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HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY
Committee on
Un-American Activities
House
89th Congress
Contents
(according to paging)
1. Hearings Relating to K.R. U70, H.R. 1033, -
H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, -H.R. U389, H.R. 5370,
H.R. 578^+, and H.R. 6700, Providing for
Creation of a Freedom Commission and Freedom
Academy
2. Communist Activities in the Chicago, Illinois,
Area, Part 1 ^^t
3. Communist Activities in the Chicago, Illinois,
Area, Part 2
1'
/ MS Do^ :?. If/
HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215,
HJl. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, HJl. 5784, AND H.R.
6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM
COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTY-NINTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
MARCH 31, APRIL 1, APRIL 28, MAY 7, AND MAY 14, 1965
(INCLUDING INDEX)
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
HARVARD COLUCi UBRARY
DEPOSITED BY THE
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
AUG 23 1965
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
47-093 0 WASHINGTON : 1965
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Qovernment Printing Oflace
Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price $1.00
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
UNITED States House of Representatives
EDWIN B. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairmwn
WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBRCX>K, Ohio
JOE R. POOL, Texas JOHN H. BUCHANAN, Jr., Alabama
RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri DEL CLAWSON, California
GEORGE F. SENNER, Jr., Arizona
CHARLES L. WELTNER, Georgia
Francis J. McNamara, Director
William Hitz, General Counsel
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel
n
CONTENTS
Page
Foreword 1
March 31, 1965: Statement of—
Hon Charles S. Gubser 5
Hon. John M. Ashbrook 14
Hon. Don H. Clausen 19
Edgar Ansel Mowrer 20
April 1, 1965: Statement of —
Hon. Edward J. Gurney 38
Hon. Karl E. Mundt 44
Reserve Officers Association of the United States by Lt. Col. Floyd
Oles, USAR (Retired) 79
April 28, 1965: Statement of—
The American Legion by Daniel J. O'Connor 82
Reserve Officers Association of the United States by Lt. Col. Floyd
Oles, USAR (Retired) 84
Arthur E. Meyerhoff 105
Hon. John H. Buchanan, Jr 122
May 7, 1965: Statement of —
Hon. Earl E. T. Smith 130
Hon. Richard H. Ichord 147
May 14, 1965: Statement of —
Hon. Hale Boggs 177
William B. Walsh 199
Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States by Brig. Gen. James
D. Hittle, USMC (Retired) 231
Order of Lafayette 232
Hon. William C. Doherty 233
Rufus C. Phillips III 242-
Hon. Edwin E. Willis, statement and insertions at close of hearings.. 247
Appendix: Proposed bills for creation of a Freedom Commission and
Freedom Academy 259
Index i
m
Public Law 601, 79th Congress
The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946] ; 60 Stat.
812, which provides :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled, * * *
PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Rule X
SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTBiES
*******
17. CJommittee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members.
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******
(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.
(A) Un-American activities.
(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcom-
mittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
( ii ) the difEusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at-
tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution,
and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any
necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to
the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such
investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.
*******
Rule XII
LEGISLATIVE OVEBSIGHT BY STANDING COMMITTEES
Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces-
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris-
diction of such committee; and. for that purpose, shall study all pertinent re-
ports and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch
of the Government.
IV
RULES ADOPTED BY THE 89TH CONGRESS
House Resolution 8, January 4, 1965
Rule X
STANDING COMMITTEa:S
1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,
(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members.
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******
18. Committee on Un-American Activities.
(a) Un-American activities.
(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee,
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char-
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop-
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress
in any necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session ) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.
*******
27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary,
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government.
FOREWORD
Nine bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Acad-
emy have been referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities
during this 89-th Congress. They are : H.R. 470, introduced by Mr.
Herlong January 4, 1965 ; H.R. 1033, introduced by Mr. Gubser Jan-
uary 4, 1965; H.R. 2215, introduced by Mr. Ichord January 11, 1965;
H.R. 2379, introduced by Mr. Boggs January 12, 1965 ; H.R. 4389, in-
troduced by Mr. Gurney February 4, 1965 ; H.R. 5370, introduced by
Mr. Clausen February 24, 1965; H.R. 5784, introduced by Mr. Ash-
brook March 3, 1965 ; H.R. 6700, introduced by Mr. Buchanan March
24, 1965; and H.R. 9209, introduced by Mr. Feighan June 17, 1965
(after committee hearings had been completed) .
During the 88th Congress, nine bills having the same purpose were
referred to the committee.^ Extensive hearings were held by the
committee during 1964 on these bills, but no bill was reported out by
the committee during the 88th Congress.
The nine bills presently being considered, though they vary some-
what in detail,^ have the same purpose — to provide for the establish-
ment, under Federal auspices, of a cold war educational and research
institution which would be run by an independent seven-man com-
mission, whose chairman and members would be appointed by the
President, subject to confirmation by the Senate, and which would
operate under the general supervision of the Congress in the sense
that it would have to report to it regularly and would be dependent
upon it for its appropriations.
The purpose of the Academy would be to improve the ability of the
United States, and the free world generally, to wage the cold war in
which it is presently engaged with the international forces of com-
munism. It would accomplish this in two ways : First, by instructing
its students on the subject of communism generally, its strategy and
tactics, and the weapons and devices it is using in all parts of the world
to subvert free nations and replace them with Communist dictator-
ships; secondly, by conducting research to develop new techniques
which the United States and other non-Communist nations can utilize
in resisting and defeating all types of Communist "cold" warfare.
The cold war, as waged by the Communists, in the view of advocates
of the Freedom Academy concept, has many different aspects. It
includes traditional military or "hot" warfare and guerrilla warfare
(i.e., Korea and South Vietnam) and also conventional diplomatic
maneuvering. But it also includes economic, political, and psycholog-
1 The bills introduced In the 88th Congress were : H.R. 352, Introduced by Mr. Herlong
on January 9. 1963 ; H.R. 1617, bv Mr. Gubser on January 10, 1963 ; H.R. 5368. by Mr.
Boggs on April 2, 1963 ; H.R. 8320, by Mr. Taft on August 30, 1963 ; H.R. 8757, by
Mr. Schwelker on October 8, 1963 ; H.R. 10036. by Mr. Ashbrook on February 20, 1964 ;
H.R. 10037. by Mr. Clausen on February 20, 1964 ; H.R. 10077, by Mr. Schadeberg on
February 24, 1964 ; and H.R. 11718, by Mr. Talcott on June 24, 1964.
' See Appendix, pp. 259-300.
2 FOREWORD
ical warfare; subversion; and numerous other unconventional forms
of conflict.
The free world, according to the Freedom Academy concept, is do-
ing a more or less adequate job of study and training only in the tradi-
tional fields of military operations and diplomacy. Little or no
training and research is being undertaken in the various unconven-
tional aspects of cold warfare which are just as important as, and may
be more decisive in the long run than, traditional military operations
and conventional diplomacy.
The Communist bloc, on the other hand, beginning with the estab-
lishment of the Lenin School in Moscow in the twenties, has been train-
ing specialists in all forms of cold or unconventional warfare for
almost 40 years. At the present time, scores of such schools exist in
all parts of the Communist world — not only behind the Iron Curtain,
but in Red China, in Cuba, and, on a limited and covert scale, even
within the borders of free nations. Many thousands of graduates of
these schools, professionals in varied forms of unconventional war-
fare, are daily working in all parts of the globe to undermine non-
Communist nations and promote Communist aims. The free world
does not have a trained counterforce on all levels of public and private
life to engage and defeat these Communist "troops."
Advocates of Freedom Academy legislation believe that the free
world needs such a force and that their Academy proposal offers an
effective means for developing one.
The bills referred to the committee provide that a broad range of
students would attend the Freedom Academy. They would fall into
three general categories :
1. Officials of the U.S. Government whose agencies are in any way
involved in the U.S. effort to resist communism.
2. Leaders from all walks of civilian life in this country (broad
comprehension of the nature of the conflict in which we are engaged —
and also citizen participation in it — are essential to the U.S. effort to
preserve and strengthen freedom and resist communism) .
Students in this category would come from the ranks of management
and labor, education, religion, the arts and sciences, and also civic,
veterans', women's, fraternal, professional, and similar groups.
3. Leaders and potential leaders from all walks of life, governmental
and private, from foreign countries. They would include representa-
tives of our NATO and SE ATO allies, as well as the newly independent
nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, where the knowledge of
the real nature of communism and the cold war is essential if the
United States is to be successful in resisting further Communist en-
croachments and thus the weakening of freedom and its own position
in all parts of the world.
The Freedom Academy would be purely a research and educational
institution. It would not engage in operational activities of any kind.
Its students, however, whether citizens of this or foreign countries and
whether Government officials or privately employed, would utilize the
knowledge gained at the Academy to improve measures now being
utilized to resist communism and to develop new operations, govern-
mental as well as private, to aid in this effort.
HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R.
2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND
H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM
COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
WEDNESDAY, MABCH 31, 1965
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-Amekican Activities,
Washington, D.C.
PUBLIC HEARINGS
A subcommitte of the Committee on Un-American Activities met,
pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) pre-
siding.
( Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou-
isiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and John M. Ash-
brook, of Ohio.)
Subcommittee members present: Representatives WilliSj Ichord,
and Ashbrook.
Committee members also present : Representatives Joe R. Pool, of
Texas ; George F. Senner, Jr., of Arizona ; and Charles L. Weltner, of
Georgia.
Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred
M. Nittle, counsel.
The Chairjvian. The subcommittee will come to order.
The Chair would like to make a statement.
Nine bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Academy were
referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities during the last
Congress. Extensive hearings were held on these bills and the testi-
mony has been printed and published in two parts. In the 89th
Congress, to date, eight bills have been referred to this committee.
Five of these are bills identical to those which were offered by the
same members in the last Congress ; namely, Representatives Herlong,
Gubser, Boggs, Ashbrook, and Clausen. The other three bills were
offered in this Congress by Representatives Ichord, Gurney, and
Buchanan. We are convened today to receive additional testimony
upon these bills.
Although the bills vary in certain details, they all have the same
purpose, namely, to provide for the establishment, under Federal aus-
pices, of a cold war educational and research institution as an inde-
pendent agency, to be managed by a seven-man Commission, whose
chairman and members would be appointed by the President, subject
to confirmation by the Senate.
4 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The major difference between the bills before the committee appears
to be that six make provision for an Advisory Committee and two
for a Joint Congressional Freedom Committee. The bills provide for
one or the other exclusively. •
The Advisory Committee is to be composed of representatives from
executive agencies concerned with the Academy's objectives, to insure
cooperation between the Academy and these agencies, to review the
operations of the Commission, and report its findings annually to the
President and the Congress.
The Joint Congressional Freedom Committee is to be composed of
14 members, equally divided between the Senate and the House, whose
purpose is to make continued studies of the activities of the Commis-
sion, to hold hearings and investigations on matters relating to its
objectives, as well as to receive bills, resolutions, and other matters in
the Senate or House relating to the Commission and on which the
joint committee will report respectively to the Senate and the House
through those members appointed from the respective bodies.
I direct that the bills, H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379,
H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700 be received in the
record.^
I now offer for the record the order of appointment of the subcom-
mittee designated to conduct this hearing, as follows :
March 24, 1965.
To Mr. Francis J. McNamara,
Director, Committee on Un-American Activities:
Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I
hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, con-
sisting of Honorable Richard Ichord and Honorable John M. Ashbrook as as-
sociate members, and myself as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Washington,
D.C., commencing on or about Tuesday, March 30, 1965, and at such other
time or times thereafter and at such place or places as said subcommittee shall
determine, on the following bills proposing passage of a "Freedom Commis-
sion Act," and any other similar bills which may be referred to this Com-
mittee: H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, and
H.R. 5784.
Please make this action a matter of Committee record.
If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me.
Given under my hand this 24th day of March, 1965.
/s/ Edwin E. Willis.
Edwin E. Willis,
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities.
We are glad to have with us a member of the full committee who
has kindly consented to participate in these hearings and I hope that,
since he is here, he can attend all the hearings and will consent to be-
come a member of the subcommittee.
Anyway, Mr. Weltner, of Georgia, is with us and we welcome him.
The first witness this morning is our colleague, Mr. Gubser, who is
author of the bill, H.R. 1033, one of the bills referred to. Mr. Gubser,
we appreciate your interest in this legislation and your offering of the
bill. We welcome your views.
1 See appendix, pp. 259-300. (Also included is H.R. 9209, a bill Introduced by Mr.
Feighan after conclusion of the hearings.)
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 5
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES S. GTJBSER, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM CALIFORNIA
Mr. GuBSER. Thank you very much. I would request permission
to insert a statement in the record and make a very few informal
remarks.
The Chairman. You may proceed as you wish. If you want the
statement introduced at this point it will be done.
Mr. GuBSER. I would appreciate it at this point.
The Chairman. It will be received at this point.
(Congressman Grubser's prepared statement follows:)
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM CALIFORNIA
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee. I deeply appreciate the oppor-
tunity to appear before you to testify in behalf of my bill, H.R. 1033.
There is no doubt that communism is spreading and that the territory of this
planet which remains exclusively dedicated to freedom is diminishing. Though
wishful thinkers say to themselves that test ban treaties, wheat sales, and other
apparent improvements in East- West relations signal a permanent thaw in the
cold war, a simple look around the globe reveals otherwise. The truth is that
we are losing the cold war !
On December 18, 1963, I inserted a chart into the Congressional Record which
I had prepared with the cooperation of the Library of Congress. The chart
shows that in 1917, 10.1 percent of the world's population lived in 8,603,000 square
miles of Communist territory. The growth and spread of communism has been
gradual since that time, until as of last year 34.99 percent of the world's popu-
lation (1,109,500,00^ people) lives in a Communist world which includes
13,761,000 square miles. I will submit this chart for inclusion in the record at
the end of my testimony .^
The world map i^ a seething blot of Communist-inspired trouble. Can any
rational man look at the globe and say we are not losing the cold war?
In searching for a reason, it is easy to fall into the trap of oversimplification.
Undoubtedly there are many reasons, but certainly one of the most significant
is our failure to win the war of propaganda. Time after time the free world
has responded with military action to combat communism. But almost always
the forces of subversion have done their work so effectively that military action
has come too late. Southeast Asia is the perfect example. Laos fell to the
forces of subversion which were unopposed until it was too late. In Vietnam,
the forces of subversion gained such a head start that the military response has
been placed at almost an impossible disadvantage. The same thing is happening
in dozens of other places.
It should be obvious by now that the Communist system of subversion is work-
ing and that our response has been of the wrong kind and is too late. In the
battle for men's minds an initial advantage is frequently decisive, particularly
in backward and impoverished areas.
In view of our consistent failure to match Communist propaganda, does it not
seem wise that we take stock of what has produced the success of our enemies
and meet it on the ground of that success?
When Lenin and his followers captured Russia, they established a training
system that has grown to 6,000 special schools which teach the tactics of
espionage, subversion, infiltration, agitation, and propaganda.
Admittedly, this is not a proper free world tactic, nor would we want it to
become our practice. The basis of freedom is freedom of choice, and we do not
wish to impose our choice upon others. To do so would be to defile the essence
of freedom. But to allow a vacuum into which Communist propaganda can
move is to create an environment where the Communist way can win without
opposition. This is not freedom of choice.
1 See p. 14.
6 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Our State Department hastily employs the cliche of "indoctrination" to indict
any suggestion from non-State Department sources favoring a propaganda effort
to influence people in favor of freedom as opposed to communism. This reaction
is a carryover from the modern intellectual's proper and justified respect for "aca-
demic freedom." But it employs a basic fallacy.
Academic freedom exists in an academic environment where knowledge is
freely available. But in the target areas for Communist propaganda, only Com-
munist knowledge is available unless we present the other side. It is not indoctri-
nation when one side presents its case, knowing full well that the other side
will do likewise. To reject our propaganda mission, then, is to promote indoctri-
nation rather than renounce it.
Our long and consistent record of failures to meet the Communist propaganda
offensive proves that it is time to break the diplomatic monopoly which seems
to consider any public relations or educational program that it does not suggest
and control as "indoctrination."
Psychological warfare, public relations, propaganda, or whatever you choose
to call it, is a science and a definite technique which must be learned through
specialized instruction. Our diplomats have failed because they have not been
trained in a highly skilled technique. It is time we recognize that Communist
propagandists have filled the vacuum caused by the inactivity of freedom's pro-
ponents and are winning the war for men's minds.
The purpose of my bill is to fill this vacuum and give our overseas personnel
the training which will enable them to recognize Communist propaganda for
what it is and resist it on the spot. By so doing I am convinced we can avoid
the inevitable military action which always comes too late.
Mr. Chairman, there are other features of my bill which could be discussed,
for example, the provision for training foreign nationals. But the basic argument
for this important provision is the same. We must recognize the fact that the
Communist propagandist is succeeding because he is allowed to operate in a
vacuum and we must present a counterf orce which denies this advantage.
This legislation is certainly not perfect and perhaps needs amendment. Per-
haps an entirely new bill needs to be written. But the basic idea that we need
a Freedom Academy is a sound recognition of the reality that freedom is losing
to slavery and there is no present indication that the trend will change.
Mr. GuBSER. Mr. Chairman, I had planned to do no more than sub-
mit this statement, which is basically the same statement which I pre-
sented to the committee last year, but through the kindness of your
committee director I was just handed a copy of the State Department's
adverse report, upon all of these bills, including my own.
The Chairman. Will you yield at this point ? I am vei-y glad that
you brought that up. I take it you want to make comments about it.
Mr. GuBSER. I would like to make a few comments about it if I may.
The Chairman. So that the record will be complete the letter of the
State Department, addressed to me and dated March 29, 1965, will be
inserted in the record at this point, and we will be glad to get your
comments on the letter.
(The letter follows:)
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
March 29, 1965
Dear Mr. Chairman:
The Department appreciates the opportunity to comment
on H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, and H.R.
4389, bills to create a Freedom Commission and Freedom
Academy, which you forwarded to the Department.
These bills are identical in purpose and scope to
proposals submitted in previous sessions of Congress and
on which the Department has commented. On these occasions,
we expressed appreciation of the purposes of the sponsors
and recognized the merits of certain aspects of the pro-
posal, but expressed the belief that the bill as a whole
would not serve as a useful instrument of national policy.
The sponsors of the Freedom Commission bills urge
correctly, in the Department's view, that in our struggle
with the forces of tyranny and communism in particular---
we must employ not only military strength but also all of
the political , psychological, economic and other non-
military means at our disposal. The President has given
to' the Department of State a primary role in marshalling
all of our resources in these fields which cut across
many broad areas of government responsibility. The
integrated efforts of the foreign affairs and security
agencies are as vital in developing the overall strategy
and tactics of the "cold war" as in carrying them out.
Expertise and operational experience are as important in
the formulation of policy as they are in its execution.
For this reason, the Department seriously questions whether
comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the
infinitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be
developed by a new, separate government agency, especially
one without operational responsibilities.
The. Honorable
Edwin E. Willis, Chairman
Un-American Activities Committee
House of Representatives
8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The Freedom Coinmlssion proposals place great stress
upon the mobilization of private citizens domestic and
foreign to fight the cold war, and upon a systematic
orientation of our citizens against communism. The pro-
posals contemplate that these tasks be undertaken on a
large scale by the Executive branch of the government.
While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train
private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary
need and hence our first priority is to improve in
all possible ways the training of government personnel
involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign
affairs.
While the cost of implementing the Freedom Commission
program has never been specified, various proponents have
stated it would amount to several million dollars a year.
We feel therfe are more effective ways to use such expendi-
tures in our struggle for freedom.
Another problem raised by several of the Freedom
Commission bills is federal control. Under the provision
entitled "Information Center", the Freedom Commission
vould be "authorized to prepare, make and publish text-
books and other materials, including training films,
suitable for high schools, college and community level
instruction". There is further provision that the
Commission can distribute such material on "such terms
and conditions as it shall determine".
The Department doubts the value of any effort to
centralize and standardize the dissemination of information
in such areas. This would appear to be a marked departure
from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the
field of political education.
For these and other reasons, the Department cannot
support the bills to create a Freedom Commission which
are now before you.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
- 3 -
The Bureau of the Budget advises that from the
standpoint of the Administration's program, there is
no objection to the submission of this report.
'^r—
uglas MacArthur II
Mr. GuBSER. Mr. Chairman, it is very interesting to me to note the
changed line in the State Department opposition to this bill. Last
year, if you will recall, a great point was made of the fact that it is
not the proper function of the United States Government to attempt to
indoctrinate people of other nations.
My statement which I just filed was addressed to that point, and I
quote part of it :
Our State Department hastily employs the cliche of "indoctrination" to indict
any suggestion from non-State Department sources favoring a propaganda effort
to influence people in favor of freedom as opposed to communism. This reaction
is a carryover from the modern intellectual's proper and justified respect for
"academic freedom." But it employs a basic fallacy.
Academic free<lom exists in an academic environment where knowledge is freely
available. But in the target areas for Communist propaganda, only Communist
knowledge is available unless we present the other side. It is not indocrtination
when one side presents its case, knowing full well that the other side will do
likewise. To reject our propaganda mission, then, is to promote indoctrination
rather than renounce it.
I note that the State Department's adverse report this year does not
dwell on the point of indoctrination. Instead it takes the tack that this
is Federal control. This to me is absolutely amazing because now the
State Department has absolute control of this propaganda effort and
they are objecting to extending it to a system whereby individual
citizens could participate in carrying out that important function.
This bill would, in effect, be a relaxation of Federal control and the
spreading of the responsibility to more of our citizens instead of to
just a very few.
The events of the world about us, Mr. Chairman, and I don't need
to relate them, are clear-cut evidence of the fact that we or the State
Department or whoever is responsible for this job has not assumed
the responsibility and has not done anything about it. I would like
to leave you with just this one point : If you accept the State Depart-
ment's thesis that the Department, the Department alone, has all the
knowledge that is required to do this job and has the sole responsibility
of carrying on this very, very important mission, and as long as that
policy continues to produce a worldwide result like that which is
happening before our very eyes today, then I say we are inviting the
frustration which causes extremist groups to spring up all over this
country. We are creating a situation where extremist groups will take
over that which the State Department has failed to do and that which
the State Department refuses to give anyone else the right to do.
10 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
If we have had irresponsible statements made about communism, if
we have had irresponsiole propaganda that has gotten into worldwide
news channels as a result of extremist groups, it is because of the
frustration that has resulted from the fact that the State Department
continues, year in and year out, to do nothing about solving this
problem.
Mr. Chairman, I didn't intend to make a speech, but I get pretty
exercised on this subject and I sincerely hope and pray that this com-
mittee will once again face up to its responsibility, like it always does,
and that it will report out a bill and give the House a chance to vote
on it, in spite of the State Department's objections. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. The committee is very grateful for your views, I
do remember very clearly that the whole iDurden of Ambassador Harri-
man's testimony last year was built around the word "indoctrination"
and, I too, was troubled by the fact that nowhere in this latest expres-
sion of views is that word used .
Am I correct ?
Mr. GuBSER. That is correct as I read it.
The Chairman. I said last year that this ought to be made a matter
of record. We have bills up here, apparently, from two sources. There
are some who have a feeling that if the Freedom Academy bill should
pass, the operation will be taken over" by the State Department.
On the other hand, here we see the State Department acknowledging
that we intend no such thing. We certainly will not, because we can-
not involve this Academy or this Commission in formulation of for-
eign policy or anything else.
Mr. GuBSER. Of course not.
The Chairman. It is none of our business in CongTess. That is
their department. But certainly there ought to l>e a way to have an
institution of this kind which, on the one hand, respects the running
of our foreign policy by the State Department and, on the other hand,
serves as an educational center for the purposes stated in this bill.
Mr. Gubser. Mr. Chairman, it seems to me tliat there is another
point which I failed to mention; that too often American policy is to
react rather than act; and always when something happens Avhicli is
advei"se to our interests and the rest of the world, the official propa-
ganda line or the reaction doesn't come immediately— it comes tomor-
row or the next day — because somebody had to consult with head-
quarters back in Washington before they could act. We all know, as
people who deal M'ith the news columns, that the time to rebut some-
thing that is adverse to your position is in the same article that prints
it in the first place. On the sex?ond day the reaction is never as effective
as the action on the day that it actually happens. This is one of the
things that trained people could do for us.
They would have the knowledge and they would liave the ability to
act instead of reacting. Action is far more productive of results than
reaction.
Mr. IcTiORD, Mr. (^hairman, I want to commend my colleague, Mr.
Gubser, for his appearance before the connnittee today and taking
interest in this area and introducing a bill l)ecause I feel very much
like the gentleman from California, that this i's one of the most'im-
portant pieces of legislation to be presented to this body this session
and also last session.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 11
The o-entleman witness is also a member of the Armed Services
Committee and is very familiar with the military aspects of the con-
flict in South Vietnam. How do you feel that this Freedom Commis-
sion or Freedom Academy could have helped our country in the con-
flict in South Vietnam ?
Mr. GuBSER. I will only address myself to one small aspect of that
question, if I may. We have dedicated, competent people, and this is
nothing against them, but I feel, if we had had more people in Viet-
nam right along who could take the offensive propagandawise, that
perhaps our position with the Vietnamese themselves would have been
more clearly understood, but as it stands now we wait for something to
happen which is adverse to our interests and then we explain our
position and we react to it, and this is never a favorable public rela-
tions position.
Had we had more people who would instinctively react to a situa-
tion and act then, I think that we wouldn't be in the position of con-
stantly explaining our actions and more than likely there would have
been a great deal more political stability in South Vietnam than we
have experienced up imtil now, and we all agi^ee that the political in-
stability is responsible in a large measure for the military instability
of the situation.
I think the benefit of this bill will come from having trained people
on the spot qualified to make immediate judgment as to what could be
done to our advantage. It would be a cumulative thing. There would
be no one dramatic incident which you could point to, but if it were
done day in and day out by trained people then you would have a
cumulative effect.
Mr. IcHORD. I think the gentleman is familiar with the fact that
the State Department is also sponsoring more or less a substitute for
this bill called the National Academy for Foreign Affairs. I believe
that is the name of it. What do you consider the advantages in your
bill over the Department of State bill, namely, the National Academy
of Foreign Aft'airs ?
Mr. GuBSER. I certainly am not opposed to the State Department's
idea of a national Foreign Service academy. I would strongly favor
it, but the thing is that this does not go below the diplomatic echelon,
and I maintain that anybody in the military or in the consular service
where they have a reasonable degree of responsibility should be trained
in these techniques. The State Department proposal is not a substitute
for this bill, though I am in favor of it. It will only be an enriched
course in diplomacy. It will not be a course in basic public relations,
and that is what I consider this Freedom Academy proposal to be,
among other things.
Furthermore, by taking the American people into your confidence
we would make them a part of the activity. The American people are
able to assume this responsibility. Tlie ability to think and act prop-
erly and in the national interest isn't confined to the State Department.
We can support State Department and U.S. Information Agency
activity if we have an informed populace at home that understands
these things.
I think if we would have had the Freedom Academy in existence
id years ago you perhaps wouldn't be getting some of the mail that you
are getting from some of these people who believe that our position
47-093 O— 65 2
12 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
in Vietnam is wrong. I think they would understand the basics of
Communist propaganda and Communist infiltration and they would
be supporting us rather than making our task more difficult.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, all of the bills provide for an Advisory
Committee with the exception of H.K. 1033, introduced by the wit-
ness, and H.R. 5784, introduced by our colleage, Mr. Ashbrook.
Your bill and Mr. Ashbrook's bill, Mr, Gubser, provide for a Joint
Congressional Freedom Committee. I am a little concerned about
setting up a joint committee. I wonder if the members of the com-
mittee would really have the time to perform the duties required in the
bill. I would like you to comment on that aspect of difference.
Mr. Gubser. I think you may very well have an excellent point and
I want to make my intentions in introducing this bill clearly known.
It is presented as an idea. There is no pride in authorship. I have no
illusion that if it were passed it would be in that form. It is merely to
make my support of the idea known, to present it for your considera-
tion.
I have full confidence that this committee could improve it and come
up with something that would be in the national interest and I would
support it.
Mr. IcHORD. Another point is your bill provides a salary of $20,000
for each member of the Commission and a salary of $20,500 for the
chairman of the Commission. Of course, since the bills were intro-
duced last year we have passed the civil service increase ratings, and
you believe that the salaries should be adjusted accordingly ?
Mr. Gubser. I certainly would think so. As I stated, it is only an
•idea draft. It is the principle and the objective that I am after. The
details I think you are more qualified to work out.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Ashbrook ?
Mr. Ashbrook. Thank you very much. Like my colleague, Mr.
Ichord, I, too, welcome you to the committee and thank you, Mr. Gub-
ser, only not for what you have done, but what you have said this
morning.
Getting back to the point of the Joint Congressional Freedom Com-
mittee as against the Advisory Committee, I would like to ask your
opinion on one specific point, and this I know has been a matter of
concern to me. One of the reasons that I have not been favorable to
the Advisory Committee concept is the fact that on the Advisory Com-
mittee you would have one representative each from the following
agencies and departments. As I recall I think they are State ; Defense ;
Health, Education, and Welfare; CIA; FBI; AID; and the USIA.
It seems to me that the problem we have here is that the State Depart-
ment has pretty much transcended in this field and it would end up, for
want of a better phrase, literally running the Freedom Academy. I
think if there is anything we are looking for it is the idea of academic
freedom and independence from the Government, to get away from
Federal control.
What would be your thinking on the matter of the Joint Congres-
sional Freedom Committee as against the Advisory Committee ? Does
it seem that this is a danger in the approach that we see in the Advisory
Committee ?
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 13
Mr. GuBSER. Once again I would not like to deal with the details
and specifics. I would like those to be developed by you people after
your hearings and your deliberations. I would just say generally that
I would not be in favor of domination by any one school of thought
or any one agency.
On the other hand, I would not be one that would want to completely
freeze the State Department out. I Avould want their influence to be
completely felt, as it should be. This is the agency that is responsible
for our foreign policy, but I do think that the base should be broad-
ened and certainly all ideas ought to have a fair chance of being con-
sidered.
Wliatever technique or whatever commission or joint committee
would accomplish that objective I would be for, but I am not prepared
to state specifically what I think, at this point, it should be.
Mr. AsiiBROOK. I know in my discussions of this bill with people
from the academies and professors, and so forth, their biggest fear is
in setting up something that will not really be independent, that will
not really have what is classically known as academic freedom. And I
would be most interested in your thinking on this question, because I
know this is one thing the committee is gomg to wrestle with — how we
do something like this, make it a meaningful part, of our policy, and
yet at the same time give it a certain amount of freedom, which could
mean its going off half cocked in one direction or another.
This is a real delicate area where we have some difficulty in trying
to ride two horses and have a policy that we want, a strong policy on
the cold war vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, and at the same time have
academic freedom.
How do you reconcile these?
Mr. GuBSER. You just may want to consider expanding the Com-
mission idea to include representatives of the minority and majority
on, say, the Foreign Affairs Committee and the Armed Services Com-
mittee of the Congress, but here again I wouldn't want congressional
influence to dominate the policy. However, it certainly should be
there and it might be a leavening influence.
Mr. AsHBROOK. But you feel that a Freedom Academy of this type
should have differences of opinion ? You might have people on the
Academy that say we should bomb North Vietnam and those who
would say we negotiate, and each would have a forum for their
opinions.
Mr. GuBSER. Of course. Some day I hope this country comes back
to the point where a difference of opinion is respected.
Mr. AsHBROoK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Gubser.
Mr. Gubser. Thank you.
(The chart submitted by Mr. Gubser follows :)
14
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
[From Congressional Record, Dec. 18, 1963, p. A7701]
Communist expansion since 1917
Date!
Country
At time of communi-
zation 2
Population '
Percent
of world
total <
Mid-1963 5
Population
Percent of
world
total
Area in
square
miles
(1963) «
Nov.
Nov.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Nov.
Jan.
Sept.
Dec.
June
Sept.
7, 1917
26, 1924
3.1940
5,1940
6,1940
29,1945
10. 1946
15,1946
30. 1947
9, 1948
12. 1948
Aug. 20,1949
Sept. 21, 1949
Oct. 7, 1949
Apr. 19,19.50
Dec. 29,1954
Dec. 2, 1961
Total. .
U.S.S.R
Mongolia
Lithuania
Latvia
Estonia
Yugoslavia
Albania
Bulgaria
Rumania
C zechoslovakia
Korea (Democratic People's
Republic).
Hungary
China (People's Republic).. .
Germany (Democratic Re-
public).
Poland
Vietnam (Democratic Re-
public).
Cuba
■ 182, 182, 000
647,000
' 2, 879. 000
" 1, 950, 000
11 1, 126, 000
15, 600. 000
1,125,000
6, 993, 000
16, 530, 000
12, 339, 000
9, 291, 000
9, 247, 000
463, 493, 000
17, 688, 000
24, 977. 000
16, 632, 000
6, 933. 000
10.1
.03
.12
.10
.05
.64
.04
.30
.70
.50
.37
.36
18.47
.70
1.00
.60
.22
224, 700, 000
1, 000, 000
(«)
(»)
(»)
19, 000, 000
1, 800. 000
8, 100, 000
18, 900, 000
14, 000, 000
8, 900, 000
10, 100, 000
730, 800, 000
17. 200, 000
30, 800. 000
17, 000. 000
7, 200, 000
7.1
.03
(9)
(»)
(»)
.60
.06
.25
.60
.44
.30
.31
23.00
.H
1.00
.53
.23
8, 603, 000
614,000
(»)
(«)
(»)
99,000
11,000
43,000
92,000
49,000
48,000
36,000
3, 897, 000
42, 000
120, 000
63,000
44,000
1, 109, 500, 000
12 13,761.000
• Date given is that on which the country declared itself a people's republic, was incorporated into the
U.S.S.R. (Estonia. Latvia, Lithuania) or, as in the case of Cuba, when Castro announced he would lead
Cuba "to a people's democracy." East Germany excludes Berlin in all columns.
2 Because it is extremely difficult to obtain reliable demographic data for the years prior to 1955, most of
the population statistics has been synthesized from the following sources: "Statesman's Yearbook," 1917,
1940, 1941; "U.N. Demographic Yearbook," 1955, 7th issue, table 3, pp. 117-127; "U.N. Demographic
Yearbook," 1962, 14th issue: "World Summary," p. 124.
' In most cases the population given is quite close to the date of communization. In certain cases, how-
ever, the data available was several years distant from the date of communization.
* The availability of world total population upon which the percentages must be based is even more
difficult to obtain. The following world figures taken from U.N. sources were used: 1920, 1,811,000,000;
1930, 2,015,000,000; 1940, 2,249,000,000; 1945, 2,423,000,000; 1950, 2,509,000,000; 1955, 2,750,000,000; 1960,
3,008,000,000; 1961, 3,069,000,000.
5 "World Population, 1963," Population Bulletin, vol. XIX, No. 6, October 1963. (Percentage for 1963
based on world total of 3,180,000,000 persons.)
' Total world area, excluding Antarctica: 52,409,000 square miles. Communist nations constitute 26.25
percent of this figure.
' 1915.
« 1939.
' Presently included in all U.S.S.R. statistics.
10 1935.
" 1934.
'2 26.25 percent.
The Chairman. The Chair will recognize Mr. Ashbrook, the ranking
minority member of this committee, to make whatever comments he
cares to from where he sits on his own bill, H.R. 5784.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN M. ASHBROOK, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM OHIO
Mr. Ashbrook. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity to say
a few words not only in behalf of the idea expressed in the concept of
a Freedom Academy, but in particular on the specific bill which I
introduced.
As most of you know, my bill is a companion bill with that of Mr.
Gubser's, so many of the same statements which Mr. Gubser made
would be equally applicable to my bill.
(At this point Congressman Ashbrook submitted a prepared state-
ment. It follows :)
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 15
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN M. ASHBROOK, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM OHIO
How is it possible that a small group of ragged Russian revolutionaries, in a
few short decades of history, could place almost one third of the world's popula-
tion in the grip of slavery?
The answer lies, in part, in the concept and implementation of total political
war which these revolutionaries and their successors have developed over the
years. As early as 1928 the U.S.S.R. was graduating finely trained agents
schooled in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organiza-
tional aspects of spreading global communism.
In contrast, the free world has yet to establish an organization or agency to
combat this onslaught on the very existence of free men or to develop an inte-
grated body of operational knowledge to extend the areas of freedom.
This is the purpose of pending legislation to establish a Freedom Commission.
Specifically, H.R. 5784, which I have submitted would train Government of-
ficials, private U.S. citizens, and foreign students concerning the strategy and
tactics of the international Communist conspiracy. A Freedom Commission,
an independent agency, would be established in the executive branch, to oversee
and direct the program.
The Commission would be empowered to establish a Freedom Academy for the
express purpose of :
(1) developing systematic knowledge about the international Communist
conspiracy ;
(2) development of counteraction to the international Communist conspiracy
into an operational science that befits and bespeaks the methods and values of
free men ; and to achieve this puri>ose the entire area of counteraction is to be
thoroughly explored and studied, with emphasis on the methods and means that
may be best employed by private citizens and nongovernmental organizations and
the methods and means available to Government agencies other than the methods
and means already being used ;
(3) the education and training of private citizens concerning all aspects of the
international Communist conspiracy ;
(4) the education and training of persons in Government service concerning
all aspects of Communist conspiracy.
The legislation would also establish an information center to disseminate in-
formation and materials which will assist i)ersons and organizations to increase
their understanding of the true nature of the Communist conspiracy. When one
remembers that organizations such as the American Bar Association, the Na-
tional Education Association, and The American Legion, among others, have
stressed the urgent need for responsible information and education on the Com-
munist conspiracy, this aspect of the Freedom Academy legislation is of particu-
lar value.
Also to be established by this legislation is a Joint Congressional Freedom Com-
mittee, which shall make continued studies of the activities of the Commission
and of problems relating to the development of counteraction to the international
Communist conspiracy.
When one reflects that it was just 1 year after Charles Lindbergh made his
historic flight across the Atlantic that the Soviet Union began sending trained
personnel around the world, is it any wonder that they are winning in this struggle
for survival and the areas of freedom diminish year after year?
Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Chairman, with each day's headlines reporting
new incidents showing the Communist Party's growing grip on Indo-
nesia— and I just point this out as one example — here is a news article,
which I would also ask permission to have inserted in the record fol-
lowing these remarks, that shows how it is being done over there.
The Chairman. That will be done. The insertion will be made.^
Mr. AsHBROOK. It also shows why the United States desperately
needs to face the facts and start a Freedom Academy to train demo-
cratic leadership to fight back right where the cold war is being lost.
1 See p. 18.
16 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
That, of course, is at the village level and the grassroots precinct level.
The Chairman. Would you yield ?
Mr. AsHBROOK. Yes.
The Chairman (to group of students) . I might say that the com-
mittee is pleased to have you students visit us. You are always
welcome.
Mr. AsHBRooK. The organizational tactics described in the article
which is being inserted, an article written by Neil Sheelian, are an
exact copy of tactics developed by that master of Communist tactics of
mass organization and propaganda, Willi Munzenberg. This was
developed in Germany in the 1920's.
Anyone who is interested may learn the whole story by reading
Ruth Fischer's book, Stalin and German Communism. Munzenberg
not only developed these forms of mass organization in Germany;
he was also a secret officer of the Communist International at the same
time, which liked his techniques and admired his genius so much that
it had them taught in the Communist schools of revolution, such as
the Lenin Institute.
The Comintern even sent members of Asian Communist parties —
including, we may be sure, some of the early leaders of the Indonesian
Communist Party — to Germany to train and work under Munzenberg
and learn through on-the-job training all the skills of mass political
organization we now see destroying freedom in Indonesia, expelling
United States businessmen, and humiliating United States diplomats,
I wonder, Mr. Chairman, when we will learn that the cold war is
no task for amateurs, that kids from Keokuk and Pocatello are not
going to save countries like the Congo and Indonesia ; that we have to
train some foreigners in the skills they will need to cope with the
Communist wreckers and create their own independence, free and
democratic organizations to build better lives for their citizens.
As you read the article you see how the other side — and when I say
"the other side," of course I recognize the fact that we are in a
struggle; I think many of us do not really in our day-to-day living
reflect upon the point that we are in a cold war struggle — trains
people; that you can go to Moscow, you can go to their various insti-
tutes, and learn something about their beliefs. Of course, we disagree
with their beliefs, but they learn their task well and they go back to
their country. In a free government such as ours, our goal is never
going to be the indoctrination, the instilling of motives in people, so
when they go back to their country they will subvert. I think the dif-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 17
ference between the Freedom Academy and the Lenin Institute, the
type of cold war strategy of the Kremlin, is the fact that we can open
up our Academy, or we can open up our Commission, to people
throughout the world.
Let them come in on a free-exchange-of-ideas basis, learn about
communism, learn about our system of government, and then go back
to their country, not with the idea in mind of reporting back to people
here in Washington as they do at the Lenin Institute, not with the
idea in mind of subverting or indoctrinating, but going back to their
countries and becoming spokesmen for freedom, spokesmen for our
way of life. I happen to think that one of the reasons why we are
failing to some extent in the cold war struggle is the fact that we
don't even recognize it exists. And to me, this would be the most
single attribute and factor in our favor if we would enact a bill like
this, in that it would show to the rest of the world that we really think
there is a struggle; that we have set forth on our part an effort to
train people in the ways of the cold war struggle; that if we would
do this we would have not only Americans who could learn some-
thing about communism, but many hundreds, maybe literally thou-
sands, from throughout the world who could come to this Academy.
I know in the hearings, as I look through them, we tend to under-
rate the value of such a Commission as a Mecca for students through-
out the world who want to learn about freedom, who want to learn
more about communism. And I would make that point, and stress
that point, that a Commission of this type is not only valuable to the
United States, but because we are a leader in the world it would be
valuable to the rest of the world.
It would give a forum to many students who come into this country
on an exchange basis. Maybe they would be from the state depart-
ments of free countries throughout the world, maybe they would be
military people, but they could come to our country, could learn about
freedom, could learn about communism, in an effective manner. I
would stress that point as strongly as any otlier factor in favor of the
establishment of a Freedom Commission. This article in the New
York Times of March 28 points up the importance of it.
I certainly hope, Mr. Chairman, that in this session of Congress we
can make such a step, and I certainly pledge all of my efforts both
as a member of this committee and as an interested Member of Con-
gress in legislation of this type.
(The article submitted by Mr. Ashbrook follows:)
18
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MARCH 28, 1965. <^f •:^"^)
Willage in Java a Case Study in Red Tactics
Peasant Tells
He Joined a Group
Run by Party
Ji^i^^SS;
>r
By NEIL SHEEHAy
SPfcIM to The New York Time* j
SOLOTIRAN,' IndonesU —I
RjMr. Martoyoso, an elderly Java j
nese rice farmer who lives in|
this small village, was asked by I
a visitor why he had joined the
peasant association of the Com
munist Party of Indonesia. |
Mr. Martoyoso, a typical
Javanese peasant, is 70 y( ars
old. He is slim and short and
his brown face Is shrunkei
with age. He dresses in soiled
turban and sarong, the type of
clothing his ancestors have
worn for centuries. I
The farmer twisted his face 1; ja
in thought and, as his tcothless i S
mouth spread into a smile, he r
replied: "Because I am a farm
er tind it is a farmer.s' organiza
tion. There are not any olhcr
farmers' organizations heic
The Communists are the only
people who have ever offered
to help us."
Mr. Martoyoso said most of
the other farmers In the village
"think the same way." Ap
parently they do, since most of
them have also joined the Com-
munist party'3 Indonesian Peas-
ants Organization.
Case Study in Tactics
Solotiran is a peasant com-
I""' munity of about 2.500 11 miles consciousness and. a sense of iganization has won loyally byjThey arc also an effective
is
at
he
-
~':^!^^-fi "
-^■- P:. '/SS^
•
'
~
^^- ^ -
r*^ ?\
'^'t
1
v.r \
\
I-
•\
< n ^ '
)
y\
'i
/».'-'' *
^
\
: -\ '
-o. _-
Li \
d
J
The New York Timet ibj Nell Sheehtn)
Miss Suinlharni, teacher, with members of her class at Communist women's kindergarten
no north of the city of Jogjakarta. !soi,darity and direction.
re- Its woven bamboo and stuccol ,p^ jjo hectares of arable
huts, with red tile roofs, are setl, '"e /':« "eccarcs of araoie
I among rice fields and banana I '*"<^ '" 'he village is rich.
volcanic soil that yields two to
aly
[groves at the foot of Mount
Merapl, a volcano that is still
active.
The village Is 3, case study
in how the Communists are
converting quiet Javanese vil-
lages into party strongholds.
Through a combination of
hard work, good organization
It has supported peasants in
disputes over crop-sharing
rights v'ith the more solid farm
three crops a year. The constant
growth In population, however,
has put great pressure on the
rudimentary econ(imy and has|crs in the village and adjoining
generated considerable social|arcas.
discontent. One of the most Important
Approximately half the farm- [Communist activities is by a
ers are landless and most of cultural group that puts on
practical politics and a greatithe others, like Mr. Martoyoso, 'plays and skits and stages song
Hl,|dcal of fun. the Communists own only about onc-thiid of a and dance shows.
^^;have brought the peasants of hectare. A hectare is about two. These performances provide
,.,. 'Solotiran into the 20th century. I and a half acres. ' tamusemcnt for villagers who
fj^lThey have given them politicali The Communist pca.sant or-iwould otherwise lead dull lives.
showing farmers better tech-'means of indoctrinating the
niqucs. forming cooperatives forjpeasants in Communist ideol
the purchase of seeds, salt andlogy.
oil and holding classes to teach I In a recent performance for
the illiterate to read and write, a visitor, eight village boys and
girls, all about 10 years old,
danced gracefully in classical
Javanese style, weaving their
hips and arms, and sang what
sounded like lilting Javanese
folk tunes
The lyrics, however, urged
the peasants to "crush" im-
perialists, colonialists and the
so-called seven village devils—
among them the larger landown^
ers, corrupt village officials and
moneylenders,
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 19
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
STATEMENT OF HON. DON H. CLAUSEN, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM CALIFORNIA
Our colleague, Congressman Clausen, has offered a bill, H.R. 5370.
He was to be here, but other appointments in his schedule have kept
him away, so I now insert in the record his statement about this
legislation.
(Congressman Clausen's prepared statement follows :)
STATEMENT OF HON. DON H. CLAUSEN, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM
CALIFORNIA
I am happy again to have the opportunity to join with the many informed and
distinguished Americans who have endorsed the Freedom Academy proposal. I
sponsored such legislation in the 88th Congress. In the current Congress, 1
have introduced H.R. 5370.
In the hearings conducted by this committee during the last Congress, I testi-
lied on behalf of this proposal at some length. As these hearings continue, I
expect to have the pleasure of extending my remarks. For the moment, I wish
to reaffirm my position with respect to this bill. In the light of the grave
international situation, it seems that every passing hour witnesses a growing
urgency for the adoption of the Freedom Academy proposal.
I want to direct the attention of the committee particularly to the provisions
of section 10 of my bill. This, in fact, conforms to provisions of other bills
before this committee, particularly section 10 of H.R. 470, H.R. 2379. H.R. 4389,
H.R. 2215, and H.R. 6700. This section deals with the security check of per-
sonnel who participate in the operation or program of the Freedom Academy.
My bill, and other bills which I have noted, require in general a security
investigation of (1) all persons employed by the Freedom Commission, (2) any
person who is permitted to have access to classified information, and (3) at the
discretion of the Commission, of any individual under consideration for training
at the Academy. It is noted that none of the bills, including my own, require
a security check of members of the Freedom Commission. These members are
appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.
Not only does the bill fail to make provision for a security check of the Com-
mission members, but there is presently no statutory provision of which I am
aware that would require it. However, it is true that for some years past, in-
vestigations for appointments of this sort have been normally required under
executive order. Executive Order 10450, promulgated by President Eisenhower
in April 1953, presently in effect, requires that the appointment of every civil
officer or employee in any department or agency of the Government shall be
made the subject of an investigation.
Under the executive order, the scope of the investigation is determined accord-
ing to the degree of adverse effect the occupant of the position to be filled could
bring about — by virtue of the nature of the position — on the national security.
Although a "national agency check" is required of all appointees, a full field
investigation is required only for "sensitive positions," that is to say, those
positions which would have a materially adverse effect on the national security.
While I think that there is no question that membership on the Freedom Com-
mission is a "sensitive position," this may, on the other hand, depend upon one's
point of view. It must also be realized that executive orders are matters within
the authority of the President. They may be amended or revoked at his
discretion.
Nevertheless, in view of the fact that prior practice and existing executive
orders have required preappointment investigation, together with the further
consideration that appointments are subject to the approval of the Senate, I have
adopted the position of other bills which contain no express provision for investi-
gation of members of the Commission. However, while adopting that position
in the proposal, I am not certain that such a requirement should necessarily be
omitted. I feel it is a matter the committee should review in some depth, as I
believe it will. I want to make clear that my omission of such a requirement does
not necessarily express my settled conviction on this ix)int.
20 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
I want to say further that I greatly appreciate the thoroughness of the com-
mittee's inquiry on the subject of the Freedom Academy bills. Your hearings
in the last Congress were extensive and commendable. I believe that those of us
who have submitted proposals on this issue are hopeful that an early and favor-
able report upon one of these bills can be made to the Congress.
The Chairman. Since this is a new Congress, the committee has
voted that the hearings conducted last year be regarded as included in
this year's hearings.
(At this point Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.)
The Chairman. Our next witness is Mr. Edgar Ansel Mowrer.
Would you please come forward, sir ?
Mr. Mowrer, we are delighted that you could find time to appear
before our committee this morning. I know, and a lot of people know,
about your background. But I think for the record it might be better
for me to state it than for you.
Colleagues, Mr. Mowrer has been a newsman, writer, and columnist
for 50 years, and that is a long time. He covered World War I for
the Chicago Daily News. He was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for
overseas reporting in 1932. During World War II, he was Deputy
Director of the Office of War Information. He has been a radio
commentator as well as a columnist on foreign affairs. A trustee of
Freedom House, Mr. Mowrer is also the author of 10 books on inter-
national and foreign affairs, including: An End to Make Believe in
1961, A Good Time to he Alive in 1960, and Challenge and Decision
in 1950. Your service to your profession and to the country is well
recognized and stretches out for many years, and I am glad to make
these remarks a part of the record. We are very much interested in
having your views on the bills we have pending before us this morning,
sir. You may proceed.
STATEMENT OF EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER
Mr. Mowrer. I do not have to introduce myself, Mr. Chairman?
For the record, my name is Edgar Ansel Mowrer. I am a syndi-
cated columnist on world affairs.
The Chairman. If you wish to expand on your formal education and
further experience you are welcome.
Mr. Mowrer. For 26 years a foreign correspondent, chiefly in
Europe, but in most parts of the world. I have come here to testify
in favor of the bill to create a Freedom Academy because I consider
that it may help us to deal with the main problem of our time.
Looking back over the many years, I am terribly struck with the
parallelism between the behavior of Europe in the 1930's, democratic
Europe, and our behavior since 1945.
It is true that there have been some notable differences. Europe,
Britain, and France neglected their defenses, while at the same time
they were trying to persuade themselves that Hitler, Mussolini, and
their cohorts did not mean business. The result was a catastrophe of
which all the details are known.
The Chairman. I think at this point I should ask you two or three
questions that will further demonstrate your experience.
Did your experience overseas include firsthand contact with Com-
munists ?
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 21
Mr. MowRER. Very decidedly so. As a foreign correspondent of
neutral America, it was the duty of a good one to get in contact with
people of every political party. Thus, in Germany, where I spent
a long time, I knew everybody from Prince Louis Ferdinand of
Prussia to Mr. Neumann, the head of tlie Berlin Communists.
In Paris I knew Mr. Cachin, who was the second leader, and some
minor figures. In England I knew Claude Cobum, who was at that
time publishing a Communist weekly. With all of these people I had
as friendly relations as one could ever have had with the Communists,
which is not saying too much, because there is always an element in
which their public affairs, you might say, their convictions, predomi-
nate over their personal relationships.
Tlie Chairman. It is my information that at one time, at least, you
wouldn't have been in line to win a popularity contest, so I ask yo^u :
Were you not at one time simultaneously denied entry to the Soviet
Union, Nazi Gennany, and Fascist Italy ?
Mr. MowRER. That is true. At one time I had the honor, doubtful
honor, whichever you choose to call it, of having been refused re-
entrance into the Soviet Union, into Nazi Germany from which I was
literally expelled, and into Facist Italy where I had made the march
on Rome with Mussolini and then quarreled wnth him because of
his mtolerable and arrogant and imperialistic behavior.
The Chairman. Did Nazi Minister of Propaganda Dr. Goebbels
ever express an interest, in one fashion or another, in you ?
Mr. Mowrer. Yes, sir. In September 1939 another correspondent,
H. R. Knickerbocker, now dead, and I filed a story in which we gave
the world the full details on the amounts of money that the Nazi
leaders had more or less illegally stashed overseas for their personal
use, just in case. This provoked from my former acquaintance. Dr.
Paul Joseph Goebbels, a vicious attack on the radio, which he made
personally, declaring that he would give a division of German troops
to lay hands on those dirty American so-and-so's, Knickerbocker and
Mowrer. Personally I never felt prouder.
The Chairman. I compliment you. Now will you proceed in your
own way to express why you favor these bills and relate to us your
further experiences, if you will.
Mr. Mowrer. In the course of my experience with Communists and
other people, I became aware of hoAv hard it was for Americans who
have never lived under a totalitarian regime to miderstand the work-
ings, and not. only the physical workings, but the mentality and the
infinite cheating and dissimulation which was part of the Nazi as well
as the Communist idea of spreading their rule.
For instance, when I went to Russia in 1936 those two English
Socialists, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, had just published a book on
the Soviet Union in very flattering terms which was the laughingstock
of the foreign correspondents in Moscow. They explained how, with-
out any adequate preparation, the two Webbs had come to Moscow,
listened to what the Russian Communists told them, written it all
down like tiiith, and produced a book. And the common comment
among the men overseas was, "This is just lovely, only there isn't a
word of it that corresponds with Soviet action," which is the only
thing that counts.
22 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
1 was in Moscow in November-December 1936, attending the ratifi-
cation of the new Soviet constitution, allegedly the most democratic
in the world. It was indeed a wonderful document, setting out many
civil rights, except for two or three provisos which most of the for-
eigners overlooked. One was that the rule of the Communist Party
should never be in any way upset or diminished, and the other was
that none of this had any relation to political crimes.
Since almost anything in Russia was defined as a political crime,
this meant that of course most of the constitution was undone by these
two little provisos, and this escaped tourists.
This seems to have escaped even one former American Ambassador
in Moscow, Joe Davies. You will remember, perhaps, that during the
war, in 1943, there was presented here in Washington a film by Mr. Joe
Davies called Mission to Moscow, which was based on his book and
which gave such a caricature, if you will excuse me, of the real condi-
tions in the Soviet Union that a group of us retired to the nearest cafe
to laugh it off.
What I am driving at, Mr. Chairman, is that it seems to me that we
are lacking in the understanding of the basics of this international
power conspiracy — ideology, pseudoreligion, whatever you wish to
call it — which threatens us at many points over the globe.
There again it reminds me of a time when a very distinguished
Frenchman asked me to come to Paris and tell him what Hitler was
going to do. I did my best, after 10 years' acquaintance with the
Fuehrer. I thought I knew about it. Wlien it was all over he looked
at me and said, "I just don't believe a word of it. Hitler is a man
like everybody else."
For many years we did the best we could to believe that Stalin was
a man like anybody else, and if so, God help everybody else. And we
have since tried to believe that it is possible for a Communist regime
to change radically without ceasing to be Communist.
Therefore, because we want peace we are continually grasping at
straws, hoping. Surely, if our wartime President, FDR — in many
ways, in my opinion, a great President — had really done his homework
thoroughly or had the proper advisers about him during the war, he
would not have thought that he could manage Stalin. If the Amer-
ican administration at that time had rubbed their noses a little more
thoroughly into the Communist thing — and I am not blaming any one
person, for this was a general frame of mind, as you will remember —
they would not have believed that, because the Russians had signed the
Yalta Treaty agreeing to set up democratic regimes in all the east
European countries, they had the slightest intention of abiding by
it. For a "democratic" regime is part of what is known as Aesopian
language in Communist parlance, which means, well, just as Mr.
Goering used to say, "I determine who is a Jew," the Kremlin deter-
mines what is a democratic regime. These were very grave errors in
my opinion. I think that our doing nothing about communism in
China was a very grave error. I do not say that we could have pre-
vented the taking over of China by comnumism. I don't know.
I do know that we made no serious effort and I do know, if you will
permit me to quote a man without mentioning his name, that one of
the very senior officials in the State Department had dinner at my
house, along with Congressman Walter Judd, and discussed hotly
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 23
whether or not Red China could ever be a danger to the United States,
and the meeting broke up when the State Department official said,
"Congressman, I don^t believe that anything can happen m the Far
East in the next 50 years that can seriously damage the interests of
the United States."
I think that we have to realize — ^that is what I am trying to say
with all these details — that most Americans still do not know very
much about a totalitarian regime or about communism; that they are
inclined to believe any sign that they are transforming themselves
or thawing or anything of the kind ; and that, therefore, we have been
led into some difficulties such as the one in Laos, which we would not
be in had it been understood that any sort of coalition government
with Communists was inevitably, in their eyes, a pretext for a take-
over. They have been trying to take over ever since; as far as they
could without openly going into all-out war, and it is only our recent
military counteractions that, in my opinion, have prevented them from
doing it.
My friends in the State Department, and I am happy to say I still
have a good many, counter with this: That it is impossible for a
citizen or Congressman to know the situation, what should be done
about it, understand it, unless he is in possession of all the facts.
By "all the facts," they mean the latest reports from all over the
world. This I consider a total mistake, for wasn't Chamberlain,
wasn't Daladier, in possession of all the facts, that is to say, the day-
to-day facts that had been provided by the admirable British and
French overseas services ? Of course, to be sure, as I note one of my
predecessors last February testified here, they admitted later that
they had never read Mein Kampf. To assume that you could under-
stand the Nazi regime in Germany or Adolf Hitler himself or esti-
mate what he was going to do without having read Mein Kamjjf was
a terrible and tragic error. It is my belief that there should l3e an
independent. Government-supported but essentially independent, non-
partisan, nonparty Freedom Academy which offers to a group an
intensive course, not only necessarily on communism, but on all the
enemies of American freedom.
I can also see from reading the newspapers and listening to my
daughter's friends, meeting students, that there is even a great lack
in our country of the essential implications of American freedom.
So it seems to me that any authoritative body which would give an
intensive course, what and why freedom, who and what is threatening
freedom, how they are doing it, what are the essences of these various
things that are threatening our freedom, if this had, as it should
have, high-power, opinion-making, influential citizens, including —
why not? — some foreigners, it could bring about a change and not
come into any conflict with the State Department, for surely the last
thing such an academy would have the nerve to try to do is to set a
policy.
(At this point Mr. Senner entered the hearing room.)
The Chairman. I am glad you say that and I want you to develop
that point. In other wordSj as I understand it, and I am not an
author, the authors of these bills don't envisage the Freedom Academy
or Freedom Commission as making foreign policy or speaking for
24 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
our Government vis-a-vis our relations with other governments. You
agreed with that ?
Mr. MowRER. It ought not to be done and would not be done.
I do not think that any Freedom Academy or any body which is a
study body should have, m any way, that power. Certaiiily they may
try to influence foreign policy as citizens. The students who come out
of it may have learned something which enables them to thmk that tliis
or that change could well be made in the policy.
Then they should publish, where they can, reports and if this Acad-
emy had sufficient stature I am quite certain that what they said would
ripple out through the country. The people would begin to give
credence to what they said. Think only of the foreign element. Look
at the new rulers of many of the African and Asian states. They
are fine people. They are patriots. Many of them have taken great
dangers and run the risk of death to make their countries independent,
but so far as the world about them is concerned, they are babies. It is
not their fault. They have had no opportunity to have any experience
and no occasion to study the matter thoroughly.
Therefore, many of them are patsies or pushovers for Communist
agitators. We learn now that the Government of Burundi, after
imagining for a long time that Red China was really their great friend,
found that Red China had been involved in a conspiracy to get rid of
their government ; that was all.
So they have now put out the Red Chinese. Had the three or four,
or whoever, in Burundi had training at the Freedom Academy they
never would have invited the Red Chinese in.
As an old foreign correspondent, I submit there is no real sub-
stitute for the personal experience of a foreign country. Since policy-
makers cannot possibly have lived in all foreign countries, the best
they can do is call upon people who have.
I furthermore submit that in the daily routine of the State Depart-
ment, all too few officials have the opportunity and the quiet to go
away, let us say, and immerse themselves for 6 months — wherever,
it doesn't matter — in the Communist conspiracy.
They haven't the opportunity. Mr. Rusk gets to his office and I am
presuming he finds a stack of reports on his desk. By the time Mr.
Rusk has done the stack he calls in the boys from here, there, and
everywhere and he sends it around. This is no criticism.
This is true of all foreign offices in the world. They need a Freedom
Academy on which they could draw, which would argue with them
if they cared to have it. There also ought to be, I would say, a part
of the Freedom Academy consisting of some of the faculty who might
be used, if the President or the State Department cared to,*as con-
sultants. Their opinions would be asked in view of what they would
learn, but that would have to be outside the Academy itself.
In other words, Mr. Chairman, I am convinced that the situation
is not as good as many of my colleagues and most of the officials either
think or simply say that it is.
To me the test of whether we are doing well in the war against
communism is the map. I remember when communism was restricted
to Russia and doing very badly there. It has now spread over a billion
people with no end in sight. I point out furtliermore that, with the
dubious exception pf Guatemala which was not entirely Communist,
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 25
in no case has the free world recovered from the Communists what they
had previously taken from us.
In other words, I believe President Kennedy said they go on the
theory that "Wliat is mine is mine, and what's yours will be mine,
or is part mine."
Even in Vietnam today when we discuss a compromise — a com-
promise today cannot be successful for one simple reason : The North
Vietnamese are trying to communize South Vietnam ; the South Viet-
namese are not seriously trying, nor are we, to anticommunize North
Vietnam. If both were doing this, then a compromise could be to let
North Vietnam remain Communist but South Vietnam non-Commu-
nist. But no, the whole talk is the compromise between us, who want
only a free and independent and non-Communist Vietnam, and the
Communists who want a Communist Vietnam.
Mr. Pool. May I interrupt right at this point? We had hearings
last year, and we had one witness who came here and explained to us
how the Communists work in Vietnam. They have a regional office,
and their terror squads fan out from their regional office into these
villages and terrorize the people.
Mr. MowRER. That is right.
Mr. Pool. Americans have a responsibility not to engage in those
practices. The Communists have no inhibitions against things like
that. I would like to have your comment on what we are up against in
formulating our tack in this field.
Mr. MowRER. The tw^o greatest experts in Washington on this, with
whom I am personally acquainted, are Allen Dulles and General
Edward Lansdale. I asked Allen Dulles once when we were sitting-
together at dinner why it was that the Communists were able to do in
South Vietnam what we couldn't seem to do in North Vietnam, and
he said, "The answer is quite simple : Terror."
If we would resign ourselves to go into North Vietnam and murder
all the people who didn't immediately offer to assist us, perhaps it
would be counterbalanced, but I trust that we don't feel that we have
to do anything of the kind.
The other expert on this subject is, as I say, General Lansdale, U.S.
Air Force, retired, and why is he an expert ? During the years in
which the great Magsaysay, of whom I was proud to be a friend, in
the Philippines was fighting the Communist Huks he was assisted
and helped in every way by Lansdale as, I believe, first a major and
then a colonel.
Lansdale and Magsaysay worked out the successful tactics, the
hamlet tactics and so on, which eventually suppressed the Huks or
reduced them to very small potatoes, though I hear tliey are coming
up again now.
Both of those people agreed that meeting this thing is a very special
problem ; that Mao really had something when he worked out this idea
of using soldiers, disguised as civilians, and infiltrating them into the
peasants as fish in water, and so on. And, therefore, I would say that
there are only two ways of dealing with this, and perhaps they should
be combined, if we are determined we are going to have a free and
independent South Vietnam.
One is a further expansion of the Magsaysay-Lansdale tactics, which
I believe the British used with great success in Malaysia. The other
26 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
would be what we are doing now, trying to make any further subver-
sion from the outside, any supplying of the Viet Cong in South Viet-
nam, just too painful to be contemplated.
Mr. Pool. We have no schools in our Government to teach these
theories. Is that correct ?
Mr. MowRER. I don't quite understand.
Mr. Pool. We don't have courses in these tactics.
Mr. MowRER. Insofar as it is not a purely military problem, we
should certainly make the Americans familiar with what the Commu-
nists do with the Mao Tse-tung tactics. I was myself, as I say, in the
Philippines awhile when this was going on. Our people, for instance,
continually report when, by mischance, one of our planes bombs some
of our people or some innocent villagers, and it is lamentable. On
the other hand, the fact that the Communists never go into a village
for the first time without ruthlessly murdering any people they find
who are not willing to go along with them is not stressed. It should
be made clear what we are up against.
Mr. Senner. Mr. Chairman. Mr. Mowrer, I am sorry, I wasn't
here to hear all of your testimony. I am very interested in the state-
ments that you have made.
However, as I understand history, the downfall of Hitler and of his
attempted conquest of Russia came about because of the terror and the
cruel treatment imposed by the German troops on the Russians. This
also is supposedly true, by historians' statements, with regard to Napo-
leon's invasion of Russia. What I can't reconcile in my mind is how
can the Viet Cong commit their terror and inhuman treatment and
still be able to win the support from the South Vietnamese.
Mr. MowRER. Mr. Congressman, in my opinion as a fellow who has
been writing on foreign affairs for 50 years, who has specialized a
good deal on studying communism in various parts of the world, this
IS an example of how hard it is for a man to understand Communist
tactics unless he digs into them. There are I can't tell you how many
Communist schools throughout Russia and in China today where
especially bright people are indoctrinated, are taught, how-to move
into a village of generally ignorant peasants with the carrot, with the
great reform, the great, wonderful things that are going to happen
"if you will only support us against these horrible Fascists and
American imperialists," and so on and so on.
Look what they are doing today, as I read in the papers, on the
American campuses. There is apparently a small new flareup of
interest in communism as a viable philosophy among many hundreds
and hundreds of students. If these students can be induced by sly
Communist propaganda or, if you like, for the sheer hell of it — I don't
know which — to agree that this is a viable form and desirable form of
philosophy, then it ought to be easier with these peasants.
At the same time they also set up immediately organizations which
look after the peasants. Let us make no mistake about that.
I would like to jump from Vietnam to Italy now because today, in
my opinion, the most remarkable example of Communist influence in
any country that is not under Communist rule is in Italy. A few
years a^o I was sent abroad by the Reader's Digest to try to figure out
and write on how it was done, and I went into the matter very care-
fully.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 27
I was 8 years a correspondent in Italy and speak the language and
so does my wife, and we would go into Communist villages and, while
I would talk with the mayor, and so on, she would go into the wives'
houses and discuss this matter and kiss the babies and what not.
They have set up the most elaborate, slick, and fallacious system of
propaganda that I have ever known. Everything is interpreted to
mean something that it isn't.
Secondly, in Italy the Communists have what I would call a super-
Tammany political organization. There are whole areas of Italy
aromid Ferrara in the north — you know where it is — around Ferrara
and Bologna, where the Communists dominate all the municipalities
and they look after the boys and girls. Did you, by any chance, years
ago read a very interesting book called The Little World of Don
Caniillo ? If not, it is amusing as well as enlightening reading.
Mr. Senner. Then I take your answer to be that where terror and
brutality are utilized by the Communists to accomplish these objec-
tives, their philosophy of also taking care of people apparently has
given an added something that has been lacking in the Nazi and
Fascist movements. Is this correct ?
Mr. MowRER. I think it is correct, if you stress the fact that they are
training thousands and thousands of propagandists every year. Suz-
anne Labin, that French anti-Communist writer, in her last book
gives figures that she has painfully acquired on the billions that the
two big Communist countries, plus the East European countries, are
giving to training experts to delude people into believmg that commu-
nism is a free, wonderful, Utopian society. We have practiced what
could be called honest propaganda for the great part. The Voice of
America, I believe, is continually in discussion with some Congress-
man as to whether or not they should broadcast propaganda or the
straight facts.
The Communists have no scruples about that. I read their moni-
tored broadcast reports which are sent out. They are very educational,
and what do they teach me at least ? That on the same day Radio Mos-
cow and Radio Peiping and Czechoslovakia, and so on, will tell differ-
ent stories to different coimtries — make the punishment fit the crime.
This is a very powerful weapon and it is working. There are half a
dozen comitries on earth today where a Communist takeover could not
be excluded, I am sorry to say, in my opinion.
Now you will get back: "Is this business in Vietnam, and so on,
worth a war, worth killing Americans?"
And there you get to the appreciation of what you think the Com-
munists will do once they have taken it over. If you agree with one
of my colleagues writing in Newsiueek that just because we lose South
Vietnam doesn't mean we are going to lose anything else, then you will
say, "Well, then, maybe it isn't worth the sacrifice. They aren't sup-
porting us too well," all the known arguments.
If you agree with me that it is impossible for militant communism
to cease trying to expand without being Communist, then you would
say the question is whether you make the stand for keeps here. More-
over— I may shock some of you — I am totally convinced that sooner
or later we will not only have to stop the leaks in containment — and
it has been leaking steadily since it was proclaimed by my friend
George Kennan in 1947 and is still leaking around in various spots —
47-093 O— 65 3
28 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
we will not only have to make containment watertight, but we will
have to go to the counteroffensives. It is necessary, if communism is to
wither away, that it be unsuccessful.
Nobody ever deserts, I believe, a political movement, even in the
United States, when it is winning. There is nothing like success. We
have not been successful. Our successes have been holding a line.
Mr. Senner. In following your colloquy here, and I know it is
against your conscience and mine, is there a possibility that we could
use more terror and force, play the part of Big Brother and use the
ingenuity and initiative of man to follow the capitalistic free enter-
prise system ?
Mr. MowRER. I would think that it depends on the seriousness of the
danger. Nobody deplored more than I did the bombing of open Ger-
man cities during World War II because, having been m Germany, I
knew that there were lots of anti-Nazis there who were friends of ours,
or who would liked to have been, and whom we were killing ruthlessly.
And if you saw Germany just after the war, you must admit that, to-
gether with the British, we did a job. I went back to Berlin, a town
where I had spent 10 years, and wandered around in a daze. I didn't
know where I was. It was gone.
Now, why did we have to do that? Because the Germans started
this. They did it first to Warsaw. Then they did it to Coventry.
They broke the Dutch morale in 5 days in 1940, largely by bombing —
the snuffing out of Rotterdam. If the thing gets serious enough, if the
Chinese come into this, I would have no reluctance whatever to using
what countermeasures the general staff decides are necessary. 1
would do it with a sinking heart, but a feeling that it has to be done.
I frequently argue with those people who tell me, "Ah, ah, but we
must not use the same things." I ask them, "Did you approve or
disapprove of our counterbombardment of German cities?" "Ah,"
they say, "that was different. Hitler was a danger."
Communism is something like that, and there we come to the root of
it and back to the Freedom Academy. I believe the United States
is in a bigger danger than we were on the night of Pearl Harbor. It
is not the same danger. The night of Pearl Harbor I spent a sleepless
night, like many of us who had been worrying over this thing, and
about dawn turned over and went off w^ith the feeling that we could
beat the Japs.
Mr. Senner. Mr. Mowrer, this is a graver danger, a greater danger,
which we face than was Pearl Harbor.
Mr. Mowrer. We are fighting back, but we are not fighting back
effectively against communism because we are running what the}' call
a carrot-and-stick policy and what I call schizo])hrenia, a divided men-
tal approach to things — it is a question how long we can go on snug-
gling up to Moscow, offering cooperation in important places like outer
space to Moscow, and at the same time oppose Moscow successfully.
A totalitarian government can do that because its friendship is un-
real, but Americans are friendly people and when we are friends with
Moscow it is very difficult to tell them we don't really believe it.
We are just trying, just a hope. That is why, in my opinion, the
country is not facing up to the Communist menace and why I believe
that a Freedom Academy would be helpful in the matter.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 29
The Chairman. In that connection, last year a State Department
witness in opposition to the adoption of this bill stressed the danger of
indoctrination. That word was used by him throughout his testi-
mony.
In other words, the use of this Freedom Academy would result in,
or would aid or abet or lead to, indoctrination, and that was the theme
of opposition last year from the witness of the State Department.
Would you care to comment on that? Then I will tell you about
what they say this year.
Mr. MowRER. Don't you think there has to be an element of indoc-
trination to maintain any sort of civilization ? Don't children have to
be taught that stealing and murder and rape are wrong? That is
indoctrination, Mr. Congressman. I have no hesitancy in indoctrin-
ating any American with the fact that a free society is superior to a
totalitarian or slave society.
If they are afraid of that kind of indoctrination, I should feel very
bad about it indeed.
The Chairman. This year, since this is a new Congress and new
bills had to be introduced, we did the usual and asked for a fresh
expression of views on the part of the State Department. We have
the letter here. It has been offered in evidence, but if you don't
mind I would point out the points they make and get your views
on three or four points for the record.
Here is what they say this year. They say :
Expertise and operational experience are as important in the formulation of
I)olicy as they are in its execution. For this reason, the Department seriously
questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in-
finitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be developed by a new,
separate government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities.
If you find that passage I wish you would comment upon it from
the copy of the letter you have before you.
Mr. MowRER. What would you like me to comment on ?
The Chairman. On that particular j>aragraph that is before you
there, that "expertise and operational experience."
Mr. MowRER. It is not for an old foreign correspondent to say that
experience and expertise are not- necessary in the formulation of
policy. Of course they are, and, as I say, if all our leading citizens
could have had some experience, then there might be no need to do
this.
If they would all go and live a year in Russia or live a year in Red
China, they would not have to do this. It seems to me, as I say, this
would be a backing and not a rival to what the State Department
is doing and to our diplomatic schools and so on, for the schools,
the diplomatic academies, teach diplomacy as such. They cannot give
in 6 months — I have forgotten how many months. Does anybody know
how long these young men study in these special schools before they
enter our Foreign Service ? I think it is less than a year ; some months.
It is impossible to understand the various systems all over the
world in this time. Now, he says he —
questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in-
finitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be developed by a new,
separate government agency, especially one without operational resiK>nsibilities.
30 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The Chairman. That is the point. They seem to say that without
day-to-day operational responsibilities the Freedom Academy couldn't
be of a great help.
Mr. MowRER. Has anybody proposed, as I say, that a Freedom
Academy, its president or its faculty, should attempt the formula-
tion of policy or the execution of policy ?
The Chairman, But they say that without day-to-day operational
responsibilities, which the Academy would not have, the Academy
cannot perform a useful function. Tliat is the point. I disagree
with that.
Mr. MowRER. If that were true, then we could never have an army
because the President decides the policy that the United States is
at war, but except in a special case where a move might be strongly
political, he is better off to leave the conduct of the war itself to the
Joint Chiefs. The Joint Chiefs are told what the aim of the Govern-
ment is and are told, "Here you are. Go and do it the best way."
It wouldn't occur to me, as one who has worked in I can't tell
you how many foreign comitries, who believes the professional diplo-
mats are almost always better than amateur diplomats, to say that
operationally the Freedom Academy should have anything to say
at all, but it should be able to furnish a body of opinion, studies, and
have people throughout the other branches of the Government as
students.
Today they complain that so many different branches of the Gov-
ernment are getting into foreign political problems. I believe there
is a bill before the Senate now that has something to do with foreign
aid, but this is largely not a. technical problem, whether or not we
give foreign aid. It is a political problem. This is not exactly com-
parable, but this is something which a Freedom Academy could help on.
For instance, are we giving foreign aid as a weapon in the cold
war — we are certainly giving military aid — or are we giving it as
pure charity, or are we giving it in a half-and-half way, believing that
raising standards will necessarily help us since — what is it? — a fat
Communist is less dangerous than a lean Communist ? I think, if I
may say so in this particular case without seeming critical, that we
cannot forget too soon that the State Department has lavished for-
eign aid upon a man called Nasser of the United Arab Republic, upon
another one called Sukarno, that we gave a great deal of help to the
Poles, hoping that they would break away and form another Tito.
None of these has come about. There is being created throughout
Africa and Asia a number of regimes with a partially tribal existence,
one-party states, that are almost indistinguishable from Nazi-Fascist
philosophy. They are totalitarian.
Certainly one of the things we need is not just comment from
friendly liberal professors who say, "Well, it doesn't matter whether
Ghana has any democracy or not. They will."
Well, will they? There is no evidence that they will unless you
are talking in terms of decades, centuries, and so on.
Therefore, I would certainly say that it should be set up in the bill
and in the Freedom Academy that I would like to see you create
that we should not make policy or attempt to.
The Chairman. They make the point in this letter that the Free-
dom Commission bills propose that the executive branch on a large
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 31
scale undertake the mobilization of private citizens, domestic and
foreign, to fight the cold war and also the systematic orientation
of our citizens against communism.
Then the letter makes this statement :
While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train private U.S. citizens
and foreign nationals, our primary need — and hence our first priority — is to
improve in all possible ways the training of government personnel involved in
the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs.
So they say that while it might be all right in certain circumstances
to give private citizens and foreign nationals thorough grounding in
communism, the great need is the training of Government personnel
involved in foreign affairs operations. The State Department doesn't
seem very enthusiastic about having anyone train except Government
personnel. What are your comments on that statement ?
Mr. MowRER. Yes. I think in the first place that most bureau-
crats, if you will pardon the expression, would consider it very nice
if the citizens would take their word for most things without con-
troversy. I do not think that that is compatible with our system of
Government, nor do I think that you can win a cold war without the
support of an overwhelming majority of our citizens, and that sup-
port should not be merely passive, "papa knows best," but it should be
an active support.
The cold war is in my opinion a real war and, as I said before, could
be more dangerous than a fighting war, because in a fighting war you
have to stand up and live or die, but the cold war can go by default,
can go by little concessions; therefore, the more need for having en-
lightened citizens with the right that Americans maintain for them-
selves, and I hope forever will, criticize any policy they don't like, to
suggest alternative policies in any field.
Believe me, as one who has written, as I say, for 50 years on this
and spent more than 27 years abroad in various countries, the belief
that the diplomat abroad knows more about the country than the
foreign correspondent is great error. In most countries I would rather
go to the foreign correspondents to find out what is going on than I
would to the U.S. diplomats, for the correspondents are not handi-
capped in getting around by protocol and all the people they must
talk to and all that kind of thing.
In the second place, as I tried to point out, we have repeatedly been
wrong through too much reliance upon day-to-day operators who are
not in the position to learn what is necessary to make these decisions.
The State Department recognizes this. They not only have opera-
tives and embassies and everything, but they have a planning bureau.
I was delighted when they brought in a planning bureau, but the
Freedom Academy is not supposed to do that in my opinion.
(At this point Mr. Senner left the hearing room.)
Mr. Congressman, it comes down to this. President Johnson has
asked for a consensus. I hope he gets it, but does he want a consensus of
sheep, or does he want a consensus of convinced people who have had
access to the facts and who have thought out the conclusions and agree
with him?
The Freedom Academy would help provide the kind of people
enlightened in foreign affairs. May I say one thing more? Having
specialized most of my life on foreign affairs I am still appalled by the
32 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
indifference and apathy throughout the great American people to
foreign issues except when they rise to the level of a crisis, when there
is nothing to do but fight or die.
We cannot maintain our position in the current world until enough
Americans get the miderstanding of foreign political issues, get the
same understanding of conflicting policies and regimes that they bring
to domestic affairs.
All of you, as elected people, realize that you must never count on the
stupidity or ignorance of your opponents in local matters, that they
are pretty smart cookies and they know pretty well what is going on
in Pikesville or Pittsburgh. We have to create enough people who will
know and follow moves.
I play chess. I am not a chess champion, but I follow championsliip
chess games with some understanding and great enthusiasm, because I
have played enough to understand the moves and see what it is all about.
We have to create a knowing public.
One last word, if you can let me have it. As I understand from read-
ing Mr. Possony's testimony, in which I thought he outlined extremely
well most of the things which the Freedom Academy should do, and
there is no need for me to repeat this, the Freedom Academy would also
invite Government officials from other branches which have had no op-
portunity to learn about these things, financial people, for example, for
our financial and our political problems are tied up so closely in tliis
that nobody can tear them apart.
The Chairman. Do you visualize the possibility, and maybe the de-
sirability, too, that perhaps administrative assistants of Members of
Congress could attend this institute ?
Mr. MowRER. Mr. Congressman, if I were an elected representative
of the American people who had spent my life in domestic affairs and
was told that I could spend 3 months when Congress was perhaps not
in session by attending lectures on certain subjects in a Freedom Aca-
demy, I certainly would do it right off.
The Chairman. Finally, the State Department makes this point.
It says that the bills raise the problem of Federal control inasmuch as
they authorize the Freedom Commission to prepare, make, and pub-
lish textbooks, training films, and other materials for high school, col-
lege, and community level instructions, and to distribute this material,
and so on. Then they say :
The Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and standardize
the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear to be a
marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the
field of political education.
I would like you to comment on that. They are touching a sensitive
Americn concept — of the Federal Government not controlling schools
and colleges, and so on, that we all agree with, but then they use this
argmnent in opposition to this institute. Do you see any validity to that
objection on their part ?
Mr. Mowrer. Do you think that the opposition is based on the fact
that this would be in any way a Government institution ?
The Chairman. They raise the issue that, since the institute could
publish books and so on, the dissemination of that information to
the citizenry would indoctrinate or would lead to Federal control of
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 33
teaching, inasmuch as these publications would find their way into
colleges and liigh schools.
Mr. MowRER. Point of order. May I ask a question ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. MowRER. Is it not true that the Federal Government supports
Howard University ?
The Chairman. Yes; through the Department of Health, Educa-
tion, and Welfare.
