pri- 
vate sector a chance for 90 days or 9 months or some other period of 
time, who are going to serve a lifetime overseas, to become volunteers 
in this great crusade for freedom by giving them the training and 
the equipment. 

We have been told by employers they would love to put their em- 
ployees in here with their expenses and let them learn. They would 
love to have them learn the common goal which we have, but there is 
no place they can go. We wonder why we don't win the cold war. We 
haven't even begun to fight with the troops available. 

Third, the United States would, at long last, establish a political 
training center for foreign nationals who are either favorable to our 
values or who want to stop or avoid Communist subversion in their 
countries. We have identified six schools to which young Communists 
can go in China or in Russia or in Yugoslavia and become experts in 
the conveying and portraying of communism. There is no place, no 
place, a young Vietnamese civilian who wants to develop stability and 
permanency and continuity in government in Saigon can go to get it. 
The French don't have it. The British don't have it. We don't have 

If he wants to be a soldier fighting in the jungle, we can send him 
to the United States. We will train him and send him back to fight. 
If he wants to be an aviator, we will train him. If he wants to be a 
navigator, we will train him. 

But if he wants to be a statesman, if he wants to maintain stable 
government, if he wants to set up democratic processes, we say, "You 
can go to college someplace. We can get you a scholarship. Go to 
Harvard," or some other school. And it helps him and it is good, but 
he doesn't become expert in this field. It is a little remnant of the days 


of a long time ago when we had a sort of inter- American training con- 
cept so that young bureaucrats, civil servants from Latin American 
countries, would come up to this country and serve in the various offices 
here that they served in there, and I have addressed, and maybe you 
have addressed, some of their commencement exercises. It is good for 
them. They learn a little about the census if they are in census work 
or about agriculture if they are in agriculture. They don't have any 
place to go to learn about the existing menace. 

We have been trying to do the impossible. We have been trying to 
win with amateurs against people who have been carefully trained. 
Citizens of non-Communist countries who would like to benefit by 
appropriate training simply cannot find any place in the world an in- 
stitution to which they can go. 

May I conclude by saying I honestly believe this is the most im- 
portant legislation this committee or this Congress has ever had. 
Its passage, I believe, would benefit freedom and promote permanent 
peace more than any one thing that Congress could enact. I ask 
permission, if I may have it, Mr. Chairman, to include at the end 
of my remarks three recent statements I have made on the floor of 
the Senate about the Freedom Academy.^ 

Mr. IcHORD, Without objection permission will be granted and. 
Senator Mundt, I want to take this opportunity to thank you for your 
very valuable contributions to the record on these bills. I would state 
to you that it is the intention of the committee to conclude the hear- 
ings next week and we will definitely take action on this legislation 
and make a final disposition of the same. 

You have talked considerably about the South Vietnam problem, 
and today we are concerned about the escalation of what is going ion 
now in South Vietnam into a full-scale military war. 

I sometimes think we have forgotten that over the years the problem 
in South Vietnam has escalated from the nonmilitary field into the 
present situation. 

Senator Mundt. It is a most perceptive observation and absolutely 

Mr. IcHORD. On February 24, 1965, we had a discussion on the 
South Vietnam situation, led by Mr. Gallagher, a gentleman from 
New Jersey, a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ; and the 
gentleman from Florida, Mr. Fascell, also a member of the Foreign 
Affairs Committee, made a very interesting obsei*vation which I 
would like to read into the record at this time, and I quote : 

The Vietnam and Cuban problem emphasizes the continuing difficulty that 
the United States and the free world have in dealing with a new concept of 
international politics which has been evidenced by the Communist world. We 
no longer have fixed lines in the old military sense. That went out many years 
ago. We no longer have a direct or overt crossing of a boundary line by a 
recognizable armed force. We no longer have a clear-cut definition of what 
is armed, overt, or plain aggression. This requires us on the free world 
side to maintain more than military flexibility. A standard, flexible, or new 
military response appears to be insuflScient to a problem like the one we are 
facing in Vietnam, despite the fact that we are committed to a military response 
and may have to respond in even a greater degree. But we have not solved 
the basic problem of how to deal effectively in nonmilitary terms with what 
is commonly called subversion either military, economic, or ix>litical.. 

1 See pp. 63-78. 


We are willing and should be willing to commit the necessary manpower, 
materiel, and resources to meet any military threat, but we must also look one 
step ahead and be working to obtain those solutions which will permit us to 
deal effectively with subversion without being forced into a partial or full mili- 
tary response. 

I think, Senator, that we will all agree that we are not succeeding 
in meeting effectively the subversion, the political warfare waged by 
the Communists. How do you consider the Freedom Academy will 
operate ? It will not be an operational body as such. 

Senator Mundt. No, I don't envision a university campus and a set 
of buildings or a formal situation like that. I envision instead a train- 
ing procedure, many times operating in the form of seminars under 
the general aegis of the Freedom Academy Commission and that, in 
the main, its faculty members will be recruited from knowledgeable 
people in Government, some from outside of Government. I suspect 
they will have to have some chancellor or chairman or president to sort 
of direct the operations, but a fairly good analogy is the way the 
War College operates. 

It doesn't have a campus. It doesn't have a football team. It 
doesn't have a college yell. This is a place where people go to get 
the kind of training they need. I envision that as far as the training 
procedure. The research business will have to be done by experts. 
It will have to have a library to which people can go to undertake 
certain assignments. 

There is a young man who is going to be assigned to the Congo, let's 
say, by General Motors or by Coca-Cola. For his career and to be- 
come just as expert as he can in this problem, he is going to attend 
a class with Congolese background, but under knowledgeable direc- 
tion. He will be given this whole understanding so before he goes 
he will know first of all, and I think this is paramount, exactly what 
the Communists are doing there to try to undermine us and how they 
operate and to what what impulses and motivations and aspirations 
they appeal when they go to their Congolese hosts, everything tliat they 
do. And they would not I believe, Mr. Clawson, engage in counter- 
espionage, but they would engage in countercontacts against these 
operations, trying to offset them. That would be part of the job, to try 
to defeat this thrust that the Communists are making in their cultural 
and propaganda and economic activities, and also to get on the offen- 
sive, to do things which, if they succeed, will be highly embarrjissing 
to the Communists, which will show vheir system up for the failure 
that it is. 

They become experts trained over here, as I say, in seminars and 
private tutelage, research, by bringing to bear in that particular case 
the best genius and ability that we have. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Academy would also not be a policymaking body. 

Senator Mundt. It would not. We strictly say the State Depart- 
ment is that body. 

Mr. IciioRD. It might throw suggestions of policy to the Department. 

Senator Mundt. There might be suggestions, but not the machinery 
for implementing our policies. I don't believe really that our failures 
abroad have come because our policies are bad. I think our policies 
generally are pretty good. 

I think our failures have come l)ecause, to be frank, tlie State Depart- 
ment has not made the effort to use the techniques available today to 


meet the problems which confront them. They are somehow or other 
sealed in the 19th century concepts of diplomacy, which used to work 
all right, but they just haven't grown up to the new challenge. 

As I said to the Secretary of State before the Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee about 3 months ago — 21^ months ago maybe — "Dean, we are 
all trying to do the same thing here, but you have a fearful respon- 
sibility. If this thing fails now and this triggers off a great atomic 
war, the State Department is going to be cursed by people the rest of 
their lives, because they haven't even developed the machinery to try 
to develop the stable civilian central government, which you say is in- 
dispensable to military success." 

And maybe it wouldn't work, but we have been in this thing for 5 
years. Suppose we tried 5 years ago and brought in 500 South Viet- 
namese civilians, servants, in government each year. We would now 
have 2,500 people who were trained to understand the discipline of 
democracy rather than the compulsions of communism, who would 
understand that the function of a bureaucrat or a civil servant in the 
central government of Saigon is to be loyal to his country and to work 
with whoever is in control of his government, not to try to figure out 
some way to upset the fellow and put somebody else in and keep con- 
stant turmoil going. A public office is a public trust, not a license to 
steal, not a position from which you can promote your own personal or 
political or private fortunes, but a place to develop these concepts of 
service, patriotism, that public servants have in our country. 

Mr. IcHORD. Senator Mundt, the Academy will be both teaching, 
training, and also conducting research. 

Senator Mtindt. That is right. 

Mr. IcHORD. New means and methods of fighting successfully cold 

Senator Mundt. The chairman has stated it exactly correct. 

Mr. Ichord. Then what do you think would be the most important 
contribution that the Academy could make ? 

Senator Mundt. It is hard to evaluate them on a priority basis, 
Mr. Chairman, be<'ause we are dealing in a field which has been so com- 
pletely neglected. I honestly believe if we were just going to do one 
single thing this would be a colossal mistake. I think it would be 
perpetuating the failures of the past, but I think the greatest glaring 
weakness on the whole free side of the world is the fact that a young 
Filipino or Vietnamese or Congolese, a young or old civil servant 
abroad, newly involved with all the responsibilities of running a demo- 
cratic state of some kind or another adapted to his climate just hasn't 
any place in the world he can go to learn to run the machinery of free- 
dom. He can learn to be a preacher or a doctor or a dentist or an 
agrarian, but no matter how deep his dream or how high his hopes, 
there is no place he can go and learn precisely what you have to do to 
operate the machinery for freedom in the world in which Communists 
continue to try to encroach upon you and undermine you. 

So I think I would have to place that at the top, but I would hate 
to put it on a priority basis. You can build, I think, equally strong 
arguments of the other aspects of the Freedom Academy complex. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Pool. 

Mr. Pool. Senator, I came in late and I don't know whether you 
covered this or not, but Averell Harriman in testifying before this 


committee last year brought up one objection to the Freedom Academy 
in which he said that it would be Federal control of education. I 
would like to hear your comments on that. 

Senator Mundt. Yes. That same point was made in our Senate 
hearings. Personally, I can't see any basis for that. In the first 
place you start out here, talking now about the first two sectors, for 
Americans, private or public figures, you are dealing with people who 
have been pretty well educated. Most of them are college graduates, 
I hope, before the State Department brings them on board. They 
have their academic training. They have been through high school, 
grade school, and they have been through college. This is teaching 
them in techniques, and they come under a certain control of Federal 
discipline. Congressman, the minute they take the oath of office as a 
Foreign Service officer. 

Their job is to carry out the policy of the President, and the State 
Department and the Congress, All we are adding to that is, here are 
the tools with which you can move on it. 

As far as bringing in the foreigners are concerned, they raised the 
objection, "Well, this might be considered some kind of propaganda." 
Well, so be it. I guess in a world in which the forces oi propaganda 
are arrayed, imless we do something to propagandize our cause we are 
not going to win it. 

They are doing plenty to propagandize theirs. We take people who 
want to come over. We don't go out and recruit them or solicit them 
or sign them up because they are good football players or boomerang 
throwers or something else. They come over because they want to 
learn about our way of life, and "Here it is. Chum. You can take it 
or leave it. This is it," and give them an opportunity. I don't think 
it is serious reason for people to vote against the Freedom Academy 

Mr. Pool. You can draw an analogy also between the service acad- 
emies. You can say that is Federal control of education, but it is a 
necessary thing that we have defense and this is part of our defense. 

Senator Mundt. You make a very good analogy there, and there 
is even more danger, if you are worrying about Federal control there, 
because they are teaching at the college level. We are at least get- 
ting people who have gotten out of the college and have gone to the 
college of their choice. 

Mr. IcHORD. Would the gentleman yield at this point ? 

This year. Senator Mundt, the State Department made this state- 
ment in opposition to the bill, and I read : 

Expertise and operational experience are as important in ttie formulation of 
policy as they are in its execution. For this reason, the Department seriously 
questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in- 
finitely complex problem of U.S. foreign affairs can be developed by a new, 
separate Government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities. 

The Department seems to be saying that before you can possibly 
formulate any policy you have to be in the operating field. I don't 
quite understand the point the Department is making there. It would 
appear to me that the Department would have the point of view that 
the colleges today which are conducting research for the Federal Gov- 
ernment and also for business are not capable of conducting research 
into business, into governmental operations, because they are not in 
the operating field. 


Senator Mundt, I am glad the chairman prefaced his statement 
by saying, "It would appear to me," because it is a statement which is 
certainly subject to a lot of interpretations. It is not very clear-cut 
It is written by a fellow who is accustomed to discussing some diplo- 
matic blunder overseas and who can say it in language you can read 
any way, certainly not a very succinct or concise statement. 

Mr. IcHORD. Perhaps the State Department doesn't understand 
the true concept of the Academy. It is not an operational body. 

Senator Mundt. Right. It appears to me they are simply saying 
something which isn't the fact. We are not ti-ying to develop the poli- 
cymakers at the top level. We are trying to develop the operational 
people to carry out the policies. I suspect the State Department, 
which is criticized for lots of things, thinks we are trying to criticize 
the policy. It isn't that at all. The policies, we have to believe, made 
by Americans are generally going to be good. 

Mr. IcHORD. Of course, the Department may feel that the Academy 
will intrude into their traditional area of responsibility and authority. 

Senator Mundt. True, and it is going to expand the circle of ex- 
perts and maybe some of these operational people will grow up to be 
policy people some time, and I think that might be good for the 

Mr. IcHORD. That certainly wouldn't be operating within the State 
Department field. 

Senator Mundt. Not at all, no. 

Mr. IcHORD. Go ahead, Mr. Pool. 

Mr. Pool. I have one other question which I asked yesterday. This 
witness last fall from the Army was testifying about Vietnam. He 
was telling about the regional offices of the Viet Cong and where they 
sent out terroristic gangs to go into these villages and if they didn't 
agree with them they murdered the mayor or the leader, and he recited 
many things that the American j)eople would not countenance. It 
would be against our morals to do things that they do. I don't believe 
that we can just give up and say, "Well we can't operate that way." 

I think that a Freedom Academy could do research and find methods 
to combat that type of activity, and I would like to hear your com- 
ment on that. I am sure you have thought about that. 

Senator Mundt. Yes. I am glad you mentioned the village anal- 
ysis, because we were discussing with Maxwell Taylor and some of the 
other people from the military and the State Department over at the 
Foreign Relations Committee one day what our general approach 
was to this problem of the underground operation down in the Me- 
kong Delta. And they mentioned they have built a large part of it 
on the village concept, which you discussed, that you develop a little 
village government. Tliey develop a compound. Tlie peasants work 
in the daytime and come back at night. They have an orderly system 
of government, but they have been unable to develop methods for 
screening out the subversive elements that creep in. They haven't 
been able to develop an adequate police force to protect them at night 
and they do get dovni through the compound and murder the village 
chief and parade through the village with his head on the end of a 
stick, and that discourages somebody else from running for mayor. 


So I raised the perfectly innocent question, "How do you train these 
mayors ? AMiere do you get them ? How do you train these municipal 

You would think I asked them a question in Chinese. They never 
heard of such a thing, the idea that you are going to have some place 
to train them, another look at places you can send them in this country 
to train. You could send them to a municipality to train them and, if 
you had it systematized as you would under this Freedom Academy 
concept, you would at least let him know "If you are going to be a good 
mayor you have to have a police department." You experts in this 
field of subversion in our coimtry have staff members, and you yourself 
are competent to say some of the things they have to do to be alert to 
the subversive elements from the Communist Party who are going to 
try to weasel their way in. 

Actually I think it is a cruel thing to say, but we haven't made an 
intelligent try at winning the conflict in Vietnam with peaceful meth- 
ods. I have no particular criticism of the military methods. This is 
a tight spot they are in. But I shed crocodile tears that we have wasted 
years and we haven't been training these village chiefs and these 
mayors and these civil servants. 

Mr. Pool. And we are getting into the basics when we think of those 
problems. We have to have a way to do it, and this Freedom Academy, 
the way I envisage the Freedom Academy, would have a curriculum 
to work on that problem and also to find out whom they are going to 
train and how they are going to train them. 

I am sure there is an answer to any type activity on the Communist 
side if we just work at it and do research and have experts in the field 
to work at it, and we don't have any schools in the United States doing 
that at the present time. 

Senator MuNDT, This is right. 

Mr. Pool. As you said a while ago, it is a bunch of amateurs and 
we can't win with amateurs. 

Senator Mundt. You are absolutely right. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Pool, the Senator made a very interesting observa- 
tion before you came in about the tear gas situation in South Vietnam. 
I, like the Senator, was completely astounded at some of the people 
in the United States speaking out against the use of tear gas, as I un- 
derstand to be the case, not by the United States, but by the South 
Vietnamese themselves, who when they are out pursuing an enemy, the 
Viet Cong, and go into a village, rather than going into the village and 
bombing the entire village and perhaps killing all of the innocent 
villagers, they go out and subject them to tear gas or nauseating gas, 
whatever you call it, and they are able to take the Viet Cong in a more 
humane way and save lives. 

Senator Mundt. In that connection, Mr. Chairman. I had an inter- 
esting letter just the other day from a dear friend of mine back home, 
a minister of the Gospel, just giving the administration the devil and 
castigating it from one end to the other for even using the barbaric 
weapon called gas, so I wrote him. I said, "Look, as a Republican I 
don't like to spend too much time every day justifying the acts of the 
administration, but let me ask you the question. Suppose you had been 


the target. Would you rather have been gassed with tear gas and be 
feeling all right a few hours later, or hit in the back with a bullet 
or hit on the head with a club ?" 

Well, he thought it over pretty carefully and he said, "I guess maybe 
the administration wasn't so wrong on that." 

The publicity was bad. 

Mr. IcHORD. I was talking to an enlisted member of our Armed 
Forces the other day who was also astonished at the reffbtion in this 
country. He merely pointed out in his training he and many of the 
boys were subjected to tear gas by being placed in a building where tear 
gas, a nauseating gas, was exploded, and usually about 50 percent of 
the boys before they got their gas masks on were overcome by the gas, 
particularly if they didn't know how to get the gas masks on effectively. 

Does the gentleman from California have any questions ? 

Mr. Clawson. Just one or two: Senator, you provoked a number 
of questions in my mind over the establishment of the Freedom Acad- 
emy and our activity in this direction in order to win the global struggle 
which you have described, and you have indicated to win is necessary. 

May I ask one very simple question ? Do you think peaceful coex- 
istence with communism is possible ? 

Senator Mundt. Yes, because the alternative is global atomic war, 
and I would hate to get into that pessimistic camp, so I think it is pos- 
sible and I think it is possible to win. 

All of us believe our system is infinitely better. Our selling tech- 
niques are not as good. Our methods of winning the people are not as 
good. It is more difficult to translate the aspirations of free men into 
the minds of aborigines than it is the immediate rewards of commu- 
nism, but it is not impossible. What brought all our ancestors to this 
country in the first place as immigrants? It was this American dream 
that we just have to take over and sell to them and make it possible for 
them to do. 

Mr. IcHORD. I take it the Senator is not so hopeful that the Com- 
munists will change in, and of, or by themselves. 

Senator Mundt. No, I certainly do not. I think we have to set them 
back, and with all our fumbling, we see evidences that they are lagging 
behind in consumer goods over there in meeting the needs of their own 
people. They are finding it more and more difficult to keep their satel- 
lites in line. With a little intelligence muscle applied, I thmk we could 
have won this thing in the last 17 years and not spent as much money 
as we have. 

Mr. Clawson. I am not nearly as optimistic as you apparently seem 
to be, looking at Christianity in the past 2,000 years and the ability, 
in a peaceful way, to sell what we believe is right. We have had dedi- 
cated evangelistic type of people who are selling. 

You indicated a period of possibly 5 years experimenting with this. 

Senator Mundt. About what ? 

Mr. Clawson. Five years. 

Senator Mundt. No; I said 5 years in Vietnam. We have lost 5 
years of opportunity. 

Mr. Clawson. I misunderstood. 

47-093 O— 6E 


Senator Mundt. No; I don't think we are going to have peaceful 
coexistence with Communists and defeat them in 5 years. 

Mr. Clawson. No major inroads are going to be made within the 
period of 5 years. I am afraid what you are talking about is a total 
global struggle. 

Mr. Pool. It could very easily be a hundred years. 

Senator Mundt. Very much. 

Mr. Clawson. This is a long-term program. The State Depart- 
ment has indicated in correspondence that I have had with them, and 
this hasn't been verified, that they are now doing many of the things 
that you are talking about with respect to the Freedom Academy in 
connection with foreign assignments — their economics, society, their 
geography, their culture, their language. 

All of these things are being taught, so to speak, before they are ever 
assigned to a country. 

Senator Mundt. They are pecking away at it. They are not making 
any experts. They are giving a very short period of time in the Com- 
munist techniques. We are talking here now not just about taking 
these American officials who go overseas, whose job it is to represent 
us, and giving them a quickie course in these things of 30 days or so. 
We should take the time. It may be 6 months ; it may be 9 months ; 
it may be a year ; it may be longer, depending upon the complications 
involved, but making them experts in this field. 

Mr. Clawson. What guarantees would we have that we would be 
more successful ? Would tests be given and this sort of thing? Some 
of our training today is certainly in capsule form and it is thrown at 
them in doses that years ago would have been considered perhaps 
totally impossible to be absorbed by the people who are taking these 

Senator Mundt. This is right. They would be screened out. They 
would be tested. This is the seminar or academy concept, that you 
train people and explore how successful we have been. 

Mr. Clawson. This could have been in the existing program ? 

Senator Mundt. There isn't any such existing program. There is 
no place for the foreign national to come, no place for anybody in the 
private sector to come, no place where they have done the research 
in the place to get the raw material with which to teach, having for 
them the kind of experts, advocates, and tutors required to do the kind 
of job we are thinking about. It isn't here. 

First, you have to have, as in any school, a teacher and a background 
and a textbook and the research and the know-how and then the ability 
to impart it to the people who need to absorb it. The Foreign Service 
Institute, you say, now does a good job of teaching them the language, 
does a good job of teaching them the economics of the situation, the 
population statistics, the kind of seasons that tliey have, does a good 
job on how to try to maintain security for your records and how you 
transport the innumerable cables that go back and forth, but it doesn't 
even get into tliis thing in the depth required and the deptli achieved 
by their Communist adversaries. We are forced by the kind of com- 
petition we meet over there to use professionals, in my opinion, to win. 

Mr. Ichord. In that respect, if the gentleman will yield, last year 


we had the State Department testifying on these bills, and the Senator 
has made a statement in reference to the Foreign Service Institute. 
Of course, we don't have a complete record as to what the State De- 
partment is doing in this field — and I might point out that much of it 
would, of course, be classified and certainly wouldn't be appropriate to 
have in the record — but in regard to the National Academy of Foreign 
Affairs, I got the idea 

Senator Mundt. You mean for foreign nationals ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The National Academy of Foreign Affairs recom- 
mended by the State Department. 

Senator Mundt. Yes, I see. 

Mr. IcHORD. I got the idea that the State Department in that bill 
had borrowed many of the concepts set forth in this Freedom Academy 
legislation. They did make it possible to train private citizens, for 
example. I know they don't contemplate doing it on as large a scale as 
contemplated by these bills. 

Senator Mundt. This is correct. After their first testimony in op- 
position to that as their bill has evolved, as ours has, they have brought 
some of that in, and I am not a stickler, whether you call it an Academy 
of Foreign Affairs or a Freedom Academy. The Foreign Service 
Institute which they now operate isn't doing the job and the commis- 
sion they appointed to collect the orchids to pin on the breasts of the 
State Department came back with brickbats and catcalls. The Per- 
kins commission jarred it, and then they began to move in this 

Mr. IcHORD. I would like to ask the Senator how you envisage the 
information center operating. There has been some question about 
the advisability of such a center being established. 

Senator Mundt. Yes. This would operate much along the same line 
that the Voice of America information service and the U.S. Informa- 
tion Service, and that means that they limit what they provide to the 
needs of the people who are qualified to function and to operate the 
activities of the Government. It is not a propaganda instrumen- 
tality to be turned internally upon the schools. It provides the facts, 
which are documented without any propaganda, and it does it primari- 
ly to train the people who are going to utilize it. It could be made 
available to a college professor who wants to come and learn it if he is 
going to be stuck with the job he has in Florida of teaching com- 
munism or a higli school professor, but not in the sense of propaganda 
at all. 

Mr. Clawson. I have just one more question in that connection. 
This is the first of these hearings that I have been in on, and I am in- 
terested in this legislation. 

I certainly appreciate your testimony and I think it lays a good 
foundation for me and I am sure it is beneficial to the committee. 
Since you have indicated that junior executives of American corpora- 
tions going into foreign lands might be involved in this program, and 
certainly our own foreign diplomatic corps and our State Department 
personnel, would you seek to have a compulsory program under the 
Freedom Academy ? 

Senator Mundt. For the private sector ? 


Mr. Clawson. Or for either sector. 

Senator Mundt. Not for the private sector. 

Mr. Clawson. Not for the private sector, at all ? 

Senator Mundt. That is purely voluntary. They would operate as 

Mr. Clawson. You think you would get a lot of response ? 

Senator Mundt. A lot of these ambassadors are not operating on a 
team basis. Some of them would bring in some of the people for dis- 
cussions to see what they could contribute, but that is all voluntary and 
just a labor of good love for the country and to preserve the private 
concept, ownersliip concept, in the country so they can continue to 

For the fellow who is going to serve as a member of the foreign 
policy establishment, diplomatic establishment overeeas, if he is, for 
example, the agricultural attache or the commercial attache, or the 
military attache or the second secretary or the first secretary or any 
important job over there, yes, sir, compulsory. Perhaps the Ambassa- 
dor too should take it if it is in a small country and he is an inexperi- 
enced Ambassador. I don't mean for the girl who is doing the typing 
necessarily, although I would give her 30 days or so because we have 
a lot of girls over there and young people who are doing things unin- 
tentionally which are, to use a State Department expression, "counter- 

Mr. Clawson. I think we have had some experience in that line. 

Mr. IcHORD. I thank the gentleman from California. There will 
be no further questions. Thank you very much. Senator, for your 
very penetrating analysis. 

Senator Mundt. Thank you. Thank you for your very penetrating 
questions, and we have great hopes for this committee to get something 

(The statements submitted by Mr. Mundt and referred to on p. 53 




(p. 4059) 


Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, it is my 
intention to address the Senate briefly 
each week in order to emphasize our 
need for legislation patterned after oxir 
Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232). I 
intend to present timely evidence sup- 
porting the contention behind the bill 
that we are yielding ground which we 
need not yield in our efforts to stem the 
expansion of aggressive commvmism. 

To the many observers who support 
the Freedom Academy concept, this at- 
titude that we are not so successful as 
we might be has required no argumen- 
tative support; and, naively perhaps, we 
have thought we needed no considerable 
evidential suppK)rt in contending that 
our side of the world is not prepared to 
fight in the specific arena where the 
battle between Communist aggressors 
and their victims is being fought. 

This arena is essentially the nonmili- 
tary or only quasi-military arena. We 
Americans, who exhibit pride in our his- 
toric guerrilla-type warfare capabilities 
which we defmonstrated so effectively 
during the French and Indian War, our 
American Revolution, and the conquest 
of the West, inherit from our ancestors 
a contempt for militarists like Braddock 
who refused to recognize the impotence 
of continental-type enemies against 
backwoods guerrilla bands, now find 
ourselves the ones who send million dol- 
lar jet aircraft armed with thousand- 
pound bombs against an ephemeral 
enemy whose operational capacities are 
so adroit that he may well not be there 
when the bomb arrives. 

But the guerrilla game has gained 
sophistication, too, since we left it. Its 
political side is far more thorough now. 
Psychological warfare is mounted 
against a people by their enemies from 
within to soften their resistance to the 
more tangible guerrilla or quasi-military 
operation conducted in conjunction with 
it at the later stages of attack. 

And we seem to stand by, wringing 
our hands, wondering what is going on 
as we see the will to resist among an 
ally's people wafting away like so much 

The L. L. Sulzberger colimin in Wed- 
nesday's New York Times testifies to 
our need for the Freedom Academy. 
Listen to some poignant observations 
from this gifted observer of foreign 

American defense plans during the past 
decade have carefully and expensively pre- 
pared to fight the only kind of war we are 
least likely to face. And we have not in 
any major sense prepared to fight the kind 
of war both Russia and China surely intend 
to press. 

* * * Moscow endorsed peaceful coexist- 
ence* * * always reserved one vital area 
* * * to supF>ort wherever possible "wars 
of liberation." 

* • * The modern elaboration of guerrilla 
techniques called "revoliintionary warfare" 
h^ t he Oommvmist s does not depend on 
heavy" weapons or atomic arsenals. It de- 
pends upon simultaneous organization of 

"partisan units and civilian administrators 
who seek to rot a selected coimtry from 
within like fungus inside am apparently 
healthy tree. 

* * * Even today, when we have growing 
si>ecial service counterguerrilla units, some 
with kindergarten training in revolutionary 
warfare, we are absymally behind. 

* * * we have nothing capable of off- 
setting what revolutionary warfare calls 
"parallel hierarchies" • * — the secret politi- 
cal apparatus that iindermines morale and 
softens up the popvilation. 

* * * while we are engaged In blue- 
printing superplanes and superrockets, we 
risk losing the world to gvierriUas. 

* * * The quintessential problem is how 
to defeat revolutionary warfare * * ' • . 

Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the 
relatively less aggressive Rvissians are com- 
mitted to sponsor "wars of liberation." 
Despite this glaring truth, both in weapons 
and in training we are basically prepared 
alone for the war our adversaires don't 
Intend to start. 

Those, Mr. President, are Sulzberger's 
words. I ask unanimous consent that 
his article "Foreign Affairs: One Klind 
of War We Can't Fight" from the New 
York Times of March 3, 1965, be printed 
in the Record. 

There being no objection, the article 
was ordered to be printed in the Record, 
as follows : 

[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, 
Mar. 3, 1965] 
Foreign Affairs : One BIind of War We Can't 
(By C. L. Sulzberger) 
Paris. — Some wars become associated with 
the names of individuals, and thus we have 
the Napoleonic Wars, the Black Hawk War 
and the War of Jenkins' Ear. There have 
been those who have sought to label the 
Vietnamese campaign "McNamara's war," 
after the U.S. Secretary of Defense and, poli- 
tics aside, this is not wholly unjust. 




(p. 4059) 


For Secretary McNamara has clearly had 
more influence in our evolving Vietnam pol- 
icy than his senior colleague, Secretary Rusk. 
McNamara has been a familiar Saigon visitor; 
his former military right hand, General Tay- 
lor, is now Ambasador there; and United 
States-Indochina strategy is more heavilj 
marked by the Pentagon than by the State 

American defense plans dviring the past 
decade have carefully and expensively pre- 
pared to fight the only kind of war we are 
least likely to face. And we have not in any 
major sense prepared to fight the kind of 
war both Russia and China surely intend to 

When post-Stalinist Moscow endorsed 
peaceful coexistence it always reserved one 
vital area. It openly promised to support, 
wherever possible, what it calls "wars of lib- 
eration." Khrushchev tried to play a trick 
on us in Cuba, but he had to back down be- 
cause he was patently not engaged in a lib- 
eration war — only in directly threatening our 
vital interests. Our strategy was prepared 
for such a showdown. 

However, when the Communists stick to 
their own rules they have a demonstrated ad- 
vantage. The modern elaboration of guer- 
rilla techniques called "revolutionary war- 
fare" by the Commiuiists does not depend on 
heavy weapons, or atomic arsenals. It de- 
pends upon simultaneoiis organization of 
partisan units and civilian administrators 
who seek to rot a selected country from 
within like fungus inside an apparently 
healthy tree. 

For years we refused to face the fact that, 
equlppxed as we were for holocaust, we had 
neither the trained manpower nor the polit- 
ical apparatus to fight revolutionary war- 
fare. To some degree, under both President 
Kennedy and the brilliant McNamara, this 
was rectified — ^taut only in part. Even today, 
when we have growing special service 
counterguerrilla units, some with kinder- 
garten training in revolutionary warfare, we 
are abysmally behind. 

It is expensive and ineffectual to blow up 
jiuigle acreage or fill it with paratroopers in 
search of vanishing guerrillas. And we have 
nothing capable of offsetting what revolu- 
tionary warfare calls parallel hierarchies 
(know in Vietnam as Dlch-Van) the secret 
political apparatus that undermines morale 
and softens up the population. 


U.S. strategy tends to shift according to 
availability of weapons systems. It has 

moved from massive retaliation to flexible 
response and from land bases to seaborne 
armadas. But, while we are engaged in blue- 
printing superplanes and superrockets, we 
risk losing the world to guerrillas. 

Vietnam is McNamara's war because, in 
fighting it, we have overstressed the mili- 
tary and ignored the political aspect. We 
have, furthermore, been preoccupied with 
selling an American way of life and political 
philosophy unsuited to the people we would 


The heart of the crisis is not truly in Viet- 
nam. The quintessential problem is how to 
defeat revolutionary warfare. Elsewhere in 
Asia and Africa we will continue to face the 
threat of this technique no matter what hap- 
pens to the Vietnamese. That is inescapable. 

Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the 
relatively less aggressive Russians are com- 
mitted to sponsor wars of liberation. Despite 
this glaring truth, both in weapons and In 
training, we are basically prepared alone for 
the war our adversaries don't intend to start. 

Mr. MUNDT. A nucleus proposal of 
the Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232) 
which I introduced in this session of the 
Senate together with the following 
sponsors: Senators Case, Dodd, Douglas, 
Pong, Hickenlooper, Lausche, Miller, 
Prouty, Proxmire, Scott, and Smathers, 
is that the U.S. Government should di- 
rect priority attention to providing ade- 
quate training for our own people and 
for our allies' people in this crucial area 
of nonmilitary -psychological warfare 

We propose to prepare our people who 
face this test in the field to recognize 
nonmilitary aggression for what it Is in 
all its variable forms. We propose to en- 
able them to adopt appropriate counter- 
techniques aiid counterstrategies against 
such aggression. 

Maintaining that otu- people should be 
so prepared is not tantamount to urging 
our adoption of Communist tactics. But 
we can better meet this challenge if we 
know what the challenge is all about and 
have in hand a complete understanding 
of the most effective and appropriate 
methods which we can employ for ad- 
vancing freedoms cause. 




March 11, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) 


Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, last 
week I spoke of the need to enact some- 
thing like the Freedom Academy bill so 
that our people working in foreign 
relations might be better prepared to 
.understand techniques of nonmilitary 
aggression in its incipient stages when 
appropriate counteraction would more 
effectively enervate the aggressors, more 
effectively isolate them from potential 

Today I would like to consider briefly 
another function proposed for the Free- 
dom Academy, intensive training of for- 
eign nationals. We would bring serv- 
ants of friendly governments to this 
country, persons asking for the training, 
and teach them how Communists and 
other practitioners of nonmilitary ag- 
gression undercut independent govern- 
ments which they have targeted for de- 

The sponsors of the Freedom Academy 
bill, Messrs. Case, Dodd, Douglas, Fong, 


Proxmire, Scott, Smathers, and newly 
joining us, Murphy, besides myself, a 
group broadly representative of the whole 
Senate, do not intend that such train- 
ing for foreign nationals be limited to 
government employees only. We would 
include others — journalists, perhaps, or 
educators, civic leaders, people upon 
whom a friendly, nontotalitarian na- 1 
tion must depend for the insightful and i 
wise leadership which is requisite for a ' 
nation to retain its independence in this 
new day of calculated disrespect for na- 
tional sovereignty clothed in terms of 
sanctimonious honor for self-determina- 

The Freedom Academy bill proposes 
intensive research into the methods of 
nonmilitary aggression, into methods of 
psychological warfare and all which goes 
with that, and concurrent training to 
disseminate findings, knowledge, and 
awareness — sophistication — accvunu- 
lating from this research. 

The free world needs such an institu- 
tion. Let me read a letter symptomatic 
of the need. Addressed to a respected 
Washington journalist, whom I will not 
identify, the letter is signed by a foreign 
citizen who is studying in this country. 
I will not identify the nationality of 
the writer, respecting his request. 

The letter is dated February 15, 1965. 

It goes: 

Dear Mr. 

I was very much Im- 

pressed by your (recently published article) 

Even though I could not wholly agree with 
what you say, I do realize that the most 
efifective way to fight communism is using 
their own methods. 

Here I interject to say that the Free- 
dom Academy biU does not propose to 
mimic Communist violence. We propose 
to study Communist methods to under- 
stand them and to arm the people upon 
whom we depend for defense with im- 
"derstanding to better prepare them to 
cope with the challenge we face. 

Returning to the letter: 

It is the future of my country * * * that 
compels me to write this letter. What is 
going to happen if ♦ * * [the political 
leader] is dead? I assume then the Com- 
munists will make a break to get in power. 
Who is going to sU)p them? Or will it be 
another Korea or Vietnam? I believe we, 
who still believe in freedom, have to pre- 
vent * * * [his country] from falling into 
Conununist hands. 

Unfortunately, we do not know and do 
not have the means how to fight the Com- 

I have written to the American Institute 
for Free Labor Development, but that organ- 
ization is for Latin America only. 

Could you please tell me how I can join 
the Freedom Academy? 

I am a medical fellow in this country and 
I want to return to my country not only 
with the medical knowledge, but also how 
to fight communism. 

This opinion of mine is shared by many 
of us who study in yoxir country. 

I thank you beforehand and God bless you. 

The journalist attached this note: 
Senator Mtjndt, now what can we do with 
a letter like this? 

Right now my journalist friend can do 
nothing with the letter except write more 
articles. And about all I can do is talk 
to the Senate. Our Government affords 
remarkably little in the way of political 
training for this man. Probably at least 
part of the cost for his medical train- 
ing is borne by our Government, but we 
refuse to recognize his coexistent need 
for realistic political education. 

This week's press supplies further cur- 
rent evidence that the need I am dis- 
cussing is real. It exists. It is not a 
bogey in the mind of professional anti- 
Communists. It is as real as anything in 
the political sphere. 


March 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) 

The Lloyd Gaxrison story in the New 
York Times of March 9, datelined Braz- 
zaville, the Congo Republic — across the 
river from Leopoldville in the Republic 
of the Congo — is fully pertinent. 

Garrison writes: 

The youths came in about 20 minutes after 
midnight. They wore khaki shorts and Chi- 
nese peaked caps with a red star on a black 
shield. [They were] • * • recognized • * • 
as members of the Jeunesse, the militant 
arm of the National Revolutionary Move- 
ment, the sole legal party in this country, 
the former French Congo. 

One group broke down the door of the 
home of Joseph Pouabou, President of the 
Supreme Court. The youths pummeled 
(him) into submission. Then they beat 
Mrs. Pouabou and her children and dragged 
Mr. Pouabou unconsciovis to one of three 
waiting cars. 

[The] * • * scene [was] » * » repeated 
at the homes of (the) Attorney Gen- 
eral * * • and • * • [the] director of the 
Government's information agency. Both 
were found dead 2 days later • • *. Mr. 
Pouabou is * * * presumed dead. 

The killings took place the night of Feb- 
rviary 15 (the date of the letter I read 
earlier) . 

They marked the climax of a campaign to 
seize total control over the Govermnent of 
moderate Socialists. One French observer 
here described the seizure of power as "a 
classic Communist-style takeover." 

With guidance from Peiping's Etobassy 
here, the radicals at first appeared content to 
plajt a minority role In a Government that 
the moderates hoped would reflect "all 
shades of national opinion." 

But when delegates assembled to form a 
broadly based one-pvarty system, they found 
themselves outmaneuvered and outvoted. 

Conmaunists came to dominate the party's 
policymaking body, formerly known as the 
Political Bureau and as the Politburo. In 
quick succession, the Politburo decreed the 
establishment of one trade union, one youth 
group, one women's organization • * •. 

Where fear has not enforced conformity, 
money has been dispersed freely as an added 
incentive. * * *. 

Nowhere In West Africa today is the Chi- 
nese presence so dominant. According to 
one reliable French source, Peiping's coun- 
selor of the Embassy • ♦ • now sits in on all 
of the Politburo's closed-door deliberations. 

A classic Communist-style takeover. 
How much better if we could provide our 
willing and independent friends with un- 
derstanding of what constitutes a classic 
takeover, what must precede it, what the 
tactics and techniques of takeover are. 

Garrison's dispatch was continued in 
the New York Times of March 10 : 

The Chinese Communists are the dominant 
diplomatic force beyond this country's "sci- 
entific Socialist" regime. Many widely held 
assumptions about how they operate have 
proved false. 

For oen thing, they are not linguists * * *. 

There is no attempt to live simply or play 
on the image of the austere revolutionary. 
The Chinese * • * occupy big villas and 
drive chauflfered limousines * • *. 

They are never seen in the open-air dance 
halls with other diplomats, who drink the 
local beer, dance the cha cha, and mix with 
the Africans. • * * 

Africans find It impossible to strike up 
friendships with the Chinese. 

GaiTison notes, too, that China is quick 
to provide well-directed aid. For ex- 
ample, they have provided $20 million 
to set up "Chinese-run small industries." 

Excellent vehicles for further infiltra- 
tion. He concludes: 

The most Informed concensvis is that the 
Chinese will go only as far as is necessary 
to insure that the regime continues to be 
virulently anti-Western and affords them a 
secure base for subversion in the biggest 
prize of all — the former Belgian Congo, 
which lies just across the Congo River. 

Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- 
sent that these two articles by Lloyd 
Garrison, "Brazzaville: Story of a Red 
Takeover," from the New York Times of 
March 9, 1965, and "Chinese Aloof in 
Brazzaville," from the New York Times 
of March 10, 1965, be printed in full at 
this point in my remarks. 

There being no objection, the articles 
were ordered to be printed in the Record, 
as follows: 

[From the New York Times, Mar. 9, 1965] 

Brazzaville : Story of Red Takeovxb ^ 

(By Lloyd Garrison) 

5. — The youttis came about 20 minutes after 
midnight. They wore khaki shorts and Chi- 
nese peaked caps with a red star on a black 
shield. Most were armed with wooden staves 
and empty quart-size beer bottles. 

Awakened neighbors easily recognized 
them as members of the Jeunesse, the mili- 
tant arm of the national revolutionary 
movement, the sole legal party in this coun- 
try, the former PYench Congo. ♦ 

One group broke down the door of the 
home of Joseph Pouabou, president of the 
supreme court. The youths pummeled Mr. 
Pouabou into submission. Then they beat 
Mrs. Pouabou and her children and dragged 
Mr. Pouabou unconscious to one of three 
waiting cars. 

The scene was repeated at the homes of 


March 11, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) 

Attorney General Lazar Matsocota and 
Anselme Massouemi, director of the Gov- 
ernment's information agency. Both were 
foundr dead 2 days later beside the Congo 
River. Mr. Pouabou is still missing and 
presumed dead. 

The killings took place the night of Febru- 
ary 15. To experienced diplomats here they 
marked the climax of a campaign by the 
pro-Pelping African Communists to seize 
total control over the Government of mod- 
erate Socialists who outsed Abb6 Fulbert 
Youlou's corrupt and discredited regime 2 
. years ago. > 

One French observer described the seizure 
of power as "a classic Communist-style take- 

With guidance from Peiping Embassy 
here, the radicals at first appeared content 
to play a minority role in a government 
that the moderates hoped would reflect all 
shades of national opinion. 

But when delegates assembled to form a 
broadly based one-party system, they found 
thetnselves outmaneuvered and outvoted. 

Communists came to dominate the party's 
policymaking body, formerly known as the 
Political Bureau and as the Politburo. In 
quick succession, the Politbiu-o decreed the 
establishment of one trade union, one youth 
group, one women's organization. 

Only the Boy Scouts have yet to be ab- 
sorbed into the party fabric. 

Some prominent moderates, such as Paul 
Kaya, former Minister of the Economy, have 
slipped across the border into exile. Others 
have been retained in the civil service, where 
they do the goverimienfs bidding in politi- 
cal silence. 

Under threat of reprisal if they don't com- 
ply, several Congolese in private occupxations 
have been "persuaded" to fill key secotid- 
echelon posts. 

Where fear has not enforced conformity, 
money has been dispersed freely as an added 

The government still maintains a facade, 
of moderation. President Alphonse Debat, a 
mildly leftist former schoolteacher who 
holds the French Legion of Honor, occasion- 
ally balances the Communists' anti-Western 
tirades with warm references to President de 
Gaulle and French aid. 

But he and Premier Pascal Lissouba are 
powerless to initiate even the smallest deci- 
sion without the rubber-stamp approval of 
the 10-man Politburo. 

Nowhere in West Africa today is the Chi- 
nese presence so dominant. According to 
one reliable French source. Peiplng's coun- 
selor of the embassy, Col. Kan Mai, now sits 
in on all of the Politburo's closed-door 

From the New York Times, Mar. 10, 19661 
Chinese Aloop in Brazzavillb Score Big 
Sttccess despite Limited African Con- 

(By Lloyd Garrison) 

Brazzaville, Congo Republic, March 5. 

Peiplng's diplomatic style has many Western 
observers wondering why the Chinese have 
been so startlingly successful in this former 
French colony. 

The Chinese Communists are the dominant 

diplomatic force behind this country's 

scientific Socialist regime. Many widely 

held assxunptions about how they operate 

s have proved false. 

For one thing, they are not linguists, at 
least in French, for there are many hiter- 
J>reters attached to their Embassy. Neither 
the Ambassador, Chou Chiuyen, nor his 
principal aide. Col. Kan Mai, speaks French. 
In their propaganda the Chinese have 
striven to project themselves as the purest 
and most down-to-earth Marxists whose skin 
color should make them the Africans' natural 

But there is no attempt to live simply or 
play on the image of the austere revolution, 
ary. The Chinese dress in Western style, 
occupy big villas, and drive chauflFered limou- 
, They are hardly outgoing. None Indulge 
I in comradely back slapping and joke swap- 
' ping with the Africans the way the Russians 
do. They are never seen In the open-air 
dance halls with other diplomats, who drink 
the local beer, dance the cha cha,. and mix 
with the Africans. 


Unlike almost all the other diplomats, the 
Chinese employ no African servants and have 
brought their own cooks, launder esses and 
even gardeners. 

Africans find it Impossible to strike up 
friendships with the Chinese. All members 
of the staff are required to travel in pairs 
even when going for a haircut. 

Why the success of the, Chinese? 

Western officials agree on two points. 

First, they stress the fact that the radicals 
in power here had long been warmly dis- 
posed toward the Chinese. 

"Of course, the Chinese have been clever," 
one Western observer said. "But the table 
was already set for them when they arrived, 
and all they had to do was sit down and eat 
and mind their manners." 

The second point is that the Chinese work 
incredibly hard. 

From a handful, the embassy staff has 
grown nearly to 50 officials, each a specialist 
assigned to work closely with a ministry or 
organization, ranging from agricultiire to 
children's groups. 


Compared with other Communist states, 
China moved swiftly in offering aid. 



March n, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RtCORO— SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) 

First came a $5 million loan to help bal- 
ance last year's budget. Recently the gov- 
ernment has accepted a $20 million loan foi 
setting up Chinese-run small industrlefc. 
Each loan is Interest free, with 10 years' grace 
on repayment. 

The Soviet Union has offered an $8 million 
agreement for financing, at 2.5 percent in- 
terest, such long-term, prestige projects as 
a luxury hotel and a hydroelectric dam that 
the Americans turned down as economically 

What are Peiping's objectives? 

Most Western experts doubt that the Chi- 
nese want to replace the French here com- 
pletely. The Congo is a poor small country, 
and to assume the major responsibility for 
aid and budget subsidies would prove ex- 
tremely expensive. 

The most informed consensus is that the 
Chinese will go only ^ far as is necessary to 
insure that the regime continues to be viru- 
lently anti-Western and affords them a se- 
cure base for subversion in the biggest prize 
of all — the former Belgian Congo, which lies 
just across the Congo River. 

Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, tech- 
niques of takeover appear qiiite diverse. 
For example, I read from a recent United 
Press International dispatch: 

PuNo, Peru, February 26. — A report pub- 
lished here today indicated Latin American 

"volunteers" trained in Cuba are fighting on 
the Communist side in South Vietnam. 

The family of Julian Jimenez Ochoa, a 
young Peruvian who went to Cuba for guer- 
rilla training, has been notified unofflcially 
of his death in battle in Vietnam. 

The report of Jimenez's death was con- 
tained in a letter purported to come from 
other young Peruvians who were serving with 
the Reds in South Vietnam. 

One must wonder what the future 
holds for these young Latin American 
fighters for communism. They will likely 
utilize these skills in their homelands. 
Hopefully, non-Communists in Latin 
America will have timely opportunity to 
prepare themselves for confrontation 
with experienced guerrillas. 

But although techniques of takeover 
are diverse, as with all else in hiunan 
relations, there must be identifiable pat- 
terns in them. 

We should identify these patterns and 
lay them open to full comprehension. 

More important, we should make this 
knowledge available to persons who can 
use it to defend their own coimtries' 
sovereignty and, in so doing, to contri- 
bute to our own defense. 

We have here a mutual interest. 


March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in speak- 
ing on the Freedom Academy bill, 2 
weeks ago, I emphasized, ■ on page 4059 
of the Record, the need for greater 
sophistication among our own Govern- 
ment people who face Communist non- 
military aggression in the field. These 
are the persons upon whom our defense 
is structured. 

Then, last week, I discussed, on pages 
4751-4753 of the Record, the need that 
this country provide training for foreign 
nationals who want to preserve their 
own national sovereignty against non- 
military aggression by Communist or 
other expansive totalitarian powers. A 
whole new discipline of subversive tech- 
niques by the Communists is utilized, 
particularly against newly independent 
countries; and formal educational in- 
stitutions to disseminate to potential 
practitioners knowledge and familiarity 
about this discipline are now operating 
in several Communist countries, training 
people from nearly every country of the 
world in the techniques of subversion. 

The United States does very little to 
confront this challenge. Foreign na- 
tionals, upon whom rests the obligation 
to maintain their own national inde- 
pendence from Communist expansionism, 
have no place to go to acquire knowledge 
about nonmilitary, subversive techniques 
to help them know how best to resist 
this most effective method of aggression. 
Today, I shall speak briefly about a 
third major feature of the proposed Free- 
dom Academy. This is the training of 
nongovernment persons, persons from 
_the private sector, who could constitute 
■a. very potent force in defense against 
nonmilitary aggression. 

Sponsors of the Freedom Academy bill 
consider the non-Government sector of 
our heterogeneous democratic society a 
potentially valuable asset in contesting 
the Communist antagonist who must by 
definition be restricted to such homo- 
geneity in emotional and intellectual re- 
sources as to constitute his potentially 
fatal weakness. 

The Senators sponsoring this bill re- 
flect this breadth of American diversity 
which should be our great national 
strength. Senators Case, Dodd, Doug- 

Miller, Protjty, Proxmire, Scott, 
Smathers, and Murphy, besides myself, 
represent all facets of political attitude 

in this Nation, ranging from conserva- 
tive to liberal, which are within the main 
current of American political thought. 
In supporting this bill, we express our 
common view that this strength of 
American heterogeneity is not adequate- 
ly utilized in order to protect our na- 
tional interests abroad. 

From section 2(a) (8) (IV) of the Free- 
dom Academy bill, I read: 

The private sector must understand how 
it can participate in the global struggle In 
a sustained and systematic manner. • There 
exists in the private sector a huge reservoir 
of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can 
be developed and brought to bear in helping 
to solve many of our global problems. We 
have hardly begun to explore the range of 

The bill makes broad provision for 
better utilizing this talent. 

A remarkable article in a recent issue 
of Orbis, the world-afifairs journal pub- 
lished by the University of Pennsylvania, 
now adds greater substance to our pro- 
posal. The article is authored by Alex- 
ander T. Jordan, an authority on politi- 
cal communication and psychological 
warfare, who also is a commentator for 
Radio Free Europe. He entitled the ar- 
ticle "Political Communication: The 
Third Dimension of Strategy." It ap- 
pears in the fall, 1964, editon. 

The article concerns the science of 
political communication, a science in 
which our country has fallen critically 
behind ; we hardly even recognize its ex- 
istence. Powers antagonistic to our na- 
tional interests are far more knowl- 
edgeable than we. According to George 
Gallup : 

Russia is a good generation ahead of us in 
her understanding of propaganda and in 
her skill in using it. 

Another recognized authority, Murray 
Dyer, observes: 

In Russian hands the psychological in- 
strument has been used with consummate 
skill and no little success. It seems to be 
generally admitted that in our own hands 
both the skill and the success have been 
more limited. 

But the purpose of Mr. Jordan's essay 
is not simply to criticize United States 
efforts in psychological warfare. Rather, 
he plumbs the "one major aspect of the 
psychological arm of strategy, namely, 
long-range ideological conversion." 

This concerns us. We are obviously 
under attack throughout the world. Tlie 
expansionism of Communist China is 



March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

particularly aggi'essive, and the Chinese 
Communists utilize these techniques : 

Yet little is done to forge new weapons and 
develop new techniques which will give us 
a chance to win the psychological war. * * -. 
The various classifications of political com- 
munication dlflfer among themselves at least 
as much as the Strategic Air Command dif- 
fers from the Coast Guard. Each requires a 
different approach, different techniques, and 
different organizational structures. There 
is a tendency to overlook this fact and to 
demand simply more propvaganda, without 
specifying the type required. 

U.S. shortcomings lie particularly In the 
area of long-range ideological change. 

I interject that a great part of the 
Freedom Academy effort would be ex- 
pended in research directed exactly 
here — at imderstanding international 
and intercultural political communica- 
tion. The first of the principal functions 
assigned to the Freedom Commission by 
this bill is: 

1. To conduct research designed to im- 
prove the methods and means by which the 
United States seeks its national objectives 
In the nonmilitary part of the global struggle. 
This should include improvement of the 
present methods and means and explora- 
tion of the full range of additional methods 
and means that may be available to us In 
both the Goverrunent and private sectors. 

Mr. Jordan identifies what he considers 
our outstanding need: 

What is needed is an organic system of 
political communication. • • • By organic, as 
opposed to inert, we mean a system in which 
the operating methods and even the orga- 
nizational structure are determined by the 
ideas to be propagated. 

The organic approach would begin with the 
selection of ideas. The next step would be 
to find people who believe these ideas firmly 
enough to impart their conviction to others. 

People who believe in the values we try 
to propagate. Are there people who 
really believe in American values? — 

Some object that "convinced political com- 
municators" will be hard to find; if that_is 
true, then it would seem that American Ideas 
are hardly worth propagating abroad and we 
face eventual defeat on the Ideological level. 

There are many such people among 
us; but government officials do not make 
good communicators of this kind. The 
reasons are obvious. Because of their 
very association with government, offi- 
cials cannot effectively propagate a po- 
litical philosophy among a people alien 
to it: 

The model for successful political com- 
munication is to be found • • • in the 

patient labors and intense convictions of 
missionaries of religious and political faiths — 
from St. Paul to Lenin. An organization 
dedicated to spreading its ideas among others 
should start with a group of passionate be- 

Mr. Jordan emphasizes : 

The most lu-gent need *-* • is to utilize 
the spiritual energy of such people, while 
guiding and assisting them in accordance 
with national policy. 

A basic principle, which he identifies, 
in such an organic communications sys- 
tem is this: 

The communicator's intensity of convic- 
tion is the critical factor in his efifectiveness 
(persuasiveness) . 

Mr. Jordan continues: 

Efifective political action, especially in the 
long-range strategic sphere, must take the 
form of advocacy. Mere distribution of in- 
formation * * * is not enough. 

Senators know this. It is clearly true. 
Successful practitioners of domestic poli- 
tics advocate something; they seek to 

Mr. President, the Freedom Academy, 
or an institution like it, would stand in 
perfect accord with this understanding. 

Here is precisely the reason why the 
sponsors of the bill want suitable train- 
ing for private individuals. The United 
States sends hundreds of thousands of 
its private citizens to reside abroad. A 
great many believe fervently in our in- 
stitutions. All that is needed to make of 
them a very effective force for propaga- 
tion of our beliefs is to let them know 
how and where they can be politically 

Mr. Jordan offers examples of the po- 
tential impact of such individuals acting 
independently of the Government. 

A typical example • • • is the Center for 
Christian Democratic Action in New York, 
which endeavors to promote Christian de- 
mocracy in Latin America. It is a private 
body • • • but it has behind it the au- 
thority of strong parties in Western Europe. 
It also has the support of important sections 
of public opinion in Latin America. 

A Christian Democratic Party, inci- 
dentally, has just won control of a Latin 
American government, through a popu- 
lar election. 

Other groups? The AFL-CIO is al- 
ready in the field. People in theic pro- 
gram support the Freedom Academy bill. 
The National Association of Manufac- 
turers certainly is interested in promot- 
ing free enterprise. The American Bar 


March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

Association promotes the rule of law. 
Veterans organizations have common 
interests internationally. 

Supi>orters of the Freedom Academy 
concept propose to utilize such a poten- 
tial as this. There are hundreds of only 
slightly effective groups. This diversity 
in democratic life is our real strength, 
but it is one which we refuse to utilize 
in present-day foreign relations. Ac- 
cording to Mr. Jordan : 

We would commit a major error If we 
tried to use Communist methods in reverse, 
merely substituting white for black and vice 
versa. The use of entirely original methods, 
reflecting the character and way of life of 
the United States, would place the Commu- 
nists on the defensive. 

It is now time for us to bring our real 
strength up to the firing line in this new 
day of determined and deliberate non- 
military warfare. It is time to call up 
strong reserves. We should no longer 
rely on skeleton forces delegated to per- 
form a job which requires our best effort 
if we are going to win. 

I ask tmanimous consent that the ar- 
ticle entitled "Political Communication: 
The Third Dimension of Strategy," 
written by Alexander T. Jordan, and pub- 
lished in the fall, 1964, issue of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania's journal of for- 
eign affairs, Orbis, be printed in the 
Record following my remarks. 

There being no objection, the article 
was ordered to be printed in the Record, 
as follows : 

Political CoMMtrNicATiON : The Third 
Dimension of Strategy 
(By Alexander Jordan)* 

Military power and diplomacy comprise 
the two conventional dimensions of strategy, 
and economic action Is sometimes called the 
"third arm of statecraft." * By the third 
dimension in this article, however, we mean 
all efforts, not confined to dealings between 
governments, to Influence foreign audi- 
ences — whether we call it propaganda, po- 
litical communication or psychological war- 
fare. While less easily defined than the other 
two, this third sphere of strategy is recog- 
nized by political scientists — though not 
always by i>oliticlans — as equal to them in 

American weakness in this third dimen- 
sion is deplored by writers on the subject. 
"It is my personal belief that Russia is a good 
generation ahead of us in her understanding 
of propaganda and in her skill in using it," 
wrote George Gallup .= Murray Dyer has 
commented: "In Rvisslan hands the phycho- 
logical instrument has been used with con- 
summate skill and no little success. It seems 

to be generally admitted that In our own 
hands t>oth the skill and the success have 
been more limited." ' Another writer noted: 
"The psychological warfare of the West is 
waged almost exclusively by America, or at 
least with American money; however, it is 
unsuccessful." * Arthur Krock, New York 
Times columnist, entitled one of his articles 
on this subject "Why We Are Losing the 
Psychological War." ^ Books such as "The 
Propaganda Gap," "The Weapon on the Wall" 
and "The Idea Invaders" contain critiques of 
the U.S. psychological warfare effort by 
Americans dismayed to see their country sec- 
ond best in a field which they regard as vital." 
The purpose of this article Is not to criti- 
cize the current U.S. program in psychologi- 
cal warfare, although some reference will be 
made to its shortcomings. Rather, we will 
examine at some length one major aspect of 
the psychological arm of strategy, namely, 
long-range ideological conversion, and rec- 
ommend Introducing into the overall U.S. 
effort an "organic system of political com- 
munication" which places more emphasis 
on the role of private, i.e., nongovernmental, 


In the many studies devoted to the subject 
Of psychological warfare, major attention has 
generally been focused on broad lines of 
policy and on the status of pertinent gov- 
ernment agencies. Little attention has been 
given to the actual operating procedures and 
techniques. "The history of this Instrument, 
roughly for the past 25 years, shows very 
clearly that a great deal of effort has been 
expended on who should control it, i.e.. De- 
partment of Defense or State. By compari- 
son relatively little effort has been spent on 
what the Instrument ought to be doing and 
what Its main Job was."' In other words, 
there has been much concern with what 
should be said and who Is to be In charge of 
saying It, but little thought as to the tech- 
nique of conveying the message to Its target. 

1 Murray Dyer, "The Potentialities of Amer- 
ican Psychological Statecraft," in "Propagan- 
da and the Cold War," a Princeton University 
symposium edited by John Boardman Whit- 
ton (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1963). 

' Ibid., "The Challenge of Ideoloigcal War- 

» Dyer, op. clt. 

*Bela Szunyogh, "Psychological Warfare: 
An Introduction to Ideological Propaganda 
and the Techniques of Psychological War- 
fare" (New York: The William-Frederick 
Press, 1955). 

» New York Times Magazine, Dec. 8, 1957. 

"Walter Joyce, "The Propaganda Gap" 
(New York: Harper & Row, 1963); Murray 
Dyer, "Weapon on the Wall" (Baltimore: The 
Johns Hopkins Press, 1959); George N. Gor- 
don, Irving Falk, and William Hbdapp, "The 
Idea Invaders" (New York: Communications 
Arts Books, Hastings House, 1963). 

'Dyer, "The Potentialities of American 
Psychological Statecraft," op. clt. 



March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

This omission would seem to imply that 
the critics consider the current techniques 
satisfactory. If that were indeed the case, 
victory in the battle for the minds of men 
could be achieved by finding the right mes- 
sage and then leaving its transmission to an 
agency with an adequate budget and a proper 
status within the structure of government.^ 
This is, of course, a dangerous oversimplifica- 
tion. For while it is obvious that the scale 
of operations of the third arm of strategy 
must be substantially increased before a 
proper balance among the three instruments 
can be attained, there is an even greater need 
for a major revision of thinking on the 

Nothing less than a systemic revolution in 
the field of Western political communication 
can tiirn the tide of battle in the war for the 
minds of men. The assertion that the out- 
come of that war, rather than the outcome of 
one fought with nuclear weapons, will deter- 
mine the fate of the United States and of 
Western civilization is almost a cliche of 
political writing and speechmaking. Yet lit- 
tle is done to forge new weapons and develop 
new techniques which will give us a chance 
to win the psychological war. 

Even some of the most vehement advo- 
cates of a "psychological offensive" seem to 
think that the only weaknesses of present 
USIA (U.S. Information Agency) activities 
lie in their limited scope and insufficient co- 
ordination with the other branches of gov- 
ernment. Hence they conclude that an in- 
creased budget and a direct line to the White 
House would solve the problem. Such an 
oversimplified view suggests a failure to dif- 
ferentiate properly between various types of 
political communication. Military power— 
the first instrument of strategy — includes 
air, naval and land forces, which are not 
identical either in their character, deploy- 
ment or operations. The various classifica- 
tions of political communication differ 
among themselves at least as much as the 
Strategic Air Command differs from the 
Coast Guard. Each requires a different ap- 
proach, different techniques and different 
organizational structures. There is a tend- 
ency to overlook this fact and to demand 
simply more propaganda, without specifying 
the type required. 

The customary subdivision of political 
communication into strategic and tactical 
categories is not an adequate guide for fash- 
ioning instruments of psychological warfare. 

8 The idea that world opinion can be won 
over merely by spending more money and ap- 
pointing a new Cabinet officer is similar to the 
suggestion that the problem of cancer could 
be solved in a few years by a crash program 
with a multi-billion-dollar budget. Scien- 
tists point out, however, that the solution to 
the cancer problem is a matter of brains 
rather than funds, that all the qualified re- 
searchers are already at work, and that their 
number could not be rapidly increased at any 
cost. In both these suggestions we are faced 
with a mechanistic outlook, inclined to sub- 
stitute money for creative insights. 

There is also an important dividing line be- 
tween ideological conversion and all activ- 
ity — both strategic and tactical — ainxed at 
securing "relevant political action." The two 
fields inevitably overlap, but U.S. shortcom- 
ings lie particularly in the area of long- 
range ideological change. While less inune- 
diate in its effects, ideological conversion 
provides the indispensable infrastructure for 
strategic and tactical action toward specific 
objectives. The strength of Soviet political 
communication is precisely in this sphere, 
while in the medium-range and tactical fields 
the disparity between East and West is not 
as striking. 

In advocating an enlarged U.S. effort, most 
writers fail to distinguish between these dif- 
ferent types of endeavor and simply recom- 
mend increasing the budget of the USIA and 
enlisting advertisi ng talents in the campa ign 
of "selling America to the world." This 
might be a valid approach In dealing with 
political communication at the level of "rele- 
vant political action," but It falls far short of 
what is needed to bolster U.S. efforts at long- 
range strategic conversion. Much more basic 
changes are necessary in methods of action, 
organizational structure and operating pro- 
cedures if we are to reverse the trend and 
strengthen the third instrument of foreign 


Nature of an organic system: What is 
needed is an organic system of political com- 
munication serving as a means of long-range 
conversion and cooperating with existing 
strategic and tactical psychological opera- 
tions. By organic, as opposed to inert, we 
mean a system in which the operating meth- 
ods and even the organizational structure 
are determined by the ideas to be propagated. 

Organic communication systems are as old 
as the great religious faiths which, in their 
earlier stages at least, were seldom propa- 
gated by inert, bureaucratic methods. The 
innovation suggested here consists in con- 
sciously promoting the organic features of a 
communication system at the expense of the 
inert ones. That has certainly not been 
done by any Western government." 

An organic communication system would 
differ basically from a conve ntional on e ih 
the sequence of its operations. The conven- 
tional approach starts with the appointment 
of an administrative staff, which then hires 
professional communicators and seeks ideas 
to propagate. The organic approach would 

" The possibility of creating an organic sys- 
tem of communication has been glimpsed, 
but sufficient attention has never been given 
to it. Senator Kahl E. Mundt, in a briefing 
paper presented to the White House in 1962, 
noted that: "The private sector must know 
how it can participate in the global struggle 
in a sustained and systematic manner. 
There exists in the private sector a huge res- 
ervoir of talent, ingenuity, and strength 
which can be developed and brought to bear 
in helping solve our cold war problems." 
"Propaganda and the Cold War, op. cit., p. 75. 


March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

begin with the selection of ideas. The next 
step would be to find people who believe 
these ideas firmly enough to impart their, 
conviction to others. Some may be trained 
communicators and others not, but it is 
easier to impart communications skills than 
intensity of belief — especially since profes- 
sional communicators, by the nature of their 
calling, often tend to develop an attitude of 
doubt or even cynicism. Once assembled, 
a team of dedicated persons should be given 
a fairly free hand in propagating its idea, 
and should be given such technical assist- 
ance as it may require. Far more mental 
energy would be released by such a method 
than could ever be delivered by a conven- 
tional organization working for the same 

The importance of conviction: The model 
for successful political commxmication is to 
be foiuid not in the dull bulletins of gov- 
ernments, nor in the flamboyant prose of 
copywriters, but in the patient labors and 
intense convictions of missionaries of reli- 
gious and political faiths — from Saint Paxil 
to Lenin. An organization dedicated to 
spreading its ideas among others should 
start with a group of passionate believers.^" 
There are thousands of people in the United 
States who believe fervently in ideas which, 
if adopted in other coimtries, could serve 
the long-range interests of national policy. 
These individuals would not make good 
diplomats or information officers, but they 
could make excellent propagandists. The 
most urgent need of the third arm of strat- 
egy is to utilize the spiritual energy of such 
people, while guiding and assisting them in 
accordance with national policy. No attempt 
should be made, however, to try to make 
their activity merely a carbon copy of current 
tactical and medium-range policies. 

The importance of what might be called 
the conviction coefficient has been demon- 
strated by many propaganda campaigns of 
the past. In the period between the two 
World Wars several Central European nations 
engaged in strenuous political communica- 
tion efforts, directed largely against one an- 
other. Although their objectives are now ir- 
relevant, these efforts merit our attention 
because of their success in proportion to the 
means used. The budgets and the numbers 
of personnel employed were but a minute 
fraction of those now at the disposal of the 
USIA; yet the worldwide effectiveness of 
their persuasive efforts was impressive. This 
is attributable not to the Central Europeans- 
superior knowledge of communication tech- 
niques, but rather to their firm conviction 
of the righteousness of their respective 
causes. Armed with such conviction, a 
single agent working from his apartment in 
a foreign city may sometimes achieve a 

" This is one of the reason why civil serv- 
ants are generally inappropriate for this pur- 
pose; they may be passionate believers, but 
their first allegiance is to official policies; 
they are not free to act in accordance with 
the intensity of their convictions. 

greater impact on the public opinion of the 
country than can a large government infor- 
mation office. Even tiny Lithuania managed 
to make the West aware of her claims to 
Vilno, while the, Ukrainians — though with- 
out a' state of their own — conducted active 
propaganda campaigns in Western Europe 
and in the United States. The results of 
these endeavors, while perhaps not signifi- 
cant in terms of "relevant political action," 
were quite impressive in relation to the puny 
resources committed. 