Mr. MowRER. Certainly. I think the greater part of the money is
given by the Federal Government. Yet, so far as I know — and I
have a friend who is a professor there — the Government has never
attempted to tell Howard University what it was to do, nor has it
said that the publications by professors in Howard University were
documents of the U.S. Government, or let me give you a better one
perhaps
The Chairman. They may draw a distinction between Howard
University and a congressionally created Commission.
Mr. MowRER. If the Government is not in education in Howard Uni-
versity, it need not be in education in the Freedom Academy. Let
me give you another example which is manifest. Surely, politically
the British are a broadly democratic people and they certainly shoot
off their mouth with the greatest freedom about the government and
everything else.
Yet the BBC, though entirely supported by government money,
is absolutely independent of government pressures. In fact, the di-
rector of the BBC is now in dutch with several of the leading poli-
ticians for allowing certain people to make statements, and he has
made it perfectly clear to the government that this was the basis on
which the BBC was set up and once they entrusted him with rmming
it he was going to run it.
There is a problem, of course, that there could be an encroaclmient
over there, but there can be an encroachment by any government over
anything else. Some people think there is too much encroachment
in the United States today and some think not enough.
The Chairman. Do you think the answer might be in the quality
of the personnel who run this institution ?
Mr. MowRER. I would think that a study of the organization and
independence of the BBC would be fruitful in this matter. Since I
haven't got the full details I don't want to say any more, but I do not
think that this need encroach in the slightest on freedom of education.
The Chairman. Or lead to Federal control ?
Mr. Mowrer. Certainly not. Here we spoke of indoctrination. All
my life I have been considered more or less of a maverick who has
sometimes gotten himself into trouble by shooting off his mouth too
soon where he shouldn't, and therefore I would be the last person
to say that at the Freedom Academy they should inculcate, indoctri-
nate, teach a single attitude toward communism or anything else.
For instance, I don't object to having Communists lecture at our
universities, provided they are labeled Communists and it is perfectly
clear that they represent the Soviet Union or China or the Trotskyites
or the monkey businesses instead of representing the United States,
for I reiterate that it is impossible to be a good Commmiist and an
American patriot at the same time.
34 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. IcHORD. The bells have sounded over in the House for a quorum
call and I have to leave, but I want to take this opportunity to thank
you, sir, for appearing before the committee. I think you have made
an outstanding statement and you have made very many penetrating
comments upon the problems confronting our country in this field, and
you made an excellent witness.
I do want to thank you very much for your appearance. Since
you are here — you obviously have a profomid knowledge of our prob-
lems in the cold war — I would like you to comment, if you wnll, upon
the so-called Chinese-Soviet split. I would like to have your analysis
of the split.
Mr. MowRER. This is my personal view ?
Mr. IcHORD. Yes.
Mr. MowRER. I think that it is a mixture of the theological disputes
of the Middle Ages and the power disputes of national states of all
times and the personal rivalries of people who, the higlier they g&t, the
touchier they become.
I think it is all combined. I do not think it is fraud because, in my
own estimate, it started not where some of the people say, but when
the Soviet Union stopped helping Red China make nuclear weapons —
I believe the date was 1958 — and when the Chinese got nasty about
it they withdrew all the Soviet technicians from all over. Stalin
was not a man to tolerate a rival. In fact, to one who was in Moscow
in 1936 when Stalin was busy liquidating all the former Coimnmiists,
including his own closest buddies, it w"as perfectly obvious that there
was no place not. only in the Communist world, but in Russia itself,
for anybody but the great Stalin.
Mao considers that he, practically alone among Communist people,
though helped by wartime conditions, managed to establish an inde-
pendent Communist country, and he more or less deferred to Stalin.
I do not consider, however — I am almost convinced — that the split
will ever go to an open break, at least under present circumstances,
and I will tell you why.
In 1937 and 1938 when I was in an open-and-closed conspiracy
against Adolf Hitler, I found an ally in the British Foreign Office, Sir
Rdbert Van Sittart, the permanent Secretary General, who w^as doing
his level best to convince the consM-vative government that Hitler
meant business. He never succeeded. But we became very close allies,
so much so that he used to let me see the British reports so I could
write better stuff about what was going on in Germany, where I
oouldnt ^o, but we always differed on one point.
Van Sittart said, "Mussolini and the Italians don't like the Ger-
mans. We can divide the Italians from the Germans."
And, in my opinion, it was not so much Sir Samuel Hoare, but the
advice that Sir Samuel got from his first assistant. Sir Robert Van
Sittart, that brought the so-called Hoare-Laval plan to settle the trou-
ble in Ethiopia by a compromise, the British hoping somehow or other,
by making these compromises, that they would induce the Italians
not to form w^hat became the Rome-Berlin Axis or, even when it was
formed, to break it.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 35
I always argued against this, largely on the basis of personal know-
ledge of both Hitler and Mussolini, but also on the following thesis.
Hitler was determined to create the great new Third Reich, 400
million strong, by absorbing East Europe and the Russian Ukraine.
Mussolini was determined to create the ETnpero Romano^ the new
Roman Empire, stretching God-knows-where, around the Mediterra-
nean. Both of them had based their whole political life on the realiza-
tion of these things. Hitler's only justification for being there was to
create this monstrously great new German state.
Mussolini's only justification was that his rivals were pacifists, they
didn't realize it took Roman grandeur, and so on. He had to make a
new Empero Romwno. It would seem to me perfectly obvious that
neither one could sucxieed without the help, or against the opposition,
of the other, and therefore I predicted to Van Sittart regularly that
they would not come apart until perhaps they had taken all they
wanted and it came to dividing the swags. Then, of course, there is
opportunity for any amount of disputes.
At the present time, the Soviet actions, as distinct from the Soviet
talk, show a determination to spread communism by subversion and
propaganda wherever possible. I don't have to tell you people that
there are a dozen countries where there has been found evidence of
direct Soviet help, Cuba and the rest of them.
The Chinese are determined to spread communism throughout
Asia, preferably ahead of the Soviets and so on, but neither one of
them can succeed if the other one drifts apart or opposes it.
Therefore, just like two second-storymen engaged in a little job.
they may quarrel while they are on the ladder, but they are not going
to fight each other or come apart, and this is to me so simple that I
would think even sophisticated diplomats could understand it.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much.
Mr. Pool. Very well put.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, sir.
We will recess until 10 a.m., tomorrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 12 :35 p.m., Wednesday, March 31, 1965, the sub-
committee recessed to reconvene at 10 a.m., Thursday, April 1, 1965.)
HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R.
2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND
H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM
COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
THURSDAY, APRIL 1, 1965
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington, D.G.
public hearings
A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met,
pursuant to recess, at 10 :20 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office
Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord presiding.
(Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Ivoui-
siana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Clawson,
of California.)
Subcommittee members present : Representatives Ichord and Claw-
son.
Committee member also present: Representative Joe R. Pool, of
Texas.
Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred
M. Nittle, counsel.
Mr. Ichord. The meeting will come to order.
The purpose of the meeting this morning is to continue the hearings
on H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370,
H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700, several bills concerning the establishment
of the proposed Freedom Academy.
Inasmuch as neither the chairman nor Mr. Ashbrook will be able to
attend the hearings this morning, the subcommittee has been changed.
I will read for the record the letter of designation of the chairman of
the full committee dated April 1, 1965.
April 1, 1965.
Mr. Fbancis J. McNamara,
Director, Committee on JJn-Amerioan Activities:
Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I hereby
appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, consisting
of Honorable Richard Ichord and Honorable Del Clawson as associate members,
and myself as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Wshington, D.C., commencing on
or about Thursday, April 1, 1965, and at such other time or times thereafter and at
such place or places as said subcommittee shall determine, on the following bills
proposing passage of a "Freedom Commission Act," and any other similar bills
37
38 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Which may be referred to this committee : H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R
2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700.
Please make this action a matter of Committee record.
If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me.
Given under my hand this first day of April, 1965.
/s/ Edwin E. Willis,
Edwin E. Willis,
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities.
The first witness this morning is our colleague, the distinguished
gentleman from Florida, Mr. Gumey, who is the author of H.R. 4389.
Mr. Gurney, we are very pleased to have you with us today.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. GURNEY, TJ.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM FLORIDA
Mr. Gurney. Mr. Chairman, I certainly welcome the opportunity to
appear before the committee on behalf of this bill. First of all, let me
say that my role here really is to indicate my full-fledged support of
this bill rather than to edify the committee about the bill or its contents
or the problem it seeks to meet.
I say this because I am well aware of the fact that extensive hearings
have been held by this committee in prior years and that you, Mr.
Chairman, and other members who have sat on the committee in the
past probably know more about the bill and its problem than do I,
because this is one of the special areas before this committee — this
great problem of fighting communism.
Then, too, of course, the bill has had extensive hearings before
appropriate Senate committees.
I do have a little special interest in this legislation which is a bit
different from other Members of Congress. Mr. Alan Grant, who
hatched the idea of the Freedom Academy, is a constituent of mine.
He is a lawyer in Orlando, Florida, the city next to where I live. I
have known him ever since I have been in Florida and, as a matter of
fact, was a member of his initial group way back in 1950 that under-
took to begin some courses of instruction on a voluntary basis on com-
mimism in the local high school in Orlando, so I do have a personal
interest in this legislation.
Actually the idea, as you know, was born well over a decade and a
half ago and was proposed by Mr. Grant to the executive branch of the
Government as early as 1954. It met with some favorable reception at
that time, and other unfavorable reception, and it was never pushed
too hard in those years by the executive department. Later on, of
course, it was introduced in the form of authorizing legislation in the
House and the Senate in 1959.
Hearings were held in that year and the year after, and in 1960 a
Freedom Academy bill actually did pass the Senate overwhelmingly,
but was not acted upon by the House.
I think it is worthwhile to note here that the Senate committee in
reporting out the bill made this comment : "The committee considers
this bill to be one of the most important ever introduced in the Con-
gress," and then amplified that feeling in their report.
Leading Members of Congress have not only introduced the bill
both in the House and the Senate, but have supported it, and so have
other leading figures in this Nation, both in Government and out of
PROVIDLNG FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 39
Government. Many magazine articles and editorials have been written
in the leading news media in the comitry supporting the bill, so it
isn't a new idea.
It is considered by a great many people in the Nation, and leading
figures, as a very sound idea.
Without, as I say, trying to go into the ramifications of the bill,
which I know you are aware of — and the committee hearings in the
past are replete with arguments pro and con — I would like to express
my feeling here in favor of the bill in this perhaps, overall large sense :
That I feel, as well as other Members of Congress, that in the eternal
struggle of the so-called cold war between this Nation and the free
world and the opposing Communist forces, we are steadily on the
losing side.
We make some gains and advances ; we score some victories. But
it seems to me, overall, that perhaps communism is defeating us in
this struggle between our way of life and theirs and that, while we
have some weapons that we have used in this fight, such as foreign aid
and, let's say, the Peace Corps, and while these weapons have been
partially effective, nonetheless, they have not been a complete or a
successful weapon m this struggle, in this cold war.
We need new weapons to successfully win this war with communism.
While we have magnificent weapons in the military field and superb
Armed Forces — certainly we exceed the Communist ability there — I
think on almost every front in the realm of ideas, and that is really
what we are talking about here in this cold war, we have not used the
potential that I think this Nation possesses.
This idea of the Freedom Academy is this : It is to develop a weapon
in the idea field in order to fight more successfully this cold war. The
Communists, of course, have used ideas very successfully for years.
Certainly in any struggle of this sort, which has perhaps a potential
for hot war in the future, and right now we are engaged in the war
in Vietnam in this struggle, it is far better to resolve the struggle and
the outcome, if possible, by ideas than it is by bullets.
Perhaps one of the best illustrations in this field which took place
many years ago in history is the old story of the Trojan horse. In-
stead of storming the walls of the city, the Trojans built this horse
and put themselves inside and got the thing wheeled in the city and
took the city in this fashion.
Essentially, this is what we are talking about here. We need to
develop new ideas so that we can fare more successfully in this battle
against communism, and the Freedom Academy is a new kind of
weapon.
As you know, Mr. Chairman, what the bill does, of course, is estab-
lish an Academy, a school, where people are specially trained in the
background and the history of communism and would be taught
methods of fighting this psychological war. The bill would establish
a school that would be a research center so that we would have a
resource in the Nation which would gather material on this whole sub-
ject of communism and this cold war. Certainly it would serve as a
receptacle like a library for collecting all manner of material on this
subject.
We have academies for other things. We have service academies to
train our young men to take their places in the various branches of the
40 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
armed services. We have many other academies in this country for
all kinds of things, which train people specially for one walk of life or
another walk of life, and essentially this is all we are talking about
here, the establishment of a school to cope with this very special area
of fighting the cold war.
I have read the hearings held before this committee and the Senate
committee, and the hearings point up the fact that we do not have this
kind of a resource in the Nation today, and this is another reason why
I think we need this desperately.
So I say, in summing up, that this Nation ought not to be afraid of
establishing a Freedom Academy, of passing this legislation to probe
this new idea of fighting the cold war which we are ever waging
against communism. And I think if we do this we will have a new
resource and a weapon in the cold war struggle against communism.
I would like permission to file a further formal statement with the
committee, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. IcHORD. Without objection that permission will be granted.^
Mr. Gurney, did you introduce a bill dealing with the subject during
the last session of Congress ?
Mr. Gurney. I think I did.
Mr. IcHORD. For the record, is your bill identical with H.R. 2379,
introduced by the gentleman from Louisiana, Mr. Boggs?
Mr. Gurney. I was talking to Congressman Clawson about this
earlier. Actually, Mr. Chairman, I have not compared my bill with
others and I can't answer your question. . -
Mr. Ichord. I presume that you did have discussions with Mr.
Grant on the bill ?
Mr. Gurney. Yes.
Mr. IcHORD. And yours is probably the latest version as proposed
by Mr. Grant's committee, and the latest version was incorporated in
H.R. 2379 introduced by Mr. Boggs. Thank you very much, Mr. Gur-
ney. We appreciate your contribution to the work of the committee.
Mr. Clawson, any questions?
Mr. Clawson. I would just like to ask one.
From my superficial knowledge of these bills to establish a Free-
dom Academy I have this question: Do you envision the program
to be also a counterespionage activity in Communist countries ?
Mr. Gurney. I am sorry ?
Mr. Clawson. Communist subversion rather than espionage, per-
haps try to convert Communists to our side ?
Mr. Gurney. I think the main purpose of the bill, Mr. Clawson, is
actually to develop a school to research in this wliole area of com-
munism— what it means, its background, its history, its objectives, its
methods of fighting — so that we would have a school with library
resources and faculty resources which would contain as much informa-
tion as possible on this subject in this Nation.
That would be one purpose, so that we conduct effective research
in this area. The other purpose would be schooling and training stu-
dents in the school. These students would come from Government
certainly, and all levels of Government. They also would come from
the private sector of the United States because we need people in our
1 See pp. 41-43.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 41
schools and from other walks of life who understand more about
communism, and they need a place to go to find out about it.
These are the two main reasons for the bill and for the legislation
and for the school. It really isn't so much an operational part of the
Grovernment as it is a teaching part of the Government.
As far as the operational part is concerned, I think that appropri-
ately lies either in the Armed Forces or the State Department or the
CIA or some branch of Government like that.
Interestingly enough, and I was amazed to discover this as I read
the testimony that has been taken in previous years, there is an amaz-
ing lack of knowledge in this country not only about communism, but
there is no central place to get information about communism.
For example, in Florida in recent years our legislature enacted a
law which required instruction about communism in our public
schools, and our teachers were hard pressed to find a place to go to
prepare themselves to teach this subject. There is very interesting
testimony — I can't remember whether it was before this committee or
before the Senate committee — either last year or the year before by
one of the teachers in Florida, who obviously was a very intelligent,
capable, dedicated teacher, who deplored the fact that he had no place
to turn to, to find adequate source material to teach this subject.
It is amazing in a country with the educational resources that we
have. There is another interesting bit of testimony along these same
lines that came out^ — I think it was last year again — where a South
American student in this country, obviously very concerned about the
advance of communism in his own country, wanted to find a place
where he could go to learn specially about communism, its background,
its methods, its objectives, so that he, in turn, could go home and carry
the message to his country.
He couldn't find any place to go.
Mr. Clawson. I have heard statements about what we are going
to use this acquired knowledge for and what the purpose is going to
be. How do you think this is going to be used and under what
circumstances and conditions is it going to be used ?
Mr. Gurnet. I would say this would be true, in direct answer to
your question: That the knowledge acquired will be used to under-
stand better and to fight more effectively the Communist threat to this
Nation and the free world.
Mr. Clawson. Thank you.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you veiy much, Mr. Gumey.
Mr. Gurnet. Thank you.
(The formal statement submitted by Mr. Gumey follows:)
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. GURNEY, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM FLORIDA
The idea for a Freedom Academy to combat cold war communism is a decade
and a half old.
This conamittee is well aware of the exhaustive worlc done by Alan Grant, Jr..
of Orlando, Fla., who over these past 15 years has done more to promote this idea
than any single American.
It was Mr. Grant who started this work with a small group known as the
•Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy. It was Mr. Grant who first caught
the attention of the executive branch of Government with his idea in 1954.
42 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
I am personally acquainted with Mr. Grant. In fact, I was a part of his
group who lectured on communism in the Orlando High School a decade and
a half ago.
Since that time, more than a dozen bills to create this Academy to combat
cold war communism have been extensively debated, yet noqe has ever passed
both Houses of Congress in the same se.ssion.
Sponsors of these bills have included Republicans and Democrats whose po-
litical philosophy range over the entire political spectrum.
These include, over the years, Senators Case, Dodd, Douglas, Fong, Gold-
water, Hickenlooper, Keating, Lausche, Miller, Mundt, Proxmire, Scott, Smathers,
and go on.
In the House they have included, besides myself. Congressman Herlong of
my own State of Florida, Congressman Ichord of this committee, Congressmen
Boggs, Gubser, Judd, Schweiker, and Taft.
Private support has come from numerous outstanding citizens. To name
Just two who have appeared before this committee : Dr. Stefan T. Possony,
director of International Political Studies at the Hoover In-stitution in Stanford,
Calif., and Dr. William Kintner, professor of political science at the University
of Pennsylvania.
The first legislation on this subject was introduced in Congress in 1959. In
1960, the Senate passed a similar bill overwhelmingly, but the legislation never
got out of committee on this side.
The report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, adopted by the
full Senate Judiciary Committee said, in part :
"The committee considers this bill to be one of the most important ever intro-
duced in the Congress. * * ♦ "
The major objective sought by this bill is to establish a research and training
institution to cope with the threat of cold war communism.
The research arm would include a complete library, indexing publications on
communism and its history.
To impart this knowledge we would gather all the top talent available, our
top brainpower on communism and the motives driving it.
We would train our Government personnel, our private citizens, and foreign
students.
This idea for a Freedom Academy has received favorable comment from the
news media. There have been scores of editorials written over the years urging
this "new weapon for democracy," as it was labeled by Reader's Digest.
The reasons we desperately need this Freedom Academy are many.
First and foremost, we are losing the cold war with the Communists.
We fight communism on some fronts, already. We have a foreign aid program
which is supposed to at least check the spread of communism, if not actually
roll back the borders. We have the Peace Coips working for us, too. But
these are not enough.
We need to roll out new weapons. Fight fire with fire.
In the armament field, we think nothing of spending millions of dollars on
an exi)erimental weapon which may be obsolete before it gets off the drawing
board.
We have superb missiles, planes, tanks, guns, and soldiers. We have the best
economy in the world.
But the Communists have a huge arsenal of weapons. They have somethins'
else to employ. They use ideas, propaganda, to sway millions to their side. Their
emphasis on this aspect of the cold war is probably even greater than their stress
on their armed forces.
In this century, our Communist adversaries have made a science of revolution-
ary strategy. They have learned the rules of penetration thoroughly. They have
marched ahead in their ambitions, but not without meticulous care and precision.
Our way of life is being severely tested by communism and its cancerous
tentacles.
As Dr. Possony has so ably stated, both political parties have been guilty of
negligence in meeting the Communist threat ; both parties have given lipservice
to this menace during election time, but little more.
How do we go about closing the "propaganda gap" which has been widening to
our disadvantage?
I strongly feel the Freedom Academy concept is the vehicle to launch our efforts
in this field.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 43
As has been brought out in previous testimony and outlined briefly here today,
we are doing something in this field, but it is far too little and too fragmented.
The Freedom Academy, a research and training institution, would erase the
disjointed efforts in this field and replace them with a cohesive unit, capable of
providing in-depth courses about communism.
Objections to this Freedom Academy have been voiced, principally by the State
Department. For that matter, the Government has come up with its own proposal
to establish a National Academy of Foreign Affairs.
But this would only serve to compound the problem, not solve it. The mere
fact the executive branch has recognized a need here and has proposed its own
academy bears out the urgency of the situation.
But it seems quite likely the State Department is afraid some of its jurisdiction
will be usurped by the Freedom Academy. This is not the case at all. The State
Department already has existing training programs for its per.sonnel, and I'm
afraid an Academy of Foreign Affairs would serve only as an extension of these
schools. That will not meet the problem we are facing. In fact, that is an en-
tirely different problem. The Freedom Academy would not deal with foreign
policy, which is State's responsibility, but would be for the sole purpose of under-
standing Communist cold war tactics and techniques, through its classes and
instructors supported by its library.
We cannot fail to try this Freedom Academy idea. If the executive branch
doesn't want it, we should make it an arm of Congress. We must make a start
in this field, or the Communists are going to continue beating us, and beating us
badly.
The Freedom Academy, an information center or university to train our able,
talented young people, can be the first step in the right direction.
In closing, let me give the following as an example if I may.
We could take a lesson from Mao Tse-tung, the Red Chinese ruler. He has
written the "bible" used in guerrilla warfare. We should study and respect his
writings — this man who was successfully fighting Chiang Kai-shek in the jungles
40 years ago — at least respect his writings on tactics to be used, not his principles
or his ideology.
We must comprehend his teachings and apply his techniques — fight fire with
fire, where possible. If we don't we're lost. We may as well roll over and play
dead.
Our dilemma is somewhat akin to that facing the bullfrog, as the story goes.
If thrown into a cauldron of scalding water, he would quickly leap out, thus
saving his life. However, when placed in a pail of tepid water which was slowly
heated to the boiling point, the bullfrog perished.
Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." Unless we wake up soon, that won't be
necessary. We'll bury ourselves in our own complacency.
Unless we get started, the new Kremlin bosses can update Khrushchev's state-
ment to read, "We will not bury you. You will do it for us."
Our very survival as a free nation may well depend on what this committee
does in coping with the global threat of communism.
Mr. IcHORD. The committee is honored to have with it this morning
a distin^ished Member of the other body, Senator Karl Miindt of
South Dakota. Senator Mundt, it is a great pleasure to have you
with us today, sir. I might state for the record that Senator Mundt
is a sponsor of Senate bill 1232, a Freedom Academy bill presently
pending in the other body.
(At this point, Mr, Clawson left the hearing room.)
Mr, IcHORD. Senator Mundt for several years has been a leading ex-
ponent of the Freedom Academy concept, being one of the sponsors
of Senate 1869, the first Freedom Academy bill that was introduced
in the Senate on April 15, 1959, and I believe passed the body in 1960.
It is a great pleasure to have you as a witness, Senator Mundt.
47-093 0—65-
44 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
STATEMENT OF HON. KARL E. MTJNDT, U.S. SENATOR FROM SOTJTH
DAKOTA
Senator Mundt. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. It is a
pleasure to be here. I come to you as an alumnus of this committee,
where I spent almost 10 happy years, dating back to its original chair-
man, Martin Dies of Texas, and served through the hectic early days
of the committee's career, and I am glad to come back.
You have developed swankier quarters than we had up on the fifth
floor of the Old House Office Building when I used to be here, and
I suspect that the erudition of the committee has advanced as its sur-
roundings have improved. But in all events, I am delighted to be here
for several reasons, and I am happy to be here immediately following
Congressman Gurney, of Florida, because I come to talk to you about
a concept which I believe had its inception in Florida in the first
instance.
As a matter of fact, I first became familiar with the challenge pro-
vided in this legislation by studying the legislation introduced by
Congressman Herlong. He, and I think Congressman Judd, together,
introduced the original version of this that has gone through many
evolutionary stages.
It did, as the chairman has said, pass the Senate overwhelmingly
in 1960, but unfortunately too late in the session for the House to give
it due consideration and deliberation. We now have it before us again.
It is before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which is a badly
overworked committee, and, while we held extensive hearings last year,
we did not have an opportunity to devote sufficient time to mark the
bill up and bring it out. We hope to do that this year.
However, I come here to express the hope that this committee and
that the House of Representatives in this session will take the initia-
tive and act on your version or a version of the Freedom Academy bill
in the first place.
I think we can then get it passed in the Senate without too much
difficulty because this is a crying need. I would like to see it originally
brought out from this committee because as a longtime defender of
the House Committee on TTn- American Activities, I am aware of the
kind of criticism which is leveled against it every time appropriations
are required or every time some disenchanted witness decides to throw
his barbs at the committee: "Well, this is just an investigating com-
mittee. It doesn't serve any legislative purpose. It just wastes a lot
of taxpayers' money. ^Hiat did it ever produce in the way of
legislation?"
(At this point Mr. Clawson returned to the hearing room.)
Senator Mundt. We have one great big important feather in our
cap as devotees of this committee because the first 17 sections of the
Internal Security Act of 1950 were written in this committee. It was
known for a while as the Mundt-Nixon bill. It came over and be-
came part of the McCarran bill of the Senate, but tliere it is, 17 sections
of it, written primarily by this committee.
They still are there. They are the law of the land, and it was the
first piece of legislation passed by this Congress to deal comprehen-
sively with the Communist situation and to provide the mechanics of
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 45
registration and the mechanics of disclosure so important to dealing
with that kind of internal menace.
I think you have an opportunity in this legislation to pass a bill
which is far more important even than that one was, and that is be-
cause I can think of nothing more important than to try to mobilize
the expertise of this country into an intelligent and effective contest
against the Communists in those areas of the world where we meet
them cheek to jowl in nonmilitary competition. There isn't anybody
who can deny the fact, and this goes for the people in the State De-
partment also, that we are losing the cold war in most of the places
where we meet in that kind of competition, and it is encouraging that
the Department of State, which originally looked this over and said,
"No, we don't like it," finally said, "We will have a Perkins commit-
tee make a study of the problems and they will ^ive us the proper kind
of reinforcement so we can say, 'No' convincingly enough so Judd
and Herlong and Gumey and Mundt and Douglas and your committee
and our committee will get off our necks and quit talking about it."
Well, the Perkins committee made a study and to the embarrassment
of the State Department, instead of saying, "Your Foreign 'Service
Institute is doing the job," they said, "The Foreign Service Institute
is failing miserably in this area of instruction."
Something new must be added. Something new must be done, and
we are living in a dream world if we actually believe that you can
continue to send American amateurs into foreign countries to engage
in competition with Communist professionals with success, because
in this day and age amateurs don't win anything very often in com-
petition with professionals, and the American Baseball League and
the standing of our Senators in that outfit pretty well prove that
point.
You have to have people who are trained for the job. So I would
like to see this committee take the initiative and really put another
feather in your war bonnet by coming to grips with the problem and
getting this legislation on the floor, where I am sure it will pass,
forcing it over to the Senate; and start at this time in the House,
because this is the type of thing that to the alltime credit of this com-
mittee will strike a real blow against un-American activities all over
the world.
I have a prepared statement that I will skip through, but I wanted
to say that as a preliminaiy, because I am proud of the record of tliis
committee. I am proud of the work that you are doin^. ' I am en-
tirely conversant with the kind of abuse you get. I suffered it for 10
years myself. I had the Communists picketing our apartment down
at Capitol Towers for the better part of 3 years, as long as the Internal
Security Act bore the name of Mundt and Nixon when it was going
through the House. When it got over to the Senate, it bore the name
of McCarran so the Communist line dispersed, but the 17 sections were
there.
Our counti-y, I think we can all admit, has experienced a tremen-
dous decline in international respect since 1943. At the end of World
War II, due both to our leadership toward victory and to an accumu-
lation of international prestige built over the decade, this country oc-
cupied an enviable stance.
46 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
It was liked, admired, and trusted to a degjee even by conquered
nations, and we had tlie one great Military Establishment intact in the
whole world.
Now what has happened ? Wliy has the world deteriorated ? You
can't point your finger of blame at any individual or any individual
policy. But when that kind of historic demonstration is before us,
it seems to me that alert Americans ought to ask themselves why and
what can we do about it. We spent $100 billion in foreign aid in
over 100 foreign countries and the dividends continue to bring de-
creasing resvilts, and looking at the picture as a whole we are disap-
pointed at what was achieved.
Tliis country today is being popularly blamed by much of the
politically conscious population of the world for a great share of the
misfortunes of the world. We have failed so miserably that when the
United States under this administration launches a rather humane
kind of offensive in South Vietnam by using riot gas to disperse Com-
munist installations — the same kind of tear gas, the same kind of riot
gas, used by the police departments in every community of this coun-
try, the same kind of tear gas and riot gas that bankers buy and put
in bombs to chase bank robbers out; it leaves its victims after a few
hours completely as well as they were before, is much more humane
than shooting with a BB rifle in the face, or a pistol or a .22 rifle or
modern small arms or hand grenades or bombs — the whole world — the
Communists, the neutrals, our friends — condemns the United States
and accuses us of returning to barbarism and using poisonous gas.
Now look at the other side of the coin. Just a few days ago the
Communists out of North Vietnam moved in and bombed our Em-
bassy, killing civilians, killing women, killing children, a completely
barbaric attack. Show me the foreign country which has come to the
support of the United States and publicly said, "This is barbarism.
This is a terrible thing. The Communists are launching an attack
against innocent noncombatants."
Don't expect the Communists to condemn the North Vietnamese.
Where are the neutrals? They are not speaking up for us. The peo-
ple who condemned us for using tear gas are not condemning the
Communists for killing women and children. Even our friendly coun-
tries, our associates, and our allies in the Western alliance say nothing
or say very little against that kind of attack.
Something is wrong with American policy. There is nothing wrong
with American attitudes, nothing wrong with the American ideal,
nothing wrong with the basic concept that we provide a lot of foreign
aid and leadership and help the free world get stronger, resist the en-
croachments of imperialistic, aggressive, atheistic communism. No-
body really believes we are imperialistic. Nobody really believes we
are trying to superimpose any religious creed or a political philosophy
on anybody.
We do this out of an abundance of good will and out of some im-
pulse of self-preservation, and we get attacked. The reason is in my
opinion basic and fundamental, involved in conditions which this leg-
islation can correct and which are not going to be corrected and
which are not correctable without something along this lijie.
And why there should be this stubborn sense of pride on the part of
the State Department to resist an idea because they didn't think of it
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 47
first? You didn't think of it first. I didn't think of it first. I don't
know whether ALan Grant thought of it first or somebody down on
the Orlando Committee thought about it first or some happy Florida
college professor, pepped up by drinking orange juice in the morning,
thought of it first, but somebody got the idea.
I think it is a corking good idea, and here is a chance to do some-
thing about it and I am appalled at a State Department which comes
before the Senate Foreign Eelations Committee, of which I am a
member, and when we say, "What is wrong in Saigon? Why can't
they maintain a stable government?" They say, "The military is all
right. These little fellows are good fighters, bitt they can't develop a
civilian government. Tliey can't have stability among the people
governing the land. They don't have any trained people under the
top leaders."
Think of it. This is their testimony. This is how they try to defend
the fact that they don't get anyplace: "Tlie military does a good job,
but the civilian government, led first by one leader of South Vietnam
and then by another, in the lower echelon are untrained. They are
unskilled. They don't know how to nm the machinery of freedom."
And we ask them, "Then, you as a State Department are primarily
responsible for the collapse of South Vietnam because vou have
blocked the only — the only — effort to provide that kind of training
for those kind of people."
That is where we stand. You can correct it. We can help correct
it.
I think that perhaps some of this reaction to America is inevitable
because we are rich and because we are powerful, but I don't think that
reaction is automatic, because I think that sometimes wealth and power
have traditionally elicited respect, more commonly than hatred. Peo-
ple have migrated to this country by the tens of millions because they
admire our wealth and our power and our system, so it isn't something
of which we should be ashamed.
More than that has to be involved. The United States has expended
these efforts outside our borders now for a long time, about 24 or 25
years I believe since we passed H.R. 1776, the lend-lease bill. I was a
member of Sol Bloom's House Committee on Foreign Affairs when
we passed the thing in its first inception. It was to last 2 years, and
now it has lasted 24 or 25 years, and we get abuse instead of acclama-
tion for what we are doing.
(At this point Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.)
Senator Mundt. I think we have waited too long to come to grips
with the basic problem. We have become an international scapegoat,
despite our generosity, and it is more difficult to turn somebody who
hates you into a friend than it is to avoid causing the person to hate
you in the first instance.
I know that we realize the United States does not deserve this
hatred. We have done more in a sincere effort to cultivate friendship
than anybody in the history of the world and we have reason to hope
for better reactions and we have reason to feel that we are entitled
to them.
Our fault has been a failure to comprehend what makes the other
peoples tick, to understand their philosophy, their background, their
psychology. We have concentrated on one problem — foreign develop-
48 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
ment, economic aid. We have done very little effectively to encourage
the propagation of attitudes friendly to our interests or to utilize
assistance to best further our own interests. This isn't just a matter
of straight information. When I was in the House of Representatives,
we passed Public Law 402 of the 80th Congress which provided the
mechanics of information, the Voice of America, the mobilized libra-
ries, the libraries on sites over there, the whole program of student
exchanges. This was fine, straight information, but there is failure —
and Mr. Clawson was touching on that point a moment ago in talking
with Mr. Gumey — to understand the people with whom we deal and
to understand the job our people are supposed to be doing over there.
They fail to get the job done primarily because they fail to under-
stand thoroughly, as experts should, the whole challenge of our day
and age and what precipitates it.
We seem to depend strongly on rationality. We are practical; we
attempt to disseminate information on a straight information ap-
proach. The other fellow uses propaganda, which is a more effective
selling technique.
In developing areas of the world, we increasingly confront Com-
munist antagonists who compete for allegiance, or at least tolerance,
among the same host people where our diplomats and our Americans
are housed. The Communists elicit emotional responses, where ours
are rational responses. They are evangelists. We are practical sales-
men. They offer with development activity a dogma, a creed, that
packs emotional substance along with rational approach ; that is, they
build dams and spread a world view which helps people torn away
from their traditional ways of life and their homeland by the impact
of the dam to adjust to the new life. In this view propagated by the
Communists of course, the United States is the world's fundamental
evil and when we build dams we simply flood people out of their homes
with no regard for human beings.
Somehow our people have not been able to study their hosts in the
intensity required to understand how to appeal emotionally as well as
rationally. The question of race supplies an excellent example.
We go into the situation as democratic people who believe that all
men are created equal, should have an equal opportunity, but we fail
to translate American concepts in terms of people of different races
and different attitudes and different areas to make them appeal to them
in the kind of atmosphere in which they live and with the type of
associates with whom they commingle.
So while we work hard to bring benevolent change to hundreds of
millions of people, the Communists exploit the insecurity and the
threat to individual identity resulting from our and their efforts at
economic development.
The Freedom Academy bills before your committee propose inten-
sive basic research, first of all. They propose an effort to master an
academic discipline fairly new to us — nonmilitary warfare, in which
we have been engaged with great futility for 17 or 18 years. This
discipline involves the understanding of emotional and psychological
processes of differing peoples. People from different national back-
grounds are motivated by different stimuli. To erect adequate de-
fense against nonmilitary aggression waged against our interests, we
seriously need this understanding.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 49
Our social sciences, of course, in this country lead in this direction,
but they are incomplete. Their material is not put together and uni-
fied and integrated and related to the attitudes and the minds and the
mores of the people in the host countries where we meet the Commu-
nists toe to toe and one or the other is winning and one or the other
is losing in an economic war and in a political war and in a propaganda
war.
People base their attitudes and judgments on cultural values that
they knoAv. Differences are apparent even within the United States.
People from different areas often build and hold to different values.
Maine is quite different from Arkansas. Translated outside our gen-
eral culture, this raises fundamental problems. How w^ell do our
people comprehend the effects of American activity in different cul-
tures when we have no concentrated effort to understand their cultures ?
Part of the problem is the inclination to apply knowledge gained in
social sciences by observation and measurement among one segment of
human civilization to other segments where such information does not
apply. Africans act differently from Americans. Apparently
Laotians act differently from Vietnamese. Certainly Chinese act dif-
ferently from Russians, even though they both claim adherence to
Marx.
Knowledge about differing national and racial characteristics is
diffuse. It IS not systematized. You can't read it in a book. We need
an institution like the Freedom Academy to systematize it and to dis-
seminate it among persons who can utilize it in our own interest.
I have talked to many American diplomats. "How much training
have you had in the job of defeating communism in the area where
you are going to do the work ? "
The answer : A day, 3 days, a week, 2 weeks.
It is a tremendous challenge. They ought to study it as hard as a
dentist studies a tooth before he puts up a shingle and says, "I am a
dentist and I can take care of human beings."
We cannot assume that other people think like we do. We should
learn how they do think and determine how to apply that knowledge
to our interest. Our antagonists utilize such knowledge to undercut
governments friendly to us, to subvert independent nations, to mobilize
youths, to get mobs to bum down our libraries. They are motivated to
do things which they shouldn't be doing because the Communists have
made a study of what it takes to motivate the people in that particular
country about the kind of problems that confront them.
The Communists know something about their target people. They
appeal to hatred, to grudges, to resentments, to discontent, to idealism,
to ambitions, whatever motivates them. They appeal to the poor to
rid themselves of exploiters, and they label us the exploiters. They
appeal to the young to institute justice, and they label us as the manu-
facturers and portrayers of injustice. We need the same knowledge
about what motivates these people to help to improve their defense
against such tactics, for their defense contributes to our own defense.
What is in this Freedom Academy bill, then, which is applicable to
what I have been talking about ? I would like to outline a few factors
in the proposed legislation which are potentially responsive to the
challenge.
50 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
1. This institution would not be encumbered by the traditionally
highly specialized structure of social science. Instead of economics,
sociology, political science, linguistics, and the many others, each
maintained in a separate compartment, the whole lot would be unified
in a shape applicable to this analysis of various cultures. The whole
world then could be contemplated, as well as men can do it, in a unified
and not a highly diversified way. Such comprehension would allow
for more thorough instruction than is now available on the imme-
diate problem. It would be a better answer than the State Depart-
ment's casual comment that they can get it at Princeton, they can get
it at Harvard, they can get it at George Washington, they can get it
at Georgetown, they can get it at American University. They are not
getting it. It isn't taught anywhere.
The question is should they have it, or should we send out amateurs?
2. It would permit research into subjects now ignored. How non-
military warfare or guerrilla warfare is fought would be analyzed, for
example. We have a War College for military warfare. We don't
even have a kindergarten for nonmilitary warfare, and this year we
will continue spending in the long pull in this economic program.
If the economic cultural program fails, we have to fight a "hot"
war. This is the waging of peace, but we don't have a kindergarten
where they teach how to avoid the war they hope never to fight. They
have war colleges all over the place. They have military academies,
air academies, merchant marine academies, and a war college in town ;
nothing for the fellow who wants to be able to develop an expertise
as a peacetime representative fighting in the cold war for the U.S.A.
3. As a pioneer in research and training in areas not now familiar,
the Freedom Academy work and methods might, where successful,
serve as an example for imitation by other institutions. Maybe it
would make it possible for some of the great universities of this coun-
try and colleges to improve their own programs.
I heard what Mr. Gurney said. They require them to teach what
communism is, the true facts about communism, in Florida. They have
a difficult time getting a textbook. You can get one written by a crypto-
Communist that makes it sound better than it is. You can get one
written by some extremist in the anti-Communist field who makes it
sound like something which it is not. But to get an objective, intelli-
gent, analytical basis, it is very difficult to find a text written either
for colleges or high schools.
4. The Freedom Academy could lead to better comprehension of our
own Government and of executive branch processes in foreign affairs
as they are related to the problems of combating communism in foreign
countries.
5. The Freedom Academy could organize, verify, and systematize
ideas and data and concepts from throughout the world, from every
possible cultural situation, and apply them to our interests, so that
those who go there to represent us in the foreign country would know
something more than about the geographical facts, something more
besides the population facts, and the rainfall facts. They would know
what it is that makes people operate in that area, what motivates them,
what their dreams are, what their ideals are, what their fears are, what
their history has led them to support or to fear.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 51
6. It would better situate us to keep pace with world change. As
change occurs it would be observed and evaluated as part of the con-
tinuous research effort. Since we passed the Voice of America pro-
gram in this Congress, originating also in the House, in the 80th Con-
gress, the vision of America throughout the world has become more im-
portant than the Voice of America, the utilization of television and
community screens and the whole Pandora's box of opportunity that
television provides. We are playing with it as though it were a toy.
We have done a good job with radio, not very much on television.
People can believe what they see, and we can get a story across through
the use of the various opportunities of television.
7. It would provide information helpful to private business in main-
taining good relations with host governments and peoples abroad.
American corporations all over the place have fine junior executives
stationed in virtually every foreign capital of the world. They are
eager to help in the fight for freedom. They are motivated not only
as patriotic Americans; they are motivated because their job goes
out the window when the Communists walk in the door. They are
motivated because their corporation might be expropriated.
The corporation, the one that pays their check, is pushed out of the
country and they lose their job. Self-preservation is the greatest mo-
tivating factor any human being has ever had anywhere. They are
motivated by self-preservation plus pretty good Americanism. They
would like to help, but a lot of them develop into the "Ugly American"
and they are hurting us. Why ? Nobody has trained them. Nobody
has given them the background. They know what to do to sell Buick
automobiles, aspirins, and Coca-Cola, but they don't know what to do
about serving Americanism. Even President Eisenhower one time
when asked by Khrushchev, "Tell us the difference between com-
munism and democracy," said it was too difficult a question to translate.
Every American ought to have an answer to that one quickly,
which is right, which is sound. He has to get it some place. He has
to understand it and an American shouldn't speak like a Babel tower
with a thousand different explanations of the difference. We ought
to understand it so well that you can say it with the same validity that
you talk about the Constitution and what is the 10th amendment or
the 5th amendment or the 1st amendment.
8. It would bolster our defense and the defense of nations not
unfriendly to us in resisting Communist nonmilitary aggression,
9. It would teach Americans to understand the factors which moti-
vate the Communists and would identify the best means to counteract
that motivation and to help advance democratic processes instead of
communism, one of the most difficult jobs I could never quite master
after serA'ing almost 10 years on this committee on which you serve so
well now — what is actually motivating a Communist ?
I asked it of Alger Hiss. I asked it of Elizabeth Bentley. I asked
it of Wliittaker Chambers. They are smart people that could make a
success in any area. "What in the devil makes you work for the Com-
munists?" And their eyes glitter and they have a sense of mission
and they themselves believe they are somehow serving a good cause.
They don't do it for money. They don't do it for power. I am talk-
ing about these people in our country, like the three that I have
mentioned.
52 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
"\ATiat motivates Communists ? We ought to know that and get the
demotivator in operation and try to motivate them with a better ideal,
a religious ideal, an ideal of the brotherhood of man, the equality of
opportunity, and the American dream. But first we have to under-
stand that these are just not a bunch of people going out because they
are paid. They are prodded into supporting the Communists. They
have been misled. They have been brainwashed, gentlemen, by some
of the greatest psychologists in the world.
You know what they talk about with respect to Dr. Pavlov and his
dog and the condition of saliva, not a condition of mind. The whole
Communist approach is based on the conditioning capacity of the
human mind and how you operate it, and our people overseas ought
to understand that.
We should know how to condition people in freedom.
Let me conclude by saying that I think that the training in this
Academy would primarily include three categories. You are familiar
with them. The first is what I have been talking about, the intense
training of people from our own Government who work in foreign
affairs, how to give them the tools they need to achieve the objectives
that they hold in mind.
Second, there would be training for Americans engaged in non-
Govemment activity, in the private sector. Read the sorry State De-
partment substitute evolved from the Perkins commission report which
they put in as a backfire to the Freedom Academy concept. They don't
even approximate anywhere the concept of giving people in the pri-
vate sector a chance for 90 days or 9 months or some other period of
time, who are going to serve a lifetime overseas, to become volunteers
in this great crusade for freedom by giving them the training and
the equipment.
We have been told by employers they would love to put their em-
ployees in here with their expenses and let them learn. They would
love to have them learn the common goal which we have, but there is
no place they can go. We wonder why we don't win the cold war. We
haven't even begun to fight with the troops available.
Third, the United States would, at long last, establish a political
training center for foreign nationals who are either favorable to our
values or who want to stop or avoid Communist subversion in their
countries. We have identified six schools to which young Communists
can go in China or in Russia or in Yugoslavia and become experts in
the conveying and portraying of communism. There is no place, no
place, a young Vietnamese civilian who wants to develop stability and
permanency and continuity in government in Saigon can go to get it.
The French don't have it. The British don't have it. We don't have
it.
If he wants to be a soldier fighting in the jungle, we can send him
to the United States. We will train him and send him back to fight.
If he wants to be an aviator, we will train him. If he wants to be a
navigator, we will train him.
But if he wants to be a statesman, if he wants to maintain stable
government, if he wants to set up democratic processes, we say, "You
can go to college someplace. We can get you a scholarship. Go to
Harvard," or some other school. And it helps him and it is good, but
he doesn't become expert in this field. It is a little remnant of the days
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 53
of a long time ago when we had a sort of inter- American training con-
cept so that young bureaucrats, civil servants from Latin American
countries, would come up to this country and serve in the various offices
here that they served in there, and I have addressed, and maybe you
have addressed, some of their commencement exercises. It is good for
them. They learn a little about the census if they are in census work
or about agriculture if they are in agriculture. They don't have any
place to go to learn about the existing menace.
We have been trying to do the impossible. We have been trying to
win with amateurs against people who have been carefully trained.
Citizens of non-Communist countries who would like to benefit by
appropriate training simply cannot find any place in the world an in-
stitution to which they can go.
May I conclude by saying I honestly believe this is the most im-
portant legislation this committee or this Congress has ever had.
Its passage, I believe, would benefit freedom and promote permanent
peace more than any one thing that Congress could enact. I ask
permission, if I may have it, Mr. Chairman, to include at the end
of my remarks three recent statements I have made on the floor of
the Senate about the Freedom Academy.^
Mr. IcHORD, Without objection permission will be granted and.
Senator Mundt, I want to take this opportunity to thank you for your
very valuable contributions to the record on these bills. I would state
to you that it is the intention of the committee to conclude the hear-
ings next week and we will definitely take action on this legislation
and make a final disposition of the same.
You have talked considerably about the South Vietnam problem,
and today we are concerned about the escalation of what is going ion
now in South Vietnam into a full-scale military war.
I sometimes think we have forgotten that over the years the problem
in South Vietnam has escalated from the nonmilitary field into the
present situation.
Senator Mundt. It is a most perceptive observation and absolutely
correct.
Mr. IcHORD. On February 24, 1965, we had a discussion on the
South Vietnam situation, led by Mr. Gallagher, a gentleman from
New Jersey, a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ; and the
gentleman from Florida, Mr. Fascell, also a member of the Foreign
Affairs Committee, made a very interesting obsei*vation which I
would like to read into the record at this time, and I quote :
The Vietnam and Cuban problem emphasizes the continuing difficulty that
the United States and the free world have in dealing with a new concept of
international politics which has been evidenced by the Communist world. We
no longer have fixed lines in the old military sense. That went out many years
ago. We no longer have a direct or overt crossing of a boundary line by a
recognizable armed force. We no longer have a clear-cut definition of what
is armed, overt, or ju.st plain aggression. This requires us on the free world
side to maintain more than military flexibility. A standard, flexible, or new
military response appears to be insuflScient to a problem like the one we are
facing in Vietnam, despite the fact that we are committed to a military response
and may have to respond in even a greater degree. But we have not solved
the basic problem of how to deal effectively in nonmilitary terms with what
is commonly called subversion either military, economic, or ix>litical..
1 See pp. 63-78.
54 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
We are willing and should be willing to commit the necessary manpower,
materiel, and resources to meet any military threat, but we must also look one
step ahead and be working to obtain those solutions which will permit us to
deal effectively with subversion without being forced into a partial or full mili-
tary response.
I think, Senator, that we will all agree that we are not succeeding
in meeting effectively the subversion, the political warfare waged by
the Communists. How do you consider the Freedom Academy will
operate ? It will not be an operational body as such.
Senator Mundt. No, I don't envision a university campus and a set
of buildings or a formal situation like that. I envision instead a train-
ing procedure, many times operating in the form of seminars under
the general aegis of the Freedom Academy Commission and that, in
the main, its faculty members will be recruited from knowledgeable
people in Government, some from outside of Government. I suspect
they will have to have some chancellor or chairman or president to sort
of direct the operations, but a fairly good analogy is the way the
War College operates.
It doesn't have a campus. It doesn't have a football team. It
doesn't have a college yell. This is a place where people go to get
the kind of training they need. I envision that as far as the training
procedure. The research business will have to be done by experts.
It will have to have a library to which people can go to undertake
certain assignments.
There is a young man who is going to be assigned to the Congo, let's
say, by General Motors or by Coca-Cola. For his career and to be-
come just as expert as he can in this problem, he is going to attend
a class with Congolese background, but under knowledgeable direc-
tion. He will be given this whole understanding so before he goes
he will know first of all, and I think this is paramount, exactly what
the Communists are doing there to try to undermine us and how they
operate and to what what impulses and motivations and aspirations
they appeal when they go to their Congolese hosts, everything tliat they
do. And they would not I believe, Mr. Clawson, engage in counter-
espionage, but they would engage in countercontacts against these
operations, trying to offset them. That would be part of the job, to try
to defeat this thrust that the Communists are making in their cultural
and propaganda and economic activities, and also to get on the offen-
sive, to do things which, if they succeed, will be highly embarrjissing
to the Communists, which will show vheir system up for the failure
that it is.
They become experts trained over here, as I say, in seminars and
private tutelage, research, by bringing to bear in that particular case
the best genius and ability that we have.
Mr. IcHORD. The Academy would also not be a policymaking body.
Senator Mundt. It would not. We strictly say the State Depart-
ment is that body.
Mr. IciioRD. It might throw suggestions of policy to the Department.
Senator Mundt. There might be suggestions, but not the machinery
for implementing our policies. I don't believe really that our failures
abroad have come because our policies are bad. I think our policies
generally are pretty good.
I think our failures have come l)ecause, to be frank, tlie State Depart-
ment has not made the effort to use the techniques available today to
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 55
meet the problems which confront them. They are somehow or other
sealed in the 19th century concepts of diplomacy, which used to work
all right, but they just haven't grown up to the new challenge.
As I said to the Secretary of State before the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee about 3 months ago — 21^ months ago maybe — "Dean, we are
all trying to do the same thing here, but you have a fearful respon-
sibility. If this thing fails now and this triggers off a great atomic
war, the State Department is going to be cursed by people the rest of
their lives, because they haven't even developed the machinery to try
to develop the stable civilian central government, which you say is in-
dispensable to military success."
And maybe it wouldn't work, but we have been in this thing for 5
years. Suppose we tried 5 years ago and brought in 500 South Viet-
namese civilians, servants, in government each year. We would now
have 2,500 people who were trained to understand the discipline of
democracy rather than the compulsions of communism, who would
understand that the function of a bureaucrat or a civil servant in the
central government of Saigon is to be loyal to his country and to work
with whoever is in control of his government, not to try to figure out
some way to upset the fellow and put somebody else in and keep con-
stant turmoil going. A public office is a public trust, not a license to
steal, not a position from which you can promote your own personal or
political or private fortunes, but a place to develop these concepts of
service, patriotism, that public servants have in our country.
Mr. IcHORD. Senator Mundt, the Academy will be both teaching,
training, and also conducting research.
Senator Mtindt. That is right.
Mr. IcHORD. New means and methods of fighting successfully cold
warfare.
Senator Mundt. The chairman has stated it exactly correct.
Mr. Ichord. Then what do you think would be the most important
contribution that the Academy could make ?
Senator Mundt. It is hard to evaluate them on a priority basis,
Mr. Chairman, be<'ause we are dealing in a field which has been so com-
pletely neglected. I honestly believe if we were just going to do one
single thing this would be a colossal mistake. I think it would be
perpetuating the failures of the past, but I think the greatest glaring
weakness on the whole free side of the world is the fact that a young
Filipino or Vietnamese or Congolese, a young or old civil servant
abroad, newly involved with all the responsibilities of running a demo-
cratic state of some kind or another adapted to his climate just hasn't
any place in the world he can go to learn to run the machinery of free-
dom. He can learn to be a preacher or a doctor or a dentist or an
agrarian, but no matter how deep his dream or how high his hopes,
there is no place he can go and learn precisely what you have to do to
operate the machinery for freedom in the world in which Communists
continue to try to encroach upon you and undermine you.
So I think I would have to place that at the top, but I would hate
to put it on a priority basis. You can build, I think, equally strong
arguments of the other aspects of the Freedom Academy complex.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Pool.
Mr. Pool. Senator, I came in late and I don't know whether you
covered this or not, but Averell Harriman in testifying before this
56 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
committee last year brought up one objection to the Freedom Academy
in which he said that it would be Federal control of education. I
would like to hear your comments on that.
Senator Mundt. Yes. That same point was made in our Senate
hearings. Personally, I can't see any basis for that. In the first
place you start out here, talking now about the first two sectors, for
Americans, private or public figures, you are dealing with people who
have been pretty well educated. Most of them are college graduates,
I hope, before the State Department brings them on board. They
have their academic training. They have been through high school,
grade school, and they have been through college. This is teaching
them in techniques, and they come under a certain control of Federal
discipline. Congressman, the minute they take the oath of office as a
Foreign Service officer.
Their job is to carry out the policy of the President, and the State
Department and the Congress, All we are adding to that is, here are
the tools with which you can move on it.
As far as bringing in the foreigners are concerned, they raised the
objection, "Well, this might be considered some kind of propaganda."
Well, so be it. I guess in a world in which the forces oi propaganda
are arrayed, imless we do something to propagandize our cause we are
not going to win it.
They are doing plenty to propagandize theirs. We take people who
want to come over. We don't go out and recruit them or solicit them
or sign them up because they are good football players or boomerang
throwers or something else. They come over because they want to
learn about our way of life, and "Here it is. Chum. You can take it
or leave it. This is it," and give them an opportunity. I don't think
it is serious reason for people to vote against the Freedom Academy
concept.
Mr. Pool. You can draw an analogy also between the service acad-
emies. You can say that is Federal control of education, but it is a
necessary thing that we have defense and this is part of our defense.
Senator Mundt. You make a very good analogy there, and there
is even more danger, if you are worrying about Federal control there,
because they are teaching at the college level. We are at least get-
ting people who have gotten out of the college and have gone to the
college of their choice.
Mr. IcHORD. Would the gentleman yield at this point ?
This year. Senator Mundt, the State Department made this state-
ment in opposition to the bill, and I read :
Expertise and operational experience are as important in ttie formulation of
policy as they are in its execution. For this reason, the Department seriously
questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in-
finitely complex problem of U.S. foreign affairs can be developed by a new,
separate Government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities.
The Department seems to be saying that before you can possibly
formulate any policy you have to be in the operating field. I don't
quite understand the point the Department is making there. It would
appear to me that the Department would have the point of view that
the colleges today which are conducting research for the Federal Gov-
ernment and also for business are not capable of conducting research
into business, into governmental operations, because they are not in
the operating field.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 57
Senator Mundt, I am glad the chairman prefaced his statement
by saying, "It would appear to me," because it is a statement which is
certainly subject to a lot of interpretations. It is not very clear-cut
It is written by a fellow who is accustomed to discussing some diplo-
matic blunder overseas and who can say it in language you can read
any way, certainly not a very succinct or concise statement.
Mr. IcHORD. Perhaps the State Department doesn't understand
the true concept of the Academy. It is not an operational body.
Senator Mundt. Right. It appears to me they are simply saying
something which isn't the fact. We are not ti-ying to develop the poli-
cymakers at the top level. We are trying to develop the operational
people to carry out the policies. I suspect the State Department,
which is criticized for lots of things, thinks we are trying to criticize
the policy. It isn't that at all. The policies, we have to believe, made
by Americans are generally going to be good.
Mr. IcHORD. Of course, the Department may feel that the Academy
will intrude into their traditional area of responsibility and authority.
Senator Mundt. True, and it is going to expand the circle of ex-
perts and maybe some of these operational people will grow up to be
policy people some time, and I think that might be good for the
country.
Mr. IcHORD. That certainly wouldn't be operating within the State
Department field.
Senator Mundt. Not at all, no.
Mr. IcHORD. Go ahead, Mr. Pool.
Mr. Pool. I have one other question which I asked yesterday. This
witness last fall from the Army was testifying about Vietnam. He
was telling about the regional offices of the Viet Cong and where they
sent out terroristic gangs to go into these villages and if they didn't
agree with them they murdered the mayor or the leader, and he recited
many things that the American j)eople would not countenance. It
would be against our morals to do things that they do. I don't believe
that we can just give up and say, "Well we can't operate that way."
I think that a Freedom Academy could do research and find methods
to combat that type of activity, and I would like to hear your com-
ment on that. I am sure you have thought about that.
Senator Mundt. Yes. I am glad you mentioned the village anal-
ysis, because we were discussing with Maxwell Taylor and some of the
other people from the military and the State Department over at the
Foreign Relations Committee one day what our general approach
was to this problem of the underground operation down in the Me-
kong Delta. And they mentioned they have built a large part of it
on the village concept, which you discussed, that you develop a little
village government. Tliey develop a compound. Tlie peasants work
in the daytime and come back at night. They have an orderly system
of government, but they have been unable to develop methods for
screening out the subversive elements that creep in. They haven't
been able to develop an adequate police force to protect them at night
and they do get dovni through the compound and murder the village
chief and parade through the village with his head on the end of a
stick, and that discourages somebody else from running for mayor.
58 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
So I raised the perfectly innocent question, "How do you train these
mayors ? AMiere do you get them ? How do you train these municipal
governments?"
You would think I asked them a question in Chinese. They never
heard of such a thing, the idea that you are going to have some place
to train them, another look at places you can send them in this country
to train. You could send them to a municipality to train them and, if
you had it systematized as you would under this Freedom Academy
concept, you would at least let him know "If you are going to be a good
mayor you have to have a police department." You experts in this
field of subversion in our coimtry have staff members, and you yourself
are competent to say some of the things they have to do to be alert to
the subversive elements from the Communist Party who are going to
try to weasel their way in.
Actually I think it is a cruel thing to say, but we haven't made an
intelligent try at winning the conflict in Vietnam with peaceful meth-
ods. I have no particular criticism of the military methods. This is
a tight spot they are in. But I shed crocodile tears that we have wasted
years and we haven't been training these village chiefs and these
mayors and these civil servants.
Mr. Pool. And we are getting into the basics when we think of those
problems. We have to have a way to do it, and this Freedom Academy,
the way I envisage the Freedom Academy, would have a curriculum
to work on that problem and also to find out whom they are going to
train and how they are going to train them.
I am sure there is an answer to any type activity on the Communist
side if we just work at it and do research and have experts in the field
to work at it, and we don't have any schools in the United States doing
that at the present time.
Senator MuNDT, This is right.
Mr. Pool. As you said a while ago, it is a bunch of amateurs and
we can't win with amateurs.
Senator Mundt. You are absolutely right.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Pool, the Senator made a very interesting observa-
tion before you came in about the tear gas situation in South Vietnam.
I, like the Senator, was completely astounded at some of the people
in the United States speaking out against the use of tear gas, as I un-
derstand to be the case, not by the United States, but by the South
Vietnamese themselves, who when they are out pursuing an enemy, the
Viet Cong, and go into a village, rather than going into the village and
bombing the entire village and perhaps killing all of the innocent
villagers, they go out and subject them to tear gas or nauseating gas,
whatever you call it, and they are able to take the Viet Cong in a more
humane way and save lives.
Senator Mundt. In that connection, Mr. Chairman. I had an inter-
esting letter just the other day from a dear friend of mine back home,
a minister of the Gospel, just giving the administration the devil and
castigating it from one end to the other for even using the barbaric
weapon called gas, so I wrote him. I said, "Look, as a Republican I
don't like to spend too much time every day justifying the acts of the
administration, but let me ask you the question. Suppose you had been
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 59
the target. Would you rather have been gassed with tear gas and be
feeling all right a few hours later, or hit in the back with a bullet
or hit on the head with a club ?"
Well, he thought it over pretty carefully and he said, "I guess maybe
the administration wasn't so wrong on that."
The publicity was bad.
Mr. IcHORD. I was talking to an enlisted member of our Armed
Forces the other day who was also astonished at the reffbtion in this
country. He merely pointed out in his training he and many of the
boys were subjected to tear gas by being placed in a building where tear
gas, a nauseating gas, was exploded, and usually about 50 percent of
the boys before they got their gas masks on were overcome by the gas,
particularly if they didn't know how to get the gas masks on effectively.
Does the gentleman from California have any questions ?
Mr. Clawson. Just one or two: Senator, you provoked a number
of questions in my mind over the establishment of the Freedom Acad-
emy and our activity in this direction in order to win the global struggle
which you have described, and you have indicated to win is necessary.
May I ask one very simple question ? Do you think peaceful coex-
istence with communism is possible ?
Senator Mundt. Yes, because the alternative is global atomic war,
and I would hate to get into that pessimistic camp, so I think it is pos-
sible and I think it is possible to win.
All of us believe our system is infinitely better. Our selling tech-
niques are not as good. Our methods of winning the people are not as
good. It is more difficult to translate the aspirations of free men into
the minds of aborigines than it is the immediate rewards of commu-
nism, but it is not impossible. What brought all our ancestors to this
country in the first place as immigrants? It was this American dream
that we just have to take over and sell to them and make it possible for
them to do.
Mr. IcHORD. I take it the Senator is not so hopeful that the Com-
munists will change in, and of, or by themselves.
Senator Mundt. No, I certainly do not. I think we have to set them
back, and with all our fumbling, we see evidences that they are lagging
behind in consumer goods over there in meeting the needs of their own
people. They are finding it more and more difficult to keep their satel-
lites in line. With a little intelligence muscle applied, I thmk we could
have won this thing in the last 17 years and not spent as much money
as we have.
Mr. Clawson. I am not nearly as optimistic as you apparently seem
to be, looking at Christianity in the past 2,000 years and the ability,
in a peaceful way, to sell what we believe is right. We have had dedi-
cated evangelistic type of people who are selling.
You indicated a period of possibly 5 years experimenting with this.
Senator Mundt. About what ?
Mr. Clawson. Five years.
Senator Mundt. No; I said 5 years in Vietnam. We have lost 5
years of opportunity.
Mr. Clawson. I misunderstood.
47-093 O— 6E
60 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Senator Mundt. No; I don't think we are going to have peaceful
coexistence with Communists and defeat them in 5 years.
Mr. Clawson. No major inroads are going to be made within the
period of 5 years. I am afraid what you are talking about is a total
global struggle.
Mr. Pool. It could very easily be a hundred years.
Senator Mundt. Very much.
Mr. Clawson. This is a long-term program. The State Depart-
ment has indicated in correspondence that I have had with them, and
this hasn't been verified, that they are now doing many of the things
that you are talking about with respect to the Freedom Academy in
connection with foreign assignments — their economics, society, their
geography, their culture, their language.
All of these things are being taught, so to speak, before they are ever
assigned to a country.
Senator Mundt. They are pecking away at it. They are not making
any experts. They are giving a very short period of time in the Com-
munist techniques. We are talking here now not just about taking
these American officials who go overseas, whose job it is to represent
us, and giving them a quickie course in these things of 30 days or so.
We should take the time. It may be 6 months ; it may be 9 months ;
it may be a year ; it may be longer, depending upon the complications
involved, but making them experts in this field.
Mr. Clawson. What guarantees would we have that we would be
more successful ? Would tests be given and this sort of thing? Some
of our training today is certainly in capsule form and it is thrown at
them in doses that years ago would have been considered perhaps
totally impossible to be absorbed by the people who are taking these
courses.
Senator Mundt. This is right. They would be screened out. They
would be tested. This is the seminar or academy concept, that you
train people and explore how successful we have been.
Mr. Clawson. This could have been in the existing program ?
Senator Mundt. There isn't any such existing program. There is
no place for the foreign national to come, no place for anybody in the
private sector to come, no place where they have done the research
in the place to get the raw material with which to teach, having for
them the kind of experts, advocates, and tutors required to do the kind
of job we are thinking about. It isn't here.
First, you have to have, as in any school, a teacher and a background
and a textbook and the research and the know-how and then the ability
to impart it to the people who need to absorb it. The Foreign Service
Institute, you say, now does a good job of teaching them the language,
does a good job of teaching them the economics of the situation, the
population statistics, the kind of seasons that tliey have, does a good
job on how to try to maintain security for your records and how you
transport the innumerable cables that go back and forth, but it doesn't
even get into tliis thing in the depth required and the deptli achieved
by their Communist adversaries. We are forced by the kind of com-
petition we meet over there to use professionals, in my opinion, to win.
Mr. Ichord. In that respect, if the gentleman will yield, last year
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 61
we had the State Department testifying on these bills, and the Senator
has made a statement in reference to the Foreign Service Institute.
Of course, we don't have a complete record as to what the State De-
partment is doing in this field — and I might point out that much of it
would, of course, be classified and certainly wouldn't be appropriate to
have in the record — but in regard to the National Academy of Foreign
Affairs, I got the idea
Senator Mundt. You mean for foreign nationals ?
Mr. IcHORD. The National Academy of Foreign Affairs recom-
mended by the State Department.
Senator Mundt. Yes, I see.
Mr. IcHORD. I got the idea that the State Department in that bill
had borrowed many of the concepts set forth in this Freedom Academy
legislation. They did make it possible to train private citizens, for
example. I know they don't contemplate doing it on as large a scale as
contemplated by these bills.
Senator Mundt. This is correct. After their first testimony in op-
position to that as their bill has evolved, as ours has, they have brought
some of that in, and I am not a stickler, whether you call it an Academy
of Foreign Affairs or a Freedom Academy. The Foreign Service
Institute which they now operate isn't doing the job and the commis-
sion they appointed to collect the orchids to pin on the breasts of the
State Department came back with brickbats and catcalls. The Per-
kins commission jarred it, and then they began to move in this
direction.
Mr. IcHORD. I would like to ask the Senator how you envisage the
information center operating. There has been some question about
the advisability of such a center being established.
Senator Mundt. Yes. This would operate much along the same line
that the Voice of America information service and the U.S. Informa-
tion Service, and that means that they limit what they provide to the
needs of the people who are qualified to function and to operate the
activities of the Government. It is not a propaganda instrumen-
tality to be turned internally upon the schools. It provides the facts,
which are documented without any propaganda, and it does it primari-
ly to train the people who are going to utilize it. It could be made
available to a college professor who wants to come and learn it if he is
going to be stuck with the job he has in Florida of teaching com-
munism or a higli school professor, but not in the sense of propaganda
at all.
Mr. Clawson. I have just one more question in that connection.
This is the first of these hearings that I have been in on, and I am in-
terested in this legislation.
I certainly appreciate your testimony and I think it lays a good
foundation for me and I am sure it is beneficial to the committee.
Since you have indicated that junior executives of American corpora-
tions going into foreign lands might be involved in this program, and
certainly our own foreign diplomatic corps and our State Department
personnel, would you seek to have a compulsory program under the
Freedom Academy ?
Senator Mundt. For the private sector ?
62 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Mr. Clawson. Or for either sector.
Senator Mundt. Not for the private sector.
Mr. Clawson. Not for the private sector, at all ?
Senator Mundt. That is purely voluntary. They would operate as
volunteers.
Mr. Clawson. You think you would get a lot of response ?
Senator Mundt. A lot of these ambassadors are not operating on a
team basis. Some of them would bring in some of the people for dis-
cussions to see what they could contribute, but that is all voluntary and
just a labor of good love for the country and to preserve the private
concept, ownersliip concept, in the country so they can continue to
function.
For the fellow who is going to serve as a member of the foreign
policy establishment, diplomatic establishment overeeas, if he is, for
example, the agricultural attache or the commercial attache, or the
military attache or the second secretary or the first secretary or any
important job over there, yes, sir, compulsory. Perhaps the Ambassa-
dor too should take it if it is in a small country and he is an inexperi-
enced Ambassador. I don't mean for the girl who is doing the typing
necessarily, although I would give her 30 days or so because we have
a lot of girls over there and young people who are doing things unin-
tentionally which are, to use a State Department expression, "counter-
productive."
Mr. Clawson. I think we have had some experience in that line.
Mr. IcHORD. I thank the gentleman from California. There will
be no further questions. Thank you very much. Senator, for your
very penetrating analysis.
Senator Mundt. Thank you. Thank you for your very penetrating
questions, and we have great hopes for this committee to get something
done.
(The statements submitted by Mr. Mundt and referred to on p. 53
follow:)
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
63
March 4, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE
(p. 4059)
THE FREEDOM ACADEMY
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, it is my
intention to address the Senate briefly
each week in order to emphasize our
need for legislation patterned after oxir
Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232). I
intend to present timely evidence sup-
porting the contention behind the bill
that we are yielding ground which we
need not yield in our efforts to stem the
expansion of aggressive commvmism.
To the many observers who support
the Freedom Academy concept, this at-
titude that we are not so successful as
we might be has required no argumen-
tative support; and, naively perhaps, we
have thought we needed no considerable
evidential suppK)rt in contending that
our side of the world is not prepared to
fight in the specific arena where the
battle between Communist aggressors
and their victims is being fought.
This arena is essentially the nonmili-
tary or only quasi-military arena. We
Americans, who exhibit pride in our his-
toric guerrilla-type warfare capabilities
which we defmonstrated so effectively
during the French and Indian War, our
American Revolution, and the conquest
of the West, inherit from our ancestors
a contempt for militarists like Braddock
who refused to recognize the impotence
of continental-type enemies against
backwoods guerrilla bands, now find
ourselves the ones who send million dol-
lar jet aircraft armed with thousand-
pound bombs against an ephemeral
enemy whose operational capacities are
so adroit that he may well not be there
when the bomb arrives.
But the guerrilla game has gained
sophistication, too, since we left it. Its
political side is far more thorough now.
Psychological warfare is mounted
against a people by their enemies from
within to soften their resistance to the
more tangible guerrilla or quasi-military
operation conducted in conjunction with
it at the later stages of attack.
And we seem to stand by, wringing
our hands, wondering what is going on
as we see the will to resist among an
ally's people wafting away like so much
smoke.
The L. L. Sulzberger colimin in Wed-
nesday's New York Times testifies to
our need for the Freedom Academy.
Listen to some poignant observations
from this gifted observer of foreign
affairs.
American defense plans during the past
decade have carefully and expensively pre-
pared to fight the only kind of war we are
least likely to face. And we have not in
any major sense prepared to fight the kind
of war both Russia and China surely intend
to press.
* * * Moscow endorsed peaceful coexist-
ence* * * always reserved one vital area
* * * to supF>ort wherever possible "wars
of liberation."
* • * The modern elaboration of guerrilla
techniques called "revoliintionary warfare"
h^ the Oommvmists does not depend on
heavy" weapons or atomic arsenals. It de-
pends upon simultaneous organization of
"partisan units and civilian administrators
who seek to rot a selected coimtry from
within like fungus inside am apparently
healthy tree.
* * * Even today, when we have growing
si>ecial service counterguerrilla units, some
with kindergarten training in revolutionary
warfare, we are absymally behind.
* * * we have nothing capable of off-
setting what revolutionary warfare calls
"parallel hierarchies" • * — the secret politi-
cal apparatus that iindermines morale and
softens up the popvilation.
* * * while we are engaged In blue-
printing superplanes and superrockets, we
risk losing the world to gvierriUas.
* * * The quintessential problem is how
to defeat revolutionary warfare * * ' • .
Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the
relatively less aggressive Rvissians are com-
mitted to sponsor "wars of liberation."
Despite this glaring truth, both in weapons
and in training we are basically prepared
alone for the war our adversaires don't
Intend to start.
Those, Mr. President, are Sulzberger's
words. I ask unanimous consent that
his article "Foreign Affairs: One Klind
of War We Can't Fight" from the New
York Times of March 3, 1965, be printed
in the Record.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the Record,
as follows :
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times,
Mar. 3, 1965]
Foreign Affairs : One BIind of War We Can't
Fight
(By C. L. Sulzberger)
Paris. — Some wars become associated with
the names of individuals, and thus we have
the Napoleonic Wars, the Black Hawk War
and the War of Jenkins' Ear. There have
been those who have sought to label the
Vietnamese campaign "McNamara's war,"
after the U.S. Secretary of Defense and, poli-
tics aside, this is not wholly unjust.
64
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 4, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE
(p. 4059)
M'NAMARA'S INFLXTENCE
For Secretary McNamara has clearly had
more influence in our evolving Vietnam pol-
icy than his senior colleague, Secretary Rusk.
McNamara has been a familiar Saigon visitor;
his former military right hand, General Tay-
lor, is now Ambasador there; and United
States-Indochina strategy is more heavilj
marked by the Pentagon than by the State
Department.
American defense plans dviring the past
decade have carefully and expensively pre-
pared to fight the only kind of war we are
least likely to face. And we have not in any
major sense prepared to fight the kind of
war both Russia and China surely intend to
press.
When post-Stalinist Moscow endorsed
peaceful coexistence it always reserved one
vital area. It openly promised to support,
wherever possible, what it calls "wars of lib-
eration." Khrushchev tried to play a trick
on us in Cuba, but he had to back down be-
cause he was patently not engaged in a lib-
eration war — only in directly threatening our
vital interests. Our strategy was prepared
for such a showdown.
However, when the Communists stick to
their own rules they have a demonstrated ad-
vantage. The modern elaboration of guer-
rilla techniques called "revolutionary war-
fare" by the Commiuiists does not depend on
heavy weapons, or atomic arsenals. It de-
pends upon simultaneoiis organization of
partisan units and civilian administrators
who seek to rot a selected country from
within like fungus inside an apparently
healthy tree.
For years we refused to face the fact that,
equlppxed as we were for holocaust, we had
neither the trained manpower nor the polit-
ical apparatus to fight revolutionary war-
fare. To some degree, under both President
Kennedy and the brilliant McNamara, this
was rectified — ^taut only in part. Even today,
when we have growing special service
counterguerrilla units, some with kinder-
garten training in revolutionary warfare, we
are abysmally behind.
It is expensive and ineffectual to blow up
jiuigle acreage or fill it with paratroopers in
search of vanishing guerrillas. And we have
nothing capable of offsetting what revolu-
tionary warfare calls parallel hierarchies
(know in Vietnam as Dlch-Van) the secret
political apparatus that undermines morale
and softens up the population.
SHIFTING STRATEGY
U.S. strategy tends to shift according to
availability of weapons systems. It has
moved from massive retaliation to flexible
response and from land bases to seaborne
armadas. But, while we are engaged in blue-
printing superplanes and superrockets, we
risk losing the world to guerrillas.
Vietnam is McNamara's war because, in
fighting it, we have overstressed the mili-
tary and ignored the political aspect. We
have, furthermore, been preoccupied with
selling an American way of life and political
philosophy unsuited to the people we would
help.
FACING THE THREAT
The heart of the crisis is not truly in Viet-
nam. The quintessential problem is how to
defeat revolutionary warfare. Elsewhere in
Asia and Africa we will continue to face the
threat of this technique no matter what hap-
pens to the Vietnamese. That is inescapable.
Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the
relatively less aggressive Russians are com-
mitted to sponsor wars of liberation. Despite
this glaring truth, both in weapons and In
training, we are basically prepared alone for
the war our adversaries don't intend to start.
Mr. MUNDT. A nucleus proposal of
the Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232)
which I introduced in this session of the
Senate together with the following
sponsors: Senators Case, Dodd, Douglas,
Pong, Hickenlooper, Lausche, Miller,
Prouty, Proxmire, Scott, and Smathers,
is that the U.S. Government should di-
rect priority attention to providing ade-
quate training for our own people and
for our allies' people in this crucial area
of nonmilitary -psychological warfare
aggression.
We propose to prepare our people who
face this test in the field to recognize
nonmilitary aggression for what it Is in
all its variable forms. We propose to en-
able them to adopt appropriate counter-
techniques aiid counterstrategies against
such aggression.
Maintaining that otu- people should be
so prepared is not tantamount to urging
our adoption of Communist tactics. But
we can better meet this challenge if we
know what the challenge is all about and
have in hand a complete understanding
of the most effective and appropriate
methods which we can employ for ad-
vancing freedoms cause.
I
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
65
March 11, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 4751-4753)
NEEDED: AN AMERICAN FREEDOM
ACADEMY
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, last
week I spoke of the need to enact some-
thing like the Freedom Academy bill so
that our people working in foreign
relations might be better prepared to
.understand techniques of nonmilitary
aggression in its incipient stages when
appropriate counteraction would more
effectively enervate the aggressors, more
effectively isolate them from potential
success.
Today I would like to consider briefly
another function proposed for the Free-
dom Academy, intensive training of for-
eign nationals. We would bring serv-
ants of friendly governments to this
country, persons asking for the training,
and teach them how Communists and
other practitioners of nonmilitary ag-
gression undercut independent govern-
ments which they have targeted for de-
struction.
The sponsors of the Freedom Academy
bill, Messrs. Case, Dodd, Douglas, Fong,
HiCKENLOOPER, LaUSCHE, MiLLER, PROTJTY,
Proxmire, Scott, Smathers, and newly
joining us, Murphy, besides myself, a
group broadly representative of the whole
Senate, do not intend that such train-
ing for foreign nationals be limited to
government employees only. We would
include others — journalists, perhaps, or
educators, civic leaders, people upon
whom a friendly, nontotalitarian na- 1
tion must depend for the insightful and i
wise leadership which is requisite for a '
nation to retain its independence in this
new day of calculated disrespect for na-
tional sovereignty clothed in terms of
sanctimonious honor for self-determina-
tion.
The Freedom Academy bill proposes
intensive research into the methods of
nonmilitary aggression, into methods of
psychological warfare and all which goes
with that, and concurrent training to
disseminate findings, knowledge, and
awareness — sophistication — accvunu-
lating from this research.
The free world needs such an institu-
tion. Let me read a letter symptomatic
of the need. Addressed to a respected
Washington journalist, whom I will not
identify, the letter is signed by a foreign
citizen who is studying in this country.
I will not identify the nationality of
the writer, respecting his request.
The letter is dated February 15, 1965.
It goes:
Dear Mr.
I was very much Im-
pressed by your (recently published article)
Even though I could not wholly agree with
what you say, I do realize that the most
efifective way to fight communism is using
their own methods.
Here I interject to say that the Free-
dom Academy biU does not propose to
mimic Communist violence. We propose
to study Communist methods to under-
stand them and to arm the people upon
whom we depend for defense with im-
"derstanding to better prepare them to
cope with the challenge we face.
Returning to the letter:
It is the future of my country * * * that
compels me to write this letter. What is
going to happen if ♦ * * [the political
leader] is dead? I assume then the Com-
munists will make a break to get in power.
Who is going to sU)p them? Or will it be
another Korea or Vietnam? I believe we,
who still believe in freedom, have to pre-
vent * * * [his country] from falling into
Conununist hands.
Unfortunately, we do not know and do
not have the means how to fight the Com-
munists.
I have written to the American Institute
for Free Labor Development, but that organ-
ization is for Latin America only.
Could you please tell me how I can join
the Freedom Academy?
I am a medical fellow in this country and
I want to return to my country not only
with the medical knowledge, but also how
to fight communism.
This opinion of mine is shared by many
of us who study in yoxir country.
I thank you beforehand and God bless you.
The journalist attached this note:
Senator Mtjndt, now what can we do with
a letter like this?
Right now my journalist friend can do
nothing with the letter except write more
articles. And about all I can do is talk
to the Senate. Our Government affords
remarkably little in the way of political
training for this man. Probably at least
part of the cost for his medical train-
ing is borne by our Government, but we
refuse to recognize his coexistent need
for realistic political education.
This week's press supplies further cur-
rent evidence that the need I am dis-
cussing is real. It exists. It is not a
bogey in the mind of professional anti-
Communists. It is as real as anything in
the political sphere.
66 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 4751-4753)
The Lloyd Gaxrison story in the New
York Times of March 9, datelined Braz-
zaville, the Congo Republic — across the
river from Leopoldville in the Republic
of the Congo — is fully pertinent.
Garrison writes:
The youths came in about 20 minutes after
midnight. They wore khaki shorts and Chi-
nese peaked caps with a red star on a black
shield. [They were] • * • recognized • * •
as members of the Jeunesse, the militant
arm of the National Revolutionary Move-
ment, the sole legal party in this country,
the former French Congo.
One group broke down the door of the
home of Joseph Pouabou, President of the
Supreme Court. The youths pummeled
(him) into submission. Then they beat
Mrs. Pouabou and her children and dragged
Mr. Pouabou unconsciovis to one of three
waiting cars.
[The] * • * scene [was] » * » repeated
at the homes of (the) Attorney Gen-
eral * * • and • * • [the] director of the
Government's information agency. Both
were found dead 2 days later • • *. Mr.
Pouabou is * * * presumed dead.
The killings took place the night of Feb-
rviary 15 (the date of the letter I read
earlier) .
They marked the climax of a campaign to
seize total control over the Govermnent of
moderate Socialists. One French observer
here described the seizure of power as "a
classic Communist-style takeover."
With guidance from Peiping's Etobassy
here, the radicals at first appeared content to
plajt a minority role In a Government that
the moderates hoped would reflect "all
shades of national opinion."
But when delegates assembled to form a
broadly based one-pvarty system, they found
themselves outmaneuvered and outvoted.
Conmaunists came to dominate the party's
policymaking body, formerly known as the
Political Bureau and as the Politburo. In
quick succession, the Politburo decreed the
establishment of one trade union, one youth
group, one women's organization • * •.
Where fear has not enforced conformity,
money has been dispersed freely as an added
incentive. * * *.
Nowhere In West Africa today is the Chi-
nese presence so dominant. According to
one reliable French source, Peiping's coun-
selor of the Embassy • ♦ • now sits in on all
of the Politburo's closed-door deliberations.
A classic Communist-style takeover.
How much better if we could provide our
willing and independent friends with un-
derstanding of what constitutes a classic
takeover, what must precede it, what the
tactics and techniques of takeover are.
Garrison's dispatch was continued in
the New York Times of March 10 :
The Chinese Communists are the dominant
diplomatic force beyond this country's "sci-
entific Socialist" regime. Many widely held
assumptions about how they operate have
proved false.
For oen thing, they are not linguists * * *.
There is no attempt to live simply or play
on the image of the austere revolutionary.
The Chinese * • * occupy big villas and
drive chauflfered limousines * • *.
They are never seen in the open-air dance
halls with other diplomats, who drink the
local beer, dance the cha cha, and mix with
the Africans. • * *
Africans find It impossible to strike up
friendships with the Chinese.
GaiTison notes, too, that China is quick
to provide well-directed aid. For ex-
ample, they have provided $20 million
to set up "Chinese-run small industries."
Excellent vehicles for further infiltra-
tion. He concludes:
The most Informed concensvis is that the
Chinese will go only as far as is necessary
to insure that the regime continues to be
virulently anti-Western and affords them a
secure base for subversion in the biggest
prize of all — the former Belgian Congo,
which lies just across the Congo River.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that these two articles by Lloyd
Garrison, "Brazzaville: Story of a Red
Takeover," from the New York Times of
March 9, 1965, and "Chinese Aloof in
Brazzaville," from the New York Times
of March 10, 1965, be printed in full at
this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the Record,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Mar. 9, 1965]
Brazzaville : Story of Red Takeovxb ^
(By Lloyd Garrison)
BRAzzAvn-LE, THE CONGO REPUBLIC, March
5. — The youttis came about 20 minutes after
midnight. They wore khaki shorts and Chi-
nese peaked caps with a red star on a black
shield. Most were armed with wooden staves
and empty quart-size beer bottles.
Awakened neighbors easily recognized
them as members of the Jeunesse, the mili-
tant arm of the national revolutionary
movement, the sole legal party in this coun-
try, the former PYench Congo. ♦
One group broke down the door of the
home of Joseph Pouabou, president of the
supreme court. The youths pummeled Mr.
Pouabou into submission. Then they beat
Mrs. Pouabou and her children and dragged
Mr. Pouabou unconscious to one of three
waiting cars.
The scene was repeated at the homes of
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 67
March 11, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 4751-4753)
Attorney General Lazar Matsocota and
Anselme Massouemi, director of the Gov-
ernment's information agency. Both were
foundr dead 2 days later beside the Congo
River. Mr. Pouabou is still missing and
presumed dead.
The killings took place the night of Febru-
ary 15. To experienced diplomats here they
marked the climax of a campaign by the
pro-Pelping African Communists to seize
total control over the Government of mod-
erate Socialists who outsed Abb6 Fulbert
Youlou's corrupt and discredited regime 2
. years ago. >
One French observer described the seizure
of power as "a classic Communist-style take-
over."
With guidance from Peiping Embassy
here, the radicals at first appeared content
to play a minority role in a government
that the moderates hoped would reflect all
shades of national opinion.
But when delegates assembled to form a
broadly based one-party system, they found
thetnselves outmaneuvered and outvoted.
Communists came to dominate the party's
policymaking body, formerly known as the
Political Bureau and as the Politburo. In
quick succession, the Politbiu-o decreed the
establishment of one trade union, one youth
group, one women's organization.
Only the Boy Scouts have yet to be ab-
sorbed into the party fabric.
Some prominent moderates, such as Paul
Kaya, former Minister of the Economy, have
slipped across the border into exile. Others
have been retained in the civil service, where
they do the goverimienfs bidding in politi-
cal silence.
Under threat of reprisal if they don't com-
ply, several Congolese in private occupxations
have been "persuaded" to fill key secotid-
echelon posts.
Where fear has not enforced conformity,
money has been dispersed freely as an added
Incentive.
The government still maintains a facade,
of moderation. President Alphonse Debat, a
mildly leftist former schoolteacher who
holds the French Legion of Honor, occasion-
ally balances the Communists' anti-Western
tirades with warm references to President de
Gaulle and French aid.
But he and Premier Pascal Lissouba are
powerless to initiate even the smallest deci-
sion without the rubber-stamp approval of
the 10-man Politburo.
Nowhere in West Africa today is the Chi-
nese presence so dominant. According to
one reliable French source. Peiplng's coun-
selor of the embassy, Col. Kan Mai, now sits
in on all of the Politburo's closed-door
deliberations.
From the New York Times, Mar. 10, 19661
Chinese Aloop in Brazzavillb Score Big
Sttccess despite Limited African Con-
tacts
(By Lloyd Garrison)
Brazzaville, Congo Republic, March 5.
Peiplng's diplomatic style has many Western
observers wondering why the Chinese have
been so startlingly successful in this former
French colony.
The Chinese Communists are the dominant
diplomatic force behind this country's
scientific Socialist regime. Many widely
held assxunptions about how they operate
s have proved false.
For one thing, they are not linguists, at
least in French, for there are many hiter-
J>reters attached to their Embassy. Neither
the Ambassador, Chou Chiuyen, nor his
principal aide. Col. Kan Mai, speaks French.
In their propaganda the Chinese have
striven to project themselves as the purest
and most down-to-earth Marxists whose skin
color should make them the Africans' natural
allies.
But there is no attempt to live simply or
play on the image of the austere revolution,
ary. The Chinese dress in Western style,
occupy big villas, and drive chauflFered limou-
sines.
, They are hardly outgoing. None Indulge
I in comradely back slapping and joke swap-
' ping with the Africans the way the Russians
do. They are never seen In the open-air
dance halls with other diplomats, who drink
the local beer, dance the cha cha,. and mix
with the Africans.
BRING THEIR OWN SERVANTS
Unlike almost all the other diplomats, the
Chinese employ no African servants and have
brought their own cooks, launder esses and
even gardeners.
Africans find it Impossible to strike up
friendships with the Chinese. All members
of the staff are required to travel in pairs
even when going for a haircut.
Why the success of the, Chinese?
Western officials agree on two points.
First, they stress the fact that the radicals
in power here had long been warmly dis-
posed toward the Chinese.
"Of course, the Chinese have been clever,"
one Western observer said. "But the table
was already set for them when they arrived,
and all they had to do was sit down and eat
and mind their manners."
The second point is that the Chinese work
incredibly hard.
From a handful, the embassy staff has
grown nearly to 50 officials, each a specialist
assigned to work closely with a ministry or
organization, ranging from agricultiire to
children's groups.
SWIFT OFFER TO HELP
Compared with other Communist states,
China moved swiftly in offering aid.
68
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March n, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RtCORO— SENATE (pp. 4751-4753)
First came a $5 million loan to help bal-
ance last year's budget. Recently the gov-
ernment has accepted a $20 million loan foi
setting up Chinese-run small industrlefc.
Each loan is Interest free, with 10 years' grace
on repayment.
The Soviet Union has offered an $8 million
agreement for financing, at 2.5 percent in-
terest, such long-term, prestige projects as
a luxury hotel and a hydroelectric dam that
the Americans turned down as economically
unfeasible.
What are Peiping's objectives?
Most Western experts doubt that the Chi-
nese want to replace the French here com-
pletely. The Congo is a poor small country,
and to assume the major responsibility for
aid and budget subsidies would prove ex-
tremely expensive.
The most informed consensus is that the
Chinese will go only ^ far as is necessary to
insure that the regime continues to be viru-
lently anti-Western and affords them a se-
cure base for subversion in the biggest prize
of all — the former Belgian Congo, which lies
just across the Congo River.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, tech-
niques of takeover appear qiiite diverse.
For example, I read from a recent United
Press International dispatch:
PuNo, Peru, February 26. — A report pub-
lished here today indicated Latin American
"volunteers" trained in Cuba are fighting on
the Communist side in South Vietnam.
The family of Julian Jimenez Ochoa, a
young Peruvian who went to Cuba for guer-
rilla training, has been notified unofflcially
of his death in battle in Vietnam.
The report of Jimenez's death was con-
tained in a letter purported to come from
other young Peruvians who were serving with
the Reds in South Vietnam.
One must wonder what the future
holds for these young Latin American
fighters for communism. They will likely
utilize these skills in their homelands.
Hopefully, non-Communists in Latin
America will have timely opportunity to
prepare themselves for confrontation
with experienced guerrillas.
But although techniques of takeover
are diverse, as with all else in hiunan
relations, there must be identifiable pat-
terns in them.
We should identify these patterns and
lay them open to full comprehension.
More important, we should make this
knowledge available to persons who can
use it to defend their own coimtries'
sovereignty and, in so doing, to contri-
bute to our own defense.
We have here a mutual interest.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 69
March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
THE FREEDOM ACADEMY GAP
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in speak-
ing on the Freedom Academy bill, 2
weeks ago, I emphasized, ■ on page 4059
of the Record, the need for greater
sophistication among our own Govern-
ment people who face Communist non-
military aggression in the field. These
are the persons upon whom our defense
is structured.
Then, last week, I discussed, on pages
4751-4753 of the Record, the need that
this country provide training for foreign
nationals who want to preserve their
own national sovereignty against non-
military aggression by Communist or
other expansive totalitarian powers. A
whole new discipline of subversive tech-
niques by the Communists is utilized,
particularly against newly independent
countries; and formal educational in-
stitutions to disseminate to potential
practitioners knowledge and familiarity
about this discipline are now operating
in several Communist countries, training
people from nearly every country of the
world in the techniques of subversion.
The United States does very little to
confront this challenge. Foreign na-
tionals, upon whom rests the obligation
to maintain their own national inde-
pendence from Communist expansionism,
have no place to go to acquire knowledge
about nonmilitary, subversive techniques
to help them know how best to resist
this most effective method of aggression.
Today, I shall speak briefly about a
third major feature of the proposed Free-
dom Academy. This is the training of
nongovernment persons, persons from
_the private sector, who could constitute
■a. very potent force in defense against
nonmilitary aggression.
Sponsors of the Freedom Academy bill
consider the non-Government sector of
our heterogeneous democratic society a
potentially valuable asset in contesting
the Communist antagonist who must by
definition be restricted to such homo-
geneity in emotional and intellectual re-
sources as to constitute his potentially
fatal weakness.
The Senators sponsoring this bill re-
flect this breadth of American diversity
which should be our great national
strength. Senators Case, Dodd, Doug-
las, FONG, HICKENLOOPER, LAUSCHE,
Miller, Protjty, Proxmire, Scott,
Smathers, and Murphy, besides myself,
represent all facets of political attitude
in this Nation, ranging from conserva-
tive to liberal, which are within the main
current of American political thought.
In supporting this bill, we express our
common view that this strength of
American heterogeneity is not adequate-
ly utilized in order to protect our na-
tional interests abroad.
From section 2(a) (8) (IV) of the Free-
dom Academy bill, I read:
The private sector must understand how
it can participate in the global struggle In
a sustained and systematic manner. • There
exists in the private sector a huge reservoir
of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can
be developed and brought to bear in helping
to solve many of our global problems. We
have hardly begun to explore the range of
possibilities.
The bill makes broad provision for
better utilizing this talent.
A remarkable article in a recent issue
of Orbis, the world-afifairs journal pub-
lished by the University of Pennsylvania,
now adds greater substance to our pro-
posal. The article is authored by Alex-
ander T. Jordan, an authority on politi-
cal communication and psychological
warfare, who also is a commentator for
Radio Free Europe. He entitled the ar-
ticle "Political Communication: The
Third Dimension of Strategy." It ap-
pears in the fall, 1964, editon.
The article concerns the science of
political communication, a science in
which our country has fallen critically
behind ; we hardly even recognize its ex-
istence. Powers antagonistic to our na-
tional interests are far more knowl-
edgeable than we. According to George
Gallup :
Russia is a good generation ahead of us in
her understanding of propaganda and in
her skill in using it.
Another recognized authority, Murray
Dyer, observes:
In Russian hands the psychological in-
strument has been used with consummate
skill and no little success. It seems to be
generally admitted that in our own hands
both the skill and the success have been
more limited.
But the purpose of Mr. Jordan's essay
is not simply to criticize United States
efforts in psychological warfare. Rather,
he plumbs the "one major aspect of the
psychological arm of strategy, namely,
long-range ideological conversion."
This concerns us. We are obviously
under attack throughout the world. Tlie
expansionism of Communist China is
70
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
particularly aggi'essive, and the Chinese
Communists utilize these techniques :
Yet little is done to forge new weapons and
develop new techniques which will give us
a chance to win the psychological war. * * -.
The various classifications of political com-
munication dlflfer among themselves at least
as much as the Strategic Air Command dif-
fers from the Coast Guard. Each requires a
different approach, different techniques, and
different organizational structures. There
is a tendency to overlook this fact and to
demand simply more propvaganda, without
specifying the type required.
U.S. shortcomings lie particularly In the
area of long-range ideological change.
I interject that a great part of the
Freedom Academy effort would be ex-
pended in research directed exactly
here — at imderstanding international
and intercultural political communica-
tion. The first of the principal functions
assigned to the Freedom Commission by
this bill is:
1. To conduct research designed to im-
prove the methods and means by which the
United States seeks its national objectives
In the nonmilitary part of the global struggle.
This should include improvement of the
present methods and means and explora-
tion of the full range of additional methods
and means that may be available to us In
both the Goverrunent and private sectors.
Mr. Jordan identifies what he considers
our outstanding need:
What is needed is an organic system of
political communication. • • • By organic, as
opposed to inert, we mean a system in which
the operating methods and even the orga-
nizational structure are determined by the
ideas to be propagated.
The organic approach would begin with the
selection of ideas. The next step would be
to find people who believe these ideas firmly
enough to impart their conviction to others.
People who believe in the values we try
to propagate. Are there people who
really believe in American values? —
Some object that "convinced political com-
municators" will be hard to find; if that_is
true, then it would seem that American Ideas
are hardly worth propagating abroad and we
face eventual defeat on the Ideological level.
There are many such people among
us; but government officials do not make
good communicators of this kind. The
reasons are obvious. Because of their
very association with government, offi-
cials cannot effectively propagate a po-
litical philosophy among a people alien
to it:
The model for successful political com-
munication is to be found • • • in the
patient labors and intense convictions of
missionaries of religious and political faiths —
from St. Paul to Lenin. An organization
dedicated to spreading its ideas among others
should start with a group of passionate be-
livers.
Mr. Jordan emphasizes :
The most lu-gent need *-* • is to utilize
the spiritual energy of such people, while
guiding and assisting them in accordance
with national policy.
A basic principle, which he identifies,
in such an organic communications sys-
tem is this:
The communicator's intensity of convic-
tion is the critical factor in his efifectiveness
(persuasiveness) .
Mr. Jordan continues:
Efifective political action, especially in the
long-range strategic sphere, must take the
form of advocacy. Mere distribution of in-
formation * * * is not enough.
Senators know this. It is clearly true.
Successful practitioners of domestic poli-
tics advocate something; they seek to
persuade.
Mr. President, the Freedom Academy,
or an institution like it, would stand in
perfect accord with this understanding.
Here is precisely the reason why the
sponsors of the bill want suitable train-
ing for private individuals. The United
States sends hundreds of thousands of
its private citizens to reside abroad. A
great many believe fervently in our in-
stitutions. All that is needed to make of
them a very effective force for propaga-
tion of our beliefs is to let them know
how and where they can be politically
influential.
Mr. Jordan offers examples of the po-
tential impact of such individuals acting
independently of the Government.
A typical example • • • is the Center for
Christian Democratic Action in New York,
which endeavors to promote Christian de-
mocracy in Latin America. It is a private
body • • • but it has behind it the au-
thority of strong parties in Western Europe.
It also has the support of important sections
of public opinion in Latin America.
A Christian Democratic Party, inci-
dentally, has just won control of a Latin
American government, through a popu-
lar election.
Other groups? The AFL-CIO is al-
ready in the field. People in theic pro-
gram support the Freedom Academy bill.
The National Association of Manufac-
turers certainly is interested in promot-
ing free enterprise. The American Bar
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 71
March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
Association promotes the rule of law.
Veterans organizations have common
interests internationally.
Supi>orters of the Freedom Academy
concept propose to utilize such a poten-
tial as this. There are hundreds of only
slightly effective groups. This diversity
in democratic life is our real strength,
but it is one which we refuse to utilize
in present-day foreign relations. Ac-
cording to Mr. Jordan :
We would commit a major error If we
tried to use Communist methods in reverse,
merely substituting white for black and vice
versa. The use of entirely original methods,
reflecting the character and way of life of
the United States, would place the Commu-
nists on the defensive.
It is now time for us to bring our real
strength up to the firing line in this new
day of determined and deliberate non-
military warfare. It is time to call up
strong reserves. We should no longer
rely on skeleton forces delegated to per-
form a job which requires our best effort
if we are going to win.
I ask tmanimous consent that the ar-
ticle entitled "Political Communication:
The Third Dimension of Strategy,"
written by Alexander T. Jordan, and pub-
lished in the fall, 1964, issue of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania's journal of for-
eign affairs, Orbis, be printed in the
Record following my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the Record,
as follows :
Political CoMMtrNicATiON : The Third
Dimension of Strategy
(By Alexander Jordan)*
Military power and diplomacy comprise
the two conventional dimensions of strategy,
and economic action Is sometimes called the
"third arm of statecraft." * By the third
dimension in this article, however, we mean
all efforts, not confined to dealings between
governments, to Influence foreign audi-
ences— whether we call it propaganda, po-
litical communication or psychological war-
fare. While less easily defined than the other
two, this third sphere of strategy is recog-
nized by political scientists — though not
always by i>oliticlans — as equal to them in
importance.
American weakness in this third dimen-
sion is deplored by writers on the subject.
"It is my personal belief that Russia is a good
generation ahead of us in her understanding
of propaganda and in her skill in using it,"
wrote George Gallup .= Murray Dyer has
commented: "In Rvisslan hands the phycho-
logical instrument has been used with con-
summate skill and no little success. It seems
to be generally admitted that In our own
hands t>oth the skill and the success have
been more limited." ' Another writer noted:
"The psychological warfare of the West is
waged almost exclusively by America, or at
least with American money; however, it is
unsuccessful." * Arthur Krock, New York
Times columnist, entitled one of his articles
on this subject "Why We Are Losing the
Psychological War." ^ Books such as "The
Propaganda Gap," "The Weapon on the Wall"
and "The Idea Invaders" contain critiques of
the U.S. psychological warfare effort by
Americans dismayed to see their country sec-
ond best in a field which they regard as vital."
The purpose of this article Is not to criti-
cize the current U.S. program in psychologi-
cal warfare, although some reference will be
made to its shortcomings. Rather, we will
examine at some length one major aspect of
the psychological arm of strategy, namely,
long-range ideological conversion, and rec-
ommend Introducing into the overall U.S.
effort an "organic system of political com-
munication" which places more emphasis
on the role of private, i.e., nongovernmental,
institutions.
THE NEED TO POCTTS ATTENTION ON TECHNIQTTES
In the many studies devoted to the subject
Of psychological warfare, major attention has
generally been focused on broad lines of
policy and on the status of pertinent gov-
ernment agencies. Little attention has been
given to the actual operating procedures and
techniques. "The history of this Instrument,
roughly for the past 25 years, shows very
clearly that a great deal of effort has been
expended on who should control it, i.e.. De-
partment of Defense or State. By compari-
son relatively little effort has been spent on
what the Instrument ought to be doing and
what Its main Job was."' In other words,
there has been much concern with what
should be said and who Is to be In charge of
saying It, but little thought as to the tech-
nique of conveying the message to Its target.
1 Murray Dyer, "The Potentialities of Amer-
ican Psychological Statecraft," in "Propagan-
da and the Cold War," a Princeton University
symposium edited by John Boardman Whit-
ton (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1963).
' Ibid., "The Challenge of Ideoloigcal War-
fare."
» Dyer, op. clt.
*Bela Szunyogh, "Psychological Warfare:
An Introduction to Ideological Propaganda
and the Techniques of Psychological War-
fare" (New York: The William-Frederick
Press, 1955).
» New York Times Magazine, Dec. 8, 1957.
"Walter Joyce, "The Propaganda Gap"
(New York: Harper & Row, 1963); Murray
Dyer, "Weapon on the Wall" (Baltimore: The
Johns Hopkins Press, 1959); George N. Gor-
don, Irving Falk, and William Hbdapp, "The
Idea Invaders" (New York: Communications
Arts Books, Hastings House, 1963).
'Dyer, "The Potentialities of American
Psychological Statecraft," op. clt.
72
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
This omission would seem to imply that
the critics consider the current techniques
satisfactory. If that were indeed the case,
victory in the battle for the minds of men
could be achieved by finding the right mes-
sage and then leaving its transmission to an
agency with an adequate budget and a proper
status within the structure of government.^
This is, of course, a dangerous oversimplifica-
tion. For while it is obvious that the scale
of operations of the third arm of strategy
must be substantially increased before a
proper balance among the three instruments
can be attained, there is an even greater need
for a major revision of thinking on the
subject.
Nothing less than a systemic revolution in
the field of Western political communication
can tiirn the tide of battle in the war for the
minds of men. The assertion that the out-
come of that war, rather than the outcome of
one fought with nuclear weapons, will deter-
mine the fate of the United States and of
Western civilization is almost a cliche of
political writing and speechmaking. Yet lit-
tle is done to forge new weapons and develop
new techniques which will give us a chance
to win the psychological war.
Even some of the most vehement advo-
cates of a "psychological offensive" seem to
think that the only weaknesses of present
USIA (U.S. Information Agency) activities
lie in their limited scope and insufficient co-
ordination with the other branches of gov-
ernment. Hence they conclude that an in-
creased budget and a direct line to the White
House would solve the problem. Such an
oversimplified view suggests a failure to dif-
ferentiate properly between various types of
political communication. Military power—
the first instrument of strategy — includes
air, naval and land forces, which are not
identical either in their character, deploy-
ment or operations. The various classifica-
tions of political communication differ
among themselves at least as much as the
Strategic Air Command differs from the
Coast Guard. Each requires a different ap-
proach, different techniques and different
organizational structures. There is a tend-
ency to overlook this fact and to demand
simply more propaganda, without specifying
the type required.
The customary subdivision of political
communication into strategic and tactical
categories is not an adequate guide for fash-
ioning instruments of psychological warfare.
8 The idea that world opinion can be won
over merely by spending more money and ap-
pointing a new Cabinet officer is similar to the
suggestion that the problem of cancer could
be solved in a few years by a crash program
with a multi-billion-dollar budget. Scien-
tists point out, however, that the solution to
the cancer problem is a matter of brains
rather than funds, that all the qualified re-
searchers are already at work, and that their
number could not be rapidly increased at any
cost. In both these suggestions we are faced
with a mechanistic outlook, inclined to sub-
stitute money for creative insights.
There is also an important dividing line be-
tween ideological conversion and all activ-
ity— both strategic and tactical — ainxed at
securing "relevant political action." The two
fields inevitably overlap, but U.S. shortcom-
ings lie particularly in the area of long-
range ideological change. While less inune-
diate in its effects, ideological conversion
provides the indispensable infrastructure for
strategic and tactical action toward specific
objectives. The strength of Soviet political
communication is precisely in this sphere,
while in the medium-range and tactical fields
the disparity between East and West is not
as striking.
In advocating an enlarged U.S. effort, most
writers fail to distinguish between these dif-
ferent types of endeavor and simply recom-
mend increasing the budget of the USIA and
enlisting advertising talents in the campaign
of "selling America to the world." This
might be a valid approach In dealing with
political communication at the level of "rele-
vant political action," but It falls far short of
what is needed to bolster U.S. efforts at long-
range strategic conversion. Much more basic
changes are necessary in methods of action,
organizational structure and operating pro-
cedures if we are to reverse the trend and
strengthen the third instrument of foreign
policy.
AN ORGANIC SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION
Nature of an organic system: What is
needed is an organic system of political com-
munication serving as a means of long-range
conversion and cooperating with existing
strategic and tactical psychological opera-
tions. By organic, as opposed to inert, we
mean a system in which the operating meth-
ods and even the organizational structure
are determined by the ideas to be propagated.
Organic communication systems are as old
as the great religious faiths which, in their
earlier stages at least, were seldom propa-
gated by inert, bureaucratic methods. The
innovation suggested here consists in con-
sciously promoting the organic features of a
communication system at the expense of the
inert ones. That has certainly not been
done by any Western government."
An organic communication system would
differ basically from a conventional one ih
the sequence of its operations. The conven-
tional approach starts with the appointment
of an administrative staff, which then hires
professional communicators and seeks ideas
to propagate. The organic approach would
" The possibility of creating an organic sys-
tem of communication has been glimpsed,
but sufficient attention has never been given
to it. Senator Kahl E. Mundt, in a briefing
paper presented to the White House in 1962,
noted that: "The private sector must know
how it can participate in the global struggle
in a sustained and systematic manner.
There exists in the private sector a huge res-
ervoir of talent, ingenuity, and strength
which can be developed and brought to bear
in helping solve our cold war problems."
"Propaganda and the Cold War, op. cit., p. 75.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 73
March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
begin with the selection of ideas. The next
step would be to find people who believe
these ideas firmly enough to impart their,
conviction to others. Some may be trained
communicators and others not, but it is
easier to impart communications skills than
intensity of belief — especially since profes-
sional communicators, by the nature of their
calling, often tend to develop an attitude of
doubt or even cynicism. Once assembled,
a team of dedicated persons should be given
a fairly free hand in propagating its idea,
and should be given such technical assist-
ance as it may require. Far more mental
energy would be released by such a method
than could ever be delivered by a conven-
tional organization working for the same
objectives.
The importance of conviction: The model
for successful political commxmication is to
be foiuid not in the dull bulletins of gov-
ernments, nor in the flamboyant prose of
copywriters, but in the patient labors and
intense convictions of missionaries of reli-
gious and political faiths — from Saint Paxil
to Lenin. An organization dedicated to
spreading its ideas among others should
start with a group of passionate believers.^"
There are thousands of people in the United
States who believe fervently in ideas which,
if adopted in other coimtries, could serve
the long-range interests of national policy.
These individuals would not make good
diplomats or information officers, but they
could make excellent propagandists. The
most urgent need of the third arm of strat-
egy is to utilize the spiritual energy of such
people, while guiding and assisting them in
accordance with national policy. No attempt
should be made, however, to try to make
their activity merely a carbon copy of current
tactical and medium-range policies.
The importance of what might be called
the conviction coefficient has been demon-
strated by many propaganda campaigns of
the past. In the period between the two
World Wars several Central European nations
engaged in strenuous political communica-
tion efforts, directed largely against one an-
other. Although their objectives are now ir-
relevant, these efforts merit our attention
because of their success in proportion to the
means used. The budgets and the numbers
of personnel employed were but a minute
fraction of those now at the disposal of the
USIA; yet the worldwide effectiveness of
their persuasive efforts was impressive. This
is attributable not to the Central Europeans-
superior knowledge of communication tech-
niques, but rather to their firm conviction
of the righteousness of their respective
causes. Armed with such conviction, a
single agent working from his apartment in
a foreign city may sometimes achieve a
" This is one of the reason why civil serv-
ants are generally inappropriate for this pur-
pose; they may be passionate believers, but
their first allegiance is to official policies;
they are not free to act in accordance with
the intensity of their convictions.
greater impact on the public opinion of the
country than can a large government infor-
mation office. Even tiny Lithuania managed
to make the West aware of her claims to
Vilno, while the, Ukrainians — though with-
out a' state of their own — conducted active
propaganda campaigns in Western Europe
and in the United States. The results of
these endeavors, while perhaps not signifi-
cant in terms of "relevant political action,"
were quite impressive in relation to the puny
resources committed.
These cases illustrate one of the basic
principles of an organic communication sys-
tem: the communicator's intensity of con-
viction is the critical factor in his effective-
ness (persuasiveness). The objective value
of the propositions advocated is compara-
tively irrelevant, particularly as it is not
susceptible to any scientific measurement.
Government agencies and the organic sys-
tem: There is another important reason for
recommending an organic communication
system — not as a substitute for the existing
one, but as a coequal auxiliary. If political
communication activities are to be expanded
in volume — as they must be if we are to
achieve substantial results — that expansion
should not simply take the form of a bigger
and better government agency. A huge
ministry of propaganda would be both in-
adequate and undesirable. Such a central-
ized agency might be a suitable instrument
for spreading a dogmatic and codified doc-
trine. In this sense Dr. Goebbels' Propa-
gandaministerium was an organic body,
since its structure and discipline refiected
the character of the Nazi movement. But
when the subject of communication is to be
a vast body of thought which might be de-
scribed, for want of a better term, as "the
I philosophy of Western civilization," the use
of a huge centralized bureaucracy for its
propagation would constitute a basic contra-
diction. Any attempt to spread an essen-
tially pltu-alistic culture though a single
agency of one government would be a denial
of the very philosophy we are advocating, as
well as a psychological blunder. It would
be a violation of the principles of organic
communication.
Vast expansion of the USIA to handle
these new activities would place an undesir-
able official stamp on them. Moreover, po-
litical action in the field requires personal
initiative and a readiness for risk taking
which are not characteristics commonly as-
sociated with bureaucracies. That is why in-
creasing the budget of the USIA many times
over and giving its Director equal status with
the Secretary of State would not solve the
real problem of bringing the third arm of
strategy up to full strength.
Effective political action, especially in the
long-range strategic sphere, must take the
form of advocacy. Mere distribution of in-
formation, even selected and slanted, is not
enough. "Prom this view of the nature of
74
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
foreign policy, and of the psychological in-
strument of statecraft," one commentator
has noted, "it follows that the 'information'
approach to psychological operations is woe-
fully insufHcient." " The tactical and me-
dium-range activities of the USIA should be
continued and even expanded, but they can
never substitute for true political action of
a more basic nature. In any case, no Gov-
ernment agency can openly engage in politi-
cal action abroad; international law is ex-
plicit in prohibiting such activity by gov-
ernments."
The inappropriateness of advertising tech-
niques: The other standard suggestion for
strengthening U.S. psychological operations,
that we use advertising techniques in selling
our political philosophy to other nations, is
potentially even more harmful and reflects a
profound misunderstanding of the whole
issue. Because commercial advertising bears
some superficial resemblance to political
communication, its practitioners conclude
that the two are interchangeable. The dif-
ferences between them, however, are more
significant than their similarities. Further-
more, the cost of using advertising tech-
niques on a world scale would be prohibitive,
and high-pressure campaigns might well,
evoke adverse' reactions. This approach
would be the least organic of all. "Adver-
tising men have their function — on the
American scene and inside the American
economy. But the world situation calls for
a totally different t3rpe of professionals. Po-
litical propaganda, a task of extraordinary
complexity, reqviires intellectuals, scholars,
specialists, and — in the final analysis — polit-
ical philosophers." "
SOME ADVANTAGES OF THE ORGANIC SYSTEM
In simiming up the shortcomings of the
U.S. effort in the field of political communi-
cation, John B. Whitton points to: (1) the
lack of clear objectives; (2) the lack of con-
fidence in our efforts; and (3) the purely
defensive character of our efforts." Al-
though Whitton was referring to the entire
communication effort, his observations are
particularly applicable to long-range ideo-
logical conversion. All three areas of weak-
ness could be bolstered by a program of or-
ganic conununication, based on the better
utilization of existing intellectual and spir-
itual resources.
The catises for these major areas of weak-
ness are not difficult to find. The first is
related to the commonly heard argument
that we have no single great idea to sell,
'1 Robert T. Holt, "A New Approach to Po-
litical Communication," in "Propaganda and
the Cold War," op. cit.
'- L. John Martin, "International Propa-
ganda, Its Legal and Diplomatic Control"
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1958), pp. 62-108.
" Saul K. Padover in the American Scholar
April 1951.
"John B. Whitton, "The American Effort
Challenged," in "Propaganda and the Cold
War," op. cit.
hence our efforts tend to be reactive and de-
fensive. "Our policy has been too negative,
its programs and slogans almost always a
mere response, or reaction, to the more imag-
inative initiatives of the Soviets. Hence, it
is claimed, we have been unable to provide
for the West the inspiration and leadership
the situation demands and our great
strength warrants." " Furthermore, in a de-
mocracy, a governmental propaganda strat-
egy is vxnlikely to have clear objectives for
these might offend certain sections of domes-
tic political opinion. Official objectives must
be phrased in a manner acceptable to all
domestic political factions, and as a result
they often become so watered down that
they lose their attraction for the peoples of
other cultures.
These are all very real obstacles. While
one may argue that freedom and democracy
are ideas or ideologies that can be articu-
lated and packaged for distribution abroad,
these concepts often appear vague and ir-
relevant to the target audience. One solu-
tion is to give these ideas more concrete form
through person-to-person contact: this be-
comes the task of the private political com-
municator. While he must serve the inter-
ests of national policy formulated by the
President, the political communicator must
also have the freedom to interpret broad
national policies and goals, and to go far
beyond official statements in explaining the
"American way of life." Private organiza-
tions devoted to political communication can
set themselves clear objectives and, unham-
pered by official connection with the Gov-
ernment, they can afford to be more candid
in pursuing these objectives than can our
public servants.
The lack of confidence in our efforts,
which Whitton lists as the second failing,
is due largely to the absence of clear objec-
tives and the limited achievements to date
of the American propaganda effort. If a
private political communication organization
were permitted to establish its own objec-
tives, select its own method of operation
and subdivide the overall task into a num-
ber of separate endeavors, this obstacle
might not seem so formidable. A private
association, selecting a limited number of
targets in a specific territory, would be more
likely to give its members a tangible sense
of accomplishment than a government
agency which endeavors to do everything
everjrwhere and thereby dilutes its efforts to
the point where they become largely ineffec-
tive. Unlike civil servants inhibited by their
official responsibility, private communicators
would not confine themselves to purely de-
fensive tactics. The morale of troops in the
field is always at its highest in offensive
action, at this lowest in holding operations.
The private organization would be composed
of individuals selected to propagate abroad
a coherent set of ideas which they hold very
strongly. Some object that convinced po-
litical conuniinicators will be bard to find;
Whitton, op. cit.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 75
March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
if that is true, then it would seem that
American ideas are hardly worth propagating
abroad and we face eventual defeat on the
ideological level. But the assumption here
is that many Americans do feel strongly
enough abotit their political heritage to serve
as propagandists.
The defensive character of the Am.erican
communication effort — the third weakness —
is largely due to the restraints of govern-
mental action. A separation between long-
range ideological conversion and current
U.S. foreign policy would remove this handi-
cap. The ban on political initiative, implicit
in diplomacy, tends to discourage some of
our ablest civil servante,jMid contributes to
the second failing — lacltcf confidence in our
effort. The situation bears an analogy to
the loss of morale in the U.S. Air Force re-
sulting from the ban on crossing the Yalu
River during the Korean war. The Govern-
ment is, of course, justified in forbidding its
civil servants to adopt an offensive political
posture. Since they are representatives of
the U.S. Government, their statements are
subject to close scrutiny abroad and serious
complications could follow any indiscretion.
The problem, then, is not one of changing the
operating rules of the existing agency, but of
transferring those aspects of political com-
munication in which it cannot engage to an
instrument capable of doing so.
The organizational form for such a politi-
cal communication instrument should be
kept as flexible as possible. Various groups
may be formed for the purpose of spreading
particular aspects of American political
thought or culture, or for working in specific
countries and among different types of per-
sons. As purely private organizations, with-
out ofiBcial status, they would be able to in-
tegrate closely with local communities.
They should not isolate themselves in the
international compounds of capital cities.
They would have to be accepted by the local
populace or quit. The members might not
necessarily be American citizens, and they
would not have to be screened as closely as
government employees. This would involve
no risk, since the security problems that
exist in "tactical and medium-range strate-
gic psychological operations are not present
in long-range ideological communication.
Communicators need not have access to any
classified information, nor would they re-
quire any knowledge of overall plans. Their
activity would be wholly overt and involve
no secrecy. There should be no^ connection
between persuaders and intelligence collec-
tors, for their tasks are clearly incompati-
ble. It is always possible that in some coun-
tries propagandists may be suspected of es-
pionage. To avoid such charges, they should
be kept completely clear of any compromis-
ing contacts.
Under such a loosely organized system
some errors might occur occasionally,
through incompetence or excess of zeal.
However, their importance should not be
overrated in weighing the immense advan-
tages of an organic communication system.
Since the members of private organizations
working in the field would have no official
status, any faux pas they might commit
would be no more compromising than those
of an ordinary tourist. Civil servants, in-
cluding the personnel of information serv-
ices, may be guilty of few flagrant faults,
but their official capacity permits of even
fewer conspicuous achievements. The So-
viet Government dissociates itself from Com-
munist propaganda activities abroad very
simply, by subordinating the Agitprop to the
Presidium of the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, rather
than to the Government of the U.S.S.R."'
The distinction appears purely academic, taut
in practice it provides an effective shield.
An organic system of communication
would also avoid the tendency of all bureauc-
racies to sp>end as much time and energy
in reporting to headquarters as in perform-
ing their primary functions. In a flexible
organization, run on the lines of a fraternal
association rather than on those of a govern-
ment bureau, there wovild be little need for
voluminous reports and ratings, and persons
evaluating the performance of others will
have worked in the field themselves. This
is an important point, for in the sphere of
c"6mmiinication few objective yardsticks of
achievement are available.
WHY AN ORGANIC SYSTEM WOULD BE MORE
EFFECTIVE
The operation of an organic communica-
tion svstem with specific missions allocated
to separate groups might be compared to
illuminating a distant target with beams of
coherent light emitted by a laser. Each
laser beam uses a single wavelength and a
single color, permitting far greater concen-
tration of energy and more accurate aiming
of the beam than is possible with a beam of
ordinary diffused light, comprised of all
colors mixed together. Thus a program de-
voted to a single set of ideas will more
readily find its target than an ideologically
ambrpho«s campaign aimed at everyone and
hitting nobody. When a target Is struck
simultaneously by many single-color beams
of coherent light, the illumination will be
better than if it had been lighted from a
single source of diffused, so-called white
light. Moreover, It will be possible to avoid
the transmission losses of difftised light
which did not hit the target at all. The over-
all efficiency between the energy input and
the amount of light received at the target
will be many times greater when laser beams
are used. The same is true in the propaga-
tion of thought: the penetration force of
well-defined "coherent" concepts is greater
than that of nebulous and diffused ones, and
the sum of these concepts will convey greater
meaning than generalized ideas can. The
'" See Evron M. Klrkpatrik, editor, "Target:
The World" (New York: Macmillan, 1956).
47-093 O — 6J
76 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
diflference, as in optics, is in employing a
metliod of transmission wliicli avoids ex-
cessive losses.
The importance of using a specific ap-
proach, clearly defined both as to content
and target area, is particularly great when
the amount of energy available for input and
the choice of objectives are limited. One of
the major shortcomings of advertising tech-
niques when applied to political persuasion
is the relatively indiscriminate character of
their appeal. The number of potential pur-
chasers of soap or cigarettes may almost co-
incide with the total population, but the
niunber of persons wielding political infiu-
ence does not. That is why the use of mass
appeal in foreign action Is doubly mis-
directed: it seldom affects the majority and
is likely to miss the vital minority.
A specialized organization with clearly de-
fined and limited objectives is better
equipped to reach its particular target —
those persons who are likely to be receptive
to the ideas which it propagates. Such an
approach may result ultimately in the estab-
lishment of close links between groups of
people in different countries. Societies for
International friendship in general founder
in a flood of pious declarations and cliches.
Associations for friendship between two na-
tions sometimes do better, though they also
tend to specialize in platitudes and lofty
speechmaking. But associations devoted to
promoting cooperation and friendly relations
between two nations in a specific field of
thought or action are more likely to achieve
tangible restUts. If they exist in sufficient
numbers, such operational and binational
organizations can accomplish, cumulatively,
far more than worldwide associations dedi-
cated to furthering the brotherhood of man.
If a small proportion of the economic aid
now given to foreign governments were chan-
neled through such bodies, the political
effectiveness of U.S. aid programs would be
vastly increased.
An organic communication system would
foster the establishment of a greater ntun-
ber of such specific links between well-
defined groups in different countries. As in
an atomic pile where no chain reaction oc-
curs until the niimber of neutrons emitted
reaches a critical level, so in a target area
undergoing psychological penetration the re-
action will not become self-svistaining until
the paths of the diverse and apparently ran-
dom messages begin to intersect each other
in sufficient niunbers. In the absence of
mathematical formulas dealing with the
prerequisites for a psychopolitical chain re-
action, we have to rely on empirical observa-
tion and a study of recorded cases. It is
clear, however, that by whatever method we
might measure it, the political radiation we
are now emitting is far from the level neces-
sary for starting a chain reaction.
USE OF EXISTING ORGANIZATIONS AND
PUBLICATIONS
Organizations carrying out programs com-
patible with an organic communication sys-
tem already exist, but the scale of their activ-
ities is too limited for an accurate evaluation
of results. Furthermore, they now operate
on a random, ad hoc basis; within the frame-
work of an organic system they would be
given specific missions.
A typical example of such an organization
is the Center for Christian Democratic Ac-
tion in New York, which endeavors to pro-
mote Christian Democracy in Latin America.
It is a private body, staffed by Americans,
Europeans and Latin Americans, and enjoy-
ing some support from American founda-
tions. Christian Democracy has the advan-
tage of being a genuine ideology with a posi-
tive content, rather than merely a reaction
against communism. It did not originate in
the United States, and is therefore free from
association with "Yanqui imperialism," but
it has behind it the authority of strong par-
ties in Western Europe. It also has the sup-
port of important sections of public opinion
in Latin America. Support given to Chris-
tian Democracy in Latin America may pro-
vide a better antidote to communism than
some openly pro-American activities. This
does not mean, however, that other deserving
movements should not also be encouraged.
If only one party were supported, it would
soon be labeled the "pro-American party,"
with all the adverse consequences of such a
designation. One of the weaknesses of a gov-
ernment agency is that its rigid policy lines
and its official character may make it difficult
to back simultaneously several movements
competitive with each other. Yet such ap-
parent inconsistency might be the wisest
course in some situations.
American labor organizations have already
entered the International field, endeavoring
to promote their ideology. One could
imagine the National Association of Manu-
facturers doing the same for the philosophy
of free enterprise, the American Bar Asso-
ciation for the rule of law, the American
Legion for cooperation with veterans, and so
on. The fact that the activities of these
private bodies might be overlapping and even
to some extent contradictory would not de-
tract from their effectiveness. On the con-
trary, the variety of viewpoints would reflect
the pluralistic nature of a free society,
while the consensus of all on basic issues
would illustrate the possibility of combining
free expression with national solidarity.
Such an approach, diametrically opposed to
the monolithic Communist method, would
convey the American message not only
through its actual content, but also through
the manner of its communication.
The director of an organic communication
system would use speciflc ideological pro-
grams, selected for their force of penetration
as well as their content, to create a mental
picture even as an artist uses pigments to
create a painting. Inevitably, such a picture
would become meaningful only in the overall
perspective. Its pattern would then emerge
from the apparently Jumbled Juxtaposition
of colors. Conventional conmiunlcatlon, on
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
77
March 18, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
the other hand, paints a single-color Image
in which the overall pattern Is constantly
repeated in miniatiire.
The presence in a foreign country of a
number of American-inspired communica-
tion organizations, each handling a separate
aspect of political, social, cultural or tech-
nical activity, and each pursuing its own
aims yet remaining in basic harmony with
the others, would be a most convincing scale-
model demonstration of the practical work-
ing of a free society. This accomplishment
could never be duplicated by the Commu-
nists, and that would be its most valuable
feattu-e.
We would commit a major error if we tried
to use Communist methods in reverse, merely
substituting white for black and vice versa.
The use of entirely original methods, reflect-
ing the character and way of life of the
United States, would place the Communists
on the defensive.
In military strategy there iS often thei
temptation to build a replica of the type of
force with which we are threatened, Instead
of concentrating on a type of force which
the enemy could not easily duplicate or
defend against. So in psychological warfare
the subconscious desire to match the opposi-
tion exactly in methods and tactics is al-
ways present. The greatest strength of the
United States in opposition to conununism
lies not — as is sometimes assumed — in its
superior material resources, but rather in the
ability of its people to work together in
harmony in the midst of many differences.
A visible demonstration of that capacity for
cooperation and for releasing individual ener-
gies within a diversified, flexible communica-
tion system, working through a variety of
channels for a broad conmion purpose, would
be more impressive to foreign observers than
mere declarations of principle.
An example of the efficiency of the organic
method of communication is provided by the
international editions of Reader's EWgest,
which supply an estimated 30 million readers
with material likely to strengthen their loyal-
ty to the West and open their eyes to the
deceptions of communism. It is possible that
the international editions of the Reader's
Digest, which cost the taxp>ayers nothing,
contribute as much to the understanding of
the American idea abroad as all the publica-
tions of the U.S. Government specifically de-
signed for foreign readers. Precisely becatise
it is not primarily a propaganda medium, the
Reader's Digest carries conviction and secures
paying readers.
Many other American periodicals could be
adapted for foreign readers merely by elimi-
nating subjects of purely domestic interest.
They could provide a communication mediimi
far superior to the pamphlets specially pro-
duced for that purpose. A system of sub-
sidies permitting leading magazines to put
out foreign editions would be less costly than
trying to produce special publications. The
identity of a well-established American pe-
riodical gives it an authority which a pro-
paganda pamphlet does not possess. The
Spanish editions of some American maga-
zines prove the feasibility of such operations.
One can only wonder why this has not already
been done on an adequate scale.
While it would be undesirable to try to
imitate Communist methods, any communi-
cation effort coxinteracting the Communist
offensive would have to match it in sheer
volume of operations.'^ International Com-
natmist front groups claim a membership
running into hundreds of millions; interna-
tional broadcasting originating in Commu-
nist countries totals 1,672 hours weekly; 29,-
736,000 copies of books In free world lan-
guages were published in the U.S.S.R. in 1954;
and Communist Parties in Western Etirope
alone claim a membership of over 3 million.'"
CONCLtJSIONS
The vast scale and diverse natiire of the
operations required rules out the single gov-
ernment agency approach. Experience has
demonstrated that Government bureaus be-
come unmanageable beyond a certain size
and that further increases in personnel fail
to produce a corresponding increase in use-
ful output. If, as has been suggested, the
single information agency were to become an
appendage of the State Department, confu-
sion would be further compoiinded.
The Government agency responsible for
directing the overall strategy of political
communication should be a supervisory, not
an operating," body. Its function would be
to set targets and offer some degree of guid-
ance, without attempting to perform the
actual task in the field. Such an agency,
whatever its status within the structure of
Government, should have a small staff of
senior experts, but no operating branches.
It would differ entirely in purpose and char-
acter from the USIA as it exists today and
it should not be associated with it, either
in personnel or in operational patterns.
Recognition of the inherent inability of
any governmental body to undertake certain
types of political action and transfer of this
work to organizations capable of doing so
would represent a real turning point in our
political communications procedure. The
point of contact between such organizations
and the Government would be narrow, but
vital. There is ample precedent for private
bodies receiving Government grants for the
performance of specific duties, such as re-
search or education. Once it is recognized
" One expert, George Gallup, had this to
say about the cost of an American psychologi-
cal warfare program: "Some years ago I had
suggested to a senatorial committee that $5
billion spent on today's tanks, guns and
battleships will make far less difference in
achieving ultimate victory over communism
than $5 billion appropriated for Ideological
warfare." "The Challenge of Ideological
Warfare," In "Propaganda and the Cold War,"
op. clt.
'' Kirkpatrick, op. cit.
78
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD— SENATE (pp. 5276-5281)
that international communication at the
long-range ideological level should not be
a function only of the Federal Government,
suitable ways and means of supporting it
will evolve, and the Government will still
have a large measure of control over the
recipients of such support.
An organic communication system such as
the one roughly sketched here is, by its very
nature, incompatible with crash programs.
It has to be built up gradually, starting in
the case of each project with an idea or a
definite objective, not with a readymade
organization. Since the individual projects,
by reason of their specialized nature, cannot
be very large, the overall effect can only be
attained by multiplying their number.
The effectiveness of such an approach will
not become evident until the sum of all the
individual endeavors reaches proportions
comparable to those of official operations in
the same sphere. Although no accurate
measurements are possible in this field, it
is clear that an organic system would give
a higher return on the investment of himaan
and material resources than an inert one.
Furthermore, the results of its operation are
more permanent and can become self-sus-
taining. Any communication effort without
a built-in capacity for self-propagation is
futile. In this respect, the organic system
might be compared to cloud-seeding oper-
ations which use a few pounds of silver
iodide to release thousands of tons of rain,
while the conventional method resembles a
project which sends up aircraft with tanks
full of water to sprinkle the countryside
with imitation showers.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 79
STATEMENT OF RESERVE OFFICERS ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED
STATES BY LT. COL. FLOYD OLES, U.S. ARMY RESERVE (RETIRED)
Colonel Oles. I am Colonel Oles. We have a statement which we
would like to have your permission to submit.
Mr. IcHORD. Do you want to present testimony in opposition ?
Colonel Oles. No, sir ; we would like to submit a statement for the
record.
Mr. IcHORD. You represent ?
Colonel Oles. The Reserve Officers Association.
Mr. IcHORD. If there be no objection permission is granted to in-
clude such statement in the record of the next hearings.^
Colonel Oles. Thank you, sir.
Mr. IcHORD. The committee is recessed until the call of the Chair.
(Wliereupon, at H :50 a.m., Thursday, April 1, 1965, the subcommit-
tee recessed to reconvene at the call of the Chair.)
1 See pp. 84, 85.
HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215,
H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700,
PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMIS-
SION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28, 1965
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington, D.C.
PUBLIC HEARINGS
The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Richard H. Ichord presiding.
(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou-
isiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Clawson,
of California.)
Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord and
Clawson.
Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; William
Hitz, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel.
Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order.
This meeting is a continuation of a hearing on the eight Freedom
Academy bills now pending before this committee. I believe last year
we had a total of 7 days' hearings on the bills, which hearings will be
regarded as a part of the record of this year.
So far this year we have had 2 days of hearings.
Mr. Director, what was the date of the last hearing on the Freedom
Academy bill ?
Mr. McNamara. About 3 weeks ago. I believe it was April 1 or 2,
I am not certain.
Mr. Ichord. Our first scheduled witness this morning was the ma-
jority whip, Mr. Boggs of Louisiana, who has introduced one of the
Ijills dealing with the Freedom Academy. It is my understanding that
Mr. Boggs will not be able to appear this morning before the commit-
tee. Another date will be arranged for him.
Before calling our witness today, I would like to place a number of
documents in the record.
STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN LEGION BY DANIEL J. O'CONNOR
Mr. Ichord. First, I would like to insert in the record a statement
in support of the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy con-
cept by Daniel J. O'Connor, chairman of the National Americanism
Commission of The American Legion.
81
82 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
This statement reiterates official American Legion support of the
Freedom Academy, first given in its name by Mr. O'Connor when he
testified at the hearings last year.
If there be no objection that will be placed in the record of the
hearings.
(Mr. O'Connor's statement follows:)
STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN LEGION BY DANIEL J. O'CONNOR
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee :
Inasmuch as testimony was submitted to your committee during the second
session of the 88th Congress on similar legislation and since the position of
The American Legion remains unchanged, we are submitting for the record the
statement which was made last year.
As the distinguished members of this committee know, The American Legion
has, since its very beginning, been cognizant of the Communist menace. In
fact, the militancy of Americanism expressed by the founders and early organ-
izers of the The American Legion drew such wrath from the advance guard
of communism in this country — the Industrial Workers of the World — that the
latter shot down, in cold blood, American Legionnaires marching in the first
Armistice Day parade in Centralia, Washington. That was in 1919, even as
the youug American Legion was perfecting its organization at its first National
Convention in Minneapolis, Minnesota, November 10-12, 1919.
Forty-five years ago the basic tenets of communism may have been generally
understood by a considerable portion of our population. Today, however, the
complexities of Communist plans and activities have grown to such proportions
that scarcely one in a thousand Americans has a mental grasp of Communist
machinations. Of course, all of us, through the news media of the Nation, are
familiar with the known Communist successes such as in Cuba, and elsewhere.
But how to thwart communistic encroachments, before the fact, is a problem
which we seem unable to solve.
While I feel certain the members of this committee recognize the long hard
fought battle which The American Legion has waged against communism since
the Centralia massacre, there can be no denial that there have been changes in
the techniques of political and psychological warfare. Centuries ago a question
was posed to the brilliant scholar, Francis Xavier, namely : "What doth it
profit a man if he gains the whole world and suffers the loss of his own soul?"
Might I paraphrase that question in pointing to the tremendous armed might
of our country, the greatest Nation on earth, and say, "What doth it profit the
United States of America to have the greatest atomic power for both peace and
war if the United States of America is robbed of its own soul?"
In the past 17 years millions have been encircled and their lives regimented
under the yoke of Moscow or Peiping because of a poison that has been adminis-
tered in slow, measured, but lethal doses to humankind, in all parts of the globe.
The incontrovertible but sad reality is that, without firing a single weapon, the
masters of Communist propaganda have been proliferate, not only in the Far East
but in our own hemisphere.
There is no committee of the Congress that has performed a greater public
service than the House Committee on Un-American Activities in marshaling the
various sources of information reflecting the pattern of infiltration, not only in
Latin America, Panama, and Cuba, but also within the confines of our own
geography. There is no task more painsitaking or more diflScult than the burden
shouldered by this committee in probing the influence of communism in our own
society. Your committee and staff labor under constant threat of liquidation,
not by members of the Communist Party alone, but by Americans who recognize
the congressional power of inquiry for every subject under the sun except the
expose of the Communist conspiracy. What I would like you to understand
and appreciate is that we in The American Legion who have consistently sup-
ported the creation of a Freedom Academy have al.so supported the duly con-
stituted committees of the Congress whose findings and publications serve to
spotlight the uncanny ag^essors for the minds of men.
In giving our wholehearted support for the creation of the Freedom Academy,
we cannot help but emphasize that the greatest care nuist be exercised that this
new beacon of liberty shall never become, in even the smallest part, a haven for
anyone who professes a belief in our way of life and yet performs brilliantly
for the proponents of world socialism.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 83
Lest you think for one moment that I have introduced a strange note amid
splendid testimony offered to your committee during the 88th Congress, 2nd
session, by the Honorable Hale Boggs, majority whip from Louisiana, Dr.
Lev E. Dobriansky, Georgetown University professor, and many other distin-
guished Americans, please understand that we in The American Legion share
the dismay and disappointment of many who believe the cold war has achieved
some measure of success in the United States.
We have also witnessed the replacement of a program dedicated to the men
of our armed forces on Veterans Day, 1962, with comment and appraisal by a
convicted perjurer passing judgment on the political fortunes of a man who
served as United States Senator and Vice President of the United States. While
the producers of the program are not accused of having Communist sympathies,
leftwing leanings, etc., there can be no question about the bad taste exercised
in that decision. Why do things like this happen? Why was America's fighting
man relegated to oblivion?
What is there on the American scene which causes the cancellation of a tribute
to the American fighting man and substitutes instead an attack on a war veteran
who held high public oflice by a perjurer who is given a television podium in a
vain effort to restore his respectability. This is only one example of the erosion
of patriotism. Only last week at a private school in East Williston, Long Island,
American boys and girls from upper middle class families refused to salute the
flag of the United States. No accusation is made against the faculty of the
school, but what has happened in the fabric of American education which causes
this debasement of our traditional salute to the flag and our love for that for
which it stands. Perhaps, the "cross-fertilization of ideas" pursued in a divi-
sion of research for the private sector of our society will, in the Freedom Acad-
emy, give some clue to the problem.
In my experience as a lawyer who handled the Security Risk Inquiry in the
City of New York, I feel that I can make a personal observation on this pro-
gram that terminated about 6 years ago. If it was shocking to learn that
engineers and others educated in our colleges and universities had joined the
apparatus of the Communist Party and their activities remained undetected ^'or
years, then is it not of paramount importance that the greatest possible security
measures be taken to insure against the i>ossibility of the Freedom Academy
itself being infiltrated by anyone tutored by the great masters of deceit? During
the 2nd session of the 88th Congress Congressman Boggs pointed out quite
properly that the work of the Freedom Academy in no way pre-empts the work
of the FBI or the CIA. He stated that what is intended is to "use affirmatively
of the great reservoir of talent that we have in the United States to show what
the free system and what a free society can do," but also remarked "I have no
preconceived notions of how this Academy should be set up." Concededly, how-
ever, this is a most important corollary to the passage of this legislation, namely,
the staffing of the Academy.
While The American Legion is deeply concerned about the competence of
Americans who officially represent the United States, both here and abroad, our
support of the Freedom Academy would also embrace the area of research for
the vast sector of Americans engaged in the war of ideas who are not on the
public payroll. We believe the many who are engaged in stemming the tide of
Communist propaganda which has poured into this country by the ton must be
encouraged, enlightened and strengthened. Finally, we commend the Freedom
Academy to your consideration. We believe its success will be measured by its
service to God and country in a recognition of the basic discipline and spiritual
values which have made the United States the greatest nation on earth.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman. I ask that the attached American Legion 1964
Convention Resolution, No. 270. be made a i>art of the record, following my
statement. In behalf of The American Legion, and myself personally, I thank
you for the opportunity of placing this statement in the record.
FoETY-SixTH Annual National Convention of the American Legion, Dallas,
Texas, Septembeb 22-24, 1964
Resolution No. 270.
Committee : Americanism.
Subject : The Freedom Academy.
Whereas, The United States is preparing to defend its national intere.sts in com-
ing years, faces grave and complex problems in the non-military as well as mili-
tary areas ; and
84 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Whereas, To further fortify and meet the preparation of that defense, there has
been introduced into the Senate of the United States by Senator Karl Mundt,
Senate Bill No. 414, designed to create the Freedom Commission and the Freedom
Academy, to conduct research to develop an integrated body of operational
knowledge in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organiza-
tional areas to increase the non-military capabilities of the United States in the
global struggle between freedom and Communism, to educate and train Govern-
ment personnel and private citizens to understand and implement this body of
knowledge and also to provide education and training for foreign students in
these areas of knowledge xinder appropriate conditions ; Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, By The American Legion in National Convention assembled in Dallas,
Texas, September 22-^, 1964, that we hereby announce our full and complete
agreement with the said Senate Bill No. 414 and urge its adoption by the Con-
gress of the United States.
STATEMENT OF RESERVE OFFICERS ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED
STATES BY LT. COL. FIOYDi OLES, U.S. ARMY RESERVE (RETIRED)
Mr. IcHORD. I would also like to insert in the record, a letter from
Mr. Floyd Oles, Lt. Colonel, U.S. Army (Retired) , expressing the sup-
port of the Reserve Officers Association of the United States for the
Freedom Academy concept. The Reserve Officers Association, which
has formally expressed its support of the Freedom Academy idea for a
number of years, also submitted a statement for inclusion in the record
of the 1964 hearings. If there be no objection the letter from Mr. Oles
will be placed in the record.
(Col. Oles' letter follows :)
Resebve Officers Association op the United States,
The Congressional Hotel,
SOO New Jersey Avenue 8E., Washington, B.C., 20003, April 8, 1965.
The Honorable Edwin E. Willis,
Chairman, Committee on Un-Am,erican Activities,
House of Representatives,
Washington, B.C.
Dear Sir : Permit me first to express the appreciation of our Association for
the privilege, granted by the Honorable Richard H. Ichord, as Chairman of your
subcommittee having under consideration the matter of a "Freedom Academy",
to present a statement in support of that proposal, as outlined in several bills
now under consideration by that subcommittee.
We submitted last year a copy of a resolution in support of the "Freedom Com-
mission Act", as adopted by our 34th National Convention in New York City on
July 1, 1960. That resolution appears on page 1420 of the hearings held in Feb-
ruary and in May last year. That resolution continues to be a mandate of our
Association, and has been re-aflSrmed in various succeeding national meetings
of the organization. In view of the different numbers of the bills now before
you, it has seemed to us best simply to re-affirm in principle our support for legis-
lation on this subject, as now before you.
It was my privilege to author the original resolution of our Association on
this subject, adopted at our National Convention held at Atlantic City, New
Jersey, in June of 1958. In general, the spirit and intent of that resolution is
embodied in the bills now before you. It is our desire to have your records show
that we are still, as we were in 1958, wholeheartedly in favor of the proposal to
create a "Freedom Academy" along the lines set forth in the current bills.
In our extended discussion on this subject at various national meetings it has
become clear that there are two primary reasons for our active support of this
legislation. First, we are convinced that such an establishment could go far to
correct the situation where this Nation seeks to counter professional propaganda
and subversion by the use of sporadic and amateur efforts. Secondly, and as
a corollary, it seems clear to us that, until we can develop the professional skills
which are the objective of the "Freedom Academy", we shall continue to be on
the defensive, rather than taking the offensive in a field where the facts of the
current world situation provide us ample support for an intelligently directed
"cold war" offensive. We feel that it is only by this means that we can substitute
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 85
positive action in this field for tlie l>elated and ineffectual reaction which has
been our only response thus far to the continuing Communist initiative in mat-
ters of propaganda and subversion.
We have listened with keen interest to the hearings conducted by your sub-
committee, and in particular to the very scholarly and well documented state-
ments made of late by Senator Mundt. We find ourselves heartily in agreement
with Senator Mundt and the others who are supporting him in this legislative
effort.
Since delay can only contribute further to our existing inferiority in this im-
portant field of "cold war" strategy, we would also urge that the subject matter
is something which calls for early and favorable action by your committee.
Permit us once more to thank you for the opportunity of submitting this
statement.
Very sincerely yours,
/s/ Floyd Oles,
Floyd Oles, Lt. Col. USAR-Ret,
Vice Chairman, Committee on Retirement.
Mr. IcHORD. Finally, the chairman of the committee, the Honorable
Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, who unfortunately found it impossible
to attend the hearings this morning, has asked me to read a statement
which he had prepared for today.
I will read the brief statement of the chairman of the full committee.
This is the statement by Mr. Willis :
I would also like to insert in the record at this point the
text of a document on existing Communist political warfare
schools which was prepared by the Department of State last
year at the request of the Committee on Un-American
Activities.
It is entitled A Survey of Sino-Soviet Bloc Political Train-
ing Establishment s for Free World Nationals.
The committee requested that the State Department fur-
nish it with a list of all such schools which, to the knowledge of
the Department, were then in operation and also an approxi-
mation of the number of graduates turned out by the schools
each year, the length of time they spent in the schools, the
countries or areas from which they are recruited, and any
other related data it could provide.
Because the content of this document will, I believe, be of
interest to the members of the committee who are here, to
the witnesses present, and all others in the hearing room,
I would like to summarize its contents briefly.
The very first paragraph reads as follows :
The Communist Parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc are currently giving
extensive training to Free World Communists in the operational doc-
trines, techniques, and major functional programs of political action
and political warfare. This training is a strategically important Bloc
"export," contributing to the promotion of revolution and attempts to
seize power throughout the world.
The next point made in the introduction to this study is
that the document cannot be considered exhaustive. Much
Comunist political warfare training, it points out, is carried
on secretly and there is, therefore, a very real pK)ssibility that
the Communists have successfully concealed "particularly
sensitive political training projects."
Furthermore, it is noted, the report contains no informa-
tion at all — for obvious reasons — about the Communists' most
carefully guarded aspect of political warfare training,
86 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
namely, that given by the intelligence services of the Com-
munist bloc to their agents.
The report also points out that it does not include informa-
tion on the extensive military training programs and the
paramilitary and guerrilla training projects provided by vari-
ous Communist governments. It notes that even guided tours
for cultural groups and sports enthusiasts are utilized for po-
litical purposes by the Communists and that all conventional
universities in Communist bloc countries are Marxist-Leninist
in orientation and thus utilized for political goals.
By spelling out these varied aspects of Communist cold war
operations and training which it does not cover, the report em-
phasizes the tremendous scope of Communist training in all
forms of nonmilitary techniques designed to subvert the free
world.
By way of summary, here are some of the high points in
the report :
There are at least seven schools of political warfare op-
erating in the Soviet Union, nine in East Germany, nine in
Cuba, four in Czechoslovakia, three in Hungary, and two in
Bulgaria. In addition, it is known that political warfare
schools exist in Communist China. The number, however, is
not known.
There are so-called Higher Party Schools in the Soviet
Union, Bulgaria, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany,
all of which have some foreign students.
The Higher Party School in the Soviet Union has about
1,500 students per year, about half of which come from other
nations and 300 of which are from the free world. The
courses vary in length from 1 year to 4 years.
There is an international school for non-bloc Communists
in the Soviet Union. It handles about 250 students a year.
They come from all over the world, the largest number from
Latin America. The courses they take vary from 6 months
to 2 years.
Red China has specialized in the training of Latin Amer-
ican and African Communists. From 1958 to 1961 it had a
very ambitious Latin American program. It is still train-
ing some Latin Americans, though not as many as in the
past. The training has included guerrilla warfare, and some
of it has been devoted exclusively to paramilitary activity.
The political warfare schools in Red China have stressed
clandestine party work and organizational work with mass
groups.
Peking has also run a special training course for Africans.
Students taking this course do not have to be party members.
In 1960, the course included not only political ideology, but
also guerrilla warfare and sabotage. Two thirds of the
course was devoted to training in weapons and military
strategy, the use of explosives, and sabotage tecliniques, and
one third was devoted to Communist ideology and how to
introduce Communist organizations and influence into rural
areas.
The Cuban picture is roughly as follows :
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 87
In 1961 there was an enrollment of approximately 18,830
students in political warfare schools in Cuba. In 1962 the
figure jumped to 36,487. There are Higher Party Schools,
plus a school for labor leaders, one for teachers, and one for
local security personnel. Five additional schools are dedi-
cated to the training of Communist leaders, functionaries,
and activists.
There are also provincial and basic schools and programs
for guerrilla warfare and paramilitary training. Students
from other Latin American countries study at these schools.
Their exact number, however, is not known.
Of special interest, I believe, is the fact that in the last
few years, according to this State Department document,
three special schools for journalists have been established
behind the Iron Curtain.
One, set up in 1961, is located in the Roztez Castle near
Prague, Czechoslovakia. It is called the Study Center of
the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists. Students include
Asians, Latin Americans, and Africans, with emphasis on
the latter. The speciality of this school is training personnel
to staff the national press agencies of African countries. The
third class to go through this school completed its 6 months'
course in May 1963. It included 30 students from six different
countries and brought to 50 the number of students trained
for Communist work in sub-Saharan and Arab Africa.
Another journalist school, called the School of Solidarity
for the Training of African Journalists, has been set up in
the East Berlin suburb of Buckow. The first formal class was
graduated from this school in November 1963. It included
20 young Africans from eight countries. In earlier, less
formal training during the years 1961 and 1962, 16 Africans
from eight different countries went through this school.
There is also a Communist political warfare school for
journalists in Hungary called the International Center for
the Training of Journalists. It is located in Budapest. Its
students include Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans.
The school is operated under the auspices of the International
Organization of Journalists, Moscow's worldwide Communist
front for newspaper people.
Many persons have been disturbed in the past few years
by the evidence of Communist influence in the rising revolu-
tionary tide in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The high-
lights of the State Department's report on Communist schools
of political warfare, which I have touched on, provide a
strong clue to the origins of this Communist influence. It
also indicates that the Communist bloc is doing everything
possible to widen and strengthen this influence, that we will
see additional evidence of it in the next few years, and that
it is time for the United States and other free nations to
recognize the increased Communist threat it faces in these
areas and to adopt firm measures to counter them.
If there be no objection from you other members of the committee
the report will be placed in toto in the record.
(The report follows:)
88 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
A Survey of Sino-Soviet Bloc Political Training
Establishments for Free World Nationals
The Communist Parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc are currently giving
extensive training to Free World Communists in the operational doctrines,
techniques, and major functional programs of political action and political
warfare. This training is a strategically important Bloc "export", con-
tributing to the promotion of revolution and attempts to seize power
throughout the world.
This tabulation of the main schools and programs obviously cannot
be considered exhaustive. On the one hand, since much of this training is
carried on secretly, there is no assurance that particularly sensitive political
training projects have not been successfully concealed. The miost carefully
guarded aspects of political warfare training--that given by the intelligence
services of the Bloc to their agent personnel--has not been considered at all,
for obvious reasons, in this survey.
On the other hand, the all-pervasive nature of the Communist approach
to indoctrination and political action training affects to varying degrees the
many varieties of nominally non-political education the Bloc states offer to
visitors and guests from abroad. Professional education in philosophy and
economics at conventional universities is obviously Marxist- Leninist in its
conclusions; but even guided tours for sports enthusiasts and cultural groups
are exploited to expose the amenable to ideas and precedents they may find
useful in pursuing political goals. Finally, the extensive military training
programs as well as the paramilitary and guerrilla training projects provided
by various Bloc governments are not included in this survey except in the case
of China.
The training described has been given since I960 in schools run by the
Communist Parties, by the Young Communist Leagues, by trade union, or
by youth organizations, and professional bodies such as the national journalist
associations. Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia all have been repre-
sented at these schools, by both Communist party members and non-members.
So far, the USSR and East Germany have been most energetic in building these
programs, with Czechoslovakia and Hungary next in line. China's role,
vigorous during the earlier period, is obviously in a period of change as a
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 89
result of the Sino-Soviet Dispute. The overall program is not static;
changes in program, and the development of new establishments are obviously
occurring constantly; and the interest displayed by the Communist parties in
deriving as much benefit as possible from these opportunities is still high.
90 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
CHINA
L. Party Indoctrination and Guerrilla Warfare Schools
a. For Latin American Communists
The CPC currently trains a limited number of Latin American
Communists each year, with the trainees apparently drawn almost
exclusively from pro-Chinese factions. For the time being the
number of Latin American Communist trainees going to China is
a mere trickle compared with the numbers who went during 1958-
1961, when the CPC maintained an ambitious and organized program
of training numerous Latin American Communists. The earlier
program tapered off in the course of the Sino-Soviet dispute.
The training is believed to be given in Peking.
The length of the average course for Latin American Communists
appears to be about three months, with additional time spent in
touring China.
The CPC training includes guerrilla warfare as well as political
indoctrination, with most Latin American Communists apparently
getting a combination of both. (In some special cases, however,
the training may be almost exclusively in paramilitary activity.)
The political indoctrination portion evidently includes the history
of the CPC and its ideological development, plus Marxist- Leninist
doctrine and how to put theory into practice. In the past the CPC
was known to stress clandestine party work, and organizational
work within different mass groups; these probably continue to
receive emphasis.
b. For Africans
A series of special training courses for Africans has been apparent.
So far these courses appear to be held at irregular intervals. For
the most part, the Africans who attend these special courses are
not CP members or even particularly knowledgeable of Communism
prior to the course.
The courses appear to last about 3-4 months.
The training does not all take place in Peking, but other location(s)
used are not firmly identifiable.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 91
The curriculum reported for a I960 course for Africans is
probably representative of subsequent training given to other
Africans. The training involved guerrilla warfare, sabotage,
and political ideology. About two-thirds of the course was
devoted to explosives, sabotage techniques, weapon training,
and military strategy. The final one-third of the training
focused on Communist ideology and the methods of introducing
Communist organizations and influence in rural areas.
Students from at least three African countries attended the
i960 course.
No information can be provided concerning specialized youth,
trade union, or other functional training establishments in China.
47-093 O— 65
92 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
USSR
1. Party Ideological Schools
a. Higher Party School of the CC/CPSU
Miusskaya Square 6, Moscow
As many as 1500 students in one year have been reported at
this school, although the average yearly enrollment may be
slightly smaller. Soviet trainees are believed to number
roughly one -half of the total student body.
In July I960, the school announced that 437 persons had
graduated that year, including a large number of party
officials from fraternal CPs in socialist countries. This
number is not believed to have included the free world
Communists who were graduated.
In the past, an estimated 300 free world Communists
attended the school each year. After the 1963 graduation,
however, it was reported that no free world Communists
would henceforth be enrolled at this school, and that
separate facilities had been created for them. (See school
b. , below. ) The Higher Party School is now said to be
used exclusively for Soviet and bloc CP trainees.
Regular courses run for periods of one, two, three and
even four years.
The curriculum stresses ideological training, including
such subjects as economics, philosophy, history of the
CPSU, party structure, economy of socialist countries,
and history of national liberation movements. Study of
the Russian language is also stressed.
Foreign students, adl of whom must be CP members, have
come from cdl areas of the world.
b. International school for non-bloc Communists {exact name unknown)
Moscow
Believed to have commenced operations in 1962
At least 250 students are believed to attend each year.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 93
Regular courses reportedly run for periods of six -months,
one year, and two years. Two six-months courses are
said to be given each school year, thus permitting more
students to receive training each year.
The curriculum stresses ideological training but is
apparently more realistic and specifically designed
for free world CP members than was the case at the
Higher Party School. Besides the Russian language,
subjects studied include history of the CPSU, philosophy,
political economy, and the theory and tactics of Communism.
In addition, each student reportedly studies the political
and economic situation of his ow^n country.
Students are all CP members and are said to be members
of non-bloc CPs only. CPs from all areas of the world
have sent trainees to this school. Communists from
Latin America are believed to have made up the largest
single area group thus far.
National group training school (no name known)
Believed located just outside Moscow
Established prior to I960
Upon occasion, a group of trainees from one CP only, or
from one country only, is enrolled in a separate training
establishment. This establishment is probably administered
by the Higher Party School. Apart from considerations of
secrecy, creation of this special facility appears inspired
by: (1) The development of CPSU projects that require
giving ideological training to an unusually large number of
trainees from one CP at a specified time; or (2) The necessity
to give special attention to inexperienced and unsophisticated
"emerging Comtnunists " from a developing country where
there is as yet no CP.
Illustrating the first case, during a four year period a
total of 100 members of one Latin American CP alone
reportedly received separate training. Their studies
included political economics, philosophy, history of the
CPSU, structure of the CPSU, international relations,
and history of the labor movement.
Illustrating the second case, these facilities were
reportedly used on one occasion for a group of about
30 Africans from one country. For over a year this
94 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
group received special political indoctrination and were
taught organizational techniques. Their poor academic
preparation reportedly was taJ<;en into account during the
course.
d. Regional party schools in USSR
(e. g. Tashkent, Baku)
There are a few reported cases of foreign Communists
being enrolled in regular courses at regional party
schools. In the reported cases, the foreign Communists
have been either Greek or Iranian nationals long resident
in the USSR.
2. Youth School of the Party
Central Komsomol School
Veshnyaki
Prospekt Oktyabrskiy
Moscow E. 402
Established prior to I960
This school is said to have a capacity for nearly
1,000 students. An estimated 300 foreign students,
including those from other bloc countries, appear to
be enrolled each year. No reliable statement of the
number of non-bloc trainees can be given.
Courses for foreigners generally run for either six-
months or twelve -months periods.
The curriculum provides what is virtually CP ideological
training. It includes the study of the history of the CPSU,
organization and work of the Komsomol, philosophy, political
economy, and the Russian language.
This school enrolls non-CP youths as well as members of
CP youth organizations; they receive their training together.
Hence, the foreign students include a significant number of
trainees from countries where no organized CP exists. In
1963, students from about 30 foreign countries were reported
at the school, with about 10 African countries represented.
All areas of the world sent students to the school.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 95
Trade Union schools
Trade Union School of the All -Union Central Council of
Trade Unions
Moscow
Established 1961
A course of about nine months is given for foreigners,
combining instruction in Marxist doctrine with training
in tactics to be employed in organizing and manipulating
trade unions.
The first class was made up entirely of Africans. Subsequent
classes, numbering as many as 100 each, have included,
along with Africans, a few students from Asia and numerous
Latin Americans. A class of this varied composition began
in 1963, with another scheduled for 1964.
Other groups of trainees have from time to time been sent
from overseas labor unions to the Soviet Union for less
formal training of a few weeks' duration.
96 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
BULGARIA
1. Party Ideological School
Higher Party School
Sofia
Established prior to I960
It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time
to time in this school.
Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides
similar ideological training.
2. Trade Union Schools
Georgi Dimitrov Trade Union School
(Caurses for foreigners have been given intermittently since I960)
A one-year course is currently being presented. A class began in
October 1963. Latin Americans are prominently included (including
four from Cuba). A previous class was composed chiefly of Africans.
Groups of trainees from the Arab countries have also been trained in
Bulgaria.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
97
CUBA
All ideological training within Cuba is organized and directed by the
governing party through the National Directorate of Revolutionary Instruction,
without the division of administrative responsibility already developed in the
Soviet Bloc systems. Organized principally for Cubans, these schools- -at
least the key ones--enroll students from other Latin American countries as well.
No estimate of the numbers of foreign students is possible at this time. The
total enrollment, in national, provincial, and basic schools, was 18, 830 in 1961
and 36,487 in 1962.
1. Key National "Schools of Revolutionary Instruction"- -1962
Name of School Students Courses
Duration
of courses
"Nico Lopez"- -
This school, intended
eventually to be equiva-
lent to bloc "Higher
Party School", currently
is supplemented by the
training of Cubans in
higher party schools
elsewhere.
64
8 months
"Carlos Rodriguez"--
School for national and
provincial labor leaders
105
5 months
"Juan Ronda"--
for defense committee
(local security auxiliary
force) members
210
3 months
d. "Ruben Bravo"--
for teachers
124
5 months
These key national schools are supplemented by five others that train
functionaries, leaders, and activists for smaller functional groups and for work
at the local level. Provincial and basic schools indoctrinate even larger groups
of Cubans. These national schools do not include the programs for paramilitary
and guerrilla training, in which some political indoctrination and training is
known to be given.
98 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
CZECHOSLOVAKIA
1. Party Ideological School
Higher Party School
Prague
Established prior to I960
It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time
to time in this school.
Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides
similar ideological training.
2. International Communist Seminar Facilities
Problems of Peace and Socialism (PPS) headquarters
Prague
The editorial board of the international Communist publication, PPS,
in Prague, sponsor s, sometimes in conjunction with the Czechoslovakia
party, international seminars on subjects of importance to all CPs.
Participants from many CPs have also prepared detailed written
contributions for use at these seminars. (Not all PPS- sponsored
seminars are held in Prague, but the majority take place there.)
The materials used are, once properly edited and compiled, published
and distributed for use throughout the world in ideological training.
Some 1962-1963 seminars were on the following subjects: Building a
United Anti-Imperialist Front; Socialist World System and the National
Liberation Movement; Communists and Democracy; and Present
Stage of the National Liberation Movement of the Arab Peoples.
Trade Union Schools
Central School of the Trade Union Federation (ROH) of Czechoslovakia
Near Prague
Course for foreign students established 1961
The first class for foreign students conisted of 25 from ten African
and two Asian countries. The curriculum covered, in five weeks, the
main phases of Communist theory and its application in practical
terms to the developing countries, Subsequent classes have included,
along with Africans, participants from Arab countries and from Latin
America.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 99
4. Journalist Training
Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists
Roztez Castle (near Prague)
1961
At this location and elsewhere in Czechoslovakia training has been
given, both in organized courses and through individual instruction,
to young Latin Americans, Asians, and especially Africans. It is
carried out largely through the Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK).
A specialty has been the training of persons to staff new national press
agencies in the African countries. The third class completed a six
months course in May 1963. It was made up of some thirty students
from six countries. This class brought to a total of fifty the number of
journalists trained to work in sub-Saharan and Arab Africa.
The Czech Union of Journalists, in conjunction with the International
Organization of Journalists (which also has its headquarters in Prague),
has sponsored similar training of young Latin Americans on "scholar-
ships" awarded for extended visits in Czechoslovakia. Details are not
available.
100 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
EAST GERMANY
1. Party Ideological Schools
a. Karl Marx School of the SED
East Berlin
Established prior to I960
It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from
time to time in this school.
Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides
similar ideological training.
b. School facilities provided to other CPs
Bad Doberan, Greifswald, Rostock, Wismar, Oderberg
Established prior to I960
At the above locations the SED is reported to provide assistance
and facilities for the party training of Communists from severed
other CPs, from principally those of Scandinavia. The program
•• for the Nordic parties, which appears to take place chiefly at the
first three locations above, is a continuing and regular venture.
The use of facilities in East Germany is dictated in part at
least by the belief that the students can thus be trained under
more secure conditions.
Literally hundreds of foreign CP members have received
training in these schools. A class of 30-50 from one CP is
not unusual. There is no known mixing of students from different
CPs.
The length of the courses is usually described as ranging from a
few weeks to a few months (one of four months was reported).
Often the schooling is given during the "vacations" of the CP
members.
As part of the curriculum, SED instructors may lecture on the
building of socialism in East Germany. Otherwise, the subjects
taught are handled by instructors from the particular foreign
CP. Subjects reportedly include political economy, problems
of the workers' movement, and "party questions."
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 101
2. Youth School of the Party
Wilhelm Pieck Youth Academy
Bernau am Bogensee
(near East Berlin)
Established prior to I960
Over 100 free world students appear to be enrolled each year.
Courses for foreigners generally run for either six-naonths
or twelve-months periods.
Like the CPSU's Komsomol school, the curriculum provides
what is virtually CP ideological training. It includes the
study of Marxism-Leninism, political economy, history of the
CPSU, history of the German workers' movement, youth work
of the Free German Youth and Young Pioneers, and history of
the international labor movement.
The school enrolls non-CP youths as well as members of CP
youth organizations. Students come from all areas of the
world,
3. Trade Union Schooling
Fritz Heckert Academy of the Free German Federation of Trade
Unions (Institute for Foreign Students)
Bernau (near East Berlin)
Established prior to I960
Trainees have been accepted from Asia, Africa, and Latin
America, both for lengthy periods (upwards of one year) and for
briefer courses of a few weeks. As many as 175 have been
trained in a single year for activity in labor organizations in
Africa alone.
4. Journedist Training
School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists
Buckow (suburb of East Berlin)
Established November 1963
The first class at the new school consisted of some twenty young
Africans from at least eight countries who were given a month's
training in preparation for journalistic activity in their home
countrie s.
102 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSIOX
This institution is directed by the Union of German Journalists,
which has previously, on a less formally organized basis,
provided training for Africans. Within a twelve-month span
in 1961-62, sixteen Africans from eight countries were trained
for periods of six to eight months.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 103
HUNGARY
1. Party Ideological Schooling
No information of enrollment of foreign Communists in
the Hungarian party school system is available.