These cases illustrate one of the basic 
principles of an organic communication sys- 
tem: the communicator's intensity of con- 
viction is the critical factor in his effective- 
ness (persuasiveness). The objective value 
of the propositions advocated is compara- 
tively irrelevant, particularly as it is not 
susceptible to any scientific measurement. 

Government agencies and the organic sys- 
tem: There is another important reason for 
recommending an organic communication 
system — not as a substitute for the existing 
one, but as a coequal auxiliary. If political 
communication activities are to be expanded 
in volume — as they must be if we are to 
achieve substantial results — that expansion 
should not simply take the form of a bigger 
and better government agency. A huge 
ministry of propaganda would be both in- 
adequate and undesirable. Such a central- 
ized agency might be a suitable instrument 
for spreading a dogmatic and codified doc- 
trine. In this sense Dr. Goebbels' Propa- 
gandaministerium was an organic body, 
since its structure and discipline refiected 
the character of the Nazi movement. But 
when the subject of communication is to be 
a vast body of thought which might be de- 
scribed, for want of a better term, as "the 
I philosophy of Western civilization," the use 
of a huge centralized bureaucracy for its 
propagation would constitute a basic contra- 
diction. Any attempt to spread an essen- 
tially pltu-alistic culture though a single 
agency of one government would be a denial 
of the very philosophy we are advocating, as 
well as a psychological blunder. It would 
be a violation of the principles of organic 

Vast expansion of the USIA to handle 
these new activities would place an undesir- 
able official stamp on them. Moreover, po- 
litical action in the field requires personal 
initiative and a readiness for risk taking 
which are not characteristics commonly as- 
sociated with bureaucracies. That is why in- 
creasing the budget of the USIA many times 
over and giving its Director equal status with 
the Secretary of State would not solve the 

real problem of bringing the third arm of 
strategy up to full strength. 

Effective political action, especially in the 
long-range strategic sphere, must take the 
form of advocacy. Mere distribution of in- 
formation, even selected and slanted, is not 
enough. "Prom this view of the nature of 



March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

foreign policy, and of the psychological in- 
strument of statecraft," one commentator 
has noted, "it follows that the 'information' 
approach to psychological operations is woe- 
fully insufHcient." " The tactical and me- 
dium-range activities of the USIA should be 
continued and even expanded, but they can 
never substitute for true political action of 
a more basic nature. In any case, no Gov- 
ernment agency can openly engage in politi- 
cal action abroad; international law is ex- 
plicit in prohibiting such activity by gov- 

The inappropriateness of advertising tech- 
niques: The other standard suggestion for 
strengthening U.S. psychological operations, 
that we use advertising techniques in selling 
our political philosophy to other nations, is 
potentially even more harmful and reflects a 
profound misunderstanding of the whole 
issue. Because commercial advertising bears 
some superficial resemblance to political 
communication, its practitioners conclude 
that the two are interchangeable. The dif- 
ferences between them, however, are more 
significant than their similarities. Further- 
more, the cost of using advertising tech- 
niques on a world scale would be prohibitive, 
and high-pressure campaigns might well, 
evoke adverse' reactions. This approach 
would be the least organic of all. "Adver- 
tising men have their function — on the 
American scene and inside the American 
economy. But the world situation calls for 
a totally different t3rpe of professionals. Po- 
litical propaganda, a task of extraordinary 
complexity, reqviires intellectuals, scholars, 
specialists, and — in the final analysis — polit- 
ical philosophers." " 


In simiming up the shortcomings of the 
U.S. effort in the field of political communi- 
cation, John B. Whitton points to: (1) the 
lack of clear objectives; (2) the lack of con- 
fidence in our efforts; and (3) the purely 
defensive character of our efforts." Al- 
though Whitton was referring to the entire 
communication effort, his observations are 
particularly applicable to long-range ideo- 
logical conversion. All three areas of weak- 
ness could be bolstered by a program of or- 
ganic conununication, based on the better 
utilization of existing intellectual and spir- 
itual resources. 

The catises for these major areas of weak- 
ness are not difficult to find. The first is 
related to the commonly heard argument 
that we have no single great idea to sell, 

'1 Robert T. Holt, "A New Approach to Po- 
litical Communication," in "Propaganda and 
the Cold War," op. cit. 

'- L. John Martin, "International Propa- 
ganda, Its Legal and Diplomatic Control" 
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 
1958), pp. 62-108. 

" Saul K. Padover in the American Scholar 
April 1951. 

"John B. Whitton, "The American Effort 
Challenged," in "Propaganda and the Cold 
War," op. cit. 

hence our efforts tend to be reactive and de- 
fensive. "Our policy has been too negative, 
its programs and slogans almost always a 
mere response, or reaction, to the more imag- 
inative initiatives of the Soviets. Hence, it 
is claimed, we have been unable to provide 
for the West the inspiration and leadership 
the situation demands and our great 
strength warrants." " Furthermore, in a de- 
mocracy, a governmental propaganda strat- 
egy is vxnlikely to have clear objectives for 
these might offend certain sections of domes- 
tic political opinion. Official objectives must 
be phrased in a manner acceptable to all 
domestic political factions, and as a result 
they often become so watered down that 
they lose their attraction for the peoples of 
other cultures. 

These are all very real obstacles. While 
one may argue that freedom and democracy 
are ideas or ideologies that can be articu- 
lated and packaged for distribution abroad, 
these concepts often appear vague and ir- 
relevant to the target audience. One solu- 
tion is to give these ideas more concrete form 
through person-to-person contact: this be- 
comes the task of the private political com- 
municator. While he must serve the inter- 
ests of national policy formulated by the 
President, the political communicator must 
also have the freedom to interpret broad 
national policies and goals, and to go far 
beyond official statements in explaining the 
"American way of life." Private organiza- 
tions devoted to political communication can 
set themselves clear objectives and, unham- 
pered by official connection with the Gov- 
ernment, they can afford to be more candid 
in pursuing these objectives than can our 
public servants. 

The lack of confidence in our efforts, 
which Whitton lists as the second failing, 
is due largely to the absence of clear objec- 
tives and the limited achievements to date 
of the American propaganda effort. If a 
private political communication organization 
were permitted to establish its own objec- 
tives, select its own method of operation 
and subdivide the overall task into a num- 
ber of separate endeavors, this obstacle 
might not seem so formidable. A private 
association, selecting a limited number of 
targets in a specific territory, would be more 
likely to give its members a tangible sense 
of accomplishment than a government 
agency which endeavors to do everything 
everjrwhere and thereby dilutes its efforts to 
the point where they become largely ineffec- 
tive. Unlike civil servants inhibited by their 
official responsibility, private communicators 
would not confine themselves to purely de- 
fensive tactics. The morale of troops in the 
field is always at its highest in offensive 
action, at this lowest in holding operations. 
The private organization would be composed 
of individuals selected to propagate abroad 
a coherent set of ideas which they hold very 
strongly. Some object that convinced po- 
litical conuniinicators will be bard to find; 

Whitton, op. cit. 


March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

if that is true, then it would seem that 
American ideas are hardly worth propagating 
abroad and we face eventual defeat on the 
ideological level. But the assumption here 
is that many Americans do feel strongly 
enough abotit their political heritage to serve 
as propagandists. 

The defensive character of the Am.erican 
communication effort — the third weakness — 
is largely due to the restraints of govern- 
mental action. A separation between long- 
range ideological conversion and current 
U.S. foreign policy would remove this handi- 
cap. The ban on political initiative, implicit 
in diplomacy, tends to discourage some of 
our ablest civil servante,jMid contributes to 
the second failing — lacltcf confidence in our 
effort. The situation bears an analogy to 
the loss of morale in the U.S. Air Force re- 
sulting from the ban on crossing the Yalu 
River during the Korean war. The Govern- 
ment is, of course, justified in forbidding its 
civil servants to adopt an offensive political 
posture. Since they are representatives of 
the U.S. Government, their statements are 
subject to close scrutiny abroad and serious 
complications could follow any indiscretion. 
The problem, then, is not one of changing the 
operating rules of the existing agency, but of 
transferring those aspects of political com- 
munication in which it cannot engage to an 
instrument capable of doing so. 

The organizational form for such a politi- 
cal communication instrument should be 
kept as flexible as possible. Various groups 
may be formed for the purpose of spreading 
particular aspects of American political 
thought or culture, or for working in specific 
countries and among different types of per- 
sons. As purely private organizations, with- 
out ofiBcial status, they would be able to in- 
tegrate closely with local communities. 
They should not isolate themselves in the 
international compounds of capital cities. 
They would have to be accepted by the local 
populace or quit. The members might not 
necessarily be American citizens, and they 
would not have to be screened as closely as 
government employees. This would involve 
no risk, since the security problems that 
exist in "tactical and medium-range strate- 
gic psychological operations are not present 
in long-range ideological communication. 
Communicators need not have access to any 
classified information, nor would they re- 
quire any knowledge of overall plans. Their 
activity would be wholly overt and involve 
no secrecy. There should be no^ connection 
between persuaders and intelligence collec- 
tors, for their tasks are clearly incompati- 
ble. It is always possible that in some coun- 
tries propagandists may be suspected of es- 
pionage. To avoid such charges, they should 
be kept completely clear of any compromis- 
ing contacts. 

Under such a loosely organized system 
some errors might occur occasionally, 
through incompetence or excess of zeal. 
However, their importance should not be 

overrated in weighing the immense advan- 
tages of an organic communication system. 
Since the members of private organizations 
working in the field would have no official 
status, any faux pas they might commit 
would be no more compromising than those 
of an ordinary tourist. Civil servants, in- 
cluding the personnel of information serv- 
ices, may be guilty of few flagrant faults, 
but their official capacity permits of even 
fewer conspicuous achievements. The So- 
viet Government dissociates itself from Com- 
munist propaganda activities abroad very 
simply, by subordinating the Agitprop to the 
Presidium of the Central Committee of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, rather 
than to the Government of the U.S.S.R."' 
The distinction appears purely academic, taut 
in practice it provides an effective shield. 

An organic system of communication 
would also avoid the tendency of all bureauc- 
racies to sp>end as much time and energy 
in reporting to headquarters as in perform- 
ing their primary functions. In a flexible 
organization, run on the lines of a fraternal 
association rather than on those of a govern- 
ment bureau, there wovild be little need for 
voluminous reports and ratings, and persons 
evaluating the performance of others will 
have worked in the field themselves. This 
is an important point, for in the sphere of 
c"6mmiinication few objective yardsticks of 
achievement are available. 


The operation of an organic communica- 
tion svstem with specific missions allocated 
to separate groups might be compared to 
illuminating a distant target with beams of 
coherent light emitted by a laser. Each 
laser beam uses a single wavelength and a 
single color, permitting far greater concen- 
tration of energy and more accurate aiming 
of the beam than is possible with a beam of 
ordinary diffused light, comprised of all 
colors mixed together. Thus a program de- 
voted to a single set of ideas will more 
readily find its target than an ideologically 
ambrpho«s campaign aimed at everyone and 
hitting nobody. When a target Is struck 
simultaneously by many single-color beams 
of coherent light, the illumination will be 
better than if it had been lighted from a 
single source of diffused, so-called white 
light. Moreover, It will be possible to avoid 
the transmission losses of difftised light 
which did not hit the target at all. The over- 
all efficiency between the energy input and 
the amount of light received at the target 
will be many times greater when laser beams 
are used. The same is true in the propaga- 
tion of thought: the penetration force of 
well-defined "coherent" concepts is greater 
than that of nebulous and diffused ones, and 
the sum of these concepts will convey greater 
meaning than generalized ideas can. The 

'" See Evron M. Klrkpatrik, editor, "Target: 
The World" (New York: Macmillan, 1956). 

47-093 O — 6J 


March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

diflference, as in optics, is in employing a 
metliod of transmission wliicli avoids ex- 
cessive losses. 

The importance of using a specific ap- 
proach, clearly defined both as to content 
and target area, is particularly great when 
the amount of energy available for input and 
the choice of objectives are limited. One of 
the major shortcomings of advertising tech- 
niques when applied to political persuasion 
is the relatively indiscriminate character of 
their appeal. The number of potential pur- 
chasers of soap or cigarettes may almost co- 
incide with the total population, but the 
niunber of persons wielding political infiu- 
ence does not. That is why the use of mass 
appeal in foreign action Is doubly mis- 
directed: it seldom affects the majority and 
is likely to miss the vital minority. 

A specialized organization with clearly de- 
fined and limited objectives is better 
equipped to reach its particular target — 
those persons who are likely to be receptive 
to the ideas which it propagates. Such an 
approach may result ultimately in the estab- 
lishment of close links between groups of 
people in different countries. Societies for 
International friendship in general founder 
in a flood of pious declarations and cliches. 
Associations for friendship between two na- 
tions sometimes do better, though they also 
tend to specialize in platitudes and lofty 
speechmaking. But associations devoted to 
promoting cooperation and friendly relations 
between two nations in a specific field of 
thought or action are more likely to achieve 
tangible restUts. If they exist in sufficient 
numbers, such operational and binational 
organizations can accomplish, cumulatively, 
far more than worldwide associations dedi- 
cated to furthering the brotherhood of man. 
If a small proportion of the economic aid 
now given to foreign governments were chan- 
neled through such bodies, the political 
effectiveness of U.S. aid programs would be 
vastly increased. 

An organic communication system would 
foster the establishment of a greater ntun- 
ber of such specific links between well- 
defined groups in different countries. As in 
an atomic pile where no chain reaction oc- 
curs until the niimber of neutrons emitted 
reaches a critical level, so in a target area 
undergoing psychological penetration the re- 
action will not become self-svistaining until 
the paths of the diverse and apparently ran- 
dom messages begin to intersect each other 
in sufficient niunbers. In the absence of 
mathematical formulas dealing with the 
prerequisites for a psychopolitical chain re- 
action, we have to rely on empirical observa- 
tion and a study of recorded cases. It is 
clear, however, that by whatever method we 
might measure it, the political radiation we 
are now emitting is far from the level neces- 
sary for starting a chain reaction. 


Organizations carrying out programs com- 
patible with an organic communication sys- 

tem already exist, but the scale of their activ- 
ities is too limited for an accurate evaluation 
of results. Furthermore, they now operate 
on a random, ad hoc basis; within the frame- 
work of an organic system they would be 
given specific missions. 

A typical example of such an organization 
is the Center for Christian Democratic Ac- 
tion in New York, which endeavors to pro- 
mote Christian Democracy in Latin America. 
It is a private body, staffed by Americans, 
Europeans and Latin Americans, and enjoy- 
ing some support from American founda- 
tions. Christian Democracy has the advan- 
tage of being a genuine ideology with a posi- 
tive content, rather than merely a reaction 
against communism. It did not originate in 
the United States, and is therefore free from 
association with "Yanqui imperialism," but 
it has behind it the authority of strong par- 
ties in Western Europe. It also has the sup- 
port of important sections of public opinion 
in Latin America. Support given to Chris- 
tian Democracy in Latin America may pro- 
vide a better antidote to communism than 
some openly pro-American activities. This 
does not mean, however, that other deserving 
movements should not also be encouraged. 
If only one party were supported, it would 
soon be labeled the "pro-American party," 
with all the adverse consequences of such a 
designation. One of the weaknesses of a gov- 
ernment agency is that its rigid policy lines 
and its official character may make it difficult 
to back simultaneously several movements 
competitive with each other. Yet such ap- 
parent inconsistency might be the wisest 
course in some situations. 

American labor organizations have already 
entered the International field, endeavoring 
to promote their ideology. One could 
imagine the National Association of Manu- 
facturers doing the same for the philosophy 
of free enterprise, the American Bar Asso- 
ciation for the rule of law, the American 
Legion for cooperation with veterans, and so 
on. The fact that the activities of these 
private bodies might be overlapping and even 
to some extent contradictory would not de- 
tract from their effectiveness. On the con- 
trary, the variety of viewpoints would reflect 
the pluralistic nature of a free society, 
while the consensus of all on basic issues 
would illustrate the possibility of combining 
free expression with national solidarity. 
Such an approach, diametrically opposed to 
the monolithic Communist method, would 
convey the American message not only 
through its actual content, but also through 
the manner of its communication. 

The director of an organic communication 
system would use speciflc ideological pro- 
grams, selected for their force of penetration 
as well as their content, to create a mental 
picture even as an artist uses pigments to 
create a painting. Inevitably, such a picture 
would become meaningful only in the overall 
perspective. Its pattern would then emerge 
from the apparently Jumbled Juxtaposition 
of colors. Conventional conmiunlcatlon, on 



March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

the other hand, paints a single-color Image 
in which the overall pattern Is constantly 
repeated in miniatiire. 

The presence in a foreign country of a 
number of American-inspired communica- 
tion organizations, each handling a separate 
aspect of political, social, cultural or tech- 
nical activity, and each pursuing its own 
aims yet remaining in basic harmony with 
the others, would be a most convincing scale- 
model demonstration of the practical work- 
ing of a free society. This accomplishment 
could never be duplicated by the Commu- 
nists, and that would be its most valuable 

We would commit a major error if we tried 
to use Communist methods in reverse, merely 
substituting white for black and vice versa. 
The use of entirely original methods, reflect- 
ing the character and way of life of the 
United States, would place the Communists 
on the defensive. 

In military strategy there iS often thei 
temptation to build a replica of the type of 
force with which we are threatened, Instead 
of concentrating on a type of force which 
the enemy could not easily duplicate or 
defend against. So in psychological warfare 
the subconscious desire to match the opposi- 
tion exactly in methods and tactics is al- 
ways present. The greatest strength of the 
United States in opposition to conununism 
lies not — as is sometimes assumed — in its 
superior material resources, but rather in the 
ability of its people to work together in 
harmony in the midst of many differences. 
A visible demonstration of that capacity for 
cooperation and for releasing individual ener- 
gies within a diversified, flexible communica- 
tion system, working through a variety of 
channels for a broad conmion purpose, would 
be more impressive to foreign observers than 
mere declarations of principle. 

An example of the efficiency of the organic 
method of communication is provided by the 
international editions of Reader's EWgest, 
which supply an estimated 30 million readers 
with material likely to strengthen their loyal- 
ty to the West and open their eyes to the 
deceptions of communism. It is possible that 
the international editions of the Reader's 
Digest, which cost the taxp>ayers nothing, 
contribute as much to the understanding of 
the American idea abroad as all the publica- 
tions of the U.S. Government specifically de- 
signed for foreign readers. Precisely becatise 
it is not primarily a propaganda medium, the 
Reader's Digest carries conviction and secures 
paying readers. 

Many other American periodicals could be 
adapted for foreign readers merely by elimi- 
nating subjects of purely domestic interest. 
They could provide a communication mediimi 
far superior to the pamphlets specially pro- 
duced for that purpose. A system of sub- 
sidies permitting leading magazines to put 
out foreign editions would be less costly than 
trying to produce special publications. The 
identity of a well-established American pe- 

riodical gives it an authority which a pro- 
paganda pamphlet does not possess. The 
Spanish editions of some American maga- 
zines prove the feasibility of such operations. 
One can only wonder why this has not already 
been done on an adequate scale. 

While it would be undesirable to try to 
imitate Communist methods, any communi- 
cation effort coxinteracting the Communist 
offensive would have to match it in sheer 
volume of operations.'^ International Com- 
natmist front groups claim a membership 
running into hundreds of millions; interna- 
tional broadcasting originating in Commu- 
nist countries totals 1,672 hours weekly; 29,- 
736,000 copies of books In free world lan- 
guages were published in the U.S.S.R. in 1954; 
and Communist Parties in Western Etirope 
alone claim a membership of over 3 million.'" 


The vast scale and diverse natiire of the 
operations required rules out the single gov- 
ernment agency approach. Experience has 
demonstrated that Government bureaus be- 
come unmanageable beyond a certain size 
and that further increases in personnel fail 
to produce a corresponding increase in use- 
ful output. If, as has been suggested, the 
single information agency were to become an 
appendage of the State Department, confu- 
sion would be further compoiinded. 

The Government agency responsible for 
directing the overall strategy of political 
communication should be a supervisory, not 
an operating," body. Its function would be 
to set targets and offer some degree of guid- 
ance, without attempting to perform the 
actual task in the field. Such an agency, 
whatever its status within the structure of 
Government, should have a small staff of 
senior experts, but no operating branches. 
It would differ entirely in purpose and char- 
acter from the USIA as it exists today and 
it should not be associated with it, either 
in personnel or in operational patterns. 

Recognition of the inherent inability of 
any governmental body to undertake certain 
types of political action and transfer of this 
work to organizations capable of doing so 
would represent a real turning point in our 
political communications procedure. The 
point of contact between such organizations 
and the Government would be narrow, but 
vital. There is ample precedent for private 
bodies receiving Government grants for the 
performance of specific duties, such as re- 
search or ed ucation. Once it is recognized 

" One expert, George Gallup, had this to 
say about the cost of an American psychologi- 
cal warfare program: "Some years ago I had 
suggested to a senatorial committee that $5 
billion spent on today's tanks, guns and 
battleships will make far less difference in 
achieving ultimate victory over communism 
than $5 billion appropriated for Ideological 
warfare." "The Challenge of Ideological 
Warfare," In "Propaganda and the Cold War," 
op. clt. 

'' Kirkpatrick, op. cit. 



March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) 

that international communication at the 
long-range ideological level should not be 
a function only of the Federal Government, 
suitable ways and means of supporting it 
will evolve, and the Government will still 
have a large measure of control over the 
recipients of such support. 

An organic communication system such as 
the one roughly sketched here is, by its very 
nature, incompatible with crash programs. 
It has to be built up gradually, starting in 
the case of each project with an idea or a 
definite objective, not with a readymade 
organization. Since the individual projects, 
by reason of their specialized nature, cannot 
be very large, the overall effect can only be 
attained by multiplying their number. 

The effectiveness of such an approach will 
not become evident until the sum of all the 

individual endeavors reaches proportions 
comparable to those of official operations in 
the same sphere. Although no accurate 
measurements are possible in this field, it 
is clear that an organic system would give 
a higher return on the investment of himaan 
and material resources than an inert one. 
Furthermore, the results of its operation are 
more permanent and can become self-sus- 
taining. Any communication effort without 
a built-in capacity for self-propagation is 
futile. In this respect, the organic system 
might be compared to cloud-seeding oper- 
ations which use a few pounds of silver 
iodide to release thousands of tons of rain, 
while the conventional method resembles a 
project which sends up aircraft with tanks 
full of water to sprinkle the countryside 
with imitation showers. 



Colonel Oles. I am Colonel Oles. We have a statement which we 
would like to have your permission to submit. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you want to present testimony in opposition ? 

Colonel Oles. No, sir ; we would like to submit a statement for the 

Mr. IcHORD. You represent ? 

Colonel Oles. The Reserve Officers Association. 

Mr. IcHORD. If there be no objection permission is granted to in- 
clude such statement in the record of the next hearings.^ 

Colonel Oles. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. The committee is recessed until the call of the Chair. 

(Wliereupon, at H :50 a.m., Thursday, April 1, 1965, the subcommit- 
tee recessed to reconvene at the call of the Chair.) 

1 See pp. 84, 85. 

HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, 
H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, 


United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 


The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Richard H. Ichord presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- 
isiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Clawson, 
of California.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord and 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; William 
Hitz, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

This meeting is a continuation of a hearing on the eight Freedom 
Academy bills now pending before this committee. I believe last year 
we had a total of 7 days' hearings on the bills, which hearings will be 
regarded as a part of the record of this year. 

So far this year we have had 2 days of hearings. 

Mr. Director, what was the date of the last hearing on the Freedom 
Academy bill ? 

Mr. McNamara. About 3 weeks ago. I believe it was April 1 or 2, 
I am not certain. 

Mr. Ichord. Our first scheduled witness this morning was the ma- 
jority whip, Mr. Boggs of Louisiana, who has introduced one of the 
Ijills dealing with the Freedom Academy. It is my understanding that 
Mr. Boggs will not be able to appear this morning before the commit- 
tee. Another date will be arranged for him. 

Before calling our witness today, I would like to place a number of 
documents in the record. 


Mr. Ichord. First, I would like to insert in the record a statement 
in support of the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy con- 
cept by Daniel J. O'Connor, chairman of the National Americanism 
Commission of The American Legion. 



This statement reiterates official American Legion support of the 
Freedom Academy, first given in its name by Mr. O'Connor when he 
testified at the hearings last year. 

If there be no objection that will be placed in the record of the 

(Mr. O'Connor's statement follows:) 


Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : 

Inasmuch as testimony was submitted to your committee during the second 
session of the 88th Congress on similar legislation and since the position of 
The American Legion remains unchanged, we are submitting for the record the 
statement which was made last year. 

As the distinguished members of this committee know, The American Legion 
has, since its very beginning, been cognizant of the Communist menace. In 
fact, the militancy of Americanism expressed by the founders and early organ- 
izers of the The American Legion drew such wrath from the advance guard 
of communism in this country — the Industrial Workers of the World — that the 
latter shot down, in cold blood, American Legionnaires marching in the first 
Armistice Day parade in Centralia, Washington. That was in 1919, even as 
the youug American Legion was perfecting its organization at its first National 
Convention in Minneapolis, Minnesota, November 10-12, 1919. 

Forty-five years ago the basic tenets of communism may have been generally 
understood by a considerable portion of our population. Today, however, the 
complexities of Communist plans and activities have grown to such proportions 
that scarcely one in a thousand Americans has a mental grasp of Communist 
machinations. Of course, all of us, through the news media of the Nation, are 
familiar with the known Communist successes such as in Cuba, and elsewhere. 
But how to thwart communistic encroachments, before the fact, is a problem 
which we seem unable to solve. 

While I feel certain the members of this committee recognize the long hard 
fought battle which The American Legion has waged against communism since 
the Centralia massacre, there can be no denial that there have been changes in 
the techniques of political and psychological warfare. Centuries ago a question 
was posed to the brilliant scholar, Francis Xavier, namely : "What doth it 
profit a man if he gains the whole world and suffers the loss of his own soul?" 
Might I paraphrase that question in pointing to the tremendous armed might 
of our country, the greatest Nation on earth, and say, "What doth it profit the 
United States of America to have the greatest atomic power for both peace and 
war if the United States of America is robbed of its own soul?" 

In the past 17 years millions have been encircled and their lives regimented 
under the yoke of Moscow or Peiping because of a poison that has been adminis- 
tered in slow, measured, but lethal doses to humankind, in all parts of the globe. 
The incontrovertible but sad reality is that, without firing a single weapon, the 
masters of Communist propaganda have been proliferate, not only in the Far East 
but in our own hemisphere. 

There is no committee of the Congress that has performed a greater public 
service than the House Committee on Un-American Activities in marshaling the 
various sources of information reflecting the pattern of infiltration, not only in 
Latin America, Panama, and Cuba, but also within the confines of our own 
geography. There is no task more painsitaking or more diflScult than the burden 
shouldered by this committee in probing the influence of communism in our own 
society. Your committee and staff labor under constant threat of liquidation, 
not by members of the Communist Party alone, but by Americans who recognize 
the congressional power of inquiry for every subject under the sun except the 
expose of the Communist conspiracy. What I would like you to understand 
and appreciate is that we in The American Legion who have consistently sup- 
ported the creation of a Freedom Academy have supported the duly con- 
stituted committees of the Congress whose findings and publications serve to 
spotlight the uncanny ag^essors for the minds of men. 

In giving our wholehearted support for the creation of the Freedom Academy, 
we cannot help but emphasize that the greatest care nuist be exercised that this 
new beacon of liberty shall never become, in even the smallest part, a haven for 
anyone who professes a belief in our way of life and yet performs brilliantly 
for the proponents of world socialism. 


Lest you think for one moment that I have introduced a strange note amid 
splendid testimony offered to your committee during the 88th Congress, 2nd 
session, by the Honorable Hale Boggs, majority whip from Louisiana, Dr. 
Lev E. Dobriansky, Georgetown University professor, and many other distin- 
guished Americans, please understand that we in The American Legion share 
the dismay and disappointment of many who believe the cold war has achieved 
some measure of success in the United States. 

We have also witnessed the replacement of a program dedicated to the men 
of our armed forces on Veterans Day, 1962, with comment and appraisal by a 
convicted perjurer passing judgment on the political fortunes of a man who 
served as United States Senator and Vice President of the United States. While 
the producers of the program are not accused of having Communist sympathies, 
leftwing leanings, etc., there can be no question about the bad taste exercised 
in that decision. Why do things like this happen? Why was America's fighting 
man relegated to oblivion? 

What is there on the American scene which causes the cancellation of a tribute 
to the American fighting man and substitutes instead an attack on a war veteran 
who held high public oflice by a perjurer who is given a television podium in a 
vain effort to restore his respectability. This is only one example of the erosion 
of patriotism. Only last week at a private school in East Williston, Long Island, 
American boys and girls from upper middle class families refused to salute the 
flag of the United States. No accusation is made against the faculty of the 
school, but what has happened in the fabric of American education which causes 
this debasement of our traditional salute to the flag and our love for that for 
which it stands. Perhaps, the "cross-fertilization of ideas" pursued in a divi- 
sion of research for the private sector of our society will, in the Freedom Acad- 
emy, give some clue to the problem. 

In my experience as a lawyer who handled the Security Risk Inquiry in the 
City of New York, I feel that I can make a personal observation on this pro- 
gram that terminated about 6 years ago. If it was shocking to learn that 
engineers and others educated in our colleges and universities had joined the 
apparatus of the Communist Party and their activities remained undetected ^'or 
years, then is it not of paramount importance that the greatest possible security 
measures be taken to insure against the i>ossibility of the Freedom Academy 
itself being infiltrated by anyone tutored by the great masters of deceit? During 
the 2nd session of the 88th Congress Congressman Boggs pointed out quite 
properly that the work of the Freedom Academy in no way pre-empts the work 
of the FBI or the CIA. He stated that what is intended is to "use affirmatively 
of the great reservoir of talent that we have in the United States to show what 
the free system and what a free society can do," but also remarked "I have no 
preconceived notions of how this Academy should be set up." Concededly, how- 
ever, this is a most important corollary to the passage of this legislation, namely, 
the staffing of the Academy. 

While The American Legion is deeply concerned about the competence of 
Americans who officially represent the United States, both here and abroad, our 
support of the Freedom Academy would also embrace the area of research for 
the vast sector of Americans engaged in the war of ideas who are not on the 
public payroll. We believe the many who are engaged in stemming the tide of 
Communist propaganda which has poured into this country by the ton must be 
encouraged, enlightened and strengthened. Finally, we commend the Freedom 
Academy to your consideration. We believe its success will be measured by its 
service to God and country in a recognition of the basic discipline and spiritual 
values which have made the United States the greatest nation on earth. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman. I ask that the attached American Legion 1964 
Convention Resolution, No. 270. be made a i>art of the record, following my 
statement. In behalf of The American Legion, and myself personally, I thank 
you for the opportunity of placing this statement in the record. 

FoETY-SixTH Annual National Convention of the American Legion, Dallas, 
Texas, Septembeb 22-24, 1964 

Resolution No. 270. 
Committee : Americanism. 
Subject : The Freedom Academy. 

Whereas, The United States is preparing to defend its national intere.sts in com- 
ing years, faces grave and complex problems in the non-military as well as mili- 
tary areas ; and 


Whereas, To further fortify and meet the preparation of that defense, there has 
been introduced into the Senate of the United States by Senator Karl Mundt, 
Senate Bill No. 414, designed to create the Freedom Commission and the Freedom 
Academy, to conduct research to develop an integrated body of operational 
knowledge in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organiza- 
tional areas to increase the non-military capabilities of the United States in the 
global struggle between freedom and Communism, to educate and train Govern- 
ment personnel and private citizens to understand and implement this body of 
knowledge and also to provide education and training for foreign students in 
these areas of knowledge xinder appropriate conditions ; Now, therefore, be it 
Resolved, By The American Legion in National Convention assembled in Dallas, 
Texas, September 22-^, 1964, that we hereby announce our full and complete 
agreement with the said Senate Bill No. 414 and urge its adoption by the Con- 
gress of the United States. 


Mr. IcHORD. I would also like to insert in the record, a letter from 
Mr. Floyd Oles, Lt. Colonel, U.S. Army (Retired) , expressing the sup- 
port of the Reserve Officers Association of the United States for the 
Freedom Academy concept. The Reserve Officers Association, which 
has formally expressed its support of the Freedom Academy idea for a 
number of years, also submitted a statement for inclusion in the record 
of the 1964 hearings. If there be no objection the letter from Mr. Oles 
will be placed in the record. 

(Col. Oles' letter follows :) 

Resebve Officers Association op the United States, 

The Congressional Hotel, 
SOO New Jersey Avenue 8E., Washington, B.C., 20003, April 8, 1965. 
The Honorable Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-Am,erican Activities, 
House of Representatives, 
Washington, B.C. 

Dear Sir : Permit me first to express the appreciation of our Association for 
the privilege, granted by the Honorable Richard H. Ichord, as Chairman of your 
subcommittee having under consideration the matter of a "Freedom Academy", 
to present a statement in support of that proposal, as outlined in several bills 
now under consideration by that subcommittee. 

We submitted last year a copy of a resolution in support of the "Freedom Com- 
mission Act", as adopted by our 34th National Convention in New York City on 
July 1, 1960. That resolution appears on page 1420 of the hearings held in Feb- 
ruary and in May last year. That resolution continues to be a mandate of our 
Association, and has been re-aflSrmed in various succeeding national meetings 
of the organization. In view of the different numbers of the bills now before 
you, it has seemed to us best simply to re-affirm in principle our support for legis- 
lation on this subject, as now before you. 

It was my privilege to author the original resolution of our Association on 
this subject, adopted at our National Convention held at Atlantic City, New 
Jersey, in June of 1958. In general, the spirit and intent of that resolution is 
embodied in the bills now before you. It is our desire to have your records show 
that we are still, as we were in 1958, wholeheartedly in favor of the proposal to 
create a "Freedom Academy" along the lines set forth in the current bills. 

In our extended discussion on this subject at various national meetings it has 
become clear that there are two primary reasons for our active support of this 
legislation. First, we are convinced that such an establishment could go far to 
correct the situation where this Nation seeks to counter professional propaganda 
and subversion by the use of sporadic and amateur efforts. Secondly, and as 
a corollary, it seems clear to us that, until we can develop the professional skills 
which are the objective of the "Freedom Academy", we shall continue to be on 
the defensive, rather than taking the offensive in a field where the facts of the 
current world situation provide us ample support for an intelligently directed 
"cold war" offensive. We feel that it is only by this means that we can substitute 


positive action in this field for tlie l>elated and ineffectual reaction which has 
been our only response thus far to the continuing Communist initiative in mat- 
ters of propaganda and subversion. 

We have listened with keen interest to the hearings conducted by your sub- 
committee, and in particular to the very scholarly and well documented state- 
ments made of late by Senator Mundt. We find ourselves heartily in agreement 
with Senator Mundt and the others who are supporting him in this legislative 

Since delay can only contribute further to our existing inferiority in this im- 
portant field of "cold war" strategy, we would also urge that the subject matter 
is something which calls for early and favorable action by your committee. 

Permit us once more to thank you for the opportunity of submitting this 

Very sincerely yours, 

/s/ Floyd Oles, 

Floyd Oles, Lt. Col. USAR-Ret, 
Vice Chairman, Committee on Retirement. 

Mr. IcHORD. Finally, the chairman of the committee, the Honorable 
Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, who unfortunately found it impossible 
to attend the hearings this morning, has asked me to read a statement 
which he had prepared for today. 

I will read the brief statement of the chairman of the full committee. 

This is the statement by Mr. Willis : 

I would also like to insert in the record at this point the 
text of a document on existing Communist political warfare 
schools which was prepared by the Department of State last 
year at the request of the Committee on Un-American 

It is entitled A Survey of Sino-Soviet Bloc Political Train- 
ing Establishment s for Free World Nationals. 

The committee requested that the State Department fur- 
nish it with a list of all such schools which, to the knowledge of 
the Department, were then in operation and also an approxi- 
mation of the number of graduates turned out by the schools 
each year, the length of time they spent in the schools, the 
countries or areas from which they are recruited, and any 
other related data it could provide. 

Because the content of this document will, I believe, be of 
interest to the members of the committee who are here, to 
the witnesses present, and all others in the hearing room, 
I would like to summarize its contents briefly. 

The very first paragraph reads as follows : 

The Communist Parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc are currently giving 
extensive training to Free World Communists in the operational doc- 
trines, techniques, and major functional programs of political action 
and political warfare. This training is a strategically important Bloc 
"export," contributing to the promotion of revolution and attempts to 
seize power throughout the world. 

The next point made in the introduction to this study is 
that the document cannot be considered exhaustive. Much 
Comunist political warfare training, it points out, is carried 
on secretly and there is, therefore, a very real pK)ssibility that 
the Communists have successfully concealed "particularly 
sensitive political training projects." 

Furthermore, it is noted, the report contains no informa- 
tion at all — for obvious reasons — about the Communists' most 
carefully guarded aspect of political warfare training, 


namely, that given by the intelligence services of the Com- 
munist bloc to their agents. 

The report also points out that it does not include informa- 
tion on the extensive military training programs and the 
paramilitary and guerrilla training projects provided by vari- 
ous Communist governments. It notes that even guided tours 
for cultural groups and sports enthusiasts are utilized for po- 
litical purposes by the Communists and that all conventional 
universities in Communist bloc countries are Marxist-Leninist 
in orientation and thus utilized for political goals. 

By spelling out these varied aspects of Communist cold war 
operations and training which it does not cover, the report em- 
phasizes the tremendous scope of Communist training in all 
forms of nonmilitary techniques designed to subvert the free 

By way of summary, here are some of the high points in 
the report : 

There are at least seven schools of political warfare op- 
erating in the Soviet Union, nine in East Germany, nine in 
Cuba, four in Czechoslovakia, three in Hungary, and two in 
Bulgaria. In addition, it is known that political warfare 
schools exist in Communist China. The number, however, is 
not known. 

There are so-called Higher Party Schools in the Soviet 
Union, Bulgaria, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany, 
all of which have some foreign students. 

The Higher Party School in the Soviet Union has about 
1,500 students per year, about half of which come from other 
nations and 300 of which are from the free world. The 
courses vary in length from 1 year to 4 years. 

There is an international school for non-bloc Communists 
in the Soviet Union. It handles about 250 students a year. 
They come from all over the world, the largest number from 
Latin America. The courses they take vary from 6 months 
to 2 years. 

Red China has specialized in the training of Latin Amer- 
ican and African Communists. From 1958 to 1961 it had a 
very ambitious Latin American program. It is still train- 
ing some Latin Americans, though not as many as in the 
past. The training has included guerrilla warfare, and some 
of it has been devoted exclusively to paramilitary activity. 
The political warfare schools in Red China have stressed 
clandestine party work and organizational work with mass 

Peking has also run a special training course for Africans. 
Students taking this course do not have to be party members. 
In 1960, the course included not only political ideology, but 
also guerrilla warfare and sabotage. Two thirds of the 
course was devoted to training in weapons and military 
strategy, the use of explosives, and sabotage tecliniques, and 
one third was devoted to Communist ideology and how to 
introduce Communist organizations and influence into rural 

The Cuban picture is roughly as follows : 


In 1961 there was an enrollment of approximately 18,830 
students in political warfare schools in Cuba. In 1962 the 
figure jumped to 36,487. There are Higher Party Schools, 
plus a school for labor leaders, one for teachers, and one for 
local security personnel. Five additional schools are dedi- 
cated to the training of Communist leaders, functionaries, 
and activists. 

There are also provincial and basic schools and programs 
for guerrilla warfare and paramilitary training. Students 
from other Latin American countries study at these schools. 
Their exact number, however, is not known. 

Of special interest, I believe, is the fact that in the last 
few years, according to this State Department document, 
three special schools for journalists have been established 
behind the Iron Curtain. 

One, set up in 1961, is located in the Roztez Castle near 
Prague, Czechoslovakia. It is called the Study Center of 
the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists. Students include 
Asians, Latin Americans, and Africans, with emphasis on 
the latter. The speciality of this school is training personnel 
to staff the national press agencies of African countries. The 
third class to go through this school completed its 6 months' 
course in May 1963. It included 30 students from six different 
countries and brought to 50 the number of students trained 
for Communist work in sub-Saharan and Arab Africa. 

Another journalist school, called the School of Solidarity 
for the Training of African Journalists, has been set up in 
the East Berlin suburb of Buckow. The first formal class was 
graduated from this school in November 1963. It included 
20 young Africans from eight countries. In earlier, less 
formal training during the years 1961 and 1962, 16 Africans 
from eight different countries went through this school. 

There is also a Communist political warfare school for 
journalists in Hungary called the International Center for 
the Training of Journalists. It is located in Budapest. Its 
students include Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans. 
The school is operated under the auspices of the International 
Organization of Journalists, Moscow's worldwide Communist 
front for newspaper people. 

Many persons have been disturbed in the past few years 
by the evidence of Communist influence in the rising revolu- 
tionary tide in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The high- 
lights of the State Department's report on Communist schools 
of political warfare, which I have touched on, provide a 
strong clue to the origins of this Communist influence. It 
also indicates that the Communist bloc is doing everything 
possible to widen and strengthen this influence, that we will 
see additional evidence of it in the next few years, and that 
it is time for the United States and other free nations to 
recognize the increased Communist threat it faces in these 
areas and to adopt firm measures to counter them. 

If there be no objection from you other members of the committee 
the report will be placed in toto in the record. 
(The report follows:) 


A Survey of Sino-Soviet Bloc Political Training 
Establishments for Free World Nationals 

The Communist Parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc are currently giving 
extensive training to Free World Communists in the operational doctrines, 
techniques, and major functional programs of political action and political 
warfare. This training is a strategically important Bloc "export", con- 
tributing to the promotion of revolution and attempts to seize power 
throughout the world. 

This tabulation of the main schools and programs obviously cannot 
be considered exhaustive. On the one hand, since much of this training is 
carried on secretly, there is no assurance that particularly sensitive political 
training projects have not been successfully concealed. The miost carefully 
guarded aspects of political warfare training--that given by the intelligence 
services of the Bloc to their agent personnel--has not been considered at all, 
for obvious reasons, in this survey. 

On the other hand, the all-pervasive nature of the Communist approach 
to indoctrination and political action training affects to varying degrees the 
many varieties of nominally non-political education the Bloc states offer to 
visitors and guests from abroad. Professional education in philosophy and 
economics at conventional universities is obviously Marxist- Leninist in its 
conclusions; but even guided tours for sports enthusiasts and cultural groups 
are exploited to expose the amenable to ideas and precedents they may find 
useful in pursuing political goals. Finally, the extensive military training 
programs as well as the paramilitary and guerrilla training projects provided 
by various Bloc governments are not included in this survey except in the case 
of China. 

The training described has been given since I960 in schools run by the 
Communist Parties, by the Young Communist Leagues, by trade union, or 
by youth organizations, and professional bodies such as the national journalist 
associations. Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia all have been repre- 
sented at these schools, by both Communist party members and non-members. 
So far, the USSR and East Germany have been most energetic in building these 
programs, with Czechoslovakia and Hungary next in line. China's role, 
vigorous during the earlier period, is obviously in a period of change as a 


result of the Sino-Soviet Dispute. The overall program is not static; 
changes in program, and the development of new establishments are obviously 
occurring constantly; and the interest displayed by the Communist parties in 
deriving as much benefit as possible from these opportunities is still high. 



L. Party Indoctrination and Guerrilla Warfare Schools 

a. For Latin American Communists 

The CPC currently trains a limited number of Latin American 
Communists each year, with the trainees apparently drawn almost 
exclusively from pro-Chinese factions. For the time being the 
number of Latin American Communist trainees going to China is 
a mere trickle compared with the numbers who went during 1958- 
1961, when the CPC maintained an ambitious and organized program 
of training numerous Latin American Communists. The earlier 
program tapered off in the course of the Sino-Soviet dispute. 

The training is believed to be given in Peking. 

The length of the average course for Latin American Communists 
appears to be about three months, with additional time spent in 
touring China. 

The CPC training includes guerrilla warfare as well as political 
indoctrination, with most Latin American Communists apparently 
getting a combination of both. (In some special cases, however, 
the training may be almost exclusively in paramilitary activity.) 
The political indoctrination portion evidently includes the history 
of the CPC and its ideological development, plus Marxist- Leninist 
doctrine and how to put theory into practice. In the past the CPC 
was known to stress clandestine party work, and organizational 
work within different mass groups; these probably continue to 
receive emphasis. 

b. For Africans 

A series of special training courses for Africans has been apparent. 
So far these courses appear to be held at irregular intervals. For 
the most part, the Africans who attend these special courses are 
not CP members or even particularly knowledgeable of Communism 
prior to the course. 

The courses appear to last about 3-4 months. 

The training does not all take place in Peking, but other location(s) 
used are not firmly identifiable. 


The curriculum reported for a I960 course for Africans is 
probably representative of subsequent training given to other 
Africans. The training involved guerrilla warfare, sabotage, 
and political ideology. About two-thirds of the course was 
devoted to explosives, sabotage techniques, weapon training, 
and military strategy. The final one-third of the training 
focused on Communist ideology and the methods of introducing 
Communist organizations and influence in rural areas. 

Students from at least three African countries attended the 
i960 course. 

No information can be provided concerning specialized youth, 
trade union, or other functional training establishments in China. 

47-093 O— 65 



1. Party Ideological Schools 

a. Higher Party School of the CC/CPSU 
Miusskaya Square 6, Moscow 

As many as 1500 students in one year have been reported at 
this school, although the average yearly enrollment may be 
slightly smaller. Soviet trainees are believed to number 
roughly one -half of the total student body. 

In July I960, the school announced that 437 persons had 
graduated that year, including a large number of party 
officials from fraternal CPs in socialist countries. This 
number is not believed to have included the free world 
Communists who were graduated. 

In the past, an estimated 300 free world Communists 
attended the school each year. After the 1963 graduation, 
however, it was reported that no free world Communists 
would henceforth be enrolled at this school, and that 
separate facilities had been created for them. (See school 
b. , below. ) The Higher Party School is now said to be 
used exclusively for Soviet and bloc CP trainees. 

Regular courses run for periods of one, two, three and 
even four years. 

The curriculum stresses ideological training, including 
such subjects as economics, philosophy, history of the 
CPSU, party structure, economy of socialist countries, 
and history of national liberation movements. Study of 
the Russian language is also stressed. 

Foreign students, adl of whom must be CP members, have 
come from cdl areas of the world. 

b. International school for non-bloc Communists {exact name unknown) 

Believed to have commenced operations in 1962 

At least 250 students are believed to attend each year. 


Regular courses reportedly run for periods of six -months, 
one year, and two years. Two six-months courses are 
said to be given each school year, thus permitting more 
students to receive training each year. 

The curriculum stresses ideological training but is 
apparently more realistic and specifically designed 
for free world CP members than was the case at the 
Higher Party School. Besides the Russian language, 
subjects studied include history of the CPSU, philosophy, 
political economy, and the theory and tactics of Communism. 
In addition, each student reportedly studies the political 
and economic situation of his ow^n country. 

Students are all CP members and are said to be members 
of non-bloc CPs only. CPs from all areas of the world 
have sent trainees to this school. Communists from 
Latin America are believed to have made up the largest 
single area group thus far. 

National group training school (no name known) 
Believed located just outside Moscow 
Established prior to I960 

Upon occasion, a group of trainees from one CP only, or 
from one country only, is enrolled in a separate training 
establishment. This establishment is probably administered 
by the Higher Party School. Apart from considerations of 
secrecy, creation of this special facility appears inspired 
by: (1) The development of CPSU projects that require 
giving ideological training to an unusually large number of 
trainees from one CP at a specified time; or (2) The necessity 
to give special attention to inexperienced and unsophisticated 
"emerging Comtnunists " from a developing country where 
there is as yet no CP. 

Illustrating the first case, during a four year period a 
total of 100 members of one Latin American CP alone 
reportedly received separate training. Their studies 
included political economics, philosophy, history of the 
CPSU, structure of the CPSU, international relations, 
and history of the labor movement. 

Illustrating the second case, these facilities were 
reportedly used on one occasion for a group of about 
30 Africans from one country. For over a year this 


group received special political indoctrination and were 
taught organizational techniques. Their poor academic 
preparation reportedly was taJ<;en into account during the 

d. Regional party schools in USSR 
(e. g. Tashkent, Baku) 

There are a few reported cases of foreign Communists 
being enrolled in regular courses at regional party 
schools. In the reported cases, the foreign Communists 
have been either Greek or Iranian nationals long resident 
in the USSR. 

2. Youth School of the Party 

Central Komsomol School 


Prospekt Oktyabrskiy 

Moscow E. 402 

Established prior to I960 

This school is said to have a capacity for nearly 
1,000 students. An estimated 300 foreign students, 
including those from other bloc countries, appear to 
be enrolled each year. No reliable statement of the 
number of non-bloc trainees can be given. 

Courses for foreigners generally run for either six- 
months or twelve -months periods. 

The curriculum provides what is virtually CP ideological 
training. It includes the study of the history of the CPSU, 
organization and work of the Komsomol, philosophy, political 
economy, and the Russian language. 

This school enrolls non-CP youths as well as members of 
CP youth organizations; they receive their training together. 
Hence, the foreign students include a significant number of 
trainees from countries where no organized CP exists. In 
1963, students from about 30 foreign countries were reported 
at the school, with about 10 African countries represented. 
All areas of the world sent students to the school. 


Trade Union schools 

Trade Union School of the All -Union Central Council of 
Trade Unions 
Established 1961 

A course of about nine months is given for foreigners, 
combining instruction in Marxist doctrine with training 
in tactics to be employed in organizing and manipulating 
trade unions. 

The first class was made up entirely of Africans. Subsequent 
classes, numbering as many as 100 each, have included, 
along with Africans, a few students from Asia and numerous 
Latin Americans. A class of this varied composition began 
in 1963, with another scheduled for 1964. 

Other groups of trainees have from time to time been sent 
from overseas labor unions to the Soviet Union for less 
formal training of a few weeks' duration. 



1. Party Ideological School 

Higher Party School 


Established prior to I960 

It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time 
to time in this school. 

Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides 
similar ideological training. 

2. Trade Union Schools 

Georgi Dimitrov Trade Union School 

(Caurses for foreigners have been given intermittently since I960) 

A one-year course is currently being presented. A class began in 
October 1963. Latin Americans are prominently included (including 
four from Cuba). A previous class was composed chiefly of Africans. 
Groups of trainees from the Arab countries have also been trained in 




All ideological training within Cuba is organized and directed by the 
governing party through the National Directorate of Revolutionary Instruction, 
without the division of administrative responsibility already developed in the 
Soviet Bloc systems. Organized principally for Cubans, these schools- -at 
least the key ones--enroll students from other Latin American countries as well. 
No estimate of the numbers of foreign students is possible at this time. The 
total enrollment, in national, provincial, and basic schools, was 18, 830 in 1961 
and 36,487 in 1962. 

1. Key National "Schools of Revolutionary Instruction"- -1962 
Name of School Students Courses 

of courses 

"Nico Lopez"- - 
This school, intended 
eventually to be equiva- 
lent to bloc "Higher 
Party School", currently 
is supplemented by the 
training of Cubans in 
higher party schools 


8 months 

"Carlos Rodriguez"-- 
School for national and 
provincial labor leaders 


5 months 

"Juan Ronda"-- 
for defense committee 
(local security auxiliary 
force) members 


3 months 

d. "Ruben Bravo"-- 
for teachers 


5 months 

These key national schools are supplemented by five others that train 
functionaries, leaders, and activists for smaller functional groups and for work 
at the local level. Provincial and basic schools indoctrinate even larger groups 
of Cubans. These national schools do not include the programs for paramilitary 
and guerrilla training, in which some political indoctrination and training is 
known to be given. 



1. Party Ideological School 

Higher Party School 


Established prior to I960 

It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time 
to time in this school. 

Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides 
similar ideological training. 

2. International Communist Seminar Facilities 

Problems of Peace and Socialism (PPS) headquarters 

The editorial board of the international Communist publication, PPS, 
in Prague, sponsor s, sometimes in conjunction with the Czechoslovakia 
party, international seminars on subjects of importance to all CPs. 
Participants from many CPs have also prepared detailed written 
contributions for use at these seminars. (Not all PPS- sponsored 
seminars are held in Prague, but the majority take place there.) 
The materials used are, once properly edited and compiled, published 
and distributed for use throughout the world in ideological training. 

Some 1962-1963 seminars were on the following subjects: Building a 
United Anti-Imperialist Front; Socialist World System and the National 
Liberation Movement; Communists and Democracy; and Present 
Stage of the National Liberation Movement of the Arab Peoples . 

Trade Union Schools 

Central School of the Trade Union Federation (ROH) of Czechoslovakia 

Near Prague 

Course for foreign students established 1961 

The first class for foreign students conisted of 25 from ten African 
and two Asian countries. The curriculum covered, in five weeks, the 
main phases of Communist theory and its application in practical 
terms to the developing countries, Subsequent classes have included, 
along with Africans, participants from Arab countries and from Latin 


4. Journalist Training 

Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists 

Roztez Castle (near Prague) 


At this location and elsewhere in Czechoslovakia training has been 
given, both in organized courses and through individual instruction, 
to young Latin Americans, Asians, and especially Africans. It is 
carried out largely through the Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK). 

A specialty has been the training of persons to staff new national press 
agencies in the African countries. The third class completed a six 
months course in May 1963. It was made up of some thirty students 
from six countries. This class brought to a total of fifty the number of 
journalists trained to work in sub-Saharan and Arab Africa. 

The Czech Union of Journalists, in conjunction with the International 
Organization of Journalists (which also has its headquarters in Prague), 
has sponsored similar training of young Latin Americans on "scholar- 
ships" awarded for extended visits in Czechoslovakia. Details are not 



1. Party Ideological Schools 

a. Karl Marx School of the SED 
East Berlin 

Established prior to I960 

It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from 
time to time in this school. 

Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides 
similar ideological training. 

b. School facilities provided to other CPs 

Bad Doberan, Greifswald, Rostock, Wismar, Oderberg 
Established prior to I960 

At the above locations the SED is reported to provide assistance 
and facilities for the party training of Communists from severed 
other CPs, from principally those of Scandinavia. The program 
•• for the Nordic parties, which appears to take place chiefly at the 
first three locations above, is a continuing and regular venture. 
The use of facilities in East Germany is dictated in part at 
least by the belief that the students can thus be trained under 
more secure conditions. 

Literally hundreds of foreign CP members have received 

training in these schools. A class of 30-50 from one CP is 

not unusual. There is no known mixing of students from different 


The length of the courses is usually described as ranging from a 
few weeks to a few months (one of four months was reported). 
Often the schooling is given during the "vacations" of the CP 

As part of the curriculum, SED instructors may lecture on the 
building of socialism in East Germany. Otherwise, the subjects 
taught are handled by instructors from the particular foreign 
CP. Subjects reportedly include political economy, problems 
of the workers' movement, and "party questions." 


2. Youth School of the Party 

Wilhelm Pieck Youth Academy 
Bernau am Bogensee 
(near East Berlin) 
Established prior to I960 

Over 100 free world students appear to be enrolled each year. 

Courses for foreigners generally run for either six-naonths 
or twelve-months periods. 

Like the CPSU's Komsomol school, the curriculum provides 
what is virtually CP ideological training. It includes the 
study of Marxism-Leninism, political economy, history of the 
CPSU, history of the German workers' movement, youth work 
of the Free German Youth and Young Pioneers, and history of 
the international labor movement. 

The school enrolls non-CP youths as well as members of CP 
youth organizations. Students come from all areas of the 

3. Trade Union Schooling 

Fritz Heckert Academy of the Free German Federation of Trade 
Unions (Institute for Foreign Students) 
Bernau (near East Berlin) 
Established prior to I960 

Trainees have been accepted from Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America, both for lengthy periods (upwards of one year) and for 
briefer courses of a few weeks. As many as 175 have been 
trained in a single year for activity in labor organizations in 
Africa alone. 

4. Journedist Training 

School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists 
Buckow (suburb of East Berlin) 
Established November 1963 

The first class at the new school consisted of some twenty young 
Africans from at least eight countries who were given a month's 
training in preparation for journalistic activity in their home 
countrie s. 


This institution is directed by the Union of German Journalists, 
which has previously, on a less formally organized basis, 
provided training for Africans. Within a twelve-month span 
in 1961-62, sixteen Africans from eight countries were trained 
for periods of six to eight months. 



1. Party Ideological Schooling 

No information of enrollment of foreign Communists in 
the Hungarian party school system is available. 

2. Trade Union Schools 

Trade Union School of the General Council of Hungarian Trade 



Established before I960 

In addition to class instruction on theoretical and practical 
topics presented to trainees from a number of the less developed 
lands, a specialty has been to provide periods of observation 
and on-the-job training in Hungarian industries to further the 
career of invited foreign unionists. 

3. Journalist Training 

International Center for the Training of Journalists 


Established 1963 

Under the auspices of the International Organization of 
Journalists (the international Communist front centered in 
Czechoslovakia) preparations were under way throughout 1963 
for the opening of the school (including construction of a 
special building for instruction and for residential purposes) 
late in the year. Students were to come from Asia, Africa, 
and Latin America. 



1. Party Ideological Schooling 

"Radio College of Marxism-Leninism" 
Radio Pyongyang 

A course in Marxism- Leninism is beamed to South Korea. 
According to an overt announcement, "Through a systematic 
study of lectures provided by the college, a person will 
acquire an education equivalent to that provided by one year 
courses in the Communist Institute in North Korea." 
Inaugurated in the spring of 1962, the course is specifically 
designed for a South Korean audience. 

The announced subjects of the course are philosophy, political 
economics, scientific Communism, DPRK constitution, 
Korean history, history of the Korean Workers Party, and 
current political situations. 


Mr. IcHORD. The first witness for today then will be Mr. Arthur 
Meyerhoff. Is Mr. Meyerhoff present? You may be seated, Mr. 

The chairman of the committee, I might say to you, a few days ago 
received a letter from a former member of the Congress, the Honorable 
Clinton D. McKinnon, requesting that this committee give favorable 
consideration to your testimony. In his letter he referred to your 
deep concern about the Communist problem and mentioned the fact 
that after addressing the San Diego Rotary Club of 350 members a 
few weeks ago you received one of the greatest ovations the club has 
ever given a speaker. 

The chairman has asked that I make this letter a part of the hearing 
record, and if there be no objection it will be made a part of the record. 

It reads as follows : 

Honorable Edwin E. Willis, 
House OflSee Building, 
Washington, D.C. 

Dear Mr. Congressman : 

You may recall me as the Democratic Congressman from San Diego who 
entered the House for the 81st Congress — both of us "freshmen" together. 

I am writing to ask your favorable consideration of the testimony Arthur 
Meyerhoff will give your Un-American Activities Committee this coming Wednes- 
day, April 28th. 

Mr. Meyerhoff is one of the highly respected persons in the advertising profes- 
sion and, like many another businessman, is deeply concerned about this coun- 
try's failure to measure up to the Commies in propaganda warfare. 

Mr. Meyerhoff talked on this subject before our San Diego Rotary Club of 350 
members a few weeks back and received one of the greatest ovations this club 
has ever given a speaker. 

I am hopeful that what he advocates will make sense to you and your com- 
mittee, for we appear to be losing out to the Commies in our "idea" warfare and 
a change is certainly indicated. 

I hope things are well with you. 


Clinton D. McKinnon. 

Mr. Meyerhoff, I know you are the author of The Strategy of Per- 
suasion^ the Use of Advertising Skills in Fighting the Cold War. I 
might point out that this book has an afterword by our distinguished 
colleague. Representative Dante B. Fascell, chairman of the Subcom- 
mittee on International Organizations and Movements of the House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs. 

Mr. Meyerhoff since 1941 has been president of the international 
advertising firm of Arthur Meyerhoff Associates, Incorporated, of 
Chicago, Illinois. It is a pleasure, Mr. Meyerhoff, to have you with 
the committee today and the Chair will now recognize you for your 


Mr. Meyerhoff. Thank you. I am very pleased with Mr. McKin- 
non's letter because I am not a professional speechmaker. The talk 
at San Diego was the fourth speech I have made in my 33 years in the 
advertising business. 

Mr. Chairman and Committee Members: My name is Arthur E. 
Meyerhoff. I am the executive head of Arthur Meyerhoff Associates, 
Inc., an advertising agency established in 1932. We represent national 


accounts with offices in Chicago ; Toronto and Montreal, Canada ; and 
Zurich, Switzerland. 

When it was first suggested that I appear before this committee, 
I was reluctant to do so because the field of my studies and activities 
did not seem to qualify me to speak with authority on the work of the 
Un-American Activities Committee as I understand it to be. 

However, when I was informed that my appearance had to do with 
the hearings on a bill to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom 
Academy, and I subsequently studied the reports of previous hearings 
on the bill, I realized that it came within the scope of what I had been 
working on for the past 20 years. 

I think it is important for this committee to hear the results of my 
experience and research, which have to do with : 

1) an analysis of the skills with which the Communists are fight- 
ing the propaganda war against the free world ; 

2) what skills we as a nation are using to counter that war ; 

3) the reluctance on the part of our State Department and the 
United States Information Agency to take a more dynamic approach 
to offset the worldwide Communist propaganda offensive against the 
United States and the free world ; 

4) the resources we have in the United States to effectively fight 
the Communist propaganda offensive. 

While I wish to speak in support of bill H.R. 2eS79, I believe there 
are other immediate steps that we must take to stop the progress of 
the Communist propaganda offensive, making use of the skilled practi- 
tioners who already exist in the United States. These people have the 
special qualifications to understand the methods and technical skills 
behind the Communists' propaganda war, and they have the tools to 
help turn the tide of battle in our favor. 

People in our State Department and our United States Information 
Agency, whose background and outlook eminently qualify them to 
deal with people on a person-to-person diplomatic level, aiming pri- 
marily at people of their own intellectual level, or what they refer to 
as the opinion leaders, seem to have no qualifications for, and little 
understanding of, the modern techniques of persuading a mass of 
people to accept an idea. 

Their experience doesn't include the possibility that diplomats and 
opinion leaders can, in some instances, be motivated by a direct appeal 
from the masses, which, in turn, may help them to more easily achieve 
their diplomatic objectives. 

Certainly, the appeals to large numbers of people through the 
masses require a completely different orientation than those skills 
required in diplomacy. 

Our peaceful intentions, our humanitarian acts, and our desires 
for self-determination for peoples of the world should speak for them- 
selves. Normally, our country should have no need for external 
propaganda, but we have a competitor that is poisoning the minds 
of people all over the world, using the very selling skills that were 
actually developed by the advertising, merchandising, and selling 
professions in the United States. 

Mr. IcHORD. At that point, Mr. Meyerhoff, how do you analogize the 
propaganda tactics of the Communists over the world to advertising 
techniques used here in the United States ? 


Mr. Meyerhoff. How do they use those techniques ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. How are they similar? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I point out some of those as I go along. One par- 
ticular technique is the use of repetition. We in advertising don't 
say a thing once to get an idea over ; we say it over and over again. 
The same is true of Communists. For a number of years they have 
used this same theme : "We are the people's democracy. America is 
the imperialist," and they say that so often that I think they have 
a lot of people believing that and echoing that point of view. 

Another similarity is in the research techniques. Inst-ead of speak- 
ing in the context of their own experience, the Communists research 
the group they are working on, to learn their aims and hopes and 
aspirations, and address their messages and their propaganda to the 
self-interest of the people they are trying to persuade. 

This is precisely what we do in the advertising business. 

Mr. IcHORD. In other words, thev study the people where they are 
directing the propaganda. One selling technique might work in one 
country and another selling technique in another. 

Mr. Meyerhoff., That is correct. I don't believe there is any three- 
or five-point program for solving all our propaganda problems all 
over the world. It depends, for example, on what has been said by 
our major competitor in each particular country. It depends on their 
experiences, their hopes, their needs, and how we relate to their 

Have I answered your question ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. We must face this fact : If our Government were 
doing an adequate job of combating the Communist propaganda as- 
saults against us, there would be no need for a Freedom Commission 
and Freedom Academy outside of the State Department and the 
United States Information Agency. 

Because of the State Department's failure to come to grips with the 
problems which the Academy would attack, I also strongly urge this 
committee to reject the State Department's request that any academy 
of this type come under their immediate direction. 

The resistance that the bills to create a Freedom Commission and 
Freedom Academy are facing now, and will face in the future, is the 
same resistance which I, and many leaders in our industry, have faced 
in the past in trying to get our Government information agencies to 
use the professional skills of people trained in the arts of persuasion 
to fight the propaganda offensive. 

This resistance does not, as some people in our country believe, come 
from sinister forces in our Government that are on the side of the 
Communists. Wherever I speak, people ask me if there are people 
in our State Department who are influenced by the Communists. I 
hasten to tell them that I don't believe so. 

My studies indicate that this resistance stems partly from the antip- 
athy that the intellectual elite in general have for anything involving 
selling, advertising, and public relations. 

I recently received a letter from a news correspondent with broad 
experience in Government and educational circles. He said, in part, 
''I dislike the word *sell' almost as much as 'advertising.' For many 

47-093 0—65 8 


reasons, they have built up a connotation, no matter how unfair, of 

Because of my background and studies, I believe I can give you an 
analysis that may not only help this committee to imderstand the 
resistance the bill is meeting, but may give those who are opposed 
something to consider which may possibly change their point of view. 
An imderstanding of this resistance may save this bill from meeting 
the same fate that other similar efforts have met. 

During much of my career I have had what amounts to an avoca- 
tion in applying the skills of selling and advertising to public service 
causes, working with schools, hospitals, and charitable organizations 
on a voluntary basis to increase enrollment or win public support. 

In addition, during World War II one of our clients devoted an 
important part of his advertising budget to helping various Govern- 
ment services involved in the war to bring to the people of the United 
States the story of the contribution of these sendees in the war effort. 

Our client, who was extremely public spiritedj noticing the lack of 
miderstanding of selling and advertising techniques in Grovernment 
agencies, felt that his stake in the war effort was to help the Govern- 
ment services to do a better job of presenting their story to the Amer- 
ican public by using the same skills of selling and advertising that were 
responsible for the success of his business. 

I supervised much of the liaison between our client and the various 
Government services, and at one time our organization was working 
with the Army, the Navy, the Manpower Commission, the Maritime 
Sei"vice, the Office of War Information, and the Treasury Department, 
as well as other services. 

Based on our procedures, we researched and examined the important 
objectives these services told us they were trying to achieve in gaining 
public support. We then, in cooperation with our client, planned pro- 
grams to accomplish their goals. 

In our work with public service organizations and Government over 
20 years' time, the people we dealt with — whether they were Army 
officers, educators, public-minded citizens, or Government officials — 
were in the beginning almost, always entirely resistant and fearful of 
working with anyone who used a selling or advertising vocabulary. 

I think you could compare the situation to the image that some 
people have of the Un-American Activities Committee: it was not 
what we might have been able to do that frightened them, it was their 
preconceived notions of what we represented. We were "hucksters," 
"hidden persuaders," "Madison Avenue boys"; all terms created by 
journalists, novelists, and the movie industry. I found that when we 
avoided the terminology often associated with advertising — words 
such as "persuade," "hard sell," "promotion" — it was easier to gain 
their confidence. 

There is definitely a strong resistance in higher educational circles 
to the techniques of selling, advertising, public relations, or any 
method which attempts to "pereuade." It is the academic theory that 
people sliould be intellectually cliallenged and should be able to get the 
truth by themselves. 

They fail to realize tliat the masses of people believe a great deal of 
what tliey hear, right or wrong, particularly when it is repeated to 


them over and over again. We in advertising know we must repeat a 
message over and over in order to get people to take action. 

To give you some further evidence of the academic resistance to sell- 
ing techniques, results of a survey on the opinions of college men and 
their grasp of the functions of advertising and selling brought out 
some of the following results : Three fourths of the male college stu- 
dents questioned thought that selling at best was a job, at worst a 

The biggest student objection to sales work is that it is "forcing 
people to buy things they don't need." A Yale student said of selling 
that it is both too frustrating and prostituting. 

An Oregon youngster, w^ho was trying to be openminded, came up 
with the statement that he wouldn't mind selling a product of "pro- 
fomid significance to the consumer." But he had never found such a 

Mr. IcHORD. The image of you in the advertising field is almost as 
bad as in the politician field. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. Not as bad. We are not heckled as publicly to the 
great extent that politicians are. 