2. Trade Union Schools
Trade Union School of the General Council of Hungarian Trade
Unions
Budapest
Established before I960
In addition to class instruction on theoretical and practical
topics presented to trainees from a number of the less developed
lands, a specialty has been to provide periods of observation
and on-the-job training in Hungarian industries to further the
career of invited foreign unionists.
3. Journalist Training
International Center for the Training of Journalists
Budapest
Established 1963
Under the auspices of the International Organization of
Journalists (the international Communist front centered in
Czechoslovakia) preparations were under way throughout 1963
for the opening of the school (including construction of a
special building for instruction and for residential purposes)
late in the year. Students were to come from Asia, Africa,
and Latin America.
104 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
NORTH KOREA
1. Party Ideological Schooling
"Radio College of Marxism-Leninism"
Radio Pyongyang
A course in Marxism- Leninism is beamed to South Korea.
According to an overt announcement, "Through a systematic
study of lectures provided by the college, a person will
acquire an education equivalent to that provided by one year
courses in the Communist Institute in North Korea."
Inaugurated in the spring of 1962, the course is specifically
designed for a South Korean audience.
The announced subjects of the course are philosophy, political
economics, scientific Communism, DPRK constitution,
Korean history, history of the Korean Workers Party, and
current political situations.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 105
Mr. IcHORD. The first witness for today then will be Mr. Arthur
Meyerhoff. Is Mr. Meyerhoff present? You may be seated, Mr.
Meyerhojff.
The chairman of the committee, I might say to you, a few days ago
received a letter from a former member of the Congress, the Honorable
Clinton D. McKinnon, requesting that this committee give favorable
consideration to your testimony. In his letter he referred to your
deep concern about the Communist problem and mentioned the fact
that after addressing the San Diego Rotary Club of 350 members a
few weeks ago you received one of the greatest ovations the club has
ever given a speaker.
The chairman has asked that I make this letter a part of the hearing
record, and if there be no objection it will be made a part of the record.
It reads as follows :
Honorable Edwin E. Willis,
House OflSee Building,
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr. Congressman :
You may recall me as the Democratic Congressman from San Diego who
entered the House for the 81st Congress — both of us "freshmen" together.
I am writing to ask your favorable consideration of the testimony Arthur
Meyerhoff will give your Un-American Activities Committee this coming Wednes-
day, April 28th.
Mr. Meyerhoff is one of the highly respected persons in the advertising profes-
sion and, like many another businessman, is deeply concerned about this coun-
try's failure to measure up to the Commies in propaganda warfare.
Mr. Meyerhoff talked on this subject before our San Diego Rotary Club of 350
members a few weeks back and received one of the greatest ovations this club
has ever given a speaker.
I am hopeful that what he advocates will make sense to you and your com-
mittee, for we appear to be losing out to the Commies in our "idea" warfare and
a change is certainly indicated.
I hope things are well with you.
Cordially,
/s/Clint
Clinton D. McKinnon.
Mr. Meyerhoff, I know you are the author of The Strategy of Per-
suasion^ the Use of Advertising Skills in Fighting the Cold War. I
might point out that this book has an afterword by our distinguished
colleague. Representative Dante B. Fascell, chairman of the Subcom-
mittee on International Organizations and Movements of the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Meyerhoff since 1941 has been president of the international
advertising firm of Arthur Meyerhoff Associates, Incorporated, of
Chicago, Illinois. It is a pleasure, Mr. Meyerhoff, to have you with
the committee today and the Chair will now recognize you for your
testimony,
STATEMENT OF ARTHUR E. MEYERHOFF
Mr. Meyerhoff. Thank you. I am very pleased with Mr. McKin-
non's letter because I am not a professional speechmaker. The talk
at San Diego was the fourth speech I have made in my 33 years in the
advertising business.
Mr. Chairman and Committee Members: My name is Arthur E.
Meyerhoff. I am the executive head of Arthur Meyerhoff Associates,
Inc., an advertising agency established in 1932. We represent national
106 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
accounts with offices in Chicago ; Toronto and Montreal, Canada ; and
Zurich, Switzerland.
When it was first suggested that I appear before this committee,
I was reluctant to do so because the field of my studies and activities
did not seem to qualify me to speak with authority on the work of the
Un-American Activities Committee as I understand it to be.
However, when I was informed that my appearance had to do with
the hearings on a bill to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom
Academy, and I subsequently studied the reports of previous hearings
on the bill, I realized that it came within the scope of what I had been
working on for the past 20 years.
I think it is important for this committee to hear the results of my
experience and research, which have to do with :
1) an analysis of the skills with which the Communists are fight-
ing the propaganda war against the free world ;
2) what skills we as a nation are using to counter that war ;
3) the reluctance on the part of our State Department and the
United States Information Agency to take a more dynamic approach
to offset the worldwide Communist propaganda offensive against the
United States and the free world ;
4) the resources we have in the United States to effectively fight
the Communist propaganda offensive.
While I wish to speak in support of bill H.R. 2eS79, I believe there
are other immediate steps that we must take to stop the progress of
the Communist propaganda offensive, making use of the skilled practi-
tioners who already exist in the United States. These people have the
special qualifications to understand the methods and technical skills
behind the Communists' propaganda war, and they have the tools to
help turn the tide of battle in our favor.
People in our State Department and our United States Information
Agency, whose background and outlook eminently qualify them to
deal with people on a person-to-person diplomatic level, aiming pri-
marily at people of their own intellectual level, or what they refer to
as the opinion leaders, seem to have no qualifications for, and little
understanding of, the modern techniques of persuading a mass of
people to accept an idea.
Their experience doesn't include the possibility that diplomats and
opinion leaders can, in some instances, be motivated by a direct appeal
from the masses, which, in turn, may help them to more easily achieve
their diplomatic objectives.
Certainly, the appeals to large numbers of people through the
masses require a completely different orientation than those skills
required in diplomacy.
Our peaceful intentions, our humanitarian acts, and our desires
for self-determination for peoples of the world should speak for them-
selves. Normally, our country should have no need for external
propaganda, but we have a competitor that is poisoning the minds
of people all over the world, using the very selling skills that were
actually developed by the advertising, merchandising, and selling
professions in the United States.
Mr. IcHORD. At that point, Mr. Meyerhoff, how do you analogize the
propaganda tactics of the Communists over the world to advertising
techniques used here in the United States ?
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 107
Mr. Meyerhoff. How do they use those techniques ?
Mr. IcHORD. Yes. How are they similar?
Mr. Meyerhoff. I point out some of those as I go along. One par-
ticular technique is the use of repetition. We in advertising don't
say a thing once to get an idea over ; we say it over and over again.
The same is true of Communists. For a number of years they have
used this same theme : "We are the people's democracy. America is
the imperialist," and they say that so often that I think they have
a lot of people believing that and echoing that point of view.
Another similarity is in the research techniques. Inst-ead of speak-
ing in the context of their own experience, the Communists research
the group they are working on, to learn their aims and hopes and
aspirations, and address their messages and their propaganda to the
self-interest of the people they are trying to persuade.
This is precisely what we do in the advertising business.
Mr. IcHORD. In other words, thev study the people where they are
directing the propaganda. One selling technique might work in one
country and another selling technique in another.
Mr. Meyerhoff., That is correct. I don't believe there is any three-
or five-point program for solving all our propaganda problems all
over the world. It depends, for example, on what has been said by
our major competitor in each particular country. It depends on their
experiences, their hopes, their needs, and how we relate to their
security.
Have I answered your question ?
Mr. IcHORD. Yes, sir.
Mr. Meyerhoff. We must face this fact : If our Government were
doing an adequate job of combating the Communist propaganda as-
saults against us, there would be no need for a Freedom Commission
and Freedom Academy outside of the State Department and the
United States Information Agency.
Because of the State Department's failure to come to grips with the
problems which the Academy would attack, I also strongly urge this
committee to reject the State Department's request that any academy
of this type come under their immediate direction.
The resistance that the bills to create a Freedom Commission and
Freedom Academy are facing now, and will face in the future, is the
same resistance which I, and many leaders in our industry, have faced
in the past in trying to get our Government information agencies to
use the professional skills of people trained in the arts of persuasion
to fight the propaganda offensive.
This resistance does not, as some people in our country believe, come
from sinister forces in our Government that are on the side of the
Communists. Wherever I speak, people ask me if there are people
in our State Department who are influenced by the Communists. I
hasten to tell them that I don't believe so.
My studies indicate that this resistance stems partly from the antip-
athy that the intellectual elite in general have for anything involving
selling, advertising, and public relations.
I recently received a letter from a news correspondent with broad
experience in Government and educational circles. He said, in part,
''I dislike the word *sell' almost as much as 'advertising.' For many
47-093 0—65 8
108 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
reasons, they have built up a connotation, no matter how unfair, of
charlatanism."
Because of my background and studies, I believe I can give you an
analysis that may not only help this committee to imderstand the
resistance the bill is meeting, but may give those who are opposed
something to consider which may possibly change their point of view.
An imderstanding of this resistance may save this bill from meeting
the same fate that other similar efforts have met.
During much of my career I have had what amounts to an avoca-
tion in applying the skills of selling and advertising to public service
causes, working with schools, hospitals, and charitable organizations
on a voluntary basis to increase enrollment or win public support.
In addition, during World War II one of our clients devoted an
important part of his advertising budget to helping various Govern-
ment services involved in the war to bring to the people of the United
States the story of the contribution of these sendees in the war effort.
Our client, who was extremely public spiritedj noticing the lack of
miderstanding of selling and advertising techniques in Grovernment
agencies, felt that his stake in the war effort was to help the Govern-
ment services to do a better job of presenting their story to the Amer-
ican public by using the same skills of selling and advertising that were
responsible for the success of his business.
I supervised much of the liaison between our client and the various
Government services, and at one time our organization was working
with the Army, the Navy, the Manpower Commission, the Maritime
Sei"vice, the Office of War Information, and the Treasury Department,
as well as other services.
Based on our procedures, we researched and examined the important
objectives these services told us they were trying to achieve in gaining
public support. We then, in cooperation with our client, planned pro-
grams to accomplish their goals.
In our work with public service organizations and Government over
20 years' time, the people we dealt with — whether they were Army
officers, educators, public-minded citizens, or Government officials —
were in the beginning almost, always entirely resistant and fearful of
working with anyone who used a selling or advertising vocabulary.
I think you could compare the situation to the image that some
people have of the Un-American Activities Committee: it was not
what we might have been able to do that frightened them, it was their
preconceived notions of what we represented. We were "hucksters,"
"hidden persuaders," "Madison Avenue boys"; all terms created by
journalists, novelists, and the movie industry. I found that when we
avoided the terminology often associated with advertising — words
such as "persuade," "hard sell," "promotion" — it was easier to gain
their confidence.
There is definitely a strong resistance in higher educational circles
to the techniques of selling, advertising, public relations, or any
method which attempts to "pereuade." It is the academic theory that
people sliould be intellectually cliallenged and should be able to get the
truth by themselves.
They fail to realize tliat the masses of people believe a great deal of
what tliey hear, right or wrong, particularly when it is repeated to
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 109
them over and over again. We in advertising know we must repeat a
message over and over in order to get people to take action.
To give you some further evidence of the academic resistance to sell-
ing techniques, results of a survey on the opinions of college men and
their grasp of the functions of advertising and selling brought out
some of the following results : Three fourths of the male college stu-
dents questioned thought that selling at best was a job, at worst a
racket.
The biggest student objection to sales work is that it is "forcing
people to buy things they don't need." A Yale student said of selling
that it is both too frustrating and prostituting.
An Oregon youngster, w^ho was trying to be openminded, came up
with the statement that he wouldn't mind selling a product of "pro-
fomid significance to the consumer." But he had never found such a
product.
Mr. IcHORD. The image of you in the advertising field is almost as
bad as in the politician field.
Mr. Meyerhoff. Not as bad. We are not heckled as publicly to the
great extent that politicians are.
Ted Repplier of the Advertising Council, in a talk at a luncheon
of the leaders of education in New York City, urged the educators :
"Please understand me; I am not suggesting tliat educators cease
criticizing advertising, but merely that they be fair and specific.
Neither am I defending all advertising, although perhaps 95 percent
of advertising offends no one. Ninety-five percent, by the way, is not
perfect, but it is not bad. Some might question whether the actions of
less publicized professions like law and medicine would score any high-
er. But, for heaven's sake, when criticizing advertising, may we not
have some of that fine objectivity for which educators are famous?"
Incidentally, I have noted some recent relaxation outside of Gov-
ernment of the attitude against selling and advertising, on the part
of several outstanding educators. For example, I had quoted Kaphael
Demos, a world-renowned philosopher, formerly of Harvard and
presently at Vanderbilt ITnivei-sity, as having warned a Radcliffe
graduating class that they'd be assailed by the spellbinders and
"tempted by the magnetic voices of the demagogues and fanatics" of
advertising once they w^ere outside the protection of their college.
In a recent letter from Professor Demos, he said, in part :
Advertising fulfills a need in our society ; it awakes, arouses, even creates
wants in the hearts of the public ; in this way, our economy becomes an expand-
ing one. We need what we want, and we want what we imagine; advertising
enlarges our imagination.
Many of the people in our State Department and the U.S. Informa-
tion Agency have not emerged from the rarified atmosphere of the
academic world and still cling to antagonistic theories and attitudes
toward selling, advertising, or any method designed to persuade the
masses.
No wonder they resist taking an active role in doing what should
be their number-one job — selling freedom to the world. Any effort
to convey ideas to people through selling skills represents "indoctrina-
tion" or "brainwashing" to them. I think this committee heard this
point of view expressed during the testimony of Mr. Averell Harri-
man. Several times he referred to "indoctrination" and "brain-
washing."
110 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
In trying- to understand the strong opposition to the selling point
of view and to the opjwsition to the Freedom Academy bill, I have
come across an additional concept that is held by Government leaders,
namely, that freedom in and of itself is in the order of a self-evident
truth which is self-motivating and self-perpetuating.
Therefore, in the name of freedom all manner of negative, as well
as small percentages of positive, news can be freely communicated
to uncommitted nations on the assumption that this "breath of fresh
air" will, as if by magic, turn a confused mind in our direction.
The recognition that freedom as a concept must be sold in its own
way does not enter their minds; therefore, to propose an aggressive,
professional sales campaign runs contrary to the basic philosophical
beliefs of many people who create policy in Government circles.
The idea that there is something reprehensible about selling has
taken on in their minds the characteristics of what one might call a
religion. Yet, if we examine the history of our democratic truths,
which we hold to be self-evident or accepted as revelation, it is easy
to see that at one time they were disseminated as selling messages,
in the strict sense of the word, and repeated over and over again —
otherwise they would never have been accepted. "Indoctrination,
brainwashing" if you want to call it that.
Academic people often see advertising as a gaudy page in the news-
paper or an irritating interruption in a favorite television program.
They think only of the high-pressure magazine salesman who wedges
his foot in their door or of the Hollywood version of the obnoxious
publicity man. They don't understand that persuasion can be subtle
or pleasing or lofty in purpose. They don't understand that advertis-
ing of some breed or shade is being practiced all the time by all peo-
ple, in all media, and for all purposes.
A little freedom symbol painted on the side of a stone wall can be
a sales message or an advertisement, too.
The question which prompted me to spend 5 years in researching and
writing my book, The Strategy of Persuasion^ is the same question, it
seems to me, that motivated the many people who worked on the vari-
ous bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy.
It is the same question more and more Americans are asking every
day. While that question is being stated in various ways, essentially
it is, "What is wrong with the way we are being interpreted abroad?"
Many leaders inside Government have been asking this same question.
WTien Robert Kennedy returned from a visit to 14 nations he wrote :
The amount of misinformation, as well as lack of information, about the
United States and our system of government is appalling.
The Communist propaganda machine constantly si>ew's out its facts and figures
and its version of how to solve the problems of the world.
Mr. Kennedy continued :
No one comes forward with an explanation of the modem-day United States ;
no one counters with the fact that modem-day colonialism is tied to Communism,
not capitalism. No one is there to talk about Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary,
Poland, Tibet, or East Berlin. No one is prepared to counter the Communists'
arguments.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 111
Our President, as Vice President, came back in 1961 from, a good-
will tour of several countries and made this observation :
The United States has not sold itself to the world. A nation that knows how
to popularize corn flakes and luxury automobiles ought to be able to tell the world
the simple truth about what it is doing, and why it is doing it.
That statement suggests that the methods and people who did pop-
ularize corn flakes and luxury automobiles and a lot of other things
could apply their knowledge and methods to making the truth about
the United States better known and better understood.
Over the years, whenever a leader in our industry has spoken out
about Government using the skilled people and methods of advertising
to help turn the tide in the propaganda battle, the same statement has
been heard from our Government information agencies — that you can-
not sell Government ideas the way you sell soap flakes.
This has not been confined to one administration. It has persisted
for the past 20 years, as far as I can tell.
This statement was recently reiterated by a spokesman for the
United States Information Agency. The statement, in part, said :
The advertising industry is a skilled and effective force in the American
marketplace, but I hasten to say it is a naive person who assumes that if a
man is a top salesman of soap and deodorant he is automatically an expert
in selling ideas or political outlook.
Well, of course, you don't sell ideas the way you sell soap and
deodorant. Neither do you sell Cadillac cars the way you sell soap.
Inherent in the product is the means for selling that product. A good
salesman adjusts his technique to the product or idea and the people
he is trying to persuade and sell.
The reference to soap and deodorant, by the way, showed a deep-
seated resentment toward selling. There are many of the neces-
sities of life that are sold through advertising; it isn't all soap
and deodorant.
The important thing is that advertising men make their living by
finding out how to reach people and developing the right words
or symbols to get them to act in a predictable way.
Why do we buy one brand of cigarettes rather than another? With
our eyes shut we probably can't tell one cigarette from another. But
we live by symbols. Some catch phrase, some familiar melody, some
glimpse of a cowboy in God's country — and we are impelled to buy
a particular cigarette.
My research indicates there is no one in a responsible position in
the United States Information Agency with training and experience
in the "arts of persuasion" as practiced in the United States. Tliis
agency is long on information and short on persuasion.
With their background in journalism, education, and foreign af-
fairs, it is easy to understand why officials of USIA concentrate on
information centers, lending libraries; printing and distributing
magazines; and engaging in activities designed to improve the cul-
tures of people; but they have not designed these activities to present
a direct, convincing story that will bring masses of people to the side
of the free world.
Incidentally, in speaking of our overseas libraries with books in
English that are aimed at improving the culture of peoples rather
than presenting a direct story that will make them favorable to us.
112 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
I would like to say that libraries have an extremely limited appeal
in countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, Egypt, South Vietnam, and
elsewhere, where they were burned recently.
A statement recently issued by the USIA said that the libraries
act as a lightning rod — a safety valve — and if they weren't avail-
able in some countries, the organizers of these anti-American demon-
strations probably would direct their mobs to move against private
U.S. interests in their midst — a rather novel use for the expensive
libraries that we have established overseas. This explanation appears
to me to be a little farfetched in justifying our present sterile propa-
ganda approach.
USIA's most noteworthy activity is to tell the truth of what goes
on in the United States through its own news facilities. Of course,
the truth of what goes on in the United States — as you and I know
it — has far more to offer to the world than Russia or Cuba or Red
China can offer.
In spite of our problems, no rational man would exchange our way
of life for that of the man behind the Iron Curtain. And yet, there
is a fallacy in the USIA approach. This approach has put the United
States Information Agency, a Government agency, into the news busi-
ness, a function that is contrary to the principles of a democratic
society.
USIA explains that by broadcasting the news of what goes on in
the United States, good or bad, people will eventually realize that we
tell the truth, and our messages will be believed. Unfortunately,
the news does not always reflect the truth of what goes on in our coun-
try as a whole.
In fact, we know that the events which make the headlines are the
events that are unusual. That's why they are in the headlines. If
riots and scandals were common occurrences, they would not be given
such heavy coverage.
When we hear of unusual or newsworthy events, we automatically
relate them to what is normal and familiar. People overseas, who
know virtually nothing about life in the United States, cannot do this.
They accept the events they hear about as being typical or common-
place, and anyone who has entertained a visitor from overseas has
had that fact brought home to him.
And yet we have the spectacle of the USIA — an official Government
agency — broadcasting day after day throughout the world news of
crime and scandal in the United States. Yes, these unpleasant events
do happen, but do they represent the real United States that you
and I know ? I don't think they do.
The things we hear on the air and read about in newspapers are
unusual. That's why they are "news."
There are many more law-abiding citizens than there are lawbreak-
ers. There are infinitely more responsible teenagers than wild or
delinquent teenagers. I think that is being demonstrated on the
Mississippi River today, the way those kids are working on the dikes to
stem the floods. There are more enduring marriages than divorces.
But none of that is news.
It is a sad fact that the truth is not usually news. And news does
not necessarily reflect the truth.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 113
The constructive things about our society and what it represents are
not newsworthy and can be completely overshadowed by the violence
in the daily headlines.
The problem is magnified in other nations, where the Communists
add their own distorted version of what goes on in the United States.
How many people stop to think that the reason they don't hear very
much sensational news about the Communist nations is not that mur-
ders, divorces, and riots don't happen there, but that they are rarely
reported ?
By contrast, we look pretty bad. The true contrast — the contrast
of a free press versus a totalitarian press — is lost in the mass of head-
lines.
I have been advocating that our Government get out of the news
business and get into the selling business, that is, USIA should no
longer attempt to cover the news for the people of the world. This
vital function is best left in the hands of the free press of the world,
the nongovernmental commercial news services that completely serve
the free world.
Wliere this commercial news is not available — as behind the Iron
Curtain — our Voice of America is not an able substitute. What news
does get through the jamming is neutralized by incessant hostile pro-
paganda. And for those behind the Iron Curtain who do want news
of the free world, there are Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty —
both privately operated broadcasting operations that are, by some re-
ports, more effective than Voice of America.
Through the Voice of America, USIA broadcasts programs, some of
which are so erudite and dull that I'm sure they attract only a tiny
fraction of their potential audience. Here are some titles of Voice
of America scripts: National Institute of Arts and Letters, Eugene
O'Neill : Part I, Earthquakes : Cause and Effect, and one called Dead
Horse, the Featherbed and Unwork.
The last one is a discussion of useless w^ork in our society of super-
abundance. I wonder how impressive that subject is to those nations
where the big problem is how to stay alive from day to day.
Creative programming on the Voice of America designed to reach
the largest possible audience with effective messages woven into the
broadcast schedule on a dspy-in-day-out basis can bring many more mil-
lions to our side.
The entertainment industry and the advertising industry working
together as they do in the United States have proven that they have
the know-how to get results.
Many people don't realize that a propaganda offensive can pack the
lethal power of a python — and can coil and choke just as effectively,
too. Now, everybody understands the weapons threat — that a 50-
megaton bomb can knock the hell out of a city, and a 1000-megaton
bomb will knock hell out of a county. But they don't understand that
a megaton of propoganda can knock the resistance out of a continent —
or of the world itself.
In 1917 Lenin invented a slogan : Peace, Land, Bread. That's all —
three lovely words — and then repetition did the trick. That slogan
was to be more effective than the whole Russian Army. An old United
States advertising technique was getting a potent new application.
114 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Lenin saw, as some of our brilliant leaders even today do not see,
that if you control the minds of men it doesn't matter who controls
the guns. And so, Russia has had an enormous jump on us in the strat-
egy of political persuasion.
The Communists may threaten the free world with their weapons,
but I believe that we have more to fear from the psychological devices
they are using in the war of words. It will be this war that will even-
tually decide whether communism will rule the world, or will wither
and die.
While we congratulate ourselves on having achieved a lull in the
cold war in the West, the long-range Communist propaganda war goes
on full force. Treaties, trade agreements, and cultural exchanges be-
come propaganda weapons for them.
I would like to have you look at some of the papers that many col-
leges throughout the United States are getting. Each one of them has
in it the inevitable propaganda statements downgrading the United
States and praising the Communist world. The publications are cir-
culated openly through our mails.
I ask you to look at a recent issue of Ameryka^ a USIA production,
written in Polish for distribution in Poland, with 35 pages of news
and dramatic pictures devoted to our race riots. It does give the history
of the civil rights movement, with an attempt to tell the story of
freedom in academic detail.
But the dramatic pictures and the colorful language used to describe
the "oppressed peoples" throughout America overshadow the explana-
tion, and I am sure that the overall impression from this article is that
America is torn by strife. Consider its impact — a Government produc-
tion. How the Reds must love this ammunition we give them.
Now, would it have been so unethical to feature a 35-page illustrated
article about our fine Polish-American citizens in America enjoying
the fruits of freedom rather than to emphasize this material ?
I would like to, if I may, just show you this magazine.
Mr. IcHORD. Could you leave that with the committee, Mr. Meyer-
hoff ?
Mr. Meyerhoff. Yes, sir, I will. Here is a picture of the march on
Washington. The very picture demonstrates the freedom of our
country. The country where this magazine was sold is not free. But
the words that stand out in this article are, "We seek freedom in 1963."
Mr. Clawson. Mr. Meyerhoff, what was the distribution? How
many were circulated ?
Mr. Meyerhoff. As I understand it, it is about 30,000, and they are
sold on the basis of an exchange program with the Communists. They
publish a counterpart of that magazine in this country and, from what
I have seen of the Communist counterpart, they are doing one heck of
a selling job.
Mr. IcHORD. Your idea is it would be very easy for the Communists
to come in behind an article such as this and sell the idea that no one
has freedom in the United States?
Mr. Meyerhoff. It would be very simple. They have the material
right there to work with. It is true that the magazine has quite limited
distribution. It is true that it does tell the story of freedom. It does
make a complete analysis of our side of the story. But if you take it
in its entirety, the detail is overshadowed by the violence.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 115
The USIA explains the use of material such as this in the following
manner: "* * * we must plan our efforts in certain knowledge that
what is done in a Selma or a Harlem or said in the Senate or in our
press becomes part of our campaign."
Many people are killed annually by slipping in their bathtubs,
but if you were to bring up this fact at the same time that you wei-e
trying to tell people of the joy of takinp- a bath, vou would discourao-e
them from taking baths.
This does not mean that you should suppress the statistics of the
number of people who are killed annually in bathtubs, but it is an
example of what happens when you combme a news function with a
selling function.
You cannot do an effective job of presenting an idea or product by
emphasizing the negative sides of the product. The negative aspects
are often so spectacular that they overshadow the benefits that the idea
or the product has to offer.
When a Government agency gets into the news business, it is almost
impossible to present impartially what is good in our society.
There is hardly a product or an event that doesn't have its negative
factors, but in selling we emphasize the positive.
I am certain that if the skilled men in advertising, public relations,
and selling were called upon to direct our propaganda efforts, they
would find many ways to emphasize the constructive things that our
society has to offer.
I want to make this perfectly clear. I am in no way suggesting
that the free press be inhibited or that they be stopped from publish-
ing the news. Wliat I am saying is that our Government should begin
an educational program designed to have people overseas understand
our society, its humanitarian purposes, and its free press, so that they
can properly evaluate the truth of our position.
I have no concern about the people m the United States understand-
ing our country as a whole, but I am concerned with these people in
other countries who don't understand it.
Freedom and truth will not be bought on what we consider their
"self-evident" merits, unless we effectively bring those merits to the
attention of the people whom we want to influence.
Any American will grant that in a court of law each side should,
without distorting facts, be as persuasive as possible. We accept this
as proper. We'd be quick to fire our lawyer if he kept stressing the
spectacularly negative aspects of our case.
Yet, at present, two ideologies stand before the bar of world opinion,
fighting for survival. The opposition uses every emotional trick in the
book. But our own counsel persists in citing only so-called news facts,
often highly damaging to us — and conscientiously refuses to persuade
the jury of the world.
Propaganda can have noble aims. It is merely an organized effort
to spread particular doctrines. Propaganda can be misused, of course,
but so can a hammer or a razor — or anything else.
Automobiles can transport and automobiles can mangle. Water can
quench thirst and water can drown. But we don't forego these great
necessities because somebody else misuses them.
I think that also came up in the testimony from the State Depart-
ment, that we can't use the methods that the Communists use. If
116 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
they are misusing the proven methods of persuasion by lying, why
can't we use these methods to tell the truth? Our Defense Depart-
ment is quick to match and surpass the Communists with every wea-
pon of war; why should a weapons gap exist in the propaganda war?
Whether propaganda is good or bad depends entirely on its pur-
poses. Hitler made a vicious use of propaganda ; Stalin made a vicious
use of propaganda. Consequently, propaganda has a bad name. Yet
propaganda may be used for excellent objectives — ^to back charities,
to wipe out disease or forest fires, and many other constructive things.
Naturally I support the bill to create a Freedom Commission and a
Freedom Academy, just as I would instantly support any approach or
technique which can possibly help us in the struggle against commu-
nism and the understanding of what they are trying to do.
Certainly, it is important to train people in and out of Government
to understand the ideological assaults that are being made against the
free world and means for fighting those assaults. We need every force
that America can muster, even though this force would be an un-
organized force fighting a highly efficient, organized propaganda
organization.
In addition to the people in and out of Government who will be
trained by the Freedom Academy, there must be a Government agency
that becomes operational now to direct our cold war efforts if we are to
successfully offset the hate and subversion that the Communists are
spreading against us and the free world.
This organization can be our present United States Information
Agency, but it must carry out the spirit of Public Law No. 402 upon
which it was established — "an Act to promote the better understand-
ing of the United States among the peoples of the world and to
strengthen cooperative international relations."
In order to accomplish this end, it must be headed and staffed by
people with definite experience and training in the skills of persuasion.
There must be professional leadership, under the direction of the
President, to establish an effective propaganda program.
In a communication from the State Department to this committee,
dated March 29 of this year, which opposes the bill to establish the
Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy, Douglas MacArthur II
stated, "Expertise and operational experience are as important in the
formulation of policy as they are in its execution."
I agree with this wholeheartedly, but the State Department has
not proven its expertise and operational experience in the area of
propaganda.
To draw an analogy from the business world, the State Department
can be compared to the sales department of a large corporation which
sells only to wholesale buyers. The sales manager may consider his
job of primary importance, since he makes the sale. But the adver-
tising department that directs its efforts to the consuming public
knows that the wholesale buyer has to buy the product if the con-
sumers demand the product as a result of the advertising. The sales
manager's job is made easier by virtue of the pressure of the adver-
tising.
Isn't it possible that the State Department's job might be easier if
there were an effective force in the field bringing pressures to bear
on the diplomats? I believe this is precisely what the Commvmists
are doing when they demonstrate in various countries.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 117
By stressing the importance of the diplomats and the opinion lead-
ers, we overlook the fact that opinions of the masses are not neces-
sarily influenced by a few leaders and that leaders can be influenced
by the masses. I believe that this is the reason that Russia has large,
trained propaganda organizations throughout the world to do just
this.
We must move to the attack in all parts of the world now wdth the
readily available professional persuaders of the United States. We
need a broad-based, effective propaganda program directed by men
skilled in the "arts of persuasion." We in the United States are the
greatest salesmen in the world, but we have not sold freedom to the
world.
We have not exposed the living lie that is communism and the hate
it is spreading.
It is high time to call in the experts — not the Hollywood version
of the Madison Avenue hucksters, but the trained, imaginative, dedi-
cated men who have proved they have precisely the skills needed to
make people yearn for what is good — and motivate them to obtain it.
Once again I say, as a representative of the advertising profession,
that I will endorse bill No. H.R. 2379 to create a Freedom Commis-
sion and Freedom Academy. But, in conclusion, I w^ish to mention
several matters on which the success of this general project will hinge :
First, the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy must
be centralized in its control, undominated by other departments,
bold and imaginative in its proposals.
Second, any department or agency receiving policy proposals
from the Freedom Academy should be expected to cooperate wath
these proposals, or be required to justify its refusal.
Third, a liberal budget must be made available to carry through
the Academy proposals. According to estimates, the Russians
spend between $li/^ to $2 billion a year on propaganda missions.
Here we are at a tremendous competitive disadvantage. The
finest proposal will be a strangled pigeon without cash. And if
it only saves a tiny part of our great big defense budget by win-
ning the propaganda war, it will save many billions.
Fourth, the techniques and skills of advertising men and public
relations men should be employed to the fullest now in a reor-
ganized and adequately financed USIA. Unlike others who will
need years of training, these professional forces are ready to tackle
the job for America immediately.
Spot experiments would precede any widespread campaigns, of
course. As in advertising, we must try out a technique in a limited
locality and then broaden the scope when results are favorable.
I challenge the USIA to recruit a group of skilled advertising and
public relations men and assign to them the responsibility for reaching
the people of just one country with the story of what America means
to them.
Instead of arguing over theory while the uncommitted world goes
down the Communist drain, let us put the matter to a practical test.
Give us a year or two to present American ideas to the masses of another
country with techniques adapted from those that have been so success-
ful in our own country, and we will soon see which way gets results.
We must avoid the gross blunders of the Communists — luckily, we
118 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Americans have a far better product to promote and could make far
faster headway than they.
Thank you.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Meyerhoff, for a very interesting and
important contribution to these hearings, and I might say that I whole-
heartedly join with former Congressman McKinnon in his appraisal of
your ability to present your ideas.
I have a few questions which I would like to develop. In your
statement you have indicated that the State Department has failed
to reach beyond the foreign leaders and the foreign diplomats and
get to the people. That charge has often been leveled at the State
Department.
Don't you feel that in recent years the State Department has made
some improvement in that field ?
Mr. Meyerhoff. I frankly find little evidence of it. I spent 2
years in Europe, went into East Germany, made other studies, and I
do not feel that the U.S. has made much headway in reaching the
masses of people.
As a matter of fact, from everything that I can see — and I could
give you dozens of quotations on this subject from knowledgeable peo-
ple— our prestige has deteriorated rather than gained. I cite the
attacks on our USIA libraries, which apparently are increasing. I see
little evidence of the State Department reaching the people of other
nations more effectively. I would certainly like to see such evidence.
I have made these statements in speeches and have had a book on the
market for 5 months, and I have had no one in Government give me
any evidence to indicate that my evaluation is wrong.
Mr. IcHORD. You made a very serious indictment of the USIA and
its broadcasting policies, namely, your testimony about the reporting
of that which is bad in American news, reporting that news abroad.
I have heard that criticism made of the USIA quite frequently. Not
too many months ago that was in the newspapers, criticism made of
USIA. What is the date of this Polish publication?
Mr. Meyerhoff. I would like to comment while I am getting that.
Mr. IcHORD. Not being on the Foreign Affairs Committee I haven't
followed this matter closely, but I was of the understanding that the
USIA had made some changes in its presentations abroad.
Mr. Meyerhoff. By the way, that is October 1964.
Mr. IcHORD. October 1964.
Mr. Meyerhoff. By the way, I want to state that I have looked at
the records and the backgrounds of these men in USIA and I have
the deepest respect for all of them. I think they are dedicated. I
think they are well trained in their fields. I have no criticism of any-
one in the USIA.
Mr. IcHORD. You feel it is just a mistake in judgment?
Mr. Meyerhoff. I say they are not skilled in the professions tlint
can help improve our image abroad, and have been to some extent in-
fluenced by their academic or journalistic backgrounds.
Walter Trohan of the Chicago Tribune reported on Vietnam and
I^SIA's newer tactics in the propaganda war over there. In essence,
he said the Communists use extensive propaganda to aid Ho Chi Minh ;
they sing songs in his praise. They quote poems about him. They
show him with babies. They show liim with guerrillas. Tliey show
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 119
him working in his garden. They build him up as a personality to be
loved. But on our side, we have helicopters broadcasting the message
of truth to the Vietnamese, often in English, or in dialects that they
do not understand. And what is more important, the content of these
messages is ineffective.
Mr. IcHORD. Of course, you have picked out and put your finger on
one field of activity, and I do agree with you, but I think the USIA
does a lot of good work. For example, I just received this morning a
report from the United States Information Agency. In this report
it has excerpts from Cuban letters, some of them reading as follows :
Keep up the good work because all of Cuba can hear you.
God bless you all.
There is much need for a program like this where young
people can learn what unfortunately they do not now teach
to our land.
Congratulations for the brilliant work being carried on for
our cause, which is the cause for democracy.
Mr. Meyerhoff. May I comment ?
Mr. IcHORD. Yes.
Mr. Meyerhoff. When we in advertising appraise a market w4th
our techniques, we look at that market as a total thing. If we paid
too much attention to the few letters that we get, pro or con, we might
be completely misled.
Any effort in any direction will motivate letters good and bad, but
you cannot decide a program that is designed to reach masses of people
based on these letters. A few letters, pro or con, have no significance
whatever.
Mr. IcHORD. You made a very cogent point about how your think-
ing will be influenced by the reporting of bad news. I know I had
that brought home very forcibly to me during the past week, that is,
you sit up here on the banks of the Potomac and read in the newspapers
of the crime committed by juveniles. You read of the activity of cer-
tain beatniks among our schoolchildren and the activities of certain
college groups fighting for the right to display obscene four-letter
words, and it is very easy to get the idea that the young generation is
going to pot.
During the Easter vacation, I had the opportunity to speak to about
9,000 high school kids at various schools in my district and I came back
with the idea that the young kids are not only healthier today physi-
cally than the preceding generation; they are more intelligent. They
are just as strong morally. And your idea was brought home very
forcibly to me.
Mr. Meyerhoff. I agree with you wholeheartedly on what you
say about our young people.
Mr. IcHORD. One more question. I would point out to you that the
bills that have been Introduced would only establish the Freedom
Academy for a research training and development center. It would
not be an operational agency. Are you in favor of setting it up as an
operational agency ?
120 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Mr. Meyerhoff. I can't say that. I am in favor of the training of
people. I believe it might be well not to make it operational. The
United States Information Agency could use personnel trained in the
Freedom Academy.
Mr. IcHORD. I might say that I believe that was one of the mis-
understandings of the State Department in its opposition to the bill.
I think they thought that the Freedom Academy would intrude into
their field of traditional authority.
Mr. Meyerhoff. I do not believe it will.
Mr. IcHORD. Then you more or less believe that the State Depart-
ment does have the operational agencies it needs? You do feel that
there could be considerable improvement made in their techniques and
you have suggested here today ways in which their activities and
procedures could be improved.
Mr. Meyerhoff. Yes, sir.
Mr. IcHORD. Do you have any questions ?
Mr. Clawson. Mr. Chairman, I have a number of them. In fact, I
wish we could spend a long time together here and explore some of your
ideas in connection with your testimony.
I jotted down just a couple of notes because of your application
of a different principle than this record that USIA put out, where you
would do what the old song said, "Accentuate the positive and elimi-
nate the negative." I approve of that.
However, now let me move on into something that might appear
just to be a little argumentative. I think the masses of people
to whom I have talked feel that we have failed in the world to sell
the United States of America and freedom and the kind of choices
that we have to make in this country. Because of that failure they
are making demands upon us who are in elective positions.
I am sure these same demands are being made upon people who hold
appointed positions. If the masses make this kind of complaint, why
haven't you been able to sell your program to the USIA? You are
in the selling business.
Mr. Meyerhoff. As I have pointed out, there has been strong op-
position in Government to the effective use of people from the adver-
tising and selling industries.
Your statement really says, ""Wliy hasn't the advertising profession
who have spoken out in this area
Mr. Clawson. "been able to sell their product?"
Mr. Meyerhoff. The advertising business, a number of years ago,
decided to demonstrate to Government through the Advertising Coun-
cil that it can be an effective force in selling ideas. The Advertising
Council has been doing an extremly effective job for Government and
public service objectives on the home front. But these mere demonstra-
tions apparently have not convinced people in Government that these
great industries can help our image abroad. I see indications that the
time is ripe to bring this story to the public in a more forceful and direct
manner. And I am urging our industry to take dynamic steps in this
direction. At present, there are only individuals interested in promot-
ing it.
Mr. Clawson. Excuse me just a minute. Mr. Meyerhoff, you mean
interested in this particular area of the advertising industry getting
into the field of Government ?
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 121
Mr. Meyerhoff. Yes, we sell our clients' products, not ourselves,
primarily.
Mr. Clawson. The reason I question that is because I can remem-
ber, ever since I have been able to understand the language, "It pays
to advertise." That is a common household propaganda piece as far
as I am concerned, and I think you have done a good job in selling
your own product.
Mr. Meyerhoff. Thank you.
Mr. Clawson. Let me hasten to tell you that you and I are on the
same side. I want to sell our program, too, and I want to do it the best
way we can. I tliink perhaps we have explored this one.
Mr. Meyerhoff. I had hoped that my book was a way of getting
the attention of the people and stirring up enough people to get back of
the idea.
Mr. Clawson. We are talking about two areas of advertising. One,
of course, is unrelated at the present time, by using immediately what
you call a professional persuader, and this brought all kinds of visions
to me. I can remember the persuaders that some of the teenage kids
used ; it was a pair of brass knuckles or a tow chain or something of this
kind. You propose the use of this information for some immediate
exploration or propaganda tool by the Government agencies involved,
and the second approach is through the Freedom Academy, the bills
that we are considering now.
A witness prior to this has indicated that he would like to see the
Academy established and that every person possible go through this
Academy, whether they are with a corporation that has a business in
some foreign country or an oil company that is exploring some oil in-
terests in other areas or a construction company or a mining company
or with the State Department.
He would make that compulsory as far as the State Department is
concerned, but all of these who are going overseas in any capacity,
private or public, should take advantage of the Freedom Academy
facilities in order to learn their function in dealing with these foreign
nations and peoples of foreign lands.
Would you subscribe to that philosophy ?
Mr. Meyerhoff. I certainly w^ould. The point is that the more
people that are aware of the problem and the more people that have
an understanding of this problem, the better we are going to be able
to fight it.
However, I maintain that it also must be undertaken by an opera-
tional organization that does this job within Government, even though
we will be training people in the private sector or in the various
Government departments to be aware of the fight that is being waged
against us, because I don't think people understand it at the present.
Mr. Clawson. Thank you,
Mr. Meyerhoff. However, as a group to fight this very well-orga-
nized Communist propaganda organization, I don't see the Freedom
Academy becoming too useful for a little while.
Mr. Clawson. That is the reason you want some immediate action.
Mr. Meyerhoff. I want immediate action. I am trying to separate
the two things.
122 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Mr. Clawson. I see. Mr. Chairman, we have another witness,
and he is present here this morning so I will withhold any further
questions.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very mucli, Mr, Clawson. I might point
out to you, Mr. Meyerhoff, that the director of the committee staff just
handed to me a copy of your book, The Strategy of Persuasion, and it
is on the Library of Congress waiting list of books. A notice slip in
this copy states that "The long list of Senators and Representatives
waiting for this book requires in fairness to them it be treated as a
ten-day book." I might say that I have heard of your book, but I
haven't had any opportunity to read it myself.
I am going to put myself on that list.
Mr. Meyerhoff. I have an extra copy here if you like.
Mr. IcHORD. I would like to have a copy, I would also suggest that
it might be a good idea if you had sufficient copies to send the same
to the committee on foreign affairs, both the House and the Senate,
and I hope that the proper people in the State Department are also
reading your book because I think you have made a great contribution
to this work that we are all interested in.
You have many ideas which I think can be accepted. Thank you
very much, sir, for your excellent testimony.
Mr. Meyerhoff. Thank you.
Mr. IcHORD, The next witness is Congressman Buchanan, a member
of the full committee.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN H. BUCHANAN, JR., U.S.
REPRESENTATIVE FROM ALABAMA
Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Chairman, because of the lateness of the hour
and the most fascinating testimony of the previous witness if you
would like to further question him and let me come at a later time I
would be most happy to do so.
Mr. IcHORD. I think we can go ahead and proceed with your state-
ment, Congressman Buchanan.
(At this point, Mr. Clawson left the hearing room.)
Mr. Buchanan. I first want to compliment the previous witness
for this very fine statement and will look forward with you, Mr. Chair-
man, to reading this book. I think perhaps the wisest statement I
could make in following him is simply to say Amen.
In the language of business and of advertising, we do have a product
that is worth selling, a superior product, and one which deserves
the finest skills of the advertising art. In the language of politics, we
have a platform that is the right platform and all the issues are on
our side.
In the language of the church, we have a message to proclaim that
I believe to be the truth and, in contrast to world communism, a matter
of good as over against evil. I happen to believe in the inherent power
of good to overcome evil or truth to cast out error, as light might cast
out darkness.
Mr. Chairman, if truth is to triumph in our time in this death strug-
gle between our way of freedom and the way of totalitarianism that
has taken such deadly form in what we call communism and if in our
time good is to overcome evil, it seems to me that we need to leam the
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 123
danger that we could easily see from the work of Hitler or Stalin, the
danger of lies skillfully told, of evil operating under the mask of good,
the danger of letting the other side, which is the wrong side, consist-
ently employ superior techniques and so skillfully fight a battle they
ought to lose that we find ourselves continually on the losing side
instead.
I don't think there is any question in your mind or the mind of the
gentleman here or of any American as to the innate superiority of our
way of life over the way of communism. I would say that we have a
country worth keeping and a way worth preserving.
I am sure on this we would all agree. But the disconcerting fact is
that world communism has made great progress in overcoming the
forces of freedom. Starting at the turn of the century with a hand-
ful of men, Lenin, with the ideas of Marx and Engels, began to
move forward. By 1917, with a few thousand, he was able to take over
the government of Russia. World communism has continued to move
forward until in this day some 40 million people are members of the
Communist Party. More than one billion people, more than one
third of the world's people, more than 25 percent of the earth's surface,
and some 20-odd nations are now under the control of the Communists.
(At this point Mr. Clawson returned to the hearing room.)
Mr. Buchanan. Therefore, it would seem most obvious to me that
this is a struggle we appear to be losing in light of the progress in
conquering territory and in subjecting people that world communism
has made. Yet this force standing over against our force, the force of
our free society, is one which ought to lose because of the inherent
superiority of our way of freedom.
I think there are three mainstreams of our culture that are worth
preserving and that stand in utter contrast to the Communist way.
These three causative forces have worked together toward making
America what it is, toward creating this land of freedom, toward trans-
forming a wilderness into a great nation, and a dream of human
freedom into a reality here.
The first mainstream of influence, I would say, would be the Judaeo-
Christian tradition of religious faith and morality. We are tradi-
tionally a people of faith and a people who have certain moral con-
cepts as to right versus wrong and truth versus that which is false.
We are people with strong traditions of religious faith and morality,
and this has gone into the basic framework of Western civilization,
has run like a golden thread through its fabric, has been a main-
stream of influence in the creation of this American society.
With due respect to the heathen in our midst, I think this is a rather
important aspect of our society, and without prejudicing the right of
the heathen I would say that it is one of the ways m which our
society stands in contrast to the way of communism because commu-
nism is a system of militant atheism and it is in its essence and at its
heart an atheistic philosophy and movement.
Its leaders have repeatedly reaffirmed this fact about communism.
It is not only militantly atheistic, but where it comes into control, into
power, it attempts to limit and at times, as in Red China, to brutally
persecute religious groups and to maintain a basic attitude at best of
tolerance and at worst of hostility in the form of persecution towards
religious groups.
47-093 O — 65
124 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
This, I think, is one clear way in which our society stands over
against and above the Communist wa}', and in like fashion in the
matter of morality. The people who created this country were people
who had a certam sense of moral value. Our traditional concepts
of morality, of right, are not shared by the philosophy of commimism.
Right, according to Communist philosophy and practice, is that which
serves the interest of the Communist movement, whether it be to lie or
to deceive or even to kill vast numbers of human beings. There is no
concept of individual liberty, of individual human dignity, of indi-
vidual people having inalienable or unalienable rights, such as those of
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, but a total relativism in the
moral outlook of world communism. Over against America's tradi-
tion of religious faith and morality we have the militant atheism and
the complete relativism of the Communist outlook.
I would say the second mainstream of influence that has made our
society what it is, is our traditional political system of liberty under
law, guaranteed by the, Constitution. As the basic law of our land,
the Constitution guarantees representative government at every level
and the maximum possible degree of individual liberty imder law. It
further guarantees government by law and not by man, of the divi-
sion of the powers of government to make certain that liberties of the
people are protected from too much concentration of power in any
branch of government or at any level of government. This basic
American political system which has put its emphasis on individual
liberty to the maximum extent possible, consistent with the rights of
other individuals, has put its emphasis on representative government
at every level, in total contrast to the totalitarian system of world
communism, a system designed to first create a strong state in the
dictatorship of the proletariat. In time, after the proletariat has
taken over, the state is to wither away.
Of course I don't need to instruct this committee that world com-
munism has consistently in the past, and will consistently in the future,
become stuck at the dictatorship stage and will develop a dictatorial
clique which retains control and a totalitarian system which remains
totalitarian. In utter contrast to our American way, communism is a
system in which individuals have no certain rights or certain liberties,
in which they have no choice as to leadership, and in which concepts
we take for granted in this society of representative government, of
individual liberty, of local self-government, are totally absent from the
scene.
The third mainstream I would say would be our system of free
and private enterprise. This system — you may call it capitalism or
free enterprise or what you will — which has been a very significant
factor in the transformation of a wilderness into a great nation, in the
creation of the great middle class in our society for the first time in
world history, in raising tlie level of the standard of living of the
average American family to such a high level that it is higher than
that of the average family of any great nation in all the world's
history. This American way of economic freedom has fit hand in glove
with our system of religious and of political liberty. This third
mainstream has helped to make our Nation what it is and has been a
resounding success.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 125
Karl Marx, many years ago, rebelled at early capitalism when he
saw child labor and when he saw people who constituted the poorer
class who were stuck at a subsistence, or almost below subsistence,
level for all their lives. He saw the terrible factory conditions, the
terrible working hours and conditions, and he looked at this ugly bulb
of early capitalism and proclaimed it to be wrong.
He didn't see the flower that was within the bulb. He did not know
the fragrance or the beauty of the fairest flower of Western civiliza-
tion, our 20th century America. He looked at the ugly lump of coal
of early capitalism and proclaimed it dirty and wrong. He didn't see
the jewel that was within that lump of coal. We know the flower and
we know the jewel and, therefore, we have every reason and right to
seek to preserve that which has proven itself to be a success.
Mr. Chairman, in the year in which Jesus Christ was bom I am in-
formed there were some 250,000 able-bodied men in the city of Rome
alone living on the public dole of corn. This system, developing to-
ward collectivism and toward a pretty thoroughgoing welfare state
even for able-bodied persons, was one of the things, as I understand it,
which served to bring about the decline and fall of the Roman Empire.
The idea of collectivism is an old one, not a new idea in human his-
tory, and has not been a resounding success in any instance of which
I am aware. A system of economic freedom, of political freedom, of
religious freedom, of the many-splendored freedoms which we know in
this country, has been a resounding success and is worth keeping.
Our country is a place of goodness and of freedom, a golden land for
all its citizens, a land of hope and a land of progress and a land of
opportunity, still dynamic, still moving forward, still crossing new
frontiers. There is utter contrast between this way, which seems to
be so much light and so much goodness, and the way which is a way
of totalitarianism, a way of abrogation and violation of all human
rights that I can understand, the way of world communism. Given
the fact that this seems to be light versus darkness and good versus
evil pretty clearly, it is strange to me that we could be losing this bat-
tle, and yet in terms of territory and numbers and time, we still are on
the losing side of the greatest struggle which I believe our way of life
has ever had, the greatest challenge to our system and to our Nation
that it has known, this challenge of world communism.
What is the trouble? What is wrong? What is the basic reason
we are apparently losing this battle for our way of life against a way
that is evil, a totalitarian way that is wrong?
I do not claim to be a seer or prophet, but may I say that it would
seem to me that one of the things, as I look down the road ahead, that
would lead me to have deep fears for the survival of freedom is the
fact that we are not, as the gentleman has previously testified, sales-
men for freedom.
In the language of the church, we have a message to proclaim that
is good and right, but we aren't doing a very good job of proclaiming
it. With all due respect to the agencies of our Government, filled
with many dedicated people who are sincerely trying to do this, I
think one of the problems is lack of adequate preparation and train-
ing for this particular job of selling the American system to the world.
I have noticed, for example, this policy of the U.S. Information
126 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Agency. I have had them explain to me why it is they accentuate
the negative sometimes and report the bad news about America.
They say it is going to be reported anyway, that it is quickly reported
by AP and UPI and other news agencies, and they feel in order to
accomplish their purpose they must admit the facts, admit the truth,
join in reporting the news, and then as they can in time try to explain
it satisfactorily and give the best possible interpretation to the world.
This is one kind of strategy, but I have driven a fair number of
Chevrolets and I have never driven one yet that wasn't hard to start
on a cold morning, and I have never yet seen an advertisement by Gen-
eral Motors or Chevrolet that : "Of course, our cars are hard to start on
a winter morning, but otherwise they are pretty good automobiles."
I expect it will be a cold day in July before I ever see such an adver-
tisement. I have driven several cars of another make, and have yet
to drive one of that make on which the wheels would stay in balance.
You just can't seem to keep the wheels of that particular automobile in
balance, but I have never seen them advertise the fact.
I think we need to recognize the mote in our eye along with the
beam that is in the Communist eye and I think we need to recognize
the gnat of the things that are wrong with our society along with the
camel that is wrong with their society, but I don't think we need to
strain at the gnat and swallow the camel and to give equal attention
to the mote in our eye and the beam in their eye in our attempt to be
fair and to make certain that the world understands we understand
what is wrong with our own society.
Our tremendous superiority over the way of tyrannj and totalitari-
anism makes me feel we can be justified in accentuatmg the positive,
m devoting our full attention to bringing the world's attention to the
things, the very great many things, that are right about American
society.
I believe the creation of this Commission or this Academy can serve
well toward that end. With the Peace Corps and its emphasis on
j>erson-to-person and project-by-project diplomacy, with the great
value that can come from person-to-person salesmanship of our way
of life and its superiority to people all over this world through the
Peace Corps and other like activities, with the U.S. Information
Agency and its vital responsibility in this area, it seems that the per-
sonnel of such agencies really need this kind of training to be able to
effectively, and with the best techniques of advertising or, if you
please, of evangelism, sell our point of view and get our message
across.
We have something that is worth selling, and it needs to get across
to the people of the world, and I believe specific training toward
this end could be very valuable toward the survival of human free-
dom and toward making the world understand and be more recep-
tive toward the truth and rightness of the American way.
It would seem to me that everyone Avho is in foreign service, and I
would concur with those who have testified — they feel this would be of
value to people overseas, whether they be working for private com-
panies or for the United States Government in some capacity — if we
could have this made available, this special training made available,
to all such persons and require it for those who in the official service
of this Government go overseas as our representatives, if we could have
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 127
it available for all Americans so that each of us could be a salesman
or an evangelist for the way we know to be right against the way
we know to be wrong, it seems to me it could have great value not
only from an American point of view, but from the larger point of
view of fulfilling our responsibility toward working that all men may
some day know the freedom which we enjoy and working toward the
fulfillment of the responsibility of protecting the inalienable rights
of all men in every nation to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
I for one am not satisfied with a rearguard defensive action. I
cannot rest so long as millions of our fellow citizens all over this world
live under the heel of tyranny and I feel it is time for us to go on the
offensive in this war for freedom. It seems to me to fight an offen-
sive war we must have training in the art of warfare. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Congressman Buchanan. As a
minister as well as a Congressman and member of this committee and
author of one of the bills, all of which are similar, the committee ap-
preciates very much receiving your contribution to the record.
Do you have any questions, Mr. Clawson ?
Mr. Clawson. No, in the interest of time, I won't ask any.
Mr. IcHORD. Off the record.
(Discussion off the record.)
Mr. Buchanan. May I point out two things in my bill, H.R. 6700,
that are different from other versions so far as I can ascertain just for
your consideration.
On page 9, sec. 5, subsection (a) :
Members of the Commission and the Chairman shall be appointed by the Presi-
dent, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four
members, including the Chairman, may be members of any one political party.
I am not trying to inject politics into this, but having grown up in
a part of the country where we suffered under the limitations of a one-
party system, and since we seem to be moving in that direction in this
country, I thought while we still had two parties left in the comitry
that this might be worth including.
Mr. IcHORD. Don't the other bills have that provision also ?
Mr. Buchanan. Do they ? I am sorry. There is a second one then
on page 19, line 8, which is sec. 11, subsection (b) :
The personnel referred to in subsection (a)(2) of this section may be employed
and their compensation fixed without regard to the civil service laws and the
Classification Act of 1949, as amended. Such personnel shall receive compensa-
tion at rates fixed by the Congress.
I am pretty sure this is different. Is that not right, Mr. McNamara ?
Mr. McNamara. Yes.
Mr. Buchanan. This simply takes the employees of the Commis-
sion out from under civil service, with no reflection on the civil
service. I thought this might be a better arrangement for people
who might need high skills, and so forth, that there might be left to
the Commission this more complete freedom in employing persons
working in this area.
Mr. Ichord. I would like to have from the State Department, if they
are opposed to this bill, a verj^ critical analysis of the legislation. I
have even thought about sending it around to some of the Members
that I thought might be opposed to the bill when it hits the floor and
128 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
encouraging them to come before the committee to discuss the pros and
cons of it,
Mr. Clawson. Would it be in order to make such a prox)osal and ask
the director to advise these folks and ask them to appear before us ?
Mr. IcHORD. I would be glad to do that myself, send a copy of the
legislation and a brief analysis of the bill and give them an oppor-
tunity and ask them to appear and get some testimony on the other
side. There is bound to be a lot of opposition to this bill or it would
have cleared the Congi-ess by now since it has been around since 1959,
so let's get it out.
Thank you very much.
Mr. Buchanan. Thank you.
Mr. IcHORD. The meeting will stand adjourned until the further
call of the chair.
(Whereupon, at 12:10 p.m., Wednesday, April 28, 1965, the sub-
committee recessed subject to the call of the Chair.)
HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R.
2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND
H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM
COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
FRIDAY, MAY 7, 1965
United States House or Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington, D.C.
PUBLIC hearings
. The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Camion House
Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman)
presiding.
(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of
Louisiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Claw-
son, of California.)
Subcommittee members present: Representatives Willis, Ichord,
and Clawson.
Committee member also present: Representative Joe R. Pool, of
Texas.
Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred
M. Nittle, counsel.
The Chairman. Please come to order. Today we renew hearings
on various Freedom Academy bills which have been introduced.
There is widespread interest in these proposals as evidenced by the
authors of the bills ; namely. Representatives Herlong, Gubser, Ichord,
Boggs, Gurney, Clausen, Brooks, and Buchanan. I think there are
others.
We are extremely fortunate and honored to have here today the
Ambassador to Cuba in the years 1957 to 1959, the Honorable Earl E.
T. Smith.
Ambassador, we are very pleased that you could take time out to
give us your views on these proposals. With your experience and
background and dedication to the principles of our country, I might
say that you add luster to an already long list of people in Govern-
ment, former Ambassadors, former military people, former high civil-
ians who have appeared in these hearings.
We welcome you here and look forward to receiving your views.
Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. You may proceed in your own way, Mr. Ambas-
sador. We will probably deter any questions until after you have
testified. Make your presentation in your own way.
129
130 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
STATEMENT OF HON. EARL E. T. SMITH
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : I ap-
preciate the invitation to testify before this distinguished committee
m behalf of the Freedom Academy bills. Shall I just read my state-
ment first ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Smith. I attended the Taft School and Yale University. My
business is investments. I have been a member of the New York Stock
Exchange for more than 35 years. During World War II, I served
in the United States Army and the United States Air Force, attain-
ing the rank of lieutenant colonel, with 18 months of overseas duty.
I have been active in politics both on the national level and in my
home State of Florida. I have received appointments from three
Presidents: as a member of the War Production Board (before Pearl
Harbor) by Franklin D. Roosevelt; to accompany Vice President
Nixon in 1956 as a member of the American delegation to the inaugu-
ration of Brazilian President Kubitschek in Rio de Janeiro by Dwight
D. Eisenhower; as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
to Cuba by Dwight D. Eisenhower; I was personally selected by
President Kennedy to serve as Ambassador to Switzerland — later
declined. I am the author of The Fourth Floor, which is an account of
the Castro Communist revolution and is well documented to show
that the Castro Communist revolution need never have occurred.
In reference to the Freedom Academy bills, I am not an expert on
these bills. However, I am very much in favor of the general pur-
pose of the bills, which I understand is :
(I) To greatly increase the scope and depth of training of cold
war personnel in the new forms of struggle ;
(II) To provide training for private citizens so they can partici-
pate more effectively in the global struggle ;
(III) To give training to foreign nationals who will have to bear
the main burden of the struggle in their respective countries;
(IV) To explore, through research, the full range of methods and
means that can be utilized by the Government and the private sector
to achieve our twin global objectives of defeating all forms of Com-
munist political warfare, insurgency, and subversion while seeking
to build free, independent, and viable nations.
(At this point, Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.)
Mr. Smith. We very much need a United States graduate school for
advanced political study and training, which is called the Freedom
Academy.
In my opinion, a strong leftwing political philosophy took root in
the United States as a result of the world depression of 1932, the
inhumane activities of Adolph Hitler, and World War II. In some
cases it represented a sincere effort to better the general conditions of
the American people, but in other areas it was undoubtedly Commu-
nist inspired.
One of the major errors of judgment of doctrinaire leftwing
thinkers is their belief that all revolutions taking place throughout
the world are either democratic, or Communist, and that the United
States should support, aid, and abet all democratic revolutions. It is
not that simple. Many revolutionary groups which call themselves
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 131
democratic are in. reality Marxist oriented or are just the means to
satisfy some power-hungry individual. This is what happened in
Cuba, and this is why the United States was primarily responsible
for the success of the Castro Communist revolution, granting that the
Batista government was losing strength from within because of
corruption.
I mention Cuba because it serves as an example of what can happen
throughout Latin America and why a Freedom Academy is vitally
important to the United States.
Castro was not the only alternative to Batista. There were many
alternate solutions. The Castro Communist revolution need never
have occurred. That it did was, to a surprising degree, due to the
policy of many in critical State Department positions.
These officials of the "fourth floor" believe that a leftist dictator is
better than a rightist dictator. Incredible as it seems, they even
believe that a leftist dictator who is anti-American is a better gamble
than a rightist dictator who is friendly to the United Staes.
They look upon a leftist dictator as being progressive. They were
determined to have the revolution succeed. Their official responsi-
bility should be detennined by what is beneficial to, and in the best
interest of, the United States. But many of these State Department
career men on the "fourth floor" determine our foreign policy by
what fits their doctrinaire views of the future world. Their peculiar
philosophy does not depend on^ reason, logic, actual facts, or a realistic
appraisal of a situation.
Its source of inspiration is primarily an emotional one. It is dif-
ficult to understand this political philosophy from an American point
of view.
I testified to the Senate that I had learned from experience and ob-
servation that our policies are determined by influential individuals in
the lower echelons of the State Department in their day-by-day actions.
By the time the higher officials receive them, policies have already been
made and they have to live by them.
The Dominican Republic is another case in point. The President
of the United States stated, according to an Associated Press release of
May 3, 1965, that :
The revolution started out as an action dedicated to social justice, but it took
a very tragic turn when the Communists saw a chance to create more disorder and
seized control. What began as a democratic revolution was taken over and really
seized by a band of Communist conspirators.
If the policy of the United States is to continue to aid and abet so-
called democratic revolutions in the hope that democracy will follow,
then it is essential that we have the Freedom Academy so that the
United States will be thoroughly familiar with, and know in advance,
the origin and nature of each revolutionary group. The United
States risks its survival on such knowledge.
Neither the State Department nor the CIA would take a realistic
view of the Castro Communist re^'olution. My reports to Washington
were that the present policy of the State Department would only bene-
fit the Communists. The CIA reports out of Havana, following a
doctrinaire position, were that the revolution was not Communist con-
trolled. This is not meant as a criticism of these great departments
of Government. Insufficient attention has been given to the long-range
132 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
research and training program which underlies Communist capabilities
in political warfare.
Mr. Lionel Soto, who, as I recall, was the Minister for Education
under Castro, in an article appearing in Socialist Cuba [Ctiba Socia-
h'sta] in November 1961, bragged that during the last 5 years of the
Batista regime, the Communists operated the highly important Na-
tional Cadre School inside Havana and graduated some 200 selected
cadres without the operation being discovered by the Batista police.
To my knowledge, BE AC (Bureau of Repression of Communist Ac-
tivities) was also unaware of these activities.
If The Freedom Academy had been established in 1954, as origi-
nally proposed, then by 1958 a number of Cubans from various orga-
nizations would have graduated from the Freedom Academy, for
example: student leaders, labor leaders, businessmen, journalists,
et cetera. These graduates would have been throughly grounded
in t-he techniques of Communist political warfare and insurgency
and, even more important, well versed in tlie methods and means that
free men properly use to defeat these techniques. I believe they could
have made the better elements of the anti-Batista forces aware of
the Communist infiltration and Communist control of the Castro
movement (known as the 26th of July Movement). It is incorrect
to assume that the only opposition to Batista was Castro and his
followers. A powerful anti-Batista element existed that was not
terroristic. It represented the middle class and the intelligentsia of
the country. From the time Castro landed in the Province of Oriente
in December 1956, the State Department received reports of probable
Communist infiltration and exploitation of the 26th of July Movement.
The State Department was cognizant of Fidel Castro's Communist
affiliations since the bloody, Conmiunist-inspired uprising in Bogota
known as the "Bogotazo" of 1948.
Reports on Fidel Castro's, Raul Castro's, and Che Guevara's Com-
munist affiliations were provided by Ambassadors to Cuba, Mexico,
probably Colombia,, and many other sources, including the State De-
partment's own Bureau of Intelligence and Research. If the Freedom
Academy had been in existence, a number of persons within the na-
tional security apparatus of the United States Government would
have graduated from the Academy. As a result of their training,
they would have been better able to evaluate what was going on in
Cuba and, because of their evaluation, might well have been responsi-
ble for altering the operational thinking of the United States Govern-
ment insofar as Cuba was concerned.
Today, with Cuba and the Dominican Republic before us as shock-
ing examples, the United States should be training men from every
country in Latin America so that we may avoid repeating pur
mistakes.
Communists have intensively trained their leadership groups and
cadres in advance schools for many years. We must train our people
for self-protection. Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." Only-
through education on Communist tactics and operations will we prove
him wrong.
I would like to point out another area of responsibility in which the
Freedom Academy could be very important to our future security.
That area is not a preventive one, but a corrective one. Today, Cuba
has been a Communist nation for more than 5 years. During this
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 133
period, generations of children have been raised who have never read
or heard the truth. They know only one side of the coin — the Com-
munist side. If today Fidel Castro and the Fidelistas were elimi-
nated, it would take time to decommunize a nation whose citizens
have been in an "intellectual prison" for many years. Up to now,
what program has the United States evolved to reeducate these
people ?
If today we freed Cuba, what program have we worked out to help
reeducate the Cuban people? The Freedom Academy would be in-
valuable through research and training to aid such a plan for rehabili-
tion and reeducation.
I heartily endorse the Ichord-Boggs-Herlong Freedom Commission
and Freedom Academy Act.
In closing may I quote from an address given by President John F.
Kennedy before the National Press Club on April 20, 1961 :
We dare not fail to see the insidious nature of this new and deeper struggle.
We dare not fail to grasp the new concepts, the new tools, the new sense of
urgency we will need to combat it — whether in Cuba or South Viet-Nam. And
we dare not fail to realize that this struggle is taking place every day, without
fanfare, in thousands of villages and markets * * * and in classrooms all over
the globe.
*******
No greater task faces this country or this administration. * * * Too long we
have fixed our eyes on traditional military needs, on armies prepared to cross
borders, on missiles poised for flight. Now it should be clear that this is no
longer enough — that our security may be lost piece by piece, country by country,
without the firing of a single missile or the crossing of a single border.
We intend to profit from this lesson. We intend to reexamine and reorient
our forces of all kinds, our tactics and our institutions here in this com-
munity. We intend to intensify our efforts for a struggle in many ways more
diflScult than war * * *.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee.
The Chairman. Mr. Ambassador, I take it that you are not express-
ing a belief that the revolutions you refer to are all supported by the
State Department because the Department personnel are, in and of
themselves, leftist or pro-Communist ?
Mr. Smith. No, sir, not at all. I think it is lack of proper under-
standing. Are you now referring, Mr. Chairman, to the people I am
talking about in my book. The Fourth Floor ?
The Chairman. Yes. Let us talk about them because those are the
ones you refer to specifically.
Mr. Smith. The Fourth Floor must be taken symbolically. The
Fourth Floor identifies the State Department officers or secondary
officials who determine our Latin American policy. I am not in any
way intimating, and never have intimated, that they are or even have
Communist leanings.
I believe supporting so-called democratic revolutions is partly due
to lack of proper education and knowledge of communism. Such
support implements our policy as it has been and, I believe, it is today.
And I would like, Mr. Chairman, to explain this in more detail.
This policy of the LTnited States is based on the premise, I believe,
number one, that the old status quo in the world no longer exists.
I agree with that. This implies that the classes are no longer in
control. It is now the masses.
Number two, that revolutions are taking place all over the world
and that all revolutions are either democratic or Communist revo-
134 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
lutions; and, number three, it is our duty as the leaders of the free
nations of the world to aid and abet all democratic revolutions.
If it is our policy to bring about the overthrow of rightist dictators
in the hope that democracy will follow, then we must be prepared to
take whatever steps are necessary to preserve law and order until
a new government has been established. Otherwise, we leave a vacuum
for the Communists to gain control.
If we are going to aid and abet all so-called democratic revolutions
or democratic revolutionary groups, then the State Department and
the CIA must be thoroughly familiar with the origin and nature of
each revolutionary group. Cuba is a shocking example that they were
not.
I believe, if the Freedom Academy Act and the Freedom Academy
Commission bill were enacted, that the United States would be far
better prepared to know more about the origin and nature of indi-
vidual revolutionary groups.
This foreign policy which I have just outlined is more or less spelled
out in the State Department white paper on Cuba of April 1961.
So far, where we have been successful in removing rightist dic-
tators, we have left a vacuum in which the Communists gain control.
By this I mean that the United States should be prepared — when
rightist dictators are removed — to support a broadly based provisional
government to function until such time as general elections have been
held.
The Chairman. And your point is that the establishment of the
Freedom Academy would provide a central point where training,
research, and development of techniques and ideas could bring about
the things you advocate ?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; I agree with your statement 100 percent. The
Freedom Academy is necessary so that we may better recognize so-
called democratic revolutionary groups for w^hat they really are.
Until the President of the United States moved our troops into the
Dominican Republic we did leave such a vacuum in that country.
To get back to your question, I believe if we gave training to foreign
nationals so that they may be forewarned and know how to cope with
the Communists, they would obviously be much better prepared to
function. With guidance from Freedom Academy graduates, the
broadly based provisional government would be much better prepared
to maintain law and order until such time as a democratic government
is established to carry on the affairs of the nation.
The Chairman. Now, the State Department has submitted a letter
to the committee outlining its reasons for opposing these bills. Did
you examine them or did you read that letter and would you care to
comment on it ?
Mr. Smith. I have only seen the letter this morning and read it
twice. This is the first time that it was brought to my attention. I
would be happy to make one or two comments.
On page 1, paragraph 3, the letter states :
The President has given to the Department of State a primary role in mar-
shalling all of our resources in these fields which cut across many broad areas
of government responsibility. * * *
Obviously the State Department is naturally jealous of its own
prerogative.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 135
On page 2, paragraph 1, the letter states :
The Freedom Commission proposals place great stress upon the mobilization
of private citizens — domestic and foreign — to fight the cold war, and upon a
systematic orientation of our citizens against communism. The proposals con-
template that these tasks be undertaken on a large scale by the Executive
branch of the government. While it is very useful in certain circumstances to
train private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary need — and hence
our first priority — is to improve in all possible ways the training of government
personnel involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs.
Well, as I understand the Freedom Academy bill and the Freedom
Academy Commission, the Academy would give much broader train-
ing and training in depth and scope than the Foreign Service schools
are set up to do.
I believe there has been a great deal of testimony before this commit-
tee to that effect.
The Chairman. Yes ; and I think you would agree that, under our
Constitution and based on your experience as a former Ambassador,
that under no circumstances could this Freedom Academy overshadow,
take over, or interfere with the operation of foreign policy b^ the
executive department. That would not be the purpose of the bill.
Mr. Smith. No, sir ; as I understand, the Freedom Academy would
not encroach at all upon the operations of the State Department.
The Chairman. I prefer your word that it would not "encroach"
on the jurisdiction and traditional constitutional provisions vesting the
conduct of foreign affairs in the executive department.
Mr. Smith. Yes.
The Chairman. This would be a central point where you can get the
research, training, and general information over to business, labor,
people in the educational field, and foreign nationals who would care
to understand the other side of the coin, as you express it.
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Mr. Chairman, I also believe there has been objection to the training
of foreign nationals. The statement has been made that when they
return to their own respective countries the charge would be made
that they are stooges of Yankee imperialism. It would seem to me
that if these foreign nationals are trained in the State Department it
would give even more weight to those charges.
Of course those charges aren't true, but it would give more weight
if they were trained by the State Department than if they were trained
by the Freedom Academy. I don't know if that is a valid accusation,
but at least that is my first reaction.
Then, as far as research is concerned, it seems to me that under the
Freedom Academy the research goes much. beyond the normal State
Department operation.
Then in the next to the last paragraph, the letter states that :
The [State] Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and
standardize the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear
to be a marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government
in the field of political education.
They are speaking of the problem raised by several of the Freedom
Commission bills regarding Federal control. "Under the provision
entitled 'Information Center'," the letter states —
the Freedom Commission would be "authorized to prepare, make and publish
textbooks and other materials, including training films, suitable for high schools,
college and community level instruction." * * *
136 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Well, Mr. Chairman, as far as the Freedom Academy is concerned
these documents would be factual material on communism, whereas
the State Department puts out documents designed to its policies. It
would seem to me this is much more indoctrination than factual mate-
rial on Communists.
Those, sir, are about all the comments I would like to make because
I really have not had an opportunity to study the letter.
The Chaiemax. Now would you care to make an observation or so
with reference to the Dominican Republic situation, as related to
the applicability of this bill if it had oeen law years ago?
Mr. SanTH. I would like to, but not in great detail because you are
going to question the former Ambassador to the Dominican Republic;
and he obviously knows more about the situation than I do.
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Smith. I would just like to say that in September of 1963 I
wrote an article for the New York JouvTial American, which appeared
4 days after Juan Bosch was removed. At that time I wrote that all
Americans should welcome the overthrow of Juan Bosch. I pointed
out then, and I would like to point out again now that, after the
assassination of Trujillo, the U.S. policymakers encouraged the re-
moval of President Balaguer of the Republic. They feared that
Balaguer would become a rightist dictator because he had served as
President of the Republic under the administration of Trujillo.
Once again, as in Cuba, the U.S. was prepared to gamble on an
ambitious leftwing politician in order to help the Dominican revolu-
tion succeed. So President Bosch was elected, and the American
Government welcomed his election in the hope that our American
form of democracy would be transplanted and implanted in the Do-
minican Republic, but political soil after 30 years of tyranny is arid
and not fertile.
Dr. Bosch's affiliations and sympathies with leftist groups were
well known to the U.S. State Department and CIA. After his elec-
tion. Dr. Bosch took no action to keep out Communist societies or to
prevent the infiltration of communism throughout the country.
Such Marxist-Leninist organizations as the Movimento Popular
Dominicano were allowed to take a prominent part within the politi-
cal activities of the country.
Without tracing further the historical events of the country, it is
obvious that if Dominican nationals had been trained in depth by the
Freedom Academy, such nationals would have anticipated, and been
cognizant of, the Communist infiltration in the Dominican Republic
and, as a result, the state would have been much better informed as
to what was going on and what the true nature of the revolutionary
group was.
If the Dominican Government had been taken over by the Com-
munists, the whole Caribbean would have become a Red lake. Cuba
is already a Communist nation. British Guiana is on the brink. If
the Dominican Republic had become a Communist nation, Haiti
would soon have been engulfed. Fortunately, President Johnson
landed our troops just in time to avert this catastrophe.
The Chairman. Mr. Pool.
Mr. Pool. There is some criticism of the Freedom Academy, not
for the Freedom Academy, but there is some criticism that I have
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 137
heard, some people think if you establish a Freedom Academy that
the extreme leftists or pro-Commimist groups could infiltrate that.
Do you have a comment on that ?
Mr. Smith. Mr. Pool, did you say that the criticism comes from
extreme left and extreme right ?
Mr. Pool. Well, some people have said this. I think it is more
from the right.
Mr. Smith. That would be from the extreme right; yes sir. Of
course it is very difficult to make happy either the extreme left or the
extreme right. After all, the President of the United States is going
to appoint the members of the Freedom Commission, and the mem-
bers of the Freedom Commission, as 1 understand it, will have to
receive approval of the U.S. Senate. FBI checkups will be made on all
members of the Commission. Any validity to such a fear would also
apply to other branches of our Government. If the "Commies" are
going to take over in this country, they will do so in other branches of
the Government just as quickly as they will in the Freedom Academy.
Mr. Pool. I appreciate your remarks for the record. This is a
criticism that can be answered by your remarks. I appreciate it.
The Chairman. Mr. Ichord.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Smith, I wish to express our appreciation for your coming be-
fore the committee and making your valuable contribution. Mr. Pool
brought up a very interesting point. I would like to comment on the
history of this legislation and ask for your comments on the same.
The bill was first introduced back in 1959. In 1960 it passed the
Senate by a unanimous vote, without a dissenting vote. I don't think
there was a rollcall on the vote, but there was not a dissenting vote.
When I first heard the testimony about the bill, I was a little
skeptical. I thought that the State Department would have some real
sound objections to the bill. The State Department appeared before
the committee, and about the only thing I could glean from their
objections was the point that you mentioned, that they were con-
cerned that this measure would infringe upon their traditional terri-
tory or jurisdiction.
As Mr. Pool indicated, the opposition seems to come from both the
extreme right and the extreme left. The extreme right are afraid
that it might be infiltrated by the extreme left and it would be a
dangerous situation.
Of course, if you are going to adopt that view, you might as well
give up the fight altogether. I suppose if there is any opposition
from other than the two extremes, it is in regard to the information
center in the bill.
Personally, I don't think the information center is the most im-
portant part of the bill. I would be willing to delete it in order to
get the Academy itself so we can do research of training into the
ways and means of fighting the cold war.
I would like to have your comment on that point.
Mr. Smith. First of all, sir, I believe this bill is so meritorious that
if the American people were aware of the bill and understood it, they
would insist upon its passage.
138 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Mr. IcHORD. I believe the people are aware of it because in 1960
the Gallup Poll conducted a poll on it. I think the people voted 10
to 1 in the Gallup Poll for the legislation. We still don't have it.
Mr. Smith. This bill has bipartisan support. I think that, after
all, whether you are a Kepublican or Democrat or a liberal or a con-
servative, the people supporting these bills are Americans first.
That is the reason why they are supporting the bill.
May I ask you to please repeat again the question you wanted me to
comment on ? Was that the research-end part of it ?
Mr. IcHORD. Here is the thing that concerns me. I believe this is
the 11th day of hearings which started back in February of last year.
We have no one who has appeared before the committee and tried
to take this bill apart. It is my position that no legislation is per-
fect. It can always be improved upon.
I have been a little concerned about not having anyone here giving
real opposition to the bill. I would like to know its weak points.
I am pretty sure there are some weak points. Any legislation has
weak points.
Mr. Smith. I would hate like the dickens to try to take this bill
apart. You would not have much to support your views on. One of
the objections I see is that it may cost too much. They are talking
about $35 or $40 million.
Well, as far as the security of the U.S. is concerned, if we are going
to worry now about $35 or $40 million, I know many places where
they can save much more money than that.
Mr. IcHORD. I feel there is an urgent need for the research and
training which would be afforded by this bill.
As I sat on the floor of the House this week and we voted upon
the $700 million bill, I thought time and time again that we would
be in all-out war today if we had anybody to fight.
Our problem is that we really don't have the enemy out front to
fight. All people, both of the leftwing philosophy and the rightwing
philosophy and the middle-of-the-road philosophy, recognize that
there is a cold war going on today. Wliat is happening in South
America, Africa, Southeast Asia today is rnerely a fulfillment of the
promises of Communist leaders themselves.
Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." He also said, "Peaceful co-
existence does not mean that there will be peaceful co-existence of
ideology."
At the same time he said, "We will support wars of liberation
against the capitalist nations all over the world." I think he would
have more accurately described his intentions if he had said "wars of
world conquest," but that essentially is his statement. What is hap-
pening is proof that he meant what he said.
Now if we don't learn how to fight a cold war, if the Communists
continue to knock over one small nation, one emerging nation, after
the other, it could very well result in a hot war.
We had testimony the other day put in the record from the State
Department about schools along this line that the Communists are
conducting. How many of these schools, Mr. Director, were there in
Russia and Czechoslovakia ?
Mr. McNamara. At least seven in Russia; four in Czechoslovakia.
There are also a minimum of seven in East Germany, three in Hun-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 139
gary, and two in Bulgaria. Tlie number in Red China is not known,
and Cuba has at least nine major schools.
Mr. IcHORD. That is all we know about anyway.
Mr. McNamara. That is right.
Mr. IcHORD. The President of the United States the other day
named the Dominican Republic Communists. Nearly every one of
them had attended a political or subversive warfare school in Cuba
or Russia or some other place where they not only studied propa-
ganda and subversive warfare, but also such things as how to make
Molotov cocktails.
I fear very strongly that if we don't develop more effective cold
war techniques the probabilities of a hot war will continue to increase.
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; I think the State Department will have to
come up with more valid objections than have been indicated in this
letter which I just read.
Let me ask you a question, Mr. Ichord. I assume that President
Kennedy voted for this bill when it came up for a voice vote in the
Senate. His statement which I read to this committee was so strong
that I must assume he voted at that time for the bill.
Mr. IcHORD. I would say this, Mr. Smith. That there was testi-
mony before this committee by Mr. Grant that his group had a
conference with President Kennedy. He was very much interested
in the legislation, and the testimony was, as I remember it, and I can
be corrected, that the State Department objected and there was, at
least it was stated as a matter of opinion, that the State Department
brought up the Academy of Foreign Affairs as a substitute, which
does do part of the things contemplated by this bill.