Ted Repplier of the Advertising Council, in a talk at a luncheon 
of the leaders of education in New York City, urged the educators : 
"Please understand me; I am not suggesting tliat educators cease 
criticizing advertising, but merely that they be fair and specific. 
Neither am I defending all advertising, although perhaps 95 percent 
of advertising offends no one. Ninety-five percent, by the way, is not 
perfect, but it is not bad. Some might question whether the actions of 
less publicized professions like law and medicine would score any high- 
er. But, for heaven's sake, when criticizing advertising, may we not 
have some of that fine objectivity for which educators are famous?" 

Incidentally, I have noted some recent relaxation outside of Gov- 
ernment of the attitude against selling and advertising, on the part 
of several outstanding educators. For example, I had quoted Kaphael 
Demos, a world-renowned philosopher, formerly of Harvard and 
presently at Vanderbilt ITnivei-sity, as having warned a Radcliffe 
graduating class that they'd be assailed by the spellbinders and 
"tempted by the magnetic voices of the demagogues and fanatics" of 
advertising once they w^ere outside the protection of their college. 

In a recent letter from Professor Demos, he said, in part : 

Advertising fulfills a need in our society ; it awakes, arouses, even creates 
wants in the hearts of the public ; in this way, our economy becomes an expand- 
ing one. We need what we want, and we want what we imagine; advertising 
enlarges our imagination. 

Many of the people in our State Department and the U.S. Informa- 
tion Agency have not emerged from the rarified atmosphere of the 
academic world and still cling to antagonistic theories and attitudes 
toward selling, advertising, or any method designed to persuade the 

No wonder they resist taking an active role in doing what should 
be their number-one job — selling freedom to the world. Any effort 
to convey ideas to people through selling skills represents "indoctrina- 
tion" or "brainwashing" to them. I think this committee heard this 
point of view expressed during the testimony of Mr. Averell Harri- 
man. Several times he referred to "indoctrination" and "brain- 


In trying- to understand the strong opposition to the selling point 
of view and to the opjwsition to the Freedom Academy bill, I have 
come across an additional concept that is held by Government leaders, 
namely, that freedom in and of itself is in the order of a self-evident 
truth which is self-motivating and self-perpetuating. 

Therefore, in the name of freedom all manner of negative, as well 
as small percentages of positive, news can be freely communicated 
to uncommitted nations on the assumption that this "breath of fresh 
air" will, as if by magic, turn a confused mind in our direction. 

The recognition that freedom as a concept must be sold in its own 
way does not enter their minds; therefore, to propose an aggressive, 
professional sales campaign runs contrary to the basic philosophical 
beliefs of many people who create policy in Government circles. 

The idea that there is something reprehensible about selling has 
taken on in their minds the characteristics of what one might call a 
religion. Yet, if we examine the history of our democratic truths, 
which we hold to be self-evident or accepted as revelation, it is easy 
to see that at one time they were disseminated as selling messages, 
in the strict sense of the word, and repeated over and over again — 
otherwise they would never have been accepted. "Indoctrination, 
brainwashing" if you want to call it that. 

Academic people often see advertising as a gaudy page in the news- 
paper or an irritating interruption in a favorite television program. 
They think only of the high-pressure magazine salesman who wedges 
his foot in their door or of the Hollywood version of the obnoxious 
publicity man. They don't understand that persuasion can be subtle 
or pleasing or lofty in purpose. They don't understand that advertis- 
ing of some breed or shade is being practiced all the time by all peo- 
ple, in all media, and for all purposes. 

A little freedom symbol painted on the side of a stone wall can be 
a sales message or an advertisement, too. 

The question which prompted me to spend 5 years in researching and 
writing my book, The Strategy of Persuasion^ is the same question, it 
seems to me, that motivated the many people who worked on the vari- 
ous bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy. 

It is the same question more and more Americans are asking every 
day. While that question is being stated in various ways, essentially 
it is, "What is wrong with the way we are being interpreted abroad?" 
Many leaders inside Government have been asking this same question. 

WTien Robert Kennedy returned from a visit to 14 nations he wrote : 

The amount of misinformation, as well as lack of information, about the 
United States and our system of government is appalling. 

The Communist propaganda machine constantly si>ew's out its facts and figures 
and its version of how to solve the problems of the world. 

Mr. Kennedy continued : 

No one comes forward with an explanation of the modem-day United States ; 
no one counters with the fact that modem-day colonialism is tied to Communism, 
not capitalism. No one is there to talk about Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, 
Poland, Tibet, or East Berlin. No one is prepared to counter the Communists' 


Our President, as Vice President, came back in 1961 from, a good- 
will tour of several countries and made this observation : 

The United States has not sold itself to the world. A nation that knows how 
to popularize corn flakes and luxury automobiles ought to be able to tell the world 
the simple truth about what it is doing, and why it is doing it. 

That statement suggests that the methods and people who did pop- 
ularize corn flakes and luxury automobiles and a lot of other things 
could apply their knowledge and methods to making the truth about 
the United States better known and better understood. 

Over the years, whenever a leader in our industry has spoken out 
about Government using the skilled people and methods of advertising 
to help turn the tide in the propaganda battle, the same statement has 
been heard from our Government information agencies — that you can- 
not sell Government ideas the way you sell soap flakes. 

This has not been confined to one administration. It has persisted 
for the past 20 years, as far as I can tell. 

This statement was recently reiterated by a spokesman for the 
United States Information Agency. The statement, in part, said : 

The advertising industry is a skilled and effective force in the American 
marketplace, but I hasten to say it is a naive person who assumes that if a 
man is a top salesman of soap and deodorant he is automatically an expert 
in selling ideas or political outlook. 

Well, of course, you don't sell ideas the way you sell soap and 
deodorant. Neither do you sell Cadillac cars the way you sell soap. 
Inherent in the product is the means for selling that product. A good 
salesman adjusts his technique to the product or idea and the people 
he is trying to persuade and sell. 

The reference to soap and deodorant, by the way, showed a deep- 
seated resentment toward selling. There are many of the neces- 
sities of life that are sold through advertising; it isn't all soap 
and deodorant. 

The important thing is that advertising men make their living by 
finding out how to reach people and developing the right words 
or symbols to get them to act in a predictable way. 

Why do we buy one brand of cigarettes rather than another? With 
our eyes shut we probably can't tell one cigarette from another. But 
we live by symbols. Some catch phrase, some familiar melody, some 
glimpse of a cowboy in God's country — and we are impelled to buy 
a particular cigarette. 

My research indicates there is no one in a responsible position in 
the United States Information Agency with training and experience 
in the "arts of persuasion" as practiced in the United States. Tliis 
agency is long on information and short on persuasion. 

With their background in journalism, education, and foreign af- 
fairs, it is easy to understand why officials of USIA concentrate on 
information centers, lending libraries; printing and distributing 
magazines; and engaging in activities designed to improve the cul- 
tures of people; but they have not designed these activities to present 
a direct, convincing story that will bring masses of people to the side 
of the free world. 

Incidentally, in speaking of our overseas libraries with books in 
English that are aimed at improving the culture of peoples rather 
than presenting a direct story that will make them favorable to us. 


I would like to say that libraries have an extremely limited appeal 
in countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, Egypt, South Vietnam, and 
elsewhere, where they were burned recently. 

A statement recently issued by the USIA said that the libraries 
act as a lightning rod — a safety valve — and if they weren't avail- 
able in some countries, the organizers of these anti-American demon- 
strations probably would direct their mobs to move against private 
U.S. interests in their midst — a rather novel use for the expensive 
libraries that we have established overseas. This explanation appears 
to me to be a little farfetched in justifying our present sterile propa- 
ganda approach. 

USIA's most noteworthy activity is to tell the truth of what goes 
on in the United States through its own news facilities. Of course, 
the truth of what goes on in the United States — as you and I know 
it — has far more to offer to the world than Russia or Cuba or Red 
China can offer. 

In spite of our problems, no rational man would exchange our way 
of life for that of the man behind the Iron Curtain. And yet, there 
is a fallacy in the USIA approach. This approach has put the United 
States Information Agency, a Government agency, into the news busi- 
ness, a function that is contrary to the principles of a democratic 

USIA explains that by broadcasting the news of what goes on in 
the United States, good or bad, people will eventually realize that we 
tell the truth, and our messages will be believed. Unfortunately, 
the news does not always reflect the truth of what goes on in our coun- 
try as a whole. 

In fact, we know that the events which make the headlines are the 
events that are unusual. That's why they are in the headlines. If 
riots and scandals were common occurrences, they would not be given 
such heavy coverage. 

When we hear of unusual or newsworthy events, we automatically 
relate them to what is normal and familiar. People overseas, who 
know virtually nothing about life in the United States, cannot do this. 
They accept the events they hear about as being typical or common- 
place, and anyone who has entertained a visitor from overseas has 
had that fact brought home to him. 

And yet we have the spectacle of the USIA — an official Government 
agency — broadcasting day after day throughout the world news of 
crime and scandal in the United States. Yes, these unpleasant events 
do happen, but do they represent the real United States that you 
and I know ? I don't think they do. 

The things we hear on the air and read about in newspapers are 
unusual. That's why they are "news." 

There are many more law-abiding citizens than there are lawbreak- 
ers. There are infinitely more responsible teenagers than wild or 
delinquent teenagers. I think that is being demonstrated on the 
Mississippi River today, the way those kids are working on the dikes to 
stem the floods. There are more enduring marriages than divorces. 
But none of that is news. 

It is a sad fact that the truth is not usually news. And news does 
not necessarily reflect the truth. 


The constructive things about our society and what it represents are 
not newsworthy and can be completely overshadowed by the violence 
in the daily headlines. 

The problem is magnified in other nations, where the Communists 
add their own distorted version of what goes on in the United States. 
How many people stop to think that the reason they don't hear very 
much sensational news about the Communist nations is not that mur- 
ders, divorces, and riots don't happen there, but that they are rarely 
reported ? 

By contrast, we look pretty bad. The true contrast — the contrast 

of a free press versus a totalitarian press — is lost in the mass of head- 

I have been advocating that our Government get out of the news 
business and get into the selling business, that is, USIA should no 
longer attempt to cover the news for the people of the world. This 
vital function is best left in the hands of the free press of the world, 
the nongovernmental commercial news services that completely serve 
the free world. 

Wliere this commercial news is not available — as behind the Iron 
Curtain — our Voice of America is not an able substitute. What news 
does get through the jamming is neutralized by incessant hostile pro- 
paganda. And for those behind the Iron Curtain who do want news 
of the free world, there are Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty — 
both privately operated broadcasting operations that are, by some re- 
ports, more effective than Voice of America. 

Through the Voice of America, USIA broadcasts programs, some of 
which are so erudite and dull that I'm sure they attract only a tiny 
fraction of their potential audience. Here are some titles of Voice 
of America scripts: National Institute of Arts and Letters, Eugene 
O'Neill : Part I, Earthquakes : Cause and Effect, and one called Dead 
Horse, the Featherbed and Unwork. 

The last one is a discussion of useless w^ork in our society of super- 
abundance. I wonder how impressive that subject is to those nations 
where the big problem is how to stay alive from day to day. 

Creative programming on the Voice of America designed to reach 
the largest possible audience with effective messages woven into the 
broadcast schedule on a dspy-in-day-out basis can bring many more mil- 
lions to our side. 

The entertainment industry and the advertising industry working 
together as they do in the United States have proven that they have 
the know-how to get results. 

Many people don't realize that a propaganda offensive can pack the 
lethal power of a python — and can coil and choke just as effectively, 
too. Now, everybody understands the weapons threat — that a 50- 
megaton bomb can knock the hell out of a city, and a 1000-megaton 
bomb will knock hell out of a county. But they don't understand that 
a megaton of propoganda can knock the resistance out of a continent — 
or of the world itself. 

In 1917 Lenin invented a slogan : Peace, Land, Bread. That's all — 
three lovely words — and then repetition did the trick. That slogan 
was to be more effective than the whole Russian Army. An old United 
States advertising technique was getting a potent new application. 


Lenin saw, as some of our brilliant leaders even today do not see, 
that if you control the minds of men it doesn't matter who controls 
the guns. And so, Russia has had an enormous jump on us in the strat- 
egy of political persuasion. 

The Communists may threaten the free world with their weapons, 
but I believe that we have more to fear from the psychological devices 
they are using in the war of words. It will be this war that will even- 
tually decide whether communism will rule the world, or will wither 
and die. 

While we congratulate ourselves on having achieved a lull in the 
cold war in the West, the long-range Communist propaganda war goes 
on full force. Treaties, trade agreements, and cultural exchanges be- 
come propaganda weapons for them. 

I would like to have you look at some of the papers that many col- 
leges throughout the United States are getting. Each one of them has 
in it the inevitable propaganda statements downgrading the United 
States and praising the Communist world. The publications are cir- 
culated openly through our mails. 

I ask you to look at a recent issue of Ameryka^ a USIA production, 
written in Polish for distribution in Poland, with 35 pages of news 
and dramatic pictures devoted to our race riots. It does give the history 
of the civil rights movement, with an attempt to tell the story of 
freedom in academic detail. 

But the dramatic pictures and the colorful language used to describe 
the "oppressed peoples" throughout America overshadow the explana- 
tion, and I am sure that the overall impression from this article is that 
America is torn by strife. Consider its impact — a Government produc- 
tion. How the Reds must love this ammunition we give them. 

Now, would it have been so unethical to feature a 35-page illustrated 
article about our fine Polish-American citizens in America enjoying 
the fruits of freedom rather than to emphasize this material ? 

I would like to, if I may, just show you this magazine. 

Mr. IcHORD. Could you leave that with the committee, Mr. Meyer- 
hoff ? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. Yes, sir, I will. Here is a picture of the march on 
Washington. The very picture demonstrates the freedom of our 
country. The country where this magazine was sold is not free. But 
the words that stand out in this article are, "We seek freedom in 1963." 

Mr. Clawson. Mr. Meyerhoff, what was the distribution? How 
many were circulated ? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. As I understand it, it is about 30,000, and they are 
sold on the basis of an exchange program with the Communists. They 
publish a counterpart of that magazine in this country and, from what 
I have seen of the Communist counterpart, they are doing one heck of 
a selling job. 

Mr. IcHORD. Your idea is it would be very easy for the Communists 
to come in behind an article such as this and sell the idea that no one 
has freedom in the United States? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. It would be very simple. They have the material 
right there to work with. It is true that the magazine has quite limited 
distribution. It is true that it does tell the story of freedom. It does 
make a complete analysis of our side of the story. But if you take it 
in its entirety, the detail is overshadowed by the violence. 


The USIA explains the use of material such as this in the following 
manner: "* * * we must plan our efforts in certain knowledge that 
what is done in a Selma or a Harlem or said in the Senate or in our 
press becomes part of our campaign." 

Many people are killed annually by slipping in their bathtubs, 
but if you were to bring up this fact at the same time that you wei-e 
trying to tell people of the joy of takinp- a bath, vou would discourao-e 
them from taking baths. 

This does not mean that you should suppress the statistics of the 
number of people who are killed annually in bathtubs, but it is an 
example of what happens when you combme a news function with a 
selling function. 

You cannot do an effective job of presenting an idea or product by 
emphasizing the negative sides of the product. The negative aspects 
are often so spectacular that they overshadow the benefits that the idea 
or the product has to offer. 

When a Government agency gets into the news business, it is almost 
impossible to present impartially what is good in our society. 

There is hardly a product or an event that doesn't have its negative 
factors, but in selling we emphasize the positive. 

I am certain that if the skilled men in advertising, public relations, 
and selling were called upon to direct our propaganda efforts, they 
would find many ways to emphasize the constructive things that our 
society has to offer. 

I want to make this perfectly clear. I am in no way suggesting 
that the free press be inhibited or that they be stopped from publish- 
ing the news. Wliat I am saying is that our Government should begin 
an educational program designed to have people overseas understand 
our society, its humanitarian purposes, and its free press, so that they 
can properly evaluate the truth of our position. 

I have no concern about the people m the United States understand- 
ing our country as a whole, but I am concerned with these people in 
other countries who don't understand it. 

Freedom and truth will not be bought on what we consider their 
"self-evident" merits, unless we effectively bring those merits to the 
attention of the people whom we want to influence. 

Any American will grant that in a court of law each side should, 
without distorting facts, be as persuasive as possible. We accept this 
as proper. We'd be quick to fire our lawyer if he kept stressing the 
spectacularly negative aspects of our case. 

Yet, at present, two ideologies stand before the bar of world opinion, 
fighting for survival. The opposition uses every emotional trick in the 
book. But our own counsel persists in citing only so-called news facts, 
often highly damaging to us — and conscientiously refuses to persuade 
the jury of the world. 

Propaganda can have noble aims. It is merely an organized effort 
to spread particular doctrines. Propaganda can be misused, of course, 
but so can a hammer or a razor — or anything else. 

Automobiles can transport and automobiles can mangle. Water can 
quench thirst and water can drown. But we don't forego these great 
necessities because somebody else misuses them. 

I think that also came up in the testimony from the State Depart- 
ment, that we can't use the methods that the Communists use. If 


they are misusing the proven methods of persuasion by lying, why 
can't we use these methods to tell the truth? Our Defense Depart- 
ment is quick to match and surpass the Communists with every wea- 
pon of war; why should a weapons gap exist in the propaganda war? 

Whether propaganda is good or bad depends entirely on its pur- 
poses. Hitler made a vicious use of propaganda ; Stalin made a vicious 
use of propaganda. Consequently, propaganda has a bad name. Yet 
propaganda may be used for excellent objectives — ^to back charities, 
to wipe out disease or forest fires, and many other constructive things. 

Naturally I support the bill to create a Freedom Commission and a 
Freedom Academy, just as I would instantly support any approach or 
technique which can possibly help us in the struggle against commu- 
nism and the understanding of what they are trying to do. 

Certainly, it is important to train people in and out of Government 
to understand the ideological assaults that are being made against the 
free world and means for fighting those assaults. We need every force 
that America can muster, even though this force would be an un- 
organized force fighting a highly efficient, organized propaganda 

In addition to the people in and out of Government who will be 
trained by the Freedom Academy, there must be a Government agency 
that becomes operational now to direct our cold war efforts if we are to 
successfully offset the hate and subversion that the Communists are 
spreading against us and the free world. 

This organization can be our present United States Information 
Agency, but it must carry out the spirit of Public Law No. 402 upon 
which it was established — "an Act to promote the better understand- 
ing of the United States among the peoples of the world and to 
strengthen cooperative international relations." 

In order to accomplish this end, it must be headed and staffed by 
people with definite experience and training in the skills of persuasion. 
There must be professional leadership, under the direction of the 
President, to establish an effective propaganda program. 

In a communication from the State Department to this committee, 
dated March 29 of this year, which opposes the bill to establish the 
Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy, Douglas MacArthur II 
stated, "Expertise and operational experience are as important in the 
formulation of policy as they are in its execution." 

I agree with this wholeheartedly, but the State Department has 
not proven its expertise and operational experience in the area of 

To draw an analogy from the business world, the State Department 
can be compared to the sales department of a large corporation which 
sells only to wholesale buyers. The sales manager may consider his 
job of primary importance, since he makes the sale. But the adver- 
tising department that directs its efforts to the consuming public 
knows that the wholesale buyer has to buy the product if the con- 
sumers demand the product as a result of the advertising. The sales 
manager's job is made easier by virtue of the pressure of the adver- 

Isn't it possible that the State Department's job might be easier if 
there were an effective force in the field bringing pressures to bear 
on the diplomats? I believe this is precisely what the Commvmists 
are doing when they demonstrate in various countries. 


By stressing the importance of the diplomats and the opinion lead- 
ers, we overlook the fact that opinions of the masses are not neces- 
sarily influenced by a few leaders and that leaders can be influenced 
by the masses. I believe that this is the reason that Russia has large, 
trained propaganda organizations throughout the world to do just 

We must move to the attack in all parts of the world now wdth the 
readily available professional persuaders of the United States. We 
need a broad-based, effective propaganda program directed by men 
skilled in the "arts of persuasion." We in the United States are the 
greatest salesmen in the world, but we have not sold freedom to the 

We have not exposed the living lie that is communism and the hate 
it is spreading. 

It is high time to call in the experts — not the Hollywood version 
of the Madison Avenue hucksters, but the trained, imaginative, dedi- 
cated men who have proved they have precisely the skills needed to 
make people yearn for what is good — and motivate them to obtain it. 
Once again I say, as a representative of the advertising profession, 
that I will endorse bill No. H.R. 2379 to create a Freedom Commis- 
sion and Freedom Academy. But, in conclusion, I w^ish to mention 
several matters on which the success of this general project will hinge : 
First, the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy must 
be centralized in its control, undominated by other departments, 
bold and imaginative in its proposals. 

Second, any department or agency receiving policy proposals 
from the Freedom Academy should be expected to cooperate wath 
these proposals, or be required to justify its refusal. 

Third, a liberal budget must be made available to carry through 
the Academy proposals. According to estimates, the Russians 
spend between $li/^ to $2 billion a year on propaganda missions. 
Here we are at a tremendous competitive disadvantage. The 
finest proposal will be a strangled pigeon without cash. And if 
it only saves a tiny part of our great big defense budget by win- 
ning the propaganda war, it will save many billions. 

Fourth, the techniques and skills of advertising men and public 
relations men should be employed to the fullest now in a reor- 
ganized and adequately financed USIA. Unlike others who will 
need years of training, these professional forces are ready to tackle 
the job for America immediately. 
Spot experiments would precede any widespread campaigns, of 
course. As in advertising, we must try out a technique in a limited 
locality and then broaden the scope when results are favorable. 

I challenge the USIA to recruit a group of skilled advertising and 
public relations men and assign to them the responsibility for reaching 
the people of just one country with the story of what America means 
to them. 

Instead of arguing over theory while the uncommitted world goes 
down the Communist drain, let us put the matter to a practical test. 
Give us a year or two to present American ideas to the masses of another 
country with techniques adapted from those that have been so success- 
ful in our own country, and we will soon see which way gets results. 
We must avoid the gross blunders of the Communists — luckily, we 


Americans have a far better product to promote and could make far 
faster headway than they. 

Thank you. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Meyerhoff, for a very interesting and 
important contribution to these hearings, and I might say that I whole- 
heartedly join with former Congressman McKinnon in his appraisal of 
your ability to present your ideas. 

I have a few questions which I would like to develop. In your 
statement you have indicated that the State Department has failed 
to reach beyond the foreign leaders and the foreign diplomats and 
get to the people. That charge has often been leveled at the State 

Don't you feel that in recent years the State Department has made 
some improvement in that field ? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I frankly find little evidence of it. I spent 2 
years in Europe, went into East Germany, made other studies, and I 
do not feel that the U.S. has made much headway in reaching the 
masses of people. 

As a matter of fact, from everything that I can see — and I could 
give you dozens of quotations on this subject from knowledgeable peo- 
ple — our prestige has deteriorated rather than gained. I cite the 
attacks on our USIA libraries, which apparently are increasing. I see 
little evidence of the State Department reaching the people of other 
nations more effectively. I would certainly like to see such evidence. 
I have made these statements in speeches and have had a book on the 
market for 5 months, and I have had no one in Government give me 
any evidence to indicate that my evaluation is wrong. 

Mr. IcHORD. You made a very serious indictment of the USIA and 
its broadcasting policies, namely, your testimony about the reporting 
of that which is bad in American news, reporting that news abroad. 
I have heard that criticism made of the USIA quite frequently. Not 
too many months ago that was in the newspapers, criticism made of 
USIA. What is the date of this Polish publication? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I would like to comment while I am getting that. 

Mr. IcHORD. Not being on the Foreign Affairs Committee I haven't 
followed this matter closely, but I was of the understanding that the 
USIA had made some changes in its presentations abroad. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. By the way, that is October 1964. 

Mr. IcHORD. October 1964. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. By the way, I want to state that I have looked at 
the records and the backgrounds of these men in USIA and I have 
the deepest respect for all of them. I think they are dedicated. I 
think they are well trained in their fields. I have no criticism of any- 
one in the USIA. 

Mr. IcHORD. You feel it is just a mistake in judgment? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I say they are not skilled in the professions tlint 
can help improve our image abroad, and have been to some extent in- 
fluenced by their academic or journalistic backgrounds. 

Walter Trohan of the Chicago Tribune reported on Vietnam and 
I^SIA's newer tactics in the propaganda war over there. In essence, 
he said the Communists use extensive propaganda to aid Ho Chi Minh ; 
they sing songs in his praise. They quote poems about him. They 
show him with babies. They show liim with guerrillas. Tliey show 


him working in his garden. They build him up as a personality to be 
loved. But on our side, we have helicopters broadcasting the message 
of truth to the Vietnamese, often in English, or in dialects that they 
do not understand. And what is more important, the content of these 
messages is ineffective. 

Mr. IcHORD. Of course, you have picked out and put your finger on 
one field of activity, and I do agree with you, but I think the USIA 
does a lot of good work. For example, I just received this morning a 
report from the United States Information Agency. In this report 
it has excerpts from Cuban letters, some of them reading as follows : 

Keep up the good work because all of Cuba can hear you. 
God bless you all. 

There is much need for a program like this where young 
people can learn what unfortunately they do not now teach 
to our land. 

Congratulations for the brilliant work being carried on for 
our cause, which is the cause for democracy. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. May I comment ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. When we in advertising appraise a market w4th 
our techniques, we look at that market as a total thing. If we paid 
too much attention to the few letters that we get, pro or con, we might 
be completely misled. 

Any effort in any direction will motivate letters good and bad, but 
you cannot decide a program that is designed to reach masses of people 
based on these letters. A few letters, pro or con, have no significance 

Mr. IcHORD. You made a very cogent point about how your think- 
ing will be influenced by the reporting of bad news. I know I had 
that brought home very forcibly to me during the past week, that is, 
you sit up here on the banks of the Potomac and read in the newspapers 
of the crime committed by juveniles. You read of the activity of cer- 
tain beatniks among our schoolchildren and the activities of certain 
college groups fighting for the right to display obscene four-letter 
words, and it is very easy to get the idea that the young generation is 
going to pot. 

During the Easter vacation, I had the opportunity to speak to about 
9,000 high school kids at various schools in my district and I came back 
with the idea that the young kids are not only healthier today physi- 
cally than the preceding generation; they are more intelligent. They 
are just as strong morally. And your idea was brought home very 
forcibly to me. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I agree with you wholeheartedly on what you 
say about our young people. 

Mr. IcHORD. One more question. I would point out to you that the 
bills that have been Introduced would only establish the Freedom 
Academy for a research training and development center. It would 
not be an operational agency. Are you in favor of setting it up as an 
operational agency ? 


Mr. Meyerhoff. I can't say that. I am in favor of the training of 
people. I believe it might be well not to make it operational. The 
United States Information Agency could use personnel trained in the 
Freedom Academy. 

Mr. IcHORD. I might say that I believe that was one of the mis- 
understandings of the State Department in its opposition to the bill. 
I think they thought that the Freedom Academy would intrude into 
their field of traditional authority. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I do not believe it will. 

Mr. IcHORD. Then you more or less believe that the State Depart- 
ment does have the operational agencies it needs? You do feel that 
there could be considerable improvement made in their techniques and 
you have suggested here today ways in which their activities and 
procedures could be improved. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you have any questions ? 

Mr. Clawson. Mr. Chairman, I have a number of them. In fact, I 
wish we could spend a long time together here and explore some of your 
ideas in connection with your testimony. 

I jotted down just a couple of notes because of your application 
of a different principle than this record that USIA put out, where you 
would do what the old song said, "Accentuate the positive and elimi- 
nate the negative." I approve of that. 

However, now let me move on into something that might appear 
just to be a little argumentative. I think the masses of people 
to whom I have talked feel that we have failed in the world to sell 
the United States of America and freedom and the kind of choices 
that we have to make in this country. Because of that failure they 
are making demands upon us who are in elective positions. 

I am sure these same demands are being made upon people who hold 
appointed positions. If the masses make this kind of complaint, why 
haven't you been able to sell your program to the USIA? You are 
in the selling business. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. As I have pointed out, there has been strong op- 
position in Government to the effective use of people from the adver- 
tising and selling industries. 

Your statement really says, ""Wliy hasn't the advertising profession 
who have spoken out in this area 

Mr. Clawson. "been able to sell their product?" 

Mr. Meyerhoff. The advertising business, a number of years ago, 
decided to demonstrate to Government through the Advertising Coun- 
cil that it can be an effective force in selling ideas. The Advertising 
Council has been doing an extremly effective job for Government and 
public service objectives on the home front. But these mere demonstra- 
tions apparently have not convinced people in Government that these 
great industries can help our image abroad. I see indications that the 
time is ripe to bring this story to the public in a more forceful and direct 
manner. And I am urging our industry to take dynamic steps in this 
direction. At present, there are only individuals interested in promot- 
ing it. 

Mr. Clawson. Excuse me just a minute. Mr. Meyerhoff, you mean 
interested in this particular area of the advertising industry getting 
into the field of Government ? 


Mr. Meyerhoff. Yes, we sell our clients' products, not ourselves, 

Mr. Clawson. The reason I question that is because I can remem- 
ber, ever since I have been able to understand the language, "It pays 
to advertise." That is a common household propaganda piece as far 
as I am concerned, and I think you have done a good job in selling 
your own product. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. Thank you. 

Mr. Clawson. Let me hasten to tell you that you and I are on the 
same side. I want to sell our program, too, and I want to do it the best 
way we can. I tliink perhaps we have explored this one. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I had hoped that my book was a way of getting 
the attention of the people and stirring up enough people to get back of 
the idea. 

Mr. Clawson. We are talking about two areas of advertising. One, 
of course, is unrelated at the present time, by using immediately what 
you call a professional persuader, and this brought all kinds of visions 
to me. I can remember the persuaders that some of the teenage kids 
used ; it was a pair of brass knuckles or a tow chain or something of this 
kind. You propose the use of this information for some immediate 
exploration or propaganda tool by the Government agencies involved, 
and the second approach is through the Freedom Academy, the bills 
that we are considering now. 

A witness prior to this has indicated that he would like to see the 
Academy established and that every person possible go through this 
Academy, whether they are with a corporation that has a business in 
some foreign country or an oil company that is exploring some oil in- 
terests in other areas or a construction company or a mining company 
or with the State Department. 

He would make that compulsory as far as the State Department is 
concerned, but all of these who are going overseas in any capacity, 
private or public, should take advantage of the Freedom Academy 
facilities in order to learn their function in dealing with these foreign 
nations and peoples of foreign lands. 

Would you subscribe to that philosophy ? 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I certainly w^ould. The point is that the more 
people that are aware of the problem and the more people that have 
an understanding of this problem, the better we are going to be able 
to fight it. 

However, I maintain that it also must be undertaken by an opera- 
tional organization that does this job within Government, even though 
we will be training people in the private sector or in the various 
Government departments to be aware of the fight that is being waged 
against us, because I don't think people understand it at the present. 

Mr. Clawson. Thank you, 

Mr. Meyerhoff. However, as a group to fight this very well-orga- 
nized Communist propaganda organization, I don't see the Freedom 
Academy becoming too useful for a little while. 

Mr. Clawson. That is the reason you want some immediate action. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I want immediate action. I am trying to separate 
the two things. 


Mr. Clawson. I see. Mr. Chairman, we have another witness, 
and he is present here this morning so I will withhold any further 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very mucli, Mr, Clawson. I might point 
out to you, Mr. Meyerhoff, that the director of the committee staff just 
handed to me a copy of your book, The Strategy of Persuasion, and it 
is on the Library of Congress waiting list of books. A notice slip in 
this copy states that "The long list of Senators and Representatives 
waiting for this book requires in fairness to them it be treated as a 
ten-day book." I might say that I have heard of your book, but I 
haven't had any opportunity to read it myself. 

I am going to put myself on that list. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. I have an extra copy here if you like. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would like to have a copy, I would also suggest that 
it might be a good idea if you had sufficient copies to send the same 
to the committee on foreign affairs, both the House and the Senate, 
and I hope that the proper people in the State Department are also 
reading your book because I think you have made a great contribution 
to this work that we are all interested in. 

You have many ideas which I think can be accepted. Thank you 
very much, sir, for your excellent testimony. 

Mr. Meyerhoff. Thank you. 

Mr. IcHORD, The next witness is Congressman Buchanan, a member 
of the full committee. 


Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Chairman, because of the lateness of the hour 
and the most fascinating testimony of the previous witness if you 
would like to further question him and let me come at a later time I 
would be most happy to do so. 

Mr. IcHORD. I think we can go ahead and proceed with your state- 
ment, Congressman Buchanan. 

(At this point, Mr. Clawson left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Buchanan. I first want to compliment the previous witness 
for this very fine statement and will look forward with you, Mr. Chair- 
man, to reading this book. I think perhaps the wisest statement I 
could make in following him is simply to say Amen. 

In the language of business and of advertising, we do have a product 
that is worth selling, a superior product, and one which deserves 
the finest skills of the advertising art. In the language of politics, we 
have a platform that is the right platform and all the issues are on 
our side. 

In the language of the church, we have a message to proclaim that 
I believe to be the truth and, in contrast to world communism, a matter 
of good as over against evil. I happen to believe in the inherent power 
of good to overcome evil or truth to cast out error, as light might cast 
out darkness. 

Mr. Chairman, if truth is to triumph in our time in this death strug- 
gle between our way of freedom and the way of totalitarianism that 
has taken such deadly form in what we call communism and if in our 
time good is to overcome evil, it seems to me that we need to leam the 


danger that we could easily see from the work of Hitler or Stalin, the 
danger of lies skillfully told, of evil operating under the mask of good, 
the danger of letting the other side, which is the wrong side, consist- 
ently employ superior techniques and so skillfully fight a battle they 
ought to lose that we find ourselves continually on the losing side 

I don't think there is any question in your mind or the mind of the 
gentleman here or of any American as to the innate superiority of our 
way of life over the way of communism. I would say that we have a 
country worth keeping and a way worth preserving. 

I am sure on this we would all agree. But the disconcerting fact is 
that world communism has made great progress in overcoming the 
forces of freedom. Starting at the turn of the century with a hand- 
ful of men, Lenin, with the ideas of Marx and Engels, began to 
move forward. By 1917, with a few thousand, he was able to take over 
the government of Russia. World communism has continued to move 
forward until in this day some 40 million people are members of the 
Communist Party. More than one billion people, more than one 
third of the world's people, more than 25 percent of the earth's surface, 
and some 20-odd nations are now under the control of the Communists. 

(At this point Mr. Clawson returned to the hearing room.) 

Mr. Buchanan. Therefore, it would seem most obvious to me that 
this is a struggle we appear to be losing in light of the progress in 
conquering territory and in subjecting people that world communism 
has made. Yet this force standing over against our force, the force of 
our free society, is one which ought to lose because of the inherent 
superiority of our way of freedom. 

I think there are three mainstreams of our culture that are worth 
preserving and that stand in utter contrast to the Communist way. 
These three causative forces have worked together toward making 
America what it is, toward creating this land of freedom, toward trans- 
forming a wilderness into a great nation, and a dream of human 
freedom into a reality here. 

The first mainstream of influence, I would say, would be the Judaeo- 
Christian tradition of religious faith and morality. We are tradi- 
tionally a people of faith and a people who have certain moral con- 
cepts as to right versus wrong and truth versus that which is false. 

We are people with strong traditions of religious faith and morality, 
and this has gone into the basic framework of Western civilization, 
has run like a golden thread through its fabric, has been a main- 
stream of influence in the creation of this American society. 

With due respect to the heathen in our midst, I think this is a rather 
important aspect of our society, and without prejudicing the right of 
the heathen I would say that it is one of the ways m which our 
society stands in contrast to the way of communism because commu- 
nism is a system of militant atheism and it is in its essence and at its 
heart an atheistic philosophy and movement. 

Its leaders have repeatedly reaffirmed this fact about communism. 
It is not only militantly atheistic, but where it comes into control, into 
power, it attempts to limit and at times, as in Red China, to brutally 
persecute religious groups and to maintain a basic attitude at best of 
tolerance and at worst of hostility in the form of persecution towards 
religious groups. 

47-093 O — 65 


This, I think, is one clear way in which our society stands over 
against and above the Communist wa}', and in like fashion in the 
matter of morality. The people who created this country were people 
who had a certam sense of moral value. Our traditional concepts 
of morality, of right, are not shared by the philosophy of commimism. 
Right, according to Communist philosophy and practice, is that which 
serves the interest of the Communist movement, whether it be to lie or 
to deceive or even to kill vast numbers of human beings. There is no 
concept of individual liberty, of individual human dignity, of indi- 
vidual people having inalienable or unalienable rights, such as those of 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, but a total relativism in the 
moral outlook of world communism. Over against America's tradi- 
tion of religious faith and morality we have the militant atheism and 
the complete relativism of the Communist outlook. 

I would say the second mainstream of influence that has made our 
society what it is, is our traditional political system of liberty under 
law, guaranteed by the, Constitution. As the basic law of our land, 
the Constitution guarantees representative government at every level 
and the maximum possible degree of individual liberty imder law. It 
further guarantees government by law and not by man, of the divi- 
sion of the powers of government to make certain that liberties of the 
people are protected from too much concentration of power in any 
branch of government or at any level of government. This basic 
American political system which has put its emphasis on individual 
liberty to the maximum extent possible, consistent with the rights of 
other individuals, has put its emphasis on representative government 
at every level, in total contrast to the totalitarian system of world 
communism, a system designed to first create a strong state in the 
dictatorship of the proletariat. In time, after the proletariat has 
taken over, the state is to wither away. 

Of course I don't need to instruct this committee that world com- 
munism has consistently in the past, and will consistently in the future, 
become stuck at the dictatorship stage and will develop a dictatorial 
clique which retains control and a totalitarian system which remains 
totalitarian. In utter contrast to our American way, communism is a 
system in which individuals have no certain rights or certain liberties, 
in which they have no choice as to leadership, and in which concepts 
we take for granted in this society of representative government, of 
individual liberty, of local self-government, are totally absent from the 

The third mainstream I would say would be our system of free 
and private enterprise. This system — you may call it capitalism or 
free enterprise or what you will — which has been a very significant 
factor in the transformation of a wilderness into a great nation, in the 
creation of the great middle class in our society for the first time in 
world history, in raising tlie level of the standard of living of the 
average American family to such a high level that it is higher than 
that of the average family of any great nation in all the world's 
history. This American way of economic freedom has fit hand in glove 
with our system of religious and of political liberty. This third 
mainstream has helped to make our Nation what it is and has been a 
resounding success. 


Karl Marx, many years ago, rebelled at early capitalism when he 
saw child labor and when he saw people who constituted the poorer 
class who were stuck at a subsistence, or almost below subsistence, 
level for all their lives. He saw the terrible factory conditions, the 
terrible working hours and conditions, and he looked at this ugly bulb 
of early capitalism and proclaimed it to be wrong. 

He didn't see the flower that was within the bulb. He did not know 
the fragrance or the beauty of the fairest flower of Western civiliza- 
tion, our 20th century America. He looked at the ugly lump of coal 
of early capitalism and proclaimed it dirty and wrong. He didn't see 
the jewel that was within that lump of coal. We know the flower and 
we know the jewel and, therefore, we have every reason and right to 
seek to preserve that which has proven itself to be a success. 

Mr. Chairman, in the year in which Jesus Christ was bom I am in- 
formed there were some 250,000 able-bodied men in the city of Rome 
alone living on the public dole of corn. This system, developing to- 
ward collectivism and toward a pretty thoroughgoing welfare state 
even for able-bodied persons, was one of the things, as I understand it, 
which served to bring about the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. 

The idea of collectivism is an old one, not a new idea in human his- 
tory, and has not been a resounding success in any instance of which 
I am aware. A system of economic freedom, of political freedom, of 
religious freedom, of the many-splendored freedoms which we know in 
this country, has been a resounding success and is worth keeping. 

Our country is a place of goodness and of freedom, a golden land for 
all its citizens, a land of hope and a land of progress and a land of 
opportunity, still dynamic, still moving forward, still crossing new 
frontiers. There is utter contrast between this way, which seems to 
be so much light and so much goodness, and the way which is a way 
of totalitarianism, a way of abrogation and violation of all human 
rights that I can understand, the way of world communism. Given 
the fact that this seems to be light versus darkness and good versus 
evil pretty clearly, it is strange to me that we could be losing this bat- 
tle, and yet in terms of territory and numbers and time, we still are on 
the losing side of the greatest struggle which I believe our way of life 
has ever had, the greatest challenge to our system and to our Nation 
that it has known, this challenge of world communism. 

What is the trouble? What is wrong? What is the basic reason 
we are apparently losing this battle for our way of life against a way 
that is evil, a totalitarian way that is wrong? 

I do not claim to be a seer or prophet, but may I say that it would 
seem to me that one of the things, as I look down the road ahead, that 
would lead me to have deep fears for the survival of freedom is the 
fact that we are not, as the gentleman has previously testified, sales- 
men for freedom. 

In the language of the church, we have a message to proclaim that 
is good and right, but we aren't doing a very good job of proclaiming 
it. With all due respect to the agencies of our Government, filled 
with many dedicated people who are sincerely trying to do this, I 
think one of the problems is lack of adequate preparation and train- 
ing for this particular job of selling the American system to the world. 

I have noticed, for example, this policy of the U.S. Information 


Agency. I have had them explain to me why it is they accentuate 
the negative sometimes and report the bad news about America. 
They say it is going to be reported anyway, that it is quickly reported 
by AP and UPI and other news agencies, and they feel in order to 
accomplish their purpose they must admit the facts, admit the truth, 
join in reporting the news, and then as they can in time try to explain 
it satisfactorily and give the best possible interpretation to the world. 

This is one kind of strategy, but I have driven a fair number of 
Chevrolets and I have never driven one yet that wasn't hard to start 
on a cold morning, and I have never yet seen an advertisement by Gen- 
eral Motors or Chevrolet that : "Of course, our cars are hard to start on 
a winter morning, but otherwise they are pretty good automobiles." 

I expect it will be a cold day in July before I ever see such an adver- 
tisement. I have driven several cars of another make, and have yet 
to drive one of that make on which the wheels would stay in balance. 
You just can't seem to keep the wheels of that particular automobile in 
balance, but I have never seen them advertise the fact. 

I think we need to recognize the mote in our eye along with the 
beam that is in the Communist eye and I think we need to recognize 
the gnat of the things that are wrong with our society along with the 
camel that is wrong with their society, but I don't think we need to 
strain at the gnat and swallow the camel and to give equal attention 
to the mote in our eye and the beam in their eye in our attempt to be 
fair and to make certain that the world understands we understand 
what is wrong with our own society. 

Our tremendous superiority over the way of tyrannj and totalitari- 
anism makes me feel we can be justified in accentuatmg the positive, 
m devoting our full attention to bringing the world's attention to the 
things, the very great many things, that are right about American 

I believe the creation of this Commission or this Academy can serve 
well toward that end. With the Peace Corps and its emphasis on 
j>erson-to-person and project-by-project diplomacy, with the great 
value that can come from person-to-person salesmanship of our way 
of life and its superiority to people all over this world through the 
Peace Corps and other like activities, with the U.S. Information 
Agency and its vital responsibility in this area, it seems that the per- 
sonnel of such agencies really need this kind of training to be able to 
effectively, and with the best techniques of advertising or, if you 
please, of evangelism, sell our point of view and get our message 

We have something that is worth selling, and it needs to get across 
to the people of the world, and I believe specific training toward 
this end could be very valuable toward the survival of human free- 
dom and toward making the world understand and be more recep- 
tive toward the truth and rightness of the American way. 

It would seem to me that everyone Avho is in foreign service, and I 
would concur with those who have testified — they feel this would be of 
value to people overseas, whether they be working for private com- 
panies or for the United States Government in some capacity — if we 
could have this made available, this special training made available, 
to all such persons and require it for those who in the official service 
of this Government go overseas as our representatives, if we could have 


it available for all Americans so that each of us could be a salesman 
or an evangelist for the way we know to be right against the way 
we know to be wrong, it seems to me it could have great value not 
only from an American point of view, but from the larger point of 
view of fulfilling our responsibility toward working that all men may 
some day know the freedom which we enjoy and working toward the 
fulfillment of the responsibility of protecting the inalienable rights 
of all men in every nation to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

I for one am not satisfied with a rearguard defensive action. I 
cannot rest so long as millions of our fellow citizens all over this world 
live under the heel of tyranny and I feel it is time for us to go on the 
offensive in this war for freedom. It seems to me to fight an offen- 
sive war we must have training in the art of warfare. Thank you, 
Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Congressman Buchanan. As a 
minister as well as a Congressman and member of this committee and 
author of one of the bills, all of which are similar, the committee ap- 
preciates very much receiving your contribution to the record. 

Do you have any questions, Mr. Clawson ? 

Mr. Clawson. No, in the interest of time, I won't ask any. 

Mr. IcHORD. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Buchanan. May I point out two things in my bill, H.R. 6700, 
that are different from other versions so far as I can ascertain just for 
your consideration. 

On page 9, sec. 5, subsection (a) : 

Members of the Commission and the Chairman shall be appointed by the Presi- 
dent, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four 
members, including the Chairman, may be members of any one political party. 

I am not trying to inject politics into this, but having grown up in 
a part of the country where we suffered under the limitations of a one- 
party system, and since we seem to be moving in that direction in this 
country, I thought while we still had two parties left in the comitry 
that this might be worth including. 

Mr. IcHORD. Don't the other bills have that provision also ? 

Mr. Buchanan. Do they ? I am sorry. There is a second one then 
on page 19, line 8, which is sec. 11, subsection (b) : 

The personnel referred to in subsection (a)(2) of this section may be employed 
and their compensation fixed without regard to the civil service laws and the 
Classification Act of 1949, as amended. Such personnel shall receive compensa- 
tion at rates fixed by the Congress. 

I am pretty sure this is different. Is that not right, Mr. McNamara ? 

Mr. McNamara. Yes. 

Mr. Buchanan. This simply takes the employees of the Commis- 
sion out from under civil service, with no reflection on the civil 
service. I thought this might be a better arrangement for people 
who might need high skills, and so forth, that there might be left to 
the Commission this more complete freedom in employing persons 
working in this area. 

Mr. Ichord. I would like to have from the State Department, if they 
are opposed to this bill, a verj^ critical analysis of the legislation. I 
have even thought about sending it around to some of the Members 
that I thought might be opposed to the bill when it hits the floor and 


encouraging them to come before the committee to discuss the pros and 
cons of it, 

Mr. Clawson. Would it be in order to make such a prox)osal and ask 
the director to advise these folks and ask them to appear before us ? 

Mr. IcHORD. I would be glad to do that myself, send a copy of the 
legislation and a brief analysis of the bill and give them an oppor- 
tunity and ask them to appear and get some testimony on the other 
side. There is bound to be a lot of opposition to this bill or it would 
have cleared the Congi-ess by now since it has been around since 1959, 
so let's get it out. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. Buchanan. Thank you. 

Mr. IcHORD. The meeting will stand adjourned until the further 
call of the chair. 

(Whereupon, at 12:10 p.m., Wednesday, April 28, 1965, the sub- 
committee recessed subject to the call of the Chair.) 

2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND 

FRIDAY, MAY 7, 1965 

United States House or Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 

PUBLIC hearings 

. The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Camion House 
Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Claw- 
son, of California.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Willis, Ichord, 
and Clawson. 

Committee member also present: Representative Joe R. Pool, of 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred 
M. Nittle, counsel. 

The Chairman. Please come to order. Today we renew hearings 
on various Freedom Academy bills which have been introduced. 

There is widespread interest in these proposals as evidenced by the 
authors of the bills ; namely. Representatives Herlong, Gubser, Ichord, 
Boggs, Gurney, Clausen, Brooks, and Buchanan. I think there are 

We are extremely fortunate and honored to have here today the 
Ambassador to Cuba in the years 1957 to 1959, the Honorable Earl E. 
T. Smith. 

Ambassador, we are very pleased that you could take time out to 
give us your views on these proposals. With your experience and 
background and dedication to the principles of our country, I might 
say that you add luster to an already long list of people in Govern- 
ment, former Ambassadors, former military people, former high civil- 
ians who have appeared in these hearings. 

We welcome you here and look forward to receiving your views. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. You may proceed in your own way, Mr. Ambas- 
sador. We will probably deter any questions until after you have 
testified. Make your presentation in your own way. 




Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : I ap- 
preciate the invitation to testify before this distinguished committee 
m behalf of the Freedom Academy bills. Shall I just read my state- 
ment first ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Smith. I attended the Taft School and Yale University. My 
business is investments. I have been a member of the New York Stock 
Exchange for more than 35 years. During World War II, I served 
in the United States Army and the United States Air Force, attain- 
ing the rank of lieutenant colonel, with 18 months of overseas duty. 

I have been active in politics both on the national level and in my 
home State of Florida. I have received appointments from three 
Presidents: as a member of the War Production Board (before Pearl 
Harbor) by Franklin D. Roosevelt; to accompany Vice President 
Nixon in 1956 as a member of the American delegation to the inaugu- 
ration of Brazilian President Kubitschek in Rio de Janeiro by Dwight 
D. Eisenhower; as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
to Cuba by Dwight D. Eisenhower; I was personally selected by 
President Kennedy to serve as Ambassador to Switzerland — later 
declined. I am the author of The Fourth Floor, which is an account of 
the Castro Communist revolution and is well documented to show 
that the Castro Communist revolution need never have occurred. 

In reference to the Freedom Academy bills, I am not an expert on 
these bills. However, I am very much in favor of the general pur- 
pose of the bills, which I understand is : 

(I) To greatly increase the scope and depth of training of cold 
war personnel in the new forms of struggle ; 

(II) To provide training for private citizens so they can partici- 
pate more effectively in the global struggle ; 

(III) To give training to foreign nationals who will have to bear 
the main burden of the struggle in their respective countries; 

(IV) To explore, through research, the full range of methods and 
means that can be utilized by the Government and the private sector 
to achieve our twin global objectives of defeating all forms of Com- 
munist political warfare, insurgency, and subversion while seeking 
to build free, independent, and viable nations. 

(At this point, Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Smith. We very much need a United States graduate school for 
advanced political study and training, which is called the Freedom 

In my opinion, a strong leftwing political philosophy took root in 
the United States as a result of the world depression of 1932, the 
inhumane activities of Adolph Hitler, and World War II. In some 
cases it represented a sincere effort to better the general conditions of 
the American people, but in other areas it was undoubtedly Commu- 
nist inspired. 

One of the major errors of judgment of doctrinaire leftwing 
thinkers is their belief that all revolutions taking place throughout 
the world are either democratic, or Communist, and that the United 
States should support, aid, and abet all democratic revolutions. It is 
not that simple. Many revolutionary groups which call themselves 


democratic are in. reality Marxist oriented or are just the means to 
satisfy some power-hungry individual. This is what happened in 
Cuba, and this is why the United States was primarily responsible 
for the success of the Castro Communist revolution, granting that the 
Batista government was losing strength from within because of 

I mention Cuba because it serves as an example of what can happen 
throughout Latin America and why a Freedom Academy is vitally 
important to the United States. 

Castro was not the only alternative to Batista. There were many 
alternate solutions. The Castro Communist revolution need never 
have occurred. That it did was, to a surprising degree, due to the 
policy of many in critical State Department positions. 

These officials of the "fourth floor" believe that a leftist dictator is 
better than a rightist dictator. Incredible as it seems, they even 
believe that a leftist dictator who is anti-American is a better gamble 
than a rightist dictator who is friendly to the United Staes. 

They look upon a leftist dictator as being progressive. They were 
determined to have the revolution succeed. Their official responsi- 
bility should be detennined by what is beneficial to, and in the best 
interest of, the United States. But many of these State Department 
career men on the "fourth floor" determine our foreign policy by 
what fits their doctrinaire views of the future world. Their peculiar 
philosophy does not depend on^ reason, logic, actual facts, or a realistic 
appraisal of a situation. 

Its source of inspiration is primarily an emotional one. It is dif- 
ficult to understand this political philosophy from an American point 
of view. 

I testified to the Senate that I had learned from experience and ob- 
servation that our policies are determined by influential individuals in 
the lower echelons of the State Department in their day-by-day actions. 
By the time the higher officials receive them, policies have already been 
made and they have to live by them. 

The Dominican Republic is another case in point. The President 
of the United States stated, according to an Associated Press release of 
May 3, 1965, that : 

The revolution started out as an action dedicated to social justice, but it took 
a very tragic turn when the Communists saw a chance to create more disorder and 
seized control. What began as a democratic revolution was taken over and really 
seized by a band of Communist conspirators. 

If the policy of the United States is to continue to aid and abet so- 
called democratic revolutions in the hope that democracy will follow, 
then it is essential that we have the Freedom Academy so that the 
United States will be thoroughly familiar with, and know in advance, 
the origin and nature of each revolutionary group. The United 
States risks its survival on such knowledge. 

Neither the State Department nor the CIA would take a realistic 
view of the Castro Communist re^'olution. My reports to Washington 
were that the present policy of the State Department would only bene- 
fit the Communists. The CIA reports out of Havana, following a 
doctrinaire position, were that the revolution was not Communist con- 
trolled. This is not meant as a criticism of these great departments 
of Government. Insufficient attention has been given to the long-range 


research and training program which underlies Communist capabilities 
in political warfare. 

Mr. Lionel Soto, who, as I recall, was the Minister for Education 
under Castro, in an article appearing in Socialist Cuba [Ctiba Socia- 
h'sta] in November 1961, bragged that during the last 5 years of the 
Batista regime, the Communists operated the highly important Na- 
tional Cadre School inside Havana and graduated some 200 selected 
cadres without the operation being discovered by the Batista police. 
To my knowledge, BE AC (Bureau of Repression of Communist Ac- 
tivities) was also unaware of these activities. 

If The Freedom Academy had been established in 1954, as origi- 
nally proposed, then by 1958 a number of Cubans from various orga- 
nizations would have graduated from the Freedom Academy, for 
example: student leaders, labor leaders, businessmen, journalists, 
et cetera. These graduates would have been throughly grounded 
in t-he techniques of Communist political warfare and insurgency 
and, even more important, well versed in tlie methods and means that 
free men properly use to defeat these techniques. I believe they could 
have made the better elements of the anti-Batista forces aware of 
the Communist infiltration and Communist control of the Castro 
movement (known as the 26th of July Movement). It is incorrect 
to assume that the only opposition to Batista was Castro and his 
followers. A powerful anti-Batista element existed that was not 
terroristic. It represented the middle class and the intelligentsia of 
the country. From the time Castro landed in the Province of Oriente 
in December 1956, the State Department received reports of probable 
Communist infiltration and exploitation of the 26th of July Movement. 
The State Department was cognizant of Fidel Castro's Communist 
affiliations since the bloody, Conmiunist-inspired uprising in Bogota 
known as the "Bogotazo" of 1948. 

Reports on Fidel Castro's, Raul Castro's, and Che Guevara's Com- 
munist affiliations were provided by Ambassadors to Cuba, Mexico, 
probably Colombia,, and many other sources, including the State De- 
partment's own Bureau of Intelligence and Research. If the Freedom 
Academy had been in existence, a number of persons within the na- 
tional security apparatus of the United States Government would 
have graduated from the Academy. As a result of their training, 
they would have been better able to evaluate what was going on in 
Cuba and, because of their evaluation, might well have been responsi- 
ble for altering the operational thinking of the United States Govern- 
ment insofar as Cuba was concerned. 

Today, with Cuba and the Dominican Republic before us as shock- 
ing examples, the United States should be training men from every 
country in Latin America so that we may avoid repeating pur 

Communists have intensively trained their leadership groups and 
cadres in advance schools for many years. We must train our people 
for self-protection. Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." Only- 
through education on Communist tactics and operations will we prove 
him wrong. 

I would like to point out another area of responsibility in which the 
Freedom Academy could be very important to our future security. 
That area is not a preventive one, but a corrective one. Today, Cuba 
has been a Communist nation for more than 5 years. During this 


period, generations of children have been raised who have never read 
or heard the truth. They know only one side of the coin — the Com- 
munist side. If today Fidel Castro and the Fidelistas were elimi- 
nated, it would take time to decommunize a nation whose citizens 
have been in an "intellectual prison" for many years. Up to now, 
what program has the United States evolved to reeducate these 
people ? 

If today we freed Cuba, what program have we worked out to help 
reeducate the Cuban people? The Freedom Academy would be in- 
valuable through research and training to aid such a plan for rehabili- 
tion and reeducation. 

I heartily endorse the Ichord-Boggs-Herlong Freedom Commission 
and Freedom Academy Act. 

In closing may I quote from an address given by President John F. 
Kennedy before the National Press Club on April 20, 1961 : 

We dare not fail to see the insidious nature of this new and deeper struggle. 
We dare not fail to grasp the new concepts, the new tools, the new sense of 
urgency we will need to combat it — whether in Cuba or South Viet-Nam. And 
we dare not fail to realize that this struggle is taking place every day, without 
fanfare, in thousands of villages and markets * * * and in classrooms all over 
the globe. 


No greater task faces this country or this administration. * * * Too long we 
have fixed our eyes on traditional military needs, on armies prepared to cross 
borders, on missiles poised for flight. Now it should be clear that this is no 
longer enough — that our security may be lost piece by piece, country by country, 
without the firing of a single missile or the crossing of a single border. 

We intend to profit from this lesson. We intend to reexamine and reorient 
our forces of all kinds, our tactics and our institutions here in this com- 
munity. We intend to intensify our efforts for a struggle in many ways more 
diflScult than war * * *. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. 

The Chairman. Mr. Ambassador, I take it that you are not express- 
ing a belief that the revolutions you refer to are all supported by the 
State Department because the Department personnel are, in and of 
themselves, leftist or pro-Communist ? 

Mr. Smith. No, sir, not at all. I think it is lack of proper under- 
standing. Are you now referring, Mr. Chairman, to the people I am 
talking about in my book. The Fourth Floor ? 

The Chairman. Yes. Let us talk about them because those are the 
ones you refer to specifically. 

Mr. Smith. The Fourth Floor must be taken symbolically. The 
Fourth Floor identifies the State Department officers or secondary 
officials who determine our Latin American policy. I am not in any 
way intimating, and never have intimated, that they are or even have 
Communist leanings. 

I believe supporting so-called democratic revolutions is partly due 
to lack of proper education and knowledge of communism. Such 
support implements our policy as it has been and, I believe, it is today. 
And I would like, Mr. Chairman, to explain this in more detail. 

This policy of the LTnited States is based on the premise, I believe, 
number one, that the old status quo in the world no longer exists. 

I agree with that. This implies that the classes are no longer in 
control. It is now the masses. 

Number two, that revolutions are taking place all over the world 
and that all revolutions are either democratic or Communist revo- 


lutions; and, number three, it is our duty as the leaders of the free 
nations of the world to aid and abet all democratic revolutions. 

If it is our policy to bring about the overthrow of rightist dictators 
in the hope that democracy will follow, then we must be prepared to 
take whatever steps are necessary to preserve law and order until 
a new government has been established. Otherwise, we leave a vacuum 
for the Communists to gain control. 

If we are going to aid and abet all so-called democratic revolutions 
or democratic revolutionary groups, then the State Department and 
the CIA must be thoroughly familiar with the origin and nature of 
each revolutionary group. Cuba is a shocking example that they were 

I believe, if the Freedom Academy Act and the Freedom Academy 
Commission bill were enacted, that the United States would be far 
better prepared to know more about the origin and nature of indi- 
vidual revolutionary groups. 

This foreign policy which I have just outlined is more or less spelled 
out in the State Department white paper on Cuba of April 1961. 

So far, where we have been successful in removing rightist dic- 
tators, we have left a vacuum in which the Communists gain control. 

By this I mean that the United States should be prepared — when 
rightist dictators are removed — to support a broadly based provisional 
government to function until such time as general elections have been 

The Chairman. And your point is that the establishment of the 
Freedom Academy would provide a central point where training, 
research, and development of techniques and ideas could bring about 
the things you advocate ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; I agree with your statement 100 percent. The 
Freedom Academy is necessary so that we may better recognize so- 
called democratic revolutionary groups for w^hat they really are. 
Until the President of the United States moved our troops into the 
Dominican Republic we did leave such a vacuum in that country. 

To get back to your question, I believe if we gave training to foreign 
nationals so that they may be forewarned and know how to cope with 
the Communists, they would obviously be much better prepared to 
function. With guidance from Freedom Academy graduates, the 
broadly based provisional government would be much better prepared 
to maintain law and order until such time as a democratic government 
is established to carry on the affairs of the nation. 

The Chairman. Now, the State Department has submitted a letter 
to the committee outlining its reasons for opposing these bills. Did 
you examine them or did you read that letter and would you care to 
comment on it ? 

Mr. Smith. I have only seen the letter this morning and read it 
twice. This is the first time that it was brought to my attention. I 
would be happy to make one or two comments. 

On page 1, paragraph 3, the letter states : 

The President has given to the Department of State a primary role in mar- 
shalling all of our resources in these fields which cut across many broad areas 
of government responsibility. * * * 

Obviously the State Department is naturally jealous of its own 


On page 2, paragraph 1, the letter states : 

The Freedom Commission proposals place great stress upon the mobilization 
of private citizens — domestic and foreign — to fight the cold war, and upon a 
systematic orientation of our citizens against communism. The proposals con- 
template that these tasks be undertaken on a large scale by the Executive 
branch of the government. While it is very useful in certain circumstances to 
train private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary need — and hence 
our first priority — is to improve in all possible ways the training of government 
personnel involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs. 

Well, as I understand the Freedom Academy bill and the Freedom 
Academy Commission, the Academy would give much broader train- 
ing and training in depth and scope than the Foreign Service schools 
are set up to do. 

I believe there has been a great deal of testimony before this commit- 
tee to that effect. 

The Chairman. Yes ; and I think you would agree that, under our 
Constitution and based on your experience as a former Ambassador, 
that under no circumstances could this Freedom Academy overshadow, 
take over, or interfere with the operation of foreign policy b^ the 
executive department. That would not be the purpose of the bill. 

Mr. Smith. No, sir ; as I understand, the Freedom Academy would 
not encroach at all upon the operations of the State Department. 

The Chairman. I prefer your word that it would not "encroach" 
on the jurisdiction and traditional constitutional provisions vesting the 
conduct of foreign affairs in the executive department. 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

The Chairman. This would be a central point where you can get the 
research, training, and general information over to business, labor, 
people in the educational field, and foreign nationals who would care 
to understand the other side of the coin, as you express it. 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. Chairman, I also believe there has been objection to the training 
of foreign nationals. The statement has been made that when they 
return to their own respective countries the charge would be made 
that they are stooges of Yankee imperialism. It would seem to me 
that if these foreign nationals are trained in the State Department it 
would give even more weight to those charges. 

Of course those charges aren't true, but it would give more weight 
if they were trained by the State Department than if they were trained 
by the Freedom Academy. I don't know if that is a valid accusation, 
but at least that is my first reaction. 

Then, as far as research is concerned, it seems to me that under the 
Freedom Academy the research goes much. beyond the normal State 
Department operation. 

Then in the next to the last paragraph, the letter states that : 

The [State] Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and 
standardize the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear 
to be a marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government 
in the field of political education. 

They are speaking of the problem raised by several of the Freedom 
Commission bills regarding Federal control. "Under the provision 
entitled 'Information Center'," the letter states — 

the Freedom Commission would be "authorized to prepare, make and publish 
textbooks and other materials, including training films, suitable for high schools, 
college and community level instruction." * * * 


Well, Mr. Chairman, as far as the Freedom Academy is concerned 
these documents would be factual material on communism, whereas 
the State Department puts out documents designed to its policies. It 
would seem to me this is much more indoctrination than factual mate- 
rial on Communists. 

Those, sir, are about all the comments I would like to make because 
I really have not had an opportunity to study the letter. 

The Chaiemax. Now would you care to make an observation or so 
with reference to the Dominican Republic situation, as related to 
the applicability of this bill if it had oeen law years ago? 

Mr. SanTH. I would like to, but not in great detail because you are 
going to question the former Ambassador to the Dominican Republic; 
and he obviously knows more about the situation than I do. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Smith. I would just like to say that in September of 1963 I 
wrote an article for the New York JouvTial American, which appeared 
4 days after Juan Bosch was removed. At that time I wrote that all 
Americans should welcome the overthrow of Juan Bosch. I pointed 
out then, and I would like to point out again now that, after the 
assassination of Trujillo, the U.S. policymakers encouraged the re- 
moval of President Balaguer of the Republic. They feared that 
Balaguer would become a rightist dictator because he had served as 
President of the Republic under the administration of Trujillo. 

Once again, as in Cuba, the U.S. was prepared to gamble on an 
ambitious leftwing politician in order to help the Dominican revolu- 
tion succeed. So President Bosch was elected, and the American 
Government welcomed his election in the hope that our American 
form of democracy would be transplanted and implanted in the Do- 
minican Republic, but political soil after 30 years of tyranny is arid 
and not fertile. 

Dr. Bosch's affiliations and sympathies with leftist groups were 
well known to the U.S. State Department and CIA. After his elec- 
tion. Dr. Bosch took no action to keep out Communist societies or to 
prevent the infiltration of communism throughout the country. 

Such Marxist-Leninist organizations as the Movimento Popular 
Dominicano were allowed to take a prominent part within the politi- 
cal activities of the country. 

Without tracing further the historical events of the country, it is 
obvious that if Dominican nationals had been trained in depth by the 
Freedom Academy, such nationals would have anticipated, and been 
cognizant of, the Communist infiltration in the Dominican Republic 
and, as a result, the state would have been much better informed as 
to what was going on and what the true nature of the revolutionary 
group was. 

If the Dominican Government had been taken over by the Com- 
munists, the whole Caribbean would have become a Red lake. Cuba 
is already a Communist nation. British Guiana is on the brink. If 
the Dominican Republic had become a Communist nation, Haiti 
would soon have been engulfed. Fortunately, President Johnson 
landed our troops just in time to avert this catastrophe. 

The Chairman. Mr. Pool. 

Mr. Pool. There is some criticism of the Freedom Academy, not 
for the Freedom Academy, but there is some criticism that I have 


heard, some people think if you establish a Freedom Academy that 
the extreme leftists or pro-Commimist groups could infiltrate that. 

Do you have a comment on that ? 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pool, did you say that the criticism comes from 
extreme left and extreme right ? 

Mr. Pool. Well, some people have said this. I think it is more 
from the right. 

Mr. Smith. That would be from the extreme right; yes sir. Of 
course it is very difficult to make happy either the extreme left or the 
extreme right. After all, the President of the United States is going 
to appoint the members of the Freedom Commission, and the mem- 
bers of the Freedom Commission, as 1 understand it, will have to 
receive approval of the U.S. Senate. FBI checkups will be made on all 
members of the Commission. Any validity to such a fear would also 
apply to other branches of our Government. If the "Commies" are 
going to take over in this country, they will do so in other branches of 
the Government just as quickly as they will in the Freedom Academy. 

Mr. Pool. I appreciate your remarks for the record. This is a 
criticism that can be answered by your remarks. I appreciate it. 

The Chairman. Mr. Ichord. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Smith, I wish to express our appreciation for your coming be- 
fore the committee and making your valuable contribution. Mr. Pool 
brought up a very interesting point. I would like to comment on the 
history of this legislation and ask for your comments on the same. 

The bill was first introduced back in 1959. In 1960 it passed the 
Senate by a unanimous vote, without a dissenting vote. I don't think 
there was a rollcall on the vote, but there was not a dissenting vote. 

When I first heard the testimony about the bill, I was a little 
skeptical. I thought that the State Department would have some real 
sound objections to the bill. The State Department appeared before 
the committee, and about the only thing I could glean from their 
objections was the point that you mentioned, that they were con- 
cerned that this measure would infringe upon their traditional terri- 
tory or jurisdiction. 

As Mr. Pool indicated, the opposition seems to come from both the 
extreme right and the extreme left. The extreme right are afraid 
that it might be infiltrated by the extreme left and it would be a 
dangerous situation. 

Of course, if you are going to adopt that view, you might as well 
give up the fight altogether. I suppose if there is any opposition 
from other than the two extremes, it is in regard to the information 
center in the bill. 

Personally, I don't think the information center is the most im- 
portant part of the bill. I would be willing to delete it in order to 
get the Academy itself so we can do research of training into the 
ways and means of fighting the cold war. 

I would like to have your comment on that point. 

Mr. Smith. First of all, sir, I believe this bill is so meritorious that 
if the American people were aware of the bill and understood it, they 
would insist upon its passage. 


Mr. IcHORD. I believe the people are aware of it because in 1960 
the Gallup Poll conducted a poll on it. I think the people voted 10 
to 1 in the Gallup Poll for the legislation. We still don't have it. 

Mr. Smith. This bill has bipartisan support. I think that, after 
all, whether you are a Kepublican or Democrat or a liberal or a con- 
servative, the people supporting these bills are Americans first. 

That is the reason why they are supporting the bill. 

May I ask you to please repeat again the question you wanted me to 
comment on ? Was that the research-end part of it ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Here is the thing that concerns me. I believe this is 
the 11th day of hearings which started back in February of last year. 
We have no one who has appeared before the committee and tried 
to take this bill apart. It is my position that no legislation is per- 
fect. It can always be improved upon. 

I have been a little concerned about not having anyone here giving 
real opposition to the bill. I would like to know its weak points. 
I am pretty sure there are some weak points. Any legislation has 
weak points. 

Mr. Smith. I would hate like the dickens to try to take this bill 
apart. You would not have much to support your views on. One of 
the objections I see is that it may cost too much. They are talking 
about $35 or $40 million. 

Well, as far as the security of the U.S. is concerned, if we are going 
to worry now about $35 or $40 million, I know many places where 
they can save much more money than that. 

Mr. IcHORD. I feel there is an urgent need for the research and 
training which would be afforded by this bill. 

As I sat on the floor of the House this week and we voted upon 
the $700 million bill, I thought time and time again that we would 
be in all-out war today if we had anybody to fight. 

Our problem is that we really don't have the enemy out front to 
fight. All people, both of the leftwing philosophy and the rightwing 
philosophy and the middle-of-the-road philosophy, recognize that 
there is a cold war going on today. Wliat is happening in South 
America, Africa, Southeast Asia today is rnerely a fulfillment of the 
promises of Communist leaders themselves. 

Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." He also said, "Peaceful co- 
existence does not mean that there will be peaceful co-existence of 

At the same time he said, "We will support wars of liberation 
against the capitalist nations all over the world." I think he would 
have more accurately described his intentions if he had said "wars of 
world conquest," but that essentially is his statement. What is hap- 
pening is proof that he meant what he said. 

Now if we don't learn how to fight a cold war, if the Communists 
continue to knock over one small nation, one emerging nation, after 
the other, it could very well result in a hot war. 

We had testimony the other day put in the record from the State 
Department about schools along this line that the Communists are 
conducting. How many of these schools, Mr. Director, were there in 
Russia and Czechoslovakia ? 

Mr. McNamara. At least seven in Russia; four in Czechoslovakia. 
There are also a minimum of seven in East Germany, three in Hun- 


gary, and two in Bulgaria. Tlie number in Red China is not known, 
and Cuba has at least nine major schools. 

Mr. IcHORD. That is all we know about anyway. 

Mr. McNamara. That is right. 

Mr. IcHORD. The President of the United States the other day 
named the Dominican Republic Communists. Nearly every one of 
them had attended a political or subversive warfare school in Cuba 
or Russia or some other place where they not only studied propa- 
ganda and subversive warfare, but also such things as how to make 
Molotov cocktails. 

I fear very strongly that if we don't develop more effective cold 
war techniques the probabilities of a hot war will continue to increase. 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; I think the State Department will have to 
come up with more valid objections than have been indicated in this 
letter which I just read. 

Let me ask you a question, Mr. Ichord. I assume that President 
Kennedy voted for this bill when it came up for a voice vote in the 
Senate. His statement which I read to this committee was so strong 
that I must assume he voted at that time for the bill. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would say this, Mr. Smith. That there was testi- 
mony before this committee by Mr. Grant that his group had a 
conference with President Kennedy. He was very much interested 
in the legislation, and the testimony was, as I remember it, and I can 
be corrected, that the State Department objected and there was, at 
least it was stated as a matter of opinion, that the State Department 
brought up the Academy of Foreign Affairs as a substitute, which 
does do part of the things contemplated by this bill. 

President Kennedy definitely recognized the need for the leg- 

The Chairman. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Ichord. Yes. 

The Chairman. I concur in the concern of my colleague from 
Missouri. I point out that we held hearing after hearing last year, 
again this year. I issued a press' release on Monday, May 3d, an- 
nouncing that we would have 2 more weeks of hearings, namely, this 
week and next. 

I deliberately included this statement : 

All persons desiring to present testimony on the bills during the hear- 
ings * * * should contact Mr. Francis J. McNamara, Staff Director of the 
Committee * * *. 

The strange thing is this. Only one person in opposition has 
appeared thus far in person, Mr. Harriman. His main objection of 
X number of words was, "This would be indoctrination, indoctrina- 
tion, indoctrination." 

This year we have invited some more comments from the State 
Department. The word "indoctrination" is not used this time. 
T just received a letter, which I now insert in the record, from the 
Department of Defense. Here is their comment : 

The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. How- 
ever, the need for the creation of new agencies for their accomplishment is 
questionable. * * * 

Why, for what reason ? Wliat argument ? We are not told. 

47-093 O— 65— — 10 


They conclude by saying, however, that they "defer to the State 
Department" and wind up the letter by saying : 

The Bureau of the Budget advises that, from the standpoint of the Adminis- 
tration's program, there is no objection to the [the Department of Defense's] 
presentation of this report * * *. 

Now I reiterate — everyone in the Congress, the House, the Senate, 
in Government, in the private sector, news media, and every other 
part or segment of our society in America has been given oppor- 
tunity after opportunity to come forward and testify. 

We are going to move next week. They still have 10 days. I don't 
want on the floor any bleeding heart to say how come we were not 
told about it. I now present the letter of the Department of Defense 
for the record. 

(The letter follows :) 



5 APR 1935 

Honorable Edvin E. Willis 

Cbainnan^ Committee on Un-American Activities 

House of Representatives 

Washington, D. C. 20515 

Dear Mr. Chairman: 

This letter is in reply to your request for the views of the Department 
of Defense on H. R. 1*70, H. R. 1033, H. R. 2215, H. R. 2379 and H. R. 4389, 
all of which propose the creation of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom 
Academy; for the purpose of developing an integrated body of knowledge to 
win the non-military global struggle between freedom and communism, and 
to train government personnel and private citizens for this purpose. 

The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. How- 
ever, the need for the creation of nev agencies for their accon5)llshment 
is questionable. In most of their functions, the proposed agencies would 
duplicate the work of existing government and/or private agencies. 

While the Department of Defense questions the need for the establishment 
of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom Academy to accomplish the objectives 
of the proposed bills we defer to the State Department and other interested 
agencies more directly concerned for more authoritative views on this 

The Bufeau of the Budget advises that, from the standpoint of the Adminis- 
tration's program, there is no objection to the presentation of this report 
for the consideration of the Committee. 


L. Nlederlehner 
Acting General Counsel 


Mr, Smith. What you have just said is very significant, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Smith, there was one objection that I have heard 
voiced and that was that the Academy could not be conducted as an 
open operation. The opposition stated that an institution of this 
nature should be a secret operation. Would you care to comment on 

I point out that this is not an operation agency at all. 

Mr. Smith. No, this is not an operation agency. I read the testi- 
mony of Admiral Burke. I think he answered that very well when 
he said the trath doesn't hurt. If you tell the truth, you have nothing 
to be ashamed of. 

Therefore, why shouldn't things be disclosed because we have noth- 
ing to be ashamed of. If the Communists disagree and say the find- 
ings of the Freedom Academy are wrong, then they will have to have 
facts to prove that. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much. 

The Chairman. I also insert for the record the press release I 
mentioned, of May 3, 1965. 

(The release follows:) 

[For immediate release, Monday, May 3, 1965] 

Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, 

Washington, D.O. 

Representative Edwin E. Willis (D-La.), Chairman of the House Committee 
on Un-American Activities, announced* today that the Committee will continue 
hearings during the first two weeks of May on various bills to create a Freedom. 
Commission and Freedom Academy. Hearings will then be terminated. 

The. Freedom Academy bills would establish a federally-financed cold war 
educational institution where Government oflScials and key persons from all 
walks of American life, as well as foreign oflicials and nationals, would receive 
intensive training in Communist cold war objectives, strategy and tactics. The 
Academy would also have the function of studying and analyzing Communist 
unconventional warfare techniques for the purpose of proposing methods which 
could be utilized by the free world to block or undercut implementation of them. 

Mr. Willis pointed out that the Committee held seven days of hearings on the 
Freedom Academy bills last year, in the course of which thirty-seven witnesses 
testified or submitted statements. This year, the Committee has held three days 
of hearings, at which nine individuals have testified or submitted statements. 
With the exception of Mr. W. Averell Harriman, who testified for the State 
Department last year, all witnesses have endorsed the bills. 

All persons desiring to present testimony on the bills during the hearings in 
the first two weeks of May should contact Mr. Francis J. McNamara, Staff Di- 
rector of the Committee on Un-American Activities, Room 226, Cannon House 
OflSce Building, Washington, D.C. 

The Chairman. Mr. Clawson. 

Mr. Clawson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In response to Mr. 
Ichord's statement I would like to ask this question. 

As a new member of the committee, I am going to ask the chairman : 
If this has been before us for such a long time, why has not this com- 
mittee acted on it and brought it to the floor ? 

The Chairman. That is how cautious we want to be, how thorough 
we want to be. It is a new concept, and we prefer to move with 
caution and be on solid ground. That is about all the answer I can 
conceive of, that we didn't want to have an onrush of our conceptions. 

I have no preconceptions about this proposal. That was the reason 
for a cautionary and careful, realistic approach to the problem. We 


wanted to give the American public an opportunity to express them- 

We have had an expression through the Gallup Poll several years 
ago. We wanted another opportunity to test the feeling of the Ameri- 
can public. I think that has been tested. As you know the hearings 
will end next week. We have two more Ambassadors to hear from. 

Mr. Clawson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am a new member of 
the committee. That is the reason for my question. I wasn't on the 
committee when previous hearings were held. I notice it has had bi- 
partisan support in both the Senate and the House, that both political 
parties have had bills introduced by their members. This is one of 
the reasons why I wondered about the delay. 

I would like to ask you a question : Could not this same kind of pro- 
gram be conducted throughout all the public and private educational 
institutions in the Nation today ? 

Mr. Smith. I am sorry. I can't hear that. Would you repeat the 
last part. 

Mr. Clawson. Could not the same program and the educational 
aspect of it be conducted within the public and private educational 
institutions of the Nation that exist today, without the establishment 
of a new facility or a new academy ? 

Mr. Smith. First of all, I am not an expert on this bill. I believe in 
its concepts. However, I believe there has been a great deal of testi- 
mony to the effect that universities don't have the money or the time 
to conduct such a program in the depth and scope that is necessary. 

Mr. Pool. I must say I agree with that testimony. Will you yield 
at this point ? 

Mr. Clawson. Yes. 

Mr. Pool. Mr. Ambassador, don't you think, as a practical matter, 
the Government would have to support this type program for it to be 
a successful program ? 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pool has given you the answer. That is right. 

Mr. Clawson. That is significant. We are helping them now by 
passing a tremendous educational bill for their support. 

So I don't think this is a deterrent to their moving into this direction 
because we are helping them now. If it is so important — and I think 
it is and I am not in opposition to this program — it seems to me that 
the base needs to be broadened and every institution of an educational 
nature in the Nation should be involved in this program so that our 
people are forewarned and then forearmed as a result of their training 
m their educational institutions and the elementary schools, too. 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. This will give the universities the opportunity 
to enter the field. They will then have a center from which to obtain 
the necessary material required for teaching their own students. As 
I understand it, there is no place today where universities may obtain 
sufficient material to explore this subject through research in depth. 

Mr. Clawson. You mean we don't have people today who are 
knowledgeable in the field of anticommunism or pro-Americanism to 
the point that we can train ? 

Mr, Smith. No, sir; I didn't mean to implv that. I meant to imply 
merely that I do not believe that there is sufficient material available 
for the universities today to carry on a program which would compare 
favorably with what is called for in the Freedom Academy Act. 


The Chairman. And we have evidence to that effect, that no single 
university or numbers of universities, somehow, have the facilities, the 
abilities, the finances to come forward with the development of a pro- 
gram of this kind. 

The record is already replete with testimony along that line. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Clawson, this should be a Government project. 
As President Kennedy said, this is a new form of struggle. This is 
a nonmilitary global conflict. It should not be left to private uni- 
versitias or to private enterprise to make this fund of information 
available. We need an academy, a place where all the experts will 
be together. 

Mr. Clawson. It seems to me we need a broader base than this. 
I am appalled over the fact that we even have this problem in America 
where people are not trained in the free enterprise system, capitalistic 
system, to the point where they can recognize the danger signals of 

It seems to me we have had a failure along the line some place in 
our educational institutions that we have not been able to get our 
people acquainted with this problem. Maybe we need this approach, 
but I am fearful it will not have a broad enough base to do the total job 
and to do it in time. I think we are faced with a time element, too, 
as well as the educational problem. 

Mr. Smith. I think we ought to get something done. Maybe this 
can be improved on after it has had a fair trial. It is natural in our 
form of democracy for people to be reticent about getting into psycho- 
logical warfare. 

However, there are two ideologies in the world, and the Com- 
munists are out to destroy us. They believe it can be done without 
military war, that it can be done covertly. It is obvious to me that 
we have to prepare ourselves to fight against the Soviet research and 
training program in political warfare. It takes pros to fight pros. 

Mr. Clawson. I understand that. There is no question about it. 
Let me ask just one further question then and I won't pursue this 
line of questioning any longer. Do you envision the Academy as a 
physical plant similar to our military academies where all of this is 
taking place, or do you consider it as a possible extension of this pro- 
gram into selected private universities or public universities ? 

Mr. Smith. Well, sir, LIFE magazine spoke of this as a political 
West Point. I think that connotes an undergraduate school. It would 
have been better if they had said a political West Point for adults or 
a political West Point for college graduates or a political West Point 
for those who have passed the college age. 

I mentioned this point in my statement before your committee. I 
referred to the necessity of the Academy and stated that what we 
needed was a United States graduate school for advanced political 
study and training. I emphasize the word "graduate" so that the 
Academy will not be confused with an undergraduate school. 

The Chairman. I might mention that the record contains the testi- 
mony of knowledgeable people in the educational world with ref- 
erence to the necessity for this Academy. It was brought out, and I 
can assert it myself, that in a number of the States of the Union, 
and glory to them, the legislatures of several States have enacted 
laws to require the teaching of a course roughly referred to as "Com- 


munism versus Americanism." But upon the enactment of these laws, 
and one of them was passed in my State, we woke up to find out that 
teachers in public schools say, "AVhat am I to t each ? Wliat do I know ? 
Where is the reliable information ?" 

I had I don't know how many letters from all over the country, espe- 
cially from my State, from teachers, having the strangest idea about 
this course, asking me, for instance, how many Communists there are 
in the town of Jonesville, and so on. They didn't have the wildest 
concept of what course ought to be taught. 

I took a stab at it by saying that — I used to be a public school teacher, 
I taught law for 10 years — I said why don't you draw some com- 
parisons. Talk about education, for example. Compare our system 
with the Soviets. That would be a good project. Why don't you com- 
pare our system of free elections, as compared to no system, along that 
line ? Why don't you compare our constitutional provisions regarding 
free speech, religion, and so on, with their absence in Communist coun- 
tries. This would be a good beginning. 

If you are going to try to point the finger and to expect to find out 
how many Communists are here and there and you expect to rout 
them out in X number of days, I am afraid that is not the idea of these 

So, we are faced with that situation. 

You are right, Mr. Ambassador, that no university, somehow, has 
been able to develop information, reliable information, on the ways and 
means of tactical warfare in the cold war world, and so on. That is 
why something ought to be done. 

Mr. Clawson. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the statement and I 
agree with you fully. However, I still go back to this other problem, 
as I see it. 

The old adage that you train the child in the way it shall go and 
when it is old it will not depart therefrom is just as true today as when 
it was uttered centuries ago. I believe if we wait until we train adults 
and try to change their direction we are still going to miss the point 
in this Academy. 

Now is there a new concept that this is going to be a source of re- 
search material and trainmg teclmiques and operational know-how to 
disseminate to all of our universities? Is that going to be part of 
the function of the Freedom Academy as you envision it? 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Clawson, I have been trying to avoid testifying 
on the technical parts of this bill 

Mr. Clawson. I will withdraw the question. 

Mr. Smith. — because there are so many people who are better quali- 
fied, like Mr. Alan Grant. He has been working on this bill, I 
believe, since 1952 or 1953. They have testified before this committee. 
For me now to appear as an expert on the technical points of the bill 
would be a mistake. 

So I would like to duck that question if I may. 

Mr. Clawson. I will withdraw my question. Thank you, Mr. 

The Chairman. I mi^ht say at this point that someone picking up 
the record and reading it perhaps would want to find out why there 
was not an explanation at this point. 


Mr. McNamara, will yoii say two or three words concerning the op- 
erational feature of this bill ? 

Mr. Clawson. My question was this, whether the concept was going 
to extend or magnify the program to the point where this will be a 
source of material, research material, operational programs, and so on, 
that can be drawn upon by all the universities and educational institu- 
tions throughout the Nation, both private and public. 

Mr. McNamara. That is true. That is one of the functions of the 
freedom centers provided for in this bill. There will be localities, 
units, for dissemination of reliable information on all phases of com- 
munism. Any citizen will be able to go to these freedom centers and 
obtain the type information they want on various aspects of commu- 
nism. This will apply to universities, apply to high school teachers, 
anyone who wants this information — political leaders, labor leaders, 
religious leaders, educational leaders. 

So far as the children of the country are concerned, this is intended 
to be a graduate-type institution. The children of our country need, 
1 think you will agree, education in American ideals, but this is pri- 
marily the function of the schools and the local boards of education. 

What the Academy is concerned with is Communist political war- 
fare. The adult population of our country, shall we say, the people 
who by their vote influence our policy — give them the education they 
need on Communist operations which are a threat to the security of 
this comitry and all other free nations. This is generally a more 
sophisticated type knowledge than the average grade or high school 
student can absorb. It is primarily a graduate-level school. 

Mr. Clawson. I just don't believe the base is broad enough here in 
this one Academy to do the job. 

Mr. Pool. Will you yield at this point ? 

Mr. Clawson. Yes. 

The Chairman. In other words, you want a stronger bill ? 

Mr. Clawson. I want a stronger bill. 

Mr. McNamara. The concept here is that there is a limit as to how 
far you can go. If you bring in all the peak Government personnel 
to be trained in fightmg the cold war and train them thoroughly for 6 
months or a year and if you do the same tiling with leaders from all 
walks of American life — the trade union field, educational field, re- 
ligious field, field of veterans organizations, womens gi'oups — you will 
disseminate by these leaders, through their organizations and thus 
through the population generally, the kind of knowledge that is needed 
to support a sound policy. 

Mr. Clawson. When they leave here they have the zeal of St. Paul 
to go out and sell this program so that they can get some effectiveness 
throughout the world. That is what I would like to see done. I 
think we need a broad base to do it. 

The Chairman. I might point out that we have in a small way an 
effective precedent for this concept. The AFL-CIO sponsors the 
American Institute for Free Labor Development from their own 
funds and with money from big business. They bring to American 
shores labor leaders from the Latin and South American countries and 
teach them the American way of the labor movement and also about 
Commmiist strategy and tactics, particularly in the labor field. And 
they go back, in turn, and impart our democratic labor concepts to 


their countries and also use their knowledge of communism to combat 
it in their native lands. 

I am told that it has done a great deal of good. So that is one 
precedent for it. Finally I point out, again, the broad base support 
of this bill. Included among the authors of this bill on the Senate side 
are Senators Dodd, Douglas, Mundt, Goldwater, Proxmire — you can't 
have a broader base of political philosophy in America with that kind 
of support for it. 

So, we ought not be too much concerned about the cries, or if that 
word is too strong I will use "misgivings," of the people on the right or 
the left. That is why, having discussed this with members of the 
committee and the staff, I decided to make this announcement. I made 
it on the floor some time ago. 

The only thing we have is testimony in favor of the Academy, If 
anyone is in opposition, here is their chance. Don't say, like the 
Defense Department, "The broad objectives of the proposed legislation 
are praiseworthy. However, the need * * * js questionable." 

It is time to put up or shutup now. 

Mr. Smith. They don't amplify that ? They say the needs are ques- 
tionable, but they don't amplify that ? 

The Chairman. If it is questionable, my goodness, let us have the 
reasons why. 

Mr. Clausen. 

Mr. Clausen. Mr. Chairman, if I could take a couple of minutes. 

The Chairman. Mr. Don Clausen is not a member of the committee, 
but he is a very interested supporter. He is the author of one of the 
bills. I am delighted to recognize him. 

Mr. Clausen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Smith, I have enjoyed your comments very, very much. I think 
that some of the points you have made as far as the State Department 
is concerned certainly have brought to light one of the major issues 
that we have at stake, that is, certainly the State Department does not 
want to yield on foreign policy matters. 

I think this committee certainly has done a great service for the 
American public. I think as Members of Congress we certainly need 
to develop a program that is going to be responsive to us and coordi- 
nate this, of course, with all of the agencies because many people are 
writing to us. 

The fact that the director of this committee has pointed out that 
there are educational facilities all over the Soviet Union and some 
other satellite nations teaching communism, purely for the purpose of 
export, it would appear to me certainly desirable to have the Freedom 
Academy so that we can teach freedom and export freedom. 

This is a great struggle; it will be with us for sometime to come. 
As you pointed out frankly, the Communists are sending hard core, 
trained professionals, and we are sending kids out to do the job. 

Again I would like to go into this in more depth, but I hope that I 
can hold my comments for the floor of the House after it passes the 
committee, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Smith. May I say one thing, Mr. Chairman. Because of my 
experience I would recommend that the chiefs of the political divi- 
sion of all Embassies, located in a politically turbulent nation, attend 
the Freedom Academy before being assigned to their posts. I think 
this 16 very important. 


Mr. Clawson. A compulsory requirement? 

Mr. Smith. No, sir; I am not suggesting it be compulsory. I am 
making this as a specific recommendation. In other words, the State 
Department will come back and say, well, how many of our people 
do you think should attend the Academy. It is obvious that all the 
officers of the Foreign Service can't attend the Academy. 

So, I am selecting what I believe to be one of the most sensitive 
positions in an Embassy — the First Secretaiy for Political Affairs. 
He is in direct contact with the various political groups in the nation, 
whether they are progovernment or antigovernment. 

The office of the chief political officer in Havana during the Castro 
Communist revolution was on the fifth floor, where I was. All types 
of individuals came up to see him. If he had been trained in the 
Freedom Academy, he would have had more knowledge of commu- 
nism and a better background to cope with the situation. This is 

The Chairman". Have you concluded ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I recognize the gentleman from Missouri. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, if he has concluded 

The Chairman. First, Mr. Ambassador, we are very grateful for 
your appearance and your great contribution to this proposal. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 



Mr. Ichord. Mr. Chairman, I have a statement that I have pre- 
pared and I ask permission to insert in the record. All the members 
of the committee know my views on these bills, and certainly we will 
liave an opportunity to discuss them in executive session. But I would 
like to point out that, in addition to my service on this committee, I 
am also a member of the Armed Services Committee and yesterday 
we took up a bill providing for the procurement of ammunition and 
hardware, various implements of war. Included in that bill was the 
sum of $6 billion for research. We are researching in the field of 
weapons that to many people would be mibelievable. We are spend- 
ing better than $50 billion a year to support our armed services. We 
have built up one of the greatest war machines in the history of man- 
kind. We are able to fight a hot war and defend ourselves. 

Certainly I don't want that hot war to come and I don't want to be a 
prophet of doom; I don't want to play the part of a prophet, but if 
the present trend continues, we could very easily become engaged in 
another worldwide conflict. 

You don't have to take my word for it; you don't have to take the 
word of the leaders of our Government. All you have to do is to take 
the word of the Communist leaders themselves. Wlien they make 
the statements which Mr. Smith pointed out, when they say we will 
support wars of liberation all over the world, and then proceed to 
support and push wars of conquest from one end of the globe to an- 
other, we should realize the danger. 

The American people to me seem to be obsessed with the idea that 
the Communists are going to become less and less belligerent, that 


they will experience a change of heart. This appears to be, at its best, 
just mere wishful thinking. I can't see any factual basis for that 
belief at all. 

Last week, Mr. Myerhoff, head of one of the great advertising con- 
cerns in this country, testified, and, Mr. Chairman, I am sure you read 
his statement, but I wish it would have been possible for you to have 
heard him. He presented many novel ideas. He stated that he thought 
that the Communists were using techniques in selling their ideology, 
in carrying on political and propaganda warfare, that had long been 
developed by the American advertising industry. 

I can see instances where they are. I don't believe advertising 
techniques would in all cases be effective in selling democracy, but at 
least in this institution you could examine his proposals and see if 
that is the best way to proceed. We could assemble the best minds 
of our country and research and develop effective techniques of cold 
war defense. We are spending $6 billion this year on hot weapon re- 
search and development. Can't we afford to spend the relatively small 
sum called for by these bills for cold war research and development ? 

He made the statement, Mr. Chairman, that one of the great prob- 
lems that we had in USIA was the policy of reporting all of the news 
in the United States because unfortunately the things that make the 
news are bad. That is true. 

Now I could condemn the State Department, I could condemn the 
USIA. I decline to do that because I have sympathy for them. It is 
quite a problem. We have some very dedicated people in the State 
Department and the USIA, but something is wrong, and I think it is 
very simple — our techniques are in need of improvement. 

Mr. Clausen. Will the gentleman yield ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. 

Mr. Clausen. In addition to your own comments, Mr. Ichord, it 
would appear to me that there has to be a national declaration of policy 
to win the cold war and then develop the institution to train people 
and, in particular, to move out into the private sector to take advan- 
tage of the nonmilitary capabilities. 

If we are going to win this great struggle of ours, certainly we are 
going to have to train people, I think frankly the public sector has 
a responsibility, but our foreign aid problems throughout the world 
have pointed out very vividly that the public-to-public sector concept 
has not been working. 

We need to expand people-to-people. I think this would give a 
great opportunity. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Myerhoff brought to the attention of the committee 
a publication of USIA which was similar to LIFE magazine. In it 
he showed us pictures of racial riots that were published in this maga- 
zine to be distributed in Poland. 

I am sure that USIA's motive was to assure the people of Poland 
that in this country we have freedom of assembly. But Mr. Meyerhoff 
argued, and I am inclined to believe that he is right, that the pom- 
munists very quickly picked this uj> to show that we have great inter- 
nal trouble, that we don't have a stable Nation, that we are about 


to be involved in civil war. Whether or not the effect of the article 
was good or bad, I think we can all agree that this policy needs to be 
examined and studied and perhaps refine our methods of getting ideas 
across. We should be truthful, but should we publish pictures of 
race riots abroad with the aim of improving our image? Isn't there 
a better way of explaining our racial problems to a nation completely 
unfamiliar w4th those problems ? 

Mr. Chairman, I would ask leave that my statement, together with 
three articles, be included in the record. 

The Chairman. The statement and extraneous material will be 
received at this point. 

(Congressman Ichord's statement and insertions follow:) 



Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee : 

As you and the other members of the subcommittee know, I am the author of 
H.R. 2215, one of the eight Freedom Academy bills now pending before this 

Last year, nine bills to create the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy 
were introduced in the House and referred to the Committee on Un-American 
Activities. We held hearings for 7 days on those bills, and a total of 38 persons 
testified or submitted statements on them. All but one of those witnesses — Mr. 
Harriman speaking for the Department of State — strongly endorsed the Freedom 
Academy concept. 

So far this year we have held 3 days of hearings, during which several wit- 
nesses have testified. Every one of those witnesses has endorsed the Freedom 
Academy idea. I appear today for the same purpose. 

All of us are thoroughly familiar with the Freedom Academy envisaged in the 
bills pending before the committee. For this reason I do not intend to discuss 
their details. What I would like to do, however, is to bring to the attention of 
the committee some facts and items which have come to my attention in the last 
few months and which emphasize, at least to me, the importance of the bills before 
us and how vital it is that the United States get along with the job of making the 
Freedom Academy a reality. 

I should like to bring to the attention of the committee an item from the "New 
York Times, page 3, of the issue of April 11, this year, which tells about a Com- 
munist political warfare school, the Institute of National Minorities in Kunming, 
the capital city of the Yunnan Province in Red China. This is a school estab- 
lished by Peking in an effort to tighten, and guarantee, its control of national 
minorities in or bordering on Red China and also the people of Tibet, that un- 
fortunate Himalayan kingdom which was completely subjugated by Peking in 
1959 after many thousands of its citizens had been slaughtered in an unsuccessful 
and bloody revolt against Red rule. 

The minorities about which Peking is concerned and to whom this school de- 
votes its attention include not only the Tibetans and residents of Sinkiang Prov- 
ince, but also various tribes living along the border of Burma, Laos, and North 
Vietnam — people who are ethnically linked to Red China's neighbors. 

According to the If etc York Times article, about 1,000 hand-picked students 
from these areas are receiving training and indoctrination in this Institute of 
National Minorities at any given time. The courses extend some 6 months to 3 

The Times article quotes the deputy director of the Institute as stating : "We 
are different from other educational institutes — we are a political institute for 
training minority cadres with Communist ideas." 

I also have several items which have appeared in the press recently concerning 
the role of the U.S. Information Agency in Vietnam. 


The first, an Associated Press dispatch published in the WasJiington Evening 
Star of March 28, of this year, states that our country intends to increase its 
propaganda efforts in Vietnam. It quotes the USIA Director, Carl T. Rowan, who 
had just returned from South Vietnam, as stating that during the past year 
USIA officers in that country had been increased from 24 to 55 and that perhaps 
another 20 will be sent out. He also stated that the number of South Vietnamese 
employees of USIA had been increased, that USIA shortwave broadcasts from 
the Philippines have been strengthened and the USIA broadcasts in Vietnamese 
raised from 2 to 6 hours daily. 

Mr. Rowan, according to this article, pointed out after his return from South 
Vietnam that the government there is so busy fighting the Viet Cong that it has 
little time — and also lacks the know-how — to counteract the Red propaganda 

The next item, published in the Washington Star of April 3, of this year, re- 
veals that the State Department had issued an urgent appeal to key personnel to 
volunteer their services in South Vietnam. Foreign Service officers, it stated, 
are needed to serve as representatives for the Agency for International Develop- 
ment in South Vietnam provinces. AID lacks the personnel to do this work. The 
notice stated, and I quote "the President p)ersonaUy attaches the highest priority 
to that effort and to our participation in it." 

Items published in the Washington press on April 7 — ^just a few weeks ago — 
reveal that President Johnson had ordered USIA Director Rowan to take charge 
of our psychological war efforts in Vietnam. In addition to having charge of 
his own agency's psychological warfare operations, Mr. Rowan will have charge 
of those of the Department of Defense, Central Intelligence Agency, and Agency 
for International Development. 

I certainly hope, as I know all members of this committee do, that this pro- 
gram will be successful. I cannot help wondering, however, why we have 
had to wait until the last minute or so for this effort to be made when it has 
been obvious for so many years that we have been engaged in a very crucial 
political warfare contest in South Vietnam. I find it hard to understand why 
the steps I have just mentioned were not taken 2, 3, 5, or even 7 or 8 years ago. 

According to these press items I have mentioned, there is a tremendous job to 
be done. In this effort the USIA is going to try to influence an estimated 50 
percent of the South Vietnamese population which is now "fence-sitting." It is 
going to try to create a sense of national unity, ward off defeatism, explain the 
U.S. involvement and commitment in South Vietnam, publicize Viet Cong tactics. 

According to testimony received by tliis committee this last year from compe- 
tent witnesses, the United States has not been training adequate numbers of 
personnel adequately in the work that has to be done today in South Vietnam. 
The State Department appeal for volimteers stated that "broad experience and 
versatility of skills are important for this assignment," and that the Foreign 
Service officers going to Vietnam on this project as province representatives 
will have to work with the U.S. military adviser and the native province chief 
in "planning and directing the pacification of the province." 


The situation is so desperate that five officers were needed immediately at 
the time the appeal was made. I wonder just how much training they have 
had in pacification techniques and in fighting Communist political warfare. 
It would appear to me that an admission that the training of State Department 
personnel in this area has been far from adequate is found in the fact that 10 
additional Foreign Service officers will be given a 4%-month training program 
here in the United States before being assigned to Vietnam to work on this 

For years, Mr. Chairman, advocates of the Freedom Academy have been 
pointing out the great gap that exists in this type of training for U.S. personnel. 
They have been urging that a Freedom Academy be established to impart this 
kind of training as well as other vital unconventional warfare skills. Nothing 
has been done about it. 

Today, we have a crisis in this area and we still do not have any kind of 
institution to train the personnel we need to do the job that has to be done. 
We have all kinds of psychological warfare and political warfare specialists 
in our Government and, of course, we have our propaganda officials as well, 
but none of them, apparently, has been able to perceive or iinderstand until 
recently the need for real intense political and psychological warfare effort 
in Vietnam. 

Last year we were fortunate in having as witnesses a number of journalists of 
very wide experience, who emphasized the need for political warfare training 
in their own profession. Since listening to their testimony, I have seen a con- 
siderable number of articles dealing with communism, both abroad arid at 
honje, which have emphasized the importance of what these witnesses said. 

VVe know that the Communist bloc is attaching a great importance to control 
and use of the press and other communications media as a cold war weapon. 
If we are not to lose out in this area, we need an institute where free world 
journalists can be taught the facts about political warfare and the vital role 
both the Communist and the free world press play in it. 

I would like to submit for the record at this point an article entitled "Journal- 
ism and the Cold War," published in the January 1965 issue of The Quill, 
official publication of the journalist fraternity, Sigma Delta Chi. 

The article is written by Eugene H. Methvin, a member of the Washington 
staff of the Reader's Digest. Mr. Methvin, who studied journalism in the 
Henry W. Grady School of Journalism in Atlanta, has long been a student of 
communism and its unconventional warfare techniques. His article, which 
emphasizes another one of the major gaps in our defense against communism 
and shows how we suffer from this gap, will, I hope, be an important addition 
to this hearing record. 

( The article follows : ) 



The Magazine for Journalists 



Every Newsman Pract;ices 
Psychiatry without a License 




Students' Ne\A/spaper Idea 
Helps Bridge Detroit Strike Gap 



Sigma Delta Chi Convention Pepor 





Reader's Digest 

WHEN THE NEWLY independent Sultan of Zanzi- 
bar was overthrown last Januarv New York 
Times Correspondent Robert Conley put himself in the 
running for a Pulitzer prize with his stories revealing 
that the power seizure was engineered by 30 or 40 com- 
munists trained in Cuba, the Soviet Union and Com- 
munist China. This was brilliant cold war coverage 
that alerted tJie »\merican people to brewing trouble in 
yet another sector of what Adlai Stevenson calls the 
"world civil war." 

But the American people could be even better 
served if journalists were prepared to "background" 
such news with a knowledge of the communist revolu- 
tionary training schools and what they teach. For ex- 
ample, last Jan. 20 Conley reported: "The real power 
is concentrated in the hands of the vice president, 
Kassim Hanga, a bitter opponent of the West. He 
studied international law in Moscow and has a Russian 

And what do Africans study in Moscow's "internation- 
al law" course? We know what one Nigerian student, 
Anthony G. Okotcha, got. He found himself among 
200 other students from Africa, Central America and 
Asia in a class in "self defense," rigorous paramilitary 
training in the guerrilla arts. "One army ofiicer told me, 
'Remember, today you are a student, but tomorrow you 


Eugene Methvin was born in 1934 
in Vienna, Co., where his father was a 
country weekhj editor and publvsher of 
the Vienna News. His mother still op- 
erates the paper and has won Georgia 
Press Association prizes for "most fear- 
less editorial" in duel with the White 
Citizens Councils, and for general ex- 
cellence (runner-up). Young Methvin 
could lay claim to liaving started as a 
reporter (leg-man only) before he could 
write, for at the age of five lie wandered 
around the streets with pad and pencil 
insisting that the residents write down 
their news for him. He studied journal- 
ism at the Henry W. Grady School of 
Journalism, graduating in 1955 with an 
AB] and supplementary major in law. 
Upon graduation he spent three years 
as a jet fighter pilot. In 1958 he joined 
the Washington Daily News as a gen- 
eral assignment reporter and in 1960 
he tvent to the Reader's Digest at its 
Washington editorial office as a staff 
writer. He is treasurer of the Washing- 
ton Professional chapter. 

will be a leader of a revolutionary front,' " Okotcha re- 

His next study was "occult science," a witch-doctor 
class arranged exclusively for African students. An Af- 
rican affairs e.xpert in perfect Swahili lectured sur- 
rounded by plastic human skulls and skeletons, plastic 
serpents of various sizes. "One witch doctor canying on 
among primitive people can do more than a dozen po- 
Utical lecturers." he said. "He can move the masses in 
any way he chooses. Well, then, supposing he is a com- 

The professor placed a skull on the table and using 
radio microphones caused it to issue commands such 
as: "I am your ancestor speaking. I command you to go 
tonight, kUl the British governor, and bring his head 
and hands to me. If you fail I \vill cast evil spells on you 
and your family." 

With this background, it is not hard to add two plus 
two— and the obvious answer is more trouble of llie 
Mau-Mau type in all of East Africa in coming years as 
the communists turn Zanzibar into an unsinkable 
Cuba-style little red schoolhouse. (It is already hap- 
pening, under Red Chinese tutelage, in the eastern 
Congo. A special school near Peking is training witch 
doctors in guerrilla warfare and upon their return they 
are organizing tribal insurgency.) (Editor's Note: This 
article was written prior to the November outbreak of 
conflict in the Congo.) Certainly this is an indisjiensable 
part of "depth" reporting on this cold war round. And 
any news commentator or desk man in America who had 
bothered to get himself on the mailing list for Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee reports could have pro- 
duced sparkling "interp" pieces backgrounding the Zanzi- 
bar development— for that is where Okotcha's account is 
to be found. 

This Zanzibar example illuminates a major problem 
many thoughtful journalists see confronting America's 
free press today. Simply put, tiie problem is this: The 
professional practitioners in our communications media 
are not generally equipped to recognize communist-in- 
spired violence, deception and psychopohtical manip- 
ulation and to adequately "background the news" on 
thousands of complex cold war skirmishes being fought 
daily around the globe. This problem can mean "op- 
portunity" for the professional— cash, recognition and 
satisfaction for those with reportorial initiative to dig 
out and write the "depth" stories nobody else is tack- 

Let me cite a minor personal experience. After the 
June 1960 riots in Tokyo forced cancellation of Pres- 
ident Eisenhower's visit, a Reader's Digest editor asked 




the obvious question nobody else seemed to have 
thought of: "All the newspapers say these riots are red- 
inspired. How do we know? If you're a communist, how 
do you start a riot?" 

Assigned to get the answer, I asked my State De- 
partment contact to set up an interview witli the De- 
partment experts on such things. "Sure," he said, "Call 
you back in a day or so." Two weeks passed. My friend 
finally called, quite crestfallen. "I hate to tell you this, 
and frankly I'm a litde shocked myself. I've checked 
everywhere. Nobody in the entire U.S. government 
really keeps up with these things." 

Realizing we had stumbled onto a major gap in our 
cold war defenses, the Digest Washington Bureau 
initiated what became a series of stories on national 
policy machinery and communist tactics. Meanwhile, 
fascinated by a whole new world I never knew existed, 
I spent six months digging into mob psychology and 
crowd management and researching case studies. The 
result was an article which was published in a relatively 
obscure scholarly journal. The U.S. Army Command 
& General Staff School picked it up for its Military Re- 
view, and the State Department sent a briefed version 
to all 375 U.S. diplomatic posts overseas. The article 
has been adopted in our own armed forces training 
texts, translated into Spanish and circulated among 
Latin American services, and to my utter dismay the 
Army has even invited me as an expert to lecture on 
communist mob techniques. 

Tliis experience sho^vs how widespread is the infor- 
mation gap on what has been called "the new frontier 
of war." Other examples: 


^Vmerican journalists were poorly equipped to "back- 
ground" the Dallas tragedy because assassination as a 
pohtical weapon is so utterly foreign to us. Americans 
find it hard to connect the act of handing a 15-year- 
old bov a hate-filled pamphlet on the Rosenbergs, con- 
demned nuclear spies, and that youtii's act nine years 
later of shooting the President of the United States. Yet 
there is a connection. Although ps)chiatrists recognized 
Oswald was potentially dangerous when he was 13 still 
he is a case study of how inflammatory communist 
propaganda can attract, activate, and motivate a con- 
fused, frustrated individual and give direction and 
focus to liis aggressive behavior. The lesson Oswald so 
eloquently teaches is that inflammatory communist 
pro)ia^anda can kill. Yet reporting on the sociology and 
psvchology of commimist organizational and psyclio- 
logical warfare is generally distinguished chiefly by its 

Beyond Oswald the whole history of communist as- 
sassination as a political weapon wai relevant back- 
ground the press missed. Nobody pointed out that the 
Soviets were caught using it in Western Europe as late 
as 1959, for example. A few commentators pointed out 
that Lenin condemned assassination— but they only 
demonstrated that a litde knowledge can be danger- 

For Lenin only condemned the approach of the 
Narodnaya Volya terrorists, one of whom was his older 
brother Alexander, hanged for plotting to kill the Czar. 
Lenin said tliat assassination used indiscriminately 
would be counter-productive, especially if it took the 
place of careful organizational work. But he not only 
never ruled out assassination. He always considered it 
an integral part of the revolutionary's arsenal and in- 
sisted that communists be willing and able to use all 
weapons, including murder. He required all Commu- 
nist parties formed under the Communist International 
to set up secret apparatuses. The German Party, for ex- 
ample, organized covert M( military), N (inteUigence), 
Z (infiltration), and T (terror) groups. We have some 
well-authenticated and corroborated accounts of the 
early beginnings of the communist T-groups in Ger- 
many. Their function was to punish traitors and to 
murder anti-communist pohtical and mihtary leaders. 
.Most interesting was the emergence of a willingness to 
use the T-groups to solve intra-party differences. With 
the Khruschev-Mao feud heating up the history of this 
intramural use of the communist T-squads it may one 
day prove to be a vital part of one of the biggest news 
stories of our centurv. 

ANTI-CIA CAMPAIGN— Any psychological warfare 
technician knows that in his adversary's society there 
are always groups and individuals who will share his 
objectives and do his work for him, for dieir own inde- 
pendent moral or pohtical reasons. In his jargon these 
are called "targets of opportunity." In Western society, 
for example, the communist warrior knows there in- 
evitablv are people who will oppose almost any policy 
of their governments that he wants to attack always 
for their own independent reasons. The Red strate- 
gist's problem then becomes: How to activate the op- 
position? The answer is the simple stratagem of 
throwing the spotfight of publicity on the issue and 
draw the target group's attention to it. Such has been 
the nature of the Soviet campaign to discredit the CIA 
and undermine public confidence in it. Enough Ameri- 
cans fear any secret agency and abhor the idea of a 
"department of dirty tricks" so that to draw their at- 
tention to its existence guarantees a substantial public 
opposition and steady drumfire of criticism, controversy 

47-093 O— 65 




and suspicion. (Of course the agency earns some of its 
criticism quite honestly!) 

Nikita Khrushchev's seemingly casual remarks on his 
1959 tour of the United States about the CIA set this 
strategy of exposure rolling. The most famous incident 
was carefully staged at the White House within easy 
earshot of reporters when Khrushchev met CIA Direc- 
tor Allen Dulles and joked about paying the same spies 
and reading the same reports. Throughout his tour 
Khrushchev's remarks were repeated too often and too 
prominently to have been genuinely casual. Since that 
time we have learned the Soviet KGB has set up a 
special section assigned to think up and e.\ecute de- 
ception operations to discredit the CIA. It's called— 
shades of "1984" — the "Disinformation Bureau." 

Among its favored weapons are the forgery, the fake 
news story, the planted rumor. On April 23, 1961, when 
the Bay of Pigs and the Algerian generals' revolt were 
top news, a crypto-communist newspaper in Rome, 
II Paese, carried a story declaring that "some people in 
Paris are accusing the American secret service headed 
by Allen Dulles of having participated in the plot of 
the four 'ultra' generals." 

This paper, testified Assistant CIA Director Richard 
Helms later, is frequently "used as an oudet for dis- 
guished Soviet propaganda." TASS promptly relayed 
die story, and the London DaUy Worker and the Paris 
communist daily L'Humanite headlined: "U.S. SPY 
ly the Polish press attache spread it in Paris bars where 
newsmen hang out. Soon the free world press services 
—not one of them aware of the story's origins— splashed 
it onto front pages everywhere. This Moscow-manufac- 
tured "fable," as such intelligence gambits are called, 
was taken up by Paris officialdom anxious to redeem 
French honor by proving their rebellious officer corps 
had been inspired from abroad. They drew hot words 
from the U.S. Ambassador and White House Press Sec- 
retary Pierre Salinger, in Paris preparing for a presiden- 
tial visit. Salinger accused Pierre Baraduc, French For- 
eign Office press chief, of putting out the story to put 
President Kennedy at a disadvantage with General 
De Gaulle. "I'm not putting it out," Barraduc replied. 
"It seems to have sprung from nowhere. But you have 
to admit the story soimds logical." The Western press 
continued to play it for a week without any idea where 
it originated. 

6, 1960, the New York Times carried a full-page ad 
branding as "false" the rising tide of news reports indi- 
cating Castro's communist ties. "Not a shred of evi- 
dence has been produced," the ad proclaimed, prais- 
ing the "great work of revolutionary reform now in 
progress in Cuba." Thirty citizens calling themselves 
the "Fair Play for Cuba Committee" signed it. The FBI 

very quickly flagged the Fair Play Committee as a 
typical front operation initiated by individuals with 
known public record communist links, and reporters 
who bothered to inquire were so informed as early as 
the summer of 1960. Yet so few bothered that the Fair 
Play Committee was able to organize 30 committees in 
major American cities, 40 college chapters, and enlist 
10,000 students, adults, and subscribers who contrib- 
uted at an annual rate of $45,000 for this propaganda 
effort. On Oct. 20, 1960, 1500 people attended a New 
York rally urging "hands off Cuba" at a time when 
growing communist influence in that unhappv isle was 
a presidential campaign issue. 

Not once, so far as diligent inquiry reveals, did 
any newspaper or wire service reporter do a story re- 
vealing the known facts of communist involvement, or- 
ganizational talent and publicity support going into the 
"Fair Play" operation or suggest that this was a com- 
munist-inspired maneuver. 

Indeed, when the Senate Internal Securitv Subcom- 
mittee initiated hearings it was hotly denounced by a 
leading magazine and a score or more newspapers for 
"McCarthyism." Yet the subcommittee got nothing like 
equal notice when a young Cuban physician testified 
that he had gone with the Fair Play Committee's 
organizer to U.N. headquarters to pick up $3500 from 
Raul Roa, Jr., a member of the Cuban delegation and 
son of Castro's foreign minister, for the Times ad that 
kicked off the whole operation. 

"The whole sad episode reveals a deep double stand- 
ard," says Sen. Thomas J. Dodd. "Show too many peo- 
ple a nutty right-wing outfit like the Birch Society and 
they are off like chargers, eager to do battle. Editors 
send reporters to their meetings, probe their organiza- 
tional structure, and hound them with steady criticism. 
But they are not interested in a Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee, organized with secret communist financial 
support by an ex-convict who is actively misleading 
thousands of innocent students and using them to ad- 
vance Moscow's grand strategy. Yet that organization 
proved itself capable of inciting and channeling the 
hatred of the sick soul who killed the President of the 
United States." 

cent scholarship in the histor}' of revolutionary move- 
ments forces us to realize that the "cold war" between 
democratic due process and revolutionary totalitarian- 
ism has been with us, on a minor scale, since the French 
Revolution, and that the totalitarians have developed 
a thorough technology of plaimed violence and social 
demolition. The persistent recurrence of domestic ex- 
tremist groups ranging from the Ku Klux Klan, the 
Black Muslims, and the pro-Chinese communist splin- 
ter factors indicates these phenomena are likely to be 
with us indefinitely. Since they borrow liberally from 



each other their methods are generally uniform, and 
covering them adequately requires specialized back- 
ground knowledge. 

One cause of the inadequacy of cold war coverage 
so far is that journalism schools have paid so little at- 
tention to it. Of course, thus far the profession has not 
asked them to supply journalists trained in what has 
up to now not been recognized as a specialty. When 
the demand exists, they will supply it. They give 
courses in science writing, political affairs reporting, 
even book reviewing— but not propaganda, psycholog- 
ical warfare, and the sociology of political conflict. 

But more and more is this gap being recognized as 
editors turn to "depth" reporting to meet growing read- 
ership sophistication and compete with electronic 
media on "spot" news. It is not too optimistic to predict 
that in a few years every newspaper large enough to 
have a business editor, garden writer, or editorial page 
editor will also have some staffer who has made some 
special study of the sociology and psychology of ex- 
tremist groups and hate ideologies, and who devotes at 
least part time to keeping track of commimist strategy 
and tactics— for example, by reading The Worker twice 
weekly (subscriptions cost $7.00 yearly), or the Mos- 
cow-published monthly of the international communist 
movement. International Affairs (available in English for 
$3.50 a year). 

Even so, the current vacuum in journalism education 
concerning psychopolitical warfare, which tremendous- 
ly affects the mass communications media, is a littie 
surprising. The Library of Congress at the request of 
Sen. Karl Mvmdt (R., S.D. ) surveyed 46 journalism de- 
partments accredited in 1962 by the American Coun- 
cil on Education for Journalism and found that 22 of- 
fered no courses even brushing psychological warfare 
and propaganda, insofar as course descriptions indi- 
cated. In the rest, 51 courses bore amorphous titles rang- 
ing from "Attitudes and Media Research Methods" to 
"The Press and World Affairs." Only eight schools out 
of the entire 46 had courses bold enough to mention 
the word "propaganda" in their tide and the course 
descriptions showed that most were irrelevant. Out of 
the hundreds surveyed in the entire United States, only 
two courses seemed to zero directly in: 

WARFARE, at Boston University— primarily concerned with 
the study of propaganda and psychological warfare develop- 
ments in the twentieth century. Major emphasis on case study 
approach to important private and governmental efforts at 
home and abroad. Special attention to social and political im- 
plications of such activities. Evaluations of worth of different 
methods of persuasion .Tnd of utilization of the mass media 
of communication. Direct importance of these subjects to the 
free societies, the garrison states, and the under-developed 
areas in the world. A three semester-hour course. 

At W'ashington & Lee University— "Functions, tactics and me- 
dia of psychological and political warfare, with spL'ci''.l refer- 
ence to World War II and contemporary world confl-ct. Or- 

ganization and strategy of information programs; cultural 

propaganda; military procedures." A three-^our course. 

Prof. O. W. Riegel, who teaches the Washington & 
Lee class, says his course deals direcdy with psycholog- 
ical manipulation and the cold war. "We try to cover 
the policy-making apparatus of the United States and 
Soviet Union, the propaganda directives of the two 
coimtries, and how their propaganda works out in prac- 
tice. We spend quite a bit of time on Soviet and com- 
munist operations. But we make no case studies or post 
mortems on communist manipulations of the Western 

Washington & Lee graduates only eight or nine jour- 
nalism majors annually. If the Library of Congress sur- 
vey is indicative, pitifully few of the annual crop of 
American journalism graduates get even a whiff of this 
vital subject matter. 

There is a silver lining however. Prof. Riegel's course 
has proved so popular it attracts 30 to 50 students ev- 
ery year from history and political science majors. And 
he says it excites a lot of student interest, indicating 
there will be a good campus "market" for such courses 
if journalism departments introduce them. 

Recognizing that courses outside the journalism 
schools would be available to journalism students, the 
Library of Congress checked the full curricula of the 
five metropolitan universities of Washington, D.C. 
Since these have many students studying for military, 
diplomatic and other government careers, they offer 
highly non-typical concentrations on international af- 
fairs and conflict. But even they offered only two 
courses whose descriptions might attract a journalism 
student shopping the university catalog for a good siu-- 
vey of psychopolitical warfare and propaganda. Cath- 
olic University offers "Strategy and Tactics of Organ- 
ized Communism," and Georgetown University, even 
though its international relations school is renowned as 
a "prep" school for the Foreign Service, offers only one, 
"Propaganda, Political Warfare and Revolutionary 
Techniques in the 20th Century." Teaching this six- 
hour course is Dr. James D. Atkinson, a recognized au- 
thority who was consultant to President Truman's Psy- 
chological Strategy Board, a veteran intelligence offi- 
cer and National War College lecturer. 

But there's still a hitch. 

'"The last time I taught the course I had nine stu- 
dents—and no journalists," Dr. Atkinson reports. 

The simple fact is that a joiunalist who has not 
studied the history of conunimist operational techniques 
is hardly more equipped to report or comment on to- 
day's world or handle copy on the cold war than a doc- 
tor who has never studied the measles syndrome is 
competent to practice medicine. 

He needs a solid factual course on the sociology, psy- 
chology and history of insurgency, guerrilla warfare, ur- 
bin terrorism, and the organizational warfare tech- 




and the 

COLD WAR continued 

niques of the communists. This doesn't mean turning 
journalists into witch hunters, but they should know 
more about such operations historically, write and tdk 
more about them so that the American people will be 
better informed, all in a cool, calm, factual and sophis- 
ticated fashion. The history of Soviet psychological 
warfare and pohcy sabotage through such operations 
as the Institute of Pacific Relations and the Harry Dex- 
ter White-Alger Hiss interlockiiig subversion rings 
should be as much a part of the equipment of every 
journalist as the John Peter Zenger trial and the Hearst 
role in the Spanish-American War. 

Recently, Allen W. Dulles, former CIA director ad- 
dressing the American Association of School Adminis- 
trators, made an appeal that could be addressed to the 
nation's journalism educators as well: 

"I am convinced that unless we increase our understanding 
of the real nature of the communist threat and improve upon 
our techniques to meet it, the past may well prove to be the 
prologue to further advances of communism. The nature of 
the communist apparatus must be exposed to the world as best 
we can, through the press, through publications, in public 
addresses and in the schoolrooms. The tact that it has at times 
been able to work in secret until the moment of actual take- 
over has been a major contributing cause of the success they 
have had. I earnestly ask you to find a place for teaching the 
hard facts about the communist program to undermine our 
free way of life" 

Ten years ago to suggest "teaching commimism in 
the schools" was to risk being smeared by McCarthy- 
ists as "pinko". Today it means risking beitig labeled a 
"neo-McCarthyist" or "right-winger". Fortunately there 
is an admirable precedent that could serve as a model 
for professional action by a society like Sigma Delta 

Today, the American Bar Association conducts a 
three-prong program: 1. internal self -education; 2. a 
continuing analysis of communist tactics, strategy and 
objectives; and 3. the promotion of teacher training 
institutes so that public school teachers may get both 
sotmd scholarly laiowledge and professional guidance 
in presenting it. The Corrmimittee taps graduate centers 
suci as the Georgetown University Center for Strategic 
studies, the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and 
Peace at Stanford University; the University of Pennsyl- 
vania Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the Uni- 
versity of South Carolina Institute of International 

Currently the ABA is issuing two timely studies: 1. 
"Peaceful Coexistence— A Communist Blueprint for 

Victory," a sifting of the evidence of "internal" com- 
munist communications which indicates that "peaceful 
coexistence" in the Red lexicon means more cold war 
by subversion, insurgency and social demolition tech- 
niques; 2. "Communist Propaganda on the Campus," 
summarizing ^propaganda themes now being promoted 
by top U.S. communists in their speaking forays on 
American campuses. The ABA has given both respect- 
ability and coherence to a national movement that might 
otherwise have turned into a McCarthyistic-Birchite 

Isn't it time SDX, the one professional society rep- 
resenting all news media, joined the ABA pioneering 
in this field? Of course so broad or elaborate an effort 
is neither practical nor desirable now, but the Society 
might begin by establishing a committee to encourage 
professional development through chapter workshops, 
journalism courses and research. Such a committee 
could offer a centralized collecting point for experience, 
guidance and general information to interested chap- 
ters and professors. Any such undertaking is of course 
fraught with hazards. Opportimities for lunacy and in- 
eptitude are legion. But the job must be done by re- 
sponsible leaders or it will be botched by cranks and 
witch hunters. The hazards can be avoided by one com- 
mon-sense rule and one corollary. 

RULE: An SDX committee on education about com- 
munism must stick to its mission— education. Not indoc- 
trination. Not censorship. Not name-calling. Not vidtch- 

COROLLARY: The committee and the teachers, 
courses and workshops it would inspire must stick to 
facts. Not conjecture, not speculation, not propound- 
ing dogma, not prescribing remedies or telling jour- 
nalists how to practice their profession. 

Let us teach the facts about communist operational 
methods and propaganda themes in their orchestratioo 
of psychopolitical warfare, insofar as diligent, objective 
scholarship can reveal them through case studies. This 
knowledge should be a part of the professional equip- 
ment of every journalist in this "century of conflict." 
SDX, as a society devoted to truth, has a duty to help 
supply that equipment by encouraging the teaching 
and research in our journalism schools needed for a 
deeper, more systematic knowledge of the facts. In the 
spirit of the Scripps-Howard motto, the profession will 
then be better able to "give light and the people will 
find their own way." ■ 


The January 1965 issue of the Reader's Digest also featured an article written 
by Mr. Methvin. It was entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot." It is an excellent 
description of the techniques of riot-instigation, one of the unconventional war- 
fare techniques Communists in all parts of the world are using against the 
United States, its allies, and, as a matter of fact, against all non-Communist 

Following the publication of this article in the Reader's Digest, Mr. Methvin 
received a letter from an Indonesian in the United States, who asked that the 
letter be kept confidential. This letter points out the desperate need of freedom- 
loving people in foreign nations for assistance in combating Communist efforts 
to take over their respective countries. The writer of this letter wants help. 
He has heard of the Freedom Academy and asks, "Could you please tell me how 
can I join the Freedom Academy?" 

The reply which Mr. Methvin wrote to this Indonesian states in blunt terms, 
and terms which I am afraid we cannot refute, the complete inability of the 
United States at the present time to give to such persons really effective assist- 
ance in preventing Communists from subjugating additional nations of the 

Why can't we give really effective help? Basically, it is because we do not 
have the know-how which the Freedom Academy can make available. It is 
because in our struggle with communism — a struggle that, if we take the Commu- 
nists at their word, is going to see the end of us or of communism — we are still 
relying on outmoded, inadequate 19th century weapons — dollars, guns, and news 
and information programs delivered in a fashion with little appeal for the 
masses and which is not even designed to convince them that our cause is just 
and right and communism is evil, wrong, and inimical to their best interests. 

Mr. Chairman, I ask that these last three items I have mentioned, Mr. Meth- 
vin's Reader's Digest article, the letter he received as a result of it, and his reply 
to the letter, be made a part of the record at this point. I have excised the letter 
in question so as to eliminate any possibility that the writer might be identified 
through its contents. 

(The above-mentioned articles follow :) 

A Readers Digest 

mm mmmamm 



By Eugene H. Methvin 

SS» iKi»*lfarJ>!i3n>T*v.«-J»SI«.ia- '•■" T'iUC 






By Eugene H. Methvin 

It's time for us to recognize— and to counteract- 

one of the communists' most deadly cold-war weapons: 

the vicious "manipulated" demonstration 

A CHEMIST knows that if he drops 
a block of sodium into water, 
L it will explode. An engineer 
knows that if he buries dynamite in 
proper quantities and patterns and 
detonates it, he can dig an irrigation 
ditch. A communist leader knows 
that if he chooses prop)er slogans, 
gathers a crowd and agitates it, he 
can create a riot. 

The techniques of starting a riot 
are as simple, as scientific and as 
systematic as that. And ever since 
the beginning of the cold war the 
communists have been using the 
deadly weapon of the managed riot 
on every continent— to poison alli- 
ances, to topple governments, to hu- 

This article is based on four years of re- 
search by Eugene H. Methvin, a member of 
the Reader's Digest Washington, D.C., staff. 
It represents scores of case studies of Red riots, 
plus hundreds of interviews with the FBI, 
CIA, Secret Service, police experts, academic 
and military-intelligence authorities, and for- 
mer communists who have personally orga- 
nized strikes and riots. 

miliate leaders, to nullify billions in 
foreign aid, crush American pres- 
tige and shoot holes in U.S. foreign 
policy. The latest instances of orga- 
nized violence include bloody street 
fights between Buddhists and Cath- 
olics in Vietnam, food marches in 
India, chaos in the Congo, and mass 
executions by a riot-installed Red 
regime in Zanzibar. U.S. embassies 
and libraries have been mobbed and 
our diplomats humiliated in Indo- 
nesia, Ghana, Cyprus, Sudan and 
Bolivia. American businesses have 
been smashed in Panama and Vene- 
zuela. A recent study for the De- 
fense Department showed that in the 
five preceding years in Latin Amer- 
ica alone there were 351 reported 
outbreaks of communist-inspired 
terrorism, sabotage and guerrilla 
warfare, plus 299 riots, demonstra- 
tions and strikes. 

Despite our diplomatic efforts, our 
missile strength and our military 
might, these riots could well defeat 



us in the world struggle if we don't 
soon learn how to cope with them. 

Red Tornado. Consider the riot 
as it was wielded in Panama last 
January. That four-day anti-Ameri- 
can maelstrom left 24 dead, 400 in- 
jured, two million dollars' worth of 
property damaged. When U. S. 
troops were fired on by snipers and 
forced to shoot back, the little repub- 
lic's charges of "U.S. aggression" 
were blazoned around the world. 

What really happened in Pana- 
ma ? Communists were already pre- 
paring to exploit frictions arising 
from a bus strike when a better issue 
fell into their laps. U.S. students at 
Balboa High School, defying agree- 
ments to fly the flags of both Pana- 
ma and the United States at speci- 
fied places, hoisted the U.S. flag 
alone on their school's flagpole. 

Informants hurried the news to 
Panama's communist Minister of 
Education, Solis Palma, and within 
hours students and hundreds of in- 
nocent Panamanian patriots were 
decoyed into a Red-planned tornado. 
Experts, reconstructing the Panama 
explosion, unearthed these facts: 

• "Molotov cocktails" thrown 
against U.S. homes, places of busi- 
ness and automobiles contained not 
improvised rags stuffed into bottle- 
necks but meticulously hand-sewn 
wicks. Student members of a pro- 
Castro Red organization had stayed 
after school making the fire bombs 
a full week before the riots. 

• An amazed American witness 
stood beside a radio commentator 
broadcasting into a portable trans- 

mitter: "Ten thousand persons are 
defying the bullets, going toward 
the Canal Zone. . . . The North 
American troops are machine-gun- 
ning the brave Panamanian patriots. 
. . . Tanks are now in our territory." 
What the commentator was describ- 
ing bore no resemblance to the scene 
before them — a small crowd of spec- 
tators watching a fire-bombed Bra- 
niff Airways office burn. (Not one 
U.S. tank or machine gun was used 
during the four days of disorder.) 

• A Panamanian carrying a cam- 
era rushed from the Legislative Pal- 
ace, drew a pistol and shot a man in 
the crowd. Affidavits from onlook- 
ers have confirmed that the killer 
then snapped a photograph of the 
body, stepped into a waiting auto 
and sped away. Later, six known 
communists led a funeral procession 
for "martyrs murdered by the North 
American imperialist troops." 

• Panamanian President Roberto 
Chiari, under pressure from com- 
munist aides and fellow travelers, 
ordered the troops of Panama's Na- 
tional Guard to stay in their bar- 
racks for four days.* During the 
peak of the violence, he appeared on 
the Presidential Palace balcony with 
communist agitator Victor Avila, 
who tongue-lashed the crowds on to 
new attacks against the Yanquis. 

*At Panama's request, the highly regarded 
International Commission of Jurists, from 
Geneva, Switzerland, conducted an on-the- 
scene investigation and concluded that if 
Panama authorities had acted promptly "the 
violence and damage to property and tragic 
casualties would not, in all probability, have 



• Reliable authorities identified 
at least 70 communists— an estimat- 
ed 55 of them trained in Cuba — agi- 
tating and directing mob action. 

Violence Step-by-Step. The com- 
munists have studied and taught 
mob manipulation for 60 years. Len- 
in himself developed mob tech- 
niques, which he taught in a 
clandestine communist school at 
Longjumeau, France, in 191 1. His 
bold boast: "When we have com- 
panies of specially trained worker- 
revolutionaries who have passed 
through a long course of schooling, 
no police in the world will be able 
to cope with them." Today, from a 
worldwide collection of data, includ- 
ing captured documents and inter- 
rogations of defectors from training 
schools, the step-by-step stages of 
Red-manipulated violence can be 
fully revealed. 

Stage 1. Infiltrate agents into stra- 
tegic organizations and mass media. 
To mobilize crowds, the party must 
first slip operatives into newspapers, 
radio stations, labor unions, civic as- 
sociations, college faculties, student 
organizations, even military and po- 
lice units. In Venezuela, for example, 
communists dominate the principal 
school of journalism, at Central 
University in Caracas, and students 
are trained in how to load the press 
with hate ideologies. 

Actual Red control of an organi- 
zation isn't always necessary, as 
Britain's democratic labor unions 
learned in March 1963. When their 
peaceful demonstration on unem- 
ployment moved into London, Reds 

sneaked into their ranks and in- 
vaded the entrance to Parliament 
where, traditionally, demonstrations 
are not allowed. Mounted police in- 
tervened, and a battle raged for an 
hour. Following instructions offered 
by the Daily Worf^er on "How to 
Unhorse a Cop by Quick and Cer- 
tain Means," rioters pressed lighted 
cigarettes against horses' flanks. 
London newspapers called it one of 
the ugliest riots in rdtent history. 

Stage 2. Soften up the populace 
with symbols and slogans. In the 
opening phase of a propaganda cam- 
paign. Red professionals never use 
an openly communist cause to sway 
people to their way of thinking. 
Rather, they seize upon universal as- 
pirations for "peace," "bread," "civil 
liberties," "freedom," and then cast 
these aspirations in inflammatory 
"class warfare" lingo. As scapegoats 
for all frustration they point to 
"U.S. imperialism," "capitalist ex- 
ploiters" or "the white power elite." 
Under a steady drumfire of such 
hate slogans, ordinary citizens can 
be worked up sufficiently to move 
into the streets when the commu- 
nists sound their riot gongs. 

So effective is the sloganeering 
that Reds organized riots against 
higher tram fares in Calcutta and 
higher electric rates in Buenos Aires, 
against U.S. forces in Japan and 
against a Congressional hearing in 
San Francisco. 

Stage 3. Draw together the mob 
nucleus. Using the standard bally- 
hoo methods of newspaper publicity, 
leaflets, radio announcements and 



offers of free transportation, cell 
chiefs attract the curious, the un- 
happy, the bored and the lazy who 
gather at any circus, fire or ruckus. 
Crowds may also be hired. In Brazil, 
an American mingled with demon- 
strators protesting the death of Red- 
leaning Congolese politician Patrice 
Lumumba. "Who is this Lumum- 
ba.''" he asked the people around 
him. Nobody knew. "Where is the 
Congo?" Nobody knew that either. 
"Why are you here?" The answer: 
"I was paid ten cruzeiros." 

In Japan, during the weeks of the 
anti-Eisenhower demonstrations in 
i960, Red agitators so regularly hired 
all applicants away from unemploy- 
ment offices that police were able ro 
tell newsmen that the absence of 
lines at those offices in the morning 
meant certain demonstrations in the 
evening. Japanese security officials 
estimate that the five weeks of anti- 
American violence cost the Reds a 
minimum of $1,400,000. 

Stage 4. Agitate the crotvd. Com- 
munists follow various patterns to 
fit the tactical situation when ex- 
ploiting the mob. They may herd it 
closely like sheep or raise the tension 
like a boiler until it explodes. But 
the fundamental methods are the 
same. Here, based largely on docu- 
ments captured from the Iraqi Com- 
munist Party, is how a Red "secret 
staff" runs off a demonstration: 

External command : The riot com- 
mander and his staff take up stations 
well removed from the activity, from 
which they can observe the entire 

Internal command: Red cadres 
within the crowd direct the dem- 
onstration under the external 
command's orders. The internal 
commander, always closely guarded, 
often posts himself near a particular- 
ly conspicuous banner so that scouts 
and messengers can find him at all 
times. (In the anti-U.S. demonstra- 
tions in Caracas in 1958, Vice Presi- 
dent Richard Nixon found that he 
could identify mob leaders: they 
rode piggyback on the shoulders of 
others, to be able to see better and to 
give directions.) 

Messengers: They carry orders 
and intelligence between the inter- 
nal and external commands, and 
report on police movements. 

Shock guards: Armed with pipes 
and staves, these men wait in reserve. 
If police attack the communists, they 
jump in and provide a blitz to cover 
the communists' retreat. 

Cheering sections : Loud-mouthed 
agitators are carefully rehearsed in 
slogans to chant and the order in 
which to chant them. 

Police baiters: Specially trained 
women scream hysterically, faint at 
policemen's feet or claw at their 
faces. Other pawns are instructed to 
roll marbles under the hoofs of po- 
licemen's horses, attack them with 
razor blades on the end of poles, or 
jab them with pins, causing them to 
rear and charge through the crowd 
and thus provide photographers 
with "proof" of "police brutality." 