President Kennedy definitely recognized the need for the leg-
islation.
The Chairman. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Ichord. Yes.
The Chairman. I concur in the concern of my colleague from
Missouri. I point out that we held hearing after hearing last year,
again this year. I issued a press' release on Monday, May 3d, an-
nouncing that we would have 2 more weeks of hearings, namely, this
week and next.
I deliberately included this statement :
All persons desiring to present testimony on the bills during the hear-
ings * * * should contact Mr. Francis J. McNamara, Staff Director of the
Committee * * *.
The strange thing is this. Only one person in opposition has
appeared thus far in person, Mr. Harriman. His main objection of
X number of words was, "This would be indoctrination, indoctrina-
tion, indoctrination."
This year we have invited some more comments from the State
Department. The word "indoctrination" is not used this time.
T just received a letter, which I now insert in the record, from the
Department of Defense. Here is their comment :
The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. How-
ever, the need for the creation of new agencies for their accomplishment is
questionable. * * *
Why, for what reason ? Wliat argument ? We are not told.
47-093 O— 65— — 10
140 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
They conclude by saying, however, that they "defer to the State
Department" and wind up the letter by saying :
The Bureau of the Budget advises that, from the standpoint of the Adminis-
tration's program, there is no objection to the [the Department of Defense's]
presentation of this report * * *.
Now I reiterate — everyone in the Congress, the House, the Senate,
in Government, in the private sector, news media, and every other
part or segment of our society in America has been given oppor-
tunity after opportunity to come forward and testify.
We are going to move next week. They still have 10 days. I don't
want on the floor any bleeding heart to say how come we were not
told about it. I now present the letter of the Department of Defense
for the record.
(The letter follows :)
GENERAL COUNSEL OF THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
WASHINGTON 25, D. C.
5 APR 1935
Honorable Edvin E. Willis
Cbainnan^ Committee on Un-American Activities
House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Mr. Chairman:
This letter is in reply to your request for the views of the Department
of Defense on H. R. 1*70, H. R. 1033, H. R. 2215, H. R. 2379 and H. R. 4389,
all of which propose the creation of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom
Academy; for the purpose of developing an integrated body of knowledge to
win the non-military global struggle between freedom and communism, and
to train government personnel and private citizens for this purpose.
The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. How-
ever, the need for the creation of nev agencies for their accon5)llshment
is questionable. In most of their functions, the proposed agencies would
duplicate the work of existing government and/or private agencies.
While the Department of Defense questions the need for the establishment
of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom Academy to accomplish the objectives
of the proposed bills we defer to the State Department and other interested
agencies more directly concerned for more authoritative views on this
matter.
The Bufeau of the Budget advises that, from the standpoint of the Adminis-
tration's program, there is no objection to the presentation of this report
for the consideration of the Committee.
Sincerely,
L. Nlederlehner
Acting General Counsel
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 141
Mr, Smith. What you have just said is very significant, sir.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Smith, there was one objection that I have heard
voiced and that was that the Academy could not be conducted as an
open operation. The opposition stated that an institution of this
nature should be a secret operation. Would you care to comment on
that?
I point out that this is not an operation agency at all.
Mr. Smith. No, this is not an operation agency. I read the testi-
mony of Admiral Burke. I think he answered that very well when
he said the trath doesn't hurt. If you tell the truth, you have nothing
to be ashamed of.
Therefore, why shouldn't things be disclosed because we have noth-
ing to be ashamed of. If the Communists disagree and say the find-
ings of the Freedom Academy are wrong, then they will have to have
facts to prove that.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. I also insert for the record the press release I
mentioned, of May 3, 1965.
(The release follows:)
[For immediate release, Monday, May 3, 1965]
Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives,
Washington, D.O.
Representative Edwin E. Willis (D-La.), Chairman of the House Committee
on Un-American Activities, announced* today that the Committee will continue
hearings during the first two weeks of May on various bills to create a Freedom.
Commission and Freedom Academy. Hearings will then be terminated.
The. Freedom Academy bills would establish a federally-financed cold war
educational institution where Government oflScials and key persons from all
walks of American life, as well as foreign oflicials and nationals, would receive
intensive training in Communist cold war objectives, strategy and tactics. The
Academy would also have the function of studying and analyzing Communist
unconventional warfare techniques for the purpose of proposing methods which
could be utilized by the free world to block or undercut implementation of them.
Mr. Willis pointed out that the Committee held seven days of hearings on the
Freedom Academy bills last year, in the course of which thirty-seven witnesses
testified or submitted statements. This year, the Committee has held three days
of hearings, at which nine individuals have testified or submitted statements.
With the exception of Mr. W. Averell Harriman, who testified for the State
Department last year, all witnesses have endorsed the bills.
All persons desiring to present testimony on the bills during the hearings in
the first two weeks of May should contact Mr. Francis J. McNamara, Staff Di-
rector of the Committee on Un-American Activities, Room 226, Cannon House
OflSce Building, Washington, D.C.
The Chairman. Mr. Clawson.
Mr. Clawson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In response to Mr.
Ichord's statement I would like to ask this question.
As a new member of the committee, I am going to ask the chairman :
If this has been before us for such a long time, why has not this com-
mittee acted on it and brought it to the floor ?
The Chairman. That is how cautious we want to be, how thorough
we want to be. It is a new concept, and we prefer to move with
caution and be on solid ground. That is about all the answer I can
conceive of, that we didn't want to have an onrush of our conceptions.
I have no preconceptions about this proposal. That was the reason
for a cautionary and careful, realistic approach to the problem. We
142 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
wanted to give the American public an opportunity to express them-
selves.
We have had an expression through the Gallup Poll several years
ago. We wanted another opportunity to test the feeling of the Ameri-
can public. I think that has been tested. As you know the hearings
will end next week. We have two more Ambassadors to hear from.
Mr. Clawson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am a new member of
the committee. That is the reason for my question. I wasn't on the
committee when previous hearings were held. I notice it has had bi-
partisan support in both the Senate and the House, that both political
parties have had bills introduced by their members. This is one of
the reasons why I wondered about the delay.
I would like to ask you a question : Could not this same kind of pro-
gram be conducted throughout all the public and private educational
institutions in the Nation today ?
Mr. Smith. I am sorry. I can't hear that. Would you repeat the
last part.
Mr. Clawson. Could not the same program and the educational
aspect of it be conducted within the public and private educational
institutions of the Nation that exist today, without the establishment
of a new facility or a new academy ?
Mr. Smith. First of all, I am not an expert on this bill. I believe in
its concepts. However, I believe there has been a great deal of testi-
mony to the effect that universities don't have the money or the time
to conduct such a program in the depth and scope that is necessary.
Mr. Pool. I must say I agree with that testimony. Will you yield
at this point ?
Mr. Clawson. Yes.
Mr. Pool. Mr. Ambassador, don't you think, as a practical matter,
the Government would have to support this type program for it to be
a successful program ?
Mr. Smith. Mr. Pool has given you the answer. That is right.
Mr. Clawson. That is significant. We are helping them now by
passing a tremendous educational bill for their support.
So I don't think this is a deterrent to their moving into this direction
because we are helping them now. If it is so important — and I think
it is and I am not in opposition to this program — it seems to me that
the base needs to be broadened and every institution of an educational
nature in the Nation should be involved in this program so that our
people are forewarned and then forearmed as a result of their training
m their educational institutions and the elementary schools, too.
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. This will give the universities the opportunity
to enter the field. They will then have a center from which to obtain
the necessary material required for teaching their own students. As
I understand it, there is no place today where universities may obtain
sufficient material to explore this subject through research in depth.
Mr. Clawson. You mean we don't have people today who are
knowledgeable in the field of anticommunism or pro-Americanism to
the point that we can train ?
Mr, Smith. No, sir; I didn't mean to implv that. I meant to imply
merely that I do not believe that there is sufficient material available
for the universities today to carry on a program which would compare
favorably with what is called for in the Freedom Academy Act.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 143
The Chairman. And we have evidence to that effect, that no single
university or numbers of universities, somehow, have the facilities, the
abilities, the finances to come forward with the development of a pro-
gram of this kind.
The record is already replete with testimony along that line.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Clawson, this should be a Government project.
As President Kennedy said, this is a new form of struggle. This is
a nonmilitary global conflict. It should not be left to private uni-
versitias or to private enterprise to make this fund of information
available. We need an academy, a place where all the experts will
be together.
Mr. Clawson. It seems to me we need a broader base than this.
I am appalled over the fact that we even have this problem in America
where people are not trained in the free enterprise system, capitalistic
system, to the point where they can recognize the danger signals of
communism.
It seems to me we have had a failure along the line some place in
our educational institutions that we have not been able to get our
people acquainted with this problem. Maybe we need this approach,
but I am fearful it will not have a broad enough base to do the total job
and to do it in time. I think we are faced with a time element, too,
as well as the educational problem.
Mr. Smith. I think we ought to get something done. Maybe this
can be improved on after it has had a fair trial. It is natural in our
form of democracy for people to be reticent about getting into psycho-
logical warfare.
However, there are two ideologies in the world, and the Com-
munists are out to destroy us. They believe it can be done without
military war, that it can be done covertly. It is obvious to me that
we have to prepare ourselves to fight against the Soviet research and
training program in political warfare. It takes pros to fight pros.
Mr. Clawson. I understand that. There is no question about it.
Let me ask just one further question then and I won't pursue this
line of questioning any longer. Do you envision the Academy as a
physical plant similar to our military academies where all of this is
taking place, or do you consider it as a possible extension of this pro-
gram into selected private universities or public universities ?
Mr. Smith. Well, sir, LIFE magazine spoke of this as a political
West Point. I think that connotes an undergraduate school. It would
have been better if they had said a political West Point for adults or
a political West Point for college graduates or a political West Point
for those who have passed the college age.
I mentioned this point in my statement before your committee. I
referred to the necessity of the Academy and stated that what we
needed was a United States graduate school for advanced political
study and training. I emphasize the word "graduate" so that the
Academy will not be confused with an undergraduate school.
The Chairman. I might mention that the record contains the testi-
mony of knowledgeable people in the educational world with ref-
erence to the necessity for this Academy. It was brought out, and I
can assert it myself, that in a number of the States of the Union,
and glory to them, the legislatures of several States have enacted
laws to require the teaching of a course roughly referred to as "Com-
144 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
munism versus Americanism." But upon the enactment of these laws,
and one of them was passed in my State, we woke up to find out that
teachers in public schools say, "AVhat am I to t each ? Wliat do I know ?
Where is the reliable information ?"
I had I don't know how many letters from all over the country, espe-
cially from my State, from teachers, having the strangest idea about
this course, asking me, for instance, how many Communists there are
in the town of Jonesville, and so on. They didn't have the wildest
concept of what course ought to be taught.
I took a stab at it by saying that — I used to be a public school teacher,
I taught law for 10 years — I said why don't you draw some com-
parisons. Talk about education, for example. Compare our system
with the Soviets. That would be a good project. Why don't you com-
pare our system of free elections, as compared to no system, along that
line ? Why don't you compare our constitutional provisions regarding
free speech, religion, and so on, with their absence in Communist coun-
tries. This would be a good beginning.
If you are going to try to point the finger and to expect to find out
how many Communists are here and there and you expect to rout
them out in X number of days, I am afraid that is not the idea of these
bills.
So, we are faced with that situation.
You are right, Mr. Ambassador, that no university, somehow, has
been able to develop information, reliable information, on the ways and
means of tactical warfare in the cold war world, and so on. That is
why something ought to be done.
Mr. Clawson. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the statement and I
agree with you fully. However, I still go back to this other problem,
as I see it.
The old adage that you train the child in the way it shall go and
when it is old it will not depart therefrom is just as true today as when
it was uttered centuries ago. I believe if we wait until we train adults
and try to change their direction we are still going to miss the point
in this Academy.
Now is there a new concept that this is going to be a source of re-
search material and trainmg teclmiques and operational know-how to
disseminate to all of our universities? Is that going to be part of
the function of the Freedom Academy as you envision it?
Mr. Smith. Mr. Clawson, I have been trying to avoid testifying
on the technical parts of this bill
Mr. Clawson. I will withdraw the question.
Mr. Smith. — because there are so many people who are better quali-
fied, like Mr. Alan Grant. He has been working on this bill, I
believe, since 1952 or 1953. They have testified before this committee.
For me now to appear as an expert on the technical points of the bill
would be a mistake.
So I would like to duck that question if I may.
Mr. Clawson. I will withdraw my question. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. I mi^ht say at this point that someone picking up
the record and reading it perhaps would want to find out why there
was not an explanation at this point.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 145
Mr. McNamara, will yoii say two or three words concerning the op-
erational feature of this bill ?
Mr. Clawson. My question was this, whether the concept was going
to extend or magnify the program to the point where this will be a
source of material, research material, operational programs, and so on,
that can be drawn upon by all the universities and educational institu-
tions throughout the Nation, both private and public.
Mr. McNamara. That is true. That is one of the functions of the
freedom centers provided for in this bill. There will be localities,
units, for dissemination of reliable information on all phases of com-
munism. Any citizen will be able to go to these freedom centers and
obtain the type information they want on various aspects of commu-
nism. This will apply to universities, apply to high school teachers,
anyone who wants this information — political leaders, labor leaders,
religious leaders, educational leaders.
So far as the children of the country are concerned, this is intended
to be a graduate-type institution. The children of our country need,
1 think you will agree, education in American ideals, but this is pri-
marily the function of the schools and the local boards of education.
What the Academy is concerned with is Communist political war-
fare. The adult population of our country, shall we say, the people
who by their vote influence our policy — give them the education they
need on Communist operations which are a threat to the security of
this comitry and all other free nations. This is generally a more
sophisticated type knowledge than the average grade or high school
student can absorb. It is primarily a graduate-level school.
Mr. Clawson. I just don't believe the base is broad enough here in
this one Academy to do the job.
Mr. Pool. Will you yield at this point ?
Mr. Clawson. Yes.
The Chairman. In other words, you want a stronger bill ?
Mr. Clawson. I want a stronger bill.
Mr. McNamara. The concept here is that there is a limit as to how
far you can go. If you bring in all the peak Government personnel
to be trained in fightmg the cold war and train them thoroughly for 6
months or a year and if you do the same tiling with leaders from all
walks of American life — the trade union field, educational field, re-
ligious field, field of veterans organizations, womens gi'oups — you will
disseminate by these leaders, through their organizations and thus
through the population generally, the kind of knowledge that is needed
to support a sound policy.
Mr. Clawson. When they leave here they have the zeal of St. Paul
to go out and sell this program so that they can get some effectiveness
throughout the world. That is what I would like to see done. I
think we need a broad base to do it.
The Chairman. I might point out that we have in a small way an
effective precedent for this concept. The AFL-CIO sponsors the
American Institute for Free Labor Development from their own
funds and with money from big business. They bring to American
shores labor leaders from the Latin and South American countries and
teach them the American way of the labor movement and also about
Commmiist strategy and tactics, particularly in the labor field. And
they go back, in turn, and impart our democratic labor concepts to
146 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
their countries and also use their knowledge of communism to combat
it in their native lands.
I am told that it has done a great deal of good. So that is one
precedent for it. Finally I point out, again, the broad base support
of this bill. Included among the authors of this bill on the Senate side
are Senators Dodd, Douglas, Mundt, Goldwater, Proxmire — you can't
have a broader base of political philosophy in America with that kind
of support for it.
So, we ought not be too much concerned about the cries, or if that
word is too strong I will use "misgivings," of the people on the right or
the left. That is why, having discussed this with members of the
committee and the staff, I decided to make this announcement. I made
it on the floor some time ago.
The only thing we have is testimony in favor of the Academy, If
anyone is in opposition, here is their chance. Don't say, like the
Defense Department, "The broad objectives of the proposed legislation
are praiseworthy. However, the need * * * js questionable."
It is time to put up or shutup now.
Mr. Smith. They don't amplify that ? They say the needs are ques-
tionable, but they don't amplify that ?
The Chairman. If it is questionable, my goodness, let us have the
reasons why.
Mr. Clausen.
Mr. Clausen. Mr. Chairman, if I could take a couple of minutes.
The Chairman. Mr. Don Clausen is not a member of the committee,
but he is a very interested supporter. He is the author of one of the
bills. I am delighted to recognize him.
Mr. Clausen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Smith, I have enjoyed your comments very, very much. I think
that some of the points you have made as far as the State Department
is concerned certainly have brought to light one of the major issues
that we have at stake, that is, certainly the State Department does not
want to yield on foreign policy matters.
I think this committee certainly has done a great service for the
American public. I think as Members of Congress we certainly need
to develop a program that is going to be responsive to us and coordi-
nate this, of course, with all of the agencies because many people are
writing to us.
The fact that the director of this committee has pointed out that
there are educational facilities all over the Soviet Union and some
other satellite nations teaching communism, purely for the purpose of
export, it would appear to me certainly desirable to have the Freedom
Academy so that we can teach freedom and export freedom.
This is a great struggle; it will be with us for sometime to come.
As you pointed out frankly, the Communists are sending hard core,
trained professionals, and we are sending kids out to do the job.
Again I would like to go into this in more depth, but I hope that I
can hold my comments for the floor of the House after it passes the
committee, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Smith. May I say one thing, Mr. Chairman. Because of my
experience I would recommend that the chiefs of the political divi-
sion of all Embassies, located in a politically turbulent nation, attend
the Freedom Academy before being assigned to their posts. I think
this 16 very important.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 147
Mr. Clawson. A compulsory requirement?
Mr. Smith. No, sir; I am not suggesting it be compulsory. I am
making this as a specific recommendation. In other words, the State
Department will come back and say, well, how many of our people
do you think should attend the Academy. It is obvious that all the
officers of the Foreign Service can't attend the Academy.
So, I am selecting what I believe to be one of the most sensitive
positions in an Embassy — the First Secretaiy for Political Affairs.
He is in direct contact with the various political groups in the nation,
whether they are progovernment or antigovernment.
The office of the chief political officer in Havana during the Castro
Communist revolution was on the fifth floor, where I was. All types
of individuals came up to see him. If he had been trained in the
Freedom Academy, he would have had more knowledge of commu-
nism and a better background to cope with the situation. This is
obvious.
The Chairman". Have you concluded ?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. I recognize the gentleman from Missouri.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, if he has concluded
The Chairman. First, Mr. Ambassador, we are very grateful for
your appearance and your great contribution to this proposal.
Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARB H. ICHORD, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM MISSOURI
Mr. Ichord. Mr. Chairman, I have a statement that I have pre-
pared and I ask permission to insert in the record. All the members
of the committee know my views on these bills, and certainly we will
liave an opportunity to discuss them in executive session. But I would
like to point out that, in addition to my service on this committee, I
am also a member of the Armed Services Committee and yesterday
we took up a bill providing for the procurement of ammunition and
hardware, various implements of war. Included in that bill was the
sum of $6 billion for research. We are researching in the field of
weapons that to many people would be mibelievable. We are spend-
ing better than $50 billion a year to support our armed services. We
have built up one of the greatest war machines in the history of man-
kind. We are able to fight a hot war and defend ourselves.
Certainly I don't want that hot war to come and I don't want to be a
prophet of doom; I don't want to play the part of a prophet, but if
the present trend continues, we could very easily become engaged in
another worldwide conflict.
You don't have to take my word for it; you don't have to take the
word of the leaders of our Government. All you have to do is to take
the word of the Communist leaders themselves. Wlien they make
the statements which Mr. Smith pointed out, when they say we will
support wars of liberation all over the world, and then proceed to
support and push wars of conquest from one end of the globe to an-
other, we should realize the danger.
The American people to me seem to be obsessed with the idea that
the Communists are going to become less and less belligerent, that
14^ PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
they will experience a change of heart. This appears to be, at its best,
just mere wishful thinking. I can't see any factual basis for that
belief at all.
Last week, Mr. Myerhoff, head of one of the great advertising con-
cerns in this country, testified, and, Mr. Chairman, I am sure you read
his statement, but I wish it would have been possible for you to have
heard him. He presented many novel ideas. He stated that he thought
that the Communists were using techniques in selling their ideology,
in carrying on political and propaganda warfare, that had long been
developed by the American advertising industry.
I can see instances where they are. I don't believe advertising
techniques would in all cases be effective in selling democracy, but at
least in this institution you could examine his proposals and see if
that is the best way to proceed. We could assemble the best minds
of our country and research and develop effective techniques of cold
war defense. We are spending $6 billion this year on hot weapon re-
search and development. Can't we afford to spend the relatively small
sum called for by these bills for cold war research and development ?
He made the statement, Mr. Chairman, that one of the great prob-
lems that we had in USIA was the policy of reporting all of the news
in the United States because unfortunately the things that make the
news are bad. That is true.
Now I could condemn the State Department, I could condemn the
USIA. I decline to do that because I have sympathy for them. It is
quite a problem. We have some very dedicated people in the State
Department and the USIA, but something is wrong, and I think it is
very simple — our techniques are in need of improvement.
Mr. Clausen. Will the gentleman yield ?
Mr. IcHORD. Yes.
Mr. Clausen. In addition to your own comments, Mr. Ichord, it
would appear to me that there has to be a national declaration of policy
to win the cold war and then develop the institution to train people
and, in particular, to move out into the private sector to take advan-
tage of the nonmilitary capabilities.
If we are going to win this great struggle of ours, certainly we are
going to have to train people, I think frankly the public sector has
a responsibility, but our foreign aid problems throughout the world
have pointed out very vividly that the public-to-public sector concept
has not been working.
We need to expand people-to-people. I think this would give a
great opportunity.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Myerhoff brought to the attention of the committee
a publication of USIA which was similar to LIFE magazine. In it
he showed us pictures of racial riots that were published in this maga-
zine to be distributed in Poland.
I am sure that USIA's motive was to assure the people of Poland
that in this country we have freedom of assembly. But Mr. Meyerhoff
argued, and I am inclined to believe that he is right, that the pom-
munists very quickly picked this uj> to show that we have great inter-
nal trouble, that we don't have a stable Nation, that we are about
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 149
to be involved in civil war. Whether or not the effect of the article
was good or bad, I think we can all agree that this policy needs to be
examined and studied and perhaps refine our methods of getting ideas
across. We should be truthful, but should we publish pictures of
race riots abroad with the aim of improving our image? Isn't there
a better way of explaining our racial problems to a nation completely
unfamiliar w4th those problems ?
Mr. Chairman, I would ask leave that my statement, together with
three articles, be included in the record.
The Chairman. The statement and extraneous material will be
received at this point.
(Congressman Ichord's statement and insertions follow:)
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD H. ICHORD, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE
FROM MISSOURI
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee :
As you and the other members of the subcommittee know, I am the author of
H.R. 2215, one of the eight Freedom Academy bills now pending before this
committee.
Last year, nine bills to create the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy
were introduced in the House and referred to the Committee on Un-American
Activities. We held hearings for 7 days on those bills, and a total of 38 persons
testified or submitted statements on them. All but one of those witnesses — Mr.
Harriman speaking for the Department of State — strongly endorsed the Freedom
Academy concept.
So far this year we have held 3 days of hearings, during which several wit-
nesses have testified. Every one of those witnesses has endorsed the Freedom
Academy idea. I appear today for the same purpose.
All of us are thoroughly familiar with the Freedom Academy envisaged in the
bills pending before the committee. For this reason I do not intend to discuss
their details. What I would like to do, however, is to bring to the attention of
the committee some facts and items which have come to my attention in the last
few months and which emphasize, at least to me, the importance of the bills before
us and how vital it is that the United States get along with the job of making the
Freedom Academy a reality.
I should like to bring to the attention of the committee an item from the "New
York Times, page 3, of the issue of April 11, this year, which tells about a Com-
munist political warfare school, the Institute of National Minorities in Kunming,
the capital city of the Yunnan Province in Red China. This is a school estab-
lished by Peking in an effort to tighten, and guarantee, its control of national
minorities in or bordering on Red China and also the people of Tibet, that un-
fortunate Himalayan kingdom which was completely subjugated by Peking in
1959 after many thousands of its citizens had been slaughtered in an unsuccessful
and bloody revolt against Red rule.
The minorities about which Peking is concerned and to whom this school de-
votes its attention include not only the Tibetans and residents of Sinkiang Prov-
ince, but also various tribes living along the border of Burma, Laos, and North
Vietnam — people who are ethnically linked to Red China's neighbors.
According to the If etc York Times article, about 1,000 hand-picked students
from these areas are receiving training and indoctrination in this Institute of
National Minorities at any given time. The courses extend some 6 months to 3
years.
The Times article quotes the deputy director of the Institute as stating : "We
are different from other educational institutes — we are a political institute for
training minority cadres with Communist ideas."
I also have several items which have appeared in the press recently concerning
the role of the U.S. Information Agency in Vietnam.
150 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The first, an Associated Press dispatch published in the WasJiington Evening
Star of March 28, of this year, states that our country intends to increase its
propaganda efforts in Vietnam. It quotes the USIA Director, Carl T. Rowan, who
had just returned from South Vietnam, as stating that during the past year
USIA officers in that country had been increased from 24 to 55 and that perhaps
another 20 will be sent out. He also stated that the number of South Vietnamese
employees of USIA had been increased, that USIA shortwave broadcasts from
the Philippines have been strengthened and the USIA broadcasts in Vietnamese
raised from 2 to 6 hours daily.
Mr. Rowan, according to this article, pointed out after his return from South
Vietnam that the government there is so busy fighting the Viet Cong that it has
little time — and also lacks the know-how — to counteract the Red propaganda
activity.
The next item, published in the Washington Star of April 3, of this year, re-
veals that the State Department had issued an urgent appeal to key personnel to
volunteer their services in South Vietnam. Foreign Service officers, it stated,
are needed to serve as representatives for the Agency for International Develop-
ment in South Vietnam provinces. AID lacks the personnel to do this work. The
notice stated, and I quote "the President p)ersonaUy attaches the highest priority
to that effort and to our participation in it."
Items published in the Washington press on April 7 — ^just a few weeks ago —
reveal that President Johnson had ordered USIA Director Rowan to take charge
of our psychological war efforts in Vietnam. In addition to having charge of
his own agency's psychological warfare operations, Mr. Rowan will have charge
of those of the Department of Defense, Central Intelligence Agency, and Agency
for International Development.
I certainly hope, as I know all members of this committee do, that this pro-
gram will be successful. I cannot help wondering, however, why we have
had to wait until the last minute or so for this effort to be made when it has
been obvious for so many years that we have been engaged in a very crucial
political warfare contest in South Vietnam. I find it hard to understand why
the steps I have just mentioned were not taken 2, 3, 5, or even 7 or 8 years ago.
According to these press items I have mentioned, there is a tremendous job to
be done. In this effort the USIA is going to try to influence an estimated 50
percent of the South Vietnamese population which is now "fence-sitting." It is
going to try to create a sense of national unity, ward off defeatism, explain the
U.S. involvement and commitment in South Vietnam, publicize Viet Cong tactics.
According to testimony received by tliis committee this last year from compe-
tent witnesses, the United States has not been training adequate numbers of
personnel adequately in the work that has to be done today in South Vietnam.
The State Department appeal for volimteers stated that "broad experience and
versatility of skills are important for this assignment," and that the Foreign
Service officers going to Vietnam on this project as province representatives
will have to work with the U.S. military adviser and the native province chief
in "planning and directing the pacification of the province."
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 151
The situation is so desperate that five officers were needed immediately at
the time the appeal was made. I wonder just how much training they have
had in pacification techniques and in fighting Communist political warfare.
It would appear to me that an admission that the training of State Department
personnel in this area has been far from adequate is found in the fact that 10
additional Foreign Service officers will be given a 4%-month training program
here in the United States before being assigned to Vietnam to work on this
project.
For years, Mr. Chairman, advocates of the Freedom Academy have been
pointing out the great gap that exists in this type of training for U.S. personnel.
They have been urging that a Freedom Academy be established to impart this
kind of training as well as other vital unconventional warfare skills. Nothing
has been done about it.
Today, we have a crisis in this area and we still do not have any kind of
institution to train the personnel we need to do the job that has to be done.
We have all kinds of psychological warfare and political warfare specialists
in our Government and, of course, we have our propaganda officials as well,
but none of them, apparently, has been able to perceive or iinderstand until
recently the need for real intense political and psychological warfare effort
in Vietnam.
Last year we were fortunate in having as witnesses a number of journalists of
very wide experience, who emphasized the need for political warfare training
in their own profession. Since listening to their testimony, I have seen a con-
siderable number of articles dealing with communism, both abroad arid at
honje, which have emphasized the importance of what these witnesses said.
VVe know that the Communist bloc is attaching a great importance to control
and use of the press and other communications media as a cold war weapon.
If we are not to lose out in this area, we need an institute where free world
journalists can be taught the facts about political warfare and the vital role
both the Communist and the free world press play in it.
I would like to submit for the record at this point an article entitled "Journal-
ism and the Cold War," published in the January 1965 issue of The Quill,
official publication of the journalist fraternity, Sigma Delta Chi.
The article is written by Eugene H. Methvin, a member of the Washington
staff of the Reader's Digest. Mr. Methvin, who studied journalism in the
Henry W. Grady School of Journalism in Atlanta, has long been a student of
communism and its unconventional warfare techniques. His article, which
emphasizes another one of the major gaps in our defense against communism
and shows how we suffer from this gap, will, I hope, be an important addition
to this hearing record.
( The article follows : )
flfTY CENTS
fUlLL
The Magazine for Journalists
53 YEARS OF PUBLICATION
JANUARY I 965
Every Newsman Pract;ices
Psychiatry without a License
-JOHN DeMOTT
JOURIUALISM AIUD THE COLD WAR
— EUGENE R. METHVIN
Students' Ne\A/spaper Idea
Helps Bridge Detroit Strike Gap
WALLACE WYSS
IT HAPPENED IN KAIMSAS CITY:
Sigma Delta Chi Convention Pepor
(1.j3)
154
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
JOURNALISM AND
By EUGENE H. METHVIN
Reader's Digest
WHEN THE NEWLY independent Sultan of Zanzi-
bar was overthrown last Januarv New York
Times Correspondent Robert Conley put himself in the
running for a Pulitzer prize with his stories revealing
that the power seizure was engineered by 30 or 40 com-
munists trained in Cuba, the Soviet Union and Com-
munist China. This was brilliant cold war coverage
that alerted tJie »\merican people to brewing trouble in
yet another sector of what Adlai Stevenson calls the
"world civil war."
But the American people could be even better
served if journalists were prepared to "background"
such news with a knowledge of the communist revolu-
tionary training schools and what they teach. For ex-
ample, last Jan. 20 Conley reported: "The real power
is concentrated in the hands of the vice president,
Kassim Hanga, a bitter opponent of the West. He
studied international law in Moscow and has a Russian
wife."
And what do Africans study in Moscow's "internation-
al law" course? We know what one Nigerian student,
Anthony G. Okotcha, got. He found himself among
200 other students from Africa, Central America and
Asia in a class in "self defense," rigorous paramilitary
training in the guerrilla arts. "One army ofiicer told me,
'Remember, today you are a student, but tomorrow you
THE AUTHOR
Eugene Methvin was born in 1934
in Vienna, Co., where his father was a
country weekhj editor and publvsher of
the Vienna News. His mother still op-
erates the paper and has won Georgia
Press Association prizes for "most fear-
less editorial" in duel with the White
Citizens Councils, and for general ex-
cellence (runner-up). Young Methvin
could lay claim to liaving started as a
reporter (leg-man only) before he could
write, for at the age of five lie wandered
around the streets with pad and pencil
insisting that the residents write down
their news for him. He studied journal-
ism at the Henry W. Grady School of
Journalism, graduating in 1955 with an
AB] and supplementary major in law.
Upon graduation he spent three years
as a jet fighter pilot. In 1958 he joined
the Washington Daily News as a gen-
eral assignment reporter and in 1960
he tvent to the Reader's Digest at its
Washington editorial office as a staff
writer. He is treasurer of the Washing-
ton Professional chapter.
will be a leader of a revolutionary front,' " Okotcha re-
ports.
His next study was "occult science," a witch-doctor
class arranged exclusively for African students. An Af-
rican affairs e.xpert in perfect Swahili lectured sur-
rounded by plastic human skulls and skeletons, plastic
serpents of various sizes. "One witch doctor canying on
among primitive people can do more than a dozen po-
Utical lecturers." he said. "He can move the masses in
any way he chooses. Well, then, supposing he is a com-
munist?"
The professor placed a skull on the table and using
radio microphones caused it to issue commands such
as: "I am your ancestor speaking. I command you to go
tonight, kUl the British governor, and bring his head
and hands to me. If you fail I \vill cast evil spells on you
and your family."
With this background, it is not hard to add two plus
two— and the obvious answer is more trouble of llie
Mau-Mau type in all of East Africa in coming years as
the communists turn Zanzibar into an unsinkable
Cuba-style little red schoolhouse. (It is already hap-
pening, under Red Chinese tutelage, in the eastern
Congo. A special school near Peking is training witch
doctors in guerrilla warfare and upon their return they
are organizing tribal insurgency.) (Editor's Note: This
article was written prior to the November outbreak of
conflict in the Congo.) Certainly this is an indisjiensable
part of "depth" reporting on this cold war round. And
any news commentator or desk man in America who had
bothered to get himself on the mailing list for Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee reports could have pro-
duced sparkling "interp" pieces backgrounding the Zanzi-
bar development— for that is where Okotcha's account is
to be found.
This Zanzibar example illuminates a major problem
many thoughtful journalists see confronting America's
free press today. Simply put, tiie problem is this: The
professional practitioners in our communications media
are not generally equipped to recognize communist-in-
spired violence, deception and psychopohtical manip-
ulation and to adequately "background the news" on
thousands of complex cold war skirmishes being fought
daily around the globe. This problem can mean "op-
portunity" for the professional— cash, recognition and
satisfaction for those with reportorial initiative to dig
out and write the "depth" stories nobody else is tack-
ling.
Let me cite a minor personal experience. After the
June 1960 riots in Tokyo forced cancellation of Pres-
ident Eisenhower's visit, a Reader's Digest editor asked
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
155
THE COLD WAR.
the obvious question nobody else seemed to have
thought of: "All the newspapers say these riots are red-
inspired. How do we know? If you're a communist, how
do you start a riot?"
Assigned to get the answer, I asked my State De-
partment contact to set up an interview witli the De-
partment experts on such things. "Sure," he said, "Call
you back in a day or so." Two weeks passed. My friend
finally called, quite crestfallen. "I hate to tell you this,
and frankly I'm a litde shocked myself. I've checked
everywhere. Nobody in the entire U.S. government
really keeps up with these things."
Realizing we had stumbled onto a major gap in our
cold war defenses, the Digest Washington Bureau
initiated what became a series of stories on national
policy machinery and communist tactics. Meanwhile,
fascinated by a whole new world I never knew existed,
I spent six months digging into mob psychology and
crowd management and researching case studies. The
result was an article which was published in a relatively
obscure scholarly journal. The U.S. Army Command
& General Staff School picked it up for its Military Re-
view, and the State Department sent a briefed version
to all 375 U.S. diplomatic posts overseas. The article
has been adopted in our own armed forces training
texts, translated into Spanish and circulated among
Latin American services, and to my utter dismay the
Army has even invited me as an expert to lecture on
communist mob techniques.
Tliis experience sho^vs how widespread is the infor-
mation gap on what has been called "the new frontier
of war." Other examples:
PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S ASSASSINA-nON-
^Vmerican journalists were poorly equipped to "back-
ground" the Dallas tragedy because assassination as a
pohtical weapon is so utterly foreign to us. Americans
find it hard to connect the act of handing a 15-year-
old bov a hate-filled pamphlet on the Rosenbergs, con-
demned nuclear spies, and that youtii's act nine years
later of shooting the President of the United States. Yet
there is a connection. Although ps)chiatrists recognized
Oswald was potentially dangerous when he was 13 still
he is a case study of how inflammatory communist
propaganda can attract, activate, and motivate a con-
fused, frustrated individual and give direction and
focus to liis aggressive behavior. The lesson Oswald so
eloquently teaches is that inflammatory communist
pro)ia^anda can kill. Yet reporting on the sociology and
psvchology of commimist organizational and psyclio-
logical warfare is generally distinguished chiefly by its
shallowness.
Beyond Oswald the whole history of communist as-
sassination as a political weapon wai relevant back-
ground the press missed. Nobody pointed out that the
Soviets were caught using it in Western Europe as late
as 1959, for example. A few commentators pointed out
that Lenin condemned assassination— but they only
demonstrated that a litde knowledge can be danger-
ous.
For Lenin only condemned the approach of the
Narodnaya Volya terrorists, one of whom was his older
brother Alexander, hanged for plotting to kill the Czar.
Lenin said tliat assassination used indiscriminately
would be counter-productive, especially if it took the
place of careful organizational work. But he not only
never ruled out assassination. He always considered it
an integral part of the revolutionary's arsenal and in-
sisted that communists be willing and able to use all
weapons, including murder. He required all Commu-
nist parties formed under the Communist International
to set up secret apparatuses. The German Party, for ex-
ample, organized covert M( military), N (inteUigence),
Z (infiltration), and T (terror) groups. We have some
well-authenticated and corroborated accounts of the
early beginnings of the communist T-groups in Ger-
many. Their function was to punish traitors and to
murder anti-communist pohtical and mihtary leaders.
.Most interesting was the emergence of a willingness to
use the T-groups to solve intra-party differences. With
the Khruschev-Mao feud heating up the history of this
intramural use of the communist T-squads it may one
day prove to be a vital part of one of the biggest news
stories of our centurv.
ANTI-CIA CAMPAIGN— Any psychological warfare
technician knows that in his adversary's society there
are always groups and individuals who will share his
objectives and do his work for him, for dieir own inde-
pendent moral or pohtical reasons. In his jargon these
are called "targets of opportunity." In Western society,
for example, the communist warrior knows there in-
evitablv are people who will oppose almost any policy
of their governments that he wants to attack always
for their own independent reasons. The Red strate-
gist's problem then becomes: How to activate the op-
position? The answer is the simple stratagem of
throwing the spotfight of publicity on the issue and
draw the target group's attention to it. Such has been
the nature of the Soviet campaign to discredit the CIA
and undermine public confidence in it. Enough Ameri-
cans fear any secret agency and abhor the idea of a
"department of dirty tricks" so that to draw their at-
tention to its existence guarantees a substantial public
opposition and steady drumfire of criticism, controversy
47-093 O— 65
156
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
JOURNALISM AND THE COLD WAR . . . continued
and suspicion. (Of course the agency earns some of its
criticism quite honestly!)
Nikita Khrushchev's seemingly casual remarks on his
1959 tour of the United States about the CIA set this
strategy of exposure rolling. The most famous incident
was carefully staged at the White House within easy
earshot of reporters when Khrushchev met CIA Direc-
tor Allen Dulles and joked about paying the same spies
and reading the same reports. Throughout his tour
Khrushchev's remarks were repeated too often and too
prominently to have been genuinely casual. Since that
time we have learned the Soviet KGB has set up a
special section assigned to think up and e.\ecute de-
ception operations to discredit the CIA. It's called—
shades of "1984" — the "Disinformation Bureau."
Among its favored weapons are the forgery, the fake
news story, the planted rumor. On April 23, 1961, when
the Bay of Pigs and the Algerian generals' revolt were
top news, a crypto-communist newspaper in Rome,
II Paese, carried a story declaring that "some people in
Paris are accusing the American secret service headed
by Allen Dulles of having participated in the plot of
the four 'ultra' generals."
This paper, testified Assistant CIA Director Richard
Helms later, is frequently "used as an oudet for dis-
guished Soviet propaganda." TASS promptly relayed
die story, and the London DaUy Worker and the Paris
communist daily L'Humanite headlined: "U.S. SPY
AGENCY ENCOURAGED REVOLT." Simultaneous-
ly the Polish press attache spread it in Paris bars where
newsmen hang out. Soon the free world press services
—not one of them aware of the story's origins— splashed
it onto front pages everywhere. This Moscow-manufac-
tured "fable," as such intelligence gambits are called,
was taken up by Paris officialdom anxious to redeem
French honor by proving their rebellious officer corps
had been inspired from abroad. They drew hot words
from the U.S. Ambassador and White House Press Sec-
retary Pierre Salinger, in Paris preparing for a presiden-
tial visit. Salinger accused Pierre Baraduc, French For-
eign Office press chief, of putting out the story to put
President Kennedy at a disadvantage with General
De Gaulle. "I'm not putting it out," Barraduc replied.
"It seems to have sprung from nowhere. But you have
to admit the story soimds logical." The Western press
continued to play it for a week without any idea where
it originated.
FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE-On April
6, 1960, the New York Times carried a full-page ad
branding as "false" the rising tide of news reports indi-
cating Castro's communist ties. "Not a shred of evi-
dence has been produced," the ad proclaimed, prais-
ing the "great work of revolutionary reform now in
progress in Cuba." Thirty citizens calling themselves
the "Fair Play for Cuba Committee" signed it. The FBI
very quickly flagged the Fair Play Committee as a
typical front operation initiated by individuals with
known public record communist links, and reporters
who bothered to inquire were so informed as early as
the summer of 1960. Yet so few bothered that the Fair
Play Committee was able to organize 30 committees in
major American cities, 40 college chapters, and enlist
10,000 students, adults, and subscribers who contrib-
uted at an annual rate of $45,000 for this propaganda
effort. On Oct. 20, 1960, 1500 people attended a New
York rally urging "hands off Cuba" at a time when
growing communist influence in that unhappv isle was
a presidential campaign issue.
Not once, so far as diligent inquiry reveals, did
any newspaper or wire service reporter do a story re-
vealing the known facts of communist involvement, or-
ganizational talent and publicity support going into the
"Fair Play" operation or suggest that this was a com-
munist-inspired maneuver.
Indeed, when the Senate Internal Securitv Subcom-
mittee initiated hearings it was hotly denounced by a
leading magazine and a score or more newspapers for
"McCarthyism." Yet the subcommittee got nothing like
equal notice when a young Cuban physician testified
that he had gone with the Fair Play Committee's
organizer to U.N. headquarters to pick up $3500 from
Raul Roa, Jr., a member of the Cuban delegation and
son of Castro's foreign minister, for the Times ad that
kicked off the whole operation.
"The whole sad episode reveals a deep double stand-
ard," says Sen. Thomas J. Dodd. "Show too many peo-
ple a nutty right-wing outfit like the Birch Society and
they are off like chargers, eager to do battle. Editors
send reporters to their meetings, probe their organiza-
tional structure, and hound them with steady criticism.
But they are not interested in a Fair Play for Cuba
Committee, organized with secret communist financial
support by an ex-convict who is actively misleading
thousands of innocent students and using them to ad-
vance Moscow's grand strategy. Yet that organization
proved itself capable of inciting and channeling the
hatred of the sick soul who killed the President of the
United States."
THE GAP IN JOURNALISM EDUCATION-Re-
cent scholarship in the histor}' of revolutionary move-
ments forces us to realize that the "cold war" between
democratic due process and revolutionary totalitarian-
ism has been with us, on a minor scale, since the French
Revolution, and that the totalitarians have developed
a thorough technology of plaimed violence and social
demolition. The persistent recurrence of domestic ex-
tremist groups ranging from the Ku Klux Klan, the
Black Muslims, and the pro-Chinese communist splin-
ter factors indicates these phenomena are likely to be
with us indefinitely. Since they borrow liberally from
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
157
each other their methods are generally uniform, and
covering them adequately requires specialized back-
ground knowledge.
One cause of the inadequacy of cold war coverage
so far is that journalism schools have paid so little at-
tention to it. Of course, thus far the profession has not
asked them to supply journalists trained in what has
up to now not been recognized as a specialty. When
the demand exists, they will supply it. They give
courses in science writing, political affairs reporting,
even book reviewing— but not propaganda, psycholog-
ical warfare, and the sociology of political conflict.
But more and more is this gap being recognized as
editors turn to "depth" reporting to meet growing read-
ership sophistication and compete with electronic
media on "spot" news. It is not too optimistic to predict
that in a few years every newspaper large enough to
have a business editor, garden writer, or editorial page
editor will also have some staffer who has made some
special study of the sociology and psychology of ex-
tremist groups and hate ideologies, and who devotes at
least part time to keeping track of commimist strategy
and tactics— for example, by reading The Worker twice
weekly (subscriptions cost $7.00 yearly), or the Mos-
cow-published monthly of the international communist
movement. International Affairs (available in English for
$3.50 a year).
Even so, the current vacuum in journalism education
concerning psychopolitical warfare, which tremendous-
ly affects the mass communications media, is a littie
surprising. The Library of Congress at the request of
Sen. Karl Mvmdt (R., S.D. ) surveyed 46 journalism de-
partments accredited in 1962 by the American Coun-
cil on Education for Journalism and found that 22 of-
fered no courses even brushing psychological warfare
and propaganda, insofar as course descriptions indi-
cated. In the rest, 51 courses bore amorphous titles rang-
ing from "Attitudes and Media Research Methods" to
"The Press and World Affairs." Only eight schools out
of the entire 46 had courses bold enough to mention
the word "propaganda" in their tide and the course
descriptions showed that most were irrelevant. Out of
the hundreds surveyed in the entire United States, only
two courses seemed to zero directly in:
1. SEMINAR IN PROPAGANDA AND PSYCHOLOGICAL
WARFARE, at Boston University— primarily concerned with
the study of propaganda and psychological warfare develop-
ments in the twentieth century. Major emphasis on case study
approach to important private and governmental efforts at
home and abroad. Special attention to social and political im-
plications of such activities. Evaluations of worth of different
methods of persuasion .Tnd of utilization of the mass media
of communication. Direct importance of these subjects to the
free societies, the garrison states, and the under-developed
areas in the world. A three semester-hour course.
2. PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE AND PROPAGANDA,
At W'ashington & Lee University— "Functions, tactics and me-
dia of psychological and political warfare, with spL'ci''.l refer-
ence to World War II and contemporary world confl-ct. Or-
ganization and strategy of information programs; cultural
propaganda; military procedures." A three-^our course.
Prof. O. W. Riegel, who teaches the Washington &
Lee class, says his course deals direcdy with psycholog-
ical manipulation and the cold war. "We try to cover
the policy-making apparatus of the United States and
Soviet Union, the propaganda directives of the two
coimtries, and how their propaganda works out in prac-
tice. We spend quite a bit of time on Soviet and com-
munist operations. But we make no case studies or post
mortems on communist manipulations of the Western
press."
Washington & Lee graduates only eight or nine jour-
nalism majors annually. If the Library of Congress sur-
vey is indicative, pitifully few of the annual crop of
American journalism graduates get even a whiff of this
vital subject matter.
There is a silver lining however. Prof. Riegel's course
has proved so popular it attracts 30 to 50 students ev-
ery year from history and political science majors. And
he says it excites a lot of student interest, indicating
there will be a good campus "market" for such courses
if journalism departments introduce them.
Recognizing that courses outside the journalism
schools would be available to journalism students, the
Library of Congress checked the full curricula of the
five metropolitan universities of Washington, D.C.
Since these have many students studying for military,
diplomatic and other government careers, they offer
highly non-typical concentrations on international af-
fairs and conflict. But even they offered only two
courses whose descriptions might attract a journalism
student shopping the university catalog for a good siu--
vey of psychopolitical warfare and propaganda. Cath-
olic University offers "Strategy and Tactics of Organ-
ized Communism," and Georgetown University, even
though its international relations school is renowned as
a "prep" school for the Foreign Service, offers only one,
"Propaganda, Political Warfare and Revolutionary
Techniques in the 20th Century." Teaching this six-
hour course is Dr. James D. Atkinson, a recognized au-
thority who was consultant to President Truman's Psy-
chological Strategy Board, a veteran intelligence offi-
cer and National War College lecturer.
But there's still a hitch.
'"The last time I taught the course I had nine stu-
dents—and no journalists," Dr. Atkinson reports.
The simple fact is that a joiunalist who has not
studied the history of conunimist operational techniques
is hardly more equipped to report or comment on to-
day's world or handle copy on the cold war than a doc-
tor who has never studied the measles syndrome is
competent to practice medicine.
He needs a solid factual course on the sociology, psy-
chology and history of insurgency, guerrilla warfare, ur-
bin terrorism, and the organizational warfare tech-
158
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
JOURNALISM
and the
COLD WAR continued
niques of the communists. This doesn't mean turning
journalists into witch hunters, but they should know
more about such operations historically, write and tdk
more about them so that the American people will be
better informed, all in a cool, calm, factual and sophis-
ticated fashion. The history of Soviet psychological
warfare and pohcy sabotage through such operations
as the Institute of Pacific Relations and the Harry Dex-
ter White-Alger Hiss interlockiiig subversion rings
should be as much a part of the equipment of every
journalist as the John Peter Zenger trial and the Hearst
role in the Spanish-American War.
Recently, Allen W. Dulles, former CIA director ad-
dressing the American Association of School Adminis-
trators, made an appeal that could be addressed to the
nation's journalism educators as well:
"I am convinced that unless we increase our understanding
of the real nature of the communist threat and improve upon
our techniques to meet it, the past may well prove to be the
prologue to further advances of communism. The nature of
the communist apparatus must be exposed to the world as best
we can, through the press, through publications, in public
addresses and in the schoolrooms. The tact that it has at times
been able to work in secret until the moment of actual take-
over has been a major contributing cause of the success they
have had. I earnestly ask you to find a place for teaching the
hard facts about the communist program to undermine our
free way of life"
Ten years ago to suggest "teaching commimism in
the schools" was to risk being smeared by McCarthy-
ists as "pinko". Today it means risking beitig labeled a
"neo-McCarthyist" or "right-winger". Fortunately there
is an admirable precedent that could serve as a model
for professional action by a society like Sigma Delta
Chi.
Today, the American Bar Association conducts a
three-prong program: 1. internal self -education; 2. a
continuing analysis of communist tactics, strategy and
objectives; and 3. the promotion of teacher training
institutes so that public school teachers may get both
sotmd scholarly laiowledge and professional guidance
in presenting it. The Corrmimittee taps graduate centers
suci as the Georgetown University Center for Strategic
studies, the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and
Peace at Stanford University; the University of Pennsyl-
vania Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the Uni-
versity of South Carolina Institute of International
Studies.
Currently the ABA is issuing two timely studies: 1.
"Peaceful Coexistence— A Communist Blueprint for
Victory," a sifting of the evidence of "internal" com-
munist communications which indicates that "peaceful
coexistence" in the Red lexicon means more cold war
by subversion, insurgency and social demolition tech-
niques; 2. "Communist Propaganda on the Campus,"
summarizing ^propaganda themes now being promoted
by top U.S. communists in their speaking forays on
American campuses. The ABA has given both respect-
ability and coherence to a national movement that might
otherwise have turned into a McCarthyistic-Birchite
brouhaha.
Isn't it time SDX, the one professional society rep-
resenting all news media, joined the ABA pioneering
in this field? Of course so broad or elaborate an effort
is neither practical nor desirable now, but the Society
might begin by establishing a committee to encourage
professional development through chapter workshops,
journalism courses and research. Such a committee
could offer a centralized collecting point for experience,
guidance and general information to interested chap-
ters and professors. Any such undertaking is of course
fraught with hazards. Opportimities for lunacy and in-
eptitude are legion. But the job must be done by re-
sponsible leaders or it will be botched by cranks and
witch hunters. The hazards can be avoided by one com-
mon-sense rule and one corollary.
RULE: An SDX committee on education about com-
munism must stick to its mission— education. Not indoc-
trination. Not censorship. Not name-calling. Not vidtch-
hunting.
COROLLARY: The committee and the teachers,
courses and workshops it would inspire must stick to
facts. Not conjecture, not speculation, not propound-
ing dogma, not prescribing remedies or telling jour-
nalists how to practice their profession.
Let us teach the facts about communist operational
methods and propaganda themes in their orchestratioo
of psychopolitical warfare, insofar as diligent, objective
scholarship can reveal them through case studies. This
knowledge should be a part of the professional equip-
ment of every journalist in this "century of conflict."
SDX, as a society devoted to truth, has a duty to help
supply that equipment by encouraging the teaching
and research in our journalism schools needed for a
deeper, more systematic knowledge of the facts. In the
spirit of the Scripps-Howard motto, the profession will
then be better able to "give light and the people will
find their own way." ■
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 159
The January 1965 issue of the Reader's Digest also featured an article written
by Mr. Methvin. It was entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot." It is an excellent
description of the techniques of riot-instigation, one of the unconventional war-
fare techniques Communists in all parts of the world are using against the
United States, its allies, and, as a matter of fact, against all non-Communist
governments.
Following the publication of this article in the Reader's Digest, Mr. Methvin
received a letter from an Indonesian in the United States, who asked that the
letter be kept confidential. This letter points out the desperate need of freedom-
loving people in foreign nations for assistance in combating Communist efforts
to take over their respective countries. The writer of this letter wants help.
He has heard of the Freedom Academy and asks, "Could you please tell me how
can I join the Freedom Academy?"
The reply which Mr. Methvin wrote to this Indonesian states in blunt terms,
and terms which I am afraid we cannot refute, the complete inability of the
United States at the present time to give to such persons really effective assist-
ance in preventing Communists from subjugating additional nations of the
world.
Why can't we give really effective help? Basically, it is because we do not
have the know-how which the Freedom Academy can make available. It is
because in our struggle with communism — a struggle that, if we take the Commu-
nists at their word, is going to see the end of us or of communism — we are still
relying on outmoded, inadequate 19th century weapons — dollars, guns, and news
and information programs delivered in a fashion with little appeal for the
masses and which is not even designed to convince them that our cause is just
and right and communism is evil, wrong, and inimical to their best interests.
Mr. Chairman, I ask that these last three items I have mentioned, Mr. Meth-
vin's Reader's Digest article, the letter he received as a result of it, and his reply
to the letter, be made a part of the record at this point. I have excised the letter
in question so as to eliminate any possibility that the writer might be identified
through its contents.
(The above-mentioned articles follow :)
A Readers Digest
mmmmmamm
PUiMl
HOW THE REDS
MAICE A RIOT
By Eugene H. Methvin
SS» iKi»*lfarJ>!i3n>T*v.«-J»SI«.ia- '•■" T'iUC
THE READER'S DIGEST • PLEASANTVILLE. NEW YORK
(161)
162
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
HOW THE REDS
MAKE A RIOT
By Eugene H. Methvin
It's time for us to recognize— and to counteract-
one of the communists' most deadly cold-war weapons:
the vicious "manipulated" demonstration
A CHEMIST knows that if he drops
a block of sodium into water,
L it will explode. An engineer
knows that if he buries dynamite in
proper quantities and patterns and
detonates it, he can dig an irrigation
ditch. A communist leader knows
that if he chooses prop)er slogans,
gathers a crowd and agitates it, he
can create a riot.
The techniques of starting a riot
are as simple, as scientific and as
systematic as that. And ever since
the beginning of the cold war the
communists have been using the
deadly weapon of the managed riot
on every continent— to poison alli-
ances, to topple governments, to hu-
This article is based on four years of re-
search by Eugene H. Methvin, a member of
the Reader's Digest Washington, D.C., staff.
It represents scores of case studies of Red riots,
plus hundreds of interviews with the FBI,
CIA, Secret Service, police experts, academic
and military-intelligence authorities, and for-
mer communists who have personally orga-
nized strikes and riots.
miliate leaders, to nullify billions in
foreign aid, crush American pres-
tige and shoot holes in U.S. foreign
policy. The latest instances of orga-
nized violence include bloody street
fights between Buddhists and Cath-
olics in Vietnam, food marches in
India, chaos in the Congo, and mass
executions by a riot-installed Red
regime in Zanzibar. U.S. embassies
and libraries have been mobbed and
our diplomats humiliated in Indo-
nesia, Ghana, Cyprus, Sudan and
Bolivia. American businesses have
been smashed in Panama and Vene-
zuela. A recent study for the De-
fense Department showed that in the
five preceding years in Latin Amer-
ica alone there were 351 reported
outbreaks of communist-inspired
terrorism, sabotage and guerrilla
warfare, plus 299 riots, demonstra-
tions and strikes.
Despite our diplomatic efforts, our
missile strength and our military
might, these riots could well defeat
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
163
us in the world struggle if we don't
soon learn how to cope with them.
Red Tornado. Consider the riot
as it was wielded in Panama last
January. That four-day anti-Ameri-
can maelstrom left 24 dead, 400 in-
jured, two million dollars' worth of
property damaged. When U. S.
troops were fired on by snipers and
forced to shoot back, the little repub-
lic's charges of "U.S. aggression"
were blazoned around the world.
What really happened in Pana-
ma ? Communists were already pre-
paring to exploit frictions arising
from a bus strike when a better issue
fell into their laps. U.S. students at
Balboa High School, defying agree-
ments to fly the flags of both Pana-
ma and the United States at speci-
fied places, hoisted the U.S. flag
alone on their school's flagpole.
Informants hurried the news to
Panama's communist Minister of
Education, Solis Palma, and within
hours students and hundreds of in-
nocent Panamanian patriots were
decoyed into a Red-planned tornado.
Experts, reconstructing the Panama
explosion, unearthed these facts:
• "Molotov cocktails" thrown
against U.S. homes, places of busi-
ness and automobiles contained not
improvised rags stuffed into bottle-
necks but meticulously hand-sewn
wicks. Student members of a pro-
Castro Red organization had stayed
after school making the fire bombs
a full week before the riots.
• An amazed American witness
stood beside a radio commentator
broadcasting into a portable trans-
mitter: "Ten thousand persons are
defying the bullets, going toward
the Canal Zone. . . . The North
American troops are machine-gun-
ning the brave Panamanian patriots.
. . . Tanks are now in our territory."
What the commentator was describ-
ing bore no resemblance to the scene
before them — a small crowd of spec-
tators watching a fire-bombed Bra-
niff Airways office burn. (Not one
U.S. tank or machine gun was used
during the four days of disorder.)
• A Panamanian carrying a cam-
era rushed from the Legislative Pal-
ace, drew a pistol and shot a man in
the crowd. Affidavits from onlook-
ers have confirmed that the killer
then snapped a photograph of the
body, stepped into a waiting auto
and sped away. Later, six known
communists led a funeral procession
for "martyrs murdered by the North
American imperialist troops."
• Panamanian President Roberto
Chiari, under pressure from com-
munist aides and fellow travelers,
ordered the troops of Panama's Na-
tional Guard to stay in their bar-
racks for four days.* During the
peak of the violence, he appeared on
the Presidential Palace balcony with
communist agitator Victor Avila,
who tongue-lashed the crowds on to
new attacks against the Yanquis.
*At Panama's request, the highly regarded
International Commission of Jurists, from
Geneva, Switzerland, conducted an on-the-
scene investigation and concluded that if
Panama authorities had acted promptly "the
violence and damage to property and tragic
casualties would not, in all probability, have
occurred."
164
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
• Reliable authorities identified
at least 70 communists— an estimat-
ed 55 of them trained in Cuba — agi-
tating and directing mob action.
Violence Step-by-Step. The com-
munists have studied and taught
mob manipulation for 60 years. Len-
in himself developed mob tech-
niques, which he taught in a
clandestine communist school at
Longjumeau, France, in 191 1. His
bold boast: "When we have com-
panies of specially trained worker-
revolutionaries who have passed
through a long course of schooling,
no police in the world will be able
to cope with them." Today, from a
worldwide collection of data, includ-
ing captured documents and inter-
rogations of defectors from training
schools, the step-by-step stages of
Red-manipulated violence can be
fully revealed.
Stage 1. Infiltrate agents into stra-
tegic organizations and mass media.
To mobilize crowds, the party must
first slip operatives into newspapers,
radio stations, labor unions, civic as-
sociations, college faculties, student
organizations, even military and po-
lice units. In Venezuela, for example,
communists dominate the principal
school of journalism, at Central
University in Caracas, and students
are trained in how to load the press
with hate ideologies.
Actual Red control of an organi-
zation isn't always necessary, as
Britain's democratic labor unions
learned in March 1963. When their
peaceful demonstration on unem-
ployment moved into London, Reds
sneaked into their ranks and in-
vaded the entrance to Parliament
where, traditionally, demonstrations
are not allowed. Mounted police in-
tervened, and a battle raged for an
hour. Following instructions offered
by the Daily Worf^er on "How to
Unhorse a Cop by Quick and Cer-
tain Means," rioters pressed lighted
cigarettes against horses' flanks.
London newspapers called it one of
the ugliest riots in rdtent history.
Stage 2. Soften up the populace
with symbols and slogans. In the
opening phase of a propaganda cam-
paign. Red professionals never use
an openly communist cause to sway
people to their way of thinking.
Rather, they seize upon universal as-
pirations for "peace," "bread," "civil
liberties," "freedom," and then cast
these aspirations in inflammatory
"class warfare" lingo. As scapegoats
for all frustration they point to
"U.S. imperialism," "capitalist ex-
ploiters" or "the white power elite."
Under a steady drumfire of such
hate slogans, ordinary citizens can
be worked up sufficiently to move
into the streets when the commu-
nists sound their riot gongs.
So effective is the sloganeering
that Reds organized riots against
higher tram fares in Calcutta and
higher electric rates in Buenos Aires,
against U.S. forces in Japan and
against a Congressional hearing in
San Francisco.
Stage 3. Draw together the mob
nucleus. Using the standard bally-
hoo methods of newspaper publicity,
leaflets, radio announcements and
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
165
offers of free transportation, cell
chiefs attract the curious, the un-
happy, the bored and the lazy who
gather at any circus, fire or ruckus.
Crowds may also be hired. In Brazil,
an American mingled with demon-
strators protesting the death of Red-
leaning Congolese politician Patrice
Lumumba. "Who is this Lumum-
ba.''" he asked the people around
him. Nobody knew. "Where is the
Congo?" Nobody knew that either.
"Why are you here?" The answer:
"I was paid ten cruzeiros."
In Japan, during the weeks of the
anti-Eisenhower demonstrations in
i960, Red agitators so regularly hired
all applicants away from unemploy-
ment offices that police were able ro
tell newsmen that the absence of
lines at those offices in the morning
meant certain demonstrations in the
evening. Japanese security officials
estimate that the five weeks of anti-
American violence cost the Reds a
minimum of $1,400,000.
Stage 4. Agitate the crotvd. Com-
munists follow various patterns to
fit the tactical situation when ex-
ploiting the mob. They may herd it
closely like sheep or raise the tension
like a boiler until it explodes. But
the fundamental methods are the
same. Here, based largely on docu-
ments captured from the Iraqi Com-
munist Party, is how a Red "secret
staff" runs off a demonstration:
External command : The riot com-
mander and his staff take up stations
well removed from the activity, from
which they can observe the entire
"battlefield."
Internal command: Red cadres
within the crowd direct the dem-
onstration under the external
command's orders. The internal
commander, always closely guarded,
often posts himself near a particular-
ly conspicuous banner so that scouts
and messengers can find him at all
times. (In the anti-U.S. demonstra-
tions in Caracas in 1958, Vice Presi-
dent Richard Nixon found that he
could identify mob leaders: they
rode piggyback on the shoulders of
others, to be able to see better and to
give directions.)
Messengers: They carry orders
and intelligence between the inter-
nal and external commands, and
report on police movements.
Shock guards: Armed with pipes
and staves, these men wait in reserve.
If police attack the communists, they
jump in and provide a blitz to cover
the communists' retreat.
Cheering sections : Loud-mouthed
agitators are carefully rehearsed in
slogans to chant and the order in
which to chant them.
Police baiters: Specially trained
women scream hysterically, faint at
policemen's feet or claw at their
faces. Other pawns are instructed to
roll marbles under the hoofs of po-
licemen's horses, attack them with
razor blades on the end of poles, or
jab them with pins, causing them to
rear and charge through the crowd
and thus provide photographers
with "proof" of "police brutality."
Stage 5. Manufacture martyrs. All
agitators are taught to create a mar-
tyr, carry the body through the
166
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Streets, stage a big funeral, and com-
memorate the death as often as pos-
sible to keep alive the fanatical
"struggle" atmosphere. U.S. Secret
Service men saw tiny children
shoved in front of Vice President
Nixon's official car in Caracas. The
communist hope: to create a martyr
whose death could be charged to the
cruel Yanqui imperialists.
The Lesson Strikes Home. These
cynical techniques can work any-
where—including right here in U.S.
cities, as we learned last summer.
Though the FBI investigation of
the riots that swept Harlem and five
eastern cities uncovered no system-
atic national organization or plan-
ning behind them — "aside from the
actions of minor organizations" —
J. Edgar Hoover's report did un-
cover the tracks of plenty of indi-
vidual communists and splinter
groups. And, said Hoover, in at least
two of the New Jersey cities "two
individuals with histories of com-
munist affiliation were instigators
and leaders of the riots."
In Harlem, the communists helped
create the atmosphere that was
bound to explode. Long before the
riots, they launched a conditioning
campaign with repeated charges of
"police brutality." Red publications
in Harlem advocated armed units
to fight the "drunken, prejudiced
hooligan-in-uniform." Last Febru-
ary, Harlem police began finding
pamphlets printed in Cuba by an
American Negro communist, Rob-
ert F. Williams. Just back from talks
with Mao Tse-tung in Red China,
he distributed, from Havana, in-
structions on how to adapt Mao's
guerrilla tactics to U.S. city streets.
Red organizers set up block com-
mittees and captains to get out riot-
ers the way political parties get out
voters. Attempts were made to re-
cruit jobless teen-agers, gang leaders
and juvenile delinquents. Commu-
nist leaders secretly urged block cap-
tains to be ready to barrage the
police at the first inflammatory in-
cident.
Six weeks before the rioting, po-
lice began finding hoards of bottles
and brickbats on Harlem rooftops.
By July the "Harlem Defense
Council" was claiming 30 block
committees. "This is a communist
organization," proclaimed William
Epton, its chairman. "I am a com-
munist. We'll work with any group
in Harlem— black nationalists, Mus-
lims, or anybody else — where we
agree on issues."
It was in this atmosphere that a
policeman shot and killed a knife-
wielding 15-year-old Negro youth
on July 16. Instantly the Red organi-
zation mobilized. Forty-eight hours
after the shooting, on a tense, hot
Saturday afternoon, Epton called a
street rally. "We're going to have a
demonstration, and we don't say it
is going to be peaceful because the
cops have declared war on the peo-
ple of Harlem," he told the crowd,
according to a later indictment.
"Every time they kill one of us,
damn it, we'll kill one of them."
But the violence was actually
touched off by another street-corner
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
167
rally held that night by irresponsible
CORE leaders and random rabble-
rousers who chimed in. As the
crowd milled around in front of a
police precinct headquarters, its
numbers swelled to hundreds. With-
in an hour, rocks, bottles and gar-
bage were flying. The situation now
needed no further communist help.
It is pointless to argue whether
the Harlem rioting would have oc-
curred without communist presence.
Laying the blame for any riot solely
upon communist instigation is as
incorrect as dismissing entirely the
influence of communism's "hidden
persuaders." The lesson of Harlem
is that the Red wreckers can move
in on any controversy, and every
thinking person must be aware of
their methods and objectives.
What Can Be Done? The need
for action is pressing. A few steps
have already been taken. Last Sep-
tember, after the eruptions in U.S.
cities. President Johnson ordered the
FBI and the Army to provide in-
creased anti-riot training for police
and National Guard units. Attorney
General Robert F. Kennedy, after
bitter overseas experience with Red
crowd agitators, prodded the Agen-
cy for International Development to
start an "International Police Acad-
emy" in Washington, which today
schools foreign policemen in on-
the-spot handling of Red insur-
gency, terrorism and riots. U.S. labor
and business leaders founded the
American Institute for Free Labor
Development, which, with U.S. gov-
ernment support, is training thous-
ands of Latin American trade
unionists in i8 countries in demo-
cratic organization and anti-com-
munist action.
But these steps are only a drop in
the bucket. Urgently needed is rec-
ognition of the global problem at
Washington's highest levels— and
priority action. The White House
must get behind the long-delayed
Freedom Academy, which would
teach both American and foreign
private citizens how to counteract
communist incendiarism with dem-
ocratic reforms and organization.
And private citizens everywhere
must emulate the inspiring Brazil-
ians who fought back on their own
last spring. There, organizing their
own anti-communist units, leaders
learned of a Red-instigated "spon-
taneous" mass march to be made on
the capital in Brasilia, exposed the
Red plan by press and radio, and
forced its abandonment.*
Free men can fight back in these
four ways:
1. Support wide public educatioti
about communist organizational
methods and tactics of planned
violence. In the United States,
the American Bar Association's
Standing Committee on Education
Against Communism, 1 155 E. 60 St.,
Chicago, 111. 60637, is spearheading
the drive for more public under-
standing of Red tactics. Many local
bar groups, high-school faculties,
Junior Chambers of Commerce and
other civic groups are raising funds
•Sec "The Country That Saved Itself,"
The Reader's Digest, November '64.
168
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
and otherwise aiding the ABA
program.
2. Seel^ advice from those who
have had experience in the \ind of
political in-fighting required to ex-
pose and defeat the communist "hid-
den persuaders." The communists
devote "not their spare evenings but
the whole of their Hves," as Lenin
commanded, to engineering social
strife and violence. Amateurs who
oppose them must learn fast. The
following organizations offer infor-
mation and assistance born of ex-
perience: American Institute for
Free Labor Development, 1925 K
Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.
20006; National Strategy Informa-
tion Center, 121 E. 71 St., New
York, N.Y. 10021; Information
Council of the Americas (INCA),
620 Gravier St., New Orleans,
La. 70130.
3. Wherever Red agents of vio-
lence set up party units or front
groups, citizens must organize spe-
cific attack^ forces to wrec\ the
wreckers before their organizations
are deployed for action. By keeping
an ear to the ground and intelligence
channels to official agencies open,
citizens' groups can isolate the engi-
neers of social demolition. In New
Orleans, for example, when Lee
Harvey Oswald, later assassin of
President Kennedy, started organiz-
ing a chapter of the Fair Play for
Cuba Committee, there to expose
him was INCA, which produces
anti-communist radio programs to
counter mass demonstrations in Lat-
in America. Edward Butler, INCA's
executive vice president, debated Os-
wald on a radio panel and, using
officially documented data, forced
him to admit his Marxist devotion
and defection to Russia. Thus iso-
lated, Oswald soon left town, dem-
onstrating once more that exposure
is democracy's most potent weapon
against such hatemongers.
4. Where prevention fails, citizens
must overwhelmingly support civil
authorities and police to maintain
order. In Harlem, after the first
violence flared last summer, civil-
rights leaders called together every
non-communist organization in the
community — 69 of them — and
formed the United Harlem Organi-
zations. Working closely with police
to expose and isolate the incendi-
aries, they distributed thousands of
leaflets urging people to stay away
from a communist-called rally. The
rally fizzled. The UHO is now
working hard to counteract the com-
munist-promoted "police brutality"
sloganeering, a decades-old commu-
nist stratagem diabolically designed
to hamstring proper police action.
Rights groups everywhere must ex-
pose it as energetically as they seek
to prevent real instances of excessive
force.
The lesson of the rising global tide
of Red-led violence is one of the old-
est lessons of history: eternal vigi-
lance is the price of liberty.
Reprints of this article are available.
Prices, postpaid to one address: lo— 50<;
50— $2; 100— $3.50; 500— $12.50; 1000
— $18. Address Reprint Editor, The
Reader's Digest, Pleasantville, N.Y.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 169
Feb.1?, 1965
Kr. Bugene H. Kethvln
Reader's Digest Vifashlngton, D.'
Dear Mr. Kethvln,
I was very much Inpressed by your article *How the reds nake a
plot" in the Jajiuary issue of the Rear^er's Digest.
Eventhough I could not agree wholly with what you say, I do relllze
that the most effective way to fight Commonlsn Is using their
own nethods.
It is the future of ny country Indonesia that compel r.e to write
this letter. What is going to happen if President Sukarno is dead?
I assur-.e than the Connunists will '^ake a bresik to c®^ ^^ power.
Wio Is going to stop then? Or will it be auiother Forea or Vietnam?
I believe we, who still believe in freedom have to prevent Indonesia
from falling Into Commiinlst hands.
Unfortunately, we do not know and do not have the reans how to fight
the Communists.
I have written to the American Institute For Free Labor Developr.ent,
but that organization Is for Latin Arerlca only.
Cotild you please tell re how can I join the Freedom Academy?
I «D a , in this country and I want to return to my
country not only wlth^ knowledge, but also how to fight
Conimunism.
This opinion of mine is shared by many of us who study in your
country.
I thank you beforehand and God bless you.
Sincerely,
170
PROVIDESTG FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The Readers Digest
.PLtASANTYlLLE • NEW YORK
Washington Editorial Office
1300 Connecticut A-ve., N.W.
Washington 6, D.C,
April 7, 1965
Dmax Rr.
Your l«ttar of Mbnuury 15 toa«^od ■• d««ply. Z
have dmXmyd aiunNirltt? ter so long boeauso Z hovo boMi
grepia^ for an adoquato anawar •— Imt tharo la noaa.
Toa BOO, tbott^ tho wonda doaa bard, I anat tall yoo
tbat ay country « tha ao-eallad "JUraanal of Oaaocracy"
and laadar of tba frao ««rld« offiira virtually mthlng
to a yoong nan llko yoa vho wmta and aeolu training la
how to dofaad hla oaa ooantry agalaat ccNHunlsa and
loiplaat daaocracy. Vo nattoarta l^at look to na for halp
In aalatalnlng fraadou and taoildli^r a battar Ufa, «a
of far food and araa, aacbtnary and vadlclna. Bat «A»aa
It coawa to tba akllla In polltl<»l oxganlxatloa and
conflict tbay will noad to aalntaln frao and <teaoeratlc
govarnaaat In tbat atrugglo Adlal Stovanaon calls "tiia
world civil war,** alaa, wo of far nothing at all.
cmn any what la going to hai^pan to yoor
country of Xndonaala aftar Praaldant Sukarno dlaa* Toa
ara qalta o>rroct la aaaoaiag tbat tha ci'i— unlsts will
aaka a braak to gat In powar* Zn fact* tha naws In racant
wooka Indleatas thay ara alroady aovlng rapidly to grab
such a stranglahold tbat no ona will ba abla to stop thaa.
It grivaa aa to bava to tall you that It any ba too lata
to sava Zndonaaia froa 11 wainlat takaovar.
Tott aak about tbm Praadui Aeadaay and bow you can
attand. It la a aad atoryt Plrst« lot as say that you
ara qolta shrawd to racogalaa tha laportanca of tha
polltlcal-ldaologleal struggla aven to a aadloal stndant
such as you. Tou will not acooapllah any nat gain In
tha causa of huaanlty lf« whUa you davota your tlaa and
aadlcal skills to saving a faw 11 vaa, tha politicians so
run things that par Iodic aass faalna (as In CoooBunlst
China) and civil vlolanca (aa In South ▼latnaa) swoap
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 171
away the lives of hundreds of thousands and heap misery
upon millions. Politics, ndiich is basically the art of
human organisation, is the master science — and all who
love mankind must study and practice it. "Nan is by
nature a political animal," said Aristotle. And it's
no use doctoring his body if his politics are bad —
for he will die anyway. And who shall doctor the ills
of the body politick? Where are the great academies that
train professionals in this master science?
They are, ironically, all to be found in Russia or
China or — now — Cuba, fhose coimtries operate scores
of institutes and schools teaching all the arts of
"revolutionary warfare"; the organisation of youth, stu-
dents, farmers, women, professors, etc.; the infiltra-
tion of communications media, armed forces, police and
government; the fomenting of strikes, mass demonstrations
and bloody riots; and the ultimate seizure of power and
total i tar ianization of nations, with all the bloodshed
and starvation that inevitably follow. (Cuba alone is
turning out 1500 to 2500 trained revolutionaries a year
from all over Latin America.) These schools have been
running since 1921, when Lenin started the "University of
the Workers of the East" for Asians such as you.
Indeed, your own country of Indonesia has sent un-
told hundreds to the Lenin School and its successor col-
leges of destruction. The Communist Party of Indonesia
(PKI) after its founding on May 23, 1920, very quickly
established contact with representatives of the Soviet
Union and its "Communist International" or Comintern.
One of the founders, Semaun, visited the Comintern repre-
sentative in Shanghai and was sent on to Moscow in 1922
for the "First Congress of the Workers of the East,"
one of Lenin's gimmicks to attract recruits he planned
to use to implant Conounist Parties throughout Asia.
Semaun went back to Indonesia, was expelled in 1923 for
leading a strike, and spent the next 20 years in Russia
and Europe, attending Comintern congresses, training
on the job in its international operation, and lecturing
in its training schools. Alimin, another Red leader,
47-093 O— 65 12
172
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
vent to the Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 and stayed
to study at the Lenin School with such future Red chief-
tains as Thorez of France, Brovder and Gus Hall of the
United States, Sharkey of Australia, Chou Bn-I*ai of
China, Pollitt of Great Britain, and Sanzo Nozaka of
Japan. Darsono, run out of Indonesia by the Dutch in
1925 for strike fomentation, went to Moscow emd spent
the years 1929-30 at the Lenin School. Ho one knows
how many other Indonesian connunists went to this and
other schools of revolution during these early years.
But these years of schooling and revoluticnary apprentice-
ship gave then the organizational and agitational know-
how that enabled than after World War II to set up a
revived Comnunist Party, with their own schools and
organization, and make the PKI the largest Comnunist Party
in the world outside the Sino-Soviet nations. And so
the plight of Indonesia today is really in large neasure
the result of training operations that Lenin began in
Moscow 44 years ago.
Fifteen years ago, after the cotanunist takeover of
China and at the tinte of the Korean War, a handful of
Americans in Orlando, Florida, studied Lenin's works
and the peculiar political education system he started
and realized the nature of this global communist program
for professionalizing social conflict. This was the
beginning of the "Freedom Academy" proposal which I have
described in the enclosed article from The Reader's Digest
of May 1963.
It is sad to have to report to you that the Freedcm
Academy is still, at this late date in the 20th year of
the cold war, no more than an idea. Bills to create such
an institution have languished in Congress for the last
five years. Thirs year the prospect is bright that the
House will pass it, for the House Committee on Un-American
Activities has held several hearings and compiled impres-
sive evidence of urgent need. But the situation in the
Senate is less favorable. Hearings were held in the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee in Hay 1963, but the chair-
man. Senator Fulbright, did not seem persuaded of the
need for the legislation, and since that time the situa-
tion in the Senate has been stagnant. If the House does
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 173
pass the bill« however, the chances are good that Senate
sponsors will press for sone kind of action, thou^
I are afraid the State Department's %n:ongheaded and selfish
opposition nay prevent passage. Unfortum tely, there
are still too many idealists emd optimists who have
never accepted the realities about cooBBanism, even as
Heville Chamberlain found it impossible to face up to
the reality of Mr. Hitler until too late. This is a
blindness which, I fear, will have to be paid for by the
blood of many fine people lilce you emd your countrymen
in Indonesia, who are already in grave dsmger of takeover
by the Red professionad.s; and by many young American
soldiers who find themselves bogged down in weurs like
South Vietnam because our civiliam and military officials
in Washington do not know what to do to thwart the trained
connunist conflict managers before the shooting starts.
Z do have faith in freedom, the democratic process
and the ultimate rationality of man, and I think that
before so very many more years pass by, tlie United states
will have a Freedom Academy — simply because the facts
of life and Red imperialism are compelling ever wider
recognition of the desperate need.
Because I have faith in freedom, the democratic
process and the ultimate rationality of man, I think that
before so very many more years pass by, the United states
will have a Freedom Academy — simply because the facts
of life and Red imperialism are compelling ever wider
recognition of the desperate necessity of it. MeemwhJ.le,
no institution in the entire United States offers training
in the strategy, tactics and organizational know-how you
and others like you need to contend against tiie Leninist
professionals .
Ironically, there is one nation in the free world
which is moving to fill this "training gap," and that is
the Republic of Korea. Impressed by the Freedom Academy
proposal in the U.S. Senate, a few years ago the Asian
People's Anti-Communist League, a non-governmental asso-
ciation of Asian anti-communist organizations, decided
to move ahead on its own and build a Freedom Center in
Seoul, Korea. With backing from the Republic of Korea
government and other governmental and non-governmental
groups in Asia, that^projfat is moving steadily forward.
174
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
despitse great obstacles and a tragic apathy throughout
Sarope and the United States. Senator Thoatas J. Dodd,
a leading sponsor of the U.S. Freedon Acadeny bill,
visited Seoul to speak at the Freedoa Center on April 4,
1965, and I enclose a c<^y of his speech for your infor-
aation. Perhaps you could get in touch witli Senator
Dodd*s office upon his return and find <Kit sonething
about the training offered in the Seoul institution.
Or perhaps the Koresm Eoibassy in Washington could tell
you sonething about it and how you sight be adodtted for
study there.
To this very inadequate ansvwr to your letter, let
me add my own good wishes, and nay God go with you and
]ceep you safe.
Sincerely yours,
Eugene H. Hethvin
Enclosures
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 175
The Chairman. I have just received word that due to ilhiess in the
family, former Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, Mr. Farland,
cannot be with us this morning.
So we will hear from him another day.
The hearing is recessed subject to the call of the Chair.
(Whereupon, at 11 :40 a.m., Friday, May 7, 1965, the hearing was
recessed subject to the call of the Chair.)
HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215,
H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R.
6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM
COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1965
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D.C.
public hearings
The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met,
pursuant to recess, at 10 :10 a.m., in Room 313 A, Cannon House Office
■Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. "Willis (chairman)
presiding.
(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of
Louisiana, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Del Claw-
son, of California.)
Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Ichord, and
Clawson.
Committee member also present: Representative Joe R. Pool, of
Texas.
Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; William
Hitz, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel.
The Chairman. The subcommittee will please come to order.
Our first witness this morning, my good friend and colleague, Con-
gressman Boggs, and without saying any more, Hale, we are glad
to have you once more before the committee to discuss the Freedom
Academy proposals, of which your own bill is one.
We will be glad to hear from you, because I know you have to leave
for other business in a few minutes.
STATEMENT OF HON. HALE BOGGS, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM
LOUISIANA
Mr. Boggs. Mr. Chairman, I shall only take a minute or two. 1
filed a formal statement several weeks ago, but I am happy to be back
before the committee and to again urge the favorable report on this
bill.