Stage 5. Manufacture martyrs. All 
agitators are taught to create a mar- 
tyr, carry the body through the 



Streets, stage a big funeral, and com- 
memorate the death as often as pos- 
sible to keep alive the fanatical 
"struggle" atmosphere. U.S. Secret 
Service men saw tiny children 
shoved in front of Vice President 
Nixon's official car in Caracas. The 
communist hope: to create a martyr 
whose death could be charged to the 
cruel Yanqui imperialists. 

The Lesson Strikes Home. These 
cynical techniques can work any- 
where—including right here in U.S. 
cities, as we learned last summer. 
Though the FBI investigation of 
the riots that swept Harlem and five 
eastern cities uncovered no system- 
atic national organization or plan- 
ning behind them — "aside from the 
actions of minor organizations" — 
J. Edgar Hoover's report did un- 
cover the tracks of plenty of indi- 
vidual communists and splinter 
groups. And, said Hoover, in at least 
two of the New Jersey cities "two 
individuals with histories of com- 
munist affiliation were instigators 
and leaders of the riots." 

In Harlem, the communists helped 
create the atmosphere that was 
bound to explode. Long before the 
riots, they launched a conditioning 
campaign with repeated charges of 
"police brutality." Red publications 
in Harlem advocated armed units 
to fight the "drunken, prejudiced 
hooligan-in-uniform." Last Febru- 
ary, Harlem police began finding 
pamphlets printed in Cuba by an 
American Negro communist, Rob- 
ert F. Williams. Just back from talks 
with Mao Tse-tung in Red China, 

he distributed, from Havana, in- 
structions on how to adapt Mao's 
guerrilla tactics to U.S. city streets. 

Red organizers set up block com- 
mittees and captains to get out riot- 
ers the way political parties get out 
voters. Attempts were made to re- 
cruit jobless teen-agers, gang leaders 
and juvenile delinquents. Commu- 
nist leaders secretly urged block cap- 
tains to be ready to barrage the 
police at the first inflammatory in- 

Six weeks before the rioting, po- 
lice began finding hoards of bottles 
and brickbats on Harlem rooftops. 
By July the "Harlem Defense 
Council" was claiming 30 block 
committees. "This is a communist 
organization," proclaimed William 
Epton, its chairman. "I am a com- 
munist. We'll work with any group 
in Harlem— black nationalists, Mus- 
lims, or anybody else — where we 
agree on issues." 

It was in this atmosphere that a 
policeman shot and killed a knife- 
wielding 15-year-old Negro youth 
on July 16. Instantly the Red organi- 
zation mobilized. Forty-eight hours 
after the shooting, on a tense, hot 
Saturday afternoon, Epton called a 
street rally. "We're going to have a 
demonstration, and we don't say it 
is going to be peaceful because the 
cops have declared war on the peo- 
ple of Harlem," he told the crowd, 
according to a later indictment. 
"Every time they kill one of us, 
damn it, we'll kill one of them." 

But the violence was actually 
touched off by another street-corner 



rally held that night by irresponsible 
CORE leaders and random rabble- 
rousers who chimed in. As the 
crowd milled around in front of a 
police precinct headquarters, its 
numbers swelled to hundreds. With- 
in an hour, rocks, bottles and gar- 
bage were flying. The situation now 
needed no further communist help. 

It is pointless to argue whether 
the Harlem rioting would have oc- 
curred without communist presence. 
Laying the blame for any riot solely 
upon communist instigation is as 
incorrect as dismissing entirely the 
influence of communism's "hidden 
persuaders." The lesson of Harlem 
is that the Red wreckers can move 
in on any controversy, and every 
thinking person must be aware of 
their methods and objectives. 

What Can Be Done? The need 
for action is pressing. A few steps 
have already been taken. Last Sep- 
tember, after the eruptions in U.S. 
cities. President Johnson ordered the 
FBI and the Army to provide in- 
creased anti-riot training for police 
and National Guard units. Attorney 
General Robert F. Kennedy, after 
bitter overseas experience with Red 
crowd agitators, prodded the Agen- 
cy for International Development to 
start an "International Police Acad- 
emy" in Washington, which today 
schools foreign policemen in on- 
the-spot handling of Red insur- 
gency, terrorism and riots. U.S. labor 
and business leaders founded the 
American Institute for Free Labor 
Development, which, with U.S. gov- 
ernment support, is training thous- 

ands of Latin American trade 
unionists in i8 countries in demo- 
cratic organization and anti-com- 
munist action. 

But these steps are only a drop in 
the bucket. Urgently needed is rec- 
ognition of the global problem at 
Washington's highest levels— and 
priority action. The White House 
must get behind the long-delayed 
Freedom Academy, which would 
teach both American and foreign 
private citizens how to counteract 
communist incendiarism with dem- 
ocratic reforms and organization. 
And private citizens everywhere 
must emulate the inspiring Brazil- 
ians who fought back on their own 
last spring. There, organizing their 
own anti-communist units, leaders 
learned of a Red-instigated "spon- 
taneous" mass march to be made on 
the capital in Brasilia, exposed the 
Red plan by press and radio, and 
forced its abandonment.* 

Free men can fight back in these 
four ways: 

1. Support wide public educatioti 
about communist organizational 
methods and tactics of planned 
violence. In the United States, 
the American Bar Association's 
Standing Committee on Education 
Against Communism, 1 155 E. 60 St., 
Chicago, 111. 60637, is spearheading 
the drive for more public under- 
standing of Red tactics. Many local 
bar groups, high-school faculties, 
Junior Chambers of Commerce and 
other civic groups are raising funds 

•Sec "The Country That Saved Itself," 
The Reader's Digest, November '64. 



and otherwise aiding the ABA 

2. Seel^ advice from those who 
have had experience in the \ind of 
political in-fighting required to ex- 
pose and defeat the communist "hid- 
den persuaders." The communists 
devote "not their spare evenings but 
the whole of their Hves," as Lenin 
commanded, to engineering social 
strife and violence. Amateurs who 
oppose them must learn fast. The 
following organizations offer infor- 
mation and assistance born of ex- 
perience: American Institute for 
Free Labor Development, 1925 K 
Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 
20006; National Strategy Informa- 
tion Center, 121 E. 71 St., New 
York, N.Y. 10021; Information 
Council of the Americas (INCA), 
620 Gravier St., New Orleans, 
La. 70130. 

3. Wherever Red agents of vio- 
lence set up party units or front 
groups, citizens must organize spe- 
cific attack^ forces to wrec\ the 
wreckers before their organizations 
are deployed for action. By keeping 
an ear to the ground and intelligence 
channels to official agencies open, 
citizens' groups can isolate the engi- 
neers of social demolition. In New 
Orleans, for example, when Lee 
Harvey Oswald, later assassin of 
President Kennedy, started organiz- 
ing a chapter of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, there to expose 
him was INCA, which produces 
anti-communist radio programs to 
counter mass demonstrations in Lat- 
in America. Edward Butler, INCA's 

executive vice president, debated Os- 
wald on a radio panel and, using 
officially documented data, forced 
him to admit his Marxist devotion 
and defection to Russia. Thus iso- 
lated, Oswald soon left town, dem- 
onstrating once more that exposure 
is democracy's most potent weapon 
against such hatemongers. 

4. Where prevention fails, citizens 
must overwhelmingly support civil 
authorities and police to maintain 
order. In Harlem, after the first 
violence flared last summer, civil- 
rights leaders called together every 
non-communist organization in the 
community — 69 of them — and 
formed the United Harlem Organi- 
zations. Working closely with police 
to expose and isolate the incendi- 
aries, they distributed thousands of 
leaflets urging people to stay away 
from a communist-called rally. The 
rally fizzled. The UHO is now 
working hard to counteract the com- 
munist-promoted "police brutality" 
sloganeering, a decades-old commu- 
nist stratagem diabolically designed 
to hamstring proper police action. 
Rights groups everywhere must ex- 
pose it as energetically as they seek 
to prevent real instances of excessive 

The lesson of the rising global tide 
of Red-led violence is one of the old- 
est lessons of history: eternal vigi- 
lance is the price of liberty. 

Reprints of this article are available. 
Prices, postpaid to one address: lo— 50<; 
50— $2; 100— $3.50; 500— $12.50; 1000 
— $18. Address Reprint Editor, The 
Reader's Digest, Pleasantville, N.Y. 


Feb.1?, 1965 

Kr. Bugene H. Kethvln 

Reader's Digest Vifashlngton, D.' 

Dear Mr. Kethvln, 

I was very much Inpressed by your article *How the reds nake a 

plot" in the Jajiuary issue of the Rear^er's Digest. 

Eventhough I could not agree wholly with what you say, I do relllze 

that the most effective way to fight Commonlsn Is using their 

own nethods. 

It is the future of ny country Indonesia that compel r.e to write 

this letter. What is going to happen if President Sukarno is dead? 

I assur-.e than the Connunists will '^ake a bresik to c®^ ^^ power. 

Wio Is going to stop then? Or will it be auiother Forea or Vietnam? 

I believe we, who still believe in freedom have to prevent Indonesia 

from falling Into Commiinlst hands. 

Unfortunately, we do not know and do not have the reans how to fight 

the Communists. 

I have written to the American Institute For Free Labor Developr.ent, 

but that organization Is for Latin Arerlca only. 

Cotild you please tell re how can I join the Freedom Academy? 

I «D a , in this country and I want to return to my 

country not only wlth^ knowledge, but also how to fight 


This opinion of mine is shared by many of us who study in your 


I thank you beforehand and God bless you. 




The Readers Digest 


Washington Editorial Office 
1300 Connecticut A-ve., N.W. 
Washington 6, D.C, 

April 7, 1965 

Dmax Rr. 

Your l«ttar of Mbnuury 15 toa«^od ■• d««ply. Z 
have dmXmyd aiunNirltt? ter so long boeauso Z hovo boMi 
grepia^ for an adoquato anawar •— Imt tharo la noaa. 
Toa BOO, tbott^ tho wonda doaa bard, I anat tall yoo 
tbat ay country « tha ao-eallad "JUraanal of Oaaocracy" 
and laadar of tba frao ««rld« offiira virtually mthlng 
to a yoong nan llko yoa vho wmta and aeolu training la 
how to dofaad hla oaa ooantry agalaat ccNHunlsa and 
loiplaat daaocr acy. Vo nattoarta l^at look to na for halp 
In aalatalnlng fr aa dou and taoildli^r a battar Ufa, «a 
of far food and araa, aacbtnary and vadlclna. Bat «A»aa 
It co awa to tba akllla In polltl<»l oxganlxatloa and 
conflict tbay will noad to aalntaln frao and <teaoeratlc 
govarnaaat In tbat atrugglo Adlal Stovanaon calls "tiia 
world civil war,** alaa, wo of far nothing at all. 

cmn any what la going to hai^pan to yoor 
country of Xndonaala aftar Praaldant Sukarno dlaa* Toa 
ara qalta o>rroct la aaaoaiag tbat tha ci'i— unlsts will 
aaka a braak to gat In powar* Zn fact* tha naws In racant 
wooka Indleatas thay ara alroady aovlng rapidly to grab 
such a stranglahold tbat no ona will ba abla to stop thaa. 
It grivaa aa to bava to tall you that It any ba too lata 
to sava Zndonaaia froa 11 wainlat takaovar. 

Tott aak about tbm Pra a du i Aeadaay and bow you can 
attand. It la a aad atoryt Plrst« lot as say that you 
ara qolta shrawd to racogalaa tha laportanca of tha 
polltlcal-ldaologleal struggla aven to a aadloal stndant 
such as you. Tou will not acooapllah any nat gain In 
tha causa of huaanlty lf« whUa you davota your tlaa and 
aadlcal skills to saving a faw 11 vaa, tha politicians so 
run things that par Iodic aass faalna (as In CoooBunlst 
China) and civil vlolanca (aa In South ▼latnaa) swoap 


away the lives of hundreds of thousands and heap misery 
upon millions. Politics, ndiich is basically the art of 
human organisation, is the master science — and all who 
love mankind must study and practice it. "Nan is by 
nature a political animal," said Aristotle. And it's 
no use doctoring his body if his politics are bad — 
for he will die anyway. And who shall doctor the ills 
of the body politick? Where are the great academies that 
train professionals in this master science? 

They are, ironically, all to be found in Russia or 
China or — now — Cuba, fhose coimtries operate scores 
of institutes and schools teaching all the arts of 
"revolutionary warfare"; the organisation of youth, stu- 
dents, farmers, women, professors, etc.; the infiltra- 
tion of communications media, armed forces, police and 
government; the fomenting of strikes, mass demonstrations 
and bloody riots; and the ultimate seizure of power and 
total i tar ianization of nations, with all the bloodshed 
and starvation that inevitably follow. (Cuba alone is 
turning out 1500 to 2500 trained revolutionaries a year 
from all over Latin America.) These schools have been 
running since 1921, when Lenin started the "University of 
the Workers of the East" for Asians such as you. 

Indeed, your own country of Indonesia has sent un- 
told hundreds to the Lenin School and its successor col- 
leges of destruction. The Communist Party of Indonesia 
(PKI) after its founding on May 23, 1920, very quickly 
established contact with representatives of the Soviet 
Union and its "Communist International" or Comintern. 
One of the founders, Semaun, visited the Comintern repre- 
sentative in Shanghai and was sent on to Moscow in 1922 
for the "First Congress of the Workers of the East," 
one of Lenin's gimmicks to attract recruits he planned 
to use to implant Conounist Parties throughout Asia. 
Semaun went back to Indonesia, was expelled in 1923 for 
leading a strike, and spent the next 20 years in Russia 
and Europe, attending Comintern congresses, training 
on the job in its international operation, and lecturing 
in its training schools. Alimin, another Red leader, 

47-093 O— 65 12 



vent to the Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 and stayed 
to study at the Lenin School with such future Red chief- 
tains as Thorez of France, Brovder and Gus Hall of the 
United States, Sharkey of Australia, Chou Bn-I*ai of 
China, Pollitt of Great Britain, and Sanzo Nozaka of 
Japan. Darsono, run out of Indonesia by the Dutch in 
1925 for strike fomentation, went to Moscow emd spent 
the years 1929-30 at the Lenin School. Ho one knows 
how many other Indonesian connunists went to this and 
other schools of revolution during these early years. 
But these years of schooling and revoluticnary apprentice- 
ship gave then the organizational and agitational know- 
how that enabled than after World War II to set up a 
revived Comnunist Party, with their own schools and 
organization, and make the PKI the largest Comnunist Party 
in the world outside the Sino-Soviet nations. And so 
the plight of Indonesia today is really in large neasure 
the result of training operations that Lenin began in 
Moscow 44 years ago. 

Fifteen years ago, after the cotanunist takeover of 
China and at the tinte of the Korean War, a handful of 
Americans in Orlando, Florida, studied Lenin's works 
and the peculiar political education system he started 
and realized the nature of this global communist program 
for professionalizing social conflict. This was the 
beginning of the "Freedom Academy" proposal which I have 
described in the enclosed article from The Reader's Digest 
of May 1963. 

It is sad to have to report to you that the Freedcm 
Academy is still, at this late date in the 20th year of 
the cold war, no more than an idea. Bills to create such 
an institution have languished in Congress for the last 
five years. Thirs year the prospect is bright that the 
House will pass it, for the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities has held several hearings and compiled impres- 
sive evidence of urgent need. But the situation in the 
Senate is less favorable. Hearings were held in the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee in Hay 1963, but the chair- 
man. Senator Fulbright, did not seem persuaded of the 
need for the legislation, and since that time the situa- 
tion in the Senate has been stagnant. If the House does 


pass the bill« however, the chances are good that Senate 
sponsors will press for sone kind of action, thou^ 
I are afraid the State Department's %n:ongheaded and selfish 
opposition nay prevent passage. Unfortum tely, there 
are still too many idealists emd optimists who have 
never accepted the realities about cooBBanism, even as 
Heville Chamberlain found it impossible to face up to 
the reality of Mr. Hitler until too late. This is a 
blindness which, I fear, will have to be paid for by the 
blood of many fine people lilce you emd your countrymen 
in Indonesia, who are already in grave dsmger of takeover 
by the Red professionad.s; and by many young American 
soldiers who find themselves bogged down in weurs like 
South Vietnam because our civiliam and military officials 
in Washington do not know what to do to thwart the trained 
connunist conflict managers before the shooting starts. 

Z do have faith in freedom, the democratic process 
and the ultimate rationality of man, and I think that 
before so very many more years pass by, tlie United states 
will have a Freedom Academy — simply because the facts 
of life and Red imperialism are compelling ever wider 
recognition of the desperate need. 

Because I have faith in freedom, the democratic 
process and the ultimate rationality of man, I think that 
before so very many more years pass by, the United states 
will have a Freedom Academy — simply because the facts 
of life and Red imperialism are compelling ever wider 
recognition of the desperate necessity of it. MeemwhJ.le, 
no institution in the entire United States offers training 
in the strategy, tactics and organizational know-how you 
and others like you need to contend against tiie Leninist 
professionals . 

Ironically, there is one nation in the free world 
which is moving to fill this "training gap," and that is 
the Republic of Korea. Impressed by the Freedom Academy 
proposal in the U.S. Senate, a few years ago the Asian 
People's Anti-Communist League, a non-governmental asso- 
ciation of Asian anti-communist organizations, decided 
to move ahead on its own and build a Freedom Center in 
Seoul, Korea. With backing from the Republic of Korea 
government and other governmental and non-governmental 
groups in Asia, that^projfat is moving steadily forward. 



despitse great obstacles and a tragic apathy throughout 
Sarope and the United States. Senator Thoatas J. Dodd, 
a leading sponsor of the U.S. Freedon Acadeny bill, 
visited Seoul to speak at the Freedoa Center on April 4, 
1965, and I enclose a c<^y of his speech for your infor- 
aation. Perhaps you could get in touch witli Senator 
Dodd*s office upon his return and find <Kit sonething 
about the training offered in the Seoul institution. 
Or perhaps the Koresm Eoibassy in Washington could tell 
you sonething about it and how you sight be adodtted for 
study there. 

To this very inadequate ansvwr to your letter, let 
me add my own good wishes, and nay God go with you and 
]ceep you safe. 

Sincerely yours, 

Eugene H. Hethvin 


The Chairman. I have just received word that due to ilhiess in the 
family, former Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, Mr. Farland, 
cannot be with us this morning. 

So we will hear from him another day. 

The hearing is recessed subject to the call of the Chair. 

(Whereupon, at 11 :40 a.m., Friday, May 7, 1965, the hearing was 
recessed subject to the call of the Chair.) 

HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, 
H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 

FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1965 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C. 
public hearings 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 :10 a.m., in Room 313 A, Cannon House Office 
■Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. "Willis (chairman) 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Claw- 
son, of California.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Ichord, and 

Committee member also present: Representative Joe R. Pool, of 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; William 
Hitz, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. 

The Chairman. The subcommittee will please come to order. 

Our first witness this morning, my good friend and colleague, Con- 
gressman Boggs, and without saying any more, Hale, we are glad 
to have you once more before the committee to discuss the Freedom 
Academy proposals, of which your own bill is one. 

We will be glad to hear from you, because I know you have to leave 
for other business in a few minutes. 



Mr. Boggs. Mr. Chairman, I shall only take a minute or two. 1 
filed a formal statement several weeks ago, but I am happy to be back 
before the committee and to again urge the favorable report on this 

(Mr. Boggs' statement of April 6, 1965, follows:) 





It is indeed a pleasure to testify once again before this committee on behalf 
of the enactment of an important proposal for strengthening our Nation in its 
worldwide commitments. My bill, H.R. 2379, and similar bills sponsored by my 
colleagues in the House, providing for the establishment of a Freedom Academy 
and a Freedom Commission, is a constructive piece of legislation for the benefit 
of our country and the free world. 

As members of this committee know, this legislation enjoys a growing bipartisan 
support in both Houses of the Congress, and I am most hopeful we will have the 
opportunity to act on it in this session. It is my imderstanding that the outlook 
for House action in this session is better than ever before. I am confident this 
conamittee, chaired by my good friend and colleague, Ed Willis of Louisiana, 
will do everything possible to report this legislation so that the House can act 
on it. 

Mr. Chairman, as all of you know, we have only to look at the Communist 
infiltration and subversion in South Vietnam today and in other countries in 
Southeast Asia (such as Malaya, Laos, Thailand) and in the developing nations 
of Africa and Latin America to realize the great effectiveness and the great 
danger which these nefarious activities are producing in many parts of the world. 

The Communist-trained members of the guerrilla army, the Viet Cong, are 
continuing to infiltrate into South Vietnam from the north and to operate in a 
subversive manner, as well as to engage in open warfare with South Vietnamese 
and American troops. These Viet Cong guerrillas not only battle the South Viet- 
namese and American soldiers with bullets, but also they employ all manner 
of propaganda, nonmilitary, and subversive techniques to weaken the will of the 
people of South Vietnam to continue their fight against Communist aggression. 

Both the Soviet Union and Communist China have well-trained agents deployed 
around the world, particularly in the new developing nations of Asia, Africa, and 
Latin America — there to ply various malevolent tactics of agitation, espionage, 
and subversion, designed to foment revolution and the overthrow of existing gov- 
ernments. The Red Chinese now are quite active in the new nations of Africa 
and in some of the countries in Latin America. With unceasing pressure, these 
Communist agents are driving to bring more peoples into their dictatorial orbit. 
They will stop at nothing to achieve their diabolical goals. 

Therefore, it is most important that we in the United States, as the leader of 
the free world, take new and positive steps, through the full use of our citizens 
from both the public and private sectors of our society, to counter this Com- 
munist offensive around the globe. We can do so by training our own citizens 
and certain foreign nationals who are visiting our country to combat these Com- 
munist nonmilitary techniques with their own information and tactics. 

But such skills in nonmilitary techniques cannot be attained through cor- 
respondence courses at home — they should be taught by knowledgeable and 
trained professionals at a special school. 

I am confident that the best means to provide this specialized training is to 
enact this legislation to establish a Freedom Academy and a Freedom Commission 
as a separate arm of our National Government. That is why I am sponsoring 
this legislation, and why I offer my firm conviction on the need for its enactment. 

The Freedom Academy would make use of some of our Nation's best talent and 
brains from both the public and private sectors of our society. Particularly, do 
we need to employ the services of our educated and dedicated private citizens 
in this continuing battle for men's minds. I know there is a great, untapped 
source of imagination, patriotism, and dedication among our private citizens, 
many of whom would gladly take this specialized training in nonmilitary tech- 
niques in order to do their part to maintain our freedom and that of other na- 
tions in the world. The fact is that we do not now have, even for the training 
of our Government personnel, an agency of our National Government to provide 
an extensive course in nonmilitary propaganda tactics. I am convinced we need 
such an agency in the form of a Freedom Academy. 

The Communist base in Cuba has brought home to the people of the New 
Orleans area and of south Louisiana, as well as the country as a whole, the very 
real threat posed by the worldwide Communist conspiracy. If there ever was any 
doubt before Castro revealed his true colors as a Communist puppet that the 


United States does need to train our citizens to meet the Red peril, then surely 
there can be no doubt now. Agents in Cuba are being trained to export their 
tactics of nonviolent or violent overthrow of other governments in Latin America. 
Thus far, their efforts have been foiled in Venezuela, Colombia, and Chile, but 
conditions are not fully stable in those countries even now. Thus we should not 
be lulled into any false security. As you now, the stability of some of the Latan 
nations is volatile, and our successes of today could be eclipsed tomorrow, unless 
we maintain a keen alertness throughout our hemisphere. 

To emphasize this point, I would call attention to those members who may 
not have read it, a penetrating column in the Washington Post of March 31, 1965, 
by two of our Nation's most able and respected journalists — Rowland Evans and 
Robert Novak. In this column they write of Fidel Castro's attempts in recent 
months "to accelerate his export of Communist revolution." 

They also note that the United States' strong stand in Vietnam has definitely 
hindered the effectiveness of Castro's program to export Communisit revolutions 
to other nations in Latin America. 

However, Evans and Novak go on to say that Castro's "new drive was launched 
at the hemispheric conference of Communist parties in Havana last November. 
With Moscow's concurrence, it was determined there to pick up the pace of terror 
and guerrilla warfare." 

Their column continues : 

"The result since January has been threefold : The beginning of new terrorist 
activities in Guatemala and Honduras ; a step-up in chronic guerrilla action by 
Colombian Reds ; and continuation of the long campaign of violence by Venezuela's 

Evans and Novak point up the positive effects of the United States' stand in 
Vietnam and note that its weakening impact is very real on Castro's plans to 
foment Communist revolutions in the Western Hemisphere. 

They assert "the strong U.S. stand in Vietnam * * * hurts subversive com- 
munism throughout the hemisphere. It shows Latin America that an Uncle Sam 
willing to risk all in far-off Southeast Asia won't hesitate to intervene in the 
Guatemalan jungles or the Colombian hills if need be. This stiffens the spines 
of Latin American governments." 

All of this emphasizes, to my mind, that our country should press any propa- 
ganda advantages in various parts of the world where we do have the upper 
hand and move into those places where we are today in a vulnerable position. 

Because I think this column by Evans and Novak is pertinent to the commit- 
tee's consideration of legislation to create a Freedom Academy and a Freedom 
Commission, I would like to include it at this point in the extensive record which 
I know the committee is compiling. The text of the column follows: 

[Washington Post, March 31, 1965] 


Castbo and Vietnam 

Speaking at the University of Havana in mid-March, Fidel Castro 
reached the climax of his harangue with these words : 

"We are in favor of giving Vietnam all the help it needs. We want the 
help to be in the form of arms and men. We want the Socialist ( Com- 
munist) camp to take whatever steps are necessary for the sake of 

This was the signal for a trained claque to break out with sustained 
applause and a rhythmic collegelike cheer (in rough translation, "Let's 
hit the Yankees hard" ) . Despite these standard comic-opera trappings, 
the Castro performance was studied with more than the usual care by 
Cubanologists in Washington. 

Their conclusion : Castro's program to subvert all Latin America, in 
the doldrums lately, has been slowed down still more by President John- 
son's strong stand in Vietnam. The Castro bravado about sending troops 
there was a clue how deeply the hard U.S. line in the Far East is cutting 
into the Castro program. 

Not generally known is the fact that in recent months Castro has 
sought to accelerate his export of Communist revolution. His new drive 
was launched at the hemispheric conference of Communist parties in 


Havana last November. With Moscow's concurrence, it was determined 
there to pick up the pace of terror and guerrilla warfare. 

The result since January has been threefold : The beginning of new 
terrorist activities in Guatemala and Honduras; a step-up in chronic 
guerrilla action by Colombian Reds ; and continuation of the long cam- 
paign of violence by Venezuela's Communists. 

The strong U.S. stand in Vietnam, coinciding with the new Castro 
campaign, hurts subversive communism throughout the hemisphere. It 
shows Latin America that an Uncle Sam willing to risk all in far-off 
Southeast Asia won't hesitate to intervene in the Guatemalan jungles 
or the Colombian hills if need be. 

This stiffens the spines of Latin American governments. 

It is only natural that Castro be ahead of the rest of the Communist 
world in asking that arms and men be sent to the Viet Cong guerrillas. 
Moreover, he may well send a token Cuban contingent. Looking ahead 
to a possible armed rising against his own forces, Castro needs to buttress 
the international principle of mutual security among Communists. 

Even more important, Castro must maintain himself as an international 
figure to withdraw attention from his domestic failures. 

It should be added quickly that Castro is in no imminent danger of 
being overthrown. 

But Cuba today is a long way from a well-ordered Communist monolith. 
Telltale signs of turbulence crop up everywhere. Most recent were a new 
campaign to purge "bourgeois" elements from University student groups 
and the surprise appearance of Transportation Minister Faure Chaumon 
(an old rival of Castro's) with a mysterious gunshot wound. 

Transcending all of this is Cuba's continuing economic stagnation. If 
all goes well during the next three years, Castro at best can hope to 
bring Cuba up to the miserable economic level he found when he seized 
power in 1959. That's running at top speed to remain in the same place. 

If Castro is seen by his own people as a domestic failure rather than an 
international success, his doom may be brought just a little closer. That's 
why U.S. bombs dropped north of the 17th Parallel had fallout in 

The active use of the ingenuity and talents of private citizens to join in the 
fight against Communist propaganda and subversion in the cold war has been 
admirably displayed for more than 4 years now by the Information Council of 
the Americas, based in my home city of New Orleans, La. Under the able 
direction of Mr. Edward S. Butler III. the executive vice president, this organ- 
ization known as INCA is doing a splendid job of promoting the significance 
of freedom by way of countering Communist propaganda and subversion in 
16 countries in Latin America. INCA dispatches on a regular basis radio 
"Truth Tapes" to some 136 different stations in these countries. These tapes 
feature Cuban refugees who relate their stories of escape from Castro's op- 
pression and the debased condition of their country and their people under 
his Communist regime. 

Recently, Juanita Castro, Fidel's sister, who defected from Cuba last sum- 
mer, gave an exclusive radio statement on Castro's Red dictatorship to Ed 
Butler of INCA. Radio tapes of her call for freedom and for ousting commu- 
nism from all of Latin America were sent to 21 stations in Chile for use just 
prior to the recent national election there. The results were fruitful : the Com- 
munist-backed candidate was defeated, and this was achieved particularly by 
the response of the Chilean women to Juanita Castro's warning. A substantial 
majority of their numbers voted against the Red-supported candidate. 

A recent article in the January 1965 issue of Reader's Digest entitled "How 
the Reds Make a Riot," ' by Eugene H. Methvin of the Digest's Washington 
bureau, praises INCA and similar groups for their efforts against the Communist 

This article brought a positive and widespread reaction from people in the 
United States and around the world. Particularly did students and teachers 
at colleges and universities in our Nation and in other countries respond and 
express a real interest in this work to defend freedom and to strengthen it 
against the Communist offensive. 

Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to submit for the record a cross- 
section sampling of the hundreds of letters received from citizens in the United 

1 See pp. 161-168. 


States and other nations who had read the Digest article. Six of these letters 
follow : 

2319 Bartholomew Steeet, 

New Orleans, Louisiana, 

January 18, 1965. 
Information Council of the Americas, 
620 Oravier Street, 
New Orleans 30, Louisiana. 

Dear Sirs : I have just read an article in the January issue of Reader's 
Digest which lists you as an organization offering information on how to 
fight communism. 

I would like the following information: What can the individual 
citizen do? Is there any organization formed in Louisiana that citizens 
may join to do their share in fighting communism? What is the Federal 
Government doing? Has it formed a committee to alert the citizens of 
the United States against communism? Is the Valley Forge Freedom's 
Foundation organized for those who want to do something against inter- 
national communism? If so, how can one join ? 

I have been interested in doing my part in fighting the Communists 
ever since we had an Americanism vs. Communism seminar in school 
last year. Now that I have graduated I am anxious to find out if there 
is any organization, club, or foundation which is helping to alert the 
American citizens against propaganda, demoralization, socialism, etc. 

I would appreciate if you would answer this letter at your earliest 

Yours very truly, 

/s/ Julia E. Dale, 
Julia E. Dale, 

Fort Worth Public Schools, 

Fort Worth, Texas, 

January 6, 1965. 
Information Council of the Americas (INCA), 
620 Oravier Street, 
New Orleans, Louisiana,, 10130 

Dear Sirs : I am a teacher of the sixth grade, and we have a unit in 
our social studies about the Soviet Union. 

If you can furnish me with literature which would be helpful in 
showing the children the various aspects of this type of government, I 
shaU be very grateful. 

Your address was obtained from the January 1965 issue of the 
Reader's Digest. 

Thanking you in advance, I am 

/s/ Elton W. Derden, 
Elton W. Derden, 
Teacher, South Hills Elementary School. 
3009 Bilglade Road, 
Fort Worth 15, Texas. 

447 Gbieen Oaks East, 
Addison, Illinois, January, 1965. 
Information Council of the Americas (INCA), 
620 Gravier Street, 
New Orleans, La. 70130 

Dear Sirs : In an issue of the Reader's Digest (January 1965) was an 
article on "How the Reds Make a Riot" in which your organization was 
referred to as a source of information. This and similar articles have 
inspired several of us and made us aware of the terrible threat to 
democracy that communism represents. We are now on a campaign to 
make ourselves and other teenagers more aware of this problem. With 
this in mind we are hoping you could send us as many copies of pam- 
phlets, etc., possible on this subject. Also any suggestions on furthering 
our campaign would be appreciated. 

Thank you. 

/s/ Miss Linda Dietz. 


Willamette University, 
Office of the Dean of Students, 

Salem, Oregon, December 22, 196^. 
Information Council of the Ameibicas, 
620 Gravier Street, 
New Orleans, Louisiana. 

Dear Sirs : In the article entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot" which 
appeared in the January 1965 issue of the Reader's Digest, your organi- 
zation is noted as one offering information in this instance to people who 
are interested in understanding the problems discussed in the article. 
I would be most grateful to you for sending anything that you feel 
would be of interest to a person serving as a dean of students at a uni- 
versity, with particular reference to the emphasis on incitation of stu- 
dent groups. I shall be glad to pay any charge there may be for 
material that you decide to send. 
Sincerely yours, 

/s/ Walter S. Blake, Jr., 
Walter S. Blake, Jr., 

Dean of Students. 

Sib George Williams Univebsity 
Montreal, Que. 

Richard Anderson, 
3705 St. Joseph Blvd., 

Montreal 36, Quebec. 
Dear Sir: I have just finished reading an article in the Reader's 
Digest entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot." This article mentioned 
your association as being one of a few that gives out information on how 
people can oppose Communist backed riots, etc. 

I would be grateful if you would send me some information. It is not 
to be used f or *!anything other than to inform me since I don't represent 
any group. 

Thanking you in advance, I remain 
Yours truly, 

/s/ Richard Anderson. 

Janttart 27, 1965. 
Dear Sirs : As I have students in my classes who mouth the Commu- 
nist Party line (learned in part from some of my fellow teachers) I feel 
compelled to offer them constructive rebuttal. For this purjwse I felt 
you might have literature and programs available that would help me 
reach this end. At any rate, I would like to hear what your group has 
to offer. 


/s/ F. L. AxLABD, Jr., 
Instructor, Conversational English, 
Kobe University, Rokko, Kobe, Japan. 

In addition to the 136 stations in the 16 Latin American countries which use 
INCA's "Truth Tapes," there are also some 426 stations in the United States 
which are cooperating to engender interest and solicit support for this patriotic 
work. These American stations in 43 of the 50 States are helping to provide their 
audiences with an insight and understanding into political and social develop- 
ments and events in Latin America in recent years. 

In order to focus on the potential tragedy and the dangers inherent in the 
lack of alertness to crazed persons and Communist sympathizers in our midst, 
INCA has sold almost 8,000 copies of its recording of the apparent assassin of the 
late President Kennedy, Lee Harvey Oswald. Oswald participated, along with 
Mr. Butler and other New Orleans citizens, in a general panel discussion on 
communism and democracy, broadcast over WDSU radio. New Orleans, just 3 
months before the tragedy of November 22, 1963. 

Mr. Butler, INCA's vice president ; Bill Slatter, a WDSU reporter ; Bill Stuckey, 
at the time a reporter for the New Orleans States-Item; Carlos Bringuier, a 
Cuban refugee from Castro's oppression ; and Oswald, then in New Orleans to 
promote the so-called Fair Play for Cuba Committee, took part in this program. 


On the program, Oswald showed himself to be an exponent, albeit not always 
an accurate one, of the Marxist line. Oswald's comments then, though some- 
times contradictory ajid meandering, gave no real hint of the very violent bent 
which his twisted mind soon was to take. 

The tape of this panel discussion was submitted to The President's Commis^ 
sion on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy, on which I had the 
sad duty and, at the same time, the high honor to serve. Mr. Butler and other 
participants on the panel cooperated fully with the Commission and gave us 
some very useful information. 

The recording which INCA has sold throughout our country is entitled 
"Oswald : Self -Portrait in Red." I had the pleasure to introduce this recording, 
before the panel discussion opened. Dr. Alton Ochsner, of New Orleans, a world- 
famous surgeon from my city and the president of INCA, also is heard on this 
fine recording. So is Mr. Marshall Pearce, news director of WSMB radio, New 
Orleans, who serves as the moderator. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record "the full, unedited tran- 
scription of the panel discussion which took place on the evening of August 21, 
1963, in the city of New Orleans . . ." The transcript follows : 





Oswald Self-Portrait in Red 



The next voice you hear is that of the ac- 
cused assassin of President John F. Kennedy, 24 
year old Lee Harvey Oswald. 

Yes, I am a Marxist. 


These words are typical of the dramatic debate 
which follows. Now to introduce the uncut, un- 
edited transcription, is the Honorable Hale Boggs 
Congressman from New Orleans, House Majority Whip 
and a close legislative associate of President 
John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Congressman Boggs... 


You are about to hear an historic recording. 
This recording was made in New Orleans last year. 
It is far more significant today in the light of 
subsequent events. 

It is to the credit of the private citizens 
of New Orleans that it was they who first recog- 
nized the bizarre and incredible activities of 
Lee Harvey Oswald and brought him and his activi- 
ties to the attention of the public. Credit is 
due to Radio Station WDSU and to newsman Bill 
Slatter who moderated this program so alertly; 
to Latin American affairs reporter. Bill Stuckey, 
who sought out Oswald and arranged the interview, 
and to Cuban refugee leader, Carlos Bringuier 
who refuted his blatant pro-Castro propaganda. 

And last, but certainly not least, to Ed. 
Butler, Executive Vice-President of INCA, the 
Information Council of the Americas, who develop- 
ed much new material on Oswald's movements and 
activities, not only in New Orleans but elsewhere. 

Let me say a word about the purposes of INCA 
the organization which Mr. Butler directs. 

I have taken a very personal interest in 
INCA, as I said, a private organization which or- 
iginated in my own Congressional District. On 
September 17, 1962, I said to my colleagues in 
Che Congress that INCA is actively engaged in the 
defeat of the Communist movement through its TRUTH 
TAPE program - a program which provides scores of 
refugees fran Communist tyranny the opportunity 
and the forum to relate their experiences on tape 
recordings for broadcast by radio stations 
throughou^ the Americas. 

In this worthy counterattack, Mr. Butler 
has been joined by many highly respected private 
citizens, led by Dr. Alton Ochsner, president of 
The Information Council of the Americas, and an 
internationally famous surgeon from New Orleans. 

I concluded my remarks with the statement 
that such a program as INCA's is a solid, force- 
ful way to counteract Red propaganda, infiltra- 
t ion , and subver s ion , 

Now the full, unedited transcription of the 
panel discussion which took place on the evening 
of August 21, 1963, inthe city of New Orleans... 



WDSU Radio presents Conversation Carte Blanche 

next on cavalcade. 


It's time now for Conversation Carte Blanche. 

Here is Bill Slatter ... 


Good evening, for the next few minutes Bill Stucke> 
and I, Bill whose program you've probably heard on 
Saturday night, "Latin Listening Post", Bill and I 
are going to be talking with three gentlemen, the 
subject mainly revolving aroxind Cuba. Our guests 
tonight are Lee Harvey Oswald, who is Secretary 
of the New Orleans Chapter of The Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, a New York headquartered organi- 
zation which is generally recognized as the prin- 
cipal voice of the Castro government in this 
country. Our second guest is Ed Butler who is 
Executive Director of the Information Council of 
the Americas (INCA) which is headquartered in 
New Orleans and specializes in distributing anti- 
communist educational materials throughout Latin 
America, and our third guest is Carlos Bringuier, 
Cuban refugee and New Orleans Delegate of the 
Revolutionary Student Directorate, one of the 
more active of the anti-Castro refugee organiza- 
tions. Bill, if at this time you will briefly 
background the situation as you know it ... 


Thank you Bill. First, for those who don't know 
too much about the background of The Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee, this is an organization that 
specializes primarily in distributing literature, 
based in New York. For the several years in 
which it has been in existence it has operated 
principally out of the East and out of the West 
Coast and a few college campuses, recently, how- 
ever, attempts have been made to organize a 
chapter here in New Orleans. The only member of 
the group who has revealed himself publicly so 
far is 23 year old Lee Harvey Oswald who is the 
Secretary of the local chapter of The Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee. He first came to public 
notice several days ago when he was arrested 
and convicted for disturbing the peace. The 
ruckus in which he was involved started when 
several local Cuban refugees including Carlos 
Bringuier, who is with us tonight, discovered 
him distributing pro-Castro literature on a down- 
town street. Now, Mr. Oswald and Bringuier are 
with us tonight to give us opposing view on The 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee and its objectives. 
I believe that I was probably the first New 
Orleans reporter to interview Mr. Oswald on his 
activities here since he first came into public 
view. Last Saturday in addition to having him 
on my show we had a very long and rambling 
question and answer session over various points 
of dogma and line of The Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee and now I'll give you a very brief 
digest of some of the principal propaganda lines 
I use the word propaganda, as rather I should 
say informational lines, of The Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee. 

Copyright C 1904 by The Infonnation Council of the Americu 
(INCA). All righti reserved except that pennijsion is granted lor reproduc- 
tion in whole or in part if context ii preserved, credit given and two copiei 
are forwarded to INCA IntemalioDal Headquarter! at addieti hereinabove. 



Record Album at $5,00 


Number One - the principal thing is that they 
insist that Castro's government today is comple- 
tely free and independent, and that it is in no 
way controlled by the Soviet Union. Another 
cardinal point of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee's 
propaganda is that Premier Castro is forced to 
seek aid from the Russians only because the United 
States government refused to offer him financial 

Following another line 1 asked Mr. Oswald if 
he had ever, or was, a member of the American 
Communist Party, and he said that the only organi- 
zation to which he belonged was The Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee. Mr. Oswald also gave me this run 
down on his personal background: He said that he 
was a native of New Orleans, had attended Beaure- 
gard Junior High School and Warren Eastern High 
School. Had entered the U.S. Marine Corps in 
1956 and was honorably discharged in 1959. He said 
during our previous interview that he had lived in 
Ft. Worth, Texas before coming here to establish 
a Fair Play for Cuba chapter several weeks ago. 
However, there were a few items apparently that I 
suspect that Mr. Oswald left out in this original 
interview which was principally where he lived 
after, between 1959 and 1962. We, er, Mr. Butler 
brought some newspaper clippings to my attention 
and I also found some too through an independent 
source, Washington newspaper clippings to the 
effect that Mr, Oswald had attempted to renounce 
his American citizenship in 1959 and become a 
Soviet citizen. There was another clipping 
dated 1962 saying that Mr. Oswald had returned 
from the Soviet Union with his wife and child 
after having lived there for three years. Mr. 
Oswald are these correct? 


That is correct. Correct, yes, 


You did live in Russia for three years? 


That is correct, and I think those, the fact 
that I did live for a time in the Soviet Union 
gives me excellent qualifications to repudiate 
charges that Cuba and The Fair Play forCuba 
Committee is conmunlst controlled, 


Mr. Bringuier perhaps you would like to dis- 
pute that point. 


I'd like to know exactly the name of the organi- 
zation that you represent here in the city, be- 
cause I have some confusion, is Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee or Fair Play for Russia Committe? 


Well, that is very provacative request and I 

don't think requires an answer. 


Well, I will tell you why because, before the 

communists take over Cuba, Cuba was at the 


head of the Latin American countries and I can 
show you that in Cuba in 1958 every 37 persons 
had an automobile and in Russia was 200 persons 
for 1 auto; in Cuba was 6 persons for 1 radio 
and in Russia was 20 persons for 1 radio; in 
Cuba was 1 television set for 18 persons and in 
Russia was 85 persons for 1 television set; and 
in Cuba was 1 telephone for every 38 persons 
and in Russia was 1 telephone for every 580 
persons. Cuba was selling the sugar In the 
American market and was receiving from the U.S. 
more than one hundred million dollars a year 
over the price of the world market and the U.S. 
was paying to Cuba that price in dollars. Right 
now, Cuba is selling sugar to Russia. Russia is 
paying to Cuba 80% in junks, machinery, and 207. 
in dollars. I think that Cuba right now is a 
colony of Russia and the people of Cuba who is 
living in Cuba every day, who is escaping from 
Cuba every day, they disagree with you that 
you are representing the people of Cuba. May- 
be you will represent the er, the colony of 
Russia here in this moment, but not the people 
of Cuba. You cannot take that responsibility. 


Well ... in order to give a clear and coincise 
and short answer to each of those, well, let's 
see, questions. I would say that the facts 

and figures from a country like 

Pakistan or Burma would even reflect more 
light upon Cuba in relation to how many TV 
sets and how many radios and all that, er, 
this, I don't think that is a subject to be 
discussed tonight, er, the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee as the name Implies is concerned 
primarily with Cuban=American relations. 


How many people do you have in your Committee? 

here in New Orleans? 


Er, I cannot reveal that as Secretary for the 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 


Is it a secret society? 


Er, no, Mr. Butler, it is not. However it Is 
standard operating procedure, er, for a poli- 
tical organization consisting of a er, poli- 
tical minority, er, to safegioard the names 
and number of its members, 


Well, the Republicans are in the minority, I 

don't see them hiding their membership. 


The Republicans are not a, well, er, the 
Republicans are an established political 
party, representing a great many people. 
They represent no radical point of view, 
they do not have a very violent and some- 
times emotional opposition, as we do. 


Oh, I see. Well, would you say then that 



Record Album ot $5.00 


The Fair Play for Cuba Comnlttee Is not a com- 
munist front organization? 


The Senate Subconraittees who have occupied 
themselves with investigating the Fair Play 
for Cuba Comnittee, er, have found that there 
is nothing to connect the two conmittees. We 
have been investigated from several points of 
view, that Is points of view of er, taxes, 
allegiance, subversion, and so forth. The 
findings er, have been as I say er, absolutely 


Well, I have a, the Senate Hearings before me 
and I think what I have in front of me re- 
futes precisely every statement that you have 
just made. For instance, who is the Honorary 
Chairman of The Fair Play forCuba Comnlttee? 


Er, the Honorary Chairman of this Comnlttee, 
er, the name of that person, er, I certainly 
don't know. 


Well, let me tell you, in case you don't 

know about your own organization... 


No, I know about it. 


His name Is Waldo Frank and I'm quoting 
from the "New Masses" of September, 1932 
In that, the title of his article, "How I 
Came to Comnunism - A Symposium" by Waldo 
Frank - "Where I Stand and How I got 
There" er, now let me ask you a second 
question, who Is the Secretary of the 
Fair Play forCuba Comnittee? the National 


Well, we have a National Director who is 
Mr. V. T. Lee who is recently returned 
from Cuba and because of the fact that 
the U.S. government has imposed restric- 
tions on travel to Cuba he is now voider 
indictment for his traveling to Cuba, 
er, this however, it Is very convenient 
for rlghist organizations to drag out 
this or that literature purporting to 
show a fact which has notbeen establi- 
shed In law. I have said that The 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee has de- 
finitely been investigated, that is very 
true, but I will also say that the total 
result of that, er, investigation was 
zero. That Is, The Fair Play for Cuba 
Cotonittee Is not now on the Attorney 
General's Subversive List, any other 
material you may have is superflultous 

Oh, it is? 


Mr. Oswald, if I may break in now a moment, 

I believe it was mentioned that you at one 

time asked to renounce your American citizen 

ship and become a Soviet citizen, is that 



Well, I don't think that has particular im- 
port to this discussion. We are discussing 
er, er, Cuban- American relations... 


Well, I think it has a bearing to this ex- 
tent Mr. Oswald, you say apparently that 
Cuba is not dominated by Russia and yet you 
apparently by yo\ir own past actions have 
shown that you have an affinity for Russia 
and perhaps comnunism, although I don't know 
that you admit that you either are a com- 
munist or have been, could you straighten 
out that point, are you, or have you been a 


Well, I had answered that, er, prior to this 

program on another radio program. . . 


Are you a Marxist? 


Yes, I am a Marxist. 

What's the difference? 


The difference Is primarily the difference 
between a country like Ghana (sic) Guiana, 
Jugoslavia, China or Russia. A very, very 
great differences. Differences which we, 
er, appreciate by giving aid let's say to 
Jugoslavia in the sum of a hundred million 
or so dollars a year. 


That's extraneous, what's the difference? 


The, er, er, difference is as I said a 
very great difference, er, many parties, 
many countries are based on Marxism, er, 
many countries such as Great Britain display 
very socialistic er, aspects and character- 
istics I might poj.nt to the socialized 
medicine of Britain. 


Gentlemen, I'll have to interrupt, we'll be 
back in a moment to continue this kind of 
lively discussion after this message. 


During the next two minutes the public 
heard a comnercial message and the panelists 
saying little - shuffled their papers, pre- 
paring for the final round of the debate. 



Record Album at $5 00 


The only man In the listening audience 
who knew the full story of Oswald's defec- 
tion beforehand was Dr. Alton Ochsner, the 
world famous New Orleans surgeon who is 
President of INCA. Dr. Ochsner, on a world 
tour as expert consultant to the Surgeon 
General of theAir Force, has himself con- 
fronted delegates from communist China. He 
has also seen and heard Red agitators and 
propagandists at work in Latin America. Here 
are his firsthand impressions of Lee Harvey 
Oswald. Dr. Ochsner... 


Thank You. Since I was familiar with Os- 
wald's background, when I heard him smoothly 
admit his three year defection to Russia I 
was not overly surprised. But when he tried 
to use his admission as a proof that The Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee was not communist 
controlled, I knew that Ed Butler was facing 
the same kind of propaganda "doublethink" 
that I had heard so many communists and 
their sympathizers use in my travels all 
over the world. 

However, as the Interview went on and 
the hardhitting questions and factual evi- 
dence piled up, I relaxed. Oswald had ob- 
vioulsy met his match. 

It is important to remember that at 
that time, Oswald had technically committed 
no crime. Therefore, no official could 
prevent him from spreading poison on the 
airwaves . 

Nor would any of us , who believe in the 
freedom of speech, want a Thought Control 
Agency to assume such powers. Private 
citizens must meet the distortion with 
truth. On the other hand, a professional 
approach, with indisputable facts and a 
planned strategy, is needed if private 
citizens are to provide the antidote for 
propaganda poison. 

Because the full facilities of INCA 
were available - for a change the propaganda 
battle was fought evenly. 

The results speak for themselves. 
Oswald dropped out of sight immediately 
after the debate, and left New Orleans 
shortly thereafter. According to published 
reports he went to Mexico where he visited 
the Communist embassies of Russia and Cuba. 
Then he took up residence in an apartment 
in a Dallas suburb under the alias 0. H. 
Lee, where several letters from the same 
man written on the stationery of both the 
Communist Party U.S.A. and The Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee, were reportedly found. 

Many who have heard this record have 
expressed the belief that if an INCA branch 
office had existed in Dallas, Oswald would 
again have been exposed, and the President 

I». ALTON OCHSNER, contd. 
might be alive today. No one can say for 
certain. But as you listen to the second 
part of this record, think about it, and 
decide for yourself. 



This is the second segment of the "Conversa- 
tion Carte Blanche" interview, with Lee Har- 
vey Oswald on radio station WDSU, in New 
Orleans, exactly as it was broadcast a few 
weeks before President Kennedy's assassina- 


And now back to Conversation Carte Blanche. 

Here again Bill Slatter. 


Tonight Bill Stuckey and I are talking with 
three guests Lee Harvey Oswald, who islocal 
secretary of a group called Fair Play for 
Cuba, and with Ed Butler, the Executive Vice 
President of the Information Council of the 
Americas (INCA), and Carlos Bringuier, a 
Cuban refugee and obviously anti-Castro. Mr 
Oswald as you might have imagined is on the 
hot seat tonight and I believe you. Bill 
Stuckey have a question. 


Mr. Oswald 1 believe you said in reply to a 
question from Mr, Butler that any questions 
about your background were extraneous to 
discussion tonight. I disagree because of 
the fact that you refuse to reveal- any of 
the other members of your organization so 
you are the face of The Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee in New Orleans. Therefore, any- 
body who might be interested in this organi- 
zation ought to know more about you. For 
this reason I'm curious to know just how 
you supported yourself during the three 
years that you lived in the Soviet Union, 
Did you have a government subsidsy? 


Er, well, as I er, well, I will answer that 
question directly then, since you will not 
rest until you get your answer, er, I 
worked in Russia, er, I was, er under the 
protection er, that is .to 5ay, 1 was not 

47-093 O— 6E 



Record Album at $5 00 

LEE H. OSWALD, contd. 

under the protection of the American govern- 
ment, but that I was at all times, er, con- 
sidered an American citizen. I did not 
lose my American citizenship. 


Did you say that you wanted to at one point 

though? What happened? 


Well, it's a long drawn out situation, er, 
with permission to live in the Soviet Union 
granted to a foreign resident is rarely 
given, er, this calls for a certain amount 
of technicality, technical papers and so 
forth, er, at no time as I say was I er, did 
I renounce my citizenship or at no time was 
I out of contact with the American Einbassy. 


Excuse me, may I interrupt just one second. 
Either one of these two statements is wrong 
The Washington Evening Star of Oct. 31, 1959 
page 1, reported that Lee Harvey Oswald, a 
former Marine, of 4936 Collingwood St., Ft. 
Worth, Texas, had turned in his passport at 
the American Einbassy in Moscm^ on that same 
date and it said that he had applied for 
Soviet citizenship. Now, it seems to me 
that you've renounced your American citizen 
ship it you've turned In your passport. 


Well, the very obvious answer to that is 
that I am back in the United States. A 
person who renounces his citizenship be- 
comes disqualified for returning to the U.S. 


Right, and Soviet authorities - this is 
from the Washington Post & Times Herald 
of November 16, 1959 - Soviet authorities 
have refused to grant it although they had 
Informed him he could live in Russia as a 
Resident Alien. What did you do in the 2 
weeks from Oct. 31st to Nov. 16th, 1959? 


As I have already stated, of course this 
whole conversation and we don't have too 
much time left, is getting away from the 
Cuban- American problem, however, 1 am quite 
willing to discuss myself for the remainder 
of this program, as I stated it is very 
difficult for a resident, for a foreigner 
to get permission to reside In the Soviet 
Union. During those two weeks and during 
the dates you mentioned I was, of course, er 
er, with the knowledge of the American Bn- 
bassy getting this permission. 


Were you ever at a building at 11 Kuznyet- 

skaya Street in Moscow? 


Kuznyetskoya? Kuznyetskoya is the er, well 

that would be, well, that would probably be 

LEE H. OSWALD: contd, 

the Foreign Ministry, I presume, er, no, I 
was never in that, place, although 1 know 
Moscow having lived there. 


Excuse me- Let me interrupt here. I think 
Mr. Oswald is right to this extent, we 
should get around to the organization which 
he is the head of in New Orleans, the Fair 
Play for Cuba. 


The Fair Play for Cuba Committee . 


As a practical matter Mr. Oswald, knowing as 
I'm sure you do the sentiment in America 
against Cuba, we, of course, severed diplo- 
matic relations sometime ago, I would say 
that Castro is as about as unpopular as any 
body in the world in this country. As a 
practical matter, what do you hope to gain 
for your work? How do you hope to bring 
about what you call "Fair Play for Cuba"? 
Knowing that sentiment? 


The principals of The Fair Play for Cuba 
consist of restoration of diplomatic trade 
and tourist relations with Cuba, that is one 
of our main points, er, we are for that, I 
disagree that this situation regarding Am- 
erican-Cuban relations is very unpopular, we 
are In a minority surely, er, we are not 
particularly interested In what Cuban exiles 
or rightists er, er, members of rlghist or- 
ganizations have to say, we are primarily 
interested in the attitude of the U. S. 
government toward Cuba. And in that way we 
are striving to get the United States to 
adopt measures which would be more friendly 
toward the Cuban people and the new Cuban 
regime in that country. We are not at all 
communist controlled, regardless of the 
fact that I have the experience of living 
In Russia, regardless of the fact that we 
have been investigated, er, regardless of 
any of those facts, er. The Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee is an Independent organiza- 
tion not affliated with any other organiza- 
tion, our aims and our Ideals are very 
clear, and In the best keeping with Ameri- 
can traditions of democracy. 


Do you agree with Fidel Castro when in his 
last speech of July 26th of this year he 
qualify President John Fitzgerald Kennedy 
of the United States as a ruffian and a 
thief? Do you agree with Mr. Castro? 


I would not agree with that , er particular 
wording. However, I and the er. Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee does think that the Uni- 
ted States government through certain 
agencies, mainly the State Department and 
the C.I. A. have made monumental mistakes in 



Record Album at $5 00 

LEE H. OSWALD: contd . 

its relations with Cuba. Mistakes which 
are pushing Cuba into the sphere of acti- 
vities of let's say a very dogmatic coun- 
try such as China is. 


Mr. Oswald, would you agree that when Castro 
first took power, er, would you agree that 
the United States was very friendly with 
Castro, that the people of this country had 
nothing but admiration for him, that, er, 
that they were very glad to see Batista 
thrown out? 


I would say that the activities of the Uni- 
ted States government in regards to Batista 
were a manifestation of, not so much support 
for Fidel Castro, but rather a withdrawal 
of support from Batista, in other words, we 
stopped arms to Batista, what we should have 
done was to take those armaments, and drop 
them into the Sierra Maestra where Fidel 
Castro could have used them, as for public 
sentiment at that time, I think even at that 
even before the revolution there were rumb- 
lings of official comment and so forth from 
government officials, er, against Fidel 


You've never been to Cuba, of course, but 

why are the people in Cuba starving today? 


Well, in any country, er, emerging from a 
semi-colonial state and embarking upon re- 
forms which require a diversification of 
agriculture, er, you are going to have 
shortages, after all 807. of imports Into the 
United States, er, from Cuba were two 
products, er, tobacco and sugar. Nowadays, 
er, while the er, Cuba is er, reducing its 
product as far as sugar cane goes it is 
striving to grow unlimited and unheard of 
for Cuba, quantities of certain vegetables; 
sweet potatoes, lima beans, cotton and so 
forth, so that they can become agricul- 
turally independent ... 


Gentlemen, I'm going to have to interrupt, 
our time is almost up. We've had three 
guests tonight on Conversation Carte 
Blanche: Bill Stuckey and I have been talk- 
ing to Lee Harvey Oswald, Secretary of the 
New Orleans Chapter of The Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, Ed Butler, Executive Dir- 
ector of The Information Council of the 
Americas (INCA) , and Carlos Bringuier, 
Cuban refugee. Thank you very much and 
good evening. 



The end of the interview foreshadowed a 

tragic series of events climaxed by the 


assassination of President Kennedy on Novem- 
ber 22, 1963, and the subsequent murder of 
Lee Harvey Oswald before a television audi- 
ence of millions. 

Now for an impression in depth of Os- 
wald, we turn to one of the panelists on 
that fateful evenine - Edward Butler, Execu- 
tive Vice-President of INCA. Mr. Butler a 
specialist in communist propaganda activities 
and how to overcome them, has interviewed 
scores of refugees from communist takeovers 
during the past several years. In 1960 he 
conceived, and now manages INCA, and its 
TRUTH TAPES program. TRUTH TAPES are half- 
hour and fifteen minute tape recordings 
featuring eyewitness refugee testimony about 
communist takeover tactics, sent to a net- 
work of over 120 local radio stations in 16 
nations of Latin America. 

The author of several articles on 
this vital subject, Mr. Butler has appeared 
as a witness before the House Foreign Af- 
fairs Subcommittee on International Organi- 
zations and Movements to outline ways to win 
the war of words and avoid nuclear conflict. 
He was the only known propaganda specialist 
ever to confront Oswald. Mr. Butler ... 


While sketching the portrait of Oswald for 
the jacket of this record, I sorted through 
a mental inventory of scores of memories of 
Oswald, his expressions, statements, reac- 
tions, and gestures. 

Although our only confrontation was the 
evening of the debate, I knew a good deal 
about Oswald before the encounter. I had 
listened for hours to a long, tape-recorded 
interview with Oswald by Bill Stuckey; I had 
questioned Bringuier and other refugees who 
knew him; I had read the anti-American, pro- 
Castro propaganda Oswald was distributing 
on behalf of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
and of course, I had data about his defection 
to Russia. 

We finally met in the reception room at 
the WDSU studio; Bringuier introduced us. 
Oswald seemed outwardly self-confident, but 
his hand was clammy when I shook it. 

I sat down opposite him, about three 
feet away. 

Stuckey came in, and after a somewhat 
stiff 'hello' all around, he and I began 
to chat, while Oswald and Bringuier began 
to argue. 

When Oswald spoke, he sounded like a 
man with a piano roll in his. head, grind- 
ing out the same tired Red propaganda 
tunes that I have heard so often in my 



Record Album at $5 00 


It was then that I happened to mention to 
Stuckey that a certain local businessman was 
"progressive" in his advertising policies. 

On the first syllable of the word 'progres- 
sive', Oswald abruptly broke off his discussion 
with Bringuier and looked at me, slightly 
startled. But by the time I had finished the 
sentence, Oswald realized that I was applying 
the term 'progressive' to capitalism, and his 
glance changed into a smirk of utter disgust. 

To those of us who have to delve into the 
murky jargon of Marxism-Leninism, Oswald's re- 
action was no surprise. In the Red catechism, 
the term 'progressive' always Indicated the 
'proletarian' forces led by the Party; to apply 
it to capitalism Is blasphemy. 

I will never forget Oswald's look of loath- 
ing. I was to see it several times more during 
the vening, since everyone noticed that he was 
particularly antagonistic towards me. I tried 
to capture that black look on the jacket sketch. 
It had to be a look of impersona l hatred, since 
Oswald knew nothing about me, or the organiza- 
tion which I represented. But more about that 
in a moment . 

I listened closely as Oswald and Bringuier 
resumed their dispute, and was impressed by 
Oswald's technical competence as a propagandist. 
Let me illustrate with a few examples from the 
debate you've just heard. 

Subject paralleling is a standard propa- 
ganda technique. On defense, the propagandist 
uses it to turn an attack backward upon his op- 
ponent . 

Oswald's attempt to use his visit to Russia 
as a proof that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
is not communist controlled, is an example of 
defense paralleling. 

On defense, paralleling is used to link and 
smear by Implication. Oswald did this three 
times when he labeled me a 'righist' and INCA a 
'righist organization'. As a matter of fact he 
didn't even know the name of my organization 
when he pulled the parallels, because he asked 
for that information and wrote it down In a 
notebook, when the debate was over. 

For the record, INCA's membership and 
Board includes Liberals and Conservatives, 
Democrats and Republicans, scattered all over 
the nation, all bound in their opposition to 
communist tyranny by a single common ideal - 
Liberty Under Law. 

Oswald knew many other tricks of the trade 
target narrowing and subject expansion, slogan 
building, theme repetition and so on. 

Here are some examples from the debate: 

You heard Oswald twice try to narrow his 


target - a propaganda technique used defensively 
to avoid dangerous or embarrasing side-issues, 
offensively to sharpen the point of an attack - 
when he said: 


". . . .This, . .1 don't think this is a subject to 
be discussed tonight .. .The Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee, as the name implies, is concerned 
primarily with Cuban-American relations 1" 


And again when he said... 


"I don't think that has particular import to 
this discussion. We are discussing Cuban-Am- 
erican relations." 


And, finally when he dismissed the investiga- 
tive resources of the Congress of the United 
States with the statement: 


"...The Fair Play for Cuba Committee is not now 
on the Attorney General's Subversive List. Any 
other material you may have is superf lus . "(sic) 


Thus Oswald was trying to narrow my range to 
courtroom evidence, while presumably reserving 
the broad field of opinion unto himself. 

Which brings up another interesting point: 

Oswald also knew how to expand his subject 
a method used, defensively, to blur and confuse 
the issues so that there is nothing but haze to 
attack. On offense, expansion is used to make 
blanket comparisons or charges covering many 
individuals, groups or nations. 

You heard Oswald defensively expanding ir. 
answer to my embarrasing question about the 
difference between Marxism and Communism. In 
just a few sentences he spanned the globe from 
Africa to Europe, then tried to bring in Am- 
erican Foreign Aid and alliance policies to 
prove his point. 


"The difference is primarily the difference be- 
tween a country like Ghana, Guiana (sic), Jugo- 
slavia, China or Russia. A very, very great 
differences. Differences which we, er , appre- 
ciate by giving aid let's say to Jugoslavia in 
the sum of a hundred million or so dollars a 
year . " 


I was narrowing on the attack when I refused to 
be confused and interrupted him with "That's 
what's the difference?" 


"The, er, difference is as I said a very great 
difference, er, many parties, many countries 
are based on Marxism, er, many countries such 





as Great Britain display very socialistic, er, 
aspects and characteristics. I might point to 
the socialized medicine of Britain.*' 


Oswald also used the familiar Big Lie techni- 
que, made famous by Goebbels, but originated 
by Lenin and perfected by his successors when 
he said: 


"The Senate Subcommittees who have occupied 
themselves with investigating the Fair Play for 
Cuba Connnittee, have found that there is noth- 
ing to connect the two committees." 


To anyone who has read the detailed Congress- 
ional Hearings on The Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee, Oswald's distortion is obvious, and I 
urge every American to get these revealing docu- 
ments and decide for yourself. 

I suppose many mature Americans find it 
hard to take seriously the Marxist theory of a 
world split into two warring classes, never 
changing except by revolution, never progres- 
sing except by hatred and conflict - but Oswald 
took it religiously. 

Similarly, many Americans can't conceive 
of anyone idolizing a brutal dictator like 
Castro, who has left a trail of blood, false- 
hood, and misery ever since he participated in 
his first political assassination, in Bogota, 
in 1948 - but Oswald certainly idolized him. 

What mystifies Americans most is how an 
American boy, could come to accept such a phil- 
osophy, and to worship such a man. Oswald him- 
self gave us a vital clue when he said he was 
introduced to communism by a pamphlet sympathe- 
tic to the Rosenberg Atom Spies. Later, read- 
ing Marx's "Das Capital" he said he felt, 
" a religious man opening the Bible for 
the first time." The answer, of course, is 
that communist propaganda, in gradual doses, 
conditions the immature mind to glorify vio- 
lence . 

It teaches impersonal hatred of whole 
classes of humanity. Many communist books, 
pamphlets, broadcasts or films are an open 
invitation to revolutionary terrorism. 

President Kennedy's death has proved that 
words - which can be shot around the world 
faster than any missile - words are the ulti- 
mate weapon. What makes these new word 
weapons so powerful is that they can reach 
into the midst of any country, manipulate 
its own people, and invisibly motivate the 
minds of men who have the power to press 
buttons and pull triggers. As a professional 
who handles word weapons every day, in my 
opinion the most frightening statement known 
to man is the bland phrase, "It's just propa- 
ganda I " 


Propaganda made Oswald the man he was. 
Communist propaganda Inflamed the mind of the 
man, who - evidence indicates - pulled the 
trigger, to fire the bullet, that killed the 
President of the United States. 

For instance, I have in my hand a car- 
toon from an official Cuban publication called 
"Verde Olivo" showing President Kennedy wear- 
ing a Nazi Swastika armband, and giving dir- 
ections to a Cuban Refugee leader pictured as 
a worm. 

We know, because Oswald admitted it open- 
ly, because he recited communist doctrine like 
scripture, and because people saw him in the 
act, that he had been steadily absorbing this 
mental poison for years . 

Until we counteract the vast bulk of hate 
propaganda which pours forth both fron offici- 
al communist publications and their echoes here 
at home like The Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
no elected official, no free institution, no 
private citizen's life, liberty or property 
will be safe. 

But the situation is far from hopeless. 

Communism can attract only the thinnest 
minority anywhere. For every embittered Oswald 
in America, or Castro in Cuba, there are thou- 
sands of young men all over the world who can 
be trained to meet, compete with, and defeat 
them on the mass media battleground. 

What is needed are professionals -- or 
more accurately a practical means of subsidiz- 
ing the efforts of private propaganda profes- 
sionals for freedom. I emphasize the word 
'private' because every Red revolutionary from 
Lenin, to Castro, to Oswald, has worked as a 
private citizen until after a successful revo- 
lution. Here at the private level, using words 
as weapons, is where most major battles will 
be won or lost . 

And here is where nearly every American 
can help. Only a few will have the inclina- 
tion, opportunity, and training to wage and 
win the war of words now going on. But all 
can, and must, back the attack. 

In buying this "Oswald: Self-Portrait in 
Red" you have taken the first step, because 
revenue from this record is helping INCA to 
combat communism at the private level, profes- 
sionally, throughout the Americas. 

I for one, will never forget these liv- 
ing words, which no assassin's bullet can 
ever silence: 

"And so my fellow Americans, ask not what 
your country can do for you; ask what you can 
do for your country." 







One of the principal values in such a recording lies in the fact that it serves 
as a vivid reminder to the American people and our National Government that 
there is a pressing need to provide greater protection for the President and 
Vice President and to maintain a more extensive alertness to the dangers from 
suspicious persons in our country. On this score, as well as many others, Mr. 
Butler, Dr. Ochsner, the other oflBcers and board members of INCA, have ren- 
dered great service to our country. 

Members of INCA today include businessmen, professional men, educators, farm 
leaders, journalists, and others living in 21 States of our Nation. They are 
providing solid support to INCA's "Truth Tapes" and its other efforts to counter 
communism in our hemisphere. Leading representatives of both the govern- 
mental and the private sectors of our society are included. Tliis is certainly 
true in my community of New Orleans and the surrounding area. 

At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to pay tribute to the late deLesseps 
S. (Chep) Morrison, long-time mayor of New Orleans and former United States 
Ambassador to the Organization of American States, for his dilligent efforts to 
assist Mr. Butler and INCA in its work. Chep Morrison, in his 15i/^ years as 
mayor of New Orleans and his 2 years as OAS Ambassador, did a splendid job, 
through his contacts, his good will, and his knowledge, to help bring the peoples 
of all the Americas closer together and to solidify their governments against 
communism. I am proud to have been an admirer and a close friend of 
Chep Morrison, whose life was cut off too soon. I am pleased to salute him for 
his contributions to the cause of which we are concerned today. 

I know that Mr. Butler and his staff and the supporters of INCA are doing a 
fine job, but such organizations, with their somewhat limited resources, cannot 
do this work alone. INCA and similar organizations, dedicated to strengthening 
and expanding freedom in our country and around the world, could use the as- 
sistance and direction of the National Government and the Congress to provide 
an extensive anti-Communist training program. Such a program should re- 
ceive the full support of the Congress and the executive branch of our Gov- 
ernment. It would in no way conflict with the great efforts in this field by the 
United States Information Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the 
State Department and others, but rather the Freedom Academy and the Freedom 
Commission would augment them, particularly by utilizing the vast resources 
and talents of our private citizens. 

Therefore, I say, Mr. Chairman, that now is the time to act and to act posi- 
tively. A year ago, before this committee, I spoke on behalf of this legislation. 
I cited the immortal words of the late President Kennedy in his historic in- 
augural address : 

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for 
you : Ask what you can do for your country. 

The Freedom Academy will give Americans in many walks of life the oppor- 
tunity to answer our late President's summons to service — to join in strengthen- 
ing our country and its freedom. No one doubts the ultimate goals of the Soviet 
and Chinese Communists. We must use all of our human resources in order to 
counter effectively the Communist offensive and to refurbish democratic societies 
wherever we can. 

I would conclude, Mr. Chairman, by saying that the Freedom Academy will 
offer our Nation the best and most imaginative means to utilize the brains and 
talents of our people in a total effort against the Communist offensive and to 
foster the ideals and the principles of freedom upon which this great country 
of ours was founded. 

Mr. BoGGS. There are many reasons for this bill. More recently, 
we have seen additional reasons. The evidence which has been docu- 
mented now about events in the Dominican Republic shows that there 
was a real subversive movement there; that it oripnated in Cuba, 
by and large, those people associated with the Cuban enterprises; 
and as this committee knows, there are similar activities elsewhere 
in this hemisphere — particularly in the countries in Latin America, 
where there is lack of stability in the governments. 

(At this point Mr. Clawson entered the hearing room.) 
Mr. BoGGs. Last week, I had an interview with the Assistant Sec- 
retary of State in charge of Latin American Affairs, also in charge 
of our relations at the Alliance for Progress, and he said that they 


estimated that Cuba was spending almost a billion dollars a year on 
activities having to do with the teaching of terror, subversion, the 
overthrow of democratic governments, and so on. 

Now, everybody knows that these funds are not coming from Cuba. 
Cuba is in a desperate economic plight. They are being supplied by 
the Communist organizations throughout the world, China, Soviet 
Russia, the satellite countries. 

The notion that this is not a threat to us is just not so. As I said, 
the Dominican Kepublic is the best example that I can think of. 

Now, we pride ourselves in the United States in being the most 
information-conscious nation on earth. We probably have more pages 
of news, more words of radio, and more pictures on television dealing 
with news, than any other country on earth ; and yet somehow or an- 
other, we fail in the propaganda held, even in our own country. 

The President, right at the moment, is terribly concerned about 
events on some of our college campuses with respect to developments 
in Southeast Asia. On the other side of the spectrum, this commit- 
tee has taken note of the activities of the Ku Klux Klan, so that we 
have, in many ways, failed to tell the story of this, the greatest, the 
freest nation that mankind has ever known. 

We have the people to do it in our institutions, both in and out of 

I think that this idea of mobilizing the intellectual resources of 
our country for an offensive to tell the story of America and what 
it means is something that just should be done. 

Now, from all that I can ascertain in Southeast Asia, for instance, we 
have established a real rapport with the people of Southeast Asia, and 
yet there has been the worst type of terrorism on the part of the 
Viet Cong, and yet the Vice President of the United States was con- 
fronted yesterday with questions indicating that we — the United 
States is guilty of atrocities in Southeast Asia. 

So it seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that there is a vast need for this. 
I don't believe that we can do all of this through Government enter- 
prise. It may very well be that USIA is not being adequately fi- 
nanced. I don't know. But even if those appropriations were 
doubled or tripled, we still should utilize these vast potential resources 
in the universities and elsewhere that we are not utilizing. 

We have had a group operating in my hometown in New Orleans 
called INC A, which has done quite a remarkable job, using existing 
radio stations and making tapes, movies for reproduction, answering 
propaganda lines, whether they come from the extreme left or the 
extreme right, on the scene, not letting this propaganda just f) re vail. 
And I am convinced that this group has had a very profound impact 
in Latin America. 

All of us know the impact that Radio Free Europe has had in East- 
ern Europe, so that the need for this, I think, has been very well estab- 
lished, and I believe that if this committee reported this bill, that the 
House would pass it, and I think the Senate would pass it, and I hope 
that that is done relatively soon. 

I ask unanimous consent to incorporate this statement in the 

The Chairman. That will be done at this point. 


(The formal statement submitted by Congressman Boggs follows:) 



Mr. Chairman, I am happy to be with you and the members of this distinguished 
committee for a few minutes today to talk with you about what I consider to be 
an imiK)rtant piece of legislation. The establishment of a proper training acad- 
emy — as envisaged in this legislation — would alert our own citizens in a con- 
crete way to the nefarious tactics of the agents of the international Communist 
conspiracy. Such an academy would equip them in a firmer, more extensive 
manner to counter the i>aramilitary and propaganda techniques of the Communist 
orbit and, at the same time, provide constructive tactics to foster our own demo- 
cratic principles. 

The formation of this special academy — A Freedom Academy — would be a 
fine way to help achieve these goals — 'that is, by bringing together, both as 
teachers and students, the best minds of our country from both the public and 
the private sectors of our society. 

We have only to look at the Communist attempt to subvert and take over 
the Dominican Republic to realize just how serious in our own hemisphere is 
this menace to all the established governments. All types of agitation, espionage, 
subversion, and other paramilitary and propaganda techniques are utilized to 
achieve the success of any Communist revolt. 

In a recent discussion I had with Mr. Jack Yaughn, Assistant Secretary of 
State for Inter-American Affairs and our U.S. coordinator for the Alliance for 
Progress, Mr. Vaughn cited an almost unbelievable sum of money which I had 
not heard before. He told me that the international Communist conspiracy, 
through Cuba and Castro's regime, is now spending between $600 million and 
$800 million a year to maintain the Cuban Government and to train Communist 
agents and to export revolution throughout Latin America. This is truly a 
frightening sum, particularly when we know what it is being used for. As 
Mr. Vaughn pointed out, this financial output equals the approximate total funds 
which our country provides for Latin America annually through the Alliance 
for Progress program and related social assistance programs. 

If there was any shred of doubt about the Communists' intentions in our 
hemisphere, it was obliterated last November in Havana when the Castro regime 
signed a charter, in which its leaders agreed to do everything in their power to 
subvert the existing governments in Latin America, to foment their so-called 
wars of national liberation, and to seize control of all the other governments in 
the Western Hemisphere. Mr. Vaughn stated that our Government knows that 
Castro and his agents have a priority list of Latin nations for future subversion 
and overthrow and that we are aware of which countries are at the top of the 

The Communists obviously are doing an extensive job of propaganda and sub- 
version in Latin America. In Cuba, there is a real and total slave economy — ■ 
and yet the Castro regime seems to be able to train agents and to export propa- 
ganda and revolution. This Communist regime seems to enjoy some success in 
convincing the poor people of Latin America that Castro and his government 
are helping the ordinary man, the workingman, to achieve a better life. 

I asked Mr. Vaughn why the United States apparently has been less successful 
than we should be in fostering information on our own Government, our prin- 
ciples, and our way of life in a free society, and the virtues and accomplish- 
ments of our Alliance for Progress program. 

Among other things, he saidthat in his opinion one of the reasons for this is 
that our country does not provide enough money to the United States Information 
Agency so that it can do the most effective Job in this area. He said that the 
USIA has been allotted less money over the years than have similar agencies of 
our Government. Mr. Vaughn noted that more funds were needed for this impor- 
tant Agency, and I agree with this. 

As I stated in my earlier prepared remarks for your committee, the Freedom 
Academy in no way would circumvent, or compete with, the USIA, the CIA, the 
National Security Agency, the State Department, or other similar agencies of our 
Government. On the contrary, the Freedom Academy — by utilizing the best 
brains not only from the public governmental sector of our society, but also 
from the private sector, would augment and supplement in a fine manner the 
good work which these other agencies are continually doing for our country. 

The skills which could be provided to our citizens in such an academy must be 


taught by knowledgeable and trained professionals. Such skills and knowledge 
can best be offered in a special school, as envisaged in this legislation. 

I know that there is a great, untapped source of imagination, patriotism, and 
dedication from among our private citizens, many of whohi would gladly take 
this specialized training in nonmilitary and propaganda techniques in order to 
do their part to maintain our freedom and that of the other nations of the world. 
The fact is that we do not now have, even for the special training of our Gov- 
ernment personnel, an agency of our National Government assigned to the task of 
providing an extensive course in nonmilitary and propaganda tactics. The Free- 
dom Academy, directed by a high-level Freedom Commission, would give our 
country and its citizens the right kind of specialized school for this purpose. 

In my own city of New Orleans, Louisiana, there is in active operation, a 
private citizens' organization, the Information Council of the Americas, directed 
by Mr. Edward S. Butler III, as executive vice president, and Dr. Alton Ochsner, 
an internationally famous surgeon from my city, as president. This organization, 
known as INCA, is performing an outstanding service to the people of Latin 
America, as well as to our own country,' by fostering the significance of freedom 
and countering Communist propaganda and subversion. INCA is achieving this 
by sending to some 136 radio stations in 16 different Latin nations "Truth 
Tapes" — which feature the voices of Cuban refugees relating their own stories of 
oppression and terror, of poverty and the generally debased condition of their 
country, under Castro's Communist regime. 

In the United States, there are also some 426 radio stations which are coop- 
erating with INCA to promote interest and to solicit support for this patriotic 
work. These radio stations in 43 of our 50 States also are broadcasting some 
of these "Truth Tapes," thus giving their audiences an insight and an understand- 
ing into political and social developments in Latin America and the Communist 
activities to subvert and overthrow the governments of our good neighbors 
to the south. 

In INCA's membership today are businessmen, professional men, educators, 
farm leaders, journalists, and others living in 21 different States of our Union. 
They are giving their support to INCA and its important work — they are private 
citizens who are assisting in fighting communism in our hemisphere. This fine 
organization is just one example, a very sound example, of what a group of 
private citizens can do to assist our National Government and our people in com- 
bating communism. But INCA and similar organizations cannot do this work 
alone, because the task is too big for a select group of our citizens. It requires a 
total conamitment by our Government and a majority of its citizens to counter the 
spread of communism around the world. I submit, Mr. Chairman, that the estab*- 
lishment of this specialized Freedom Academy would be a concrete way in which 
to engender a greater response to this total commitment. 

Therefore, I am pleased to join with many of my colleagues on both sides of the 
aisle and in both Houses in sponsoring this legislation. It is enjoying increasing 
bipartisan support in both Houses of the Congress. As the committee knows, the 
Senate passed a similar bill in the 2d session of the 86th Congress, but the House 
did not have the opportunity to act ui)on it then. I am most hopeful that the 
89th Congress will have this opportunity and that the House will pass this legisla- 
tion to strengthen our country and the principles for which it stands. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for permitting me to 
speak to you today. 

The Chairman. Now, Congressman Boggs, I wish to say this. The 
May 1, 1965, issue of New Times was brought to my attention just the 
other day. This is a Soviet weekly journal of world affairs which 
is published not only in Russian, but six other languages — English, 
French, German, Spanish, Polish, and Czech. This propaganda maga- 
zine is put out by Trud^ the U.S.S.R. so-called labor newspaper, pub- 
lished by the All-Union Central Soviet of Professional Unions in 

On page 23 of the May 1 issue, which is the beginning of the section 
on "International Notes," there is a subhead "U.S.A." and under that 
another subhead "Academy of the Science of Subversion." 

The item opens with mention of the fact that Senator Mundt had 
recently made a long speech in the Senate on the Freedom Academy 
and states that a bill providing for its establishment has already been 
submitted to the Congress. 


Actually, of course, eight bills to establish a Freedom Academy — 
and you are the author of one of them — have been introduced in the 
House and one in the Senate, with 12 sponsors.^ Senator Mundt has 
long been a sponsor of the Freedom Academy concept and testified 
before this committee on the bills now pending before it just a few 
weeks ago, on April 1. 

The article then goes on to claim that, in speaking about the Free- 
dom Academy in March of last year, you, Mr. Boggs, declared that 
the prototype of its activity should be "the work done by our security 
agencies, the FBI particularly on the domestic scene, the CIA else- 
where in the world." 

"In short," the article continues — 

it was a question of setting up an institution in whicli American diplomats, 
correspondents, businessmen, tourists and sportsmen going abroad would be 
trained in the art not only of anti-communism but also of subversion. 

It next states, truthfully, that Senator Mundt has urged that en- 
rollment in the Freedom Academy should not be limited to American 
citizens, but that it be an international school and quotes him to this 
effect. The article concludes with the following words : 

Wouldn't it be better to rename the Freedom Academy the Academy of the 
Science of Subversion? 

This item is a wholesale lie, typical of the kind of "news" published 
in Soviet organs. It indicates, I believe, that the Communists are 
concerned about, and fearful of, the Freedom Academy and are al- 
ready beginning their attempt to discredit it. 

Mr. Boggs, the committee staff has checked into this quotation at- 
tributed to you, which allegedly spells out the function of the Free- 
dom Academy. To clarify the record and to refute this Communist 
falsehood, I would like to state for the record what the staff learned. 

First, you made no such statement in March of last year. Second, 
you did speak the exact words attributed to you on February 19 of 
last year, when you appeared before this committee to testify on your 
Freedom Academy bill and others then before it. Moscow, however, 
has twisted your words completely out of context. 

What actually happened was that, in prefatory remarks you made 
before submitting your formal statement on the Freedom Academy 
for the record, you mentioned, among other things, that you believe 
one of the reasons the Peace Corps has been so successful was because 
it has demonstrated the basic idealism of Americans. You added that 
the Freedom Academy would provide an opportunity for us to chan- 
nel the idealism and dedication "that are innate in our society to 
fighting the greatest threat that mankind has ever faced." 

Now we come to the important point. You continued — and I quote 
your exact words : 

Now, in saying this, I do not want to derogate anyone. I think that the work 
done by our security agencies, the FBI particularly, on the domestic scene, the 
CIA elsewhere in the world, is by and large the highest type of activity on 
earth. But what is proposed here is something else. This is not intelligence 
work. It is not checking on subversives — all of which is vital and important 
to the security of this country and the security of free men everywhere. This 
is the use affirmatively of the great reservoir of talent that we have in the 
United States to show what the free system and what a free society can do. ♦ ♦ * 

» S. 1232, Feb. 19, 1965. by Mr. Mundt — for himself, Mr. Case, Mr. Dodd, Mr. Douglas, 
Mr. Fong, Mr. Hickenlooper, Mr. Lausche, Mr. Miller, Mr. Prouty, Mr. Proxmlre, Mr. Scott, 
and Mr. Smathers. 



Those were jour full words. 

I do not thmk you could have made a clearer and more explicit 
statement to the effect that the Freedom Academy was not in any way 
to do the work of, or to be patterned after, the FBI or the CIA. 

You stressed the fact that just the opposite was true. Yet, the 
Kremlin has seen fit — and this, of course, is one of its typical per- 
formances — to lift your words completely out of context and at- 
tribute to you a meaning that is in 100 percent opposition to your 
true position. 

As I said before, this Soviet use of the big-lie technique on this 
matter indicates that Moscow appreciates the significance of the bills 
now before this committee. It realizes the potential effect of a Free- 
dom Academy on the long-term outcome of the cold war. It doesn't 
want a Freedom Academy established in this country. And so, be- 
cause the truth cannot be used to discredit the Academy concept, it 
uses falsehood in an attempt to do so. This, perhaps, will assist the 
Congress and this committee in determining how they will vote on the 
bills we are now considering. 

In other words, they just use your testimony in a 180-de^ree oppo- 
sition to what you did say before this committee. I now insert this 
article mentioned in the statement at this point in the record. 

(The article follows:) 

^^EW TllffiS - No. 18 - May 1, 196^ 




Academy of the Science 
of Subversion 

SenatorMundt recently made a 
lonfspeecnTn the U.S. Senate on 
the plans to set up the so-called 

"■^TPTfl^provIomg for its establish- 
ment has already been submitted to 
Congress. Speaking of the Academy's 
functions in March last year, Repre- 
sentative Boggs declared that the 
prototype of its activity should be 
"the work done by our security 
agencies, the FBI particularly on the 
domestic scene, the CIA elsewhere 
in the world." In short, it was a 
question of setting up an institution 

in which American diplomats, cor- 
respondents, businessmen, tourists 
and sportsmen going abroad would 
be trained in the art not only of 

anti-communism but also of subver- 

While giving the Academy plan 
his full support, Senator Mundt sug- 
gested that enrolment should not b« 
limited only to American citizens. 
He wants it to be an international 

"We would bring servants of 
friendly governments to this coun- 
try, persons asking for the training 
and teach them," he said. 

Among these persons he includes 
journalists, teachers and public fig- 
ures wishing to master the methods 
of "psychological warfare" and sub- 

Wouldn't it be better to rename 
the Freedom Academy the Academy 
[ of the Science of Subversion? 



Mr. BoGGS. Mr. Chairman, as I understand what you are reading, 
apparently that article had said that I advocated the establishment 
of an academy of subversion ? 

The Chairman. Yes, and that we wanted a broad, worldwide FBI- 
CIA agency. 

Mr. BoGGS. Meaning, of course, that anything that is contradictory 
to Communist propaganda is subversion, and that is exactly what the 
meaning of that is : that any effort that we make to counteract their 
propaganda is not the use of the weapon that we seek to use, namely, 
the truth, but what they call subversion. 

In a sense we do "subvert" communism, because it is hard to make 
a system, which basically is one of slavery, into one of freedom. So 
when you tell our story, the truth, it becomes a very devastating thing 
for the Communists. 

When you compare the freedom of an American with the lack of 
freedom of a Soviet citizen or a Chinese citizen or any of the satellite 
people, the comparison is so tremendous that it is one that they don't 
like to hear. It is like the case of the Berlin wall. I know all of you 
have looked at that wall. That wall is erected, really, to keep the East 
Berliners in, not to keep anybody out, because if they can get out of 
there and take a look at what the rest of Berlin is like, they don't need 
any further testimony about freedom. It has been my observation, 
Mr. Chairman, over the years that I have been here, that the best way 
to test the effectiveness of a proposal is to see what the Soviet 
reaction is. 

Now if they didn't think this was an effective idea, they wouldn't 
be so concerned about it. 

I was in Berlin at the time of the airlift, flew in there on a plane 
loaded with coal. The efforts made by the Soviets to discredit the 
airlift and to discredit the Marshall plan, which was just then being 
talked about, were something fantastic. And I came away convinced 
that they were more afraid of the fact that we were staying in Europe 
and that we were prepared to work with the forces of genuine democ- 
racy than anything that had happened recently. So my reaction to 
that article is that they are really concerned about the Freedom 

They know that if we really mobilize, as I said in my original state- 
ment, the talent, the latent talent that we have in this country, just 
to answer their obvious lies about the United States, that they are in 
serious trouble. 

And the lies that are told by the millions about this country are 
fantastic to anyone who has traveled around and listened or read some 
of the propaganda. I remember going into a barbershop in New 
Delhi, in India, and you know how you do in a barbershop. You 
reach around and get something to read while you are waiting for 
the fellow to cut your hair, so I picked up a very smart-looking maga- 
zine that looked something like LIFE or LOOK and was very beau- 
tifully illustrated. Well, it turned out to be a Communist Party organ, 
published in Czechoslovakia, beautifully illustrated, and the whole 
theme of it was "the great leap forward." As they described it, they 
told all that they were supposedly doing for children and people and 
families and health and welfare and sanitation, and so on, and I be- 


came curious about this, so I went to our people at the Embassy and 
at the information offices, and they pulled out just reams and reams 
and reams of these publications from the Soviet Union, China, and 
the satellites, including North Korea and North Vietnam. 

So these people well understand what is proposed in this idea, 
because what they call subversion is what I call the truth, and in 
this case, truth directed against what they are doing really is subvert- 
ing them. There is no question about that. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much ; we appreciate your taking 
time out to appear before us. 

We have with us Dr. William B. Walsh. Dr. Walsh is the founder 
and president of the Project HOPE, which, since 1960, has operated a 
hospital ship, SS HOPE. Project HOPE has served three continents 
and in 4 years has trained more than 2,500 physicians and other 
medical personnel and treated more than 100,000 persons. The ship 
has voyaged to Indonesia, South Vietnam, Peru, Ecuador, the Re- 
public of Ghana. 

Dr. Walsh, we are not only privileged but honored to have you and 
we are greatly indebted to you. 

If you will, give us your views, not in technical terms, about the 
possibility of having a central place where we can do research, some 
training, on how to handle this cold war which has been with us and is 
likely to be with us for a long time to come. 

We are delighted to have you and look forward to hearing your 


Dr. Walsh. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : First 
let me apologize to you for not having a prepared statement, but I have 
been in Latin America and in Africa over the bulk of the last 2 months 
and, in the past month, have actually been in Washington only 3 days, 
so we have not had time to prepare a statement for you. 

The Chairman. Before you proceed, I overlooked that I have before 
me more detailed background material concerning your education and 
the many honors that have been conferred upon you and the high 
esteem that you have in this and other lands. 

I will nvake tliis document a part of the record at this point. 

(The document follows:) 


Jhe f^eopie to f-^eople ^Meaith ZJ-oundalion, ^nc. 

2233 Wisconsin Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20007 • 338-6110 

Biography of Dr. William B. Walsh, 
Founder and President of Project HOPE 

Dr. William B. Walsh was born in Brooklyn, N. Y., on April 26, 1920. After 
graduating from Brooklyn Preparatory School he attended Stj. John's University 
in New York, where he won the Hamilton Scholarship, majored in biology and 
received his B . S . Decree-in— 1540 . 

In 1948 Dr. Walsh received his M.D. from the Georgetown University School of 
Medicine, Washington, D. C, fulfilling his post-graduate training as an 
intern at Long Island College Hospital and Georgetown University Hospital. 

Dr. Walsh's medical education was interrupted in 1943 by World War II. 
He served as a medical officer aboard a destroyer in the South Pacific 
until his discharge in 1946. The squalor and poor hospital conditions of 
the area began the young doctor's dream of returning with a floating 
medical school. 

When, in 1958, President Eisenhower asked Dr. Walsh to co-chair the Committee 
on Medicine and the Health Professions of the President's new People-to-People 
Program, Dr. Walsh suggested that a Navy hospital ship be taken out of moth- 
balls and converted into a floating medical center. 

After he won approval of the idea. Dr. Walsh decided that it's success hinged 
on support from private American citizens, and he founded The People-to-People 
Health Foundation, Inc. , the parent organization of Project HOPE, which 
sponsors the world-wide voyages of the S.S. HOPE. 

At the time. Dr. Walsh was a noted internist and heart specialist, an 
assistant professor of internal medicine at Georgetown University, and 
an internal medicine resident at the school's nospiLal. Since then, he has 
given uD his private practice to devote full time to his duties as medical 
director and president of. Project HOPE. 

Dr. Walsh lives with his wife Helen at 5101 Westpath Way in Washington 
with their three sons, William Jr., John and Thomas. 

Dr. Walsh is the author of A Ship Called HOPE , an account of the S.S. HOPE's 
maiden voyage to Asia and is writing a second book on the ship's trips to 
Peru and Ecuador. A third book on HOPE in Africa will follow. 


A full listing of Dr. Walsh's honors and affiliations follows: 


Medal of Merit, 1964, Government of Ecuador 

Star of October, 1964, City of Guayaquil (Ecuador) 

Certificate of Meritorious Service, 1964, Medical Society of 
the District of Columbia 

National Citizenship Award, 1963, Military Chaplains Association of the U.S.A. 

Special Service '.ward, 1963, merican Association of Industrial Nurses 

Gold Medal (Medallo de Oro), 1963, City of Trujillo (Peru) 

Thanksgiving Award, 1963, Clarke (Iowa) College (First recipient) 

Knight of the Daniel A. Carrion Order, 1962, Government of Peru 

Knight of the Magisterial Palms, 1962, Government of Peru 

Honorary Doctor of Science Degree, 1962, Georgetown University 

Service to Mankind nward, Sertoma International 

Humanitarian of the Year, 1961, Lions International 

Volunteer of the Year Award, 1961, American Society of Association Executives 

International Freedom Festival Award, 1961, City of Detroit 

Distinguished Service Award, 1961, U. S. Information Agency 

Health U.S.A. Award, 1961 

John Carroll Award, 1961, Georgetown University (Washington, D. C.) 
Alumni Association 


President of The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc. 

Member, American Medical Association 

Member, District of Columbia Medical Society 

Member, Board of Trustees, Landon School for Boys, Washington, D. C. 

Member. Board ot Governors, John Carroll Society, Washington, D. C. 

Member, Board of Directors, Institute for Human Progress 


Consultant in Internal Medicine to the Surgeon General of the Air Force 

Former Vice Chairman of the Health Resources Advisory Committee, 
Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization 

Former member. Executive Committee and Chairman of the Legislative Committee 
of the American Society of Internal Medicine 

Former member, President's Advisory Committee on the Physical Fitness of Youth 

Former member. Council on Ni^tional Defense of the American Medical Association 

Former Vice Chairman, President's Advisory Committee for the 

Selection of Doctors, Dentists and Allied Specialists for 
the Selective Service System 

Past President, N.itional Medical Veterans Society 


Dr. Walsh. And I would like to make a second apology because, 
since my second bout with malaria, I have some eighth nerve deafness 
which I have not as yet corrected or obtained a hearing aid for, so if you 
have any questions, I would appreciate it if you would raise your voice 
just a little bit. 

The Chairman. You have been so busy treating others that you 
have forgotten yourself. 

Dr. Walsh. Yes; that is correct. 

In speaking to this point I, of course, would not presume upon the 
wisdom of this committee to tell you what form the Freedom Academy 
should take, but rather to tell you that I agree 100 percent that some- 
thing is very seriously needed. 

As you were pointing out, our experience has borne out your con- 
clusion that in this era of so-called cold war or coexistence, which 
means to me a continuing war without the use of thermonuclear weap- 
ons, the Soviet has not forgotten for a moment what its prime objec- 
tive is. In virtually every walk of life to which we have been exposed 
on three continents, we have found that the Soviets are interested in 
everything that we do, in everything that the United States does, and 
they pay attention to details because they have been instructed to pay 
attention to details. 

In Indonesia, for example, they didn't feel that we had any oppor- 
tunity of success initially. But they soon found that the response of 
people to a gesture such as the HOPE was something they had not bar- 
gained for. So, shortly after we arrived^ the Soviet had a team of 10 
follow us through three different ports m Indonesia, sometimes pre- 
ceding us, and attempting to frighten the people away from coming to 
the ship. 

They distributed pamphlets; they described to the local people in 
Indonesia that the cameras which the physicians and nurses carried 
were for purposes of pornographic photography ; that we were there 
to rape their women, not to treat them ; that we were not really there 
to teach these people to help themselves, but primarily there for some 
nefarious political purpose, which was to lead to the overthrow of the 
Sukarno government. 

Our purpose was really to teach and to train, and the fringe benefit 
of this purpose is naturally to give a different aspect of the United 

This type of performance by the Soviet is repeated in legion through- 
out the countries in which we have been. Tliey will attempt to infil- 
trate through local trainees. They even attempt to infiltrate our ranks 
here in the United States. They do all that they can to release rumors, 
to release things to the press which will upset public confidence in our 
project which depends, of course, in large part, upon public support 
for its continuation. 

Now mind you, while this is the most important thing, perhaps, in 
my life, it is really a very small thing in the so-called cold war or 
battle for men's minds, but yet it is not so small as to have the Soviet 
overlook it. Even as recently as 2 months ago, we had two volunteers, 
physicians from among the 3,000 who volunteer every year, from one 
of the Western States, both of whom, I think, had been before your 

47-093 O — 65 14 


Had we not utilized the precaution that we always use of investi- 
gating all our volunteers before they are taken, we may well have been 
unaware that these people were actively engaged in activities against 
the United States. 

Midway through our own investigation, we were coincidentally ad- 
vised by the FBI that they would like to know the itinerary of these 
people, because they were highlv active and dangerous, and they would 
like to be sure that they were followed, if we were to let them out of 
the country. 

In this instance, since the FBI did not insist upon our letting them 
go, we, needless to say, did not let them go, because they are in too 
good a position to sabotage our program abroad. 

This was, I would say, about the 15th and 16th attempts at infiltra- 
tion of an effort even as small as ours, because it has a significant 
impact abroad, by known Communists in this country. To our knowl- 
edge, no physician, nurse, or technician who has been identified or 
known to be subversive has ever been on board, but this has not 
stopped them from trying. 

I can't speak for the crews, because they are checked by the Coast 
Guard, but I do know that, on a few occasions, we have been alerted in 
regard to certain crewmembers who have been passed by the Coast 
Guard, but who have records, apparently, of past Marxist interest. 

In working abroad, we found, for example, particularly in Vietnam, 
and I am not reticent to say so, a strange communion of policy be- 
tween the Viet Cong and the French. The French virtually black- 
balled our every activity by totally ignoring our presence, despite the 
fact that they exercised heavy influence in the medical school of that 

We reported this, of course, to the Ambassador, and the Ambassador 
was conscious of it, but as you well know, there is very little that he 
was able to do about it. 

I have no doubt that this is continuing, because we have maintained 
a hospital in Saigon, a teaching center, since 1961, and our physicians 
who have been stationed there have reported to us constantly of this 
type of activity. 

If I can digress for just a moment, I was not certain on reading 
your bill, about the extent of people to attend whatever institution you 
initiate, or whatever type of training you initiate, but I would hope 
that it would be not only open to Government officials, but open also to 
representatives of major businesses that go abroad. 

Frequently, our foreign correspondents — who I do not say for one 
moment are un-American, believe me, but many of them are young 
and many of them are extremely gullible to propaganda — many of 
them go out among the people and, unfortunately, are cornered once 
again by the trained Communist, who they do not even know is a 
Communist, but who gradually is able to make an impression upon 

I think you have seen this. Certainly in the reports from Vietnam, 
which reached such a peak and may have influenced our foreign policy, 
you may remember even President Kennedy was reported to have re- 
quested the removal of one correspondent from the country. 

As late as this morning's paper, you saw the frustration of the 
USIA spokesman speaking on the Dominican Republic, who stated 


that he wished the reporter who was writing for one well-known 
paper would talk to someone besides the rebels before he criticized his 
own Government so vigorously in the press. 

I do not feel that this would in any way be intervention in the free- 
dom of the press. I feel simply that they, too, are not so profound 
that they can't tolerate education along with the rest of us. We see 
now what is happening to the colleges throughout the country, in these 
so-called teach-ins, which to me, as an American, is almost unbe- 

We see at the University of Oregon a man leading a teach-in who 
has been fired as a result of his wife's active activity at another univer- 
sity, where she was quoted as having stated that if we came into a war 
with Cuba, she hoped we would lose, so that we would be taught a 
lesson. And yet this man is given sufficient resx)ect to lead a teach-in 
at the University of Oregon, at which representatives of our Govern- 
ment have to come and explain our policy. 

I think this is a very strange position for us to find ourselves in, and 
I think that., somewhere along the line, whatever you have must also 
be broadened to get some of our educators in the Academy courses, or 
some of our own faculty members in the universities, so that the stu- 
dents will be exposed to both sides of any story. 

The Chairman. Let me tell you that if the Academy becomes an 
actuality, the students, the attendance of this center, will cut across all 
segments of our society : labor, management. Government, foreign stu- 
dents, educational fields. 

In fact, I would hope that some of the staff of the Governors and 
Members of Congress will take time to go, because the courses are 
going to vary. 

We can get 2 months, 3 months, 2 years. It will cut across our 
whole society, both domestic and foreign attendants, or students, but 
of course the students are intended to be from the adult population. 

So it is not restrictive. It is as broad as you can imagine. 

Dr. Walsh. This will be, to me, an essential aspect of your effort, 
because too often we have the tendency to only blame our Govern- 
ment or our Government representatives when frequently it goes 
much further than this abroad. 

In Latin America, too, I think we have been very derelict in 
whatever type of indoctrination we give our citizens, because we have 
permitted the Commimists to merchandise and to virtually possess 
the word "change." Change is neither a word that belongs to — and 
I hate to use labels — ^but it is not a word that belongs to the liberals 
or the conservatives or the progressives. Change is progress, but yet 
in Latin America in particular, the Communists have merchandised 
the word "change," so that even when loyal Americans try to support 
something which is a change for the better, the citizens many times 
think, "Well, you must be a Communist, because you are trying to 
get us a change from what we are now experiencing." 

Yet they are very aware of the impact of any American who goes 
into these cities and into these villages, who can bring about change. 

When we first went to Peru, the Communist students littered tne 
streets in Trujillo with "Yankee go home" signs. This was a town 
of about 100,000 people. They came to me in the street and told me 
that if we went into the barriadas with our program where, of course. 


they were fomenting communism through misery and disease, that 
they would create violence and that people would be hurt and prob- 
ably killed. 

We are not responsive to this kind of threat, because we found 
that even when we were in Vietnam and went down into the delta that 
the Viet Cong did not bother medical teams. I think that our own 
State Department can tell you that now that they have put medical 
teams throughout the villages, that no matter what happens you will 
rarely read — and I don't think you have read — of a single member 
of any medical team in any village in the delta or in the north being 
touched by the Viet Cong. 

Wlien we went down into the delta, back in 1961-62, they would 
leave, in fact, their own wounded outside of a compound or outside 
of a hospital at which we were working. They would leave them 
there during the ni^ht, because they had no medical care of their own, 
and I feel that this is just one area where we can reach people through 
the field of medicine, and the same thing was true in the barriadas 

In South America, within a week after we were there, the Com- 
munist students could do nothing about keeping us out. They had to 
let us in. We taught the people a little something about free enter- 
prise ; we taught them to dig a well and sell water so they could buy 
their own medicine, which they have done. And actually, the people of 
Trujillo soon found that employed residents of the barriadas are no 
longer Communists, but are almost a little bit on the capitalistic side. 

This doesn't mean that these people are now members of the center, 
or perhaps just left of center but eventually they may be members of 
the center. 

The same thing is true in Africa. I can speak primarily of West 
Africa, which I know fairly well, but there, once again, we are looked 
upon as are Europeans, with suspicion. 

Too often, the representatives of our Government apologize to the 
African, which is a very bad thing to do, because the African does not 
understand this type of treatment. 

The African is having troubles enough, without having seven repre- 
sentatives of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) 
sent to the Republic of Guinea so as to explain the civil rights problem 
in the United States. The African that we see in the villages is not 
nearly so concerned with civil rights as he is with his own progress 
and survival. At the top level we almost invite them to utilize this 
issue. We fortunately see them at the top level, but we also see them 
in the villages. There, they don't know what civil rights is. 

Now this doesn't mean that civil rights is not a problem which this 
country must overcome, and it doesn't mean that civil rights has not 
been a long time coming, but we too often, particularly in Africa, ad- 
vertise our deficiencies and are reticent about the things of which we 
should be proud. And I would hope that even this, this type of thing, 
is going to be included in the curriculum — not only the evils of com- 
munism, but some of the positive aspects of freedom, and the simple 
psychology that would relieve us of almost a national masochism 
abroad which affects us so that we seem to have to tell everyone of 
our deficiencies. 


There is nothing more irritating, because these people then use this 
to blackjack us into types of help we would not give them by saying, 
"If you don't do this, it will prove you are really against the Negro," 
a statement with which no sane person in this country will agree. 

The feeling of the necessity to explain these things is inviting inter- 
ference into our own internal affairs by foreign governments, so that 
we even have civil rights spokesmen, and respected civil rights spokes- 
men, who now say that they are going to excite the African nations 
to the extent that the votes in the United Nations will have a bearing 
upon what we do in the United States in regard to civil rights. 

I personally don't think that this country has come to that. I am 
for civil rights and I believe in civil rights, but I believe it is also 
our internal problem, and is not one that should be constantly ex- 
plained by our ambassadors abroad. 

I can't believe that this is anything but individual policy on the 
part of some of them. I can't believe that this is the wish of the 
Secretary of State, because he is a much wiser man, in my opinion, 
than this. 

But I think that in going into your Academy, I realize you have 
to first establish an Academy before you establish a curriculum, but 
I would not identify it as primarily just an anti-Communist academy, 
or academy that just teaches communism and what communism is 
and how we should combat it. But I think it must also stress the posi- 
tive parts of freedom, the positive parts of democracy, and also the 
miderstanding of the peoples with whom we deal. It is high time 
that, if we are going to continue to spend money abroad — and I be- 
lieve we are going to have to, and we should — that we should not sell 
ourselves down the river at the same time by advertising that we are 
a land of plenty, but actually a land of much moral deficiency. 

Now I will be happy to answer your questions. 

The Chairman. Well, Dr. Walsh, I think you have answered about 
everything, particularly in the last few minutes, that I was going to ask 
you. And I think you have covered it, but I will ask you specifically 
if your experiences did not indicate that some of the U.S. officials 
or representatives abroad, both Government and private, sometimes 
because of ignorance of communism and its methods, make mistakes 
which aid the Communists and hurt the United States cold war effort? 

Dr. Walsh. Absolutely. 

The Chairman. I think you covered it, but I wanted to ask you. 

Dr. Walsh. I would like to go off the record. 

Tlie Chairman. Well, now, you want to go off the record ? 

Dr. Walsh. Just for this one statement. 

The Chairman. Well, I will accord you that right. 

(Discussion off the record. ) 

The Chairman. Now let's ffo on the record. 

Dr. Walsh. This individual I referred to off the record was not 
a Comnmnist. He sincerely believed he was doing the right thing. 
He want-ed reforms to come overnight, and actually, he, without real- 
izing it, was influencing a revolution, so much so that many of the 
American businesses in that country actually took full-page ads in 
the paper, saying that they did not agree with his position. Now 
this, to me, is either a lack of education and understanding on the 
part, say, of the individual, or a lack of understanding on the part 


of the businessmen. I don't care which it was. It was lack of under- 
standing on somebody's part and embarrassing to the United States. 

The Chairman. And you think that a center, academy, where the 
true, solid evidence of Communist tactics, methods, and so on, and 
how to combat them would be taught, would help in that regard ? 

Dr. Walsh. Yes, I think he would have been helped appreciably. 
Somewhere along the line, all of us who are in work abroad have to 
find a place where we can be educated to be able to tell, on the fine 
points, who is what and what he is doing, and when is a Communist 
not a Communist. Just the fact that he makes a public declara- 
tion that he isn't, is not sufficient. 

The Chairman. I might add that your reference or your expres- 
sion of hope that the course will include discussions of a positive as 
well as the negative will be included. I have said this many times, 
but just since you have brought it up, we have heard a lot of evi- 
dence — the record is full of it — where people in the educational field 
can't seem to lay their hands on completely reliable material that can 
be imparted in schools and universities. 

Specifically, some States, my own, have passed legislation requiring 
a course of Americanism versus Communism, and the teachers throw 
up their arms and say, "Well, what does that mean? What do I 

Well, the material is not there in a concise, reliable way, and I have 
written to many of them. I said in effect, "I like the old Lucky Strike 
cigarette ad. 'Compare. Comparison proves.' " It is enough for 
these students, or even in colleges, to compare our school system as 
against the Communist school system, our system of free election 
against the nonexistence of election; our system of religion against 
their irreligious system, so that you are teaching the affirmative, and 
you are at the same time teaching the lack of those things in other 
areas, and that, of course, will be considered, I know, and the staff of 
this center will be of the highest. 

They must not be of extreme right or extreme left, or anything: of 
the sort, about developing our own system here and putting those 
things on the record. 

Any questions ? 

Mr. Pool. No. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would like to go off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Going back on the record, I was very interested in 
your testimony concerning our publicity activities abroad, which 
fairly well parallels the testimony given by Mr. Meyerhoff of the 
Meyerhoff advertising agency. His idea was that we had the policy 
of reporting all of the things that go on in America, and he said, un- 
fortunately, only the bad news is newsworthy and that we, by this 
policy, are giving people abroad a bad concept of what America is. 

Dr. Walsh. There is no question about it. We see this not only 
in our own experience, but in many others. Good works are not con- 
sidered newsworthy. If we were sued for malpractice by some 
African chieftain it would be on the front page, but, unfortunately, 
the competition in the sales of newspapers and maa:azines and so on is 
such that an article is much more readily printed in a magazine that 


will call the President a dunderhead than one which says he is doing 
the right thing. 

And I believe that this is something in our times with which we 
really must cope, because the fact that the President felt forced to 
sanction this long debate this coming weekend, with his advisers, on 
the television and radio, while it is not my position to criticize or 
commend him for it, the fact that he has been put in that position, 
to me, is almost unbelievable. I can't see how the Communists can 
do anything but gain by giving public exposure to those people who 
are going to condemn the United States. And I see another television 
program has Colonel Caamano on from the Dominican Republic, who 
threatens to kill more marines every day, and when he kills the marine, 
it is always because the marine has made a wrong turn — nothing about 
the fact that they should perhaps use restraint and that a three-man 
patrol in a jeep is really not violating a truce and is no real threat to 
the rebel holdings in Santo Domingo. 

Mr. IcHORD. Along that line, Doctor, I have here a publication of 
USIA, Ameryka^ which is a publication published in Poland by USIA, 
which Mr. Meyerhoff handed to the committee. This is an October 1964 
issue, and it, I suppose — I can't read Polish — however, I have taken it 
to one of our Polish Members, a Member of the Congress of Polish 
descent, who could read Polish, and he was very critical of the issue. 

It shows picture after picture, photograph after photograph, of 
racial riots and unrest in the United States, one in actual physical 
combat. You seem to be concerned about this. He was concerned 
about it. Of course, I know what USIA intends to do here. 

They are trying to show the Polish people that in this country we 
do have freedom of assembly. I would like for you to elaborate. 

Mr. Walsh. Well, I understand also the motivation of USIA in 
printing such a thing. They feel that it is better that it come from us 
instead of a distorted version from them. I think that the only error 
that I would feel in this policy is that surprisingly, at least in the 
countries in which we have been, they really are not that interested in 
what is going on, because most of them have so many troubles of their 
own. I think that inadvertently, and with sincere motivation, we put 
a weapon actually in their hands, because they then blow this up, not 
as the isolated instance, because, remember, when a magazine like this, 
say, hits Africa, where over 90 percent of the people can't read, what 
makes you think that the political leaders don't change the wording 
under the pictures? Because all they can show are the pictures, and 
they show the pictures in their movie houses, and so on, and they show 
them around. 

Now, once again, I am sure that the magazine has 90 percent positive 
things about the United States, and I don't feel that we should ape the 
Soviet by any means, but some of the most magnificent publications 
I have ever seen in North Africa, in West Africa, and in Asia are the 
Chinese publications which would make you think it was a land of 
complete and utter paradise. 

Now Ave know this isn't true, but the ignorant African doesn't know 
it, and the other ignorant Asian isn't too sure of it, and this is what 
he looks at. And I feel that here rather than the question of motiva- 
tion is the question of understanding of what this whole business of 
cold war and coexistence is about, is something that has to be reexam- 


ined to the extent that it is possible that these agencies may then want 
to give reconsideration to this policy. 

Now, USIA, for example, has been very good in regard to Project 
HOPE. They made movie films and everything else, and they spread 
them all over South America and received a very, very good reaction, 
but if in that same movie clip, there was a race riot, you can bet your 
boots they would remember the race riots rather than the HOPE shot, 
in Latin America. 

Mr. IcHORD. In any event, this is the type of thing which needs to 
be studied by an institution such as the Freedom Academy, whether 
this policy is right or wrong, and perhaps we can see whether we 
shouldj for example, have, as suggested by this Member of Congress 
of Polish descent, a human- interest stoiy of a Congressman whose 
parents came from Poland, showing his activities in the Congress of 
the United States and how he was elected by his constituents to be a 
part of his Government. That was what he suggested would be much 
better material. 

Dr. Walsh. Well, I don't think we should do ourselves damage un- 
der the guise of intellectual honesty, because after all, this is a politi- 
cal organ. It is an American political organ, and why should we 
pretend it is anything else ? 

Mr. IcHORD. That is correct. I am sure that this was published 
in absolute good faith. However, I do question the effect, the desirable 
effect of the publication. 

Thank you very much, Doctor. I would like to ask one more ques- 
tion. How many doctors do you have on the SS HOPE? 

Dr. Walsh. Well, between doctors and nurses, and so on, we carry 
110 at a time, 110 teachers at a time. Somewhere between 30 and 35 
are physicians. They come from 43 States and they are all volun- 
teers. We don't pay them a nickel. They all work for nothing. 
They spend at least 2 months of their time, and we have already used 
in 4 years, now 41^ years, 621 doctors, who have been selected from 
actually about 3,000 applications a year, and they come from all over, 
and so we really get the cream. Their average age is about 45. They 
are at the height of their ability to produce, and they are under no 
inhibitions when they go, and we organize them. 

Mr. IcHORD. Where is the ship at the present time ? 

Dr. Walsh. The ship at the present time is still in Africa, and then 
it is committed for the next 2 years to go to Nicaragua, and then to 
northern Colombia. 

Mr. IcHORD. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Clawson ? 

Mr. Clawson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Dr. Walsh, your appearance here has been refreshing to me. With 
your background and experience and the service that you have pro- 
vided in many foreign countries, I am sure this gives you and your 
testimony credence before this committee on the subtleties and the 
sophistication of today's communistic techniques. I think from your 
testimony that even this emphasis on the theme "peaceful coexistence" 
is another technique of the Communist activity today in trying to de- 
stroy freedom and liberty as we know and understand it. 

Dr. Walsh. That's right. 


Mr. Clawson. There are, however, some rather refreshing and, I 
think, encouraging signs on the horizon. One of them has come to 
my attention just since our last session. And, Mr. Chairman, if I may, 
I would like to refer to the Howard Payne College in Brownwood, 
Texas. Can you hear me all right ? 

Dr. Walsh. Yes, I can hear you. 

Mr. Clawson. I think this would please you because of what you 
have said and done. They have established the Douglas MacArthur 
Academy of Freedom in the State of Texas and began its operation in 
September 1963. I would like to read just a few paragraphs of their 
philosophy, aims, purposes, and standards, and perhaps we can gain 
some experience from their activity when we establish an academy 
on the Federal level. 

I quote from a brochure published by Howard Payne College: 

The purpose of the program is to prepare young people thoroughly to under- 
stand the world in which they live, to appreciate the problems which they face, 
to recognize the place of Christian leadership and to be able, successfully, to 
present the point of view of the Free World. Such preparation should then 
enable a graduate of the Academy to go into foreign service for his country, 
to become an intelligent diplomat, to represent American corporations in foreign 
areas, to be a capable statesman at home as well as to be intelligent proponents 
of ideas and ideals calculated to promote world peace and world progress wher- 
ever he may be. It would also provide a rich background for training toward 
foreign missions. 

And they go on. I think perhaps I will skip over most of it and 
read just a few paragraphs : 

Since the entire program would be designed and directed toward providing 
an understanding and intelligent support of freedom and liberty, it will natur- 
ally consider those threats to them. 

Although the signers of the Constitution expressed the desire to "secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," such is not possible. Each 
new generation must secure anew for themselves "the blessings of liberty." 

Each new generation must, therefore, overcome the threats to liberty which 
they face. Because of the repeated declarations of communism to control the 
world, it seems imperative that those who cherish freedom should understand 
the aims, plans, actions and status of communism to today's world. Thus, 
there will be special courses designed to teach not only the theory of Marxism- 
Commimism, but its historical significance former attempts at its use, and the 
practice of communism as found in Russia and China today. 

And they continue with this same kind of theme. Now I don't know 
what the experience has been but, Mr. Chairman, at this point, I 
would like to have unanimous consent to insert the Senate Concur- 
rent Resolution No. 47 of the legislature of the State of Texas and 
"Facing the Future with Faith and Knowledge," from the university, 
and the "Academic Characteristics," as part of the record. I think 
it would be helpful to the committee. 

Mr. Pool. Mr. Chairman, I would like to also join with my col- 
league in making the presentation and asking unanimous consent, 
also, since the State of Texas is my State. 

Mr. Clawson. It is your State. I think it is wonderful that one 
of our States has already moved in this direction in one of their edu- 
cational institutions. 

The Chairman. The material referred to will be inserted at this 
point in the record. 

(The documents referred to follow :) 


By : Parkhouse 

mm mmumi resolution no. 47 

WHEREAS, In the one hundred eighty years of its existence, 
the United States of America has vindicated the faith of its found- 
ing fathers in the type of political, economic and moral system 
they envisioned by becoming the strongest and most effective free 
nation in modern history; and 

WHEREAS. Americans are now engaged in a life and death 
struggle with the forces both inside and outside the nation which 
seek to destroy the basic freedoms and values which undergird 
the nation's strength ; and 

WHEREAS, The administration and faculty of Howard Payne 
College, a four-year Baptist institution of higher education in 
Brownwood, Texas, believe that the American heritage, Judeo- 
Christian traditions and the free enterprise system have a special 
affinity of purpose which needs to be understood and preserved; 

WHEREAS, Believing that higher education has an indis- 
pensable role in the protection of the nation and in the promotion 
of the ideas upon which it was founded, Howard Payne College has 
established the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom which 
will become operative in September, 1963, the first center of this 
kind ever established on a college or university campus; and 

WHEREAS, The idea for the Academy is an outgrowth of the 
college's Democracy in Action program, which won an award from 
the Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, as the 
outstanding project of its kind in the nation; and 

WHEREAS, Unlike most "freedom" and "anti-communism" 
efforts now in operation, the program will be objective and non- 
partisan, not seeking to impose the viewpoint of any group or 
organization; and 

WHEREAS, It should be a matter of pride to all Texans 
that a small private liberal arts college in the Southwest is the 
first in the nation to undertake such a program; and 

WHEREAS, Named for the great American leader who said 
that the protection of this country "will only be possible if we 
regain some of the spirituality and wisdom of our forefathers 
which caused them to Ordain by constitutional precepts that gov- 
ernment be servant rather than master of the people," the Acad- 
emy of Freedom will have the following three stated obligations: 



(1) it will be maintained on a high professional and educational 
level; (2) it will be non-partisan politically and seek to inspire 
all student members to search diligently for the truth without 
being inhibited in any area of life, thought and action; and 
(3) it will seek and maintain the highest type of professional lead- 
ership in the academic world and give these leaders freedom to 
inspire students to fuller understanding of the American heritage 
and the destructive processes in our culture and help them prepare 
themselves for any and all areas of public life and civic respon- 
sibility; now, therefore, be it 

RESOLVED, By the Senate of the 58th Legislature of Texas, 
the House of Representatives concurrijig, that Howard Payne 
College and its administration and faculty, particularly Dr. Guy 
D. Newman, president of the college, be commended and congratu- 
lated on the concept, planning, philosophy and goals of the Douglas 
MacArthur Academy of Freedom and wish them every success 
in this important undertaking. 

I hereby certify that S. C. R. 
No. 47 was adopted by the Senate 
on April 16, 1963. 

I hereby certify that S. C. R. 
No. 47 was adopted by the House 
on April 16, 1963. 



Chief G$ferk of the House 




^he oLJouatai I V lac-Ari'tnur' 


occupies a distinctive campus 

as the Interdisciplinary 

Honors Program of the 

Social Sciences Division of 

Howard Payne College 




Unique among the nation's colleges is an Honors Program at 
Howard Payne College called the Douglas MacArthur Academy of 

The Academy Program is a concentrated liberal arts curriculum, 
largely in the social sciences, designed for superior students who wish 
to examine in depth the meaning of the American Way of Life, the 
threats to the survival of that way of life, the value of inter-American 
solidarity, and means by which American traditional values may be 
appreciated, protected, and advanced. 

The Academy Program is open only to upperclass students who 
have maintained an honor point average of at least 1.8 either at 
Howard Payne College or at the college from which they have trans- 

Members in the Academy of Freedom are classified as: 

Minor members — Students from any division of the college who 
have qualified for the comprehensive minor 
course of study in the Academy. 

Major members — Students majoring in the Division of Social 
Sciences who are accepted for the comprehensive 
major course of study in the Academy. 

Fellows — Selected Major members nominated by the fa- 

culty of the Division of Social Sciences during 
senior year. 

Students who wish to enter the Douglas MacArthur Academy of 
Freedom are urged to file an "Indication of Intent" with the Di- 
rector of the Academy of Freedom during their freshman year as 
a means of alerting their faculty adviser and the Faculty Academy 
of Freedom Council of their interest. A formal application will be 
required in the semester preceding full eligibility for membership. 
Members are selected by vote of the Faculty Academy of Freedom 
Council. As befitting superior students they may select any of several 
paths through the optional courses in the Academy of Freedom. 

To receive the Academy of Freedom diploma, a major in the 
Academy must pass a comprehensive examination covering Academy 
courses which he has taken. 


Any member of the Academy of Freedom who drops below a 2.0 
grade average in the courses taken during his junior year, or receives 
any form of disciplinary correction loses his eligibility to continue 
as a member during his senior year, but he retains the course credits 
earned during his membership to apply toward his normal gradua- 



The Academy of Freedom program requires completion of at least 
128 semester hours. A B average must be maintained during the 
junior and senior years. The degree awarded is that of the Bachelor 
of Arts, The diploma of major members will be suitably embossed to 
show completion of the Academy of Freedom Honors Program. 


A candidate for membership in the Academy of Freedom must 
have completed his sophomore year and have at least a 1.8 grade 
average at the time of admission to the Academy. 

All candidates must have earned credit for: 
American History (Hist. 201-2 — 6 hours) and 
American and State Government (Pol. Sc. 201-2 — 6 hours) . 


A comprehensive interdisciplinary major program or a compre- 
hensive interdisciplinary minor program, each with two choices of 
emphasis (called paths), is available through the Academy of Free- 
dom program. This program will supply both the major and minor 
for the Bachelor of Arts degree. The plan features the opportunity 
for superior students to have a wide selection of options. 


Participation in the Academy of Freedom requires slightly higher 
tuition fees than do other programs at Howard Payne College. 


Comprehensive Major 

The comprehensive interdisciplinary major requires, in addition 
to the fifteen hours of social science courses included in the general 
educational requirements: 

1. A minimum of six semester hours in each of the departments 
of Economics, History, Political Science, Psychology, and Sociology. 
The courses, World Geography (Geo. 301), Cold War Semantics 
(Speech 428), or Problems in Americanism (Soc. Sc. 402) may be 
substituted for one course in any discipline except Economics. Democ- 
racy and Totalitarianism (Pol. Sc. 301) is required. 

Thirty semester hours. 

2. Completion of Christian Ethics in Today's World. (Phil. 302) 

Three semester hours. 

3. Six additional semester hours of advanced courses in one of the 
social science disciplines, or Social Science 400, The Academy of 
Freedom American Shrines Seminar. Six semester hours. 

Total Thirty-nine semester hours, of which 
twenty-two hours are advanced. 

Composite Teaching Field Major 

This variation of the Comprehensive Major is designed as an in- 
tegrated social science honors program to meet the requirements for 
one composite teaching field. The following plan will complete the 
major and minor requirements for the Bachelor of Arts degree and 
will lead to certification for teaching in secondary schools. 

General Requirements 


English 101. 102. 201. 202 12 

Foreign Language 12 

Physical Education (Activity) 4 

Science/Mathematics 12 

Bible 101, 102 6 

Psychology 100 I 

Fine Arts 6 

Elective 3 



Social Science Courses 


203 — Outlines of Economics 3 

Elective — Advanced Economics 3 


101-102— World History 6 

201-202— History of United States , 6 

3 1 5 — American Heritage 3 

Electives — Advanced History 6 


302— Christian Ethics 3 


408 — Group Dynamics 3 

(Academy members may substitute this course for Psy. 121 ) 


301— World Geography 3 


201 — American Government 3 

202 — State and Local Government 3 

301 — Democracy and Totalitarianism 3 

Elective — Advanced Political Science 3 


Elective 3 


401 — Teaching of Social Science in the Secondary Schools 3 


(Social Science 400 — the six hour summer field trip, American Shrines 
Traveling Seminar, may be used as an elective, or combination of 
electives in any field except history.) 

Professional Education Courses 

Ed 3 1 5 — Adolescent Psychology 3 

Ed 41 1 — Directed Learning in the Secondary School 3 

Ed 321 (s) — Evaluation and Guidance 3 

Ed 423 — Philosophy of Education 3 

Ed 419-420— Student Teaching in the Secondary School 6 



47-093 O — 65 15 


Comprehensive Minor 

A comprehensive interdisciplinary minor program is offered to 
students of all divisions. The comprehensive minor will satisfy one 
teaching field requirement for prospective teachers when approved 
by the Texas Education Agency. 

Participants in the minor program are Minor members of the 
Academy of Freedom and are entitled to enroll in any Academy 
course, including the Academy of Freedom American Shrines Semi- 
nar. They are not eligible for selection as Academy Fellows; neither 
may they be considered life-time members of the Academy of Free- 

In addition to fifteen hours of the general education prerequisite 
social science courses, the comprehensive minor consists of: 

1. A minimum of three semester hours in each of the departments 
of Economics, History, Psychology, Sociology, and Political Science. 
(World Geography may be substituted for any course, and the 
Academy of Freedom American Shrines Seminary for any two 
courses, except Economics). 

Fifteen semester hours. 

2. Christian Ethics in Today's World. (Phil. 302) 

Three semester hours. 

3. Democracy and Totalitarianism. (Pol. Sc. 301) 

Three semester hours. 
Total Twenty-one semester hours. 



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Defending Path 

1. Major Members who elect to follow the Defending Path 
through the Academy of Freedom must complete the indicated num- 
ber of the following courses: 

Group A: Each of the following courses is required: 
Christian Ethics in Today's World 

(Phil, 302 — Three semester hours) 
Democracy and Totalitarianism 

(Pol. Sc. 301 — Three semester hours) 

Group B: At least two of the following courses, which are ex- 
clusively for Academy members, must be completed : 
American Heritage (Hist. 315 — Three semester hours) 
Formulation of United States National Strategy 

(Pol. Sci. 408 — Three semester hours) 
Contemporary American Social Problems 

(Soc. 408 — Three semester hours) 

Group C : Two of the following courses are to be completed : 

The Academy of Freedom American Shrine Seminar 

(Soc. Sc. 400 — Six semester hours) 
The American Free Enterprise System 

(Econ. 400 — Three semester hours) 
American Constitutional Development 

(Pol. Sc. 405 — Three semester hours) 

Social Psychology (Psy. 304 — Three semester hours) 

The United States Since 1914 

\ (Hist. 312 — Three semester hours) 

World Geography (Geog. 301 — Three semester hours) 

2. Minor Members who select the Defending Path must take both 
Group A courses and at least one course from Group B and one from 
Group C with all courses being in different disciplines. Prospective 
teachers must take Teaching of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools 
(Soc. Sc. 401 — Three semester hours) which may be substituted for 
either a psychology or a sociology course. 

Explaining Path 

1. Students who elect to follow the Explaining Path through the 
Academy of Freedom may be either: 

A. Those students who anticipate serving church, government, or 
business overseas, or 


B. Those students oriented toward Latin America and desiring to 
participate in the development of mutual respect and under- 
standing between the peoples of the U.S. and Latin America. 

2. Major Members who follow the General Overseas Plan must 
complete the following courses: ~ 

Language: Eighteen semester hours of foreign language. 

Group A: Each of the following courses is required: 
Christian Ethics in Today's World. 

(Philo. 302 — Three semester hours) 
Democracy and Totalitarianism 

(Pol. Sc. 301 — Three semester hours) 

Group B: At least two of the following courses, which are ex- 
clusively for Academy members, must be completed: 
American Heritage (Hist. 315 — Three semester hours) 
Group Dynamics 

(Psy. 408 — Three semester hours) 
Comparative Economic Systems 

(Econ. 408 — Three semester hours) 
Cold War Semantics 

(Speech 428 — Three semester hours) 

Group C: Two of the following courses are to be completed: 

The Academy of Freedom American Shrine Seminar 

(Soc. Sc. 400 — Six semester hours) 
Comparative Government 

(Pol. Sc. 312 — Three semester hours) 
International Politics 

(Pol. Sc. 306 — Three semester hours) 
Political Geography 

(Pol. Sc. 304 — Three semester hours) 
Diplomatic History of the United States 

(Hist. 402 — Three semester hours) 
World Population Problems 

(Soc. 401 — Three semester hours) 

3. Major Members who follow the Anglo-Latin American Plan 

must complete at least eighteen semester hours of Spanish, the two 
Group A courses, one course from Group B, one from Group C, and 
Latin American History (Hist. 310 — Three semester hours) 

4. Minor Members who select the Overseas Plan must take 
eighteen semester hours of foreign languages, the two Group A 



courses, and at least one course from Group B, and one from 

Group C. Prospective teachers must take Teaching of Social Sciences 
in Secondary Schools (Soc. Sc. 401 — 3 semester hours) which may 
be substituted for the psychology or sociology course. 

5. Minor Members who select the Anglo-Latin American Plan 
must complete at least eighteen semester hours of Spanish, the two 
Group A courses, and Latin American History (Hist. 310) 

Exclusive Academy Courses 

The Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom offers certain courses 
and seminars that are distinctive. These courses are limited to mem- 
bers of the Academy of Freedom. None of these seminars may be 
taken by audition. They include: 

Problems in Americanism. See Social Science 402. 
Cold War Semantics. See Speech 428. 
Group Dynamics. See Psychology 408. 
American Heritage. See History 315. 

Formulation of United States Nation^ Strategy. See Political 
Science 408. 

Comparative Economic Systems. See Economics 408. 
Contemporary American Social Problems. See Soc. 408. 

Academy Fellow 

A limited number of outstanding Major Members of the Academy 
may, on their application, be designated as Fellows of the Douglas 
MacArthur Academy of Freedom during their senior or graduate 
year. No student shall be eligible for consideration as a Fellow unless 
he has successfully completed one year as an Academy member. 

Academy Fellows shall constitute the Student Council of the Doug- 
las MacArthur Academy of Freedom as the highest representatives 
of, and spokesmen for, the student members of the Academy. Their 
representatives normally will meet regularly with the Faculty Acade- 
my of Freedom Council. 

Academy Fellows will constitute the members of a research semi- 
nar titled Problems In Americanism, (Soc. Sc. 402). They will 
work as a joint seminar and as independent researchers under one 
or more members of the faculty. 


The objective of the course of study pursued by the Fellows will be 
the production of an original thesis which will have practical value as 
a tool for spreading to widely dispersed mature audiences the activi- 
ties and accomplishments of members of the Academy. 

Distinctive Emblem 

A major member of the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom 
who completes one year of Academy work with a 2.0 average 
shall be entitled, after formal enrollment for his second year as a 
member of the Academy of Freedom, to wear as a lapel pin a repro- 
duction of the official seal of the Academy. This will then be a 
permanent emblem to be worn during the lifetime of the recipient, 
if he successfully completes the Academy requirements and receives 
his Academy diploma. All lapel pins will be numbered and engraved 
and ownership permanently recorded. 

Minor members, as well as major members, who successfully com- 
plete one year in the Academy program are authorized to wear an 
embroidered blazor. 

Members of the Academy who fail to qualify for a second year 
of membership, or who drop out for any reason, are not regarded 
as having permanent membership in the Academy of Freedom and 
are not eligible to receive or to wear the Academy's seal. 

It is anticipated that permanent members of the Academy of Free- 
dom will maintain a continuing association with the Academy by 
means of Academy publications and correspondence; that they will 
have seating preference at all Academy lectures and other functions; 
and that they will accept invitations from the Academy to represent 
the Academy of Freedom as guest speakers or as ceremonial repre- 
sentatives at functions within their area of residence after they have 
completed their study at Howard Payne College. 

Distinguished Guest Speakers 

From time to time the Academy will sponsor appearances of dis- 
tinguished speakers. The principal addresses of these speakers will 
be open to the entire college, except that when seating space is at a 
premium, students in the Academy of Freedom will have priority. 

An After Lecture Seminar of approximately one hour will nor- 
mally follow each address, and these intimate off-the-record discus- 
sions are restricted to Academy of Freedom members and faculty. 



brownwood, Toxas 

The Douglas MaCi-^rthur Acaderry of Freedom 
i^.cademic Characteristics 

1. The Academy of Freedom is organized as an integral part of 
Howard Payne College, a well-established, sn-all, private, 
denominational, fuily-accreditea , liberal arts college. 

a. The Academy is a unique study program within the 
Social Sciences Division. 

b. Completion of the major prosr&m leads to a bachelor 
of Arts degree. 

c. A Major Vember of the Academy completes his major and 
minor academic requirements in the one program. A 
Minor Member fulfills the m.inor study needs for his 
appropriate degree, 

d. The program is deliberately restricted to selected 
superior students capable of pursuing accelerated 
studies in small classes. 

e. The program, goal is the development of men and women 
capable of assuming leadership roles in church, civic, 
government, professional, or business activities, 

f. Instruction is under a comi-letely open academic environ- 
ment of free inquiry. Students are selected on the 
assumption that they are capable of form.ulating their 
own individual character and philosophy from, the foun- 
dations offered by home, church, and school training. 

g. Courses are "non-partisan politically and seek to 
inspire all student members to searcb diligently for 
the truth without ceing Inhibited in any area of life, 
thought, and action." 

h. The professors assigned to the program are individuals 
with advanced degrees who are ailowedly Christians and 
loyal American citizens. They are encouraged to explain 
their j^rsonal beliefs when appropriate without de.mandlng 
conformity or agreement from the students. 


2. Tha Acad^arry of Froedorr program is specifically designed for 
broad covorage and assimilation. 

a. Spiritijally , all courses will incorporate concepts and 
views that re-en^phasize the role that ths Judeo-Chris tian 
beliefs, ethics, and standards have played in the for- 
mulation of Western and Ainerican civilization. 

b. Emotionally , courses will include elements that will 
kindle an appreciation of what it means to be an American 
by tracing the nation's political, cultural, and military 
heritage, and the free enterprise tradition within the 
existing environmient of current national problems and 
future challenges and opportunities. 

c. Mentally . courses will undertake to force the individual 
to demonstrate his capacity and worth by requiring a 
high degree of concentrated, disciplined, and objective 

3. The Academy of Freedom is an honors program. 

a. It is limited to upper classmen who must have completed 
background prerequisites, 

b. It requires a B-minus average to enter, and a 3 average 
to remain, with no grade below C. 

c. The course contents include numc;rous requiremionts for 
individual papers and oral reports as well as generous 
allowance for student participation. 

d. A r/ajor Member must dem^onstrate integration of his 
studies by passing a cor^-prehens i ve examination in his 
final semester. 

4. The Academy of Freedom is an interdisciplinary social sciences 

a. Fifteen semester hours of social sciences in three 
separate disciplines are required as prerequisites. 

b. For breadth, at least two three-hour courses must be 
taken in each of the disciplines of Economics, History, 
Political Science, Psychology, and Sociology, while 
one advanced course is required in Philosophy. 

c. For depth, six additional semester hours of advanced 
studies must be taken in any one of the social sciences. 