(Mr. Boggs' statement of April 6, 1965, follows:)
177
178 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
STATEMENT OF HON. HALE BOGGS, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM
LOUISIANA
It is indeed a pleasure to testify once again before this committee on behalf
of the enactment of an important proposal for strengthening our Nation in its
worldwide commitments. My bill, H.R. 2379, and similar bills sponsored by my
colleagues in the House, providing for the establishment of a Freedom Academy
and a Freedom Commission, is a constructive piece of legislation for the benefit
of our country and the free world.
As members of this committee know, this legislation enjoys a growing bipartisan
support in both Houses of the Congress, and I am most hopeful we will have the
opportunity to act on it in this session. It is my imderstanding that the outlook
for House action in this session is better than ever before. I am confident this
conamittee, chaired by my good friend and colleague, Ed Willis of Louisiana,
will do everything possible to report this legislation so that the House can act
on it.
Mr. Chairman, as all of you know, we have only to look at the Communist
infiltration and subversion in South Vietnam today and in other countries in
Southeast Asia (such as Malaya, Laos, Thailand) and in the developing nations
of Africa and Latin America to realize the great effectiveness and the great
danger which these nefarious activities are producing in many parts of the world.
The Communist-trained members of the guerrilla army, the Viet Cong, are
continuing to infiltrate into South Vietnam from the north and to operate in a
subversive manner, as well as to engage in open warfare with South Vietnamese
and American troops. These Viet Cong guerrillas not only battle the South Viet-
namese and American soldiers with bullets, but also they employ all manner
of propaganda, nonmilitary, and subversive techniques to weaken the will of the
people of South Vietnam to continue their fight against Communist aggression.
Both the Soviet Union and Communist China have well-trained agents deployed
around the world, particularly in the new developing nations of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America — there to ply various malevolent tactics of agitation, espionage,
and subversion, designed to foment revolution and the overthrow of existing gov-
ernments. The Red Chinese now are quite active in the new nations of Africa
and in some of the countries in Latin America. With unceasing pressure, these
Communist agents are driving to bring more peoples into their dictatorial orbit.
They will stop at nothing to achieve their diabolical goals.
Therefore, it is most important that we in the United States, as the leader of
the free world, take new and positive steps, through the full use of our citizens
from both the public and private sectors of our society, to counter this Com-
munist offensive around the globe. We can do so by training our own citizens
and certain foreign nationals who are visiting our country to combat these Com-
munist nonmilitary techniques with their own information and tactics.
But such skills in nonmilitary techniques cannot be attained through cor-
respondence courses at home — they should be taught by knowledgeable and
trained professionals at a special school.
I am confident that the best means to provide this specialized training is to
enact this legislation to establish a Freedom Academy and a Freedom Commission
as a separate arm of our National Government. That is why I am sponsoring
this legislation, and why I offer my firm conviction on the need for its enactment.
The Freedom Academy would make use of some of our Nation's best talent and
brains from both the public and private sectors of our society. Particularly, do
we need to employ the services of our educated and dedicated private citizens
in this continuing battle for men's minds. I know there is a great, untapped
source of imagination, patriotism, and dedication among our private citizens,
many of whom would gladly take this specialized training in nonmilitary tech-
niques in order to do their part to maintain our freedom and that of other na-
tions in the world. The fact is that we do not now have, even for the training
of our Government personnel, an agency of our National Government to provide
an extensive course in nonmilitary propaganda tactics. I am convinced we need
such an agency in the form of a Freedom Academy.
The Communist base in Cuba has brought home to the people of the New
Orleans area and of south Louisiana, as well as the country as a whole, the very
real threat posed by the worldwide Communist conspiracy. If there ever was any
doubt before Castro revealed his true colors as a Communist puppet that the
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 179
United States does need to train our citizens to meet the Red peril, then surely
there can be no doubt now. Agents in Cuba are being trained to export their
tactics of nonviolent or violent overthrow of other governments in Latin America.
Thus far, their efforts have been foiled in Venezuela, Colombia, and Chile, but
conditions are not fully stable in those countries even now. Thus we should not
be lulled into any false security. As you now, the stability of some of the Latan
nations is volatile, and our successes of today could be eclipsed tomorrow, unless
we maintain a keen alertness throughout our hemisphere.
To emphasize this point, I would call attention to those members who may
not have read it, a penetrating column in the Washington Post of March 31, 1965,
by two of our Nation's most able and respected journalists — Rowland Evans and
Robert Novak. In this column they write of Fidel Castro's attempts in recent
months "to accelerate his export of Communist revolution."
They also note that the United States' strong stand in Vietnam has definitely
hindered the effectiveness of Castro's program to export Communisit revolutions
to other nations in Latin America.
However, Evans and Novak go on to say that Castro's "new drive was launched
at the hemispheric conference of Communist parties in Havana last November.
With Moscow's concurrence, it was determined there to pick up the pace of terror
and guerrilla warfare."
Their column continues :
"The result since January has been threefold : The beginning of new terrorist
activities in Guatemala and Honduras ; a step-up in chronic guerrilla action by
Colombian Reds ; and continuation of the long campaign of violence by Venezuela's
Communists."
Evans and Novak point up the positive effects of the United States' stand in
Vietnam and note that its weakening impact is very real on Castro's plans to
foment Communist revolutions in the Western Hemisphere.
They assert "the strong U.S. stand in Vietnam * * * hurts subversive com-
munism throughout the hemisphere. It shows Latin America that an Uncle Sam
willing to risk all in far-off Southeast Asia won't hesitate to intervene in the
Guatemalan jungles or the Colombian hills if need be. This stiffens the spines
of Latin American governments."
All of this emphasizes, to my mind, that our country should press any propa-
ganda advantages in various parts of the world where we do have the upper
hand and move into those places where we are today in a vulnerable position.
Because I think this column by Evans and Novak is pertinent to the commit-
tee's consideration of legislation to create a Freedom Academy and a Freedom
Commission, I would like to include it at this point in the extensive record which
I know the committee is compiling. The text of the column follows:
[Washington Post, March 31, 1965]
INSIDE REPORT
Castbo and Vietnam
Speaking at the University of Havana in mid-March, Fidel Castro
reached the climax of his harangue with these words :
"We are in favor of giving Vietnam all the help it needs. We want the
help to be in the form of arms and men. We want the Socialist ( Com-
munist) camp to take whatever steps are necessary for the sake of
Vietnam."
This was the signal for a trained claque to break out with sustained
applause and a rhythmic collegelike cheer (in rough translation, "Let's
hit the Yankees hard" ) . Despite these standard comic-opera trappings,
the Castro performance was studied with more than the usual care by
Cubanologists in Washington.
Their conclusion : Castro's program to subvert all Latin America, in
the doldrums lately, has been slowed down still more by President John-
son's strong stand in Vietnam. The Castro bravado about sending troops
there was a clue how deeply the hard U.S. line in the Far East is cutting
into the Castro program.
Not generally known is the fact that in recent months Castro has
sought to accelerate his export of Communist revolution. His new drive
was launched at the hemispheric conference of Communist parties in
180 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Havana last November. With Moscow's concurrence, it was determined
there to pick up the pace of terror and guerrilla warfare.
The result since January has been threefold : The beginning of new
terrorist activities in Guatemala and Honduras; a step-up in chronic
guerrilla action by Colombian Reds ; and continuation of the long cam-
paign of violence by Venezuela's Communists.
The strong U.S. stand in Vietnam, coinciding with the new Castro
campaign, hurts subversive communism throughout the hemisphere. It
shows Latin America that an Uncle Sam willing to risk all in far-off
Southeast Asia won't hesitate to intervene in the Guatemalan jungles
or the Colombian hills if need be.
This stiffens the spines of Latin American governments.
It is only natural that Castro be ahead of the rest of the Communist
world in asking that arms and men be sent to the Viet Cong guerrillas.
Moreover, he may well send a token Cuban contingent. Looking ahead
to a possible armed rising against his own forces, Castro needs to buttress
the international principle of mutual security among Communists.
Even more important, Castro must maintain himself as an international
figure to withdraw attention from his domestic failures.
It should be added quickly that Castro is in no imminent danger of
being overthrown.
But Cuba today is a long way from a well-ordered Communist monolith.
Telltale signs of turbulence crop up everywhere. Most recent were a new
campaign to purge "bourgeois" elements from University student groups
and the surprise appearance of Transportation Minister Faure Chaumon
(an old rival of Castro's) with a mysterious gunshot wound.
Transcending all of this is Cuba's continuing economic stagnation. If
all goes well during the next three years, Castro at best can hope to
bring Cuba up to the miserable economic level he found when he seized
power in 1959. That's running at top speed to remain in the same place.
If Castro is seen by his own people as a domestic failure rather than an
international success, his doom may be brought just a little closer. That's
why U.S. bombs dropped north of the 17th Parallel had fallout in
Havana.
The active use of the ingenuity and talents of private citizens to join in the
fight against Communist propaganda and subversion in the cold war has been
admirably displayed for more than 4 years now by the Information Council of
the Americas, based in my home city of New Orleans, La. Under the able
direction of Mr. Edward S. Butler III. the executive vice president, this organ-
ization known as INCA is doing a splendid job of promoting the significance
of freedom by way of countering Communist propaganda and subversion in
16 countries in Latin America. INCA dispatches on a regular basis radio
"Truth Tapes" to some 136 different stations in these countries. These tapes
feature Cuban refugees who relate their stories of escape from Castro's op-
pression and the debased condition of their country and their people under
his Communist regime.
Recently, Juanita Castro, Fidel's sister, who defected from Cuba last sum-
mer, gave an exclusive radio statement on Castro's Red dictatorship to Ed
Butler of INCA. Radio tapes of her call for freedom and for ousting commu-
nism from all of Latin America were sent to 21 stations in Chile for use just
prior to the recent national election there. The results were fruitful : the Com-
munist-backed candidate was defeated, and this was achieved particularly by
the response of the Chilean women to Juanita Castro's warning. A substantial
majority of their numbers voted against the Red-supported candidate.
A recent article in the January 1965 issue of Reader's Digest entitled "How
the Reds Make a Riot," ' by Eugene H. Methvin of the Digest's Washington
bureau, praises INCA and similar groups for their efforts against the Communist
conspiracy.
This article brought a positive and widespread reaction from people in the
United States and around the world. Particularly did students and teachers
at colleges and universities in our Nation and in other countries respond and
express a real interest in this work to defend freedom and to strengthen it
against the Communist offensive.
Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to submit for the record a cross-
section sampling of the hundreds of letters received from citizens in the United
1 See pp. 161-168.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 181
States and other nations who had read the Digest article. Six of these letters
follow :
2319 Bartholomew Steeet,
New Orleans, Louisiana,
January 18, 1965.
Information Council of the Americas,
620 Oravier Street,
New Orleans 30, Louisiana.
Dear Sirs : I have just read an article in the January issue of Reader's
Digest which lists you as an organization offering information on how to
fight communism.
I would like the following information: What can the individual
citizen do? Is there any organization formed in Louisiana that citizens
may join to do their share in fighting communism? What is the Federal
Government doing? Has it formed a committee to alert the citizens of
the United States against communism? Is the Valley Forge Freedom's
Foundation organized for those who want to do something against inter-
national communism? If so, how can one join ?
I have been interested in doing my part in fighting the Communists
ever since we had an Americanism vs. Communism seminar in school
last year. Now that I have graduated I am anxious to find out if there
is any organization, club, or foundation which is helping to alert the
American citizens against propaganda, demoralization, socialism, etc.
I would appreciate if you would answer this letter at your earliest
convenience.
Yours very truly,
/s/ Julia E. Dale,
Julia E. Dale,
Fort Worth Public Schools,
Fort Worth, Texas,
January 6, 1965.
Information Council of the Americas (INCA),
620 Oravier Street,
New Orleans, Louisiana,, 10130
Dear Sirs : I am a teacher of the sixth grade, and we have a unit in
our social studies about the Soviet Union.
If you can furnish me with literature which would be helpful in
showing the children the various aspects of this type of government, I
shaU be very grateful.
Your address was obtained from the January 1965 issue of the
Reader's Digest.
Thanking you in advance, I am
Sincerely,
/s/ Elton W. Derden,
Elton W. Derden,
Teacher, South Hills Elementary School.
3009 Bilglade Road,
Fort Worth 15, Texas.
447 Gbieen Oaks East,
Addison, Illinois, January, 1965.
Information Council of the Americas (INCA),
620 Gravier Street,
New Orleans, La. 70130
Dear Sirs : In an issue of the Reader's Digest (January 1965) was an
article on "How the Reds Make a Riot" in which your organization was
referred to as a source of information. This and similar articles have
inspired several of us and made us aware of the terrible threat to
democracy that communism represents. We are now on a campaign to
make ourselves and other teenagers more aware of this problem. With
this in mind we are hoping you could send us as many copies of pam-
phlets, etc., possible on this subject. Also any suggestions on furthering
our campaign would be appreciated.
Thank you.
/s/ Miss Linda Dietz.
182 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Willamette University,
Office of the Dean of Students,
Salem, Oregon, December 22, 196^.
Information Council of the Ameibicas,
620 Gravier Street,
New Orleans, Louisiana.
Dear Sirs : In the article entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot" which
appeared in the January 1965 issue of the Reader's Digest, your organi-
zation is noted as one offering information in this instance to people who
are interested in understanding the problems discussed in the article.
I would be most grateful to you for sending anything that you feel
would be of interest to a person serving as a dean of students at a uni-
versity, with particular reference to the emphasis on incitation of stu-
dent groups. I shall be glad to pay any charge there may be for
material that you decide to send.
Sincerely yours,
/s/ Walter S. Blake, Jr.,
Walter S. Blake, Jr.,
Dean of Students.
Sib George Williams Univebsity
Montreal, Que.
Richard Anderson,
3705 St. Joseph Blvd.,
Montreal 36, Quebec.
Dear Sir: I have just finished reading an article in the Reader's
Digest entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot." This article mentioned
your association as being one of a few that gives out information on how
people can oppose Communist backed riots, etc.
I would be grateful if you would send me some information. It is not
to be used f or *!anything other than to inform me since I don't represent
any group.
Thanking you in advance, I remain
Yours truly,
/s/ Richard Anderson.
Janttart 27, 1965.
Dear Sirs : As I have students in my classes who mouth the Commu-
nist Party line (learned in part from some of my fellow teachers) I feel
compelled to offer them constructive rebuttal. For this purjwse I felt
you might have literature and programs available that would help me
reach this end. At any rate, I would like to hear what your group has
to offer.
Cordially,
/s/ F. L. AxLABD, Jr.,
Instructor, Conversational English,
Kobe University, Rokko, Kobe, Japan.
In addition to the 136 stations in the 16 Latin American countries which use
INCA's "Truth Tapes," there are also some 426 stations in the United States
which are cooperating to engender interest and solicit support for this patriotic
work. These American stations in 43 of the 50 States are helping to provide their
audiences with an insight and understanding into political and social develop-
ments and events in Latin America in recent years.
In order to focus on the potential tragedy and the dangers inherent in the
lack of alertness to crazed persons and Communist sympathizers in our midst,
INCA has sold almost 8,000 copies of its recording of the apparent assassin of the
late President Kennedy, Lee Harvey Oswald. Oswald participated, along with
Mr. Butler and other New Orleans citizens, in a general panel discussion on
communism and democracy, broadcast over WDSU radio. New Orleans, just 3
months before the tragedy of November 22, 1963.
Mr. Butler, INCA's vice president ; Bill Slatter, a WDSU reporter ; Bill Stuckey,
at the time a reporter for the New Orleans States-Item; Carlos Bringuier, a
Cuban refugee from Castro's oppression ; and Oswald, then in New Orleans to
promote the so-called Fair Play for Cuba Committee, took part in this program.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 183
On the program, Oswald showed himself to be an exponent, albeit not always
an accurate one, of the Marxist line. Oswald's comments then, though some-
times contradictory ajid meandering, gave no real hint of the very violent bent
which his twisted mind soon was to take.
The tape of this panel discussion was submitted to The President's Commis^
sion on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy, on which I had the
sad duty and, at the same time, the high honor to serve. Mr. Butler and other
participants on the panel cooperated fully with the Commission and gave us
some very useful information.
The recording which INCA has sold throughout our country is entitled
"Oswald : Self -Portrait in Red." I had the pleasure to introduce this recording,
before the panel discussion opened. Dr. Alton Ochsner, of New Orleans, a world-
famous surgeon from my city and the president of INCA, also is heard on this
fine recording. So is Mr. Marshall Pearce, news director of WSMB radio, New
Orleans, who serves as the moderator.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record "the full, unedited tran-
scription of the panel discussion which took place on the evening of August 21,
1963, in the city of New Orleans . . ." The transcript follows :
184
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
^ EYEWITNESS SCRIPT
THE INFORMATION COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS (INCA) • P.O. BOX 53371 • NEW ORLEANS, LA.
Oswald Self-Portrait in Red
SI CD
MARSHALL PEARCE:
The next voice you hear is that of the ac-
cused assassin of President John F. Kennedy, 24
year old Lee Harvey Oswald.
LEE HARVEY OSWALD:
Yes, I am a Marxist.
MARSHALL PEARCE:
These words are typical of the dramatic debate
which follows. Now to introduce the uncut, un-
edited transcription, is the Honorable Hale Boggs
Congressman from New Orleans, House Majority Whip
and a close legislative associate of President
John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Congressman Boggs...
CONGRESSMAN BOGGS:
You are about to hear an historic recording.
This recording was made in New Orleans last year.
It is far more significant today in the light of
subsequent events.
It is to the credit of the private citizens
of New Orleans that it was they who first recog-
nized the bizarre and incredible activities of
Lee Harvey Oswald and brought him and his activi-
ties to the attention of the public. Credit is
due to Radio Station WDSU and to newsman Bill
Slatter who moderated this program so alertly;
to Latin American affairs reporter. Bill Stuckey,
who sought out Oswald and arranged the interview,
and to Cuban refugee leader, Carlos Bringuier
who refuted his blatant pro-Castro propaganda.
And last, but certainly not least, to Ed.
Butler, Executive Vice-President of INCA, the
Information Council of the Americas, who develop-
ed much new material on Oswald's movements and
activities, not only in New Orleans but elsewhere.
Let me say a word about the purposes of INCA
the organization which Mr. Butler directs.
I have taken a very personal interest in
INCA, as I said, a private organization which or-
iginated in my own Congressional District. On
September 17, 1962, I said to my colleagues in
Che Congress that INCA is actively engaged in the
defeat of the Communist movement through its TRUTH
TAPE program - a program which provides scores of
refugees fran Communist tyranny the opportunity
and the forum to relate their experiences on tape
recordings for broadcast by radio stations
throughou^ the Americas.
In this worthy counterattack, Mr. Butler
has been joined by many highly respected private
citizens, led by Dr. Alton Ochsner, president of
The Information Council of the Americas, and an
internationally famous surgeon from New Orleans.
I concluded my remarks with the statement
that such a program as INCA's is a solid, force-
ful way to counteract Red propaganda, infiltra-
t ion , and subver s ion ,
Now the full, unedited transcription of the
panel discussion which took place on the evening
of August 21, 1963, inthe city of New Orleans...
DRUM ROLL AND MUSIC INTRODUCTION -
ANNOUNCER:
WDSU Radio presents Conversation Carte Blanche
next on cavalcade.
ANNOUNCER:
It's time now for Conversation Carte Blanche.
Here is Bill Slatter ...
BILL SLATTER:
Good evening, for the next few minutes Bill Stucke>
and I, Bill whose program you've probably heard on
Saturday night, "Latin Listening Post", Bill and I
are going to be talking with three gentlemen, the
subject mainly revolving aroxind Cuba. Our guests
tonight are Lee Harvey Oswald, who is Secretary
of the New Orleans Chapter of The Fair Play for
Cuba Committee, a New York headquartered organi-
zation which is generally recognized as the prin-
cipal voice of the Castro government in this
country. Our second guest is Ed Butler who is
Executive Director of the Information Council of
the Americas (INCA) which is headquartered in
New Orleans and specializes in distributing anti-
communist educational materials throughout Latin
America, and our third guest is Carlos Bringuier,
Cuban refugee and New Orleans Delegate of the
Revolutionary Student Directorate, one of the
more active of the anti-Castro refugee organiza-
tions. Bill, if at this time you will briefly
background the situation as you know it ...
BILL STUCKEY:
Thank you Bill. First, for those who don't know
too much about the background of The Fair Play
for Cuba Committee, this is an organization that
specializes primarily in distributing literature,
based in New York. For the several years in
which it has been in existence it has operated
principally out of the East and out of the West
Coast and a few college campuses, recently, how-
ever, attempts have been made to organize a
chapter here in New Orleans. The only member of
the group who has revealed himself publicly so
far is 23 year old Lee Harvey Oswald who is the
Secretary of the local chapter of The Fair Play
for Cuba Committee. He first came to public
notice several days ago when he was arrested
and convicted for disturbing the peace. The
ruckus in which he was involved started when
several local Cuban refugees including Carlos
Bringuier, who is with us tonight, discovered
him distributing pro-Castro literature on a down-
town street. Now, Mr. Oswald and Bringuier are
with us tonight to give us opposing view on The
Fair Play for Cuba Committee and its objectives.
I believe that I was probably the first New
Orleans reporter to interview Mr. Oswald on his
activities here since he first came into public
view. Last Saturday in addition to having him
on my show we had a very long and rambling
question and answer session over various points
of dogma and line of The Fair Play for Cuba
Committee and now I'll give you a very brief
digest of some of the principal propaganda lines
I use the word propaganda, as rather I should
say informational lines, of The Fair Play for
Cuba Committee.
Copyright C 1904 by The Infonnation Council of the Americu
(INCA). All righti reserved except that pennijsion is granted lor reproduc-
tion in whole or in part if context ii preserved, credit given and two copiei
are forwarded to INCA IntemalioDal Headquarter! at addieti hereinabove.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
185
"OSWALD SELF- PORTRAIT IN RED"
Record Album at $5,00
BILL STUCKEY, contd.
Number One - the principal thing is that they
insist that Castro's government today is comple-
tely free and independent, and that it is in no
way controlled by the Soviet Union. Another
cardinal point of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee's
propaganda is that Premier Castro is forced to
seek aid from the Russians only because the United
States government refused to offer him financial
aid.
Following another line 1 asked Mr. Oswald if
he had ever, or was, a member of the American
Communist Party, and he said that the only organi-
zation to which he belonged was The Fair Play for
Cuba Committee. Mr. Oswald also gave me this run
down on his personal background: He said that he
was a native of New Orleans, had attended Beaure-
gard Junior High School and Warren Eastern High
School. Had entered the U.S. Marine Corps in
1956 and was honorably discharged in 1959. He said
during our previous interview that he had lived in
Ft. Worth, Texas before coming here to establish
a Fair Play for Cuba chapter several weeks ago.
However, there were a few items apparently that I
suspect that Mr. Oswald left out in this original
interview which was principally where he lived
after, between 1959 and 1962. We, er, Mr. Butler
brought some newspaper clippings to my attention
and I also found some too through an independent
source, Washington newspaper clippings to the
effect that Mr, Oswald had attempted to renounce
his American citizenship in 1959 and become a
Soviet citizen. There was another clipping
dated 1962 saying that Mr. Oswald had returned
from the Soviet Union with his wife and child
after having lived there for three years. Mr.
Oswald are these correct?
LEE HARVEY OSWALD:
That is correct. Correct, yes,
BILL STUCKEY:
You did live in Russia for three years?
LEE H. OSWALD:
That is correct, and I think those, the fact
that I did live for a time in the Soviet Union
gives me excellent qualifications to repudiate
charges that Cuba and The Fair Play forCuba
Committee is conmunlst controlled,
BILL SLATTER:
Mr. Bringuier perhaps you would like to dis-
pute that point.
CARLOS BRINGUIER:
I'd like to know exactly the name of the organi-
zation that you represent here in the city, be-
cause I have some confusion, is Fair Play for
Cuba Committee or Fair Play for Russia Committe?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Well, that is very provacative request and I
don't think requires an answer.
CARLOS BRINGUIER:
Well, I will tell you why because, before the
communists take over Cuba, Cuba was at the
CARLOS BRINGUIER, contd.
head of the Latin American countries and I can
show you that in Cuba in 1958 every 37 persons
had an automobile and in Russia was 200 persons
for 1 auto; in Cuba was 6 persons for 1 radio
and in Russia was 20 persons for 1 radio; in
Cuba was 1 television set for 18 persons and in
Russia was 85 persons for 1 television set; and
in Cuba was 1 telephone for every 38 persons
and in Russia was 1 telephone for every 580
persons. Cuba was selling the sugar In the
American market and was receiving from the U.S.
more than one hundred million dollars a year
over the price of the world market and the U.S.
was paying to Cuba that price in dollars. Right
now, Cuba is selling sugar to Russia. Russia is
paying to Cuba 80% in junks, machinery, and 207.
in dollars. I think that Cuba right now is a
colony of Russia and the people of Cuba who is
living in Cuba every day, who is escaping from
Cuba every day, they disagree with you that
you are representing the people of Cuba. May-
be you will represent the er, the colony of
Russia here in this moment, but not the people
of Cuba. You cannot take that responsibility.
LEE H. OSWALD:
Well ... in order to give a clear and coincise
and short answer to each of those, well, let's
see, questions. I would say that the facts
and figures from a country like
Pakistan or Burma would even reflect more
light upon Cuba in relation to how many TV
sets and how many radios and all that, er,
this, I don't think that is a subject to be
discussed tonight, er, the Fair Play for Cuba
Committee as the name Implies is concerned
primarily with Cuban=American relations.
BILL SLATTER:
How many people do you have in your Committee?
here in New Orleans?
LEE H, OSWALD:
Er, I cannot reveal that as Secretary for the
Fair Play for Cuba Committee.
EDWARD S, BUTLER:
Is it a secret society?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Er, no, Mr. Butler, it is not. However it Is
standard operating procedure, er, for a poli-
tical organization consisting of a er, poli-
tical minority, er, to safegioard the names
and number of its members,
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Well, the Republicans are in the minority, I
don't see them hiding their membership.
LEE H, OSWALD:
The Republicans are not a, well, er, the
Republicans are an established political
party, representing a great many people.
They represent no radical point of view,
they do not have a very violent and some-
times emotional opposition, as we do.
EDWARD S, BUTLER:
Oh, I see. Well, would you say then that
186
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EDWARD S. BUTXER, contd.
The Fair Play for Cuba Comnlttee Is not a com-
munist front organization?
LEE H. OSWALD:
The Senate Subconraittees who have occupied
themselves with investigating the Fair Play
for Cuba Comnittee, er, have found that there
is nothing to connect the two conmittees. We
have been investigated from several points of
view, that Is points of view of er, taxes,
allegiance, subversion, and so forth. The
findings er, have been as I say er, absolutely
zero,
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Well, I have a, the Senate Hearings before me
and I think what I have in front of me re-
futes precisely every statement that you have
just made. For instance, who is the Honorary
Chairman of The Fair Play forCuba Comnlttee?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Er, the Honorary Chairman of this Comnlttee,
er, the name of that person, er, I certainly
don't know.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Well, let me tell you, in case you don't
know about your own organization...
LEE H. OSWALD:
No, I know about it.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
His name Is Waldo Frank and I'm quoting
from the "New Masses" of September, 1932
In that, the title of his article, "How I
Came to Comnunism - A Symposium" by Waldo
Frank - "Where I Stand and How I got
There" er, now let me ask you a second
question, who Is the Secretary of the
Fair Play forCuba Comnittee? the National
Secretary?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Well, we have a National Director who is
Mr. V. T. Lee who is recently returned
from Cuba and because of the fact that
the U.S. government has imposed restric-
tions on travel to Cuba he is now voider
indictment for his traveling to Cuba,
er, this however, it Is very convenient
for rlghist organizations to drag out
this or that literature purporting to
show a fact which has notbeen establi-
shed In law. I have said that The
Fair Play for Cuba Committee has de-
finitely been investigated, that is very
true, but I will also say that the total
result of that, er, investigation was
zero. That Is, The Fair Play for Cuba
Cotonittee Is not now on the Attorney
General's Subversive List, any other
material you may have is superflultous
(sic)
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Oh, it is?
BILL SLATTER;
Mr. Oswald, if I may break in now a moment,
I believe it was mentioned that you at one
time asked to renounce your American citizen
ship and become a Soviet citizen, is that
correct?
LEE H. OSWAU):
Well, I don't think that has particular im-
port to this discussion. We are discussing
er, er, Cuban- American relations...
BILL SLATTER:
Well, I think it has a bearing to this ex-
tent Mr. Oswald, you say apparently that
Cuba is not dominated by Russia and yet you
apparently by yo\ir own past actions have
shown that you have an affinity for Russia
and perhaps comnunism, although I don't know
that you admit that you either are a com-
munist or have been, could you straighten
out that point, are you, or have you been a
conmunlst?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Well, I had answered that, er, prior to this
program on another radio program. . .
BILL STUCKEY:
Are you a Marxist?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Yes, I am a Marxist.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
What's the difference?
LEE H. OSWALD:
The difference Is primarily the difference
between a country like Ghana (sic) Guiana,
Jugoslavia, China or Russia. A very, very
great differences. Differences which we,
er, appreciate by giving aid let's say to
Jugoslavia in the sum of a hundred million
or so dollars a year.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
That's extraneous, what's the difference?
LEE H. OSWALD:
The, er, er, difference is as I said a
very great difference, er, many parties,
many countries are based on Marxism, er,
many countries such as Great Britain display
very socialistic er, aspects and character-
istics I might poj.nt to the socialized
medicine of Britain.
BILL SLATTER:
Gentlemen, I'll have to interrupt, we'll be
back in a moment to continue this kind of
lively discussion after this message.
MARSHALL PEARCE:
During the next two minutes the public
heard a comnercial message and the panelists
saying little - shuffled their papers, pre-
paring for the final round of the debate.
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MARSHALL PEARCE:
The only man In the listening audience
who knew the full story of Oswald's defec-
tion beforehand was Dr. Alton Ochsner, the
world famous New Orleans surgeon who is
President of INCA. Dr. Ochsner, on a world
tour as expert consultant to the Surgeon
General of theAir Force, has himself con-
fronted delegates from communist China. He
has also seen and heard Red agitators and
propagandists at work in Latin America. Here
are his firsthand impressions of Lee Harvey
Oswald. Dr. Ochsner...
DR. ALTON OCHSNER;
Thank You. Since I was familiar with Os-
wald's background, when I heard him smoothly
admit his three year defection to Russia I
was not overly surprised. But when he tried
to use his admission as a proof that The Fair
Play for Cuba Committee was not communist
controlled, I knew that Ed Butler was facing
the same kind of propaganda "doublethink"
that I had heard so many communists and
their sympathizers use in my travels all
over the world.
However, as the Interview went on and
the hardhitting questions and factual evi-
dence piled up, I relaxed. Oswald had ob-
vioulsy met his match.
It is important to remember that at
that time, Oswald had technically committed
no crime. Therefore, no official could
prevent him from spreading poison on the
airwaves .
Nor would any of us , who believe in the
freedom of speech, want a Thought Control
Agency to assume such powers. Private
citizens must meet the distortion with
truth. On the other hand, a professional
approach, with indisputable facts and a
planned strategy, is needed if private
citizens are to provide the antidote for
propaganda poison.
Because the full facilities of INCA
were available - for a change the propaganda
battle was fought evenly.
The results speak for themselves.
Oswald dropped out of sight immediately
after the debate, and left New Orleans
shortly thereafter. According to published
reports he went to Mexico where he visited
the Communist embassies of Russia and Cuba.
Then he took up residence in an apartment
in a Dallas suburb under the alias 0. H.
Lee, where several letters from the same
man written on the stationery of both the
Communist Party U.S.A. and The Fair Play
for Cuba Committee, were reportedly found.
Many who have heard this record have
expressed the belief that if an INCA branch
office had existed in Dallas, Oswald would
again have been exposed, and the President
I». ALTON OCHSNER, contd.
might be alive today. No one can say for
certain. But as you listen to the second
part of this record, think about it, and
decide for yourself.
I UD
MARSHALL PEARCE:
This is the second segment of the "Conversa-
tion Carte Blanche" interview, with Lee Har-
vey Oswald on radio station WDSU, in New
Orleans, exactly as it was broadcast a few
weeks before President Kennedy's assassina-
tion
BOOTH ANNOUNCER:
And now back to Conversation Carte Blanche.
Here again Bill Slatter.
BILL SLATTER:
Tonight Bill Stuckey and I are talking with
three guests Lee Harvey Oswald, who islocal
secretary of a group called Fair Play for
Cuba, and with Ed Butler, the Executive Vice
President of the Information Council of the
Americas (INCA), and Carlos Bringuier, a
Cuban refugee and obviously anti-Castro. Mr
Oswald as you might have imagined is on the
hot seat tonight and I believe you. Bill
Stuckey have a question.
BILL STUCKEY:
Mr. Oswald 1 believe you said in reply to a
question from Mr, Butler that any questions
about your background were extraneous to
discussion tonight. I disagree because of
the fact that you refuse to reveal- any of
the other members of your organization so
you are the face of The Fair Play for Cuba
Committee in New Orleans. Therefore, any-
body who might be interested in this organi-
zation ought to know more about you. For
this reason I'm curious to know just how
you supported yourself during the three
years that you lived in the Soviet Union,
Did you have a government subsidsy?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Er, well, as I er, well, I will answer that
question directly then, since you will not
rest until you get your answer, er, I
worked in Russia, er, I was, er under the
protection er, that is .to 5ay, 1 was not
47-093 O— 6E
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LEE H. OSWALD, contd.
under the protection of the American govern-
ment, but that I was at all times, er, con-
sidered an American citizen. I did not
lose my American citizenship.
BILL SLATTER:
Did you say that you wanted to at one point
though? What happened?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Well, it's a long drawn out situation, er,
with permission to live in the Soviet Union
granted to a foreign resident is rarely
given, er, this calls for a certain amount
of technicality, technical papers and so
forth, er, at no time as I say was I er, did
I renounce my citizenship or at no time was
I out of contact with the American Einbassy.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Excuse me, may I interrupt just one second.
Either one of these two statements is wrong
The Washington Evening Star of Oct. 31, 1959
page 1, reported that Lee Harvey Oswald, a
former Marine, of 4936 Collingwood St., Ft.
Worth, Texas, had turned in his passport at
the American Einbassy in Moscm^ on that same
date and it said that he had applied for
Soviet citizenship. Now, it seems to me
that you've renounced your American citizen
ship it you've turned In your passport.
LEE H. OSWALD"
Well, the very obvious answer to that is
that I am back in the United States. A
person who renounces his citizenship be-
comes disqualified for returning to the U.S.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Right, and Soviet authorities - this is
from the Washington Post & Times Herald
of November 16, 1959 - Soviet authorities
have refused to grant it although they had
Informed him he could live in Russia as a
Resident Alien. What did you do in the 2
weeks from Oct. 31st to Nov. 16th, 1959?
LEE H. OSWALD:
As I have already stated, of course this
whole conversation and we don't have too
much time left, is getting away from the
Cuban- American problem, however, 1 am quite
willing to discuss myself for the remainder
of this program, as I stated it is very
difficult for a resident, for a foreigner
to get permission to reside In the Soviet
Union. During those two weeks and during
the dates you mentioned I was, of course, er
er, with the knowledge of the American Bn-
bassy getting this permission.
EDWARD S. BUTLER
Were you ever at a building at 11 Kuznyet-
skaya Street in Moscow?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Kuznyetskoya? Kuznyetskoya is the er, well
that would be, well, that would probably be
LEE H. OSWALD: contd,
the Foreign Ministry, I presume, er, no, I
was never in that, place, although 1 know
Moscow having lived there.
BILL SLATTER:
Excuse me- Let me interrupt here. I think
Mr. Oswald is right to this extent, we
should get around to the organization which
he is the head of in New Orleans, the Fair
Play for Cuba.
LEE H. OSWALD:
The Fair Play for Cuba Committee.
BILL SLATTER:
As a practical matter Mr. Oswald, knowing as
I'm sure you do the sentiment in America
against Cuba, we, of course, severed diplo-
matic relations sometime ago, I would say
that Castro is as about as unpopular as any
body in the world in this country. As a
practical matter, what do you hope to gain
for your work? How do you hope to bring
about what you call "Fair Play for Cuba"?
Knowing that sentiment?
LEE H. OSWALD:
The principals of The Fair Play for Cuba
consist of restoration of diplomatic trade
and tourist relations with Cuba, that is one
of our main points, er, we are for that, I
disagree that this situation regarding Am-
erican-Cuban relations is very unpopular, we
are In a minority surely, er, we are not
particularly interested In what Cuban exiles
or rightists er, er, members of rlghist or-
ganizations have to say, we are primarily
interested in the attitude of the U. S.
government toward Cuba. And in that way we
are striving to get the United States to
adopt measures which would be more friendly
toward the Cuban people and the new Cuban
regime in that country. We are not at all
communist controlled, regardless of the
fact that I have the experience of living
In Russia, regardless of the fact that we
have been investigated, er, regardless of
any of those facts, er. The Fair Play for
Cuba Committee is an Independent organiza-
tion not affliated with any other organiza-
tion, our aims and our Ideals are very
clear, and In the best keeping with Ameri-
can traditions of democracy.
CARLOS BRINGUIER:
Do you agree with Fidel Castro when in his
last speech of July 26th of this year he
qualify President John Fitzgerald Kennedy
of the United States as a ruffian and a
thief? Do you agree with Mr. Castro?
LEE H. OSWALD:
I would not agree with that , er particular
wording. However, I and the er. Fair Play
for Cuba Committee does think that the Uni-
ted States government through certain
agencies, mainly the State Department and
the C.I. A. have made monumental mistakes in
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LEE H. OSWALD: contd .
its relations with Cuba. Mistakes which
are pushing Cuba into the sphere of acti-
vities of let's say a very dogmatic coun-
try such as China is.
BILL SLATTER:
Mr. Oswald, would you agree that when Castro
first took power, er, would you agree that
the United States was very friendly with
Castro, that the people of this country had
nothing but admiration for him, that, er,
that they were very glad to see Batista
thrown out?
LEE H. OSWALD:
I would say that the activities of the Uni-
ted States government in regards to Batista
were a manifestation of, not so much support
for Fidel Castro, but rather a withdrawal
of support from Batista, in other words, we
stopped arms to Batista, what we should have
done was to take those armaments, and drop
them into the Sierra Maestra where Fidel
Castro could have used them, as for public
sentiment at that time, I think even at that
even before the revolution there were rumb-
lings of official comment and so forth from
government officials, er, against Fidel
Castro.
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
You've never been to Cuba, of course, but
why are the people in Cuba starving today?
LEE H. OSWALD:
Well, in any country, er, emerging from a
semi-colonial state and embarking upon re-
forms which require a diversification of
agriculture, er, you are going to have
shortages, after all 807. of imports Into the
United States, er, from Cuba were two
products, er, tobacco and sugar. Nowadays,
er, while the er, Cuba is er, reducing its
product as far as sugar cane goes it is
striving to grow unlimited and unheard of
for Cuba, quantities of certain vegetables;
sweet potatoes, lima beans, cotton and so
forth, so that they can become agricul-
turally independent ...
BILL SLATTER:
Gentlemen, I'm going to have to interrupt,
our time is almost up. We've had three
guests tonight on Conversation Carte
Blanche: Bill Stuckey and I have been talk-
ing to Lee Harvey Oswald, Secretary of the
New Orleans Chapter of The Fair Play for
Cuba Committee, Ed Butler, Executive Dir-
ector of The Information Council of the
Americas (INCA) , and Carlos Bringuier,
Cuban refugee. Thank you very much and
good evening.
DRUMS
MARSHALL PEARCE:
The end of the interview foreshadowed a
tragic series of events climaxed by the
MARSHALL PEARCE:
assassination of President Kennedy on Novem-
ber 22, 1963, and the subsequent murder of
Lee Harvey Oswald before a television audi-
ence of millions.
Now for an impression in depth of Os-
wald, we turn to one of the panelists on
that fateful evenine - Edward Butler, Execu-
tive Vice-President of INCA. Mr. Butler a
specialist in communist propaganda activities
and how to overcome them, has interviewed
scores of refugees from communist takeovers
during the past several years. In 1960 he
conceived, and now manages INCA, and its
TRUTH TAPES program. TRUTH TAPES are half-
hour and fifteen minute tape recordings
featuring eyewitness refugee testimony about
communist takeover tactics, sent to a net-
work of over 120 local radio stations in 16
nations of Latin America.
The author of several articles on
this vital subject, Mr. Butler has appeared
as a witness before the House Foreign Af-
fairs Subcommittee on International Organi-
zations and Movements to outline ways to win
the war of words and avoid nuclear conflict.
He was the only known propaganda specialist
ever to confront Oswald. Mr. Butler ...
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
While sketching the portrait of Oswald for
the jacket of this record, I sorted through
a mental inventory of scores of memories of
Oswald, his expressions, statements, reac-
tions, and gestures.
Although our only confrontation was the
evening of the debate, I knew a good deal
about Oswald before the encounter. I had
listened for hours to a long, tape-recorded
interview with Oswald by Bill Stuckey; I had
questioned Bringuier and other refugees who
knew him; I had read the anti-American, pro-
Castro propaganda Oswald was distributing
on behalf of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee
and of course, I had data about his defection
to Russia.
We finally met in the reception room at
the WDSU studio; Bringuier introduced us.
Oswald seemed outwardly self-confident, but
his hand was clammy when I shook it.
I sat down opposite him, about three
feet away.
Stuckey came in, and after a somewhat
stiff 'hello' all around, he and I began
to chat, while Oswald and Bringuier began
to argue.
When Oswald spoke, he sounded like a
man with a piano roll in his. head, grind-
ing out the same tired Red propaganda
tunes that I have heard so often in my
work.
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EDWARD S. BUTLER, contd.
It was then that I happened to mention to
Stuckey that a certain local businessman was
"progressive" in his advertising policies.
On the first syllable of the word 'progres-
sive', Oswald abruptly broke off his discussion
with Bringuier and looked at me, slightly
startled. But by the time I had finished the
sentence, Oswald realized that I was applying
the term 'progressive' to capitalism, and his
glance changed into a smirk of utter disgust.
To those of us who have to delve into the
murky jargon of Marxism-Leninism, Oswald's re-
action was no surprise. In the Red catechism,
the term 'progressive' always Indicated the
'proletarian' forces led by the Party; to apply
it to capitalism Is blasphemy.
I will never forget Oswald's look of loath-
ing. I was to see it several times more during
the vening, since everyone noticed that he was
particularly antagonistic towards me. I tried
to capture that black look on the jacket sketch.
It had to be a look of impersonal hatred, since
Oswald knew nothing about me, or the organiza-
tion which I represented. But more about that
in a moment .
I listened closely as Oswald and Bringuier
resumed their dispute, and was impressed by
Oswald's technical competence as a propagandist.
Let me illustrate with a few examples from the
debate you've just heard.
Subject paralleling is a standard propa-
ganda technique. On defense, the propagandist
uses it to turn an attack backward upon his op-
ponent .
Oswald's attempt to use his visit to Russia
as a proof that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee
is not communist controlled, is an example of
defense paralleling.
On defense, paralleling is used to link and
smear by Implication. Oswald did this three
times when he labeled me a 'righist' and INCA a
'righist organization'. As a matter of fact he
didn't even know the name of my organization
when he pulled the parallels, because he asked
for that information and wrote it down In a
notebook, when the debate was over.
For the record, INCA's membership and
Board includes Liberals and Conservatives,
Democrats and Republicans, scattered all over
the nation, all bound in their opposition to
communist tyranny by a single common ideal -
Liberty Under Law.
Oswald knew many other tricks of the trade
target narrowing and subject expansion, slogan
building, theme repetition and so on.
Here are some examples from the debate:
You heard Oswald twice try to narrow his
EDWARD S. BUTLER, contd.
target - a propaganda technique used defensively
to avoid dangerous or embarrasing side-issues,
offensively to sharpen the point of an attack -
when he said:
LEE H. OSWALD:
". . . .This, . .1 don't think this is a subject to
be discussed tonight .. .The Fair Play for Cuba
Committee, as the name implies, is concerned
primarily with Cuban-American relations 1"
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
And again when he said...
LEE H. OSWALD:
"I don't think that has particular import to
this discussion. We are discussing Cuban-Am-
erican relations."
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
And, finally when he dismissed the investiga-
tive resources of the Congress of the United
States with the statement:
LEE H. OSWALD:
"...The Fair Play for Cuba Committee is not now
on the Attorney General's Subversive List. Any
other material you may have is superf lus . "(sic)
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Thus Oswald was trying to narrow my range to
courtroom evidence, while presumably reserving
the broad field of opinion unto himself.
Which brings up another interesting point:
Oswald also knew how to expand his subject
a method used, defensively, to blur and confuse
the issues so that there is nothing but haze to
attack. On offense, expansion is used to make
blanket comparisons or charges covering many
individuals, groups or nations.
You heard Oswald defensively expanding ir.
answer to my embarrasing question about the
difference between Marxism and Communism. In
just a few sentences he spanned the globe from
Africa to Europe, then tried to bring in Am-
erican Foreign Aid and alliance policies to
prove his point.
LEE H. OSWALD:
"The difference is primarily the difference be-
tween a country like Ghana, Guiana (sic), Jugo-
slavia, China or Russia. A very, very great
differences. Differences which we, er , appre-
ciate by giving aid let's say to Jugoslavia in
the sum of a hundred million or so dollars a
year . "
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
I was narrowing on the attack when I refused to
be confused and interrupted him with "That's
what's the difference?"
LEE H. OSWALD:
"The, er, difference is as I said a very great
difference, er, many parties, many countries
are based on Marxism, er, many countries such
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LEE H. OSWALD:
as Great Britain display very socialistic, er,
aspects and characteristics. I might point to
the socialized medicine of Britain.*'
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
Oswald also used the familiar Big Lie techni-
que, made famous by Goebbels, but originated
by Lenin and perfected by his successors when
he said:
LEE H, OSWALD:
"The Senate Subcommittees who have occupied
themselves with investigating the Fair Play for
Cuba Connnittee, have found that there is noth-
ing to connect the two committees."
EDWARD S. BUTLER:
To anyone who has read the detailed Congress-
ional Hearings on The Fair Play for Cuba Com-
mittee, Oswald's distortion is obvious, and I
urge every American to get these revealing docu-
ments and decide for yourself.
I suppose many mature Americans find it
hard to take seriously the Marxist theory of a
world split into two warring classes, never
changing except by revolution, never progres-
sing except by hatred and conflict - but Oswald
took it religiously.
Similarly, many Americans can't conceive
of anyone idolizing a brutal dictator like
Castro, who has left a trail of blood, false-
hood, and misery ever since he participated in
his first political assassination, in Bogota,
in 1948 - but Oswald certainly idolized him.
What mystifies Americans most is how an
American boy, could come to accept such a phil-
osophy, and to worship such a man. Oswald him-
self gave us a vital clue when he said he was
introduced to communism by a pamphlet sympathe-
tic to the Rosenberg Atom Spies. Later, read-
ing Marx's "Das Capital" he said he felt,
"...like a religious man opening the Bible for
the first time." The answer, of course, is
that communist propaganda, in gradual doses,
conditions the immature mind to glorify vio-
lence .
It teaches impersonal hatred of whole
classes of humanity. Many communist books,
pamphlets, broadcasts or films are an open
invitation to revolutionary terrorism.
President Kennedy's death has proved that
words - which can be shot around the world
faster than any missile - words are the ulti-
mate weapon. What makes these new word
weapons so powerful is that they can reach
into the midst of any country, manipulate
its own people, and invisibly motivate the
minds of men who have the power to press
buttons and pull triggers. As a professional
who handles word weapons every day, in my
opinion the most frightening statement known
to man is the bland phrase, "It's just propa-
ganda I "
EDWARD S. BUTLER, contd.
Propaganda made Oswald the man he was.
Communist propaganda Inflamed the mind of the
man, who - evidence indicates - pulled the
trigger, to fire the bullet, that killed the
President of the United States.
For instance, I have in my hand a car-
toon from an official Cuban publication called
"Verde Olivo" showing President Kennedy wear-
ing a Nazi Swastika armband, and giving dir-
ections to a Cuban Refugee leader pictured as
a worm.
We know, because Oswald admitted it open-
ly, because he recited communist doctrine like
scripture, and because people saw him in the
act, that he had been steadily absorbing this
mental poison for years .
Until we counteract the vast bulk of hate
propaganda which pours forth both fron offici-
al communist publications and their echoes here
at home like The Fair Play for Cuba Committee,
no elected official, no free institution, no
private citizen's life, liberty or property
will be safe.
But the situation is far from hopeless.
Communism can attract only the thinnest
minority anywhere. For every embittered Oswald
in America, or Castro in Cuba, there are thou-
sands of young men all over the world who can
be trained to meet, compete with, and defeat
them on the mass media battleground.
What is needed are professionals -- or
more accurately a practical means of subsidiz-
ing the efforts of private propaganda profes-
sionals for freedom. I emphasize the word
'private' because every Red revolutionary from
Lenin, to Castro, to Oswald, has worked as a
private citizen until after a successful revo-
lution. Here at the private level, using words
as weapons, is where most major battles will
be won or lost .
And here is where nearly every American
can help. Only a few will have the inclina-
tion, opportunity, and training to wage and
win the war of words now going on. But all
can, and must, back the attack.
In buying this "Oswald: Self-Portrait in
Red" you have taken the first step, because
revenue from this record is helping INCA to
combat communism at the private level, profes-
sionally, throughout the Americas.
I for one, will never forget these liv-
ing words, which no assassin's bullet can
ever silence:
PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY:
"And so my fellow Americans, ask not what
your country can do for you; ask what you can
do for your country."
rORDER NOW .'
COPIES OF OSWALD SCRIPT 10 FOR $1.00
"OSWALD: SELF PORTRAIT IN RED" LP RECORD $5.
00
THE INFORMATION COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS (INCA) P. 0. BOX S3371 NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA
192 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
One of the principal values in such a recording lies in the fact that it serves
as a vivid reminder to the American people and our National Government that
there is a pressing need to provide greater protection for the President and
Vice President and to maintain a more extensive alertness to the dangers from
suspicious persons in our country. On this score, as well as many others, Mr.
Butler, Dr. Ochsner, the other oflBcers and board members of INCA, have ren-
dered great service to our country.
Members of INCA today include businessmen, professional men, educators, farm
leaders, journalists, and others living in 21 States of our Nation. They are
providing solid support to INCA's "Truth Tapes" and its other efforts to counter
communism in our hemisphere. Leading representatives of both the govern-
mental and the private sectors of our society are included. Tliis is certainly
true in my community of New Orleans and the surrounding area.
At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to pay tribute to the late deLesseps
S. (Chep) Morrison, long-time mayor of New Orleans and former United States
Ambassador to the Organization of American States, for his dilligent efforts to
assist Mr. Butler and INCA in its work. Chep Morrison, in his 15i/^ years as
mayor of New Orleans and his 2 years as OAS Ambassador, did a splendid job,
through his contacts, his good will, and his knowledge, to help bring the peoples
of all the Americas closer together and to solidify their governments against
communism. I am proud to have been an admirer and a close friend of
Chep Morrison, whose life was cut off too soon. I am pleased to salute him for
his contributions to the cause of which we are concerned today.
I know that Mr. Butler and his staff and the supporters of INCA are doing a
fine job, but such organizations, with their somewhat limited resources, cannot
do this work alone. INCA and similar organizations, dedicated to strengthening
and expanding freedom in our country and around the world, could use the as-
sistance and direction of the National Government and the Congress to provide
an extensive anti-Communist training program. Such a program should re-
ceive the full support of the Congress and the executive branch of our Gov-
ernment. It would in no way conflict with the great efforts in this field by the
United States Information Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the
State Department and others, but rather the Freedom Academy and the Freedom
Commission would augment them, particularly by utilizing the vast resources
and talents of our private citizens.
Therefore, I say, Mr. Chairman, that now is the time to act and to act posi-
tively. A year ago, before this committee, I spoke on behalf of this legislation.
I cited the immortal words of the late President Kennedy in his historic in-
augural address :
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for
you : Ask what you can do for your country.
The Freedom Academy will give Americans in many walks of life the oppor-
tunity to answer our late President's summons to service — to join in strengthen-
ing our country and its freedom. No one doubts the ultimate goals of the Soviet
and Chinese Communists. We must use all of our human resources in order to
counter effectively the Communist offensive and to refurbish democratic societies
wherever we can.
I would conclude, Mr. Chairman, by saying that the Freedom Academy will
offer our Nation the best and most imaginative means to utilize the brains and
talents of our people in a total effort against the Communist offensive and to
foster the ideals and the principles of freedom upon which this great country
of ours was founded.
Mr. BoGGS. There are many reasons for this bill. More recently,
we have seen additional reasons. The evidence which has been docu-
mented now about events in the Dominican Republic shows that there
was a real subversive movement there; that it oripnated in Cuba,
by and large, those people associated with the Cuban enterprises;
and as this committee knows, there are similar activities elsewhere
in this hemisphere — particularly in the countries in Latin America,
where there is lack of stability in the governments.
(At this point Mr. Clawson entered the hearing room.)
Mr. BoGGs. Last week, I had an interview with the Assistant Sec-
retary of State in charge of Latin American Affairs, also in charge
of our relations at the Alliance for Progress, and he said that they
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 193
estimated that Cuba was spending almost a billion dollars a year on
activities having to do with the teaching of terror, subversion, the
overthrow of democratic governments, and so on.
Now, everybody knows that these funds are not coming from Cuba.
Cuba is in a desperate economic plight. They are being supplied by
the Communist organizations throughout the world, China, Soviet
Russia, the satellite countries.
The notion that this is not a threat to us is just not so. As I said,
the Dominican Kepublic is the best example that I can think of.
Now, we pride ourselves in the United States in being the most
information-conscious nation on earth. We probably have more pages
of news, more words of radio, and more pictures on television dealing
with news, than any other country on earth ; and yet somehow or an-
other, we fail in the propaganda held, even in our own country.
The President, right at the moment, is terribly concerned about
events on some of our college campuses with respect to developments
in Southeast Asia. On the other side of the spectrum, this commit-
tee has taken note of the activities of the Ku Klux Klan, so that we
have, in many ways, failed to tell the story of this, the greatest, the
freest nation that mankind has ever known.
We have the people to do it in our institutions, both in and out of
Government.
I think that this idea of mobilizing the intellectual resources of
our country for an offensive to tell the story of America and what
it means is something that just should be done.
Now, from all that I can ascertain in Southeast Asia, for instance, we
have established a real rapport with the people of Southeast Asia, and
yet there has been the worst type of terrorism on the part of the
Viet Cong, and yet the Vice President of the United States was con-
fronted yesterday with questions indicating that we — the United
States is guilty of atrocities in Southeast Asia.
So it seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that there is a vast need for this.
I don't believe that we can do all of this through Government enter-
prise. It may very well be that USIA is not being adequately fi-
nanced. I don't know. But even if those appropriations were
doubled or tripled, we still should utilize these vast potential resources
in the universities and elsewhere that we are not utilizing.
We have had a group operating in my hometown in New Orleans
called INC A, which has done quite a remarkable job, using existing
radio stations and making tapes, movies for reproduction, answering
propaganda lines, whether they come from the extreme left or the
extreme right, on the scene, not letting this propaganda just f) re vail.
And I am convinced that this group has had a very profound impact
in Latin America.
All of us know the impact that Radio Free Europe has had in East-
ern Europe, so that the need for this, I think, has been very well estab-
lished, and I believe that if this committee reported this bill, that the
House would pass it, and I think the Senate would pass it, and I hope
that that is done relatively soon.
I ask unanimous consent to incorporate this statement in the
record.
The Chairman. That will be done at this point.
194 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
(The formal statement submitted by Congressman Boggs follows:)
STATEMENT OF HON. HALE BOGGS, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM
LOUISIANA
Mr. Chairman, I am happy to be with you and the members of this distinguished
committee for a few minutes today to talk with you about what I consider to be
an imiK)rtant piece of legislation. The establishment of a proper training acad-
emy— as envisaged in this legislation — would alert our own citizens in a con-
crete way to the nefarious tactics of the agents of the international Communist
conspiracy. Such an academy would equip them in a firmer, more extensive
manner to counter the i>aramilitary and propaganda techniques of the Communist
orbit and, at the same time, provide constructive tactics to foster our own demo-
cratic principles.
The formation of this special academy — A Freedom Academy — would be a
fine way to help achieve these goals — 'that is, by bringing together, both as
teachers and students, the best minds of our country from both the public and
the private sectors of our society.
We have only to look at the Communist attempt to subvert and take over
the Dominican Republic to realize just how serious in our own hemisphere is
this menace to all the established governments. All types of agitation, espionage,
subversion, and other paramilitary and propaganda techniques are utilized to
achieve the success of any Communist revolt.
In a recent discussion I had with Mr. Jack Yaughn, Assistant Secretary of
State for Inter-American Affairs and our U.S. coordinator for the Alliance for
Progress, Mr. Vaughn cited an almost unbelievable sum of money which I had
not heard before. He told me that the international Communist conspiracy,
through Cuba and Castro's regime, is now spending between $600 million and
$800 million a year to maintain the Cuban Government and to train Communist
agents and to export revolution throughout Latin America. This is truly a
frightening sum, particularly when we know what it is being used for. As
Mr. Vaughn pointed out, this financial output equals the approximate total funds
which our country provides for Latin America annually through the Alliance
for Progress program and related social assistance programs.
If there was any shred of doubt about the Communists' intentions in our
hemisphere, it was obliterated last November in Havana when the Castro regime
signed a charter, in which its leaders agreed to do everything in their power to
subvert the existing governments in Latin America, to foment their so-called
wars of national liberation, and to seize control of all the other governments in
the Western Hemisphere. Mr. Vaughn stated that our Government knows that
Castro and his agents have a priority list of Latin nations for future subversion
and overthrow and that we are aware of which countries are at the top of the
list.
The Communists obviously are doing an extensive job of propaganda and sub-
version in Latin America. In Cuba, there is a real and total slave economy — ■
and yet the Castro regime seems to be able to train agents and to export propa-
ganda and revolution. This Communist regime seems to enjoy some success in
convincing the poor people of Latin America that Castro and his government
are helping the ordinary man, the workingman, to achieve a better life.
I asked Mr. Vaughn why the United States apparently has been less successful
than we should be in fostering information on our own Government, our prin-
ciples, and our way of life in a free society, and the virtues and accomplish-
ments of our Alliance for Progress program.
Among other things, he saidthat in his opinion one of the reasons for this is
that our country does not provide enough money to the United States Information
Agency so that it can do the most effective Job in this area. He said that the
USIA has been allotted less money over the years than have similar agencies of
our Government. Mr. Vaughn noted that more funds were needed for this impor-
tant Agency, and I agree with this.
As I stated in my earlier prepared remarks for your committee, the Freedom
Academy in no way would circumvent, or compete with, the USIA, the CIA, the
National Security Agency, the State Department, or other similar agencies of our
Government. On the contrary, the Freedom Academy — by utilizing the best
brains not only from the public governmental sector of our society, but also
from the private sector, would augment and supplement in a fine manner the
good work which these other agencies are continually doing for our country.
The skills which could be provided to our citizens in such an academy must be
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 195
taught by knowledgeable and trained professionals. Such skills and knowledge
can best be offered in a special school, as envisaged in this legislation.
I know that there is a great, untapped source of imagination, patriotism, and
dedication from among our private citizens, many of whohi would gladly take
this specialized training in nonmilitary and propaganda techniques in order to
do their part to maintain our freedom and that of the other nations of the world.
The fact is that we do not now have, even for the special training of our Gov-
ernment personnel, an agency of our National Government assigned to the task of
providing an extensive course in nonmilitary and propaganda tactics. The Free-
dom Academy, directed by a high-level Freedom Commission, would give our
country and its citizens the right kind of specialized school for this purpose.
In my own city of New Orleans, Louisiana, there is in active operation, a
private citizens' organization, the Information Council of the Americas, directed
by Mr. Edward S. Butler III, as executive vice president, and Dr. Alton Ochsner,
an internationally famous surgeon from my city, as president. This organization,
known as INCA, is performing an outstanding service to the people of Latin
America, as well as to our own country,' by fostering the significance of freedom
and countering Communist propaganda and subversion. INCA is achieving this
by sending to some 136 radio stations in 16 different Latin nations "Truth
Tapes" — which feature the voices of Cuban refugees relating their own stories of
oppression and terror, of poverty and the generally debased condition of their
country, under Castro's Communist regime.
In the United States, there are also some 426 radio stations which are coop-
erating with INCA to promote interest and to solicit support for this patriotic
work. These radio stations in 43 of our 50 States also are broadcasting some
of these "Truth Tapes," thus giving their audiences an insight and an understand-
ing into political and social developments in Latin America and the Communist
activities to subvert and overthrow the governments of our good neighbors
to the south.
In INCA's membership today are businessmen, professional men, educators,
farm leaders, journalists, and others living in 21 different States of our Union.
They are giving their support to INCA and its important work — they are private
citizens who are assisting in fighting communism in our hemisphere. This fine
organization is just one example, a very sound example, of what a group of
private citizens can do to assist our National Government and our people in com-
bating communism. But INCA and similar organizations cannot do this work
alone, because the task is too big for a select group of our citizens. It requires a
total conamitment by our Government and a majority of its citizens to counter the
spread of communism around the world. I submit, Mr. Chairman, that the estab*-
lishment of this specialized Freedom Academy would be a concrete way in which
to engender a greater response to this total commitment.
Therefore, I am pleased to join with many of my colleagues on both sides of the
aisle and in both Houses in sponsoring this legislation. It is enjoying increasing
bipartisan support in both Houses of the Congress. As the committee knows, the
Senate passed a similar bill in the 2d session of the 86th Congress, but the House
did not have the opportunity to act ui)on it then. I am most hopeful that the
89th Congress will have this opportunity and that the House will pass this legisla-
tion to strengthen our country and the principles for which it stands.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for permitting me to
speak to you today.
The Chairman. Now, Congressman Boggs, I wish to say this. The
May 1, 1965, issue of New Times was brought to my attention just the
other day. This is a Soviet weekly journal of world affairs which
is published not only in Russian, but six other languages — English,
French, German, Spanish, Polish, and Czech. This propaganda maga-
zine is put out by Trud^ the U.S.S.R. so-called labor newspaper, pub-
lished by the All-Union Central Soviet of Professional Unions in
Moscow.
On page 23 of the May 1 issue, which is the beginning of the section
on "International Notes," there is a subhead "U.S.A." and under that
another subhead "Academy of the Science of Subversion."
The item opens with mention of the fact that Senator Mundt had
recently made a long speech in the Senate on the Freedom Academy
and states that a bill providing for its establishment has already been
submitted to the Congress.
196 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Actually, of course, eight bills to establish a Freedom Academy —
and you are the author of one of them — have been introduced in the
House and one in the Senate, with 12 sponsors.^ Senator Mundt has
long been a sponsor of the Freedom Academy concept and testified
before this committee on the bills now pending before it just a few
weeks ago, on April 1.
The article then goes on to claim that, in speaking about the Free-
dom Academy in March of last year, you, Mr. Boggs, declared that
the prototype of its activity should be "the work done by our security
agencies, the FBI particularly on the domestic scene, the CIA else-
where in the world."
"In short," the article continues —
it was a question of setting up an institution in whicli American diplomats,
correspondents, businessmen, tourists and sportsmen going abroad would be
trained in the art not only of anti-communism but also of subversion.
It next states, truthfully, that Senator Mundt has urged that en-
rollment in the Freedom Academy should not be limited to American
citizens, but that it be an international school and quotes him to this
effect. The article concludes with the following words :
Wouldn't it be better to rename the Freedom Academy the Academy of the
Science of Subversion?
This item is a wholesale lie, typical of the kind of "news" published
in Soviet organs. It indicates, I believe, that the Communists are
concerned about, and fearful of, the Freedom Academy and are al-
ready beginning their attempt to discredit it.
Mr. Boggs, the committee staff has checked into this quotation at-
tributed to you, which allegedly spells out the function of the Free-
dom Academy. To clarify the record and to refute this Communist
falsehood, I would like to state for the record what the staff learned.
First, you made no such statement in March of last year. Second,
you did speak the exact words attributed to you on February 19 of
last year, when you appeared before this committee to testify on your
Freedom Academy bill and others then before it. Moscow, however,
has twisted your words completely out of context.
What actually happened was that, in prefatory remarks you made
before submitting your formal statement on the Freedom Academy
for the record, you mentioned, among other things, that you believe
one of the reasons the Peace Corps has been so successful was because
it has demonstrated the basic idealism of Americans. You added that
the Freedom Academy would provide an opportunity for us to chan-
nel the idealism and dedication "that are innate in our society to
fighting the greatest threat that mankind has ever faced."
Now we come to the important point. You continued — and I quote
your exact words :
Now, in saying this, I do not want to derogate anyone. I think that the work
done by our security agencies, the FBI particularly, on the domestic scene, the
CIA elsewhere in the world, is by and large the highest type of activity on
earth. But what is proposed here is something else. This is not intelligence
work. It is not checking on subversives — all of which is vital and important
to the security of this country and the security of free men everywhere. This
is the use affirmatively of the great reservoir of talent that we have in the
United States to show what the free system and what a free society can do. ♦ ♦ *
» S. 1232, Feb. 19, 1965. by Mr. Mundt — for himself, Mr. Case, Mr. Dodd, Mr. Douglas,
Mr. Fong, Mr. Hickenlooper, Mr. Lausche, Mr. Miller, Mr. Prouty, Mr. Proxmlre, Mr. Scott,
and Mr. Smathers.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
197
Those were jour full words.
I do not thmk you could have made a clearer and more explicit
statement to the effect that the Freedom Academy was not in any way
to do the work of, or to be patterned after, the FBI or the CIA.
You stressed the fact that just the opposite was true. Yet, the
Kremlin has seen fit — and this, of course, is one of its typical per-
formances— to lift your words completely out of context and at-
tribute to you a meaning that is in 100 percent opposition to your
true position.
As I said before, this Soviet use of the big-lie technique on this
matter indicates that Moscow appreciates the significance of the bills
now before this committee. It realizes the potential effect of a Free-
dom Academy on the long-term outcome of the cold war. It doesn't
want a Freedom Academy established in this country. And so, be-
cause the truth cannot be used to discredit the Academy concept, it
uses falsehood in an attempt to do so. This, perhaps, will assist the
Congress and this committee in determining how they will vote on the
bills we are now considering.
In other words, they just use your testimony in a 180-de^ree oppo-
sition to what you did say before this committee. I now insert this
article mentioned in the statement at this point in the record.
(The article follows:)
^^EW TllffiS - No. 18 - May 1, 196^
INTERNATIONAL NOTES
I.
S.A.
Academy of the Science
of Subversion
SenatorMundt recently made a
lonfspeecnTn the U.S. Senate on
the plans to set up the so-called
"■^TPTfl^provIomg for its establish-
ment has already been submitted to
Congress. Speaking of the Academy's
functions in March last year, Repre-
sentative Boggs declared that the
prototype of its activity should be
"the work done by our security
agencies, the FBI particularly on the
domestic scene, the CIA elsewhere
in the world." In short, it was a
question of setting up an institution
in which American diplomats, cor-
respondents, businessmen, tourists
and sportsmen going abroad would
be trained in the art not only of
anti-communism but also of subver-
sion.
While giving the Academy plan
his full support, Senator Mundt sug-
gested that enrolment should not b«
limited only to American citizens.
He wants it to be an international
school.
"We would bring servants of
friendly governments to this coun-
try, persons asking for the training
and teach them," he said.
Among these persons he includes
journalists, teachers and public fig-
ures wishing to master the methods
of "psychological warfare" and sub-
version.
Wouldn't it be better to rename
the Freedom Academy the Academy
[ of the Science of Subversion?
.\
198 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Mr. BoGGS. Mr. Chairman, as I understand what you are reading,
apparently that article had said that I advocated the establishment
of an academy of subversion ?
The Chairman. Yes, and that we wanted a broad, worldwide FBI-
CIA agency.
Mr. BoGGS. Meaning, of course, that anything that is contradictory
to Communist propaganda is subversion, and that is exactly what the
meaning of that is : that any effort that we make to counteract their
propaganda is not the use of the weapon that we seek to use, namely,
the truth, but what they call subversion.
In a sense we do "subvert" communism, because it is hard to make
a system, which basically is one of slavery, into one of freedom. So
when you tell our story, the truth, it becomes a very devastating thing
for the Communists.
When you compare the freedom of an American with the lack of
freedom of a Soviet citizen or a Chinese citizen or any of the satellite
people, the comparison is so tremendous that it is one that they don't
like to hear. It is like the case of the Berlin wall. I know all of you
have looked at that wall. That wall is erected, really, to keep the East
Berliners in, not to keep anybody out, because if they can get out of
there and take a look at what the rest of Berlin is like, they don't need
any further testimony about freedom. It has been my observation,
Mr. Chairman, over the years that I have been here, that the best way
to test the effectiveness of a proposal is to see what the Soviet
reaction is.
Now if they didn't think this was an effective idea, they wouldn't
be so concerned about it.
I was in Berlin at the time of the airlift, flew in there on a plane
loaded with coal. The efforts made by the Soviets to discredit the
airlift and to discredit the Marshall plan, which was just then being
talked about, were something fantastic. And I came away convinced
that they were more afraid of the fact that we were staying in Europe
and that we were prepared to work with the forces of genuine democ-
racy than anything that had happened recently. So my reaction to
that article is that they are really concerned about the Freedom
Academy.
They know that if we really mobilize, as I said in my original state-
ment, the talent, the latent talent that we have in this country, just
to answer their obvious lies about the United States, that they are in
serious trouble.
And the lies that are told by the millions about this country are
fantastic to anyone who has traveled around and listened or read some
of the propaganda. I remember going into a barbershop in New
Delhi, in India, and you know how you do in a barbershop. You
reach around and get something to read while you are waiting for
the fellow to cut your hair, so I picked up a very smart-looking maga-
zine that looked something like LIFE or LOOK and was very beau-
tifully illustrated. Well, it turned out to be a Communist Party organ,
published in Czechoslovakia, beautifully illustrated, and the whole
theme of it was "the great leap forward." As they described it, they
told all that they were supposedly doing for children and people and
families and health and welfare and sanitation, and so on, and I be-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 199
came curious about this, so I went to our people at the Embassy and
at the information offices, and they pulled out just reams and reams
and reams of these publications from the Soviet Union, China, and
the satellites, including North Korea and North Vietnam.
So these people well understand what is proposed in this idea,
because what they call subversion is what I call the truth, and in
this case, truth directed against what they are doing really is subvert-
ing them. There is no question about that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much ; we appreciate your taking
time out to appear before us.
We have with us Dr. William B. Walsh. Dr. Walsh is the founder
and president of the Project HOPE, which, since 1960, has operated a
hospital ship, SS HOPE. Project HOPE has served three continents
and in 4 years has trained more than 2,500 physicians and other
medical personnel and treated more than 100,000 persons. The ship
has voyaged to Indonesia, South Vietnam, Peru, Ecuador, the Re-
public of Ghana.
Dr. Walsh, we are not only privileged but honored to have you and
we are greatly indebted to you.
If you will, give us your views, not in technical terms, about the
possibility of having a central place where we can do research, some
training, on how to handle this cold war which has been with us and is
likely to be with us for a long time to come.
We are delighted to have you and look forward to hearing your
views.
STATEMENT OF WILLIAM B. WALSH
Dr. Walsh. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : First
let me apologize to you for not having a prepared statement, but I have
been in Latin America and in Africa over the bulk of the last 2 months
and, in the past month, have actually been in Washington only 3 days,
so we have not had time to prepare a statement for you.
The Chairman. Before you proceed, I overlooked that I have before
me more detailed background material concerning your education and
the many honors that have been conferred upon you and the high
esteem that you have in this and other lands.
I will nvake tliis document a part of the record at this point.
(The document follows:)
200 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Jhe f^eopie to f-^eople ^Meaith ZJ-oundalion, ^nc.
2233 Wisconsin Ave., N.W., Washington, D. C. 20007 • 338-6110
Biography of Dr. William B. Walsh,
Founder and President of Project HOPE
Dr. William B. Walsh was born in Brooklyn, N. Y., on April 26, 1920. After
graduating from Brooklyn Preparatory School he attended Stj. John's University
in New York, where he won the Hamilton Scholarship, majored in biology and
received his B . S . Decree-in— 1540 .
In 1948 Dr. Walsh received his M.D. from the Georgetown University School of
Medicine, Washington, D. C, fulfilling his post-graduate training as an
intern at Long Island College Hospital and Georgetown University Hospital.
Dr. Walsh's medical education was interrupted in 1943 by World War II.
He served as a medical officer aboard a destroyer in the South Pacific
until his discharge in 1946. The squalor and poor hospital conditions of
the area began the young doctor's dream of returning with a floating
medical school.
When, in 1958, President Eisenhower asked Dr. Walsh to co-chair the Committee
on Medicine and the Health Professions of the President's new People-to-People
Program, Dr. Walsh suggested that a Navy hospital ship be taken out of moth-
balls and converted into a floating medical center.
After he won approval of the idea. Dr. Walsh decided that it's success hinged
on support from private American citizens, and he founded The People-to-People
Health Foundation, Inc. , the parent organization of Project HOPE, which
sponsors the world-wide voyages of the S.S. HOPE.
At the time. Dr. Walsh was a noted internist and heart specialist, an
assistant professor of internal medicine at Georgetown University, and
an internal medicine resident at the school's nospiLal. Since then, he has
given uD his private practice to devote full time to his duties as medical
director and president of. Project HOPE.
Dr. Walsh lives with his wife Helen at 5101 Westpath Way in Washington
with their three sons, William Jr., John and Thomas.
Dr. Walsh is the author of A Ship Called HOPE, an account of the S.S. HOPE's
maiden voyage to Asia and is writing a second book on the ship's trips to
Peru and Ecuador. A third book on HOPE in Africa will follow.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 201
A full listing of Dr. Walsh's honors and affiliations follows:
HONORS
Medal of Merit, 1964, Government of Ecuador
Star of October, 1964, City of Guayaquil (Ecuador)
Certificate of Meritorious Service, 1964, Medical Society of
the District of Columbia
National Citizenship Award, 1963, Military Chaplains Association of the U.S.A.
Special Service '.ward, 1963, merican Association of Industrial Nurses
Gold Medal (Medallo de Oro), 1963, City of Trujillo (Peru)
Thanksgiving Award, 1963, Clarke (Iowa) College (First recipient)
Knight of the Daniel A. Carrion Order, 1962, Government of Peru
Knight of the Magisterial Palms, 1962, Government of Peru
Honorary Doctor of Science Degree, 1962, Georgetown University
Service to Mankind nward, Sertoma International
Humanitarian of the Year, 1961, Lions International
Volunteer of the Year Award, 1961, American Society of Association Executives
International Freedom Festival Award, 1961, City of Detroit
Distinguished Service Award, 1961, U. S. Information Agency
Health U.S.A. Award, 1961
John Carroll Award, 1961, Georgetown University (Washington, D. C.)
Alumni Association
PROFESSIONAL AFFILIATIONS
President of The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.
Member, American Medical Association
Member, District of Columbia Medical Society
Member, Board of Trustees, Landon School for Boys, Washington, D. C.
Member. Board ot Governors, John Carroll Society, Washington, D. C.
Member, Board of Directors, Institute for Human Progress
202 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Consultant in Internal Medicine to the Surgeon General of the Air Force
Former Vice Chairman of the Health Resources Advisory Committee,
Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization
Former member. Executive Committee and Chairman of the Legislative Committee
of the American Society of Internal Medicine
Former member, President's Advisory Committee on the Physical Fitness of Youth
Former member. Council on Ni^tional Defense of the American Medical Association
Former Vice Chairman, President's Advisory Committee for the
Selection of Doctors, Dentists and Allied Specialists for
the Selective Service System
Past President, N.itional Medical Veterans Society
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 203
Dr. Walsh. And I would like to make a second apology because,
since my second bout with malaria, I have some eighth nerve deafness
which I have not as yet corrected or obtained a hearing aid for, so if you
have any questions, I would appreciate it if you would raise your voice
just a little bit.
The Chairman. You have been so busy treating others that you
have forgotten yourself.
Dr. Walsh. Yes; that is correct.
In speaking to this point I, of course, would not presume upon the
wisdom of this committee to tell you what form the Freedom Academy
should take, but rather to tell you that I agree 100 percent that some-
thing is very seriously needed.
As you were pointing out, our experience has borne out your con-
clusion that in this era of so-called cold war or coexistence, which
means to me a continuing war without the use of thermonuclear weap-
ons, the Soviet has not forgotten for a moment what its prime objec-
tive is. In virtually every walk of life to which we have been exposed
on three continents, we have found that the Soviets are interested in
everything that we do, in everything that the United States does, and
they pay attention to details because they have been instructed to pay
attention to details.
In Indonesia, for example, they didn't feel that we had any oppor-
tunity of success initially. But they soon found that the response of
people to a gesture such as the HOPE was something they had not bar-
gained for. So, shortly after we arrived^ the Soviet had a team of 10
follow us through three different ports m Indonesia, sometimes pre-
ceding us, and attempting to frighten the people away from coming to
the ship.
They distributed pamphlets; they described to the local people in
Indonesia that the cameras which the physicians and nurses carried
were for purposes of pornographic photography ; that we were there
to rape their women, not to treat them ; that we were not really there
to teach these people to help themselves, but primarily there for some
nefarious political purpose, which was to lead to the overthrow of the
Sukarno government.
Our purpose was really to teach and to train, and the fringe benefit
of this purpose is naturally to give a different aspect of the United
States.
This type of performance by the Soviet is repeated in legion through-
out the countries in which we have been. Tliey will attempt to infil-
trate through local trainees. They even attempt to infiltrate our ranks
here in the United States. They do all that they can to release rumors,
to release things to the press which will upset public confidence in our
project which depends, of course, in large part, upon public support
for its continuation.
Now mind you, while this is the most important thing, perhaps, in
my life, it is really a very small thing in the so-called cold war or
battle for men's minds, but yet it is not so small as to have the Soviet
overlook it. Even as recently as 2 months ago, we had two volunteers,
physicians from among the 3,000 who volunteer every year, from one
of the Western States, both of whom, I think, had been before your
committee.
47-093 O — 65 14
204 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Had we not utilized the precaution that we always use of investi-
gating all our volunteers before they are taken, we may well have been
unaware that these people were actively engaged in activities against
the United States.
Midway through our own investigation, we were coincidentally ad-
vised by the FBI that they would like to know the itinerary of these
people, because they were highlv active and dangerous, and they would
like to be sure that they were followed, if we were to let them out of
the country.
In this instance, since the FBI did not insist upon our letting them
go, we, needless to say, did not let them go, because they are in too
good a position to sabotage our program abroad.
This was, I would say, about the 15th and 16th attempts at infiltra-
tion of an effort even as small as ours, because it has a significant
impact abroad, by known Communists in this country. To our knowl-
edge, no physician, nurse, or technician who has been identified or
known to be subversive has ever been on board, but this has not
stopped them from trying.
I can't speak for the crews, because they are checked by the Coast
Guard, but I do know that, on a few occasions, we have been alerted in
regard to certain crewmembers who have been passed by the Coast
Guard, but who have records, apparently, of past Marxist interest.
In working abroad, we found, for example, particularly in Vietnam,
and I am not reticent to say so, a strange communion of policy be-
tween the Viet Cong and the French. The French virtually black-
balled our every activity by totally ignoring our presence, despite the
fact that they exercised heavy influence in the medical school of that
country.
We reported this, of course, to the Ambassador, and the Ambassador
was conscious of it, but as you well know, there is very little that he
was able to do about it.
I have no doubt that this is continuing, because we have maintained
a hospital in Saigon, a teaching center, since 1961, and our physicians
who have been stationed there have reported to us constantly of this
type of activity.
If I can digress for just a moment, I was not certain on reading
your bill, about the extent of people to attend whatever institution you
initiate, or whatever type of training you initiate, but I would hope
that it would be not only open to Government officials, but open also to
representatives of major businesses that go abroad.
Frequently, our foreign correspondents — who I do not say for one
moment are un-American, believe me, but many of them are young
and many of them are extremely gullible to propaganda — many of
them go out among the people and, unfortunately, are cornered once
again by the trained Communist, who they do not even know is a
Communist, but who gradually is able to make an impression upon
them.
I think you have seen this. Certainly in the reports from Vietnam,
which reached such a peak and may have influenced our foreign policy,
you may remember even President Kennedy was reported to have re-
quested the removal of one correspondent from the country.
As late as this morning's paper, you saw the frustration of the
USIA spokesman speaking on the Dominican Republic, who stated
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 205
that he wished the reporter who was writing for one well-known
paper would talk to someone besides the rebels before he criticized his
own Government so vigorously in the press.
I do not feel that this would in any way be intervention in the free-
dom of the press. I feel simply that they, too, are not so profound
that they can't tolerate education along with the rest of us. We see
now what is happening to the colleges throughout the country, in these
so-called teach-ins, which to me, as an American, is almost unbe-
lievable.
We see at the University of Oregon a man leading a teach-in who
has been fired as a result of his wife's active activity at another univer-
sity, where she was quoted as having stated that if we came into a war
with Cuba, she hoped we would lose, so that we would be taught a
lesson. And yet this man is given sufficient resx)ect to lead a teach-in
at the University of Oregon, at which representatives of our Govern-
ment have to come and explain our policy.
I think this is a very strange position for us to find ourselves in, and
I think that., somewhere along the line, whatever you have must also
be broadened to get some of our educators in the Academy courses, or
some of our own faculty members in the universities, so that the stu-
dents will be exposed to both sides of any story.
The Chairman. Let me tell you that if the Academy becomes an
actuality, the students, the attendance of this center, will cut across all
segments of our society : labor, management. Government, foreign stu-
dents, educational fields.
In fact, I would hope that some of the staff of the Governors and
Members of Congress will take time to go, because the courses are
going to vary.
We can get 2 months, 3 months, 2 years. It will cut across our
whole society, both domestic and foreign attendants, or students, but
of course the students are intended to be from the adult population.