5, Thf? academy of Freedom is IlLsfal fai-ts oridntsd. It 
eroDhasizes the broadly educated person rather than centering 
on professicnal training for a specific occupation. 

a. The program meets the preparatory needs for 
graduate work in the social sciences. 

b. The program, is an ideal selection for the prospective 
high school teacher of any of the social sciences. One 
aspect is specif icallj' designed to meet the require- 
ments for the composite substantive teaching field. 

c. The program will fill the norm^al preparatory needs for 
adm.ission to law school. 

d. Applicants for examinations for state or federal govern- 
mental management positions will find the program a 
perfect blending for their needs. 

e. The errrbasis of the program in dealing with studies of 
all areas of human relationships will increase the compe- 
tence of any individual who tlans to enter church or 
business organizations, either in the United States or 
overseas . 

6, The Academy of Freedom is a program offering wide choice in 
the selection of courses. 

a. Only two specified courses are r, quired of all mn.milars. 

(1). Christian Ethics in Today's -iVorld studies the 
basic questions and systems in ethical theory 
as perceived from the Christian point of view. 

(2). Democracy and Totalitarianism is a comparative' 

study of the practical application of the theories 
of capitalism, socialism, fascism, and comn-unism 
with a view to discovering and analyzing those 
aspects of totalitarianism that are most vulnerable 
to the influences of demiocratic and free enter- 
prise concepts and practices. 

b. Major Members m.ust take two of the following courses 
that are available only to Academy members. 

(1). The Academy of Freedom American Shrines Seminar . 
This covers one summer term, with one month being 
a field trip to the historical sites, public 
Institutions, natural I'onders, and the population 
and industrial centers of the Northeastern United 
States, including 'Washington D. C, and New York 



(2). Froblerrs In Ar-.-rlcanlsm , This is a select seminar 
for Acadtir'j' ol' FTi^jdorri Fellow.'^ to mo'^t .iointl.v for 
rovitw ixiA discussion of thw r^jsults of thair con- 
tinuing indepundent and individual research. The 
ob.iective of th'3 research will b-i the production 
of an original vvritten thesis in tho general area 
of tho Moaning of Amorica., Ihr-jats to American 
Vp.lubs, Advancing the. Amorican Ideal, or some 
similar study. 

(3). group Dynamics . This course utilizoa the principles 
of social psychology to study discussion and small 
group leadership and the interactions involved in 
persuasion and bjhavior in groups. 

(4). American Hjritage . The course studies tha historical 
developm.oiit of ^imericun culture as a basis for 
understanding the contemporary American scene, 

(5). For-^ulation of United States National Strategy . 

This is a con^prcjhensive integrated seminar, bringing 
toJ-.ither the accumulated knowledge of the linal 
semester senior. The class operates as the National 
Security Council, with each student representing 
his major field of career study, to formulate those 
major domestic and foreign policies which ho f-juls 
should guide the American strategy. Strategy in this 
sonsc is the integrating of national political, 
economic, sociological, military power to obtain 
common objectives. 

(6). Corrparative Econom.ic Systems . This course will 

develop an understaniing of the basic distinctions 
between capitalism, the various types of socialism, 
and communism with narticular emphasis upon the 
implications of each to future American policy. 

(7). Contam.porary American Gocia'l FroLlems . This course 
employs the findings and principles of sociology 
to develop awareness, factual Knowledge, and under- 
standing of present social problemiS . 

(8). Cold War Semantics . This is a study of the mis- 
understandings that develop when peopl-; use identical 
words but with different meanings, or when people 
give their own interpretation to words without 
understanding their real meanins. The course will 
help eliminate misunders tc*ndings and, consequently, 
cr.,ate moi-e confidence between individuals and 
groups, in social or diplomatic relationships. 



c. The remaining courses in the social sciences are at 
the option of the student except that prospective 
teachers must tal^e the social science co\irse titled, 
Te achinp; of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools. 

d. Each member must orient his course arrangement toward 
either an overseas environment or life in the United 
States. The domestic route requires tv/o years of foreign 
language v;hile the overseas plan calls for three years 

of foreign language. 

7. Finally, the Academy of Freedom is not an end in itself. 
It is only one of several programs offered in a college with a 
seventy-five year tradition of service in higher education. 
The Academy of Freedom is a means for screening those young 
people whose high character and dedication have attracted them 
to Howard Payne College by offering those with proven intellectual 
attainments an opportunity to concentrate their studies in those 
aspects of knowledge most intimately associated with contemporary 
problems of the American v/ay of life. 


The Chairman. There are no further questions? 
Doctor, we appreciate your appearance, and I am grateful for your 
views and a very fine presentation. 
Dr. Walsh. Thank you, sir. 


The Chahiman. Now at this point, I would like to insert in the 
record the statement of Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, U.S. Marine Corps, 
retired. General Hittle is director of national security and foreign 
affairs of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. 

This statement includes the text of a resolution endorsing the 
Academy adopted by the Veterans of Foreign Wars. This statement 
is to be inserted in the record. 

(The statement referred to follows :) 


Mr. Chairman: My name is Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, USMO (Retired). I 
appear before you in my position as director of national security and foreign 
affairs of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. 

The Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States is happy to have the 
privilege of appearing before this committee with respect to the establishment 
of a United States Freedom Academy. 

This statement is submitted at the direction of, and with the approval of, Mr. 
John A. Jenkins, commander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the 
United States. 

The Veterans of Foreign Wars supports in principle the establishment of a 
Freedom Academy. 

The reason why the VFW supports the Freedom Academy can be summarized 
as follows : 

The United States and our allies of the free world are locked in a protracted 
struggle with communism. The issue at stake is a very simple and basic one. 
It is whether or not the United States of America, together with the beliefs and 
institutions, which are our heritage, can survive. 

This, in essence, is the threat faced by all other freedom-loving peoples regard- 
less of the details of their governmental structure. 

Communism, operating on the basis of a strategy applied on a worldwide scale, 
is ruthless, persistent, and patient in its determination to achieve its goal of world 

If we are to persevere through to victory, we must know our enemy. That 
means we must have, as a nation, a clear, a definite, and a true understanding of 
communism as a philosophy and as a system. Such knowledge of our enemy and 
the threat he poses is indispensable to defeating that threat. 

The Veterans of Foreign Wars believes the Freedom Academy can fulfill a 
great need in providing authoritative, realistic knowledge of communism and the 
danger it poses. 

Such Academy, the VFW believes, should analyze and expose the na- 
ture of Communist aggression with its many facets, military, economic, social, 
and propaganda. 

We must also, as a nation, be mindful of our strength and our weaknesses as 
they relate to overcoming the Communist threat. This, too, it would seem, 
would be a function of the courses of study at the Freedom Academy. 

The position of the Veterans of Foreign Wars in this matter is based upon 
Resolution No. 137, unanimously adopted by the thousands of delegates attending 
our 1964 national convention in Cleveland. Ohio. 


At this time, Mr, Chairman, I would like to insert for the record the text of 
Resolution No. 137 : 

Whereas, the international Communist conspiracy is waging a total 
political war against the United States and against the peoples and 
governments of all other nations of the free world ; and 

Whereas, the United States must develop the methods and means to 
win the nonmilitary part of the global struggle between freedom and com- 
munism, and must educate and train leaders at all levels who can 
understand the full range and depth of the Communist attack and can 
visualize and organize the methods and means needed to meet and de- 
feat this attack and to work for the preservation and extension of free- 
dom, national independence, and self-government ; and 

Whereas, a proposal has been submitted to the Congress of the United 
States for the creation of the necessary agency for the accomplishment 
of these purposes : Now, therefore, be it 

Resolved, by the 65th National Convention of the Veterans of Foreign 
Wars of the United States, That we urge immediate establishment 
of a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy by the President and 
Congress of the United States to insure survival of world liberty. 

There is one vital question that must be resolved before the Freedom Academy 
is actually established. I refer to the method of control for such an Academy. 
The role of such an Academy, in formulating national thought concerning the 
Communist threat and the methods of overcoming it, is so critically important 
that the governing body of the Academy must be so organized that its theoretical 
and actual adherence to the anti-Communist objectives is fully assured. It must 
be so composed as to make certain that softness, tolerance, and sympathy with 
communism in any form wiU not creep into the curriculum and the attitude of 
the Academy. 

It would seem, therefore, that the governing body for a Freedom Academy 
should be established by law and should include, but not be limited to, the 
following : 

Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. 
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 
Secretary of Defense (or his representative) . 
Secretary of State (or his representative) . 

The chairman and ranking minority member of the Senate Internal Se- 
curity Subcommittee, United States Senate. 

The chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, United States House of Representatives. 
It is submitted, Mr. Chairman, that unless such standards as set forth above 
are maintained for the Freedom Academy, then a Freedom Academy should not 
itself be established. A Freedom Academy controlled by those unsympathetic to 
its intended purpose would be, in final analysis, more dangerous in existence than 
if it had never been created. 

At a later time, Mr. Chairman, the VFW will be glad to make more specific 
recommendations as to the governing body for a Freedom Academy 

The Chairman. Further, before proceeding with the next outstand- 
ing witness, I would like to mention the fact that the Honorable 
Joseph S. Farland, U.S. Ambassador to the Dominican Eepublic 
from 1957 to 1960, Ambassador to the Republic of Panama from 1960 
to 1963, and former FBI agent, had hoped to testify in support of 
these proposals, and he had been scheduled to appear last week. May 
7, but illness in his family prevented his attendance. Since then, busi- 
ness has taken him on a trip to Latin America, and therefore we will 
be denied the privilege of his views, because today marks the end of the 


Finally, I will point out that the Order of Lafayette, at its recent 
convention in Washington on May 8, adopted a resolution urging 
the House and Senate to take affirmative action on the Freedom Acad- 
emy bills, in their words "as a most important initial measure in a new 



strategic plan for confronting Communist aggression in tlie cold war." 
I understand that the resolution is being sent to us, and it will be 

incorporated in the record. 
I might mention that the Order of Lafayette is made up of military 

officers who served in France in World Wars I and II. 
(The resolution follows:) 

Whereas, it is now clearly recognized that despite economic and military su- 
periority during the past twenty years, close cooperation with the United Nations 
and the most immense foreign aid program in world history, the United States 
has deteriorated as a world power, due to massive failures in the nonmilitary area 
of political and propaganda warfare. 

Whereas, it is now becoming increasingly clear that Communist officials are 
highly trained and dedicated Marxists whose consistent goal is domination of 
the free world by a master strategic plan and by effective political warfare ; and 
that this has resulted in the successful training of 20,000 student subversives 
each year who return to their countries as effective Communist leaders to pro- 
mote infiltration and subversion : Now, therefore, be it 

Resolved, by the Order of Lafayette in convention assembled, May 8, 1965, that 
the United States immediately initiate counter-measures to confront Communist 
aggression, infiltration and political take-over, by establishing a number of 
Freedom Academies to enable the citizens of the free world to develop the politi- 
cal skills necessary to preserve their freedom ; and further be it 

Resolved, that the Order of Lafayette recommends that the House of Repre- 
sentatives and the Senate take affirmative action on the Freedom Academy and 
Freedom Commission bills as a most important initial measure in a new strategic 
plan for confronting Communist aggression in the cold war. 

The Chairman. And now we are privileged indeed to have with us 
the Honorable William C. Doherty, former U.S. Ambassador to Ja- 

Mr. Doherty has been national president of the National Association 
of Letter Carriers and, more recently, vice president and a member 
of the executive council of the AFL-CIO. 

Now, I personally point out that Bill is every ounce a good man, a 
good father, a good husband, and we can see he is not exactly a light- 
weight. There are a lot of pounds of goodness in Bill Doherty. 

We are glad to have you, Bill, Mr. Ambassador. I understand that 
we called you on short notice and I don't know whether you have been 
able to whip up anything in formal shape, but, formally or informally 
or any other way, we would like to hear from you. 


Mr. Doherty. Mr. Chairman and Members of the distinguished 
Committee : At the outset I think I ought to make it crystal clear that 
I am not the Ambassador to whom the previous witness referred, 
although my service was in the diplomatic corps. 

The Chairman. I could have said so myself. That part was off 
the record, but since we heard it, I am glad to have your remarks. 

Mr. Doherty. I found the good doctor most interesting, and I want 
to say, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, that I have had 
some personal knowledge of Project HOPE, and it pleases me no end 
to hear committee members praising the work of the good doctor. I 
only would that there were 10,000 ships in the good doctor's fleet. 

They stopped in Jamaica while I was there, and it is a magnificent 
operation, almost akin, I think, to the Peace Corps itself and also, I 
think, akin to the good work that is being done by the American In- 
stitute for Free Labor Development. 


These are real people-to-people programs that are so vitally neces- 
sary in this day and age. 

As you know, my name is William C. Doherty, and I am appearing 
here today as a private citizen to testify in support of the Freedom 
Commission Act. 

My background and experiences have led me to take a particular 
interest in the subject matter of this bill. For 21 years I was president 
of the National Association of Letter Carriers, and I was active in 
both the AFL and later the AFL-CIO. I am at present a vice presi- 
dent emeritus of the latter organization. 

In addition, I served from 1962 to 1964 as United States Ambassa- 
dor to Jamaica. It was my honor to be the first American Ambassa- 
dor to that nation after it received its independence from Britain. 

With this background in both labor and foreign affairs, I have had 
occasion to observe the methods employed by Communists both in this 
country and abroad in their attempts to undermine free institutions 
and turn legitimate movements and innocent individuals into instru- 
ments for furthering their totalitarian purposes. 

As is well known to the members of this committee, the Communists 
have over a period of 40 years developed and refined a number of po- 
litical warfare techniques to a high level of effectiveness. 

These techniques are taught to Communists from all over the world 
in a very extensive network of political schools within the Communist 
countries. The graduates of these schools then return to their own 
countries to staff Communist Party organizations and Communist- 
front groups. 

They know how to write propaganda and how to reproduce and 
distribute it. They know how to couch their propaganda so as to ap- 
peal to various interests and attitudes among the target population. 

The CHAmMAN. And you are so right about that. 

Mr. Doherty. Well, Mr. Chairman, I am glad you interrupted, be- 
cause I wanted to make a brief reference, if I might digress, to tell of 
an experience some 20 vears ago, during mv short stay in Berlin. 

At that time, in Berlin in 1945, as all of the members of the commit- 
tee know, Berlin was operating under a quadripartite setup. All four 
governments were supposedly attempting to establish constituted au- 
thority in Berlin. 

And even at that time, the Soviet was coming into the homes in 
Western Germany, and in Western Berlin in particular, and taking 
the heads of the house, fathers, anyone with skills, away, kidnaping 
them out of the Western sector of Berlin and bringing them into 
the Soviet, into the salt mines of Siberia, never again to be seen. And 
as a result, I went on Radio Berlin at that time, referring to this sys- 
tem of slave labor, for which some of the officials in our Government, 
the Office of Military Government for the United States, were at that 
time complaining, because I used the expression "slave labor." And 
what else was it, sir? 

They were taking them out of their homes, brina:ing them into the 
Soviet Union and various places to use their skills in science and edu- 
cational fields, and they never got back into their homes in West 
Berlin or in West Germany, and I had as my witness at that time 
the late Cardinal Von Preysing, with whom I conferred while I was 
visiting Berlin. I was over there on a special mission for the Presi- 


dent of the United States, who had asked me to go there through the 
good offices of General Lucius Clay. 

May I say that the Communists know how to utilize groups which 
have goals only partially compatible with communism in campaigns 
which actually further the overall Communist program. 

For example, Communists often succeed in enlisting pacifists and 
democratic social reformers in movements which are actually aimed 
more at discrediting free governments and promoting Communist to- 
talitarianism than at the limited and laudable goals to which they 
superficially appear to be directed. 

Graduates of Communist political schools know how to organize 
groups, how to arrange demonstrations, and how to transmute a peace- 
ful demonstration into forceful "mass action." They know how to use 
limited slogans to enlist peasants in guerrilla operations actually un- 
der Communist control. 

Given favorable social and political conditions, such trained polit- 
ical experts can be effective out of all proportion to their numbers. 

In stable societies, such conditions are absent, and Communist 
movements degenerate into pitiable cliques of cranks and misfits, as 
we have seen in the United States and several countries of Western 

In the developing nations, however, which are going through the 
wrenching revolutions set off by the Western impact and the resulting 
drive for modernization, institutions are not stable, large groups feel 
that their interests are unrepresented, masses of people are confused 
and despairing, and here the conditions for effective political action 
by Communists trained in the appropriate techniques are all too fre- 
quently present. 

In the years since World War II, and particularly in recent months 
and weeks, we have seen how dangerous Communist political efforts 
can be to the cause of democracy and pluralistic development in 
general, and to the national interests of the United States in particular. 

Communist guerrilla and political action brought Mao Tse-tung 
to power in China. Adroit and energetic political action allowed the 
Communists to seize control of the democratic revolution which over- 
threw Batista in Cuba. 

A few months ago, a rather small number of Communists trained 
in Cuba and elsewhere came very close to maneuvering Zanzibar into 
the Communist bloc, and the danger is by no means eliminated today. 

Most recently, a fairly small number of Communist agents, taking 
advantage of a people deprived of political experience by 40 years of 
reactionary dictatorship, captured at least partial control of an ini- 
tially democratic revolution in the Dominican Republic — and, mind 
you, I was just 90 miles from the Dominican Republic while I was 
stationed in Jamaica — making necessary the intervention of American 
troops to prevent the installation of a dictatorship of the left. 

I want to say, at this point, that I commend President Johnson 
for his forthright action in stabilizing the chaotic situation in the 
Dominican Republic. His administration is taking a strong stand 
against communism in the Caribbean, just as he is in Vietnam, where 
the slightest sign of irresolution on the part of the United States could 
endanger the whole of Southeast Asia. 

47-093 0—65 16 


However, one cannot help but speculate as to what might have 
been done earlier to prevent situations such as those in Vietnam and 
the Dominican Republic from degenerating to the point that military 
action was required to stave off Communist threats. 

Had freemen dedicated to the cause of democratic reform and 
development been as well organized, as energetic, and as well trained 
in basic political techniques as were the Communists, it would have 
been democratic groups which organized the peasantry in Vietnam 
and it would have been democratic forces which emerged as the focal 
point of action from the confused situation in the Dominican Republic. 

Clearly, the free world must take steps to give those devoted to 
democratic action the training needed to overcome the threat of Com- 
munist activity. 

Democrats must learn how to organize student groups, labor unions, 
women's clubs, political parties, and all the other organizations basic 
to effective political action. They must also learn the operating tech- 
niques of the Communists, so that freemen can anticipate what the 
Communists will do and use democratic action to defeat the Com- 
munists when they do begin to move. 

The Freedom Academy offers one promising approach to this prob- 
lem of training cadres for democratic political action. It would give 
a full-time staff the support needed to carry out research on Commu- 
nist political techniques, on the curricula of Communist political 
schools, and on the use made by local Communist parties of graduates 
of these schools. It would also allow the development of ideas and 
procedures for combating Communist subversion and building up the 
many free organizations required for a pluralistic democracy capable 
of carrying through true social reforms. 

The Freedom Academy could also instruct our diplomats, infor- 
mation experts, and aid advisers on Communist tactics in developing 
areas and on teclmiques which could be suggested to aid-receiving 
groups as probably effective in countering Communist challenges. 

Finally, the Academy could train members of democratic groups in 
other countries, be they farm groups, labor unions, political parties, 
government bureaucracies, or other organizations, in the political skills 
needed to effectively achieve democratic social goals and remain im- 
pervious to Communist infiltration. 

We in the American labor movement have considerable experience 
in these problems. The international department of the AFL-CIO 
constantly works in many ways to strengthen free, democratic labor 
unions throughout the world. 

Since 1962, the American Institute for Free Labor Development 
has been working in Latin America to strengthen free unions and to 
bring social progress directly to their members. 

This year, the Afro- American Labor Center opened in New York 
to undertake a related program in the countries of Africa. 

I am convinced that our experience in the labor field shows that 
the type of research and training to be carried out by the proposed 
Freedom Academy will be very effective in building democratic in- 
stitutions and opposing communism. 

The Chairman. May I interrupt one second ? 

Mr. DoHERTY. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 


The Chairman. In the conversation I had with you, I asked you 
at the time if you would talk about this work on the part of labor. 

I happen to know the work of the organization fonned by the AFL- 
CIO and its effectiveness, right south of us in the South and Central 
American Republics, where people from those areas come here, and 
they learn about our type of labor movement, and go back, and then 
try to inculcate in their country what a labor movement really means 
in a democratic society. 

Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. I am glad you brought up this point. 

Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you for that fme observation. 

If I am not considered to be presumptuous, I do believe that the 
American Institute for Free Labor Development has been the main 
strength in the whole Alliance for Progress. If you will go down to 
any country in Central or South America or into the Caribbean area 
where I served, you will find that the AIFLD is probably better known 
than the Alliance for Progress itself, and I know that is a broad state- 
ment, but I honestly feel that way about it. 

Whereas our work is concerned with one specific type of institution, 
the Freedom Academy could operate on a broader basis and bring the 
benefits of democratic political training to a wider spectrum of 

To look more closely at the relevant experience of the AIFLD, I 
should like to first describe its training program. Through local 
seminars in Latin America, through 3-month courses in resident centers 
in most capital cities, and through an additional course given at our 
school in Washington, D.C., young Latin American trade unionists 
are taught how to administer their unions, how to collect dues, how to 
prepare for responsible collective bargaining, how to detect Com- 
munist attempts at infiltration, and how to foil them should they occur. 

To date over 20,000 young unionists — these are Latin Americans — 
have passed through one or another phase of this training. 

The Chairman. May I ask a question ? 

Mr. Doherty. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. How is this financed ? Is that Federal money, now, 
or from your own coffers ? 

Mr. Doherty. That is an excellent question. I am very happy to 
say that the major financing comes from the welfare funds of the 
trade unions. 

In many of these larger unions, such as the Steelworkers, the Auto 
Workers, the Sheet Metal Workers, and the Electrical Workers, 
their welfare funds are bulging over with accumulated funds, and so 
this, then, gives an opportunity to use those moneys, not in violation 
of Landrum-GrifRn or Taft-Hartley, but to use the moneys in the field 
of constructing homes and schools m these various countries through- 
out Central and South America. 

In addition to the moneys that come from welfare funds, some of 
the largest industries in the United States, and our businesses, are 
putting funds into the AIFLD. 

I might cite that one of the founders of the AIFLD was the late 
Eric Jolinston, and even today we have men like Peter Grace of Grace 
Lines on the board of directors. He is a former chairman of the Amer- 
ican Institute, and the illustrious American trade union leader, George 


Meany, is also on the board of directors of the institute. So it is not a 
government-to-government proposition. It is a people-to-people 
proposition, where business and labor together in the United States of 
America have started this wonderful movement to combat communism 
and all other subversive activities south of our border. 

The Chairman. Well, I compliment the effort of labor and manage- 
ment in this project. I think it is a wonderful institution. 

Mr. DoHERTY. Throughout Latin America these trainees are now 
moving into positions of increasing authority within their unions, often 
displacing previous Communist leadership in the process. 

In addition to giving the trade union leaders a thorough grounding 
in democratic philosophy and skills, the AIFLD gives them a con- 
crete social program designed to bring the Alliance for Progress di- 
rectly to the workers, so that their tangible needs can be filled. 

The AFL-CIO's member unions have earmarked $67 million for 
lending to union housing projects in Latin America. Representatives 
of AIFLD's social projects department assist Latin American unions 
in setting up credit unions, housing cooperatives, workers' banks, and 
smaller self-help projects of community development. 

In rural areas, AIFLD experts help agrarian unions to bring knowl- 
edge of better farming techniques to their members and to organize 
marketing and production co-ops to increase rural productivity and 
provide a better life for the peasant. 

When programs such as these begin operating, they provide benefits 
now, that Communist agitators can only promise vaguely for the fu- 
ture, after a bloody and costly revolution. 

Taken together, we believe AIFLD's training and social programs 
offer an effective approach to building free labor institutions and, in 
the process, defeating Communist attempts at subversion. 

I gather that many of these same approaches would be taught in the 
courses of the Freedom Academy. And on the basis of our experience 
in the international field of free trade unionism, we feel such instruc- 
tion will be of great benefit to the cause of freedom. 

Mr. Pool. May I interrupt at this point ? 

Mr. DoHERTY. Yes, Congressman Pool, 

Mr. Pool. I think that is a very good point, and I think that it is 
most important for the success of the Freedom Academy that labor is 
provided an opportunity to participate in this. 

I think that probably the point is that the American people could do 
the most good internationally by showing that American labor is 
participating in this program. 

Mr. DoHERTT. Well, I thank the distinguished gentleman from 

It is for this reason that I support the bill now under consideration. 
I am referring, of course, to the bill introduced by the distinguished 
Congressman who teistified here this morning, the Honorable Hale 
Boggs, of Louisiana. 

I would like at this point to conclude by citing a few specific lessons 
which we have learned from our overseas labor work and which, I am 
sure, will be beneficial to the successful operation of the Freedom 

First, the Academy must broadly represent all the main strands 
within the American political consensus. It can succeed only if it has 


the full support of most major interest groups, most philosophical 
viewpoints, and both major parties. If it becomes the exclusive 
preserve of one clique or one viewpoint, it will never get the support 
needed to survive. 

In the case of the AIFLD, its great strength is that it is supported 
not only by labor, but also by business; not only by liberals, but by 
virtually the whole sweep of United States political opinion and by 
both Republicans and Democrats. 

The same must be true of the Freedom Academy. Without the 
full confidence of the public as a whole, the effort would be bound to 

I hope that in drafting the bill, machinery will be provided which 
will be sure to reflect the views of all major groups within the Ameri- 
can consensus. 

Second, in training foreigners, the Academy should work through 
existing democratic organizations in developing areas. To oppose 
communism, people must have an alternative program to which they 
are committed as strongly as Communists are to Marxism. 

The foreign students selected should not be isolated individuals or 
"professional anti-Communists," but should be active members of 
democratic political parties, labor unions, youth groups, and other 
civil organizations. 

It is only by working through the existing democratic union move- 
ment in Latin America, which is committed to a program of social 
progress, that the AIFLD and the AFL-CIO have had any real effec- 
tiveness. I feel sure that the same principle would apply to the Free- 
dom Academy. 

Third, the Academy should work to engage the United States pri- 
vate sector as much as possible in its efforts. This is because private 
efforts are less suspect abroad than the work of a Government agency. 
Such official agencies obviously are supposed to serve the immediate 
foreign policy interests of the state, whereas private groups can be 
presumed to have wider latitude. 

The Academy should train American private citizens in how to set 
up union-to-union, farmer-to-farmer, university-to-ujiiversity, and 
similar private relationships. 

The knowledge of Communist techniques and democratic political 
skills could best be transmitted from the Academy to private United 
States groups, to their counterparts abroad, rather than directly from 
our Government to foreign nationals. 

This private, institution-to-institution approach has proved its merit 
in the experiences of the AIFLD, AFL^CIO, Credit Union Interna- 
tional, Four-H, and other private groups. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the commit- 
tee, the graduates of the Academy must promote a philosophy of social 
reform and economic progress in keeping with our democratic ideals. 
The groups chosen must be forces for progress, with programs directly 
attacking real social ills. 

While political skills and techniques are important, it is issues and 
programs and philosophy which win political campaigns, whether in a 
United States election or in a confused, cold war situation abroad. 
Political gimmicks will not win the cold war. 


If the policy content of a group's pro-am is not appealing, all the 
finely honed techniques and stratagems in the world cannot help it to 
match the social appeals of the Communists to a desperate population. 

The real reason why American labor's efforts abroad have been suc- 
cessful is that we stand for a better deal for the worker. The political 
skills taught in our schools, and which will be taught in the Freedom 
Academy, are of value only as mechanisms to put across our social 
message. It is the content, not the form of politics, that counts. 

I am confident that if these maxims are followed the proposed Free- 
dom Academy will make a great contribution to the cause of democracy 
throughout the world. It is this potential that led me to come here 
today to support the bill, and I want to thank the committee very sin- 
cerely for having given me the opportunity to come here and express 
my views before such a distinguished and influential forum. 

I willgladly answer any questions, Mr. Chairman, if I can. 

The Chairman. We are deeply grateful to you, Mr. Ambassador, 
as you still retain that title, especially an ambassador of good will for 
this country abroad, and we are personally grateful to you for your 

Now off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

The Chairman. I have no questions. 

Mr. DoHERTT. May I say something on the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

I was very much interested in the question which Congressman 
Ichord posed to Dr. Walsh relative to our great senior statesman, 
Averell Harriman, in the incident that occurred last week. And from 
my point of view — and I can speak very freely as an American who has 
all the rights of free speech and expression — I think it was abominable. 

Something is wrong somewhere when a spokesman, a top-level rep- 
resentative of the Government of the United States, can't speak freely, 
which is one of the basic tenets of democracies, before a student group. 
"Abominable" is the right word. 

We all believe in freedom of speech. If colleges and universities — 
and I don't condemn them, of course, as such, because it isn't the whole 
faculty or student body — have forgotten that basic tenet we are in 
serious trouble. A Government representative, a senior statesman — 
being denied that privilege to me is abominable. 

I wanted to get that off my chest. 

Mr. Pool. Mr. Chairman, I will join with you in thanking the gentle- 
man for appearing and I want to make a comment that this is without a 
doubt, to my view, the best presentation that I have heard since I have 
been a member of this committee. 

Mr, DoHERTT. Thank you, Congressman. 

Mr. Pool. With the permission of the committee, I want to put it 
in the Congressional Record. 

The Chairman. That will be done. 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Chairman ? 

I wanted, Mr. Chairman, to express my pleasure at seeing Mr. 
Doherty again. I doubt if there is any person who has more friends 
on the Hill than does Bill Doherty, and I want to commend you, sir, 
for a very informative and enlightening statement. 

I ioin with my colleague from Texas in stating that I believe you 
really have gotten at the meat of the problem. 


Witness after witness has come before this committee and has 
elaborated upon the gap, upon the deficiency which does exist, by 
pointing out that we are conversing with the leaders, but the Commu- 
nists are getting to the people, or at least a hard core, enough of a hard- 
core activist group, where they are able to overthrow the existing 

And I think what you have pointed out in your statement, what 
American labor is doing, and how it can be expanded, is one way to 
get to the people. 

I commend you highly, sir, for your statement. 

You are now vice president emeritus of AFL-CIO. Are you 
actually working with the AIFLD now ? 

Mr. DoHERTY. No; I am not on anyone's payroll. I am free and 
unencumbered. You might say that I am in a quasi-retirement 

I resigned as the Ambassador to Jamaica last year to come back and 
meet some of my old friends here on Capital Hill, and enjoyed it 
tremendously, and am now enjoying my present status more than 
words can tell. 

Let me thank you. Congressman, for your expressions. I am always 
happy to come back here and identify myself with anything that has 
to do with bettering conditions here in the United States of America, 
and as you probably suspect, I loathe communism. I am not one who 
looks under the bed every night before I retire to see if there is one 

Mr. IcHORD. I agree with the gentleman there. 

Mr. DoHERTY. But we have got to keep our eyes open all the time. 
I have been on the international committee of the old AFL, and the 
AFL-CIO, from 1945 on, more than 20 years' service on that commit- 
tee, and it is something to keep watching. 

We have got to be on the alert all the time, and that is one of the 
reasons I was prompted to come here this morning. 

Thank you, again, very much. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would join with the gentleman there. I have often 
said that one of the greatest problems that responsible people have in 
fighting communism is this hysteria fringe which tends to see a Com- 
munist behind every bush, and it makes it more difficult to really get 
down to the real battle of fighting communism and knowing how to 
fight it. 

Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. I am very happy that our colleague from Texas is 
putting Mr. Doherty's statement in the Record. I think that it is 
excellent. As I indicated a while ago, this is a real analysis of the 

The Chairman. May I add just one thought? 

I think one of the finest sentences of the statement is the one appear- 
ing on page 2: "They" — the Communists — "know how to utilize 
^oups which have goals only partially compatible with communism 
m campaigns which actually further the overall Communist program." 

And I think that is exactly what is in your mind, and has been in my 
mind all these years as a member of this committee. From this flows 
the utilization of front organizations. One of the Communists' major 
weapons is their ability to take a high-sounding name for an organiza- 


tion and attract the unsuspecting and the otherwise good people to 
join and then just sell that line through those groups. 

I think that is a beautiful sentence. 

Mr. Clawson. I would just like to join with my colleagues, Mr. 
Ambassador. I appreciate the statement. I think it is a very fine 
one, and frankly, it has been my first opportunity to hear you, so, as a 
result, I am even more appreciative of the fact that your testimony 
is in this hearing record. 

I think it will make a real contribution when the Academy has been 
established, because of the technical nature of your background and 
experience, things that should be done in the Academy, and how it 
should operate. 

Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you. Congressman Clawson. 

Mr. Clawson. I commend your view and thank you for being here 
with us. I am glad that I was a part of this committee this morning. 

Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you. Thank you very much. 

The Chairman. Well, good luck, Bill. 

Now, our final witness is Mr. Ruf us C. Phillips III. Is he with us ? 

Mr. Phillips is president of Intercontinental Consultants, Inc., with 
offices in five countries. During the past 10 years, he has served as a 
United States Army officer in Korea, special adviser for psychological 
warfare with the United States military advisory group in Vietnam, 
planning officer, adviser on countersubversion in Laos and Vietnam, in 
both an official capacity with the Department of State and as a private 

We are very delighted to have you, sir, and I know you will give us 
very valuable information. 


Mr. Phillips. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I would like 
to say initially that Mr. Doherty has already said a good deal of what 
I planned today to say in a general sense 

The Chairman. Say it in your own words. 

Mr. Phillips. — so I won't repeat too much of what he said. 
I will try and talk, however, to my own personal experience, which 
includes about 6 years out in Southeast Asia, working mostly out 
at the grass- or rice-roots level, attempting to help local people combat 
communism and, at the same time, build a government and a political 
life for themselves that they would feel was worth risking their own 
lives to defend, and this is precisely, and has been precisely, the issue 
at stake in Southeast Asia now for many years. 

I have also had some experience in Latin America, about 3 years as 
a private businessman, and I have had extensive conversations with 
Latin American friends of mine on the same subject. 

More recently, I have spent almost a year in the Middle East and 
have found an astonishing similarity of problems and of attitudes on 
the part of many of the people in those countries in comparison 
with Asia and Latin America, and what they seek from the United 

The kind of assistance they would like to have from us, and the 
kind of assistance to date that they have not been receiving, is, in 
particular, what I think that the Freedom Commission and the Free- 


dom Academy bill will supply. It is something which has been lack- 
ing, almost completely lacking, in many countries, in the execution 
of our foreign policy. 

I testify from personal experience, having been a member of the 
overall State Department setup. I was in the Agency for International 
Development, most recently as the assistant director for rural affairs 
and counterinsurgency in Vietnam, which was the entire AID pro- 
gram targeted at the rural area in an attempt to win the people away 
from communism. 

I can testify that, in my opinion, most of our people serving abroad 
in the United States Government do not understand revolution, do not 
understand communism as an organizational weapon, even though 
they may understand the theory of it, and, for the most part, are not 
able to work effectively with local people in a t^am relationship wherein 
they help the local people to develop ideas and ways and means of 
effectively combating communism and building political institutions 
for themselves in which they believe and which they will support. 

And, as I understand it — I have read all of the literature about it — 
I think that the proposed Freedom Academy would help supply this 

We need to train Americans in how to deal with communism and 
how to assist people in foreign countries in opposing it. At the 
same time, we need to provide a facility for training those from 

I can tell you a personal experience of mine, and a most recent one. 

While I was in the Middle East, I made a friend who is a young 
Arab who comes from one of the countries there which has been in 
the midst of a revolution, has had about 20 coups since World War II, 
is still going through constant political turmoil, and is gradually 
drifting toward the left, closer and closer to the Communist bloc. 

Tliis person told me that if he and others at some time earlier had 
only had an opportunity to receive some training in the techniques of 
opposing communism and of building their own country along demo- 
cratic lines, that he felt that the history of his country would not 
be the same as it is today. 

And he said, "Even now, if there was some training in the United 
States that some of us who truly love our country could receive, we 
could put it to use, and I assure you that our country would not go 
Communist. But," he said, "I have gone to the American Embassy 
to some friends I have and presented them with this problem, and 
they say that there is no training like this available in the United 

"I have been to the United States. I know something about your 
political institutions. I know that you have much to contribute, and 
there is much for us to learn that we could apply in our country. 
But," he said, "how can I do this ? Where can I go ? Who can I get 
to help me? We need this training and, if we could only get it, we 
could change the history of our country." 

I can assure the committee that in many other countries this is also 
true. I know from my own personal experience in Southeast Asia that 
there have been occasions when people have approached me for this 
kind of training and there has been no place for them to go, no one 
that I could refer them to. Consequently, some of us have been con- 


ducting, in effect, an on-the-job training program, if you will, in how 
to apply democratic techniques in this revolutionary situation in South- 
east Asia. And if we have had any success at all, it is because we have 
been able to speak to the local people on their own terms and to respond 
to their real problems. But we had to learn through experience — the 
hard way. 

I have brought along with me here a statement from one of the 
nationalist leaders of South Vietnam, who is today a prominent ad- 
viser to the South Vietnamese Government. He wrote something in 
1963, which was a paper addressed to his own people, about the polit- 
ical dilemma in Vietnam and what he felt was the way out. 

And in this paper he had something very cogent to say about Amer- 
ican aid and American assistance, and, mind you, this person is very 
friendly toward the United States. 

I would like to read this, because I believe it applies precisely to the 
Freedom Academy proposal. It will illustrate to you how many 
Southeast Asians feel about the United States and what they seek 
from the United States. He says the following : 

In short, in its aid to the under-developed world in the midst of a revolution 
for emancipation, the U.S. has never yet fought against the Communists with 
ideas of Freedom and of Justice but, at least until now, only with bombs and 
dollars. Instead of assuming the role of a leader, it has confined itself to that 
of a mere purveyor of means. * • * 

And I would like to go on and read another paragraph. He says : 

With regard to the anti-Communist fight in general, the political solution 
consists of reinvigorating the Vietnamese anti-Communist movement, of a re- 
organization and a development of the Nationalists, and of reinforcing the anti- 
Communist motivation by an eflScient national renovation based on democracy. 
By ignoring our revolution and the intranational aspect of our anti-Communist 
fight, the U.S. has jeopardized such a solution instead of helping work for it. As 
a high-ranking American oflScial put it, "the anti-Communist fight in Vietnam is 
seventy-five percent political and twenty-five percent military." Yet, everything 
American is directed to the twenty-five percent and nothing to the seventy-five 
percent. * * * The way out, to our mind, is not by an abandonment but, on the 
contrary, by going deep into every local revolutionary problem and helping solve 
them using principles of justice and freedom, and perhaps in fusing them with 
the revolutionary spirit of 1776 from which the United States herself was born 
and developed. * * * 

Now — and my personal belief is that the proposed Freedom Acad- 
emy could help supply this — if we can infuse our own people who go 
abroad with the spirit of 1776, and if we can help infuse students who 
come from abroad with this spirit, along with knowledge of the tech- 
niques of a democratic revolution, this will indeed supply something 
that has been terribly lacking in the execution of our foreign policy. 

Very frankly, had we been able to supply these things earlier in 
Vietnam, I assure you the course of history there would have been 

I was there from 1954 to 1956, when indeed we did supply some of 
these things, and this is why Vietnam survived at that time. 

One of the things that we did at that time was to bring potential 
Vietnamese leaders over to the Philippines, where they were able to see 
the revolution that the late President Magsaysay was carrying out 
there, when the Communist Huks in the Philippines were defeated 
precisely because Magsaysay was able to restore the faith of the Philip- 
pine people in their own government and in their own system of 


Well, this is exactly what was needed in Vietnam — to establish a 
system of government in which the people could believe. We helped 
President Ngo Dinh Diem do this, and it was a good system. Un- 
fortunately, we failed to provide any meaningful followup ^idance 
and assistance, and the system eventually went sour. But initially, 
Vietnam survived because, quite frankly, there were Americans in 
Vietnam at the time of 1954 who were able to guide and advise and 
assist the Vietnamese in setting up a government and in holding 
together their country. 

Mr. Pool. At this point, Mr. Chairman, could I interrupt ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Pool. That is one of the reasons that the American Government 
had such a problem during the last year or two in Vietnam, attempting 
to set up a government, something for them to fight for. 

That's what your testimony in fact said, to the effect that it is very 
important to have a democratic-type government, and not just a 
dictatorship or reestablish another dictatorship or something like that. 

That is, in effect, what our problem is. Isn't that right? 

Mr. Phillips. That is correct. And by establishing the right kind 
of government, you create a cause for which the people are willing 
to fight. 

You can't do this by imposing something on them, but you can do it 
by working with them, as friends, to help bring these political things 
about. Frankly, because our people are not trained in politics and 
most of them, most of our people in the State Department and in AID, 
have had no political experience, they tend, without being unduly 
critical, to be bureaucratic in their outlook. This is not a bureaucratic 
problem, and one of the things that I would hope for is that, through a 
Freedom Academy, we could introduce many of our people in the State 
Department to actual practical political problems in the United States. 
I would like to say that I also concur completely with Mr. Doherty 
in that I feel that a great deal of participation from the private sector 
is essential if the Freedom Academy is to really respond to this type of 
problem. I would like to see as much private participation as possible. 

I would also like to see that selected foreign nationals, who very often 
have quite acute observations to make about Americans and American 
institutions and how they can be applied in their own countries, should 
also have an opportunity to participate in an advisory role to this 
Commission and to the Freedom Academy. 

My only reservation about the Freedom Academy is that it could 
become dominated too much by a bureaucratic outlook, that is to say, 
by the bureaucracy of the U.S. Government. If this happens, I don't 
think that the Academy will be effective, because unless it is able to 
operate semi-independently, unless it is able to establish connections 
with people abroad through private groups in the United States, a lot 
of the dynamism and a lot of the spirit of the thing will be lost. To be 
successful, this can't be an administrative, bureaucratic approach to 
things. It must be full of inspiration, and it must generate a genuine 
desire on the part of the people who attend it to go out and do concrete 
things for their country. 

Unfortunately, this is not the spirit that comes through much of the 
training which is being given inside our Government today. There 
is too much, and I suppose this is natural, but there is too much empha- 


sis on administration. I would like to say, also, that I do not believe 
that the proposed bill put forth by the State Department for the Na- 
tional Academy of Forei^ Affairs would in any sense be adequate for 
this problem. It would merely be an expanded version of what is now 
being given, which is, I assure you, inadequate. I speak from personal 
experience, because, although I have not attended these courses, I have 
given lectures at them. If the Freedom Academy idea and programs 
are incorporated in a National Academy of Foreign Affairs, it will not 
produce what is needed. It will not respond to what is a tremendous 
need in our foreign policy, a critical need. 

That's all I have to say, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much for a very fine presentation. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank Mr. Phillips for appear- 
ing before the committee and giving us the benefit of his judgment 
and experience. 

I think you might, by reason of your experience in Vietnam, enlighten 
me on a question which has bothered me. I can't understand how the 
Viet Cong have apparently successfully managed and utilized terror 
tactics on the one hand against the populace, and then with the other 
hand held out the sugar plum, so to speak. 

Mr. Phillips. Well, the Communists are quite selective in their 
terror tactics. You will find that, generally speaking, their direct 
terrorism is at people who are already fairly firmly committed to our 
side, and if they are dealing with a group of the population which is 
fairly neutral, then they will try to select out among that population 
as targets for their terror those who have some tendency to go against 
them. They make examples of these people. 

In order to understand how the Communists are organized in South 
Vietnam, you really should go back a number of years, actually back to 
the war against the French, which the Communists took over. In 
fact, Ho Chi Minh, as far as many Vietnamese are concerned, is in 
essence the Benedict Arnold of Vietnam, because he was a traitor to 
what was initially a nationalist revolution. During the war against 
the French in South Vietnam, there were a number of areas where 
resistance developed against the French. The Communists took over 
this resistance movement, and historically, you have had in these areas 
families who have always been a part of the resistance movement. As 
the resistance was taken over by the Communists, many of these 
families continued as Communists. 

Some left because of the Communist takeover of the resistance, but 
it has been on the basis of those families who remained in various areas 
that the Communists have been able to come back into South Vietnam 
and start out with an organizational base. Using this base, they 
expanded their organization through the family system. As you 
know, in Asia, and particularly in any culture which is influenced by 
the Chinese, the family is extremely strong. Consequently, the Com- 
munists, working through the family, initially recruit a man's brother, 
then his cousin, and so on, and this is how they have been able to spread 
their organization. 

Now, gradually, of course, as they have grown stronger, their orga- 
nization is no longer based on family ties, but this is really how it 
starts out. 


When I was in Vietnam in 1954 and 1955, I was assigned as an 
adviser to the Vietnamese Army on what were then called pacification 
operations. The Vietnamese Army was sent out into two very large 
zones which the Communists had occupied, to reoccupy these zones 
and take them over for the national government. One of the things 
we found was that just before the zones were occupied by the national 
government, the Communists had ordered their troops, all the unmar- 
ried ones, to marry local girls, thereby immediately establishing family 

Secondly, they kidnaped as many young men as they could from 
these areas, from the ages of about 10 to 16, and they took them up 
north for training. 

This meant that all of the relatives of those young men were auto- 
matically involved in the movement. These young men were trained 
up north and sent back into the south, in 1958, 1959, and 1960, and 
some are still coming back. They, in turn, contacted their relatives 
upon their return to the south, which gave them a base. And then 
from that base they began to expand, using precisely the method of 
selective terror, of attempting to single out and eliminate those people 
who were supporting the government, and also to cow the majority 
into submission. 

Mr. IcHORD. They only use the terror tactics when they are in a 
position of strength, then ? 

Mr. Phillips. No; they started out initially with terror tactics. 
Their objective was to eliminate all government authority at the lowest 
level, that is, at the hamlet and village level. Consequently in 1959 
and 1960, they assassinated some 4,000 to 5,000 local government offi- 
cials. This immediately created a vacuum, a political and adminis- 
trative vacuum, in the rural areas into which they moved. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Clawson. T don't have any questions. 

I want to thank Mr. Phillips for being here. I think your back- 
ground of experience certainly served its purpose, by the evidence, 
the testimony that you provided for us. 

Mr. Phillips. Thank you very much, sir. 

I would like to say that I wholeheartedly support this bill, and I 
certainly hope it passes. It has been long overdue. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 


Mr. Willis. The Chair wishes to say that recently I had occasion to 
examine the December 1964 issue of Free China & Asia, which is the 
official publication of the Republic of China unit of the Asian Peoples' 
Anti-Communist League, an organization established by the free gov- 
ernments and peoples of Asia shortly after the cessation of hostilities 
in Korea in order to promote freedom and oppose the spread of com- 
munism on that continent. 

This magazine contains some of the major speeches delivered at the 
10th Conference of Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League, which 
was held in Taipei, Formosa, in November 1964, and also messages 
sent to the conference and resolutions adopted by it. Before com- 
menting on one of those resolutions, I would like to state a few facts 


about the conference referred to so that those not familiar with the 
Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League will have some understanding 
of its significance and influence. 

Forty-seven units representing both member nations of the Asian 
Peoples' Anti-Communist League and observers attended its 10th Con- 
ference on Formosa. They came from many parts of the world. 
Among the delegates were the former President of Lebanon, 3 former 
or incumbent Speakers of Parliaments, 2 former Premiers, 7 former 
Ministers, 2 former Ambassadors, 23 incumbent Members of Parlia- 
ments, 7 political party leaders, and 3 mayors or Governors. In addi- 
tion, there were college presidents, professors, industrial leaders, and 
political commentators. More than 60 messages from anti-Communist 
leaders in various nations were received, including messages from the 
Presidents of the Philippines, the Republic of Vietnam, and the Re- 
public of Korea. 

Obviously, this organization and its proceedings warrant our atten- 
tion and consideration, and I would like to read into the record at this 
point the text of one of the resolutions adopted at the conference: 

Resolution Supporting Operation of the APACL Freedom Center 

The 10th Conference of the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League: 

Recalling by previous League Conferences resolutions on the establishment of 
the APACL Freedom <I!enter, on the acceleration of preparatory work for the 
APACL Freedom Center, and on finalizing the establishment of the APACL 
Freedom Center and its operation ; 

Having received vpith appreciation the report on the progress of the prepara- 
tory vpork for the APACL Freedom Center submitted by the Korean delegation ; 

In hearty appreciation of the unsparing support on the part of the Government 
and people of the Republic of Korea, as vrell as the wholehearted support from 
the APACL member units and observers and other freedom-loving peoples which 
have enabled the APACL Freedom Center Preparatory Commission to carry out 
preparations for the Center despite various difBculties, and especially for the 
positive support on the part of the U.S. Congress evidenced by the speech 
delivered by Rep. Dante B. Fascell, Chairman of the Subcommittee on 
International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee on Foreign 
Affairs on October 2, 1964, in the House of Representatives ; and 

Recognizing the fact that oi)eration of the APACL Freedom Center is in the 
common interest of League member units and observers in the defeat of Com- 
munist infiltration and indirect aggression and the preservation of freedom and 
democracy ; 


( 1 ) To urge each member-unit and observer to make every effort to implement 
the previous resolutions of the League in supporting the establishment and opera- 
tion of the APACL Freedom Center ; 

(2) To ask each member-unit and observer to extend further moral support 
and financial assistance to the APACL Freedom Center; 

(3) To publicize the prosi)ectus of the APACL Freedom Center so as to 
insure enthusiastic support of the free world ; 

(4) To express appreciation to the U.S. House of Representatives for its 
positive support and encouragement and to urge for further assistance from the 
United States so that the Freedom Center may do its full part in promoting 
the interests, values, and welfare of the free world. 

That's the end of the resolution. 

Now, what is the APACL Freedom Center referred to in this 
resolution ? 

It is a cold war educational institution actually operating on a 
limited scale in Seoul, South Korea. It is patterned after the U.S. 
Freedom Academy concept. It came into being largely as a result 


of the Freedom Academy bills introduced in our Congress some years 

Just a few weeks ago, Senator Thomas Dodd, another of the leading 
congressional exponents of a Freedom Academy, made a trip to Asia. 
One of his purposes in doing so was to help launch in South Korea 
a local fund-raising drive to provide for a 2-year postgraduate course 
of study at this Freedom Center for students from all countries in 

John Chamberlain, in a recent column devoted to the Freedom 
Center, mentioned Senator Dodd's trip and wrote as follows concern- 
ing the projected course : 

When this course gets going, students from all over the free areas of East 
Asia will be coming to Seoul for graduate work in international politics, psycho- 
logical warfare, economic warfare, Communist ideology, Western philosophy, 
and the culture of the Orient as it relates to man's need for freedom. * * * 

The resolution on the Freedom Center which I read a few minutes 
ago made reference to a speech in support of the Freedom Center made 
on the floor of the House last October 2 by our distinguished colleague. 
Representative Dante B. Fascell, chairman of the Subcommittee on 
International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee 
on Foreign Affairs. I would like to submit the text of Mr. Fascell's 
speech for inclusion in our hearing record at this point. 

(Mr. Fascell's remarks follow :) 



October 2, 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 22979-22980 


(Mr. PASCELL (at the request of Mr. 
Marsh) was given permission to extend 
his remarks at this point in the Record 
and to include extraneous matter.) 

Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, I am 
taking the floor this morning to call to 
the attention of the House a project of 
singular importance, imdertaken re- 
cently by the Asian People's Anti-Com- 
munist League. 

I am referring to the Freedom Center 
currently under construction in Seoul, 
Korea. This unique project is designed 
to give the citizens of the free nations 
both the opportunity and the means for 
developing effective strategy and tac- 
tics for combating the Communist 

In brief, the Freedom Center will be a 
research and training institution de- 
signed to produce cold war operational 
knowledge and to train leadership 
groups which, in the words of the Asian 
People's Anti -Communist League, will be 
able to "outplan, outthink, outorganize, 
and outdedicate the Communists." 

In the center, students and leaders 
alike will be able to study such subjects 
as how to organize a democratic politi- 
cal party or labor union, how to draw up 
and execute effective social reforms, how 
to counter Communist propaganda and 
the tactics of Communist political agita- 
tors, and many others. 

A publication issued by the Asian Peo- 
ple's Anti-Communist League describes 
the main functions to be carried out by 
the Freedom Center, as follows : 

First, to initiate and carry on a re- 
search program designed to develop an 
integrated, operational science that will 
demonstrate logically the errors and 
contradictions of the Communist ide- 
ology, thereby contributing to better un- 
derstanding of the values of freedom. 

Second, to initiate and develop effec- 
tive strategy and tactics through which 
citizens of the free world will be able to 
meet and to defeat the Communist con- 

Third, to educate and train anti-Com- 
munist leaders and cadres of the 
league's member imlts in all aspects of 
the international Communist movement, 
and in ways and means to be employed 
td meet and defeat Commimist attempts 
at subversion. 

Fourth, to initiate and develop a pro- 
gram for exposing and frustrating Com- 
munist propaganda, and for propagating 
the gospels of freedom. 

Fifth, to perform other functions re- 
quired to carry out the objectives of the 

This is indeed an ambitious program. 
When implemented, it should have far- 
reaching implications for the cause of 
freedom not only in Asia but throughout 
the world. 

Mr. Speaker, this great project was 
Initiated at the Second Extraordinary 
Conference of the Asian People's Anti- 
Communist League, held in Seoul. 
Korea, in May 1962. Four months later, 
construction commenced on a 50-acre 
plot of land donated by the Government 
of the Republic of Korea. Simultane- 
ously, a fundraising campaign was in- 
itiated by the League. By May of this 
year, approximately $1.3 million was 
raised through this campaign — one-half 
of the total needed for the project. Most 
of this money was raised in Korea — 
through government contributions and 
private donations — but the project also 
received some help from supporters in 
other coimtries. 

Mr. Speaker, I wish that all Members 
of the House could see the plans for the 
Freedom Center, and photographs taken 
recently which show construction prog- 
ress achieved to date. From the stand- 
point of size and design, this is a very 
impressive project. The framework of 
the 17-story International Freedom 
House, which will symbolize the 17 na- 
tions which fought for the defense of 
Korea \inder the United Nations flag, is 
completed through the 12th floor. The 
framework of the main building is fin- 
ished. Only the international confer- 
ence hall, the third principal building 
planned for the center, is still on the 
drawing board. I understand that ad- 
ditional funds will have to be raised be- 
fore construction of this building can 
begin. . 

Mr. Speaker, the Freedom Center in 
Seoul, Korea demonstrates what can be 
accomplished through private initiative 
to advance the cause of freedom in the 
cold war. The entire concept of this 
center reflects clear recognition of the 
fact that the struggle which goes on in 
the world today will be resolved ulti- 
mately in the minds of men. In this 



October 2, 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 22979-22980 

struggle, words, ideas and personal dedi- 
cation to the cause of freedom, are as 
important as tanks and guns. As a mat- 
ter of fact, the ideological elements may 
prove decisive to the resolution of the 
cold war conflict. 

This very subject has deeply con- 
cerned a subcommittee which I have the 
honor to chair — the Subcommittee on 
International Organizations and Move- 
ments of the Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs. For 18 months now, my subcom- 
mittee has been studying the U.S. ideo- 
logical effort in the cold war. We have 
looked at numerous government pro- 
grams and published an inventory of 
U.S. Government activities in this di- 
mension of our foreign policy. 

In addition, however, we have begun 
to study the significance of the private 
effort on this plane. To date, as shown 
in the eight volumes of hearings and 
the two reports published by my sub- 
committee, we have made considerable 
progress. But our job is not over, and 
we are continuing with our undertaking. 

Mr. Speaker, the members of the Asian 
People's Anti-Communist League, and 
the people of South Korea as a whole, 
are to be congratulated on undertaking 
the establishment of the freedom cen- 
ter. I am confident that the value 
of this project, and its impact, will con- 
tinue to grow. 

I also want to take this opportunity 

to extend my congratulations to a very 
active and eloquent supE>orttr of the 
freedom center whom I have met per- 
sonally — Dr. Chin Kim. Dr. Kim has 
been staying in Washington on a fellow- 
ship, studying the operations of our Con- 
gress. We had frequent discussions 
about the freedom center and other 
issues of mutual interest. I have en- 
joyed these exchanges of views and 
found them stimulating. 

I may add that Dr. Kim is no stranger 
to the United States. Trained at the 
University of Korea, he also studied at 
Florida Southern College, George Wash- 
ington University Law School, and Yale 
Law School. After receving two ad- 
vanced degrees from the latter institu- 
tion, he returned to his homeland and 
began teaching at the Seoul National 
University and the Korea University. 
Since March 1962 he has served as as- 
sociate dean of the Graduate School of 
Law of Seoul National University. 

In addition he has performed public 
service in his country by serving as mem- 
I ber of two Board of Appeals of the Vet- 
erans' Administration,, and as member 
of the Commission on Studies of Legisla- 
tion of the Republic of Korea. 

I was delighted to have had the op- 
portunity to know Dr. Kim. And I con- 
gratulate him again on the Asian People's 
Anti-Communist League's Freedom Cen- 
ter in Seoul, Korea. 

47-093 O— 65 


The Chairman. The existence of the APACL Freedom Center in 
South Korea is a challenge to Congress and the people of the United 
States. The countries and organizations in Asia which have made this 
Center possible do not have our great material wealth or educational 
facilities. Yet, they have acted on what I believe — after listening 
to extended expert testimony before this committee — is a very sound 
concept. They have put that concept into effect. They have made it 
a reality. 

It is my hope that the U.S. Congress will do the same, with the sup- 
port of the American people. And that support, I might add, clearly 
exists. A Gallup Poll, which was made a part of our hearing record 
Isist year, revealed that 69 percent of the adults in this country sup- 
ported the idea of the Freedom Academy and only 14 percent opposed 
it — and that constitutes a very large margin in our political system. 

Finally, before concluding these hearings I would like to make a 
few more remarks and insert some additional material in the record. 

In 1962 the National Governors' Conference — composed, as we all 
know, of the Governors of our 50 States — set up a Committee on Cold 
War Education. This committee, in addition to other activities, has 
sponsored a number of educational conferences on the subject of com- 

I had the honor of addressing its 4-day conference on cold war edu- 
cation held in Tampa, Florida, in June of 1963. Hundreds of students 
took part in this conference, which brought together over 70 top au- 
thorities from all over the country to give lectures and engage in dis- 
cussions designed to assist the Committee on Cold War Education of 
the National Governors' Conference. 

Last December, in Miami, the committee held a 12-day school on 
cold war education for aides to the Governors of our States. In the 
few years of its existence, the Governors' Conference committee has 
made a truly outstanding contribution to the subject of cold war edu- 
cation. In 1963 and 1964 it issued two very valuable reports on the 
subject — reports which contain material that is most pertinent to 
thepurposes of the Freedom Academy bills. 

Cold war education, basically, is the principal function of the pro- 
posed Freedom Academy. In its 1963 report, the National Governors' 
Conference committee gave the following definition of cold war edu- 
cation : 

Cold War Education is the development of knowledge essential to the under- 
standing of America's heritage of freedom, and of the nature of the attacks 
upon that freedom, open and covert, by the followers of International Com- 

Cold War Education differs from indoctrination in that it follows no party 
line requiring blind adherence and unwavering obedience. It depends upon, 
and seeks to stimulate, the mind, the imagination, the knowledge, and the spirit 
of the individual in the belief that these are America's greatest resources in 
the bitter conflict called Cold War. * * * 

The appendix to the 1963 report has been both widelv distributed 
and widely proclaimed in this country. It is entitled "Why Cold War 
Education." I have read and studied this statement. T believe it is 
excellent and would like at this point to enter the text of it in the record 
of these hearings. 

(The document follows:) 


Why Cold War Education 

America — as a nation and as a system of government — is 
the most successful of all experiments in freedom. 

Individual citizens, working together as free men, have 
prospered, and have built the greatest nation the world has 
ever known. Freedom has been held so dear by Americans 
that they have always been willing and proud to defend it 
against all challenges. 

Today the nation faces the greatest challenge ever made 
to its freedom. 

The challenge comes from the Communist war to win 
total world domination. The Communist bloc is totally dedi- 
cated to the defeat of all free nations. With the Soviet 
Union as the power base, the Communist apparatus has 
advanced in deadly earnest since the end of World War II 
until today more than one-third of the world's population, 
more than a billion people, have become slaves to Communist 

The advances of Communism have introduced new concepts 
of warfare to which the American people must become accus- 
tomed and adapt their defenses. 

In a shooting war it is very clear what must be done. 
Americans have always risen readily to the challenges of 
such an attack, and willingly sacrificed their comforts, and 
even their lives, to assure victory and the perpetuation of 
freedom. Until the shooting starts, however, free and trust- 
ing Americans abound with good will toward all mankind, 
and are characteristically unable to accept that others may 
be working vigorously for the demolition of their way of 

Although Hitler spelled out his global objectives in Mein 
Kampf, few Americans understood the reality of his war 
until the actual shooting started. 

Like Hitler, the C'ommunists have embarked upon a pro- 
gram of world conquest. Like Hitler, they have announced 
their plans, and have reiterated them many times in many 
forums. The war being waged by Communism is called the 
Cold War. Many Americans fail to accept the reality of this 
war there is comparatively little shooting. 

/ The Hold Wrfr of {Communism far outshadows any creation 
■ of the Third Reich. It is the broadest, most effectiie political 
warfare eier conducted in the history of mankind. Its aim is 
to con(/uer the rest' of the free world by use of diplomatic 
proposals, economic sorties, propaji,anda, intimidaton, sabota^^e, 
terrorism, support of ret olutionaries in now-free countries, and 
by drit inn " ''i/.ij'^ betueen the free-world allies. 

Those multi-prinigfd thru.«<ts are made against a back- 
Ki'ound of (iiversioriM in which the threat of military force 
is ulternated with strident demands for disarmament, and 
equally strident opposition to inspection and control pro- 
cedures to make disarmumunt nieanltiKful. 


Communist political warfare, as coiueivetl by Lenin and 
Stalin, ami pracliced by Khruahchev, is keyed to the sys- 
tematic- penetration of a country— the infiltration of stra- 
tejrit' unions, communications media, government aKcncies, 
associations and other private institutions and Ki'oups for 
the destruction of moral fiber, the confusion of national 
purpose, and the creation of misinformation and misunder- 
standiuK among the individual citizens. 

As part of their political warfare, the C'ommunists would 
have us believe that the only contest is between ideolo^nes 
— that the appeal of Communism has been the key to their 
expanding influence. Like magicians they would have us 
look at the wrong hand — the hand called ideology. 

77)c luind nith the (ftifificr is callvd polilhal uarfarc. 

Arguing the merits of the Communist philosophy offers 
no more protection from political warfare than arguing the 
merits of Hitler's national socialism would have stayed his 
armies. The enslaved Eastern European peoples did not fall 
to the appeal of Communism. They fell to political warfare 
backed by Soviet Armies. It was not the appeal of Com- 
munism that returned the Hungarians to the Communist 
yoke. It was not the appeal of Communism that enslaved 
the peoples of China and Cuba. It was the practice of poli- 
tical warfare. 

Ideology must be studied and understood as a part of the 
Cold War Education. But the study and understanding 
should come within the frame of reference used by today's 
Communist leaders, and given the recognition due it as an 
element of all-out political warfare. 

The only real obstacle standing today between Communism 
and world dictatorship is a strong United States, determined to 
^use its strength in freedom's cause. 

The Communists know better than many individual 
American citizens that the national power of the United 
States will be used in meeting the multiple challenges of 
Communism to the extent that citizens, acting through their 
elected representatives, urge or endorse effective action. In 
a free society, government serves the private citizen, and 
is ultimately responsible to the composite will of all its 
citizens. The essential difference between a dictatorship and 
a democracy is that in one the citizens follow the will of 
the government, and in the other, the government follows 
the will of its citizens. 

The prosperity and progress of America has come dan- 
gerously close to erasing from the national scene a proper 
concept of the responsibilities and duties of citizenship. We 
count our telephones and televisions, we rate ourselves by 
the cost of our cars and the cut of our clothes. Our material 
progress, which may be duplicated by other societies, has 
become a yardstick — a false yardstick — of Americanism. 

The basic American heritage is the right to live in free- 


freechtm, thouKh, is neither automatic nor conferred by 
the happenslance of birth or geography. Freedom must be 
earned a^ain by each succeeding generation through the 
sound exercise of its citizenship responsibilities. Every 
American citizen has the duty to inform himself on impor- 
tant issues so that he might better exercise his right to be 
heard, his right to vote, his right to freedom. 

Too often by a desire to sidestep conflict, or simply be- 
cause of laziness, many American citizens ignore the rights 
and are too timid to assume the responsibilities of their 
citizenship. They abdicate their role in democracy with a 
shrug or the explanation that "the government knows more 
about this than I do, so why should I be concerned?" 

hOr JiiiiocriK. y to iiork, the inJiiiJual citizen must face up 
to nuijor issues of the day, inform himself and express himself 
in an aroused and concerned exercise of those acts of citizenship 
unique to our democratic system. 

j In the ("old War, the front is everywhere. All levels and 

ypegnieiits of society are involved. Since, in a free society, 

/^government does not control all segments of society, the 

'/citizens' re.sponsibility is far greater than in other types of 

,, war. In addition to his responsibility to help shape govern- 

! mental actions, he himself is on the front line, and must 
fight independent of, but in cooperation with, his govern- 
ment. Private individuals, organizations and institutions 
'imust fill the gap between what government can do, and 
Vvhat must be done. 

/ If he is to be effective, cold war education for the indi- 
vidual citizen must include: 

1. Understanding what he is fighting for. He must under- 
, stand the basic ft)undations of American strength and 

freedom, and why freedom is worth fighting for. 

2. Understanding that the Communist bloc is waging a 
very real war against the free nations. He must fully 
understand the nature and extent of this war and of 
Communist objectives. 

8. Understanding that he, himself, must determine how 
he can be most effective as a free citizen in defeating 
the Communist attack upon his freedom. It is his life 
and hi.s liberty that are in jeopardy. 

rn the search for Cold War understanding, individual 
initiative and judgment play a vital role, and must be fos- 
tered. Each citizen must use his own judgment and reach 
his own conclusions as to the truth and soundness of state- 
ments by others. Blind acceptance of the positions of others, 
regardless of position or personality, plays into the hands 
of the aggressor. 

' The Cold War is a real and deadly struggle from which 
/only one sifle will emerge victorious. It is the duty of each 

citizen to utilize his rights of citizenship to become a dis- 
cerning Cold War warrior himself, and to encourage others 

Ip do likewise. 


The Chairman. I would also like to quote here an excerpt from 
the introduction to the 1964 report of the National Governors' Con- 
ference Committee on Cold War Education. It states : 

This Committee was an outgrowth of the Governors' firm conviction that the 
minds of men are the most vital weapon in the arsenal of freedom, and that 
knowledge and understanding transcend the might of rockets and the power 
of the neutron as a tool to be wisely used in the search for peace. 

The involvement in this manner by the Governors was predicated on the 
recognition that the Cold War is a very real war which is being waged in ways 
and on fronts that strike more directly at the foundations of American freedoms 
than all of the bombs and bullets that have echoed through the Nation's his- 
tory. * * * 

Many outstanding witnesses have appeared before this committee 
in the course of these hearings — former Ambassadors and Foreign 
Service officers, professors and scholars who are recognized through- 
out the world as authorities on communism, Members of the House 
and Senate, representatives of labor, the press, former high-ranking 
military officers, to name just a few. All have given their explicit 
support to the Freedom Academy. But the statement which I have 
just quoted must, I believe, also be accepted as a strong endorsement, 
even though only implicit, of the Freedom Academy by a committee 
which speaks for the Governors of 50 States. What we are really 
dealing with in the Freedom Academy idea is an effort to go beyond 
conventional warfare and diplomacy, beyond guns and dollars, and 
to put the minds of men to work in the struggle against communism — 
the minds of our Government officials, our leaders in civilian life, and 
also civilian and governmental leaders in foreign countries. As the 
Governors' committee stated, "the minds of men are the most vital 
weapon in the arsenal of freedom," and they "transcend the might of 
rockets and the power of the neutron." I Jbelieve this is unquestion- 
ably true and that, because it is true, it is time for us to make every 
effort to really put those minds to work by giving them the compre- 
hensive knowledge of Communist-style warfare which they must 
have to function at full capacity. 

The same quotation also stresses another major point involved in 
these hearings when it says that the cold war is a very real war being 
wa^ed in ways and on fronts "that strike more directly at the foun- 
dations of American freedoms than all of the bombs and bullets that 
have echoed through the Nation's history." 

Here again they go right to the point of the Freedom Academy — 
the devising of means to defeat the Communists on these unconven- 
tional fronts which can be more dangerous to our Nation and the 
cause of freedom everywhere than the traditional military fronts. 

The Governors' Conference committee notes our major cold war 
weakness — and the one the Freedom Academy is primarily designed 
to correct — when it states : 

Despite more than a decade of discussion and the use of real and imagined 
threats of Communist influence or involvement in nearly every major national 
and international issue discussed by the American people, there exists today 
very little real grassroots understanding of the nature of Communism or the 
application of its theory by the totalitarian dictators based in Moscow and 

This lack of understanding has been recognized by academicians and edu- 
cational administrators throughout the Nation. * .* * 


The Governors are realistic in their report. They feel confident 
that the work their Committee on Cold War Education has done to 
overcome this weakness by sponsoring national strategy seminars, 
conferences on cold war education, and other activities has helped, 
but they realize the battle is not yet won and that more work has to 
be done. Their work, they say — 

is not likely to change the course of history, or win peace for the world tomor- 
row, but we are firmly convinced that it can lead to the sort of bold new pro- 
grams and the enlightened citizen support that can change the course of history 
and strike vital blows for peace. It can assure that the great body of public 
opinion on pressing issues will not be shaped by either extremists or oppor- 
tunists, and it carries the promise that no ideological battles will be defaulted 
to the Communists by ignorance or naivete in America. 

More than any other instrument, the Freedom Academy should be 
able to complete and bring to fruition the vital work begun by the 
National Governors' Conference through its Committee on Cold War 
Education. It should be able — in time — to drastically change the 
course of history, strengthening freedom in all parts of the world, 
just as the Communist schools of political warfare have played a major 
role in making history during the past 40-or-so years. The difference 
will be that, while the Communist political warfare schools have been 
designed to teach men how to destroy and subvert in the interest of an 
ideology which constitutes the blackest form of reaction, the Freedom 
Academy will have the positive purpose of strengthening freedom 
and spreading it to all parts of the globe, including, ultimately, those 
nations today enslaved oy Communst totalitarianism. 

If the Freedom Academy is established — as I hope it will be — it will 
not end the need for continued effort on the part of the National Gov- 
ernors' Conference. Rather, the two will be able to supplement and 
aid one another, and this I hope they will do. And the same applies, 
of course, to all groups, organizations, and institutions which are con- 
tributing in any way — large or small, at home or abroad — to the fight 
for freedom, which is also the fight for peace. We are all in this to- 
gether, and all should unite and cooperate in finding the best way to 
spread thorough knowledge and understanding of our enemy and his 
stratagems and also the best methods of defeating them in order that 
freedom may be preserved. 

Communism is tyranny, and tyranny promotes war. Communism 
is, therefore, the enemy of peace, and there can be no real peace until it 
is destroyed. 

The authors of the concept embodied in the bills the committee has 
been studying have decided to call the institution these bills would 
create the Freedom Academy. It would be truly that, because it is 
designed to assist in the defeat of totalitarian and tyrannical commu- 
nism — the major enemy of freedom in today's world. But this Acad- 
emy could also be called the Peace Academy, because freedom is the 
friend and promoter of peace, just as tyranny and communism are its 
enemies. The motto of the Academy could well be "To Peace Through 

Mr. Clawson. Mr. Chairman, would the chairman yield? 

Did they make any recommendations on the bills ? 

The Chairman. Oh, yes. That is in the statements. 

This concludes our hearings on these bills. 


If I recall, a while ago I indicated that an organization was send- 
ing down a formal resolution of endorsement, the Order of Lafayette, I 
think. So for that and other purposes, let it be understood that the 
record will remain open for filing of statements for a period of 10 
days and that statements, if and as received, will of course be screened 
by our staff for inclusion in the record.^ 

Do you have anything to add ? 

Mr^ IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask a question, but it 
can be off the record when we complete the hearing. 

The Chairman. All right. That is all. 

(Whereupon, at 12:35 p.m., Friday, May 14, 1965, the committee 
adjourned sme die.) 

1 See pp. 232, 233 for resolution of Order of Lafayette. 


Proposed Bills for Creation of a Freedom Commission and 

89th congress 
1st Session 

Freedom Academy 

H. R. 2379 


January 12, 1965 

Mr. BoGGS introduced the following bill ; which was referred to the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities 

IS.R. 4389, introduced by Mr. Gurney February 4, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379. 

IH.R. ZZIS, introduced by Mr. Ichord January 11, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379, with the following 
exceptions: (1) Sec. 5 of H.R. 2215 fixes salary of Chairman of Freedom Commission at $28,500, and that of 
each member at $26,000, per annum; (2) sec. 8 of H.R. 2215, which makes provision for an information center, 
deletes to "publish textbooks" and in place thereof substitutes the words "publish educational materials"; 
(3) sec. 11(a) of H.R. 2215, which deals with the general authority of the Commission, omits paragraph (1) of 
H.R. 2379; (4) H.R. 2215 deletes from sec. 11(b), relating to pay of personnel, the words "(except such per- 
sonnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and specially qualified professional personnel up to a limit of 
$19,000)"; and (5) H.R. 2215 in sec. 12 fixes salary of General Manager at a sum not to exceed $26,000 per 

IH.H. 5370, introduced by Mr. Clausen February 24, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379, with the following 
exceptions: (1) Sec. 11(a) of H.R. 5370, which deals with the general authority of Commission, omits para- 
graph (1) of H.R. 2379; and (2) adds the word "procedural," in sec. 13(e), to precede the words "rules and 
regulations," etc. 

[H.R. 6700. introduced by Mr. Buchanan March 24, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379, with the fallowing 
exceptions: (1) Sec. 5 of H.R. 6700 fixes no limitation upon the salaries to be paid to the Chairman and mem- 
bers of the Freedom Commission; (2) sec. 11(a) (11) of H.R. 6700 fixes no limitation as to the amount of per 
diem pay for temporary employees; (3) sec. 11(b) of H.R. 6700 fixes no upper limit for compensation to per- 
sonnel, and entirely excepts the employment and pay of personnel from the operation of the civil service laws 
and Classification Act of 1949; and (4) sec. 12 of H.R. 6700 employs the term "Administrator" for "general 
manager," and fixes no limitation on compensation. (The bill, H.R. 6700, as to pay of employees and officers, 
provides simply that they shall be paid at rates "fixed by the Congress.") 

IH.R. 470, introduced by Mr. Herlong January 4, 1965, is similar but not identical to H.R. 2379. It is 
to be noted that sec. 7 of H.R. 470, uiJike sec 7 of H.R. 2379, limits financial assistance to dependents of 
students "who are nationals of the United States."] i 


To create the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy, 
to conduct research to develop an integrated body of opera- 
tional knowledge' in the political, psychological, economic, 
technological, and organizational areas to increase the non- 
military capabilities of the United States in the global 
struggle between freedom and communism, to educate and 
train Government personnel and private citizens to under- 
stand and implement this body of knowledge, and also to 
provide education and training for foreign students in these 
areas of knowledge under appropriate conditions. 

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 

2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 

'H.R. 9209, introduced by Mr. Feighan June 17, 1965, after completion of the 
committee hearings is substantially the same as H.R. 2379. 





2 Section 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom 

3 Commission Act". 


5 Sec. 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes 
^ the following findings and statement of policy: 

"^ ( 1 ) The United States in preparing to defend its 

° national interests in coming years faces grave and complex 

^ problems in the nonmilitary as well as military areas. 

10 (2) First and foremost are the problems raised by the 

^ unremitting drives by the Soviet Union and Communist 

^ China seeking world domination and the destruction of all 

non-C'Ommunist societies. The Communist bloc and the 

^^ various Communist parties have systematically prepared 

themselves to wage a thousand-pronged aggression in the 

nonmilitary area. Drawing on their elaborate studies and 

extensive pragmatic tests, Communist leaders have developed 

their conspiratorial version of nonmilitary conflict into an 

advanced, operational art in which they employ and orches- 

trate an extraordinary variety of conflict instruments in the 

political, psychological, ideological, economic, technological, 

organizational and paramilitary areas enabling them to ap- 

proach their immediate and long-range objectives along 

many paths. This creates unique and unprecedented prob- 

^^ Icras for the United States in a conflict that is being waged 



1 in student organizations, peasant villages, labor unions, mass 

2 communication systems, in city and jungle, and institutions 

3 and organizations of every description, as well as in the 

4 M'orld's chancelleries. Recognizing that nonmilitary conflict 

5 makes extraordinary demands upon its practitioners, the 

6 Communists, for several decades, have intensively trained 

7 their leadership groups and cadres in an extensive network of 

8 basic, intennediate, and advanced schools. The Sino-Soviet 

9 conflict capacity has been immeasurably increased by the 

10 mobilization of reseai'ch, science, industry, technology, and 

11 education to serve the power-seeking ambitions of Com- 

12 munist leaders rather than the needs of their people. 

13 (3) Second, the problems of the United States are 

14 complicated by the emergence of many new nations, the 

15 unstable or deteriorating pohticaJ, social and economic con- 

16 ditions in many parts of the world, the revolutionary forces 

17 released by the rising expectations of the world's people, 

18 and other factors, all of which increase the difficulties of 

19 achieving our national objectives of preventing Communist 

20 penetration while seeking to build viable, free, and inde- 

21 pendent nations. 

22 (4) The nature of the Sino-Soviet power drive, the 

23 revolutionary and fluid world situation, the emergence of 

24 the United States as the major leader of the free world and 

25 the need to deal with the people of nations as well as govern- 



1 ments, has compelled the United States to employ many new 

2 instruments under the headings of traditional diplomacy, 

3 intelligence, technical assistance, aid programs., trade devel- 

4 opment, educational exchange, cultural exchange, and 

5 counterinsurgency (as well as in the area of related military 

6 programs) . To interrelate and progi'am these present in- 
^ struments over long periods already requires a high degree 

8 of professional competence in many specialties, as well as 

9 great managerial skill. 

10 (5) However, the United States has fallen short in 

11 developing and utilizing its full capacity to achieve its objec- 

12 tives in the world struggle. Not only do we need to improve 

13 the existing instruments, but a wide range of additional 

14 methods and means in both the Government and private 

15 sectors must be worked out and integrated with the existing 

16 instruments of our policy. Otherwise, the United States will 

17 lack the means to defeat many forms of Communist aggres- 

18 sion and to extend the area of freedom, national independ- 

19 ence, and self-government, as well as to attain other national 

20 objectives. However, this will require an intensive and 

21 comprehensive research and training effort first to think 

22 through these additional methods and means, and, second, to 

23 educate and train not only specialists, but also leaders at 

24 several levels who can visualize and organize these many 

25 instruments in an integrated strategy, enabling the United 



1 States to approach its national objectives along every path 

2 in accord with our ethic. 

3 (6) There has been a tendency to look upon strategy as 

4 a series of discrete problems with planning often restricted 

5 by jurisdictional walls and parochial attitudes and too much 

6 piecemeal planning to handle emergencies at the expense 

7 of systematic, long-range development and programing 

8 of the many iustinmients potentially available to us. While 

9 there has been marked improvement in such things as 

10 language training at agency schooFs, and while university 

11 centers have made significant progress in area studies, 

12 nowhere has the United States established a training pro- 

13 gram to develop rounded strategists in the nonmilitary area 

14 or even certain vital categories of- professional speciahsts, 

15 particularly in the area of political, ideological, psycholog- 

16 ical, and organizational operations and in certain areas of 

17 development work. Nor has the United States organized 

18 a research program which can be expected to think through 

19 the important additional range of methods and means that 

20 could be available to us in the Government and private 

21 sectors. 

22 (7) In implementing this legislation the following re- 

23 quirements for developing our national capacity for global 

24 operations in the nonmihtary area should receive special 

25 attention : 


1 I. At the upper levels of Government, the United States 

2 must have rounded strategists with intensive interdepart- 

3 mental training and experience who understand the range of 

4 instiiunents potentially available to us and who can or- 

5 ganize and program these instiuments over long periods in 

6 an integrated, forward strategy that systematically develops 

7 and utilizes our full national capacity for the global struggle. 

8 II. Below them, Government personnel must be trained 

9 to understand and implement this integrated strategy in all 

10 of its dimensions. Through intensive training, as well as 

11 experience, we must seek the highest professional compe- 

12 tence in those areas of specialized knowledge required by 

13 our global operations. Government personnel should have 

14 an underlying level of understanding as to the nature of the 

15 global conflict, the goals of the United States, and the vari- 

16 ous possible instruments in achieving these goals to facilitate 

17 team operations. We should seek to instill a high degree 

18 of elan and dedication. 

19 III. Foreign affairs personnel at all levels must under- 

20 stand communism with special emphasis on Connnunist non- 
21 military conflict technique. It is not enough to have experts 

22 available for consultation. This is basic knowledge which 

23 must be widely disseminated, if planning and implementa- 



1 tion are to be geared to the coiiflict we are in. (Tlie present 

2 two weeks seminar offered at the Foreign Service Institute 

3 is entirely too brief for even lower ranking personnel. ) 

4 IV. The private sector must understand how it can par- 

5 ticipate in the global struggle in a sustained and systematic 

6 manner. There exists in the private sector a huge reservoir 

7 of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can be developed 

8 and brought to bear in helping to solve many of our global . 
^ problems. We have hardly begun to explore the range of 

^ possibilities. 

^^ V. The public must have a deeper understanding of 

■^2 communism, especially Communist nonmilitary conflict tech- 
■^^ ni(|ue, and the nature of the global struggle, including the 
goals of the United States. 

(8) The hereinafter created Freedom Academy must be 

1 fi 

a prestige institution and every effort should be made to 

17 ... 

demonstrate this is a major effort by the United States in a 


vital area. 

(b) It is the hitent and purpose of the Congress that 


the authority and powers granted in this Act be fully utilized 


by the Commission estabhshed by section 4 of this Act to 

99 . . . 

achieve the objectives set forth in subsection (a) (7) of this 


section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress 



1 that the authority, powers, and functions of the Commission 

2 and the Academy as set forth in this Act are to be broadly 

3 construed. 


5 Sec. 3. As used in this Act — 

6 (1) The term "Conmiission" means the Freedom Com- 

7 mission established by section 4 of this Act; and 

8 (2) The tenii "Academy" means the Freedom Aca^- 

9 emy established by section 6 of this Act. 


11 Sec. 4. There is established in the executive branch of 

12 the Government an independent agency to be known as the 

13 Freedom Commission which shall be composed of six mem- 

14 hers and a chairman, each of whom shall be a citizen of the 

15 United States. The Chairman may from time to time desig- 

16 nate any other member of the Commission as Acting Chair- 

17 man to act in the place and stead of the Chairman during 

18 his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting Chairman in 

19 the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at all meetmgs of 

20 the Commission, and a quorum for the transaction of business 

21 shall consist of at least four members present. Each member 

22 of the Commission, including the Chairman, shall have equal 

23 responsibility and authority in all decisions and actions of the 

24 Conmaission, shall have full access to all information relating 

25 to the performance of his duties or responsibilities, and shall 



1 have one vote. Action of the Commission shall be deter- 

2 mined by a majority vote of the members present. The 

3 Chairman (or Acting Chairman in the absence of the Chair- 

4 man) shall be the oflScial spokesman of the Commission in 

5 its relations with the Congress, Government agencies, per- 

6 sons, or the public, and, on behalf of the Commission, shall 

7 see to the faithful execution of the policies and decisions of 

8 the Commission, and shall report thereon to the Commission 

9 from time to time or as the Commission may direct. The 

10 Commission shall have an oflScial seal which shall be 

11 judicially noticed. 


13 Sec. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the 

14 Chairman shall be appointed by the President, by and with 

15 the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four 

16 members, including the Chairman, may be members of any 

17 one political party. In submitting any nomination to the 

18 Senate, the President shall set forth the experience and 

19 qualifications of the nominee. The term of each member 

20 of the Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six 

21 years, except that (1) the terms of office of the members 

22 first taking oflRce shall expire as designated by the Presi- 

23 dent at the time of the appointment, two at the end of two 

24 years, two at the end of four years, and two at the end of 

47-093 O — 66 18 



1 six years; and (2) any member appointed to fill a vacancy 

2 occurring prior to the expiration of the tenn for which his 

3 predecessor was appointed shall be appointed for the re- 

4 mainder of such term. The Chairman shall serve as such 

5 during the pleasure of the President, and shall receive com- 

6 pensation at the rate of $20,500 per annum. Each other 

7 member of the Commission shall receive compensation at the 

8 rate of $20,000 per annum. Any member of the Commis- 

9 sion may be removed by the President for inefficiency, 

10 neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office. 

11 (b) No member of the Commission shall engage in 

12 any business, vocation, or employment other than that of 

13 serving as a member of the Commission. 



16 Sec 6. The Commission shall establish under its super- 

17 vision and control an advanced research, development, and 

18 training center to be known as the Freedom Academy. The 

19 Academy shall be located at such place or places within the 

20 United States as the Coiimiission shall determine. The prin- 

21 cipal functions of the Commission and Academy shall be : 

22 (l) To conduct research designed to improve the 

23 methods and means by which the United States seeks its 

24 national objectives in the nonmilitary part of the global 

25 struggle. This should include improvement of the present 



1 methods and means and exploration of the full range of ad- 

2 ditional methods and means that may be available to us in 

3 both the Government and private sectors. Special attention 

4 shall be given to problems of an interdepartmental nature 

5 and to problems involved in organizing and programing the 

6 full spectrum of methods and means potentially available in 
"7 the Government and private sectors in an integrated, forward 
8 strategy that will systematically develop and utilize the 
^ full cai^acity of the United States to seek its national objec- 

1^ tives in the global struggle, including the defeat of all forms 

^^ of Communist aggression and the building of free, inde- 

^'^ pendent, and viable nations. 

^^ (2) To educate and train Government personnel and 

private citizens so as to meet the requirements set forth in 
section 2(a) (7) of this Act. The Academy shall be the 
principal Government interdepartmental, educational, and 

trammg center in the nonmilitary area of the United States 

1ft • 

global operations. Authority is also granted to educate and 

train foreign students, when this is in the national interest 


and is approved by the Secretary of State. 

(3) To provide leadership in encouragm'g and assistmg 

oo . . . 

^ universities and other institutions to increase and improve 


'^ research, educational, and training programs attuned to the 


global operational needs of the United States. 


(4) To provide leadership, guidance, and assistance to 



1 the training staffs of Government agencies handling United 

2 States global operations, including training programs con- 

3 ducted at oversea posts. 

4 (5) To provide a center where officers and employees 

5 of Government agencies, as well as private citizens, can meet 

6 to discuss and explore common and special elements of their 
"^ problems in improving United States capabilities in the global 

8 struggle. 



11 Sec. 7. (a) Academy students, other than Govenmient 

12 personnel, shall be selected, insofar as is practicable and in 
1^ the pubUc interest, from those areas, organizations, and insti- 
ll tutions where trained leadership and informed public opinion 
15 are most needed to achieve the objectives set forth in section 
1^ 2 (a) (7) IV and V. Persons in Government service com- 
1'^ ing within the provisions of the Goverament Employees 
1^ Training Act may be trained at the Academy pursuant to 
1^ the provisions of said Act. All agencies and departments 

20 of Government are authorized to assign officers and em- 

21 ployees to the Academy for designated training. 

22 (b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to 
students and to pay expenses incident to training and study 

^ under this Act. This authorization shall include authority 

25 to pay actual and necessary travel expenses to and from the 



1 Academy or other authorized place of training under this 

2 Act. The Commission is authorized to grant financial as- 

3 sistance to the dependents of students who hold no office or 

4 employment under the Federal Government during the time 

5 they are undergoing training authorized under this Act. 

6 Grants and other financial assistance under this Act shall be 
"7 in such amounts and subject to such regulations as the Com- 

8 mission may deem appropriate to carry out the provisions 

9 of this Act. 

10 (c) Foreign students selected for trainmg under this 

11 Act shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under section 101 

12 (a) (15) (F) of the Immigi-ation and Nationality Act (8 

13 U.S.C. 1101(a) (15) (F)) for such time and under such 
1^ conditions as may be prescribed by regulations promulgated 
1^ by the Commission, the Secretaiy of State, and the Attorney 
1" General. A person admitted under this section who fails 
1' to maintain the status under which he was admitted, or who 
1° fails to depart from the United States at the expiration 
19 of the time for which he was admitted, or who engages in 
^" activities of a political nature detrimental to the interest 
^1 of the United States, or in activities in conflict with the 
^^ security of the United States, shall, upon the warrant of the 

Attorney General, be taken into custody and promptly 

■^ deported pursuant to sections 241, 242, and 243 of the 

2^ Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1251, 1252, 



2 and 1253). Deportation proceedings under this section 

2 shall be summary and findings of the Attorney General as to 

3 matters of fact shall be conclusive. Such persons shall not 

4 be eligible for suspension of deportation under section 244 

5 of such Act (8 U.S.C. 1254) . 


7 Sec. 8. The Commission is authorized to estiiblish an 

8 information center at such ])lace or places within the United 

9 States as the Conmiission may determine. The principal 

10 function of the information center shall be to disseminate, 

11 with or without charge, information and materials which will 

12 assist people and organizations to increase their understand- 

13 ing of the true nature of the international Communist con- 

14 spiracy and of the dimensions and nature of the global 

15 struggle between freedom and communism, and of ways they 

16 can participate effectively toward winning that struggle and 

17 building free, independent, and viable nations. In carrying 

18 out this function, the Commission is authorized to prepare, 

19 make, and publish textbooks and other materials, including 

20 training films, suitable for high school, college, and com- 

21 munity level instruction, and also to publish such research 

22 materials as may be in the public interest. The ConMnission 

23 is authorized to disseminate such information and materials 

24 to such persons and organizations as may be in the public 



1 interest on such terms and conditions as the Commission 

2 shall determine. 


4 Sec. 9. Nothing in this Act shall authorize the dis- 

5 closure of any information or knowledge in any case in which 

6 such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any other law of the 

7 United States, or (2) is . inconsistent with the security of 

8 the United States. 


10 Sec. 10. (a) Except as authorized by the Commission 

11 upon a determination by the Commission that such action is 

12 clearly consistent with the national interest, no individual 

13 shall be employed by the Commission, nor shall the Com- 

14 mission permit any individual to have access to information 

15 which is, for reasons of national security, specifically desig- 

16 nated by a United States Government agency for limited or 

17 restricted dissemination or distribution until the Civil Serv- 

18 ice Conunission shall have made an investigation and report 

19 to the Commission on the character, associations, and loyalty 

20 of such individual, and the Commission shall have determined 

21 that employing such individual or permitting him to have 

22 access to such information will not endanger the common 

23 defense and security. 

24 (b) In the event an investigation made pursuant to 



1 subsection (a) of this section develops any data reflecting 

2 that the individual who is the subject of the investigation is 

3 of questionable loyalty or is a questionable security risk, the 

4 Civil Service Commission shall refer the matter to the Fed- 

5 eral Bureau of Investigation for the conduct of a full field 

6 investigation, the results of which shall be furnished to the 

7 Civil Service Commission for its information and appropriate 

8 action. 

9 (c) If the Commission deems it to be in the national 

10 interest, the Commission may request the Civil Service Com- 

11 mission to make an investigation and report to the Commis- 

12 sion on the character, associations, and loyalty of any indi- 

13 vidual under consideration for training at the Academy, and 

14 if the Commission shall then determine that the training of 

15 such individual will not be in the best interest of the United 

16 States, he shall receive no training under this Act. 

17 (d) In the event an investigation made pursuant to 

18 subsection (c) of this section develops any data reflecting 

19 that the individual who is the subject of the investigation is 

20 of questionable loyalty or is a questionable security risk, 

21 the Civil Service Commission shall refer the matter to the 

22 Federal Bureau of Investigation for the conduct of a full 

23 field investigation, the results of which shall be furnished to 

24 the Civil Sei*vice Commission for its information and appro- 

25 priate action. 



1 (e) If the President or the Commission shall deem it to 

2 be in the national interest, he or the Commission may from 

3 time to time cause investigation of any individual which is 

4 required or authorized by subsections (a) and (c) of this 

5 section to be made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation 

6 instead of by the Civil Service Commission. 


8 Sec. 11. (a) In addition to the authority already 
^ granted, the Commission is authorized and empowered — 

1^ (1) to estabUsh such temporary or permanent 

H boards and committees as the Commission may from 

^ time to time deem necessary for the purposes of this 

13 Act; 

" (2) subject to the provisions of subsection (b) of 

this section, to appoint and fix the compensation of such 


personnel as may be necessary to carry out the functions 
1' of the Commission; 

(3) to conduct such research, studies, and surveys 
as the Commission may deem necessary to carry out the 

^ purposes of this Act; 

(4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend 
such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry 

^^ out the purposes of this Act; 

** (5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary 



1 for administering and carrying out the provisions of 

2 this Act; 

3 (6) to utilize, with the approval of the President, 

4 the services, facilities, and personnel of other Govem- 

5 ment agencies and pay for such services, facilities, and 

6 personnel out of funds available to the Commission under 

7 this Act, either in advance, by reimbursement, or by 

8 direct transfer; 

9 (7) to utilize or employ on a full-time or part-time 

10 basis, with the consent of the organization or govern- 

11 mental body concerned, the services of personnel of any 

12 State or local government or private organization to 

13 perform such functions on its behalf as may appear 

14 desirable to caiTy out the purposes of this Act, without 

15 requiring such personnel to sever their connection with 

16 the furnishing organization m governmental body; and 

17 to utilize personnel of a foreign government in the same 

18 manner and under the same circumstances with the 

19 approval of the Secretary of State; 

20 (8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and 

21 to hold and dispose of by sale, lease, or loan, real and 

22 personal property of all kinds necessary for, or resulting 

23 from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act; 

24 (9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if 

25 such funds are donated without restrictions other than 



1 that they be used in furtherance of one or more of the 

2 purposes of this Act; 

3 (10) to accept and utilize the services of voluntary 

4 and uncompensated personnel and to provide transporta- 

5 tion and subsistence as authorized by section 5 of the 

6 Administrative Expenses Act of 1946 (5 U.S.C. 73b- 
"7 2) for persons serving without compensation; 

8 (11) to utiHzo the services of persons on a tem- 
^ porary basis and to pay their actual and necessary 
1^ travel expenses and subsistence and, in addition, corn- 
el ])ensation at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each 
12 day spent in the work of the Commission. 
1^ (b) The personnel referred to in subsection (a) (2) 
1"* of this section shall be appointed in accordance with the 
1^ civil service laws and their compensation fixed in ac<'ord- 
^^ ance with the Classification Act of 1940, as amended, ex- 
1^ c«pt that, to the extent the Conunission deems such action 
1° necessary to the discharge of its responsibilities, })ersonnel 
1^ may be employed and their compensation fixed without re- 
2" gard to such laws. No such personnel (except such per- 

21 sonnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and specially 

22 qualified professional personnel up to a limit of $19,000) 
-"^ whose position would be subject to the Classification Act 
24 of 1949, as amended, if such Act were applicable to such 
2^ position, shall be paid a salary at a rate in excess of the rate 



1 payable under such Act for positions of equivalent diflBculty 

2 or responsibility. The Commission shall make adequate 

3 provision for administrative review of any determination 

4 to dismiss any employee. 


6 Sec. 12. The Conamission is authorized to estabUsh 

7 within the Commission a general manager, who shall dis- 

8 charge such of the administrative and executive functions 

9 of the Commission as the Commission may direct. The 

10 general manager shall be appointed by the Commission, 

11 shall serve at the pleasure of the Commission, shall be re- 

12 movable by the Commission, and shall receive compensation 

13 at a rate determined by the Commission, but not in excess 

14 of $18,000 per annum. 


16 Sec. 13. (a) To assure effective cooperation between 

17 the Freedom Academy and various Government agencies 

18 concerned with its objectives, there is established an advisory 

19 conmaittee to the Freedom Academy (referred to hereinafter 

20 as the "Committee" ) . The Committee shall be composed of 

21 one representative of each of the following agencies desig- 

22 nated by the head of each such agency from officers and em- 

23 ployees thereof: The Department of State; the Department 

24 of Defense; the Department of Health, Education, and Wei- 



1 fare; the Central Intelligence Agency; the Federal Bureau 

^ of Investigation ; the Agency for International Development ; 

^ and the United States Information Agency. 

4 (b) Members of the Committee shall elect a member 

5 to serve as Chairman of the Committee. The Chairman shall 
C serve for such a term of one year. The chairmanship shall 
'^ rotate among the representatives of the agencies who com- 
8 prise the membership of the Committee. 

^ (c) No member of the Committee shall receive compen- 

10 sation for his services as such other than that received by him 

11 as an oflBcer or employee of the agency represented by him. 

12 Each member of the Committee shall be reimbursed for ex- 

13 penses actually and necessarily incurred by him in the per- 

14 formance of duties of the Committee. Such reimbursements 

15 sliall be made from funds appropriated to the Freedom Com- 

16 mission upon vouchers approved by the Chairman of the 

17 Committee. 

18 (d) The Committee shall— 

19 (1) serve as a medium for liaison between the 

20 Freedom Commission and the Government agencies 

21 represented in the Committee; 

22 (2) review from time to time the plans, programs, 

23 and activities of the Freedom Commission and the Free- 

24 dom Academy, and transmit to the Commission such 



1 recommendations as it may determine to be necessaiy or 

2 desirable for the improvement of those plans, programs, 

3 and activities; 

4 (3) meet with the Freedom Commission periodi- 

5 cally, but not less often than semiannually, to consult 

6 with it with regard to the plans, programs, and activities 

7 of the Freedom Commission and the Federal Academy ; 

8 and 

9 (4) transmit to the President and to the Congress 

10 in January of each year a report containing (A) a com- 

11 prehensive description of the plans, programs, and activi- 

12 ties of the Commission and the Academy during the 

13 preceding calendar year, and (B) its reconunendations 

14 for the improvement of those plans, programs, and 

15 activities. 

16 (e) The Committee shall promulgate such rules and 

17 regulations as it shall determine to be necessary for the 

18 performance of its duties. 

19 (f) The Commission shall furnish to the Committee 

20 without reimbursement such office space, personal services, 

21 supphes and equipment, information, and facilities as the 

22 Committee may require for the performance of its functions. 



2 Sec. 14. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of 

3 any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, such 

4 sums as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of this 

5 Act. 



89th CONGRESS WW W^ 1 /\0 


January -i, 1965 

Mr. GuBSER introduced the following: bill; which was referred to the Com- 
mittee on I'n-American Activities 

[HJ{. 5784, introduced by Mr. Ashbrook March 3, 1965, is identical to H.R. 1033.] 


To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the 
science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy 
and for the training and development of leaders in a total 
political war. 

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 

2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 


4 Section 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom 

5 Commission Act". 


7 Sec 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes 

8 the following Rndings: 

9 ( 1 ) The Soviet Union and Communist China are wag- 



1 ing a total political war against the United States and 

2 against the peoples and governments of all other nations of 

3 the free world. 

4 (2) Unlike the free world, the Soviet Union has sys- 

5 tematically prepared for this total political war over several 

6 decades. Drawing on the experience of previous conquerors 

7 and upon their own elaborate studies and extensive pragmatic 

8 tests, the Soviet leaders have developed their conspiratorial 

9 version of political warfare into a highly effective operational 

10 science. Recognizing that political warfare is a difficult 

11 science making unusual demands on its practitioners, the 

12 Soviet Union and Communist China have established an 

13 elaborate network of training schools, within and without the 

14 free world, in which have been trained large numbers of 

15 highly skilled activists. These activists continue to receive 

16 intensive continuous training throughout their party careers. 

17 (3) In this total political war the Soviets permit no 

18 neutrals. Every citizen, every economic, cultural, religious, 

19 or ethnic group is a target and is under some form of direct 

20 or indirect Communist attack. The battleground is every- 

21 where, and every citizen, knowingly or unknowingly, 

22 through action or inaction, Is involved In this continuous 

23 struggle. 

24 (4) Since the end of World War I J, the Soviets, tak- 

25 Ing full advantage of their better preparation and often suj>c- 

47-093 O— 65 19 



1 nor organizational and operational know-how, have inflicted 

2 a series of political warfare defeats on the free world. The 

3 total sum of these defeats is nothing less than a disaster 

4 for the United States and the free world and the continua- 

5 tion of this political war by the Soviets confronts the United 

6 States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its 

7 national survival. 

8 (5) In order to defeat the Soviet political warfare 

9 offensive and to preserve the integrity and independence of 

10 the nations of the free world, it is imperative — 

11 (A) that the knowledge and understanding of all 

12 the peoples of the free world concerning the true nature 

13 of the international Communist conspiracy be increased 

14 as rapidly as is practicable; 

15 (B) that private citizens not only understand the 

16 true nature of the iqtemational Communist conspiracy, 

17 but that they also know how they can participate, and 

18 do participate, in this continuous struggle in an effective, 

19 sustained, and systematic manner; 

20 (C) that Government personnel engaged in the cold 

21 war increase their knowledge of the international Com- 

22 munist conspiracy, develop a high espirit de corps and 

23 sense of mission and a high degree of operational know- 

24 how in counteracting the international Communist 

25 conspiracy. 



1 (b) It is the intent and purpose of the Congress that 

2 the authority and powers granted in this Act be fully utilized 

3 by the hereinafter created Commission to achieve the objec- 

4 tives set forth in the preceding subsection (a) (5) of this 

5 section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress 

6 that the authority, powers, and functions of the Commission 

7 and the Academy as hereinafter set forth are to be broadly 

8 construed. 


^^ Sec. 3. When used in this diapter — 

^^ ( 1 ) The term "Commission" means the Freedom Com- 

■^ mission ; 

^^ (2) The term "Academy" means the Freedom Acad- 

14 emy; and 

15 (3) The term "joint committee" means the Joint Con- 

16 gressional Freedom Committee. 




20 Sec. 4. There is established in the executive branch 

21 (A the Government an independent agency to be known as 

22 the Freedom Commission which shall be composed of six 

23 members and a Chairman, each of whom shaU be a citizen 

24 of the United States. The Chairman may from time to 

25 time designate any other member of the Commission as 




1 Acting Chairman to act in the place and stead of the Chair- 

2 man during his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting 

3 Chainnan in the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at 

4 all meetings of the Commission and a quorum for the trans- 

5 action of business shall consist of at least four members 

6 present. Each member of the Commission, including the 

7 Chairman, shall have equal responsibility and authority in 

8 all decisions and actions of the Commission, shall have full 

9 access to all information relating to the performance of his 

10 duties or responsibilities, and shall have one vote. Action 

11 of the Commission shall be determined by a majority vote 

12 of the members present. The Chairman (or Acting Chair- 

13 man in the absence of the Chairman) shall be the official 

14 spokesman of the Commission in its relations with the Con- 

15 gress, Government agencies, persons, or the public, and, 

16 on behalf of the Commission, shall see to the faithful execu- 

17 tion of the policies and decisions of the Commission, and 

18 shall report thereon to the Commission from time to time 

19 or as the Commission may direct. The Commission shall 

20 have an official seal which shall be judicially noticed. 



23 Sec. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the Chair- 

24 man shall be appointed by the President, by and with the 

25 advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four 



1 members, including the Chairman, may be members of any 

2 one political party. In submitting any nomination to the 

3 Senate, the President shall set forth the experience and quali- 

4 fications of the nominee. The term of each member of the 

5 Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six years, 

6 except that ( 1 ) the terms of office of the members first tak- 

7 ing office shall expire as designated by the President at the 

8 time of the appointment, two at the end of two years, two at 

9 the end of four years, and two at the end of six years; and 

10 ( 2 ) any member appointed to fill a vacancy occurring prior 

11 to the expiration of the term for which his predecessor was 

12 appointed shall be appointed for the remainder of such 

13 term. The Chairman shall serve during the pleasure of the 

14 President. Any member of the Conmiission may be removed 

15 by the President for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or mal- 

16 feasance in office. Each member, except the Chairman, 

17 shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,000 per annum ; 

18 and the Chairman shall receive compensation at the rate of 

19 $20,500 per annum. 

20 (b) No member of the Commission shall engage in any 

21 business, vocation, or employment other than that of serving 

22 as a member of the Commission. 






3 Sec. 6. The Commission is authorized and empowered 

4 to establish under its supervision and control an advanced 

5 training and development center to be known as the Freedom 

6 Academy. The Academy shall be located at such place or 

7 places within the United States as the Commission shall 

8 determine. The principal functions of the Academy shall 

9 be— 

10 (1) the development of systematic knowledge 

11 about the international Communist conspiracy; 

12 (2) the development of counteraction to the inter- 

13 national Communist conspiracy into an operational 

14 science that befits and bespeaks the methods and values 

15 of freemen, and to achieve this purpose the entire area 

16 of counteraction is to be thoroughly explored and studied 

17 with emphasis on the methods and means that may best 
• 18 be employed by private citizens and nongovernmental 

19 organizations and the methods and means available to 

20 Government agencies other than the methods and means 

21 already being used; 

22 (3) the education and training of private citizens 



1 concerning all aspects of the international Communist 

2 conspiracy and in the science of counteraction to that 

3 conspiracy ; 

4 (4) the education and training of persons in Gov- 

5 emment service concerning all aspects of the intema- 

6 tional Communist conspiracy and in the science of 

7 counteraction to that conspiracy to the end that they can 

8 be more useful to their Government in defeating the 

9 international Communist conspiracy. 



12 TDON 

13 Sec. 7. (a) Academy students shall be selected, insofar 

14 as is practicable and in the public interest, from a cross 

15 section of the diverse groups, within and without the United 

16 States, in which the total political war is being fought. 

17 Before accepting any student for training who is an officer 

18 or employee of a Government agency, the Commission shall 

19 first obtain the concurrence of that agency. Persons in 

20 Government service coming within the provisions of the 

21 Government Employees Training Act may be trained at the 

22 Academy pursuant to the provisions of said Act. All other 

23 agencies and departments of Government are authorized to 

24 aid and assist the Conmiission in the selection of students. 




1 (b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to 

2 students and to pay expenses incident to training and study 

3 under this chapter. This authorization shall include au- 

4 thority to pay travel expenses to and from the Academy 

5 or other authorized place of training under this chapter, and 

6 authority to give financial assistance to the dependents of 

7 students during the time they are undergoing training au- 

8 thorized under this Act. Foreign students selected for train- 

9 ing under this Act shall be admitted as noninmiigrants under 

10 section 1101(a) (15) of title 8, United States Code, for 

11 such time and under such conditions as may be prescribed 

12 by regulations promulgated by the Commission, the Seo- 

13 retary of State, and the Attorney General. A person ad- 

14 mitted under this section who fails to maintain the status 

15 under which he was admitted, or who fails to depart from 

16 the United States at the expiration of the time for which 

17 he was admitted, or who engages in activities of a political 

18 nature detrimeptal to the interest of the United States, or 

19 in activities in conflict with the security of the United States, 

20 shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney General, be taken 

21 into custody and promptly deported pursuant to sections 

22 1251-1253 of title 8, United States Code. Deportation 

23 proceedings under this section shall be summary and findings 



1 of the Attorney General as to matters of fact shall be coo- 

2 elusive. Such persons shall not be eligible for suspension of 

3 deportation under section 1254 of such title 8. 


5 Sec. 8. The Commission is authorized to provide stu- 

6 dents selected for training at the Academy (either before, 

7 after, or during Academy training) with such additional edu- 

8 cation and training at colleges, universities, or technical 

9 schools other than the Academy, or with such on-the-job 

10 training in industry and business as the Conmiission shall 

11 determine to be in the pubUc interest. 


13 Sec. 9. The Conmiission is authorized to establish an 

14 information center at such place or places within the United 

15 States as the Commission may determine. The principal 

16 function of the information center shall be to disseminate 

17 with or without charge information and materials which will 

18 assist persons and organizations to increase th-air under- 

19 standing of the true nature of the international Conmiunist 

20 conspiracy and the ways and means of defeating that con- 

21 spiracy. In carrying out this function, the Conmiission is 

22 authorized to prepare, nmke, and publish textbooks and other 

23 materials, including training films, suitable for high school, 

24 college, and community level instruction. The Commission 

25 is authorized to disseminate such information and materials 



1 to sach persons and organizations as may be in the pabHc 

2 interest on such terms and conditions as the Commission 

3 shall determine. 


5 Sec. 10. Nothing in this chapter shaU authorize the dis- 

6 closure of any information or knowledge in any case in which 

7 such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any other law of the 

8 United States, or (2) is inconsistent with the security of the 

9 United States. 


11 Sec. 11. (a) Except as authorized by the Conmiission 

12 upon a determination by the Conmiission that such action is 

13 clearly consistent with the national interest, no individual 

14 shall be employed by the Conmiission until such individual 

15 has been investigated by the Civil Service Commission to 

16 determine whether the said individual is a good security risk 

17 and a report thereof has been made to the Freedom 

18 Commission. 

19 ^b) In addition to the foregoing provisions, the Com- 

20 mission may request that any individual employed by the 

21 Commission, or under consideration for emplojnnent by the 

22 Commission, be investigated by the Federal Bureau of In- 

23 vestigation to determine whether the said individual is a good 

24 security risk. 




2 Sec. 12. In addition to the authority ah*eady granted, 

3 the Commission is authorized and empowered — 

4 (1) to establish such temporary or permanent 

5 boards and conmiittees as the Commission may from 

6 time to time deem necessary for the purposes of this 

7 Act; 

8 (2) to iappoint and fix the compensation of such 

9 personnel as may be necessary to carry out the functions 

10 of the Commission. Such personnel shall be appointed 

11 in accordance with the civil service laws and their com- 
^ pensation fixed in accordance with the Classification 

13 Act of 1949. as amended, except that, to the extent the 

14 Commission deems such action necessary to the dis- 

15 diarge of its responsibilities, personnel may be employed 

16 and their compensation fixed without regard to such 

17 laws: Provided, however. That no personnel (except 

18 such personnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and 

19 specially qualified professional personnel up to a limit 

20 of $19,000) whose position would be subject to the 

21 Classification Act of 1949, as amended, if such Act were 

22 applicable to such position, shall be paid a salary at a 

23 rate in excess of the rate payable under such Act for 

24 positions of equivalent diflSculty or responsibihty. The 

25 Commission shall make adequate provision for admin- 



1 istrative review of any determination to dismiss any 

2 employee ; 

3 (3) to conduct such research, studies and surveys as 

4 necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act ; 

5 (4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend 

6 such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry 

7 out the purposes of this Act; 

8 (5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary 

9 for administering and carrying out the provisions of this 

10 Act; 

11 (6) to utilize, with the approval of the President, 

12 the services, facilities, and personnel of other Govem- 

13 ment agencies. Whenever the Commission shall use the 

14 services, facilities, or personnel of any Government 

15 agency for activities under the authority of this Act, the 

16 Commission shall pay for such performance out of funds 

17 available to the Commission under this Act, either in 

18 advance, by reimbursement, or by direct transfer : 

19 { 7 ) to utilize or employ on a full- or part-time basis, 

20 with the consent of the organization or governmental 

21 body concerned, the services of personnel of any State 

22 or local government or private organization to perform 

23 such functions on its behalf as may appear desirable to 

24 carry out the purposes of this Act, without said person- 

25 nel severing their connection with the furnishing organ- 



1 ization or governmental body ; and further to utilize per- 

2 sonnel of a foreign government in the same manner and 

3 under the same circumstances with the approval of the 

4 Secretary of State; 

5 (8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and 

6 to hold and dispose of by sale, lease, or loan, real and 

7 personal property of all kinds necessary for, or resulting 

8 from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act; 

9 (9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if 

10 such funds are donated without restrictions other than 

11 that they be used in furtherance of one or more of the 

12 purposes of this Act; 

13 (10) to accept and utilize the services of vol- 

14 untarj' and uncompensated personnel and to provide 

15 transportation and subsistence as authorized by section 

16 73b-2 of title 5, United States Code, for persons serving 

17 without compensation ; 

18 (11) to utilize the services of persons on a tempo- 

19 rary basis and to pay their actual and necessary travel 

20 expenses and subsistence and in addition compensation 

21 at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each day spent 

22 in the work of the Commission. 


24 Sec. 13. The Commission is authorized to establish 

25 within the Commission a General Manager, who shall dis- 



1 charge such of the administrative and executive functions of 

2 the Commission as the Commission may direct. The Gen- 

3 eral Manager shall be appointed by the Commission, shall 

4 serve at the pleasure of the Commission, shall be removable 

5 by the Commission, and shall receive compensation at a rate 

6 determined by the Commission, but not in excess of $18,000 

7 per annum. 



10 Sec. 14. There is established the Joint Congressional 

11 Freedom Committee hereinafter referred to as the "joint com- 

12 mittee" to be composed of seven Members of the Senate to 

13 be appointed by the President of the Senate, and seven Mem- 

14 bers of the House of Representatives to be appointed by the 

15 Speaker of the House of Representatives. In each instance 

16 not more than four Members shall be the members of the 

17 same political party. 


19 Sec. 15. The joint committee shall make continued 

20 studies of the activities of the Commission and of problems 

21 relating to the development of counteraction to the inter- 

22 national Communist conspiracy. During the first sixty days 

23 of each session of the Congress the joint committee shall 

24 conduct hearings in either open or executive session for the 

25 purposes of receiving information concerning the develop- 



1 ment and state of counteraction. The Commission shall keep 

2 the joint committee fully and currently informed with re- 

3 spect to all of the Commission's activities. All bills, reso- 

4 lutions, and other matters in the Senate or House of 

5 Representatives relating primarily to the Commission shall 

6 be referred to the joint committee. The members of the 

7 joint committee who are Members of the Senate shall from 

8 time to time report to the Senate and the members of the 

9 joint committee who are Members of the House of Repre- 

10 sentative<! shall from time to time report to the House, by 

11 bill or otherwise, their recommendations with respect to mat- 

12 ters within the jurisdiction of their respective Houses which 

13 are referred to the joint committee, or otherwise within the 

14 jurisdiction of the joint committee. 



17 Sec. 16. Vacancies in the membership of the joint com- 

18 mittee shall not affect the power of the remaining members 

19 to execute the functions of the joint committee, and shall be 

20 filled in the same manner as in the case of the original se- 

21 lection. The joint committee shall select a chairman and a 

22 vice chairman from among its members at the beginning of 

23 each Congress. The vice chairman shall act in the place 

24 and stead of the chairman in the absence of the chairman. 

25 The chairmaiiship shall alternate between the Senate and the 



1 House of Representatives with each Congress, and the ehair- 

2 man shall be selected by the members from that House 

3 entitled to the chairmanship. The vice chairman shall be 

4 chosen from the House other than that of the chairman by 

5 the members from that House. 


7 Sec. 17. In carrying out its duties under this chapter, 

8 the joint committee, or any duly authorized subcommittee 
^ thereof, is authorized to hold such hearings or investigations, 

10 to sit and act at such places and times, to require by sub- 

11 pena or otherwise, the attendance of such witnesses and the 

12 production of such books, papers, and documents, to admin- 

13 ister such oaths, to take such testimony, to procure such 

14 printing and binding, and to make such expenditures as it 

15 deems advisable. The joint committee may make such rules 

16 respecting its organization and procedures as it deems neces- 

17 sary: Provided, hotvever, That no measure or recommenda- 

18 tion shall be reported from the joint committee or by any 

19 member designated by him or by the joint committee, and 

20 may be served by such person or persons as may be desig- 

21 nated by such chairman or member. The chairman of the 

22 joint committee or any me;nber thereof may administer oaths 

23 to witnesses. The joint committee may use a committee 

24 seal. The provisions of sections 192-194 of title 2, United 

25 States Code, shall apply in case of any failure of any wit- 



1 ness it) comply with a subpena or to testify when summoned 

2 under authority of this section. The expenses of the joint 

3 committee shall be paid from the contingent fund of the 

4 Senate from funds appropriated for the joint committee upon 

5 vouchers approved by the chairman. The cost of steno- 

6 graphic services to report public hearings shall not be in 

7 excess of the amounts prescribed by law for reporting the 

8 hearings of standing committees of the Senate. The cost of 

9 stenographic sei*vices to report executive hearings shall be 

10 fixed at an equitable rate by the joint committee. Mem- 

11 bers of the joint commitee, and its employees and consult- 

12 ants, while traveling on official business for the joint com- 

13 mittee, may receive either the per diem allowance authorized 

14 to be paid to Members of Congress or its employees, or their 

15 actual and necessary expenses provided an itemized state- 

16 ment of such expenses is attached to the voucher. 



19 Sec. 18. The joint committee is empowered to appoint 

20 and fix the compensation of such experts, consultants, and 

21 staff employees as it deems necessary and advisable. The 

22 joint committee is authorized to utilize the services, informa- 

23 tion, facilities, and personnel of the departments and 

24 establishments of the Government. 

47-093 O — 65 20 





2 Sec. 19. The joint committee may classify information 

3 originating within the committee in accordance with stand- 

4 ards used generally by the executive branch for classifying 

5 restricted data or defense information. 


7 Sec. 20. The joint committee shall keep a complete 

8 record of all committee actions, including a record of the 

9 votes on any (luestion on which a record vote is demanded. 

10 All committee records, data, charts, and files shall be the 

11 property of the joint committee and shall l)e kept in the 

12 offices of the joint committee or other places as the joint 

13 committee may direct under such secuiTty safeguards as the 
joint committee shall determine in the interest of the com- 
mon defense and security. 



Sec. 21. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of 


an}^ money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, so 
much as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of 
^ this Act. 





Alimin 171 

Allard, F. L., Jr 182 

Anderson, Richard 182 

Ashbrook, John M 1,3,12,14-19,282 

Atkinson, James D 157 

Avila, Victor 163 

Balaguer (Joaquin) 136 

Baraduc, Pierre 156 

Batista y Zaldivar (Fulgencio) 131,132,189,235 

Bentley, Elizabeth Terrill 51 

Blake, Walter S., Jr 182 

Boggs, Hale 1,3,40,42,81,83,129,133,177-199 (statement), 238,259 

Bosch, Juan 136 

Braddock 63 

Bringuier, Carlos 182, 184, 185, 187-190 

Brooks (Jack) 129 

Browder, Earl 172 

Buchanan, John Hall, Jr 1,3,122-128 (statement), 129,259 

Burke, Arleigh A 141 

Butler, Edward S., Ill 180,182-192,195 


Caamano Deno, Francisco 209 

Cachin (Marcel) 21 

Case (Clifford P.) 42,64,65,69,196 

Castro, Fidel 130- 

133, 147, 156, 163, 17&-180, 182, 184, 185, 187-189, 191, 194, 195 

Castro, Juanita 180 

Castro, Rual 132 

Chamberlain, John 249 

Chamberlain, Neville 23, 173 

Chambers, Whittaker 51 

Chaumon, Faure 180 

Chiang Kai-shek 43 

Chiari, Roberto (F.) 163 

Chin Kim 251 

Chou Chiuyen 67 

Chou En-lai 172 

Clausen, Don H 1,3,19-20 (statement), 129, 146, 259 

Clay, Lucius (D.) 235 

Coburn, Claude 21 

Conley, Robert 154 


Daladier (Edouard) 23 

Dale, Julia E 181 

Darsono 172 

Davles, Joe 22 


Debat, Alphonse. (iSee Massamba-Debat, Alphonse.) Page 

de Gaulle (Charles A.) 67,156 

Demos, Raphael 109 

DeMott, John 153 

Derden, Elton W 181 

Dietz, Linda 181 

Dobriansky, Lev E 83 

Dodd, Thomas J 42, 64. 65, 69, 146, 156, 174, 196, 249 

Doherty, William C 233-242 (statement), 245 

Douglas, Paul H 42. 45, 64, 6.5, 69, 146, 196 

Dulles, Allen W 25, 156, 158 

Dyer, Murray 69, 71 


Eisenhower, Dwight D 19, 51, 130, 154, 165, 200 

Engles, Friedrich (Frederick) 123 

Epton, William 166 

Evans, Rowland 172 


Falk, Irving 71 

Farland, Joseph S 175,232 

Fascell, Dante B 53, 105, 248-251 

Feighan (Michael A.) 1,4,259 

Ferdinand, Louis 21 

Fischer, Ruth 16 

Fong, Hiram 42, 64, 65, 69, 196 

Frank, Waldo 186 

Fulbright (J. W.) 172 


Gallagher (Cornelius E.) 53 

Gallup, George 69, 71, 77 

Garrison, Lloyd 66, 67 

Goebbels, Paul Joseph 21, 73, 191 

Goering (Hermann) 22 

Goldwater (Barry) 42, 146 

Gordon, George N 71 

Grace Peter _ 237 

Grant, Alan G., Jr 38, 40-42,'47, 139, 144 

Gubser, Charles S 1,3,4, 5-14 (statement), 42, 129, 282 

Guevara, Ernesto "Che" 132 

Gurney, Edward John 1, 3, 38-43 (statement) , 44, 45, 48, 50, 129. 259 

Hall, Gus 172 

Hallmam, Dorothy : 213 

Hanga, Kassim 154 

Harriman, W. Averell 10, 55, 109, 139, 141, 149, 240 

Helms, Richard 156 

Herlong, A. Sidney, Jr 1, 3, 42, 44, 45, 129, 133, 259 

Hickenlooper (Bourke B.) 42,64,65,69,196 

Hiss, Alger 51, 158 

Hitler, Adolf 20, 22, 23, 26, 28, 34, 35, 116, 123, 130, 173, 253 

Hittle, James D 231-232 (statement) 

Hoare, Samuel 34 

Ho Chi Minh 118, 119,246 

Hodapp, William 71 

Holt, Robert T 74 

Hoover, J. Edgar 166 

Ichord, Richard H 1, 3, 42, 129, 133, 147-176 (statement), 259 

INDEX iii 



Jenkins, John A 231 

Jimenez Ochoa, Julian 68 

Johnson (Lyndon B.) 31,111,131,134,136,139,150,167,179,235 

Johnston, Eric 237 

Jordan, Alexander T 69-71 

Joyce, Walter 71 

Judd, Walter (H.) 42,44,45 


Kan Mai 67 

Kaya, Paul 67 

Keating (Kenneth B.) ; 42 

Kennan, George 27 

Kennedy, John F 25, 

64, 130, 133, 139, 143, 155, 156, 168, 182, 184, 187-189, 191, 192, 204 

Kennedy, Robert F 110, 167 

Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich 42, 51, 64, 132, 138, 155, 156, 254 

Kintner, William R 42 

Kirkpatrick, Evron M 75, 77 

Knickerbocker. H. R 21 

Krock, Arthur 71 

Kubitschek ( Juscelino) 130 


Labin, Suzanne 27 

Lansdale, Edward 25 

Lausche (Frank J.) 42, 64, 65, 69, 196 

Lee, O. H. {See Oswald, Lee Harvey.) 

Lee, V. T 186 

Lenin, V. I 5, 70, 73, 113, 114, 123, 155, 164, 168, 171, 172, 254 

Lissouba, Pascal 67 

Lumumba, Patrice 165 


MacArthur, Douglas, II 9, 116 

Magsaysay (Ramon) 25, 244 

Mao, Tze-tung 25, 26, 34, 43 155, 166, 235 

Martin, L. John 74 

Martoyoso 18 

Marx, Karl 49, 123, 125, 191 

Massamba-Debat, Alphonse 67 

Massouemi, Anselme 67 

Matsocota, Lazar 67 

McCarran (Patrick A.) 45 

McKinnon, Clinton D 105. 118 

McNamara, Robert S 63, 64 

Meany, George 237, 238 

Methvin, Eugene H 151, 153 '-159, 161-174, 180, 181 

Meyerhoff, Arthur E 105-122 ( statement ), 148, 208, 209 

Miller (Jack) 42, 64, 65, 69, 196 

Morrison, deLesseps S. (Chep) 192 

Mowrer, Edgar Ansel 20-35 (statement) 

Mundt, Karl E 42, 43, 44-78 (statement), M, 146, 157, 195-197 

Munzenberg, Willi 16 

Murphy (George) 65, 69 

Mussolini, Benito 20, 21, 34 


Nasser (Gamal Abdel) 30 

Neumann (Heinz) 21 

Newman, Guy D 213 

Ngo Dinh Diem 245 

1 Appears as Eugene R. Methvin. 



Niederlehner, L. (Leonard) 140 

Nixon, Richard M 45, 130, 165, 166 

Novak, Robert— 179 

Nozaka, Sanzo 172 


Ochoa, Julian Jimenez. (See Jimenez Ochoa, Julian.) 

Ochsner, Alton 183, 184, 187, 192, 195 

O'Connor, Daniel J 81-84 (statement) 

Okotcha, Anthony G 154 

Oles, Floyd 79,84-85 (statement) 

O'Neill, Eugene 113 

Oswald, Lee Harvey (alias O. H. Lee) 155,168,182-191 


Padover, Saul K 74 

Palma, Soils 163 

Pavlov (Ivan) 52 

Pearce, Marshall 183, 184, 186, 187, 189 

Phillips, Rufus C, III 242-247 (statement) 

PoUitt (Harry) 172 

Possony, Stefan T 32, 42 

Pouabou, Joseph 66, 67 

Pouabou, Mrs. Joseph 66 

Prouty (Winston L.) 64, 65, 69, 196 

Proxmire (William) 42, 64, 65, 69, 146, 196 


Repplier, Ted 109 

Riegel, O. W 157 

Roa, Raul, Jr 156 

Roosevelt, Franklin Delano 22, 130 

Rosenberg, Ethel (Mrs. Julius Rosenberg; nee Greenglass) 155, 191 

Rosenberg, Julius 155, 191 

Rovpan, Carl T 150 

Rusk, Dean 24, 64 


Salinger, Pierre 156 

Schadeberg (Henry C.) 1 

Schnabel, Charles 213 

Schweiker (Richard S.) 1,42 

Scott (Hugh) 42, 64, 65, 69, 196 

Semaun 171 

Sharkey (L. L.) 172 

Sheehan, Neil 16, 18 

Slatter, Bill 182, 184-189 

Smathers (George A.) 42,64,65,69,196 

Smith, Earl E. T 129,130-147 (statement) 

Smith, Preston 213 

Soto, Lionel 132 

Stalin, Josef 22,34, 116, 123 

Stevenson, Adlai 154, 170 

Stuckey, Bill 182, 184-187, 189, 190 

Sukarno 30, 169, 170 

Sulzberger, C. L 63 

Sumiharni 18 

Szunyogh, Bela 71 


Taft (Robert, Jr.)_: 1,42 

Talcott (Burt L.) 1 

Taylor, Maxwell D 57,64 

Thorez (Maurice) 172 

Tito 30 



Trohan, Walter 118 

Trujillo (Rafael Leoldas) 136,205 

Truman (Harry S) 157 

Tunnell, Byron 213 


(Ulyanov), Alexander (Ilyich) 155 


Van Sittart, Robert 34, 35 

Vaughn, Jack (Hood) 194 

Von Preysing 234 


Walsh, William B 199-231 (statement), 240 

Webb, Beatrice 21 

Webb, Sidney 21 

White, Harry Dexter 158 

Whitton, John Boardman 71, 74 

Williams, Robert F 166 

Willis, Edwin B 247-258 (closing statement) 

Wyss, Wallace 153 


Xavier, Francis 82 

Youlou, Fulbert 67 


Zenger, John Peter 158 


AFL-CIO. (See American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial 

Advertising Council 120 

Afro-American Labor Center (New York) 236 

Alliance for Progress. {See entry under U.S. Government, State Depart- 
ment, Agency for International Development.) 

All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions ( U.S.S.R. ) 95 

All-Union Central Soviet of Professional Unions (Moscow) 195 

American Bar Association 15,70,71,76,158,167,168 

American Council on Education for Journalism 157 

American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations 

( AFI^CIO) 70, 145, 236-239, 241 

American Institute for Free Labor Development, AFL-CIO 65, 

145, 167-169, 233, 236-239, 241 
American Institute for Free Labor Development. ( See entry under Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL- 

American Legion, The 15,76,81-84 (statement) 

First Annual National Convention, Minneapolis, Minn., November 

10-12, 1919 82 

Forty-Sixth Annual National Convention, Dallas, Tex., September 

22-24, 1964 83 

National Americanism Commission 81, 83 

American University (Washington, D.C.) 50 

Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League (APACL) 173,247,248,250,251 

Freedom Center (Seoul, South Korea) 173,248,250-252 

Republic of China 247 

Second Extraordinary Conference, May 1962, Seoul, Korea 250 

Tenth Conference, November 1964, Taipei, Formosa 247, 248 

Automobile, Aerospace & Agricultural Implement Workers of America ; 

International Union, United 237 



BBC. ( See British Broadcasting Corp. ) Page 

Black Muslims 156 

Boston University (Boston, Mass.) 157 

British Broadcasting Corp 33 

Bureau for Repression of Communist Activities (BRAC) (Cuba) 132 

CORE. (See Congress of Racial Equality.) 

Carlos Rodriguez (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97 

Catholic University of America (Washington, D.C.) 157 

Center for Strategic Studies (Georgetown University) 158 

Center of Christian Democratic Action (New York)^ 70, 76 

Central Komsomol School (Moscow, U.S.S.R.) 94 

Central School of the Trade Union Federation (ROH) of Czechoslovakia 

(near Prague, Czechoslovakia) 98 

Central University (Caracas, Venezuela) 164 

Comintern. (See International, III.) 

Committee on Cold War Education of the Governor's Conference, 

Florida 252-257 

Communist Institute (North Korea) 104 

Communist International. (See International, III.) 

Communist Party, China 90 

Communist Party, Indonesia (P.K.I.) 18,171 

Communist Party, Soviet Union : 

Central Committee 75 

Higher Party School 82,92,93,96-98,100 

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) 167 

Credit Union International 239 

Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK) 99 


Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom (Howard Payne College) 211, 

213, 215-230 

Electrical Workers, International Brotherhood of 237 


Fair Play for Cuba Committee 156, 168, 182, 184^191 

New Orleans chapter 184, 185, 187-189 

Foreign Policy Research Institute (University of Pennsylvania) 158 

Four-H (clubs) 239 

Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forge (Valley Forge, Pa.) 181,212* 

Free German Federation of Trade Unions (East Germany) 101 

Free German Youth 101 

Fritz Heckert Academy of the Free German Federation of Trade Unions 

(Bernau, near East Berlin, Germany) 101 


General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions (Budapest, Hungary) 103 

George Washington University (Washington, D.C.) 50 

Georgetown University (Washington. D.C.) 50,157,158 

Georgi Dimitrov Trade Union School (Bulgaria) 96 


Harlem Defense Council 166 

Harvard University (Cambridge, Mass.) 50 

Higher Party School (Cuba) 86 

Higher Party School (East Germany) 86 

Higher Party School (Prague, Czechoslovakia) 86,98 

1 Appears as Center for Christian Democratic Action. 
' Appears as Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge. 

INDEX vii 


Higher Party School (Sofia, Bulgaria) 86,96 

Higher Party School of the CC/CPSU. (See entry under Ommunist 
Party, Soviet Union, Central Committee.) 

Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace ( Stanford University) 158 

HOPE (steamship) 199,200,203,210 

Howard Payne College (Brownwood, Tex.) 211,213,215-230 

Howard University (Washington, D.C.) 33 


Indonesian Peasants Organization 18 

Industrial Workers of the World 82 

Information Council of the Americas (INCA), New Orleans, La 168, 

180-184, 187, 189-193, 195 

Institute of International Studies (University of South Carolina) 158 

Institute of National Minorities (Kunming, Red China) 150 

Institute of Pacific Relations 158 

International, III (Communist) (also known as Comintern and Interna- 
tional Workers' Association) 16,171 

Sixth World Congress, July 17 to September 1, 1928, Moscow 172 

International Center for the Training of Journalists (Budapest, 

Hungary) 87, 103 

International Organization of Journalists (Prague, Czechoslovakia) 87, 99, 103 


Jeunesse (Congo-Brazzaville) [see also National Revolutionary Move- 
ment) 66 

John Birch Society 156 

Juan Ronda (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97 


Karl Marx School of the SED. (See entry under Socialist Unity Party, 

Korean Workers (Communist) Party 104 

Ku Klux Klan 156, 193 

Lenin Institute of Political Warfare 2, 16, 17, 172 


Movimento Popular Dominicano 136 


National Association of Manufacturers 70, 76 

National Cadre School, Cuba 132 

National Directorate of Revolutionary Instruction (Cuba) 97 

National Education Association of the United States 15 

National Revolutionary Movement (Congo-Brazzaville) (see also Jeimesse, 

Congo-Brazzaville) 66 

National Schools of Revolutionary Instruction (Cuba) 97 

National Strategy Information Center, Inc. (New York City) 168 

Nico Lopez (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) -97 


Order of Lafayette 232-233 (statement), 258 

Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy 40, 41, 47 

People to People Health Foundation, Inc., The 200 

Perkins Panel (or Committee). (See U.S. Government, President's Ad- 
visory Panel on a National Academy of Foreign Affairs. ) 

Princeton University (Princeton, N.J.) 50 

Project HOPE 199, 200, 210, 233 

vlii INDEX 



Radio College of Marxism-Leninism (North Korea) 104 

Radio Czechoslovakia 27 

Radio Free Europe 69, 113, 193 

Radio Liberty 113 

Radio Moscow 27 

Radio Peiping 27 

Reserve Officers Association of the United States 79,84-85 (statement) 

Revolutionary Student Directorate 184 

Ruben Bravo (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97 


SED. {See Socialist Unity Party, East Germany.) 

SNCC. (See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) 

School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists (Buckow, 

near East Berlin, Germany) 87,101 

Sheet Metal Workers' International Association (AFL-CIO) 237 

Socialist Unity Party, SED (Communist Party, East Germany) 100 

Karl Marx School 100 

Stanford University (Stanford, Calif.) 158 

Steelworkers of American, United, AFL-CIO 237 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 206 

Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists (near Prague, 

Czechoslovakia) 87, 99 


Tass News Agency 156 

Trade Union Federation of Czechoslovakia (ROH) : 98 

Trade Union School of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions 

(Moscow, U.S.S.R.) 95 

Trade Union School of the General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions 

(Budapest, Hungary) 103 

Twenty-sixth of July Movement (Cuba) 132 


Union of Czechoslovak Journalists 87, 99 

Union of German Journalists (East Germany) 102 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of : 
Secret Police : 

KGB (Komitet Gosudarstvennoi Bezopasnosti — Committee for 

State Security) 156 

United Harlem Organizations 168 

U.S. Government: 

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 131,155,156,192,194,197 

Defense, Department of 139, 140, 146, 162 

Health, EJducation, and Welfare, Department of 33 

Justice Department : 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 197 

National Security Agency . 194 

President's Advisory Panel on a National Academy of Foreign Affairs, 

The (Perkins Panel or Committee) 45,52,61 

President's Commission on the Assassination of President John F. 

Kennedy, The 183 

Senate, U.S. : 

Internal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee 42 

State Department— 6-11, 13, 23, 29-32, 45-47, 50, 52. 54, 56, 57, 60, 61, 106, 107, 
109, 115, 116, 118, 120, 131-135, 137-140, 149,150, 192, 194. 206, 246. 

Agency for International Development (AID) 150,167,243 

Alliance for Progress 194, 237, 238 

Bureau of Intelligence and Research 132 

Foreign Service Institute (FSI) 45,60,61,265 

Peace Corps 39, 126, 196, 233 

U.S. Information Agency (USIA) 11,61,106,109,111,113-115, 

117-120, 125, 126, 148-150, 192, 194, 210 
Voice of America 27, 48, 51, 61, 113 


University of Oregon (Eugene, Oreg.) 205 

University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, Pa.) 69,158 

University of South Carolina (Columbia, S.C.) 158 

University of the Workers of the East 171 


Valley Forge Freedom's Foundation. (See Freedoms Foundation at Valley 

Forge. ) 
Veterans of Foreign Wars 231-232 (statement) 


Washington and Lee University (Lexington, Va.) 157 

Wilhelm Pieck Youth Academy (near Bast Berlin, Germany) 101 


Young Pioneers 101 



America Illustrated 114, 209 

Ameryka. (See America Illustrated.) 


Capital, Das (Kapital) (book) 191 

Communist Propaganda on the Campus 158 

Cuba Socialista (Socialist Cuba) 132 


Daily Worker, London 156 


Fourth Floor, The (Smith) 130,133 

Free China & Asia 247 


International Affairs 157 


L'Humanite 156 

Life (magazine) 143 


Mission to Moscow (film) 22 


New Times 195 

Orbis (University of Pennsylvania) 69,71 


Peaceful Coexistence — A Communist Blueprint for Victory 158 

Problems of Peace and Socialism (PPS) 98 

Quill, The 151 

Reader's Digest 42, 77, 155 




Stalin and German Communism (Fischer) 16 

Strategy of Persuasion, the Use of Advertising Skills in Fighting the C5old 
War, The (Meyerhoff) 105,110,122 

Trud (newspaper) 195 

Worker, The 157