So it is not restrictive. It is as broad as you can imagine.
Dr. Walsh. This will be, to me, an essential aspect of your effort,
because too often we have the tendency to only blame our Govern-
ment or our Government representatives when frequently it goes
much further than this abroad.
In Latin America, too, I think we have been very derelict in
whatever type of indoctrination we give our citizens, because we have
permitted the Commimists to merchandise and to virtually possess
the word "change." Change is neither a word that belongs to — and
I hate to use labels — ^but it is not a word that belongs to the liberals
or the conservatives or the progressives. Change is progress, but yet
in Latin America in particular, the Communists have merchandised
the word "change," so that even when loyal Americans try to support
something which is a change for the better, the citizens many times
think, "Well, you must be a Communist, because you are trying to
get us a change from what we are now experiencing."
Yet they are very aware of the impact of any American who goes
into these cities and into these villages, who can bring about change.
When we first went to Peru, the Communist students littered tne
streets in Trujillo with "Yankee go home" signs. This was a town
of about 100,000 people. They came to me in the street and told me
that if we went into the barriadas with our program where, of course.
206 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
they were fomenting communism through misery and disease, that
they would create violence and that people would be hurt and prob-
ably killed.
We are not responsive to this kind of threat, because we found
that even when we were in Vietnam and went down into the delta that
the Viet Cong did not bother medical teams. I think that our own
State Department can tell you that now that they have put medical
teams throughout the villages, that no matter what happens you will
rarely read — and I don't think you have read — of a single member
of any medical team in any village in the delta or in the north being
touched by the Viet Cong.
Wlien we went down into the delta, back in 1961-62, they would
leave, in fact, their own wounded outside of a compound or outside
of a hospital at which we were working. They would leave them
there during the ni^ht, because they had no medical care of their own,
and I feel that this is just one area where we can reach people through
the field of medicine, and the same thing was true in the barriadas
abroad.
In South America, within a week after we were there, the Com-
munist students could do nothing about keeping us out. They had to
let us in. We taught the people a little something about free enter-
prise ; we taught them to dig a well and sell water so they could buy
their own medicine, which they have done. And actually, the people of
Trujillo soon found that employed residents of the barriadas are no
longer Communists, but are almost a little bit on the capitalistic side.
This doesn't mean that these people are now members of the center,
or perhaps just left of center but eventually they may be members of
the center.
The same thing is true in Africa. I can speak primarily of West
Africa, which I know fairly well, but there, once again, we are looked
upon as are Europeans, with suspicion.
Too often, the representatives of our Government apologize to the
African, which is a very bad thing to do, because the African does not
understand this type of treatment.
The African is having troubles enough, without having seven repre-
sentatives of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee)
sent to the Republic of Guinea so as to explain the civil rights problem
in the United States. The African that we see in the villages is not
nearly so concerned with civil rights as he is with his own progress
and survival. At the top level we almost invite them to utilize this
issue. We fortunately see them at the top level, but we also see them
in the villages. There, they don't know what civil rights is.
Now this doesn't mean that civil rights is not a problem which this
country must overcome, and it doesn't mean that civil rights has not
been a long time coming, but we too often, particularly in Africa, ad-
vertise our deficiencies and are reticent about the things of which we
should be proud. And I would hope that even this, this type of thing,
is going to be included in the curriculum — not only the evils of com-
munism, but some of the positive aspects of freedom, and the simple
psychology that would relieve us of almost a national masochism
abroad which affects us so that we seem to have to tell everyone of
our deficiencies.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 207
There is nothing more irritating, because these people then use this
to blackjack us into types of help we would not give them by saying,
"If you don't do this, it will prove you are really against the Negro,"
a statement with which no sane person in this country will agree.
The feeling of the necessity to explain these things is inviting inter-
ference into our own internal affairs by foreign governments, so that
we even have civil rights spokesmen, and respected civil rights spokes-
men, who now say that they are going to excite the African nations
to the extent that the votes in the United Nations will have a bearing
upon what we do in the United States in regard to civil rights.
I personally don't think that this country has come to that. I am
for civil rights and I believe in civil rights, but I believe it is also
our internal problem, and is not one that should be constantly ex-
plained by our ambassadors abroad.
I can't believe that this is anything but individual policy on the
part of some of them. I can't believe that this is the wish of the
Secretary of State, because he is a much wiser man, in my opinion,
than this.
But I think that in going into your Academy, I realize you have
to first establish an Academy before you establish a curriculum, but
I would not identify it as primarily just an anti-Communist academy,
or academy that just teaches communism and what communism is
and how we should combat it. But I think it must also stress the posi-
tive parts of freedom, the positive parts of democracy, and also the
miderstanding of the peoples with whom we deal. It is high time
that, if we are going to continue to spend money abroad — and I be-
lieve we are going to have to, and we should — that we should not sell
ourselves down the river at the same time by advertising that we are
a land of plenty, but actually a land of much moral deficiency.
Now I will be happy to answer your questions.
The Chairman. Well, Dr. Walsh, I think you have answered about
everything, particularly in the last few minutes, that I was going to ask
you. And I think you have covered it, but I will ask you specifically
if your experiences did not indicate that some of the U.S. officials
or representatives abroad, both Government and private, sometimes
because of ignorance of communism and its methods, make mistakes
which aid the Communists and hurt the United States cold war effort?
Dr. Walsh. Absolutely.
The Chairman. I think you covered it, but I wanted to ask you.
Dr. Walsh. I would like to go off the record.
Tlie Chairman. Well, now, you want to go off the record ?
Dr. Walsh. Just for this one statement.
The Chairman. Well, I will accord you that right.
(Discussion off the record. )
The Chairman. Now let's ffo on the record.
Dr. Walsh. This individual I referred to off the record was not
a Comnmnist. He sincerely believed he was doing the right thing.
He want-ed reforms to come overnight, and actually, he, without real-
izing it, was influencing a revolution, so much so that many of the
American businesses in that country actually took full-page ads in
the paper, saying that they did not agree with his position. Now
this, to me, is either a lack of education and understanding on the
part, say, of the individual, or a lack of understanding on the part
208 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
of the businessmen. I don't care which it was. It was lack of under-
standing on somebody's part and embarrassing to the United States.
The Chairman. And you think that a center, academy, where the
true, solid evidence of Communist tactics, methods, and so on, and
how to combat them would be taught, would help in that regard ?
Dr. Walsh. Yes, I think he would have been helped appreciably.
Somewhere along the line, all of us who are in work abroad have to
find a place where we can be educated to be able to tell, on the fine
points, who is what and what he is doing, and when is a Communist
not a Communist. Just the fact that he makes a public declara-
tion that he isn't, is not sufficient.
The Chairman. I might add that your reference or your expres-
sion of hope that the course will include discussions of a positive as
well as the negative will be included. I have said this many times,
but just since you have brought it up, we have heard a lot of evi-
dence— the record is full of it — where people in the educational field
can't seem to lay their hands on completely reliable material that can
be imparted in schools and universities.
Specifically, some States, my own, have passed legislation requiring
a course of Americanism versus Communism, and the teachers throw
up their arms and say, "Well, what does that mean? What do I
teach?"
Well, the material is not there in a concise, reliable way, and I have
written to many of them. I said in effect, "I like the old Lucky Strike
cigarette ad. 'Compare. Comparison proves.' " It is enough for
these students, or even in colleges, to compare our school system as
against the Communist school system, our system of free election
against the nonexistence of election; our system of religion against
their irreligious system, so that you are teaching the affirmative, and
you are at the same time teaching the lack of those things in other
areas, and that, of course, will be considered, I know, and the staff of
this center will be of the highest.
They must not be of extreme right or extreme left, or anything: of
the sort, about developing our own system here and putting those
things on the record.
Any questions ?
Mr. Pool. No.
Mr. IcHORD. I would like to go off the record.
(Discussion off the record.)
Mr. IcHORD. Going back on the record, I was very interested in
your testimony concerning our publicity activities abroad, which
fairly well parallels the testimony given by Mr. Meyerhoff of the
Meyerhoff advertising agency. His idea was that we had the policy
of reporting all of the things that go on in America, and he said, un-
fortunately, only the bad news is newsworthy and that we, by this
policy, are giving people abroad a bad concept of what America is.
Dr. Walsh. There is no question about it. We see this not only
in our own experience, but in many others. Good works are not con-
sidered newsworthy. If we were sued for malpractice by some
African chieftain it would be on the front page, but, unfortunately,
the competition in the sales of newspapers and maa:azines and so on is
such that an article is much more readily printed in a magazine that
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 209
will call the President a dunderhead than one which says he is doing
the right thing.
And I believe that this is something in our times with which we
really must cope, because the fact that the President felt forced to
sanction this long debate this coming weekend, with his advisers, on
the television and radio, while it is not my position to criticize or
commend him for it, the fact that he has been put in that position,
to me, is almost unbelievable. I can't see how the Communists can
do anything but gain by giving public exposure to those people who
are going to condemn the United States. And I see another television
program has Colonel Caamano on from the Dominican Republic, who
threatens to kill more marines every day, and when he kills the marine,
it is always because the marine has made a wrong turn — nothing about
the fact that they should perhaps use restraint and that a three-man
patrol in a jeep is really not violating a truce and is no real threat to
the rebel holdings in Santo Domingo.
Mr. IcHORD. Along that line, Doctor, I have here a publication of
USIA, Ameryka^ which is a publication published in Poland by USIA,
which Mr. Meyerhoff handed to the committee. This is an October 1964
issue, and it, I suppose — I can't read Polish — however, I have taken it
to one of our Polish Members, a Member of the Congress of Polish
descent, who could read Polish, and he was very critical of the issue.
It shows picture after picture, photograph after photograph, of
racial riots and unrest in the United States, one in actual physical
combat. You seem to be concerned about this. He was concerned
about it. Of course, I know what USIA intends to do here.
They are trying to show the Polish people that in this country we
do have freedom of assembly. I would like for you to elaborate.
Mr. Walsh. Well, I understand also the motivation of USIA in
printing such a thing. They feel that it is better that it come from us
instead of a distorted version from them. I think that the only error
that I would feel in this policy is that surprisingly, at least in the
countries in which we have been, they really are not that interested in
what is going on, because most of them have so many troubles of their
own. I think that inadvertently, and with sincere motivation, we put
a weapon actually in their hands, because they then blow this up, not
as the isolated instance, because, remember, when a magazine like this,
say, hits Africa, where over 90 percent of the people can't read, what
makes you think that the political leaders don't change the wording
under the pictures? Because all they can show are the pictures, and
they show the pictures in their movie houses, and so on, and they show
them around.
Now, once again, I am sure that the magazine has 90 percent positive
things about the United States, and I don't feel that we should ape the
Soviet by any means, but some of the most magnificent publications
I have ever seen in North Africa, in West Africa, and in Asia are the
Chinese publications which would make you think it was a land of
complete and utter paradise.
Now Ave know this isn't true, but the ignorant African doesn't know
it, and the other ignorant Asian isn't too sure of it, and this is what
he looks at. And I feel that here rather than the question of motiva-
tion is the question of understanding of what this whole business of
cold war and coexistence is about, is something that has to be reexam-
210 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
ined to the extent that it is possible that these agencies may then want
to give reconsideration to this policy.
Now, USIA, for example, has been very good in regard to Project
HOPE. They made movie films and everything else, and they spread
them all over South America and received a very, very good reaction,
but if in that same movie clip, there was a race riot, you can bet your
boots they would remember the race riots rather than the HOPE shot,
in Latin America.
Mr. IcHORD. In any event, this is the type of thing which needs to
be studied by an institution such as the Freedom Academy, whether
this policy is right or wrong, and perhaps we can see whether we
shouldj for example, have, as suggested by this Member of Congress
of Polish descent, a human- interest stoiy of a Congressman whose
parents came from Poland, showing his activities in the Congress of
the United States and how he was elected by his constituents to be a
part of his Government. That was what he suggested would be much
better material.
Dr. Walsh. Well, I don't think we should do ourselves damage un-
der the guise of intellectual honesty, because after all, this is a politi-
cal organ. It is an American political organ, and why should we
pretend it is anything else ?
Mr. IcHORD. That is correct. I am sure that this was published
in absolute good faith. However, I do question the effect, the desirable
effect of the publication.
Thank you very much, Doctor. I would like to ask one more ques-
tion. How many doctors do you have on the SS HOPE?
Dr. Walsh. Well, between doctors and nurses, and so on, we carry
110 at a time, 110 teachers at a time. Somewhere between 30 and 35
are physicians. They come from 43 States and they are all volun-
teers. We don't pay them a nickel. They all work for nothing.
They spend at least 2 months of their time, and we have already used
in 4 years, now 41^ years, 621 doctors, who have been selected from
actually about 3,000 applications a year, and they come from all over,
and so we really get the cream. Their average age is about 45. They
are at the height of their ability to produce, and they are under no
inhibitions when they go, and we organize them.
Mr. IcHORD. Where is the ship at the present time ?
Dr. Walsh. The ship at the present time is still in Africa, and then
it is committed for the next 2 years to go to Nicaragua, and then to
northern Colombia.
Mr. IcHORD. That is all.
The Chairman. Mr. Clawson ?
Mr. Clawson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Dr. Walsh, your appearance here has been refreshing to me. With
your background and experience and the service that you have pro-
vided in many foreign countries, I am sure this gives you and your
testimony credence before this committee on the subtleties and the
sophistication of today's communistic techniques. I think from your
testimony that even this emphasis on the theme "peaceful coexistence"
is another technique of the Communist activity today in trying to de-
stroy freedom and liberty as we know and understand it.
Dr. Walsh. That's right.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 211
Mr. Clawson. There are, however, some rather refreshing and, I
think, encouraging signs on the horizon. One of them has come to
my attention just since our last session. And, Mr. Chairman, if I may,
I would like to refer to the Howard Payne College in Brownwood,
Texas. Can you hear me all right ?
Dr. Walsh. Yes, I can hear you.
Mr. Clawson. I think this would please you because of what you
have said and done. They have established the Douglas MacArthur
Academy of Freedom in the State of Texas and began its operation in
September 1963. I would like to read just a few paragraphs of their
philosophy, aims, purposes, and standards, and perhaps we can gain
some experience from their activity when we establish an academy
on the Federal level.
I quote from a brochure published by Howard Payne College:
The purpose of the program is to prepare young people thoroughly to under-
stand the world in which they live, to appreciate the problems which they face,
to recognize the place of Christian leadership and to be able, successfully, to
present the point of view of the Free World. Such preparation should then
enable a graduate of the Academy to go into foreign service for his country,
to become an intelligent diplomat, to represent American corporations in foreign
areas, to be a capable statesman at home as well as to be intelligent proponents
of ideas and ideals calculated to promote world peace and world progress wher-
ever he may be. It would also provide a rich background for training toward
foreign missions.
And they go on. I think perhaps I will skip over most of it and
read just a few paragraphs :
Since the entire program would be designed and directed toward providing
an understanding and intelligent support of freedom and liberty, it will natur-
ally consider those threats to them.
Although the signers of the Constitution expressed the desire to "secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," such is not possible. Each
new generation must secure anew for themselves "the blessings of liberty."
Each new generation must, therefore, overcome the threats to liberty which
they face. Because of the repeated declarations of communism to control the
world, it seems imperative that those who cherish freedom should understand
the aims, plans, actions and status of communism to today's world. Thus,
there will be special courses designed to teach not only the theory of Marxism-
Commimism, but its historical significance former attempts at its use, and the
practice of communism as found in Russia and China today.
And they continue with this same kind of theme. Now I don't know
what the experience has been but, Mr. Chairman, at this point, I
would like to have unanimous consent to insert the Senate Concur-
rent Resolution No. 47 of the legislature of the State of Texas and
"Facing the Future with Faith and Knowledge," from the university,
and the "Academic Characteristics," as part of the record. I think
it would be helpful to the committee.
Mr. Pool. Mr. Chairman, I would like to also join with my col-
league in making the presentation and asking unanimous consent,
also, since the State of Texas is my State.
Mr. Clawson. It is your State. I think it is wonderful that one
of our States has already moved in this direction in one of their edu-
cational institutions.
The Chairman. The material referred to will be inserted at this
point in the record.
(The documents referred to follow :)
212 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
By : Parkhouse
Crump
mm mmumi resolution no. 47
WHEREAS, In the one hundred eighty years of its existence,
the United States of America has vindicated the faith of its found-
ing fathers in the type of political, economic and moral system
they envisioned by becoming the strongest and most effective free
nation in modern history; and
WHEREAS. Americans are now engaged in a life and death
struggle with the forces both inside and outside the nation which
seek to destroy the basic freedoms and values which undergird
the nation's strength ; and
WHEREAS, The administration and faculty of Howard Payne
College, a four-year Baptist institution of higher education in
Brownwood, Texas, believe that the American heritage, Judeo-
Christian traditions and the free enterprise system have a special
affinity of purpose which needs to be understood and preserved;
and
WHEREAS, Believing that higher education has an indis-
pensable role in the protection of the nation and in the promotion
of the ideas upon which it was founded, Howard Payne College has
established the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom which
will become operative in September, 1963, the first center of this
kind ever established on a college or university campus; and
WHEREAS, The idea for the Academy is an outgrowth of the
college's Democracy in Action program, which won an award from
the Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, as the
outstanding project of its kind in the nation; and
WHEREAS, Unlike most "freedom" and "anti-communism"
efforts now in operation, the program will be objective and non-
partisan, not seeking to impose the viewpoint of any group or
organization; and
WHEREAS, It should be a matter of pride to all Texans
that a small private liberal arts college in the Southwest is the
first in the nation to undertake such a program; and
WHEREAS, Named for the great American leader who said
that the protection of this country "will only be possible if we
regain some of the spirituality and wisdom of our forefathers
which caused them to Ordain by constitutional precepts that gov-
ernment be servant rather than master of the people," the Acad-
emy of Freedom will have the following three stated obligations:
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
213
(1) it will be maintained on a high professional and educational
level; (2) it will be non-partisan politically and seek to inspire
all student members to search diligently for the truth without
being inhibited in any area of life, thought and action; and
(3) it will seek and maintain the highest type of professional lead-
ership in the academic world and give these leaders freedom to
inspire students to fuller understanding of the American heritage
and the destructive processes in our culture and help them prepare
themselves for any and all areas of public life and civic respon-
sibility; now, therefore, be it
RESOLVED, By the Senate of the 58th Legislature of Texas,
the House of Representatives concurrijig, that Howard Payne
College and its administration and faculty, particularly Dr. Guy
D. Newman, president of the college, be commended and congratu-
lated on the concept, planning, philosophy and goals of the Douglas
MacArthur Academy of Freedom and wish them every success
in this important undertaking.
I hereby certify that S. C. R.
No. 47 was adopted by the Senate
on April 16, 1963.
I hereby certify that S. C. R.
No. 47 was adopted by the House
on April 16, 1963.
m
^
Chief G$ferk of the House
FACING THE FUTURE
WITH FAITH
AND KNOWLEDGE
^he oLJouatai I V lac-Ari'tnur'
ACADEMY OF FREEDOM
occupies a distinctive campus
as the Interdisciplinary
Honors Program of the
Social Sciences Division of
Howard Payne College
(215)
216 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
DOUGLAS MacARTHUR ACADEMY OF FREEDOM
Unique among the nation's colleges is an Honors Program at
Howard Payne College called the Douglas MacArthur Academy of
Freedom.
The Academy Program is a concentrated liberal arts curriculum,
largely in the social sciences, designed for superior students who wish
to examine in depth the meaning of the American Way of Life, the
threats to the survival of that way of life, the value of inter-American
solidarity, and means by which American traditional values may be
appreciated, protected, and advanced.
The Academy Program is open only to upperclass students who
have maintained an honor point average of at least 1.8 either at
Howard Payne College or at the college from which they have trans-
ferred.
Members in the Academy of Freedom are classified as:
Minor members — Students from any division of the college who
have qualified for the comprehensive minor
course of study in the Academy.
Major members — Students majoring in the Division of Social
Sciences who are accepted for the comprehensive
major course of study in the Academy.
Fellows — Selected Major members nominated by the fa-
culty of the Division of Social Sciences during
senior year.
Students who wish to enter the Douglas MacArthur Academy of
Freedom are urged to file an "Indication of Intent" with the Di-
rector of the Academy of Freedom during their freshman year as
a means of alerting their faculty adviser and the Faculty Academy
of Freedom Council of their interest. A formal application will be
required in the semester preceding full eligibility for membership.
Members are selected by vote of the Faculty Academy of Freedom
Council. As befitting superior students they may select any of several
paths through the optional courses in the Academy of Freedom.
To receive the Academy of Freedom diploma, a major in the
Academy must pass a comprehensive examination covering Academy
courses which he has taken.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 217
Any member of the Academy of Freedom who drops below a 2.0
grade average in the courses taken during his junior year, or receives
any form of disciplinary correction loses his eligibility to continue
as a member during his senior year, but he retains the course credits
earned during his membership to apply toward his normal gradua-
tion.
GENERAL REQUIREMENTS
Degree
The Academy of Freedom program requires completion of at least
128 semester hours. A B average must be maintained during the
junior and senior years. The degree awarded is that of the Bachelor
of Arts, The diploma of major members will be suitably embossed to
show completion of the Academy of Freedom Honors Program.
Prerequisites
A candidate for membership in the Academy of Freedom must
have completed his sophomore year and have at least a 1.8 grade
average at the time of admission to the Academy.
All candidates must have earned credit for:
American History (Hist. 201-2 — 6 hours) and
American and State Government (Pol. Sc. 201-2 — 6 hours) .
Curriculum
A comprehensive interdisciplinary major program or a compre-
hensive interdisciplinary minor program, each with two choices of
emphasis (called paths), is available through the Academy of Free-
dom program. This program will supply both the major and minor
for the Bachelor of Arts degree. The plan features the opportunity
for superior students to have a wide selection of options.
Costs
Participation in the Academy of Freedom requires slightly higher
tuition fees than do other programs at Howard Payne College.
218 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Comprehensive Major
The comprehensive interdisciplinary major requires, in addition
to the fifteen hours of social science courses included in the general
educational requirements:
1. A minimum of six semester hours in each of the departments
of Economics, History, Political Science, Psychology, and Sociology.
The courses, World Geography (Geo. 301), Cold War Semantics
(Speech 428), or Problems in Americanism (Soc. Sc. 402) may be
substituted for one course in any discipline except Economics. Democ-
racy and Totalitarianism (Pol. Sc. 301) is required.
Thirty semester hours.
2. Completion of Christian Ethics in Today's World. (Phil. 302)
Three semester hours.
3. Six additional semester hours of advanced courses in one of the
social science disciplines, or Social Science 400, The Academy of
Freedom American Shrines Seminar. Six semester hours.
Total Thirty-nine semester hours, of which
twenty-two hours are advanced.
Composite Teaching Field Major
This variation of the Comprehensive Major is designed as an in-
tegrated social science honors program to meet the requirements for
one composite teaching field. The following plan will complete the
major and minor requirements for the Bachelor of Arts degree and
will lead to certification for teaching in secondary schools.
General Requirements
HRS.
English 101. 102. 201. 202 12
Foreign Language 12
Physical Education (Activity) 4
Science/Mathematics 12
Bible 101, 102 6
Psychology 100 I
Fine Arts 6
Elective 3
S6
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 219
Social Science Courses
ECONOMICS
203 — Outlines of Economics 3
Elective — Advanced Economics 3
HISTORY
101-102— World History 6
201-202— History of United States , 6
3 1 5 — American Heritage 3
Electives — Advanced History 6
PHILOSOPHY
302— Christian Ethics 3
PSYCHOLOGY
408 — Group Dynamics 3
(Academy members may substitute this course for Psy. 121 )
GEOGRAPHY
301— World Geography 3
POLITICAL SCIENCE
201 — American Government 3
202 — State and Local Government 3
301 — Democracy and Totalitarianism 3
Elective — Advanced Political Science 3
SOCIOLOGY
Elective 3
SOCIAL SCIENCE
401 — Teaching of Social Science in the Secondary Schools 3
54
(Social Science 400 — the six hour summer field trip, American Shrines
Traveling Seminar, may be used as an elective, or combination of
electives in any field except history.)
Professional Education Courses
Ed 3 1 5 — Adolescent Psychology 3
Ed 41 1 — Directed Learning in the Secondary School 3
Ed 321 (s) — Evaluation and Guidance 3
Ed 423 — Philosophy of Education 3
Ed 419-420— Student Teaching in the Secondary School 6
18
TOTAL HOURS 128
47-093 O — 65 15
220 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Comprehensive Minor
A comprehensive interdisciplinary minor program is offered to
students of all divisions. The comprehensive minor will satisfy one
teaching field requirement for prospective teachers when approved
by the Texas Education Agency.
Participants in the minor program are Minor members of the
Academy of Freedom and are entitled to enroll in any Academy
course, including the Academy of Freedom American Shrines Semi-
nar. They are not eligible for selection as Academy Fellows; neither
may they be considered life-time members of the Academy of Free-
dom.
In addition to fifteen hours of the general education prerequisite
social science courses, the comprehensive minor consists of:
1. A minimum of three semester hours in each of the departments
of Economics, History, Psychology, Sociology, and Political Science.
(World Geography may be substituted for any course, and the
Academy of Freedom American Shrines Seminary for any two
courses, except Economics).
Fifteen semester hours.
2. Christian Ethics in Today's World. (Phil. 302)
Three semester hours.
3. Democracy and Totalitarianism. (Pol. Sc. 301)
Three semester hours.
Total Twenty-one semester hours.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
221
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PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Defending Path
1. Major Members who elect to follow the Defending Path
through the Academy of Freedom must complete the indicated num-
ber of the following courses:
Group A: Each of the following courses is required:
Christian Ethics in Today's World
(Phil, 302 — Three semester hours)
Democracy and Totalitarianism
(Pol. Sc. 301 — Three semester hours)
Group B: At least two of the following courses, which are ex-
clusively for Academy members, must be completed :
American Heritage (Hist. 315 — Three semester hours)
Formulation of United States National Strategy
(Pol. Sci. 408 — Three semester hours)
Contemporary American Social Problems
(Soc. 408 — Three semester hours)
Group C : Two of the following courses are to be completed :
The Academy of Freedom American Shrine Seminar
(Soc. Sc. 400 — Six semester hours)
The American Free Enterprise System
(Econ. 400 — Three semester hours)
American Constitutional Development
(Pol. Sc. 405 — Three semester hours)
Social Psychology (Psy. 304 — Three semester hours)
The United States Since 1914
\ (Hist. 312 — Three semester hours)
World Geography (Geog. 301 — Three semester hours)
2. Minor Members who select the Defending Path must take both
Group A courses and at least one course from Group B and one from
Group C with all courses being in different disciplines. Prospective
teachers must take Teaching of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools
(Soc. Sc. 401 — Three semester hours) which may be substituted for
either a psychology or a sociology course.
Explaining Path
1. Students who elect to follow the Explaining Path through the
Academy of Freedom may be either:
A. Those students who anticipate serving church, government, or
business overseas, or
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 223
B. Those students oriented toward Latin America and desiring to
participate in the development of mutual respect and under-
standing between the peoples of the U.S. and Latin America.
2. Major Members who follow the General Overseas Plan must
complete the following courses: ~
Language: Eighteen semester hours of foreign language.
Group A: Each of the following courses is required:
Christian Ethics in Today's World.
(Philo. 302 — Three semester hours)
Democracy and Totalitarianism
(Pol. Sc. 301 — Three semester hours)
Group B: At least two of the following courses, which are ex-
clusively for Academy members, must be completed:
American Heritage (Hist. 315 — Three semester hours)
Group Dynamics
(Psy. 408 — Three semester hours)
Comparative Economic Systems
(Econ. 408 — Three semester hours)
Cold War Semantics
(Speech 428 — Three semester hours)
Group C: Two of the following courses are to be completed:
The Academy of Freedom American Shrine Seminar
(Soc. Sc. 400 — Six semester hours)
Comparative Government
(Pol. Sc. 312 — Three semester hours)
International Politics
(Pol. Sc. 306 — Three semester hours)
Political Geography
(Pol. Sc. 304 — Three semester hours)
Diplomatic History of the United States
(Hist. 402 — Three semester hours)
World Population Problems
(Soc. 401 — Three semester hours)
3. Major Members who follow the Anglo-Latin American Plan
must complete at least eighteen semester hours of Spanish, the two
Group A courses, one course from Group B, one from Group C, and
Latin American History (Hist. 310 — Three semester hours)
4. Minor Members who select the Overseas Plan must take
eighteen semester hours of foreign languages, the two Group A
224
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
courses, and at least one course from Group B, and one from
Group C. Prospective teachers must take Teaching of Social Sciences
in Secondary Schools (Soc. Sc. 401 — 3 semester hours) which may
be substituted for the psychology or sociology course.
5. Minor Members who select the Anglo-Latin American Plan
must complete at least eighteen semester hours of Spanish, the two
Group A courses, and Latin American History (Hist. 310)
Exclusive Academy Courses
The Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom offers certain courses
and seminars that are distinctive. These courses are limited to mem-
bers of the Academy of Freedom. None of these seminars may be
taken by audition. They include:
Problems in Americanism. See Social Science 402.
Cold War Semantics. See Speech 428.
Group Dynamics. See Psychology 408.
American Heritage. See History 315.
Formulation of United States Nation^ Strategy. See Political
Science 408.
Comparative Economic Systems. See Economics 408.
Contemporary American Social Problems. See Soc. 408.
Academy Fellow
A limited number of outstanding Major Members of the Academy
may, on their application, be designated as Fellows of the Douglas
MacArthur Academy of Freedom during their senior or graduate
year. No student shall be eligible for consideration as a Fellow unless
he has successfully completed one year as an Academy member.
Academy Fellows shall constitute the Student Council of the Doug-
las MacArthur Academy of Freedom as the highest representatives
of, and spokesmen for, the student members of the Academy. Their
representatives normally will meet regularly with the Faculty Acade-
my of Freedom Council.
Academy Fellows will constitute the members of a research semi-
nar titled Problems In Americanism, (Soc. Sc. 402). They will
work as a joint seminar and as independent researchers under one
or more members of the faculty.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 225
The objective of the course of study pursued by the Fellows will be
the production of an original thesis which will have practical value as
a tool for spreading to widely dispersed mature audiences the activi-
ties and accomplishments of members of the Academy.
Distinctive Emblem
A major member of the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom
who completes one year of Academy work with a 2.0 average
shall be entitled, after formal enrollment for his second year as a
member of the Academy of Freedom, to wear as a lapel pin a repro-
duction of the official seal of the Academy. This will then be a
permanent emblem to be worn during the lifetime of the recipient,
if he successfully completes the Academy requirements and receives
his Academy diploma. All lapel pins will be numbered and engraved
and ownership permanently recorded.
Minor members, as well as major members, who successfully com-
plete one year in the Academy program are authorized to wear an
embroidered blazor.
Members of the Academy who fail to qualify for a second year
of membership, or who drop out for any reason, are not regarded
as having permanent membership in the Academy of Freedom and
are not eligible to receive or to wear the Academy's seal.
It is anticipated that permanent members of the Academy of Free-
dom will maintain a continuing association with the Academy by
means of Academy publications and correspondence; that they will
have seating preference at all Academy lectures and other functions;
and that they will accept invitations from the Academy to represent
the Academy of Freedom as guest speakers or as ceremonial repre-
sentatives at functions within their area of residence after they have
completed their study at Howard Payne College.
Distinguished Guest Speakers
From time to time the Academy will sponsor appearances of dis-
tinguished speakers. The principal addresses of these speakers will
be open to the entire college, except that when seating space is at a
premium, students in the Academy of Freedom will have priority.
An After Lecture Seminar of approximately one hour will nor-
mally follow each address, and these intimate off-the-record discus-
sions are restricted to Academy of Freedom members and faculty.
226
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
brownwood, Toxas
The Douglas MaCi-^rthur Acaderry of Freedom
i^.cademic Characteristics
1. The Academy of Freedom is organized as an integral part of
Howard Payne College, a well-established, sn-all, private,
denominational, fuily-accreditea , liberal arts college.
a. The Academy is a unique study program within the
Social Sciences Division.
b. Completion of the major prosr&m leads to a bachelor
of Arts degree.
c. A Major Vember of the Academy completes his major and
minor academic requirements in the one program. A
Minor Member fulfills the m.inor study needs for his
appropriate degree,
d. The program is deliberately restricted to selected
superior students capable of pursuing accelerated
studies in small classes.
e. The program, goal is the development of men and women
capable of assuming leadership roles in church, civic,
government, professional, or business activities,
f. Instruction is under a comi-letely open academic environ-
ment of free inquiry. Students are selected on the
assumption that they are capable of form.ulating their
own individual character and philosophy from, the foun-
dations offered by home, church, and school training.
g. Courses are "non-partisan politically and seek to
inspire all student members to searcb diligently for
the truth without ceing Inhibited in any area of life,
thought, and action."
h. The professors assigned to the program are individuals
with advanced degrees who are ailowedly Christians and
loyal American citizens. They are encouraged to explain
their j^rsonal beliefs when appropriate without de.mandlng
conformity or agreement from the students.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 227
2. Tha Acad^arry of Froedorr program is specifically designed for
broad covorage and assimilation.
a. Spiritijally , all courses will incorporate concepts and
views that re-en^phasize the role that ths Judeo-Chris tian
beliefs, ethics, and standards have played in the for-
mulation of Western and Ainerican civilization.
b. Emotionally , courses will include elements that will
kindle an appreciation of what it means to be an American
by tracing the nation's political, cultural, and military
heritage, and the free enterprise tradition within the
existing environmient of current national problems and
future challenges and opportunities.
c. Mentally . courses will undertake to force the individual
to demonstrate his capacity and worth by requiring a
high degree of concentrated, disciplined, and objective
scholarship.
3. The Academy of Freedom is an honors program.
a. It is limited to upper classmen who must have completed
background prerequisites,
b. It requires a B-minus average to enter, and a 3 average
to remain, with no grade below C.
c. The course contents include numc;rous requiremionts for
individual papers and oral reports as well as generous
allowance for student participation.
d. A r/ajor Member must dem^onstrate integration of his
studies by passing a cor^-prehens i ve examination in his
final semester.
4. The Academy of Freedom is an interdisciplinary social sciences
program..
a. Fifteen semester hours of social sciences in three
separate disciplines are required as prerequisites.
b. For breadth, at least two three-hour courses must be
taken in each of the disciplines of Economics, History,
Political Science, Psychology, and Sociology, while
one advanced course is required in Philosophy.
c. For depth, six additional semester hours of advanced
studies must be taken in any one of the social sciences.
228
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
5, Thf? academy of Freedom is IlLsfal fai-ts oridntsd. It
eroDhasizes the broadly educated person rather than centering
on professicnal training for a specific occupation.
a. The program meets the norm.al preparatory needs for
graduate work in the social sciences.
b. The program, is an ideal selection for the prospective
high school teacher of any of the social sciences. One
aspect is specif icallj' designed to meet the require-
ments for the composite substantive teaching field.
c. The program will fill the norm^al preparatory needs for
adm.ission to law school.
d. Applicants for examinations for state or federal govern-
mental management positions will find the program a
perfect blending for their needs.
e. The errrbasis of the program in dealing with studies of
all areas of human relationships will increase the compe-
tence of any individual who tlans to enter church or
business organizations, either in the United States or
overseas .
6, The Academy of Freedom is a program offering wide choice in
the selection of courses.
a. Only two specified courses are r, quired of all mn.milars.
(1). Christian Ethics in Today's -iVorld studies the
basic questions and systems in ethical theory
as perceived from the Christian point of view.
(2). Democracy and Totalitarianism is a comparative'
study of the practical application of the theories
of capitalism, socialism, fascism, and comn-unism
with a view to discovering and analyzing those
aspects of totalitarianism that are most vulnerable
to the influences of demiocratic and free enter-
prise concepts and practices.
b. Major Members m.ust take two of the following courses
that are available only to Academy members.
(1). The Academy of Freedom American Shrines Seminar.
This covers one summer term, with one month being
a field trip to the historical sites, public
Institutions, natural I'onders, and the population
and industrial centers of the Northeastern United
States, including 'Washington D. C, and New York
City.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
229
(2). Froblerrs In Ar-.-rlcanlsm, This is a select seminar
for Acadtir'j' ol' FTi^jdorri Fellow.'^ to mo'^t .iointl.v for
rovitw ixiA discussion of thw r^jsults of thair con-
tinuing indepundent and individual research. The
ob.iective of th'3 research will b-i the production
of an original vvritten thesis in tho general area
of tho Moaning of Amorica., Ihr-jats to American
Vp.lubs, Advancing the. Amorican Ideal, or some
similar study.
(3). group Dynamics. This course utilizoa the principles
of social psychology to study discussion and small
group leadership and the interactions involved in
persuasion and bjhavior in groups.
(4). American Hjritage. The course studies tha historical
developm.oiit of ^imericun culture as a basis for
understanding the contemporary American scene,
(5). For-^ulation of United States National Strategy.
This is a con^prcjhensive integrated seminar, bringing
toJ-.ither the accumulated knowledge of the linal
semester senior. The class operates as the National
Security Council, with each student representing
his major field of career study, to formulate those
major domestic and foreign policies which ho f-juls
should guide the American strategy. Strategy in this
sonsc is the integrating of national political,
economic, sociological, military power to obtain
common objectives.
(6). Corrparative Econom.ic Systems. This course will
develop an understaniing of the basic distinctions
between capitalism, the various types of socialism,
and communism with narticular emphasis upon the
implications of each to future American policy.
(7). Contam.porary American Gocia'l FroLlems. This course
employs the findings and principles of sociology
to develop awareness, factual Knowledge, and under-
standing of present social problemiS .
(8). Cold War Semantics. This is a study of the mis-
understandings that develop when peopl-; use identical
words but with different meanings, or when people
give their own interpretation to words without
understanding their real meanins. The course will
help eliminate misunders tc*ndings and, consequently,
cr.,ate moi-e confidence between individuals and
groups, in social or diplomatic relationships.
230
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
c. The remaining courses in the social sciences are at
the option of the student except that prospective
teachers must tal^e the social science co\irse titled,
Teachinp; of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools.
d. Each member must orient his course arrangement toward
either an overseas environment or life in the United
States. The domestic route requires tv/o years of foreign
language v;hile the overseas plan calls for three years
of foreign language.
7. Finally, the Academy of Freedom is not an end in itself.
It is only one of several programs offered in a college with a
seventy-five year tradition of service in higher education.
The Academy of Freedom is a means for screening those young
people whose high character and dedication have attracted them
to Howard Payne College by offering those with proven intellectual
attainments an opportunity to concentrate their studies in those
aspects of knowledge most intimately associated with contemporary
problems of the American v/ay of life.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 231
The Chairman. There are no further questions?
Doctor, we appreciate your appearance, and I am grateful for your
views and a very fine presentation.
Dr. Walsh. Thank you, sir.
STATEMENT OF THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS OF THE UNITED
STATES BY BRIG. GEN. JAMES D. HITTLE, U.S. MARINE CORPS
(RETIRED)
The Chahiman. Now at this point, I would like to insert in the
record the statement of Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, U.S. Marine Corps,
retired. General Hittle is director of national security and foreign
affairs of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States.
This statement includes the text of a resolution endorsing the
Academy adopted by the Veterans of Foreign Wars. This statement
is to be inserted in the record.
(The statement referred to follows :)
STATEMENT OF THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS OF THE UNITED
STATES BY BRIG. GEN. JAMES D. HITTLE, USMO (RETIRED)
Mr. Chairman: My name is Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, USMO (Retired). I
appear before you in my position as director of national security and foreign
affairs of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States.
The Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States is happy to have the
privilege of appearing before this committee with respect to the establishment
of a United States Freedom Academy.
This statement is submitted at the direction of, and with the approval of, Mr.
John A. Jenkins, commander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the
United States.
The Veterans of Foreign Wars supports in principle the establishment of a
Freedom Academy.
The reason why the VFW supports the Freedom Academy can be summarized
as follows :
The United States and our allies of the free world are locked in a protracted
struggle with communism. The issue at stake is a very simple and basic one.
It is whether or not the United States of America, together with the beliefs and
institutions, which are our heritage, can survive.
This, in essence, is the threat faced by all other freedom-loving peoples regard-
less of the details of their governmental structure.
Communism, operating on the basis of a strategy applied on a worldwide scale,
is ruthless, persistent, and patient in its determination to achieve its goal of world
conquest.
If we are to persevere through to victory, we must know our enemy. That
means we must have, as a nation, a clear, a definite, and a true understanding of
communism as a philosophy and as a system. Such knowledge of our enemy and
the threat he poses is indispensable to defeating that threat.
The Veterans of Foreign Wars believes the Freedom Academy can fulfill a
great need in providing authoritative, realistic knowledge of communism and the
danger it poses.
Such Academy, the VFW believes, should analyze and expose the na-
ture of Communist aggression with its many facets, military, economic, social,
and propaganda.
We must also, as a nation, be mindful of our strength and our weaknesses as
they relate to overcoming the Communist threat. This, too, it would seem,
would be a function of the courses of study at the Freedom Academy.
The position of the Veterans of Foreign Wars in this matter is based upon
Resolution No. 137, unanimously adopted by the thousands of delegates attending
our 1964 national convention in Cleveland. Ohio.
232 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
At this time, Mr, Chairman, I would like to insert for the record the text of
Resolution No. 137 :
Whereas, the international Communist conspiracy is waging a total
political war against the United States and against the peoples and
governments of all other nations of the free world ; and
Whereas, the United States must develop the methods and means to
win the nonmilitary part of the global struggle between freedom and com-
munism, and must educate and train leaders at all levels who can
understand the full range and depth of the Communist attack and can
visualize and organize the methods and means needed to meet and de-
feat this attack and to work for the preservation and extension of free-
dom, national independence, and self-government ; and
Whereas, a proposal has been submitted to the Congress of the United
States for the creation of the necessary agency for the accomplishment
of these purposes : Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, by the 65th National Convention of the Veterans of Foreign
Wars of the United States, That we urge immediate establishment
of a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy by the President and
Congress of the United States to insure survival of world liberty.
There is one vital question that must be resolved before the Freedom Academy
is actually established. I refer to the method of control for such an Academy.
The role of such an Academy, in formulating national thought concerning the
Communist threat and the methods of overcoming it, is so critically important
that the governing body of the Academy must be so organized that its theoretical
and actual adherence to the anti-Communist objectives is fully assured. It must
be so composed as to make certain that softness, tolerance, and sympathy with
communism in any form wiU not creep into the curriculum and the attitude of
the Academy.
It would seem, therefore, that the governing body for a Freedom Academy
should be established by law and should include, but not be limited to, the
following :
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Secretary of Defense (or his representative) .
Secretary of State (or his representative) .
The chairman and ranking minority member of the Senate Internal Se-
curity Subcommittee, United States Senate.
The chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Un-
American Activities, United States House of Representatives.
It is submitted, Mr. Chairman, that unless such standards as set forth above
are maintained for the Freedom Academy, then a Freedom Academy should not
itself be established. A Freedom Academy controlled by those unsympathetic to
its intended purpose would be, in final analysis, more dangerous in existence than
if it had never been created.
At a later time, Mr. Chairman, the VFW will be glad to make more specific
recommendations as to the governing body for a Freedom Academy
The Chairman. Further, before proceeding with the next outstand-
ing witness, I would like to mention the fact that the Honorable
Joseph S. Farland, U.S. Ambassador to the Dominican Eepublic
from 1957 to 1960, Ambassador to the Republic of Panama from 1960
to 1963, and former FBI agent, had hoped to testify in support of
these proposals, and he had been scheduled to appear last week. May
7, but illness in his family prevented his attendance. Since then, busi-
ness has taken him on a trip to Latin America, and therefore we will
be denied the privilege of his views, because today marks the end of the
hearings.
STATEMENT OF THE ORJOER OF LAFATETTE
Finally, I will point out that the Order of Lafayette, at its recent
convention in Washington on May 8, adopted a resolution urging
the House and Senate to take affirmative action on the Freedom Acad-
emy bills, in their words "as a most important initial measure in a new
/
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 233
strategic plan for confronting Communist aggression in tlie cold war."
I understand that the resolution is being sent to us, and it will be
incorporated in the record.
I might mention that the Order of Lafayette is made up of military
officers who served in France in World Wars I and II.
(The resolution follows:)
Whereas, it is now clearly recognized that despite economic and military su-
periority during the past twenty years, close cooperation with the United Nations
and the most immense foreign aid program in world history, the United States
has deteriorated as a world power, due to massive failures in the nonmilitary area
of political and propaganda warfare.
Whereas, it is now becoming increasingly clear that Communist officials are
highly trained and dedicated Marxists whose consistent goal is domination of
the free world by a master strategic plan and by effective political warfare ; and
that this has resulted in the successful training of 20,000 student subversives
each year who return to their countries as effective Communist leaders to pro-
mote infiltration and subversion : Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, by the Order of Lafayette in convention assembled, May 8, 1965, that
the United States immediately initiate counter-measures to confront Communist
aggression, infiltration and political take-over, by establishing a number of
Freedom Academies to enable the citizens of the free world to develop the politi-
cal skills necessary to preserve their freedom ; and further be it
Resolved, that the Order of Lafayette recommends that the House of Repre-
sentatives and the Senate take affirmative action on the Freedom Academy and
Freedom Commission bills as a most important initial measure in a new strategic
plan for confronting Communist aggression in the cold war.
The Chairman. And now we are privileged indeed to have with us
the Honorable William C. Doherty, former U.S. Ambassador to Ja-
maica.
Mr. Doherty has been national president of the National Association
of Letter Carriers and, more recently, vice president and a member
of the executive council of the AFL-CIO.
Now, I personally point out that Bill is every ounce a good man, a
good father, a good husband, and we can see he is not exactly a light-
weight. There are a lot of pounds of goodness in Bill Doherty.
We are glad to have you, Bill, Mr. Ambassador. I understand that
we called you on short notice and I don't know whether you have been
able to whip up anything in formal shape, but, formally or informally
or any other way, we would like to hear from you.
STATEMENT OF HON. WILLIAM C. DOHERTY
Mr. Doherty. Mr. Chairman and Members of the distinguished
Committee : At the outset I think I ought to make it crystal clear that
I am not the Ambassador to whom the previous witness referred,
although my service was in the diplomatic corps.
The Chairman. I could have said so myself. That part was off
the record, but since we heard it, I am glad to have your remarks.
Mr. Doherty. I found the good doctor most interesting, and I want
to say, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, that I have had
some personal knowledge of Project HOPE, and it pleases me no end
to hear committee members praising the work of the good doctor. I
only would that there were 10,000 ships in the good doctor's fleet.
They stopped in Jamaica while I was there, and it is a magnificent
operation, almost akin, I think, to the Peace Corps itself and also, I
think, akin to the good work that is being done by the American In-
stitute for Free Labor Development.
234 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
These are real people-to-people programs that are so vitally neces-
sary in this day and age.
As you know, my name is William C. Doherty, and I am appearing
here today as a private citizen to testify in support of the Freedom
Commission Act.
My background and experiences have led me to take a particular
interest in the subject matter of this bill. For 21 years I was president
of the National Association of Letter Carriers, and I was active in
both the AFL and later the AFL-CIO. I am at present a vice presi-
dent emeritus of the latter organization.
In addition, I served from 1962 to 1964 as United States Ambassa-
dor to Jamaica. It was my honor to be the first American Ambassa-
dor to that nation after it received its independence from Britain.
With this background in both labor and foreign affairs, I have had
occasion to observe the methods employed by Communists both in this
country and abroad in their attempts to undermine free institutions
and turn legitimate movements and innocent individuals into instru-
ments for furthering their totalitarian purposes.
As is well known to the members of this committee, the Communists
have over a period of 40 years developed and refined a number of po-
litical warfare techniques to a high level of effectiveness.
These techniques are taught to Communists from all over the world
in a very extensive network of political schools within the Communist
countries. The graduates of these schools then return to their own
countries to staff Communist Party organizations and Communist-
front groups.
They know how to write propaganda and how to reproduce and
distribute it. They know how to couch their propaganda so as to ap-
peal to various interests and attitudes among the target population.
The CHAmMAN. And you are so right about that.
Mr. Doherty. Well, Mr. Chairman, I am glad you interrupted, be-
cause I wanted to make a brief reference, if I might digress, to tell of
an experience some 20 vears ago, during mv short stay in Berlin.
At that time, in Berlin in 1945, as all of the members of the commit-
tee know, Berlin was operating under a quadripartite setup. All four
governments were supposedly attempting to establish constituted au-
thority in Berlin.
And even at that time, the Soviet was coming into the homes in
Western Germany, and in Western Berlin in particular, and taking
the heads of the house, fathers, anyone with skills, away, kidnaping
them out of the Western sector of Berlin and bringing them into
the Soviet, into the salt mines of Siberia, never again to be seen. And
as a result, I went on Radio Berlin at that time, referring to this sys-
tem of slave labor, for which some of the officials in our Government,
the Office of Military Government for the United States, were at that
time complaining, because I used the expression "slave labor." And
what else was it, sir?
They were taking them out of their homes, brina:ing them into the
Soviet Union and various places to use their skills in science and edu-
cational fields, and they never got back into their homes in West
Berlin or in West Germany, and I had as my witness at that time
the late Cardinal Von Preysing, with whom I conferred while I was
visiting Berlin. I was over there on a special mission for the Presi-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 235
dent of the United States, who had asked me to go there through the
good offices of General Lucius Clay.
May I say that the Communists know how to utilize groups which
have goals only partially compatible with communism in campaigns
which actually further the overall Communist program.
For example, Communists often succeed in enlisting pacifists and
democratic social reformers in movements which are actually aimed
more at discrediting free governments and promoting Communist to-
talitarianism than at the limited and laudable goals to which they
superficially appear to be directed.
Graduates of Communist political schools know how to organize
groups, how to arrange demonstrations, and how to transmute a peace-
ful demonstration into forceful "mass action." They know how to use
limited slogans to enlist peasants in guerrilla operations actually un-
der Communist control.
Given favorable social and political conditions, such trained polit-
ical experts can be effective out of all proportion to their numbers.
In stable societies, such conditions are absent, and Communist
movements degenerate into pitiable cliques of cranks and misfits, as
we have seen in the United States and several countries of Western
Europe.
In the developing nations, however, which are going through the
wrenching revolutions set off by the Western impact and the resulting
drive for modernization, institutions are not stable, large groups feel
that their interests are unrepresented, masses of people are confused
and despairing, and here the conditions for effective political action
by Communists trained in the appropriate techniques are all too fre-
quently present.
In the years since World War II, and particularly in recent months
and weeks, we have seen how dangerous Communist political efforts
can be to the cause of democracy and pluralistic development in
general, and to the national interests of the United States in particular.
Communist guerrilla and political action brought Mao Tse-tung
to power in China. Adroit and energetic political action allowed the
Communists to seize control of the democratic revolution which over-
threw Batista in Cuba.
A few months ago, a rather small number of Communists trained
in Cuba and elsewhere came very close to maneuvering Zanzibar into
the Communist bloc, and the danger is by no means eliminated today.
Most recently, a fairly small number of Communist agents, taking
advantage of a people deprived of political experience by 40 years of
reactionary dictatorship, captured at least partial control of an ini-
tially democratic revolution in the Dominican Republic — and, mind
you, I was just 90 miles from the Dominican Republic while I was
stationed in Jamaica — making necessary the intervention of American
troops to prevent the installation of a dictatorship of the left.
I want to say, at this point, that I commend President Johnson
for his forthright action in stabilizing the chaotic situation in the
Dominican Republic. His administration is taking a strong stand
against communism in the Caribbean, just as he is in Vietnam, where
the slightest sign of irresolution on the part of the United States could
endanger the whole of Southeast Asia.
47-093 0—65 16
236 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
However, one cannot help but speculate as to what might have
been done earlier to prevent situations such as those in Vietnam and
the Dominican Republic from degenerating to the point that military
action was required to stave off Communist threats.
Had freemen dedicated to the cause of democratic reform and
development been as well organized, as energetic, and as well trained
in basic political techniques as were the Communists, it would have
been democratic groups which organized the peasantry in Vietnam
and it would have been democratic forces which emerged as the focal
point of action from the confused situation in the Dominican Republic.
Clearly, the free world must take steps to give those devoted to
democratic action the training needed to overcome the threat of Com-
munist activity.
Democrats must learn how to organize student groups, labor unions,
women's clubs, political parties, and all the other organizations basic
to effective political action. They must also learn the operating tech-
niques of the Communists, so that freemen can anticipate what the
Communists will do and use democratic action to defeat the Com-
munists when they do begin to move.
The Freedom Academy offers one promising approach to this prob-
lem of training cadres for democratic political action. It would give
a full-time staff the support needed to carry out research on Commu-
nist political techniques, on the curricula of Communist political
schools, and on the use made by local Communist parties of graduates
of these schools. It would also allow the development of ideas and
procedures for combating Communist subversion and building up the
many free organizations required for a pluralistic democracy capable
of carrying through true social reforms.
The Freedom Academy could also instruct our diplomats, infor-
mation experts, and aid advisers on Communist tactics in developing
areas and on teclmiques which could be suggested to aid-receiving
groups as probably effective in countering Communist challenges.
Finally, the Academy could train members of democratic groups in
other countries, be they farm groups, labor unions, political parties,
government bureaucracies, or other organizations, in the political skills
needed to effectively achieve democratic social goals and remain im-
pervious to Communist infiltration.
We in the American labor movement have considerable experience
in these problems. The international department of the AFL-CIO
constantly works in many ways to strengthen free, democratic labor
unions throughout the world.
Since 1962, the American Institute for Free Labor Development
has been working in Latin America to strengthen free unions and to
bring social progress directly to their members.
This year, the Afro- American Labor Center opened in New York
to undertake a related program in the countries of Africa.
I am convinced that our experience in the labor field shows that
the type of research and training to be carried out by the proposed
Freedom Academy will be very effective in building democratic in-
stitutions and opposing communism.
The Chairman. May I interrupt one second ?
Mr. DoHERTY. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
PROVIDESTG FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 237
The Chairman. In the conversation I had with you, I asked you
at the time if you would talk about this work on the part of labor.
I happen to know the work of the organization fonned by the AFL-
CIO and its effectiveness, right south of us in the South and Central
American Republics, where people from those areas come here, and
they learn about our type of labor movement, and go back, and then
try to inculcate in their country what a labor movement really means
in a democratic society.
Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I am glad you brought up this point.
Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you for that fme observation.
If I am not considered to be presumptuous, I do believe that the
American Institute for Free Labor Development has been the main
strength in the whole Alliance for Progress. If you will go down to
any country in Central or South America or into the Caribbean area
where I served, you will find that the AIFLD is probably better known
than the Alliance for Progress itself, and I know that is a broad state-
ment, but I honestly feel that way about it.
Whereas our work is concerned with one specific type of institution,
the Freedom Academy could operate on a broader basis and bring the
benefits of democratic political training to a wider spectrum of
organizations.
To look more closely at the relevant experience of the AIFLD, I
should like to first describe its training program. Through local
seminars in Latin America, through 3-month courses in resident centers
in most capital cities, and through an additional course given at our
school in Washington, D.C., young Latin American trade unionists
are taught how to administer their unions, how to collect dues, how to
prepare for responsible collective bargaining, how to detect Com-
munist attempts at infiltration, and how to foil them should they occur.
To date over 20,000 young unionists — these are Latin Americans —
have passed through one or another phase of this training.
The Chairman. May I ask a question ?
Mr. Doherty. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. How is this financed ? Is that Federal money, now,
or from your own coffers ?
Mr. Doherty. That is an excellent question. I am very happy to
say that the major financing comes from the welfare funds of the
trade unions.
In many of these larger unions, such as the Steelworkers, the Auto
Workers, the Sheet Metal Workers, and the Electrical Workers,
their welfare funds are bulging over with accumulated funds, and so
this, then, gives an opportunity to use those moneys, not in violation
of Landrum-GrifRn or Taft-Hartley, but to use the moneys in the field
of constructing homes and schools m these various countries through-
out Central and South America.
In addition to the moneys that come from welfare funds, some of
the largest industries in the United States, and our businesses, are
putting funds into the AIFLD.
I might cite that one of the founders of the AIFLD was the late
Eric Jolinston, and even today we have men like Peter Grace of Grace
Lines on the board of directors. He is a former chairman of the Amer-
ican Institute, and the illustrious American trade union leader, George
238 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Meany, is also on the board of directors of the institute. So it is not a
government-to-government proposition. It is a people-to-people
proposition, where business and labor together in the United States of
America have started this wonderful movement to combat communism
and all other subversive activities south of our border.
The Chairman. Well, I compliment the effort of labor and manage-
ment in this project. I think it is a wonderful institution.
Mr. DoHERTY. Throughout Latin America these trainees are now
moving into positions of increasing authority within their unions, often
displacing previous Communist leadership in the process.
In addition to giving the trade union leaders a thorough grounding
in democratic philosophy and skills, the AIFLD gives them a con-
crete social program designed to bring the Alliance for Progress di-
rectly to the workers, so that their tangible needs can be filled.
The AFL-CIO's member unions have earmarked $67 million for
lending to union housing projects in Latin America. Representatives
of AIFLD's social projects department assist Latin American unions
in setting up credit unions, housing cooperatives, workers' banks, and
smaller self-help projects of community development.
In rural areas, AIFLD experts help agrarian unions to bring knowl-
edge of better farming techniques to their members and to organize
marketing and production co-ops to increase rural productivity and
provide a better life for the peasant.
When programs such as these begin operating, they provide benefits
now, that Communist agitators can only promise vaguely for the fu-
ture, after a bloody and costly revolution.
Taken together, we believe AIFLD's training and social programs
offer an effective approach to building free labor institutions and, in
the process, defeating Communist attempts at subversion.
I gather that many of these same approaches would be taught in the
courses of the Freedom Academy. And on the basis of our experience
in the international field of free trade unionism, we feel such instruc-
tion will be of great benefit to the cause of freedom.
Mr. Pool. May I interrupt at this point ?
Mr. DoHERTY. Yes, Congressman Pool,
Mr. Pool. I think that is a very good point, and I think that it is
most important for the success of the Freedom Academy that labor is
provided an opportunity to participate in this.
I think that probably the point is that the American people could do
the most good internationally by showing that American labor is
participating in this program.
Mr. DoHERTT. Well, I thank the distinguished gentleman from
Texas.
It is for this reason that I support the bill now under consideration.
I am referring, of course, to the bill introduced by the distinguished
Congressman who teistified here this morning, the Honorable Hale
Boggs, of Louisiana.
I would like at this point to conclude by citing a few specific lessons
which we have learned from our overseas labor work and which, I am
sure, will be beneficial to the successful operation of the Freedom
Academy.
First, the Academy must broadly represent all the main strands
within the American political consensus. It can succeed only if it has
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM CJOMMISSION 239
the full support of most major interest groups, most philosophical
viewpoints, and both major parties. If it becomes the exclusive
preserve of one clique or one viewpoint, it will never get the support
needed to survive.
In the case of the AIFLD, its great strength is that it is supported
not only by labor, but also by business; not only by liberals, but by
virtually the whole sweep of United States political opinion and by
both Republicans and Democrats.
The same must be true of the Freedom Academy. Without the
full confidence of the public as a whole, the effort would be bound to
fail.
I hope that in drafting the bill, machinery will be provided which
will be sure to reflect the views of all major groups within the Ameri-
can consensus.
Second, in training foreigners, the Academy should work through
existing democratic organizations in developing areas. To oppose
communism, people must have an alternative program to which they
are committed as strongly as Communists are to Marxism.
The foreign students selected should not be isolated individuals or
"professional anti-Communists," but should be active members of
democratic political parties, labor unions, youth groups, and other
civil organizations.
It is only by working through the existing democratic union move-
ment in Latin America, which is committed to a program of social
progress, that the AIFLD and the AFL-CIO have had any real effec-
tiveness. I feel sure that the same principle would apply to the Free-
dom Academy.
Third, the Academy should work to engage the United States pri-
vate sector as much as possible in its efforts. This is because private
efforts are less suspect abroad than the work of a Government agency.
Such official agencies obviously are supposed to serve the immediate
foreign policy interests of the state, whereas private groups can be
presumed to have wider latitude.
The Academy should train American private citizens in how to set
up union-to-union, farmer-to-farmer, university-to-ujiiversity, and
similar private relationships.
The knowledge of Communist techniques and democratic political
skills could best be transmitted from the Academy to private United
States groups, to their counterparts abroad, rather than directly from
our Government to foreign nationals.
This private, institution-to-institution approach has proved its merit
in the experiences of the AIFLD, AFL^CIO, Credit Union Interna-
tional, Four-H, and other private groups.
Finally, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the commit-
tee, the graduates of the Academy must promote a philosophy of social
reform and economic progress in keeping with our democratic ideals.
The groups chosen must be forces for progress, with programs directly
attacking real social ills.
While political skills and techniques are important, it is issues and
programs and philosophy which win political campaigns, whether in a
United States election or in a confused, cold war situation abroad.
Political gimmicks will not win the cold war.
240 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
If the policy content of a group's pro-am is not appealing, all the
finely honed techniques and stratagems in the world cannot help it to
match the social appeals of the Communists to a desperate population.
The real reason why American labor's efforts abroad have been suc-
cessful is that we stand for a better deal for the worker. The political
skills taught in our schools, and which will be taught in the Freedom
Academy, are of value only as mechanisms to put across our social
message. It is the content, not the form of politics, that counts.
I am confident that if these maxims are followed the proposed Free-
dom Academy will make a great contribution to the cause of democracy
throughout the world. It is this potential that led me to come here
today to support the bill, and I want to thank the committee very sin-
cerely for having given me the opportunity to come here and express
my views before such a distinguished and influential forum.
I willgladly answer any questions, Mr. Chairman, if I can.
The Chairman. We are deeply grateful to you, Mr. Ambassador,
as you still retain that title, especially an ambassador of good will for
this country abroad, and we are personally grateful to you for your
contribution.
Now off the record.
(Discussion off the record.)
The Chairman. I have no questions.
Mr. DoHERTT. May I say something on the record, Mr. Chairman ?
I was very much interested in the question which Congressman
Ichord posed to Dr. Walsh relative to our great senior statesman,
Averell Harriman, in the incident that occurred last week. And from
my point of view — and I can speak very freely as an American who has
all the rights of free speech and expression — I think it was abominable.
Something is wrong somewhere when a spokesman, a top-level rep-
resentative of the Government of the United States, can't speak freely,
which is one of the basic tenets of democracies, before a student group.
"Abominable" is the right word.
We all believe in freedom of speech. If colleges and universities —
and I don't condemn them, of course, as such, because it isn't the whole
faculty or student body — have forgotten that basic tenet we are in
serious trouble. A Government representative, a senior statesman —
being denied that privilege to me is abominable.
I wanted to get that off my chest.
Mr. Pool. Mr. Chairman, I will join with you in thanking the gentle-
man for appearing and I want to make a comment that this is without a
doubt, to my view, the best presentation that I have heard since I have
been a member of this committee.
Mr, DoHERTT. Thank you, Congressman.
Mr. Pool. With the permission of the committee, I want to put it
in the Congressional Record.
The Chairman. That will be done.
Mr. Ichord. Mr. Chairman ?
I wanted, Mr. Chairman, to express my pleasure at seeing Mr.
Doherty again. I doubt if there is any person who has more friends
on the Hill than does Bill Doherty, and I want to commend you, sir,
for a very informative and enlightening statement.
I ioin with my colleague from Texas in stating that I believe you
really have gotten at the meat of the problem.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 241
Witness after witness has come before this committee and has
elaborated upon the gap, upon the deficiency which does exist, by
pointing out that we are conversing with the leaders, but the Commu-
nists are getting to the people, or at least a hard core, enough of a hard-
core activist group, where they are able to overthrow the existing
government.
And I think what you have pointed out in your statement, what
American labor is doing, and how it can be expanded, is one way to
get to the people.
I commend you highly, sir, for your statement.
You are now vice president emeritus of AFL-CIO. Are you
actually working with the AIFLD now ?
Mr. DoHERTY. No; I am not on anyone's payroll. I am free and
unencumbered. You might say that I am in a quasi-retirement
capacity.
I resigned as the Ambassador to Jamaica last year to come back and
meet some of my old friends here on Capital Hill, and enjoyed it
tremendously, and am now enjoying my present status more than
words can tell.
Let me thank you. Congressman, for your expressions. I am always
happy to come back here and identify myself with anything that has
to do with bettering conditions here in the United States of America,
and as you probably suspect, I loathe communism. I am not one who
looks under the bed every night before I retire to see if there is one
there.
Mr. IcHORD. I agree with the gentleman there.
Mr. DoHERTY. But we have got to keep our eyes open all the time.
I have been on the international committee of the old AFL, and the
AFL-CIO, from 1945 on, more than 20 years' service on that commit-
tee, and it is something to keep watching.
We have got to be on the alert all the time, and that is one of the
reasons I was prompted to come here this morning.
Thank you, again, very much.
Mr. IcHORD. I would join with the gentleman there. I have often
said that one of the greatest problems that responsible people have in
fighting communism is this hysteria fringe which tends to see a Com-
munist behind every bush, and it makes it more difficult to really get
down to the real battle of fighting communism and knowing how to
fight it.
Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you, sir.
Mr. IcHORD. I am very happy that our colleague from Texas is
putting Mr. Doherty's statement in the Record. I think that it is
excellent. As I indicated a while ago, this is a real analysis of the
problem.
The Chairman. May I add just one thought?
I think one of the finest sentences of the statement is the one appear-
ing on page 2: "They" — the Communists — "know how to utilize
^oups which have goals only partially compatible with communism
m campaigns which actually further the overall Communist program."
And I think that is exactly what is in your mind, and has been in my
mind all these years as a member of this committee. From this flows
the utilization of front organizations. One of the Communists' major
weapons is their ability to take a high-sounding name for an organiza-
242 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
tion and attract the unsuspecting and the otherwise good people to
join and then just sell that line through those groups.
I think that is a beautiful sentence.
Mr. Clawson. I would just like to join with my colleagues, Mr.
Ambassador. I appreciate the statement. I think it is a very fine
one, and frankly, it has been my first opportunity to hear you, so, as a
result, I am even more appreciative of the fact that your testimony
is in this hearing record.
I think it will make a real contribution when the Academy has been
established, because of the technical nature of your background and
experience, things that should be done in the Academy, and how it
should operate.
Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you. Congressman Clawson.
Mr. Clawson. I commend your view and thank you for being here
with us. I am glad that I was a part of this committee this morning.
Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. Well, good luck, Bill.
Now, our final witness is Mr. Ruf us C. Phillips III. Is he with us ?
Mr. Phillips is president of Intercontinental Consultants, Inc., with
offices in five countries. During the past 10 years, he has served as a
United States Army officer in Korea, special adviser for psychological
warfare with the United States military advisory group in Vietnam,
planning officer, adviser on countersubversion in Laos and Vietnam, in
both an official capacity with the Department of State and as a private
expert.
We are very delighted to have you, sir, and I know you will give us
very valuable information.
STATEMENT OF ETTFUS C. PHILLIPS HI
Mr. Phillips. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I would like
to say initially that Mr. Doherty has already said a good deal of what
I planned today to say in a general sense
The Chairman. Say it in your own words.
Mr. Phillips. — so I won't repeat too much of what he said.
I will try and talk, however, to my own personal experience, which
includes about 6 years out in Southeast Asia, working mostly out
at the grass- or rice-roots level, attempting to help local people combat
communism and, at the same time, build a government and a political
life for themselves that they would feel was worth risking their own
lives to defend, and this is precisely, and has been precisely, the issue
at stake in Southeast Asia now for many years.
I have also had some experience in Latin America, about 3 years as
a private businessman, and I have had extensive conversations with
Latin American friends of mine on the same subject.
More recently, I have spent almost a year in the Middle East and
have found an astonishing similarity of problems and of attitudes on
the part of many of the people in those countries in comparison
with Asia and Latin America, and what they seek from the United
States.
The kind of assistance they would like to have from us, and the
kind of assistance to date that they have not been receiving, is, in
particular, what I think that the Freedom Commission and the Free-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 243
dom Academy bill will supply. It is something which has been lack-
ing, almost completely lacking, in many countries, in the execution
of our foreign policy.
I testify from personal experience, having been a member of the
overall State Department setup. I was in the Agency for International
Development, most recently as the assistant director for rural affairs
and counterinsurgency in Vietnam, which was the entire AID pro-
gram targeted at the rural area in an attempt to win the people away
from communism.
I can testify that, in my opinion, most of our people serving abroad
in the United States Government do not understand revolution, do not
understand communism as an organizational weapon, even though
they may understand the theory of it, and, for the most part, are not
able to work effectively with local people in a t^am relationship wherein
they help the local people to develop ideas and ways and means of
effectively combating communism and building political institutions
for themselves in which they believe and which they will support.
And, as I understand it — I have read all of the literature about it —
I think that the proposed Freedom Academy would help supply this
need.
We need to train Americans in how to deal with communism and
how to assist people in foreign countries in opposing it. At the
same time, we need to provide a facility for training those from
abroad.
I can tell you a personal experience of mine, and a most recent one.
While I was in the Middle East, I made a friend who is a young
Arab who comes from one of the countries there which has been in
the midst of a revolution, has had about 20 coups since World War II,
is still going through constant political turmoil, and is gradually
drifting toward the left, closer and closer to the Communist bloc.
Tliis person told me that if he and others at some time earlier had
only had an opportunity to receive some training in the techniques of
opposing communism and of building their own country along demo-
cratic lines, that he felt that the history of his country would not
be the same as it is today.
And he said, "Even now, if there was some training in the United
States that some of us who truly love our country could receive, we
could put it to use, and I assure you that our country would not go
Communist. But," he said, "I have gone to the American Embassy
to some friends I have and presented them with this problem, and
they say that there is no training like this available in the United
States.
"I have been to the United States. I know something about your
political institutions. I know that you have much to contribute, and
there is much for us to learn that we could apply in our country.
But," he said, "how can I do this ? Where can I go ? Who can I get
to help me? We need this training and, if we could only get it, we
could change the history of our country."
I can assure the committee that in many other countries this is also
true. I know from my own personal experience in Southeast Asia that
there have been occasions when people have approached me for this
kind of training and there has been no place for them to go, no one
that I could refer them to. Consequently, some of us have been con-
244 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
ducting, in effect, an on-the-job training program, if you will, in how
to apply democratic techniques in this revolutionary situation in South-
east Asia. And if we have had any success at all, it is because we have
been able to speak to the local people on their own terms and to respond
to their real problems. But we had to learn through experience — the
hard way.
I have brought along with me here a statement from one of the
nationalist leaders of South Vietnam, who is today a prominent ad-
viser to the South Vietnamese Government. He wrote something in
1963, which was a paper addressed to his own people, about the polit-
ical dilemma in Vietnam and what he felt was the way out.
And in this paper he had something very cogent to say about Amer-
ican aid and American assistance, and, mind you, this person is very
friendly toward the United States.
I would like to read this, because I believe it applies precisely to the
Freedom Academy proposal. It will illustrate to you how many
Southeast Asians feel about the United States and what they seek
from the United States. He says the following :
In short, in its aid to the under-developed world in the midst of a revolution
for emancipation, the U.S. has never yet fought against the Communists with
ideas of Freedom and of Justice but, at least until now, only with bombs and
dollars. Instead of assuming the role of a leader, it has confined itself to that
of a mere purveyor of means. * • *
And I would like to go on and read another paragraph. He says :
With regard to the anti-Communist fight in general, the political solution
consists of reinvigorating the Vietnamese anti-Communist movement, of a re-
organization and a development of the Nationalists, and of reinforcing the anti-
Communist motivation by an eflScient national renovation based on democracy.
By ignoring our revolution and the intranational aspect of our anti-Communist
fight, the U.S. has jeopardized such a solution instead of helping work for it. As
a high-ranking American oflScial put it, "the anti-Communist fight in Vietnam is
seventy-five percent political and twenty-five percent military." Yet, everything
American is directed to the twenty-five percent and nothing to the seventy-five
percent. * * * The way out, to our mind, is not by an abandonment but, on the
contrary, by going deep into every local revolutionary problem and helping solve
them using principles of justice and freedom, and perhaps in fusing them with
the revolutionary spirit of 1776 from which the United States herself was born
and developed. * * *
Now — and my personal belief is that the proposed Freedom Acad-
emy could help supply this — if we can infuse our own people who go
abroad with the spirit of 1776, and if we can help infuse students who
come from abroad with this spirit, along with knowledge of the tech-
niques of a democratic revolution, this will indeed supply something
that has been terribly lacking in the execution of our foreign policy.
Very frankly, had we been able to supply these things earlier in
Vietnam, I assure you the course of history there would have been
different.
I was there from 1954 to 1956, when indeed we did supply some of
these things, and this is why Vietnam survived at that time.
One of the things that we did at that time was to bring potential
Vietnamese leaders over to the Philippines, where they were able to see
the revolution that the late President Magsaysay was carrying out
there, when the Communist Huks in the Philippines were defeated
precisely because Magsaysay was able to restore the faith of the Philip-
pine people in their own government and in their own system of
government.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 245
Well, this is exactly what was needed in Vietnam — to establish a
system of government in which the people could believe. We helped
President Ngo Dinh Diem do this, and it was a good system. Un-
fortunately, we failed to provide any meaningful followup ^idance
and assistance, and the system eventually went sour. But initially,
Vietnam survived because, quite frankly, there were Americans in
Vietnam at the time of 1954 who were able to guide and advise and
assist the Vietnamese in setting up a government and in holding
together their country.
Mr. Pool. At this point, Mr. Chairman, could I interrupt ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Pool. That is one of the reasons that the American Government
had such a problem during the last year or two in Vietnam, attempting
to set up a government, something for them to fight for.
That's what your testimony in fact said, to the effect that it is very
important to have a democratic-type government, and not just a
dictatorship or reestablish another dictatorship or something like that.
That is, in effect, what our problem is. Isn't that right?
Mr. Phillips. That is correct. And by establishing the right kind
of government, you create a cause for which the people are willing
to fight.
You can't do this by imposing something on them, but you can do it
by working with them, as friends, to help bring these political things
about. Frankly, because our people are not trained in politics and
most of them, most of our people in the State Department and in AID,
have had no political experience, they tend, without being unduly
critical, to be bureaucratic in their outlook. This is not a bureaucratic
problem, and one of the things that I would hope for is that, through a
Freedom Academy, we could introduce many of our people in the State
Department to actual practical political problems in the United States.
I would like to say that I also concur completely with Mr. Doherty
in that I feel that a great deal of participation from the private sector
is essential if the Freedom Academy is to really respond to this type of
problem. I would like to see as much private participation as possible.
I would also like to see that selected foreign nationals, who very often
have quite acute observations to make about Americans and American
institutions and how they can be applied in their own countries, should
also have an opportunity to participate in an advisory role to this
Commission and to the Freedom Academy.
My only reservation about the Freedom Academy is that it could
become dominated too much by a bureaucratic outlook, that is to say,
by the bureaucracy of the U.S. Government. If this happens, I don't
think that the Academy will be effective, because unless it is able to
operate semi-independently, unless it is able to establish connections
with people abroad through private groups in the United States, a lot
of the dynamism and a lot of the spirit of the thing will be lost. To be
successful, this can't be an administrative, bureaucratic approach to
things. It must be full of inspiration, and it must generate a genuine
desire on the part of the people who attend it to go out and do concrete
things for their country.
Unfortunately, this is not the spirit that comes through much of the
training which is being given inside our Government today. There
is too much, and I suppose this is natural, but there is too much empha-
246 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
sis on administration. I would like to say, also, that I do not believe
that the proposed bill put forth by the State Department for the Na-
tional Academy of Forei^ Affairs would in any sense be adequate for
this problem. It would merely be an expanded version of what is now
being given, which is, I assure you, inadequate. I speak from personal
experience, because, although I have not attended these courses, I have
given lectures at them. If the Freedom Academy idea and programs
are incorporated in a National Academy of Foreign Affairs, it will not
produce what is needed. It will not respond to what is a tremendous
need in our foreign policy, a critical need.
That's all I have to say, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much for a very fine presentation.
Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank Mr. Phillips for appear-
ing before the committee and giving us the benefit of his judgment
and experience.
I think you might, by reason of your experience in Vietnam, enlighten
me on a question which has bothered me. I can't understand how the
Viet Cong have apparently successfully managed and utilized terror
tactics on the one hand against the populace, and then with the other
hand held out the sugar plum, so to speak.
Mr. Phillips. Well, the Communists are quite selective in their
terror tactics. You will find that, generally speaking, their direct
terrorism is at people who are already fairly firmly committed to our
side, and if they are dealing with a group of the population which is
fairly neutral, then they will try to select out among that population
as targets for their terror those who have some tendency to go against
them. They make examples of these people.
In order to understand how the Communists are organized in South
Vietnam, you really should go back a number of years, actually back to
the war against the French, which the Communists took over. In
fact, Ho Chi Minh, as far as many Vietnamese are concerned, is in
essence the Benedict Arnold of Vietnam, because he was a traitor to
what was initially a nationalist revolution. During the war against
the French in South Vietnam, there were a number of areas where
resistance developed against the French. The Communists took over
this resistance movement, and historically, you have had in these areas
families who have always been a part of the resistance movement. As
the resistance was taken over by the Communists, many of these
families continued as Communists.
Some left because of the Communist takeover of the resistance, but
it has been on the basis of those families who remained in various areas
that the Communists have been able to come back into South Vietnam
and start out with an organizational base. Using this base, they
expanded their organization through the family system. As you
know, in Asia, and particularly in any culture which is influenced by
the Chinese, the family is extremely strong. Consequently, the Com-
munists, working through the family, initially recruit a man's brother,
then his cousin, and so on, and this is how they have been able to spread
their organization.
Now, gradually, of course, as they have grown stronger, their orga-
nization is no longer based on family ties, but this is really how it
starts out.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM (X)MMTSSION 247
When I was in Vietnam in 1954 and 1955, I was assigned as an
adviser to the Vietnamese Army on what were then called pacification
operations. The Vietnamese Army was sent out into two very large
zones which the Communists had occupied, to reoccupy these zones
and take them over for the national government. One of the things
we found was that just before the zones were occupied by the national
government, the Communists had ordered their troops, all the unmar-
ried ones, to marry local girls, thereby immediately establishing family
relationships.
Secondly, they kidnaped as many young men as they could from
these areas, from the ages of about 10 to 16, and they took them up
north for training.
This meant that all of the relatives of those young men were auto-
matically involved in the movement. These young men were trained
up north and sent back into the south, in 1958, 1959, and 1960, and
some are still coming back. They, in turn, contacted their relatives
upon their return to the south, which gave them a base. And then
from that base they began to expand, using precisely the method of
selective terror, of attempting to single out and eliminate those people
who were supporting the government, and also to cow the majority
into submission.
Mr. IcHORD. They only use the terror tactics when they are in a
position of strength, then ?
Mr. Phillips. No; they started out initially with terror tactics.
Their objective was to eliminate all government authority at the lowest
level, that is, at the hamlet and village level. Consequently in 1959
and 1960, they assassinated some 4,000 to 5,000 local government offi-
cials. This immediately created a vacuum, a political and adminis-
trative vacuum, in the rural areas into which they moved.
Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Clawson. T don't have any questions.
I want to thank Mr. Phillips for being here. I think your back-
ground of experience certainly served its purpose, by the evidence,
the testimony that you provided for us.
Mr. Phillips. Thank you very much, sir.
I would like to say that I wholeheartedly support this bill, and I
certainly hope it passes. It has been long overdue.
The Chairman. Thank you.
CLOSING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWIN E. WILLIS
Mr. Willis. The Chair wishes to say that recently I had occasion to
examine the December 1964 issue of Free China & Asia, which is the
official publication of the Republic of China unit of the Asian Peoples'
Anti-Communist League, an organization established by the free gov-
ernments and peoples of Asia shortly after the cessation of hostilities
in Korea in order to promote freedom and oppose the spread of com-
munism on that continent.
This magazine contains some of the major speeches delivered at the
10th Conference of Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League, which
was held in Taipei, Formosa, in November 1964, and also messages
sent to the conference and resolutions adopted by it. Before com-
menting on one of those resolutions, I would like to state a few facts
248 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
about the conference referred to so that those not familiar with the
Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League will have some understanding
of its significance and influence.
Forty-seven units representing both member nations of the Asian
Peoples' Anti-Communist League and observers attended its 10th Con-
ference on Formosa. They came from many parts of the world.
Among the delegates were the former President of Lebanon, 3 former
or incumbent Speakers of Parliaments, 2 former Premiers, 7 former
Ministers, 2 former Ambassadors, 23 incumbent Members of Parlia-
ments, 7 political party leaders, and 3 mayors or Governors. In addi-
tion, there were college presidents, professors, industrial leaders, and
political commentators. More than 60 messages from anti-Communist
leaders in various nations were received, including messages from the
Presidents of the Philippines, the Republic of Vietnam, and the Re-
public of Korea.
Obviously, this organization and its proceedings warrant our atten-
tion and consideration, and I would like to read into the record at this
point the text of one of the resolutions adopted at the conference:
Resolution Supporting Operation of the APACL Freedom Center
The 10th Conference of the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League:
Recalling by previous League Conferences resolutions on the establishment of
the APACL Freedom <I!enter, on the acceleration of preparatory work for the
APACL Freedom Center, and on finalizing the establishment of the APACL
Freedom Center and its operation ;
Having received vpith appreciation the report on the progress of the prepara-
tory vpork for the APACL Freedom Center submitted by the Korean delegation ;
In hearty appreciation of the unsparing support on the part of the Government
and people of the Republic of Korea, as vrell as the wholehearted support from
the APACL member units and observers and other freedom-loving peoples which
have enabled the APACL Freedom Center Preparatory Commission to carry out
preparations for the Center despite various difBculties, and especially for the
positive support on the part of the U.S. Congress evidenced by the speech
delivered by Rep. Dante B. Fascell, Chairman of the Subcommittee on
International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee on Foreign
Affairs on October 2, 1964, in the House of Representatives ; and
Recognizing the fact that oi)eration of the APACL Freedom Center is in the
common interest of League member units and observers in the defeat of Com-
munist infiltration and indirect aggression and the preservation of freedom and
democracy ;
Resolves:
( 1 ) To urge each member-unit and observer to make every effort to implement
the previous resolutions of the League in supporting the establishment and opera-
tion of the APACL Freedom Center ;
(2) To ask each member-unit and observer to extend further moral support
and financial assistance to the APACL Freedom Center;
(3) To publicize the prosi)ectus of the APACL Freedom Center so as to
insure enthusiastic support of the free world ;
(4) To express appreciation to the U.S. House of Representatives for its
positive support and encouragement and to urge for further assistance from the
United States so that the Freedom Center may do its full part in promoting
the interests, values, and welfare of the free world.
That's the end of the resolution.
Now, what is the APACL Freedom Center referred to in this
resolution ?
It is a cold war educational institution actually operating on a
limited scale in Seoul, South Korea. It is patterned after the U.S.
Freedom Academy concept. It came into being largely as a result
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 249
of the Freedom Academy bills introduced in our Congress some years
back.
Just a few weeks ago, Senator Thomas Dodd, another of the leading
congressional exponents of a Freedom Academy, made a trip to Asia.
One of his purposes in doing so was to help launch in South Korea
a local fund-raising drive to provide for a 2-year postgraduate course
of study at this Freedom Center for students from all countries in
Asia.
John Chamberlain, in a recent column devoted to the Freedom
Center, mentioned Senator Dodd's trip and wrote as follows concern-
ing the projected course :
When this course gets going, students from all over the free areas of East
Asia will be coming to Seoul for graduate work in international politics, psycho-
logical warfare, economic warfare, Communist ideology, Western philosophy,
and the culture of the Orient as it relates to man's need for freedom. * * *
The resolution on the Freedom Center which I read a few minutes
ago made reference to a speech in support of the Freedom Center made
on the floor of the House last October 2 by our distinguished colleague.
Representative Dante B. Fascell, chairman of the Subcommittee on
International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee
on Foreign Affairs. I would like to submit the text of Mr. Fascell's
speech for inclusion in our hearing record at this point.
(Mr. Fascell's remarks follow :)
250
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
October 2, 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 22979-22980
THE FREEDOM CENTER IN SEOUL,
KOREA
(Mr. PASCELL (at the request of Mr.
Marsh) was given permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the Record
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, I am
taking the floor this morning to call to
the attention of the House a project of
singular importance, imdertaken re-
cently by the Asian People's Anti-Com-
munist League.
I am referring to the Freedom Center
currently under construction in Seoul,
Korea. This unique project is designed
to give the citizens of the free nations
both the opportunity and the means for
developing effective strategy and tac-
tics for combating the Communist
threat.
In brief, the Freedom Center will be a
research and training institution de-
signed to produce cold war operational
knowledge and to train leadership
groups which, in the words of the Asian
People's Anti -Communist League, will be
able to "outplan, outthink, outorganize,
and outdedicate the Communists."
In the center, students and leaders
alike will be able to study such subjects
as how to organize a democratic politi-
cal party or labor union, how to draw up
and execute effective social reforms, how
to counter Communist propaganda and
the tactics of Communist political agita-
tors, and many others.
A publication issued by the Asian Peo-
ple's Anti-Communist League describes
the main functions to be carried out by
the Freedom Center, as follows :
First, to initiate and carry on a re-
search program designed to develop an
integrated, operational science that will
demonstrate logically the errors and
contradictions of the Communist ide-
ology, thereby contributing to better un-
derstanding of the values of freedom.
Second, to initiate and develop effec-
tive strategy and tactics through which
citizens of the free world will be able to
meet and to defeat the Communist con-
spiracy.
Third, to educate and train anti-Com-
munist leaders and cadres of the
league's member imlts in all aspects of
the international Communist movement,
and in ways and means to be employed
td meet and defeat Commimist attempts
at subversion.
Fourth, to initiate and develop a pro-
gram for exposing and frustrating Com-
munist propaganda, and for propagating
the gospels of freedom.
Fifth, to perform other functions re-
quired to carry out the objectives of the
center.
This is indeed an ambitious program.
When implemented, it should have far-
reaching implications for the cause of
freedom not only in Asia but throughout
the world.
Mr. Speaker, this great project was
Initiated at the Second Extraordinary
Conference of the Asian People's Anti-
Communist League, held in Seoul.
Korea, in May 1962. Four months later,
construction commenced on a 50-acre
plot of land donated by the Government
of the Republic of Korea. Simultane-
ously, a fundraising campaign was in-
itiated by the League. By May of this
year, approximately $1.3 million was
raised through this campaign — one-half
of the total needed for the project. Most
of this money was raised in Korea —
through government contributions and
private donations — but the project also
received some help from supporters in
other coimtries.
Mr. Speaker, I wish that all Members
of the House could see the plans for the
Freedom Center, and photographs taken
recently which show construction prog-
ress achieved to date. From the stand-
point of size and design, this is a very
impressive project. The framework of
the 17-story International Freedom
House, which will symbolize the 17 na-
tions which fought for the defense of
Korea \inder the United Nations flag, is
completed through the 12th floor. The
framework of the main building is fin-
ished. Only the international confer-
ence hall, the third principal building
planned for the center, is still on the
drawing board. I understand that ad-
ditional funds will have to be raised be-
fore construction of this building can
begin. .
Mr. Speaker, the Freedom Center in
Seoul, Korea demonstrates what can be
accomplished through private initiative
to advance the cause of freedom in the
cold war. The entire concept of this
center reflects clear recognition of the
fact that the struggle which goes on in
the world today will be resolved ulti-
mately in the minds of men. In this
I
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 251
October 2, 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 22979-22980
struggle, words, ideas and personal dedi-
cation to the cause of freedom, are as
important as tanks and guns. As a mat-
ter of fact, the ideological elements may
prove decisive to the resolution of the
cold war conflict.
This very subject has deeply con-
cerned a subcommittee which I have the
honor to chair — the Subcommittee on
International Organizations and Move-
ments of the Committee on Foreign Af-
fairs. For 18 months now, my subcom-
mittee has been studying the U.S. ideo-
logical effort in the cold war. We have
looked at numerous government pro-
grams and published an inventory of
U.S. Government activities in this di-
mension of our foreign policy.
In addition, however, we have begun
to study the significance of the private
effort on this plane. To date, as shown
in the eight volumes of hearings and
the two reports published by my sub-
committee, we have made considerable
progress. But our job is not over, and
we are continuing with our undertaking.
Mr. Speaker, the members of the Asian
People's Anti-Communist League, and
the people of South Korea as a whole,
are to be congratulated on undertaking
the establishment of the freedom cen-
ter. I am confident that the value
of this project, and its impact, will con-
tinue to grow.
I also want to take this opportunity
to extend my congratulations to a very
active and eloquent supE>orttr of the
freedom center whom I have met per-
sonally— Dr. Chin Kim. Dr. Kim has
been staying in Washington on a fellow-
ship, studying the operations of our Con-
gress. We had frequent discussions
about the freedom center and other
issues of mutual interest. I have en-
joyed these exchanges of views and
found them stimulating.
I may add that Dr. Kim is no stranger
to the United States. Trained at the
University of Korea, he also studied at
Florida Southern College, George Wash-
ington University Law School, and Yale
Law School. After receving two ad-
vanced degrees from the latter institu-
tion, he returned to his homeland and
began teaching at the Seoul National
University and the Korea University.
Since March 1962 he has served as as-
sociate dean of the Graduate School of
Law of Seoul National University.
In addition he has performed public
service in his country by serving as mem-
I ber of two Board of Appeals of the Vet-
erans' Administration,, and as member
of the Commission on Studies of Legisla-
tion of the Republic of Korea.
I was delighted to have had the op-
portunity to know Dr. Kim. And I con-
gratulate him again on the Asian People's
Anti-Communist League's Freedom Cen-
ter in Seoul, Korea.
47-093 O— 65
252 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The Chairman. The existence of the APACL Freedom Center in
South Korea is a challenge to Congress and the people of the United
States. The countries and organizations in Asia which have made this
Center possible do not have our great material wealth or educational
facilities. Yet, they have acted on what I believe — after listening
to extended expert testimony before this committee — is a very sound
concept. They have put that concept into effect. They have made it
a reality.
It is my hope that the U.S. Congress will do the same, with the sup-
port of the American people. And that support, I might add, clearly
exists. A Gallup Poll, which was made a part of our hearing record
Isist year, revealed that 69 percent of the adults in this country sup-
ported the idea of the Freedom Academy and only 14 percent opposed
it — and that constitutes a very large margin in our political system.
Finally, before concluding these hearings I would like to make a
few more remarks and insert some additional material in the record.
In 1962 the National Governors' Conference — composed, as we all
know, of the Governors of our 50 States — set up a Committee on Cold
War Education. This committee, in addition to other activities, has
sponsored a number of educational conferences on the subject of com-
munism.
I had the honor of addressing its 4-day conference on cold war edu-
cation held in Tampa, Florida, in June of 1963. Hundreds of students
took part in this conference, which brought together over 70 top au-
thorities from all over the country to give lectures and engage in dis-
cussions designed to assist the Committee on Cold War Education of
the National Governors' Conference.
Last December, in Miami, the committee held a 12-day school on
cold war education for aides to the Governors of our States. In the
few years of its existence, the Governors' Conference committee has
made a truly outstanding contribution to the subject of cold war edu-
cation. In 1963 and 1964 it issued two very valuable reports on the
subject — reports which contain material that is most pertinent to
thepurposes of the Freedom Academy bills.
Cold war education, basically, is the principal function of the pro-
posed Freedom Academy. In its 1963 report, the National Governors'
Conference committee gave the following definition of cold war edu-
cation :
Cold War Education is the development of knowledge essential to the under-
standing of America's heritage of freedom, and of the nature of the attacks
upon that freedom, open and covert, by the followers of International Com-
munism.
Cold War Education differs from indoctrination in that it follows no party
line requiring blind adherence and unwavering obedience. It depends upon,
and seeks to stimulate, the mind, the imagination, the knowledge, and the spirit
of the individual in the belief that these are America's greatest resources in
the bitter conflict called Cold War. * * *
The appendix to the 1963 report has been both widelv distributed
and widely proclaimed in this country. It is entitled "Why Cold War
Education." I have read and studied this statement. T believe it is
excellent and would like at this point to enter the text of it in the record
of these hearings.
(The document follows:)
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 253
Why Cold War Education
America — as a nation and as a system of government — is
the most successful of all experiments in freedom.
Individual citizens, working together as free men, have
prospered, and have built the greatest nation the world has
ever known. Freedom has been held so dear by Americans
that they have always been willing and proud to defend it
against all challenges.
Today the nation faces the greatest challenge ever made
to its freedom.
The challenge comes from the Communist war to win
total world domination. The Communist bloc is totally dedi-
cated to the defeat of all free nations. With the Soviet
Union as the power base, the Communist apparatus has
advanced in deadly earnest since the end of World War II
until today more than one-third of the world's population,
more than a billion people, have become slaves to Communist
dictatorship.
The advances of Communism have introduced new concepts
of warfare to which the American people must become accus-
tomed and adapt their defenses.
In a shooting war it is very clear what must be done.
Americans have always risen readily to the challenges of
such an attack, and willingly sacrificed their comforts, and
even their lives, to assure victory and the perpetuation of
freedom. Until the shooting starts, however, free and trust-
ing Americans abound with good will toward all mankind,
and are characteristically unable to accept that others may
be working vigorously for the demolition of their way of
Vlife.
Although Hitler spelled out his global objectives in Mein
Kampf, few Americans understood the reality of his war
until the actual shooting started.
Like Hitler, the C'ommunists have embarked upon a pro-
gram of world conquest. Like Hitler, they have announced
their plans, and have reiterated them many times in many
forums. The war being waged by Communism is called the
Cold War. Many Americans fail to accept the reality of this
war becau.se there is comparatively little shooting.
/ The Hold Wrfr of {Communism far outshadows any creation
■ of the Third Reich. It is the broadest, most effectiie political
warfare eier conducted in the history of mankind. Its aim is
to con(/uer the rest' of the free world by use of diplomatic
proposals, economic sorties, propaji,anda, intimidaton, sabota^^e,
terrorism, support of ret olutionaries in now-free countries, and
by drit inn " ''i/.ij'^ betueen the free-world allies.
Those multi-prinigfd thru.«<ts are made against a back-
Ki'ound of (iiversioriM in which the threat of military force
is ulternated with strident demands for disarmament, and
equally strident opposition to inspection and control pro-
cedures to make disarmumunt nieanltiKful.
254 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
Communist political warfare, as coiueivetl by Lenin and
Stalin, ami pracliced by Khruahchev, is keyed to the sys-
tematic- penetration of a country— the infiltration of stra-
tejrit' unions, communications media, government aKcncies,
associations and other private institutions and Ki'oups for
the destruction of moral fiber, the confusion of national
purpose, and the creation of misinformation and misunder-
standiuK among the individual citizens.
As part of their political warfare, the C'ommunists would
have us believe that the only contest is between ideolo^nes
— that the appeal of Communism has been the key to their
expanding influence. Like magicians they would have us
look at the wrong hand — the hand called ideology.
77)c luind nith the (ftifificr is callvd polilhal uarfarc.
Arguing the merits of the Communist philosophy offers
no more protection from political warfare than arguing the
merits of Hitler's national socialism would have stayed his
armies. The enslaved Eastern European peoples did not fall
to the appeal of Communism. They fell to political warfare
backed by Soviet Armies. It was not the appeal of Com-
munism that returned the Hungarians to the Communist
yoke. It was not the appeal of Communism that enslaved
the peoples of China and Cuba. It was the practice of poli-
tical warfare.
Ideology must be studied and understood as a part of the
Cold War Education. But the study and understanding
should come within the frame of reference used by today's
Communist leaders, and given the recognition due it as an
element of all-out political warfare.
The only real obstacle standing today between Communism
and world dictatorship is a strong United States, determined to
^use its strength in freedom's cause.
The Communists know better than many individual
American citizens that the national power of the United
States will be used in meeting the multiple challenges of
Communism to the extent that citizens, acting through their
elected representatives, urge or endorse effective action. In
a free society, government serves the private citizen, and
is ultimately responsible to the composite will of all its
citizens. The essential difference between a dictatorship and
a democracy is that in one the citizens follow the will of
the government, and in the other, the government follows
the will of its citizens.
The prosperity and progress of America has come dan-
gerously close to erasing from the national scene a proper
concept of the responsibilities and duties of citizenship. We
count our telephones and televisions, we rate ourselves by
the cost of our cars and the cut of our clothes. Our material
progress, which may be duplicated by other societies, has
become a yardstick — a false yardstick — of Americanism.
The basic American heritage is the right to live in free-
dom.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 255
freechtm, thouKh, is neither automatic nor conferred by
the happenslance of birth or geography. Freedom must be
earned a^ain by each succeeding generation through the
sound exercise of its citizenship responsibilities. Every
American citizen has the duty to inform himself on impor-
tant issues so that he might better exercise his right to be
heard, his right to vote, his right to freedom.
Too often by a desire to sidestep conflict, or simply be-
cause of laziness, many American citizens ignore the rights
and are too timid to assume the responsibilities of their
citizenship. They abdicate their role in democracy with a
shrug or the explanation that "the government knows more
about this than I do, so why should I be concerned?"
hOr JiiiiocriK. y to iiork, the inJiiiJual citizen must face up
to nuijor issues of the day, inform himself and express himself
in an aroused and concerned exercise of those acts of citizenship
unique to our democratic system.
j In the ("old War, the front is everywhere. All levels and
ypegnieiits of society are involved. Since, in a free society,
/^government does not control all segments of society, the
'/citizens' re.sponsibility is far greater than in other types of
,, war. In addition to his responsibility to help shape govern-
! mental actions, he himself is on the front line, and must
fight independent of, but in cooperation with, his govern-
ment. Private individuals, organizations and institutions
'imust fill the gap between what government can do, and
Vvhat must be done.
/ If he is to be effective, cold war education for the indi-
vidual citizen must include:
1. Understanding what he is fighting for. He must under-
, stand the basic ft)undations of American strength and
freedom, and why freedom is worth fighting for.
2. Understanding that the Communist bloc is waging a
very real war against the free nations. He must fully
understand the nature and extent of this war and of
Communist objectives.
8. Understanding that he, himself, must determine how
he can be most effective as a free citizen in defeating
the Communist attack upon his freedom. It is his life
and hi.s liberty that are in jeopardy.
rn the search for Cold War understanding, individual
initiative and judgment play a vital role, and must be fos-
tered. Each citizen must use his own judgment and reach
his own conclusions as to the truth and soundness of state-
ments by others. Blind acceptance of the positions of others,
regardless of position or personality, plays into the hands
of the aggressor.
' The Cold War is a real and deadly struggle from which
/only one sifle will emerge victorious. It is the duty of each
citizen to utilize his rights of citizenship to become a dis-
cerning Cold War warrior himself, and to encourage others
Ip do likewise.
256 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
The Chairman. I would also like to quote here an excerpt from
the introduction to the 1964 report of the National Governors' Con-
ference Committee on Cold War Education. It states :
This Committee was an outgrowth of the Governors' firm conviction that the
minds of men are the most vital weapon in the arsenal of freedom, and that
knowledge and understanding transcend the might of rockets and the power
of the neutron as a tool to be wisely used in the search for peace.
The involvement in this manner by the Governors was predicated on the
recognition that the Cold War is a very real war which is being waged in ways
and on fronts that strike more directly at the foundations of American freedoms
than all of the bombs and bullets that have echoed through the Nation's his-
tory. * * *
Many outstanding witnesses have appeared before this committee
in the course of these hearings — former Ambassadors and Foreign
Service officers, professors and scholars who are recognized through-
out the world as authorities on communism, Members of the House
and Senate, representatives of labor, the press, former high-ranking
military officers, to name just a few. All have given their explicit
support to the Freedom Academy. But the statement which I have
just quoted must, I believe, also be accepted as a strong endorsement,
even though only implicit, of the Freedom Academy by a committee
which speaks for the Governors of 50 States. What we are really
dealing with in the Freedom Academy idea is an effort to go beyond
conventional warfare and diplomacy, beyond guns and dollars, and
to put the minds of men to work in the struggle against communism —
the minds of our Government officials, our leaders in civilian life, and
also civilian and governmental leaders in foreign countries. As the
Governors' committee stated, "the minds of men are the most vital
weapon in the arsenal of freedom," and they "transcend the might of
rockets and the power of the neutron." I Jbelieve this is unquestion-
ably true and that, because it is true, it is time for us to make every
effort to really put those minds to work by giving them the compre-
hensive knowledge of Communist-style warfare which they must
have to function at full capacity.
The same quotation also stresses another major point involved in
these hearings when it says that the cold war is a very real war being
wa^ed in ways and on fronts "that strike more directly at the foun-
dations of American freedoms than all of the bombs and bullets that
have echoed through the Nation's history."
Here again they go right to the point of the Freedom Academy —
the devising of means to defeat the Communists on these unconven-
tional fronts which can be more dangerous to our Nation and the
cause of freedom everywhere than the traditional military fronts.
The Governors' Conference committee notes our major cold war
weakness — and the one the Freedom Academy is primarily designed
to correct — when it states :
Despite more than a decade of discussion and the use of real and imagined
threats of Communist influence or involvement in nearly every major national
and international issue discussed by the American people, there exists today
very little real grassroots understanding of the nature of Communism or the
application of its theory by the totalitarian dictators based in Moscow and
Peking.
This lack of understanding has been recognized by academicians and edu-
cational administrators throughout the Nation. * .* *
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM C70MMISSI0N 257
The Governors are realistic in their report. They feel confident
that the work their Committee on Cold War Education has done to
overcome this weakness by sponsoring national strategy seminars,
conferences on cold war education, and other activities has helped,
but they realize the battle is not yet won and that more work has to
be done. Their work, they say —
is not likely to change the course of history, or win peace for the world tomor-
row, but we are firmly convinced that it can lead to the sort of bold new pro-
grams and the enlightened citizen support that can change the course of history
and strike vital blows for peace. It can assure that the great body of public
opinion on pressing issues will not be shaped by either extremists or oppor-
tunists, and it carries the promise that no ideological battles will be defaulted
to the Communists by ignorance or naivete in America.
More than any other instrument, the Freedom Academy should be
able to complete and bring to fruition the vital work begun by the
National Governors' Conference through its Committee on Cold War
Education. It should be able — in time — to drastically change the
course of history, strengthening freedom in all parts of the world,
just as the Communist schools of political warfare have played a major
role in making history during the past 40-or-so years. The difference
will be that, while the Communist political warfare schools have been
designed to teach men how to destroy and subvert in the interest of an
ideology which constitutes the blackest form of reaction, the Freedom
Academy will have the positive purpose of strengthening freedom
and spreading it to all parts of the globe, including, ultimately, those
nations today enslaved oy Communst totalitarianism.
If the Freedom Academy is established — as I hope it will be — it will
not end the need for continued effort on the part of the National Gov-
ernors' Conference. Rather, the two will be able to supplement and
aid one another, and this I hope they will do. And the same applies,
of course, to all groups, organizations, and institutions which are con-
tributing in any way — large or small, at home or abroad — to the fight
for freedom, which is also the fight for peace. We are all in this to-
gether, and all should unite and cooperate in finding the best way to
spread thorough knowledge and understanding of our enemy and his
stratagems and also the best methods of defeating them in order that
freedom may be preserved.
Communism is tyranny, and tyranny promotes war. Communism
is, therefore, the enemy of peace, and there can be no real peace until it
is destroyed.
The authors of the concept embodied in the bills the committee has
been studying have decided to call the institution these bills would
create the Freedom Academy. It would be truly that, because it is
designed to assist in the defeat of totalitarian and tyrannical commu-
nism— the major enemy of freedom in today's world. But this Acad-
emy could also be called the Peace Academy, because freedom is the
friend and promoter of peace, just as tyranny and communism are its
enemies. The motto of the Academy could well be "To Peace Through
Freedom."
Mr. Clawson. Mr. Chairman, would the chairman yield?
Did they make any recommendations on the bills ?
The Chairman. Oh, yes. That is in the statements.
This concludes our hearings on these bills.
258 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
If I recall, a while ago I indicated that an organization was send-
ing down a formal resolution of endorsement, the Order of Lafayette, I
think. So for that and other purposes, let it be understood that the
record will remain open for filing of statements for a period of 10
days and that statements, if and as received, will of course be screened
by our staff for inclusion in the record.^
Do you have anything to add ?
Mr^ IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask a question, but it
can be off the record when we complete the hearing.
The Chairman. All right. That is all.
(Whereupon, at 12:35 p.m., Friday, May 14, 1965, the committee
adjourned sme die.)
1 See pp. 232, 233 for resolution of Order of Lafayette.
APPENDIX
Proposed Bills for Creation of a Freedom Commission and
89th congress
1st Session
Freedom Academy
H. R. 2379
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
January 12, 1965
Mr. BoGGS introduced the following bill ; which was referred to the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities
IS.R. 4389, introduced by Mr. Gurney February 4, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379.
IH.R. ZZIS, introduced by Mr. Ichord January 11, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379, with the following
exceptions: (1) Sec. 5 of H.R. 2215 fixes salary of Chairman of Freedom Commission at $28,500, and that of
each member at $26,000, per annum; (2) sec. 8 of H.R. 2215, which makes provision for an information center,
deletes to "publish textbooks" and in place thereof substitutes the words "publish educational materials";
(3) sec. 11(a) of H.R. 2215, which deals with the general authority of the Commission, omits paragraph (1) of
H.R. 2379; (4) H.R. 2215 deletes from sec. 11(b), relating to pay of personnel, the words "(except such per-
sonnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and specially qualified professional personnel up to a limit of
$19,000)"; and (5) H.R. 2215 in sec. 12 fixes salary of General Manager at a sum not to exceed $26,000 per
annum.
IH.H. 5370, introduced by Mr. Clausen February 24, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379, with the following
exceptions: (1) Sec. 11(a) of H.R. 5370, which deals with the general authority of Commission, omits para-
graph (1) of H.R. 2379; and (2) adds the word "procedural," in sec. 13(e), to precede the words "rules and
regulations," etc.
[H.R. 6700. introduced by Mr. Buchanan March 24, 1965, is identical to H.R. 2379, with the fallowing
exceptions: (1) Sec. 5 of H.R. 6700 fixes no limitation upon the salaries to be paid to the Chairman and mem-
bers of the Freedom Commission; (2) sec. 11(a) (11) of H.R. 6700 fixes no limitation as to the amount of per
diem pay for temporary employees; (3) sec. 11(b) of H.R. 6700 fixes no upper limit for compensation to per-
sonnel, and entirely excepts the employment and pay of personnel from the operation of the civil service laws
and Classification Act of 1949; and (4) sec. 12 of H.R. 6700 employs the term "Administrator" for "general
manager," and fixes no limitation on compensation. (The bill, H.R. 6700, as to pay of employees and officers,
provides simply that they shall be paid at rates "fixed by the Congress.")
IH.R. 470, introduced by Mr. Herlong January 4, 1965, is similar but not identical to H.R. 2379. It is
to be noted that sec. 7 of H.R. 470, uiJike sec 7 of H.R. 2379, limits financial assistance to dependents of
students "who are nationals of the United States."] i
A BILL
To create the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy,
to conduct research to develop an integrated body of opera-
tional knowledge' in the political, psychological, economic,
technological, and organizational areas to increase the non-
military capabilities of the United States in the global
struggle between freedom and communism, to educate and
train Government personnel and private citizens to under-
stand and implement this body of knowledge, and also to
provide education and training for foreign students in these
areas of knowledge under appropriate conditions.
1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
'H.R. 9209, introduced by Mr. Feighan June 17, 1965, after completion of the
committee hearings is substantially the same as H.R. 2379.
(259)
260 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
2
1 SHORT TITLE
2 Section 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom
3 Commission Act".
4 CONGFESSIONAf. FINDINGS AND STATEMENT OF POILCY
5 Sec. 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes
^ the following findings and statement of policy:
"^ ( 1 ) The United States in preparing to defend its
° national interests in coming years faces grave and complex
^ problems in the nonmilitary as well as military areas.
10 (2) First and foremost are the problems raised by the
^ unremitting drives by the Soviet Union and Communist
^ China seeking world domination and the destruction of all
non-C'Ommunist societies. The Communist bloc and the
^^ various Communist parties have systematically prepared
themselves to wage a thousand-pronged aggression in the
nonmilitary area. Drawing on their elaborate studies and
extensive pragmatic tests, Communist leaders have developed
their conspiratorial version of nonmilitary conflict into an
advanced, operational art in which they employ and orches-
trate an extraordinary variety of conflict instruments in the
political, psychological, ideological, economic, technological,
organizational and paramilitary areas enabling them to ap-
proach their immediate and long-range objectives along
many paths. This creates unique and unprecedented prob-
^^ Icras for the United States in a conflict that is being waged
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 261
3
1 in student organizations, peasant villages, labor unions, mass
2 communication systems, in city and jungle, and institutions
3 and organizations of every description, as well as in the
4 M'orld's chancelleries. Recognizing that nonmilitary conflict
5 makes extraordinary demands upon its practitioners, the
6 Communists, for several decades, have intensively trained
7 their leadership groups and cadres in an extensive network of
8 basic, intennediate, and advanced schools. The Sino-Soviet
9 conflict capacity has been immeasurably increased by the
10 mobilization of reseai'ch, science, industry, technology, and
11 education to serve the power-seeking ambitions of Com-
12 munist leaders rather than the needs of their people.
13 (3) Second, the problems of the United States are
14 complicated by the emergence of many new nations, the
15 unstable or deteriorating pohticaJ, social and economic con-
16 ditions in many parts of the world, the revolutionary forces
17 released by the rising expectations of the world's people,
18 and other factors, all of which increase the difficulties of
19 achieving our national objectives of preventing Communist
20 penetration while seeking to build viable, free, and inde-
21 pendent nations.
22 (4) The nature of the Sino-Soviet power drive, the
23 revolutionary and fluid world situation, the emergence of
24 the United States as the major leader of the free world and
25 the need to deal with the people of nations as well as govern-
262 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
4
1 ments, has compelled the United States to employ many new
2 instruments under the headings of traditional diplomacy,
3 intelligence, technical assistance, aid programs., trade devel-
4 opment, educational exchange, cultural exchange, and
5 counterinsurgency (as well as in the area of related military
6 programs) . To interrelate and progi'am these present in-
^ struments over long periods already requires a high degree
8 of professional competence in many specialties, as well as
9 great managerial skill.
10 (5) However, the United States has fallen short in
11 developing and utilizing its full capacity to achieve its objec-
12 tives in the world struggle. Not only do we need to improve
13 the existing instruments, but a wide range of additional
14 methods and means in both the Government and private
15 sectors must be worked out and integrated with the existing
16 instruments of our policy. Otherwise, the United States will
17 lack the means to defeat many forms of Communist aggres-
18 sion and to extend the area of freedom, national independ-
19 ence, and self-government, as well as to attain other national
20 objectives. However, this will require an intensive and
21 comprehensive research and training effort first to think
22 through these additional methods and means, and, second, to
23 educate and train not only specialists, but also leaders at
24 several levels who can visualize and organize these many
25 instruments in an integrated strategy, enabling the United
PROVIDINt} FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 263
5
1 States to approach its national objectives along every path
2 in accord with our ethic.
3 (6) There has been a tendency to look upon strategy as
4 a series of discrete problems with planning often restricted
5 by jurisdictional walls and parochial attitudes and too much
6 piecemeal planning to handle emergencies at the expense
7 of systematic, long-range development and programing
8 of the many iustinmients potentially available to us. While
9 there has been marked improvement in such things as
10 language training at agency schooFs, and while university
11 centers have made significant progress in area studies,
12 nowhere has the United States established a training pro-
13 gram to develop rounded strategists in the nonmilitary area
14 or even certain vital categories of- professional speciahsts,
15 particularly in the area of political, ideological, psycholog-
16 ical, and organizational operations and in certain areas of
17 development work. Nor has the United States organized
18 a research program which can be expected to think through
19 the important additional range of methods and means that
20 could be available to us in the Government and private
21 sectors.
22 (7) In implementing this legislation the following re-
23 quirements for developing our national capacity for global
24 operations in the nonmihtary area should receive special
25 attention :
264 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
1 I. At the upper levels of Government, the United States
2 must have rounded strategists with intensive interdepart-
3 mental training and experience who understand the range of
4 instiiunents potentially available to us and who can or-
5 ganize and program these instiuments over long periods in
6 an integrated, forward strategy that systematically develops
7 and utilizes our full national capacity for the global struggle.
8 II. Below them, Government personnel must be trained
9 to understand and implement this integrated strategy in all
10 of its dimensions. Through intensive training, as well as
11 experience, we must seek the highest professional compe-
12 tence in those areas of specialized knowledge required by
13 our global operations. Government personnel should have
14 an underlying level of understanding as to the nature of the
15 global conflict, the goals of the United States, and the vari-
16 ous possible instruments in achieving these goals to facilitate
17 team operations. We should seek to instill a high degree
18 of elan and dedication.
19 III. Foreign affairs personnel at all levels must under-
20 stand communism with special emphasis on Connnunist non-
21 military conflict technique. It is not enough to have experts
22 available for consultation. This is basic knowledge which
23 must be widely disseminated, if planning and implementa-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 265
7
1 tion are to be geared to the coiiflict we are in. (Tlie present
2 two weeks seminar offered at the Foreign Service Institute
3 is entirely too brief for even lower ranking personnel. )
4 IV. The private sector must understand how it can par-
5 ticipate in the global struggle in a sustained and systematic
6 manner. There exists in the private sector a huge reservoir
7 of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can be developed
8 and brought to bear in helping to solve many of our global .
^ problems. We have hardly begun to explore the range of
^ possibilities.
^^ V. The public must have a deeper understanding of
■^2 communism, especially Communist nonmilitary conflict tech-
■^^ ni(|ue, and the nature of the global struggle, including the
goals of the United States.
(8) The hereinafter created Freedom Academy must be
1 fi
a prestige institution and every effort should be made to
17 ...
demonstrate this is a major effort by the United States in a
18
vital area.
(b) It is the hitent and purpose of the Congress that
20
the authority and powers granted in this Act be fully utilized
21
by the Commission estabhshed by section 4 of this Act to
99 . . .
achieve the objectives set forth in subsection (a) (7) of this
9^
section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress
266 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
8
1 that the authority, powers, and functions of the Commission
2 and the Academy as set forth in this Act are to be broadly
3 construed.
4 DEFINITIONS
5 Sec. 3. As used in this Act —
6 (1) The term "Conmiission" means the Freedom Com-
7 mission established by section 4 of this Act; and
8 (2) The tenii "Academy" means the Freedom Aca^-
9 emy established by section 6 of this Act.
10 ESTABLISH^IBNT OF TUB FREEDOM COMMISSION
11 Sec. 4. There is established in the executive branch of
12 the Government an independent agency to be known as the
13 Freedom Commission which shall be composed of six mem-
14 hers and a chairman, each of whom shall be a citizen of the
15 United States. The Chairman may from time to time desig-
16 nate any other member of the Commission as Acting Chair-
17 man to act in the place and stead of the Chairman during
18 his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting Chairman in
19 the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at all meetmgs of
20 the Commission, and a quorum for the transaction of business
21 shall consist of at least four members present. Each member
22 of the Commission, including the Chairman, shall have equal
23 responsibility and authority in all decisions and actions of the
24 Conmaission, shall have full access to all information relating
25 to the performance of his duties or responsibilities, and shall
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 267
9
1 have one vote. Action of the Commission shall be deter-
2 mined by a majority vote of the members present. The
3 Chairman (or Acting Chairman in the absence of the Chair-
4 man) shall be the oflScial spokesman of the Commission in
5 its relations with the Congress, Government agencies, per-
6 sons, or the public, and, on behalf of the Commission, shall
7 see to the faithful execution of the policies and decisions of
8 the Commission, and shall report thereon to the Commission
9 from time to time or as the Commission may direct. The
10 Commission shall have an oflScial seal which shall be
11 judicially noticed.
12 MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMISSION
13 Sec. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the
14 Chairman shall be appointed by the President, by and with
15 the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four
16 members, including the Chairman, may be members of any
17 one political party. In submitting any nomination to the
18 Senate, the President shall set forth the experience and
19 qualifications of the nominee. The term of each member
20 of the Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six
21 years, except that (1) the terms of office of the members
22 first taking oflRce shall expire as designated by the Presi-
23 dent at the time of the appointment, two at the end of two
24 years, two at the end of four years, and two at the end of
47-093 O — 66 18
268 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
10
1 six years; and (2) any member appointed to fill a vacancy
2 occurring prior to the expiration of the tenn for which his
3 predecessor was appointed shall be appointed for the re-
4 mainder of such term. The Chairman shall serve as such
5 during the pleasure of the President, and shall receive com-
6 pensation at the rate of $20,500 per annum. Each other
7 member of the Commission shall receive compensation at the
8 rate of $20,000 per annum. Any member of the Commis-
9 sion may be removed by the President for inefficiency,
10 neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.
11 (b) No member of the Commission shall engage in
12 any business, vocation, or employment other than that of
13 serving as a member of the Commission.
14 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM ACADEMY; PRINCIPAL
15 FUNCTIONS OF THE COMMISSION AND ACADEMY
16 Sec 6. The Commission shall establish under its super-
17 vision and control an advanced research, development, and
18 training center to be known as the Freedom Academy. The
19 Academy shall be located at such place or places within the
20 United States as the Coiimiission shall determine. The prin-
21 cipal functions of the Commission and Academy shall be :
22 (l) To conduct research designed to improve the
23 methods and means by which the United States seeks its
24 national objectives in the nonmilitary part of the global
25 struggle. This should include improvement of the present
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 269
11
1 methods and means and exploration of the full range of ad-
2 ditional methods and means that may be available to us in
3 both the Government and private sectors. Special attention
4 shall be given to problems of an interdepartmental nature
5 and to problems involved in organizing and programing the
6 full spectrum of methods and means potentially available in
"7 the Government and private sectors in an integrated, forward
8 strategy that will systematically develop and utilize the
^ full cai^acity of the United States to seek its national objec-
1^ tives in the global struggle, including the defeat of all forms
^^ of Communist aggression and the building of free, inde-
^'^ pendent, and viable nations.
^^ (2) To educate and train Government personnel and
private citizens so as to meet the requirements set forth in
section 2(a) (7) of this Act. The Academy shall be the
principal Government interdepartmental, educational, and
trammg center in the nonmilitary area of the United States
1ft •
global operations. Authority is also granted to educate and
train foreign students, when this is in the national interest
20
and is approved by the Secretary of State.
(3) To provide leadership in encouragm'g and assistmg
oo . . .
^ universities and other institutions to increase and improve
oo
'^ research, educational, and training programs attuned to the
24
global operational needs of the United States.
25
(4) To provide leadership, guidance, and assistance to
270 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
12
1 the training staffs of Government agencies handling United
2 States global operations, including training programs con-
3 ducted at oversea posts.
4 (5) To provide a center where officers and employees
5 of Government agencies, as well as private citizens, can meet
6 to discuss and explore common and special elements of their
"^ problems in improving United States capabilities in the global
8 struggle.
9 STUDENT SELECTION; GRANTS; ADMISSION OF FOREIGN
10 STUDENTS
11 Sec. 7. (a) Academy students, other than Govenmient
12 personnel, shall be selected, insofar as is practicable and in
1^ the pubUc interest, from those areas, organizations, and insti-
ll tutions where trained leadership and informed public opinion
15 are most needed to achieve the objectives set forth in section
1^ 2 (a) (7) IV and V. Persons in Government service com-
1'^ ing within the provisions of the Goverament Employees
1^ Training Act may be trained at the Academy pursuant to
1^ the provisions of said Act. All agencies and departments
20 of Government are authorized to assign officers and em-
21 ployees to the Academy for designated training.
22 (b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to
students and to pay expenses incident to training and study
^ under this Act. This authorization shall include authority
25 to pay actual and necessary travel expenses to and from the
PROVIDESTG FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 271
13
1 Academy or other authorized place of training under this
2 Act. The Commission is authorized to grant financial as-
3 sistance to the dependents of students who hold no office or
4 employment under the Federal Government during the time
5 they are undergoing training authorized under this Act.
6 Grants and other financial assistance under this Act shall be
"7 in such amounts and subject to such regulations as the Com-
8 mission may deem appropriate to carry out the provisions
9 of this Act.
10 (c) Foreign students selected for trainmg under this
11 Act shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under section 101
12 (a) (15) (F) of the Immigi-ation and Nationality Act (8
13 U.S.C. 1101(a) (15) (F)) for such time and under such
1^ conditions as may be prescribed by regulations promulgated
1^ by the Commission, the Secretaiy of State, and the Attorney
1" General. A person admitted under this section who fails
1' to maintain the status under which he was admitted, or who
1° fails to depart from the United States at the expiration
19 of the time for which he was admitted, or who engages in
^" activities of a political nature detrimental to the interest
^1 of the United States, or in activities in conflict with the
^^ security of the United States, shall, upon the warrant of the
Attorney General, be taken into custody and promptly
■^ deported pursuant to sections 241, 242, and 243 of the
2^ Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1251, 1252,
272 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
14
2 and 1253). Deportation proceedings under this section
2 shall be summary and findings of the Attorney General as to
3 matters of fact shall be conclusive. Such persons shall not
4 be eligible for suspension of deportation under section 244
5 of such Act (8 U.S.C. 1254) .
6 INFORMATION CENTER
7 Sec. 8. The Commission is authorized to estiiblish an
8 information center at such ])lace or places within the United
9 States as the Conmiission may determine. The principal
10 function of the information center shall be to disseminate,
11 with or without charge, information and materials which will
12 assist people and organizations to increase their understand-
13 ing of the true nature of the international Communist con-
14 spiracy and of the dimensions and nature of the global
15 struggle between freedom and communism, and of ways they
16 can participate effectively toward winning that struggle and
17 building free, independent, and viable nations. In carrying
18 out this function, the Commission is authorized to prepare,
19 make, and publish textbooks and other materials, including
20 training films, suitable for high school, college, and com-
21 munity level instruction, and also to publish such research
22 materials as may be in the public interest. The ConMnission
23 is authorized to disseminate such information and materials
24 to such persons and organizations as may be in the public
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 273
15
1 interest on such terms and conditions as the Commission
2 shall determine.
3 DISCLOSURE OF INFORMATION
4 Sec. 9. Nothing in this Act shall authorize the dis-
5 closure of any information or knowledge in any case in which
6 such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any other law of the
7 United States, or (2) is . inconsistent with the security of
8 the United States.
9 SECURITY check OF PERSONNEL
10 Sec. 10. (a) Except as authorized by the Commission
11 upon a determination by the Commission that such action is
12 clearly consistent with the national interest, no individual
13 shall be employed by the Commission, nor shall the Com-
14 mission permit any individual to have access to information
15 which is, for reasons of national security, specifically desig-
16 nated by a United States Government agency for limited or
17 restricted dissemination or distribution until the Civil Serv-
18 ice Conunission shall have made an investigation and report
19 to the Commission on the character, associations, and loyalty
20 of such individual, and the Commission shall have determined
21 that employing such individual or permitting him to have
22 access to such information will not endanger the common
23 defense and security.
24 (b) In the event an investigation made pursuant to
274 * PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
16
1 subsection (a) of this section develops any data reflecting
2 that the individual who is the subject of the investigation is
3 of questionable loyalty or is a questionable security risk, the
4 Civil Service Commission shall refer the matter to the Fed-
5 eral Bureau of Investigation for the conduct of a full field
6 investigation, the results of which shall be furnished to the
7 Civil Service Commission for its information and appropriate
8 action.
9 (c) If the Commission deems it to be in the national
10 interest, the Commission may request the Civil Service Com-
11 mission to make an investigation and report to the Commis-
12 sion on the character, associations, and loyalty of any indi-
13 vidual under consideration for training at the Academy, and
14 if the Commission shall then determine that the training of
15 such individual will not be in the best interest of the United
16 States, he shall receive no training under this Act.
17 (d) In the event an investigation made pursuant to
18 subsection (c) of this section develops any data reflecting
19 that the individual who is the subject of the investigation is
20 of questionable loyalty or is a questionable security risk,
21 the Civil Service Commission shall refer the matter to the
22 Federal Bureau of Investigation for the conduct of a full
23 field investigation, the results of which shall be furnished to
24 the Civil Sei*vice Commission for its information and appro-
25 priate action.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 275
17
1 (e) If the President or the Commission shall deem it to
2 be in the national interest, he or the Commission may from
3 time to time cause investigation of any individual which is
4 required or authorized by subsections (a) and (c) of this
5 section to be made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation
6 instead of by the Civil Service Commission.
7 GENERAL AUTHORITY OF THE COMMISSION
8 Sec. 11. (a) In addition to the authority already
^ granted, the Commission is authorized and empowered —
1^ (1) to estabUsh such temporary or permanent
H boards and committees as the Commission may from
^ time to time deem necessary for the purposes of this
13 Act;
" (2) subject to the provisions of subsection (b) of
this section, to appoint and fix the compensation of such
■to
personnel as may be necessary to carry out the functions
1' of the Commission;
(3) to conduct such research, studies, and surveys
as the Commission may deem necessary to carry out the
^ purposes of this Act;
(4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend
such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry
^^ out the purposes of this Act;
** (5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary
276 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
18
1 for administering and carrying out the provisions of
2 this Act;
3 (6) to utilize, with the approval of the President,
4 the services, facilities, and personnel of other Govem-
5 ment agencies and pay for such services, facilities, and
6 personnel out of funds available to the Commission under
7 this Act, either in advance, by reimbursement, or by
8 direct transfer;
9 (7) to utilize or employ on a full-time or part-time
10 basis, with the consent of the organization or govern-
11 mental body concerned, the services of personnel of any
12 State or local government or private organization to
13 perform such functions on its behalf as may appear
14 desirable to caiTy out the purposes of this Act, without
15 requiring such personnel to sever their connection with
16 the furnishing organization m governmental body; and
17 to utilize personnel of a foreign government in the same
18 manner and under the same circumstances with the
19 approval of the Secretary of State;
20 (8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and
21 to hold and dispose of by sale, lease, or loan, real and
22 personal property of all kinds necessary for, or resulting
23 from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act;
24 (9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if
25 such funds are donated without restrictions other than
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 277
19
1 that they be used in furtherance of one or more of the
2 purposes of this Act;
3 (10) to accept and utilize the services of voluntary
4 and uncompensated personnel and to provide transporta-
5 tion and subsistence as authorized by section 5 of the
6 Administrative Expenses Act of 1946 (5 U.S.C. 73b-
"7 2) for persons serving without compensation;
8 (11) to utiHzo the services of persons on a tem-
^ porary basis and to pay their actual and necessary
1^ travel expenses and subsistence and, in addition, corn-
el ])ensation at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each
12 day spent in the work of the Commission.
1^ (b) The personnel referred to in subsection (a) (2)
1"* of this section shall be appointed in accordance with the
1^ civil service laws and their compensation fixed in ac<'ord-
^^ ance with the Classification Act of 1940, as amended, ex-
1^ c«pt that, to the extent the Conunission deems such action
1° necessary to the discharge of its responsibilities, })ersonnel
1^ may be employed and their compensation fixed without re-
2" gard to such laws. No such personnel (except such per-
21 sonnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and specially
22 qualified professional personnel up to a limit of $19,000)
-"^ whose position would be subject to the Classification Act
24 of 1949, as amended, if such Act were applicable to such
2^ position, shall be paid a salary at a rate in excess of the rate
278 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
20
1 payable under such Act for positions of equivalent diflBculty
2 or responsibility. The Commission shall make adequate
3 provision for administrative review of any determination
4 to dismiss any employee.
5 GENEEAL MANAGER OF THE COMMISSION
6 Sec. 12. The Conamission is authorized to estabUsh
7 within the Commission a general manager, who shall dis-
8 charge such of the administrative and executive functions
9 of the Commission as the Commission may direct. The
10 general manager shall be appointed by the Commission,
11 shall serve at the pleasure of the Commission, shall be re-
12 movable by the Commission, and shall receive compensation
13 at a rate determined by the Commission, but not in excess
14 of $18,000 per annum.
15 ADVISORY COMMITTEE
16 Sec. 13. (a) To assure effective cooperation between
17 the Freedom Academy and various Government agencies
18 concerned with its objectives, there is established an advisory
19 conmaittee to the Freedom Academy (referred to hereinafter
20 as the "Committee" ) . The Committee shall be composed of
21 one representative of each of the following agencies desig-
22 nated by the head of each such agency from officers and em-
23 ployees thereof: The Department of State; the Department
24 of Defense; the Department of Health, Education, and Wei-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 279
21
1 fare; the Central Intelligence Agency; the Federal Bureau
^ of Investigation ; the Agency for International Development ;
^ and the United States Information Agency.
4 (b) Members of the Committee shall elect a member
5 to serve as Chairman of the Committee. The Chairman shall
C serve for such a term of one year. The chairmanship shall
'^ rotate among the representatives of the agencies who com-
8 prise the membership of the Committee.
^ (c) No member of the Committee shall receive compen-
10 sation for his services as such other than that received by him
11 as an oflBcer or employee of the agency represented by him.
12 Each member of the Committee shall be reimbursed for ex-
13 penses actually and necessarily incurred by him in the per-
14 formance of duties of the Committee. Such reimbursements
15 sliall be made from funds appropriated to the Freedom Com-
16 mission upon vouchers approved by the Chairman of the
17 Committee.
18 (d) The Committee shall—
19 (1) serve as a medium for liaison between the
20 Freedom Commission and the Government agencies
21 represented in the Committee;
22 (2) review from time to time the plans, programs,
23 and activities of the Freedom Commission and the Free-
24 dom Academy, and transmit to the Commission such
280 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
22
1 recommendations as it may determine to be necessaiy or
2 desirable for the improvement of those plans, programs,
3 and activities;
4 (3) meet with the Freedom Commission periodi-
5 cally, but not less often than semiannually, to consult
6 with it with regard to the plans, programs, and activities
7 of the Freedom Commission and the Federal Academy ;
8 and
9 (4) transmit to the President and to the Congress
10 in January of each year a report containing (A) a com-
11 prehensive description of the plans, programs, and activi-
12 ties of the Commission and the Academy during the
13 preceding calendar year, and (B) its reconunendations
14 for the improvement of those plans, programs, and
15 activities.
16 (e) The Committee shall promulgate such rules and
17 regulations as it shall determine to be necessary for the
18 performance of its duties.
19 (f) The Commission shall furnish to the Committee
20 without reimbursement such office space, personal services,
21 supphes and equipment, information, and facilities as the
22 Committee may require for the performance of its functions.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 281
1 APPROPRIATIONS
2 Sec. 14. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of
3 any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, such
4 sums as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of this
5 Act.
282
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
89th CONGRESS WW W^ 1 /\0 0
IN THE HOUSE OF EEPEESEXTATIVES
January -i, 1965
Mr. GuBSER introduced the following: bill; which was referred to the Com-
mittee on I'n-American Activities
[HJ{. 5784, introduced by Mr. Ashbrook March 3, 1965, is identical to H.R. 1033.]
A BILL
To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the
science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy
and for the training and development of leaders in a total
political war.
1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
3 SHORT TITLE
4 Section 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom
5 Commission Act".
6 CONGRESSIONAL FINDINGS AND STATEMENT OF POLICY
7 Sec 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes
8 the following Rndings:
9 ( 1 ) The Soviet Union and Communist China are wag-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 283
2
1 ing a total political war against the United States and
2 against the peoples and governments of all other nations of
3 the free world.
4 (2) Unlike the free world, the Soviet Union has sys-
5 tematically prepared for this total political war over several
6 decades. Drawing on the experience of previous conquerors
7 and upon their own elaborate studies and extensive pragmatic
8 tests, the Soviet leaders have developed their conspiratorial
9 version of political warfare into a highly effective operational
10 science. Recognizing that political warfare is a difficult
11 science making unusual demands on its practitioners, the
12 Soviet Union and Communist China have established an
13 elaborate network of training schools, within and without the
14 free world, in which have been trained large numbers of
15 highly skilled activists. These activists continue to receive
16 intensive continuous training throughout their party careers.
17 (3) In this total political war the Soviets permit no
18 neutrals. Every citizen, every economic, cultural, religious,
19 or ethnic group is a target and is under some form of direct
20 or indirect Communist attack. The battleground is every-
21 where, and every citizen, knowingly or unknowingly,
22 through action or inaction, Is involved In this continuous
23 struggle.
24 (4) Since the end of World War I J, the Soviets, tak-
25 Ing full advantage of their better preparation and often suj>c-
47-093 O— 65 19
284 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
3
1 nor organizational and operational know-how, have inflicted
2 a series of political warfare defeats on the free world. The
3 total sum of these defeats is nothing less than a disaster
4 for the United States and the free world and the continua-
5 tion of this political war by the Soviets confronts the United
6 States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its
7 national survival.
8 (5) In order to defeat the Soviet political warfare
9 offensive and to preserve the integrity and independence of
10 the nations of the free world, it is imperative —
11 (A) that the knowledge and understanding of all
12 the peoples of the free world concerning the true nature
13 of the international Communist conspiracy be increased
14 as rapidly as is practicable;
15 (B) that private citizens not only understand the
16 true nature of the iqtemational Communist conspiracy,
17 but that they also know how they can participate, and
18 do participate, in this continuous struggle in an effective,
19 sustained, and systematic manner;
20 (C) that Government personnel engaged in the cold
21 war increase their knowledge of the international Com-
22 munist conspiracy, develop a high espirit de corps and
23 sense of mission and a high degree of operational know-
24 how in counteracting the international Communist
25 conspiracy.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 285
4
1 (b) It is the intent and purpose of the Congress that
2 the authority and powers granted in this Act be fully utilized
3 by the hereinafter created Commission to achieve the objec-
4 tives set forth in the preceding subsection (a) (5) of this
5 section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress
6 that the authority, powers, and functions of the Commission
7 and the Academy as hereinafter set forth are to be broadly
8 construed.
^ DEFINITIONS
^^ Sec. 3. When used in this diapter —
^^ ( 1 ) The term "Commission" means the Freedom Com-
■^ mission ;
^^ (2) The term "Academy" means the Freedom Acad-
14 emy; and
15 (3) The term "joint committee" means the Joint Con-
16 gressional Freedom Committee.
17 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM COMMISSION ; COMPOSI-
18 TION ; CHAIRMAN AND ACTING CHAIRMAN ; QUORUM ;
19 OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN; SEAL
20 Sec. 4. There is established in the executive branch
21 (A the Government an independent agency to be known as
22 the Freedom Commission which shall be composed of six
23 members and a Chairman, each of whom shaU be a citizen
24 of the United States. The Chairman may from time to
25 time designate any other member of the Commission as
286
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
5
1 Acting Chairman to act in the place and stead of the Chair-
2 man during his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting
3 Chainnan in the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at
4 all meetings of the Commission and a quorum for the trans-
5 action of business shall consist of at least four members
6 present. Each member of the Commission, including the
7 Chairman, shall have equal responsibility and authority in
8 all decisions and actions of the Commission, shall have full
9 access to all information relating to the performance of his
10 duties or responsibilities, and shall have one vote. Action
11 of the Commission shall be determined by a majority vote
12 of the members present. The Chairman (or Acting Chair-
13 man in the absence of the Chairman) shall be the official
14 spokesman of the Commission in its relations with the Con-
15 gress, Government agencies, persons, or the public, and,
16 on behalf of the Commission, shall see to the faithful execu-
17 tion of the policies and decisions of the Commission, and
18 shall report thereon to the Commission from time to time
19 or as the Commission may direct. The Commission shall
20 have an official seal which shall be judicially noticed.
21 members; APPOINTMENTS; TERMS; COMPENSATION;
22 EXTRANEOUS BUSINESS
23 Sec. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the Chair-
24 man shall be appointed by the President, by and with the
25 advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 287
6
1 members, including the Chairman, may be members of any
2 one political party. In submitting any nomination to the
3 Senate, the President shall set forth the experience and quali-
4 fications of the nominee. The term of each member of the
5 Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six years,
6 except that ( 1 ) the terms of office of the members first tak-
7 ing office shall expire as designated by the President at the
8 time of the appointment, two at the end of two years, two at
9 the end of four years, and two at the end of six years; and
10 ( 2 ) any member appointed to fill a vacancy occurring prior
11 to the expiration of the term for which his predecessor was
12 appointed shall be appointed for the remainder of such
13 term. The Chairman shall serve during the pleasure of the
14 President. Any member of the Conmiission may be removed
15 by the President for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or mal-
16 feasance in office. Each member, except the Chairman,
17 shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,000 per annum ;
18 and the Chairman shall receive compensation at the rate of
19 $20,500 per annum.
20 (b) No member of the Commission shall engage in any
21 business, vocation, or employment other than that of serving
22 as a member of the Commission.
288
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
7
1 AUTHORIZATION TO ESTABLISH THE FREEDOM ACADEMY;
2 FUNCTIONS
3 Sec. 6. The Commission is authorized and empowered
4 to establish under its supervision and control an advanced
5 training and development center to be known as the Freedom
6 Academy. The Academy shall be located at such place or
7 places within the United States as the Commission shall
8 determine. The principal functions of the Academy shall
9 be—
10 (1) the development of systematic knowledge
11 about the international Communist conspiracy;
12 (2) the development of counteraction to the inter-
13 national Communist conspiracy into an operational
14 science that befits and bespeaks the methods and values
15 of freemen, and to achieve this purpose the entire area
16 of counteraction is to be thoroughly explored and studied
17 with emphasis on the methods and means that may best
• 18 be employed by private citizens and nongovernmental
19 organizations and the methods and means available to
20 Government agencies other than the methods and means
21 already being used;
22 (3) the education and training of private citizens
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
8
1 concerning all aspects of the international Communist
2 conspiracy and in the science of counteraction to that
3 conspiracy ;
4 (4) the education and training of persons in Gov-
5 emment service concerning all aspects of the intema-
6 tional Communist conspiracy and in the science of
7 counteraction to that conspiracy to the end that they can
8 be more useful to their Government in defeating the
9 international Communist conspiracy.
10 ACADEMY STUDENTS ; SELECTION ; GRANTS AND EXPENSES ;
11 ADMISSION AS NONIMMIGRANT VISITORS; DEPORTA-
12 TDON
13 Sec. 7. (a) Academy students shall be selected, insofar
14 as is practicable and in the public interest, from a cross
15 section of the diverse groups, within and without the United
16 States, in which the total political war is being fought.
17 Before accepting any student for training who is an officer
18 or employee of a Government agency, the Commission shall
19 first obtain the concurrence of that agency. Persons in
20 Government service coming within the provisions of the
21 Government Employees Training Act may be trained at the
22 Academy pursuant to the provisions of said Act. All other
23 agencies and departments of Government are authorized to
24 aid and assist the Conmiission in the selection of students.
289
290 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
9
1 (b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to
2 students and to pay expenses incident to training and study
3 under this chapter. This authorization shall include au-
4 thority to pay travel expenses to and from the Academy
5 or other authorized place of training under this chapter, and
6 authority to give financial assistance to the dependents of
7 students during the time they are undergoing training au-
8 thorized under this Act. Foreign students selected for train-
9 ing under this Act shall be admitted as noninmiigrants under
10 section 1101(a) (15) of title 8, United States Code, for
11 such time and under such conditions as may be prescribed
12 by regulations promulgated by the Commission, the Seo-
13 retary of State, and the Attorney General. A person ad-
14 mitted under this section who fails to maintain the status
15 under which he was admitted, or who fails to depart from
16 the United States at the expiration of the time for which
17 he was admitted, or who engages in activities of a political
18 nature detrimeptal to the interest of the United States, or
19 in activities in conflict with the security of the United States,
20 shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney General, be taken
21 into custody and promptly deported pursuant to sections
22 1251-1253 of title 8, United States Code. Deportation
23 proceedings under this section shall be summary and findings
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 291
10
1 of the Attorney General as to matters of fact shall be coo-
2 elusive. Such persons shall not be eligible for suspension of
3 deportation under section 1254 of such title 8.
4 NON-ACADEMY TRAINING OF ACADEMY STUDENTS
5 Sec. 8. The Commission is authorized to provide stu-
6 dents selected for training at the Academy (either before,
7 after, or during Academy training) with such additional edu-
8 cation and training at colleges, universities, or technical
9 schools other than the Academy, or with such on-the-job
10 training in industry and business as the Conmiission shall
11 determine to be in the pubUc interest.
12 AUTHORIZATION TO ESTABLISH AN INFORMATION CENTEB
13 Sec. 9. The Conmiission is authorized to establish an
14 information center at such place or places within the United
15 States as the Commission may determine. The principal
16 function of the information center shall be to disseminate
17 with or without charge information and materials which will
18 assist persons and organizations to increase th-air under-
19 standing of the true nature of the international Conmiunist
20 conspiracy and the ways and means of defeating that con-
21 spiracy. In carrying out this function, the Conmiission is
22 authorized to prepare, nmke, and publish textbooks and other
23 materials, including training films, suitable for high school,
24 college, and community level instruction. The Commission
25 is authorized to disseminate such information and materials
292 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
11
1 to sach persons and organizations as may be in the pabHc
2 interest on such terms and conditions as the Commission
3 shall determine.
4 BESTBICnONS ON DISCL06UBE OF INFORMATION
5 Sec. 10. Nothing in this chapter shaU authorize the dis-
6 closure of any information or knowledge in any case in which
7 such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any other law of the
8 United States, or (2) is inconsistent with the security of the
9 United States.
10 SBCUBITY CHECK OF PBBSONNBL
11 Sec. 11. (a) Except as authorized by the Conmiission
12 upon a determination by the Conmiission that such action is
13 clearly consistent with the national interest, no individual
14 shall be employed by the Conmiission until such individual
15 has been investigated by the Civil Service Commission to
16 determine whether the said individual is a good security risk
17 and a report thereof has been made to the Freedom
18 Commission.
19 ^b) In addition to the foregoing provisions, the Com-
20 mission may request that any individual employed by the
21 Commission, or under consideration for emplojnnent by the
22 Commission, be investigated by the Federal Bureau of In-
23 vestigation to determine whether the said individual is a good
24 security risk.
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 293
12
1 GENERAL AUTHOEITT OF THE COMMISSION
2 Sec. 12. In addition to the authority ah*eady granted,
3 the Commission is authorized and empowered —
4 (1) to establish such temporary or permanent
5 boards and conmiittees as the Commission may from
6 time to time deem necessary for the purposes of this
7 Act;
8 (2) to iappoint and fix the compensation of such
9 personnel as may be necessary to carry out the functions
10 of the Commission. Such personnel shall be appointed
11 in accordance with the civil service laws and their com-
^ pensation fixed in accordance with the Classification
13 Act of 1949. as amended, except that, to the extent the
14 Commission deems such action necessary to the dis-
15 diarge of its responsibilities, personnel may be employed
16 and their compensation fixed without regard to such
17 laws: Provided, however. That no personnel (except
18 such personnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and
19 specially qualified professional personnel up to a limit
20 of $19,000) whose position would be subject to the
21 Classification Act of 1949, as amended, if such Act were
22 applicable to such position, shall be paid a salary at a
23 rate in excess of the rate payable under such Act for
24 positions of equivalent diflSculty or responsibihty. The
25 Commission shall make adequate provision for admin-
294 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
13
1 istrative review of any determination to dismiss any
2 employee ;
3 (3) to conduct such research, studies and surveys as
4 necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act ;
5 (4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend
6 such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry
7 out the purposes of this Act;
8 (5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary
9 for administering and carrying out the provisions of this
10 Act;
11 (6) to utilize, with the approval of the President,
12 the services, facilities, and personnel of other Govem-
13 ment agencies. Whenever the Commission shall use the
14 services, facilities, or personnel of any Government
15 agency for activities under the authority of this Act, the
16 Commission shall pay for such performance out of funds
17 available to the Commission under this Act, either in
18 advance, by reimbursement, or by direct transfer :
19 { 7 ) to utilize or employ on a full- or part-time basis,
20 with the consent of the organization or governmental
21 body concerned, the services of personnel of any State
22 or local government or private organization to perform
23 such functions on its behalf as may appear desirable to
24 carry out the purposes of this Act, without said person-
25 nel severing their connection with the furnishing organ-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 295
14
1 ization or governmental body ; and further to utilize per-
2 sonnel of a foreign government in the same manner and
3 under the same circumstances with the approval of the
4 Secretary of State;
5 (8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and
6 to hold and dispose of by sale, lease, or loan, real and
7 personal property of all kinds necessary for, or resulting
8 from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act;
9 (9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if
10 such funds are donated without restrictions other than
11 that they be used in furtherance of one or more of the
12 purposes of this Act;
13 (10) to accept and utilize the services of vol-
14 untarj' and uncompensated personnel and to provide
15 transportation and subsistence as authorized by section
16 73b-2 of title 5, United States Code, for persons serving
17 without compensation ;
18 (11) to utilize the services of persons on a tempo-
19 rary basis and to pay their actual and necessary travel
20 expenses and subsistence and in addition compensation
21 at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each day spent
22 in the work of the Commission.
23 GENERAL MANAGER; APIX)INTMENT; COMPENSATION
24 Sec. 13. The Commission is authorized to establish
25 within the Commission a General Manager, who shall dis-
296 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
15
1 charge such of the administrative and executive functions of
2 the Commission as the Commission may direct. The Gen-
3 eral Manager shall be appointed by the Commission, shall
4 serve at the pleasure of the Commission, shall be removable
5 by the Commission, and shall receive compensation at a rate
6 determined by the Commission, but not in excess of $18,000
7 per annum.
8 ESTABLISHMENT OF JOINT CONGRESSIONAL FREEDOM
9 COMMITTEE; MEMBERSHIP
10 Sec. 14. There is established the Joint Congressional
11 Freedom Committee hereinafter referred to as the "joint com-
12 mittee" to be composed of seven Members of the Senate to
13 be appointed by the President of the Senate, and seven Mem-
14 bers of the House of Representatives to be appointed by the
15 Speaker of the House of Representatives. In each instance
16 not more than four Members shall be the members of the
17 same political party.
18 AUTHORITY AND DUTY OP JOINT COMMITTEE
19 Sec. 15. The joint committee shall make continued
20 studies of the activities of the Commission and of problems
21 relating to the development of counteraction to the inter-
22 national Communist conspiracy. During the first sixty days
23 of each session of the Congress the joint committee shall
24 conduct hearings in either open or executive session for the
25 purposes of receiving information concerning the develop-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 297
16
1 ment and state of counteraction. The Commission shall keep
2 the joint committee fully and currently informed with re-
3 spect to all of the Commission's activities. All bills, reso-
4 lutions, and other matters in the Senate or House of
5 Representatives relating primarily to the Commission shall
6 be referred to the joint committee. The members of the
7 joint committee who are Members of the Senate shall from
8 time to time report to the Senate and the members of the
9 joint committee who are Members of the House of Repre-
10 sentative<! shall from time to time report to the House, by
11 bill or otherwise, their recommendations with respect to mat-
12 ters within the jurisdiction of their respective Houses which
13 are referred to the joint committee, or otherwise within the
14 jurisdiction of the joint committee.
15 CHAIRMAN AND VICE CHAIRMAN OF JOINT COMMITTEE;
16 VACANCIES IN MEMBERSHIP
17 Sec. 16. Vacancies in the membership of the joint com-
18 mittee shall not affect the power of the remaining members
19 to execute the functions of the joint committee, and shall be
20 filled in the same manner as in the case of the original se-
21 lection. The joint committee shall select a chairman and a
22 vice chairman from among its members at the beginning of
23 each Congress. The vice chairman shall act in the place
24 and stead of the chairman in the absence of the chairman.
25 The chairmaiiship shall alternate between the Senate and the
298 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
17
1 House of Representatives with each Congress, and the ehair-
2 man shall be selected by the members from that House
3 entitled to the chairmanship. The vice chairman shall be
4 chosen from the House other than that of the chairman by
5 the members from that House.
6 POWERS OF JOINT COMMITTEE
7 Sec. 17. In carrying out its duties under this chapter,
8 the joint committee, or any duly authorized subcommittee
^ thereof, is authorized to hold such hearings or investigations,
10 to sit and act at such places and times, to require by sub-
11 pena or otherwise, the attendance of such witnesses and the
12 production of such books, papers, and documents, to admin-
13 ister such oaths, to take such testimony, to procure such
14 printing and binding, and to make such expenditures as it
15 deems advisable. The joint committee may make such rules
16 respecting its organization and procedures as it deems neces-
17 sary: Provided, hotvever, That no measure or recommenda-
18 tion shall be reported from the joint committee or by any
19 member designated by him or by the joint committee, and
20 may be served by such person or persons as may be desig-
21 nated by such chairman or member. The chairman of the
22 joint committee or any me;nber thereof may administer oaths
23 to witnesses. The joint committee may use a committee
24 seal. The provisions of sections 192-194 of title 2, United
25 States Code, shall apply in case of any failure of any wit-
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 299
18
1 ness it) comply with a subpena or to testify when summoned
2 under authority of this section. The expenses of the joint
3 committee shall be paid from the contingent fund of the
4 Senate from funds appropriated for the joint committee upon
5 vouchers approved by the chairman. The cost of steno-
6 graphic services to report public hearings shall not be in
7 excess of the amounts prescribed by law for reporting the
8 hearings of standing committees of the Senate. The cost of
9 stenographic sei*vices to report executive hearings shall be
10 fixed at an equitable rate by the joint committee. Mem-
11 bers of the joint commitee, and its employees and consult-
12 ants, while traveling on official business for the joint com-
13 mittee, may receive either the per diem allowance authorized
14 to be paid to Members of Congress or its employees, or their
15 actual and necessary expenses provided an itemized state-
16 ment of such expenses is attached to the voucher.
17 STAFF AND ASSISTANCE; UTILIZATION OF FEDERAL
18 DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES; ARMED PROTECTION
19 Sec. 18. The joint committee is empowered to appoint
20 and fix the compensation of such experts, consultants, and
21 staff employees as it deems necessary and advisable. The
22 joint committee is authorized to utilize the services, informa-
23 tion, facilities, and personnel of the departments and
24 establishments of the Government.
47-093 O — 65 20
300
PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION
19
1 CLASSIFICATION OF INFORMATION BY JOINT COMMITTEE
2 Sec. 19. The joint committee may classify information
3 originating within the committee in accordance with stand-
4 ards used generally by the executive branch for classifying
5 restricted data or defense information.
6 RECORDS OF JOINT COMMITTEE
7 Sec. 20. The joint committee shall keep a complete
8 record of all committee actions, including a record of the
9 votes on any (luestion on which a record vote is demanded.
10 All committee records, data, charts, and files shall be the
11 property of the joint committee and shall l)e kept in the
12 offices of the joint committee or other places as the joint
13 committee may direct under such secuiTty safeguards as the
joint committee shall determine in the interest of the com-
mon defense and security.
^^ APPROPRIATIONS
17
Sec. 21. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of
-ID
an}^ money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, so
much as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of
^ this Act.
INDEX
INDIVIDUALS
A
Page
Alimin 171
Allard, F. L., Jr 182
Anderson, Richard 182
Ashbrook, John M 1,3,12,14-19,282
Atkinson, James D 157
Avila, Victor 163
Balaguer (Joaquin) 136
Baraduc, Pierre 156
Batista y Zaldivar (Fulgencio) 131,132,189,235
Bentley, Elizabeth Terrill 51
Blake, Walter S., Jr 182
Boggs, Hale 1,3,40,42,81,83,129,133,177-199 (statement), 238,259
Bosch, Juan 136
Braddock 63
Bringuier, Carlos 182, 184, 185, 187-190
Brooks (Jack) 129
Browder, Earl 172
Buchanan, John Hall, Jr 1,3,122-128 (statement), 129,259
Burke, Arleigh A 141
Butler, Edward S., Ill 180,182-192,195
O
Caamano Deno, Francisco 209
Cachin (Marcel) 21
Case (Clifford P.) 42,64,65,69,196
Castro, Fidel 130-
133, 147, 156, 163, 17&-180, 182, 184, 185, 187-189, 191, 194, 195
Castro, Juanita 180
Castro, Rual 132
Chamberlain, John 249
Chamberlain, Neville 23, 173
Chambers, Whittaker 51
Chaumon, Faure 180
Chiang Kai-shek 43
Chiari, Roberto (F.) 163
Chin Kim 251
Chou Chiuyen 67
Chou En-lai 172
Clausen, Don H 1,3,19-20 (statement), 129, 146, 259
Clay, Lucius (D.) 235
Coburn, Claude 21
Conley, Robert 154
D
Daladier (Edouard) 23
Dale, Julia E 181
Darsono 172
Davles, Joe 22
ii INDEX
Debat, Alphonse. (iSee Massamba-Debat, Alphonse.) Page
de Gaulle (Charles A.) 67,156
Demos, Raphael 109
DeMott, John 153
Derden, Elton W 181
Dietz, Linda 181
Dobriansky, Lev E 83
Dodd, Thomas J 42, 64. 65, 69, 146, 156, 174, 196, 249
Doherty, William C 233-242 (statement), 245
Douglas, Paul H 42. 45, 64, 6.5, 69, 146, 196
Dulles, Allen W 25, 156, 158
Dyer, Murray 69, 71
E
Eisenhower, Dwight D 19, 51, 130, 154, 165, 200
Engles, Friedrich (Frederick) 123
Epton, William 166
Evans, Rowland 172
F
Falk, Irving 71
Farland, Joseph S 175,232
Fascell, Dante B 53, 105, 248-251
Feighan (Michael A.) 1,4,259
Ferdinand, Louis 21
Fischer, Ruth 16
Fong, Hiram 42, 64, 65, 69, 196
Frank, Waldo 186
Fulbright (J. W.) 172
G
Gallagher (Cornelius E.) 53
Gallup, George 69, 71, 77
Garrison, Lloyd 66, 67
Goebbels, Paul Joseph 21, 73, 191
Goering (Hermann) 22
Goldwater (Barry) 42, 146
Gordon, George N 71
Grace Peter _ 237
Grant, Alan G., Jr 38, 40-42,'47, 139, 144
Gubser, Charles S 1,3,4, 5-14 (statement), 42, 129, 282
Guevara, Ernesto "Che" 132
Gurney, Edward John 1, 3, 38-43 (statement) , 44, 45, 48, 50, 129. 259
H
Hall, Gus 172
Hallmam, Dorothy : 213
Hanga, Kassim 154
Harriman, W. Averell 10, 55, 109, 139, 141, 149, 240
Helms, Richard 156
Herlong, A. Sidney, Jr 1, 3, 42, 44, 45, 129, 133, 259
Hickenlooper (Bourke B.) 42,64,65,69,196
Hiss, Alger 51, 158
Hitler, Adolf 20, 22, 23, 26, 28, 34, 35, 116, 123, 130, 173, 253
Hittle, James D 231-232 (statement)
Hoare, Samuel 34
Ho Chi Minh 118, 119,246
Hodapp, William 71
Holt, Robert T 74
Hoover, J. Edgar 166
I
Ichord, Richard H 1, 3, 42, 129, 133, 147-176 (statement), 259
INDEX iii
J
Page
Jenkins, John A 231
Jimenez Ochoa, Julian 68
Johnson (Lyndon B.) 31,111,131,134,136,139,150,167,179,235
Johnston, Eric 237
Jordan, Alexander T 69-71
Joyce, Walter 71
Judd, Walter (H.) 42,44,45
K
Kan Mai 67
Kaya, Paul 67
Keating (Kenneth B.) ; 42
Kennan, George 27
Kennedy, John F 25,
64, 130, 133, 139, 143, 155, 156, 168, 182, 184, 187-189, 191, 192, 204
Kennedy, Robert F 110, 167
Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich 42, 51, 64, 132, 138, 155, 156, 254
Kintner, William R 42
Kirkpatrick, Evron M 75, 77
Knickerbocker. H. R 21
Krock, Arthur 71
Kubitschek ( Juscelino) 130
L
Labin, Suzanne 27
Lansdale, Edward 25
Lausche (Frank J.) 42, 64, 65, 69, 196
Lee, O. H. {See Oswald, Lee Harvey.)
Lee, V. T 186
Lenin, V. I 5, 70, 73, 113, 114, 123, 155, 164, 168, 171, 172, 254
Lissouba, Pascal 67
Lumumba, Patrice 165
M
MacArthur, Douglas, II 9, 116
Magsaysay (Ramon) 25, 244
Mao, Tze-tung 25, 26, 34, 43 155, 166, 235
Martin, L. John 74
Martoyoso 18
Marx, Karl 49, 123, 125, 191
Massamba-Debat, Alphonse 67
Massouemi, Anselme 67
Matsocota, Lazar 67
McCarran (Patrick A.) 45
McKinnon, Clinton D 105. 118
McNamara, Robert S 63, 64
Meany, George 237, 238
Methvin, Eugene H 151, 153 '-159, 161-174, 180, 181
Meyerhoff, Arthur E 105-122 ( statement ), 148, 208, 209
Miller (Jack) 42, 64, 65, 69, 196
Morrison, deLesseps S. (Chep) 192
Mowrer, Edgar Ansel 20-35 (statement)
Mundt, Karl E 42, 43, 44-78 (statement), M, 146, 157, 195-197
Munzenberg, Willi 16
Murphy (George) 65, 69
Mussolini, Benito 20, 21, 34
N
Nasser (Gamal Abdel) 30
Neumann (Heinz) 21
Newman, Guy D 213
Ngo Dinh Diem 245
1 Appears as Eugene R. Methvin.
iv INDEX
Page
Niederlehner, L. (Leonard) 140
Nixon, Richard M 45, 130, 165, 166
Novak, Robert— 179
Nozaka, Sanzo 172
O
Ochoa, Julian Jimenez. (See Jimenez Ochoa, Julian.)
Ochsner, Alton 183, 184, 187, 192, 195
O'Connor, Daniel J 81-84 (statement)
Okotcha, Anthony G 154
Oles, Floyd 79,84-85 (statement)
O'Neill, Eugene 113
Oswald, Lee Harvey (alias O. H. Lee) 155,168,182-191
P
Padover, Saul K 74
Palma, Soils 163
Pavlov (Ivan) 52
Pearce, Marshall 183, 184, 186, 187, 189
Phillips, Rufus C, III 242-247 (statement)
PoUitt (Harry) 172
Possony, Stefan T 32, 42
Pouabou, Joseph 66, 67
Pouabou, Mrs. Joseph 66
Prouty (Winston L.) 64, 65, 69, 196
Proxmire (William) 42, 64, 65, 69, 146, 196
R
Repplier, Ted 109
Riegel, O. W 157
Roa, Raul, Jr 156
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano 22, 130
Rosenberg, Ethel (Mrs. Julius Rosenberg; nee Greenglass) 155, 191
Rosenberg, Julius 155, 191
Rovpan, Carl T 150
Rusk, Dean 24, 64
S
Salinger, Pierre 156
Schadeberg (Henry C.) 1
Schnabel, Charles 213
Schweiker (Richard S.) 1,42
Scott (Hugh) 42, 64, 65, 69, 196
Semaun 171
Sharkey (L. L.) 172
Sheehan, Neil 16, 18
Slatter, Bill 182, 184-189
Smathers (George A.) 42,64,65,69,196
Smith, Earl E. T 129,130-147 (statement)
Smith, Preston 213
Soto, Lionel 132
Stalin, Josef 22,34, 116, 123
Stevenson, Adlai 154, 170
Stuckey, Bill 182, 184-187, 189, 190
Sukarno 30, 169, 170
Sulzberger, C. L 63
Sumiharni 18
Szunyogh, Bela 71
T
Taft (Robert, Jr.)_: 1,42
Talcott (Burt L.) 1
Taylor, Maxwell D 57,64
Thorez (Maurice) 172
Tito 30
INDEX V
Page
Trohan, Walter 118
Trujillo (Rafael Leoldas) 136,205
Truman (Harry S) 157
Tunnell, Byron 213
U
(Ulyanov), Alexander (Ilyich) 155
V
Van Sittart, Robert 34, 35
Vaughn, Jack (Hood) 194
Von Preysing 234
W
Walsh, William B 199-231 (statement), 240
Webb, Beatrice 21
Webb, Sidney 21
White, Harry Dexter 158
Whitton, John Boardman 71, 74
Williams, Robert F 166
Willis, Edwin B 247-258 (closing statement)
Wyss, Wallace 153
X
Xavier, Francis 82
Y
Youlou, Fulbert 67
Z
Zenger, John Peter 158
ORGANIZATIONS
AFL-CIO. (See American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial
Organizations.)
Advertising Council 120
Afro-American Labor Center (New York) 236
Alliance for Progress. {See entry under U.S. Government, State Depart-
ment, Agency for International Development.)
All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions ( U.S.S.R. ) 95
All-Union Central Soviet of Professional Unions (Moscow) 195
American Bar Association 15,70,71,76,158,167,168
American Council on Education for Journalism 157
American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations
( AFI^CIO) 70, 145, 236-239, 241
American Institute for Free Labor Development, AFL-CIO 65,
145, 167-169, 233, 236-239, 241
American Institute for Free Labor Development. ( See entry under Amer-
ican Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-
CIO).)
American Legion, The 15,76,81-84 (statement)
First Annual National Convention, Minneapolis, Minn., November
10-12, 1919 82
Forty-Sixth Annual National Convention, Dallas, Tex., September
22-24, 1964 83
National Americanism Commission 81, 83
American University (Washington, D.C.) 50
Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League (APACL) 173,247,248,250,251
Freedom Center (Seoul, South Korea) 173,248,250-252
Republic of China 247
Second Extraordinary Conference, May 1962, Seoul, Korea 250
Tenth Conference, November 1964, Taipei, Formosa 247, 248
Automobile, Aerospace & Agricultural Implement Workers of America ;
International Union, United 237
Vl INDEX
B
BBC. ( See British Broadcasting Corp. ) Page
Black Muslims 156
Boston University (Boston, Mass.) 157
British Broadcasting Corp 33
Bureau for Repression of Communist Activities (BRAC) (Cuba) 132
CORE. (See Congress of Racial Equality.)
Carlos Rodriguez (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97
Catholic University of America (Washington, D.C.) 157
Center for Strategic Studies (Georgetown University) 158
Center of Christian Democratic Action (New York)^ 70, 76
Central Komsomol School (Moscow, U.S.S.R.) 94
Central School of the Trade Union Federation (ROH) of Czechoslovakia
(near Prague, Czechoslovakia) 98
Central University (Caracas, Venezuela) 164
Comintern. (See International, III.)
Committee on Cold War Education of the Governor's Conference,
Florida 252-257
Communist Institute (North Korea) 104
Communist International. (See International, III.)
Communist Party, China 90
Communist Party, Indonesia (P.K.I.) 18,171
Communist Party, Soviet Union :
Central Committee 75
Higher Party School 82,92,93,96-98,100
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) 167
Credit Union International 239
Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK) 99
D
Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom (Howard Payne College) 211,
213, 215-230
B
Electrical Workers, International Brotherhood of 237
F
Fair Play for Cuba Committee 156, 168, 182, 184^191
New Orleans chapter 184, 185, 187-189
Foreign Policy Research Institute (University of Pennsylvania) 158
Four-H (clubs) 239
Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forge (Valley Forge, Pa.) 181,212*
Free German Federation of Trade Unions (East Germany) 101
Free German Youth 101
Fritz Heckert Academy of the Free German Federation of Trade Unions
(Bernau, near East Berlin, Germany) 101
G
General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions (Budapest, Hungary) 103
George Washington University (Washington, D.C.) 50
Georgetown University (Washington. D.C.) 50,157,158
Georgi Dimitrov Trade Union School (Bulgaria) 96
H
Harlem Defense Council 166
Harvard University (Cambridge, Mass.) 50
Higher Party School (Cuba) 86
Higher Party School (East Germany) 86
Higher Party School (Prague, Czechoslovakia) 86,98
1 Appears as Center for Christian Democratic Action.
' Appears as Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge.
INDEX vii
Page
Higher Party School (Sofia, Bulgaria) 86,96
Higher Party School of the CC/CPSU. (See entry under Ommunist
Party, Soviet Union, Central Committee.)
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace ( Stanford University) 158
HOPE (steamship) 199,200,203,210
Howard Payne College (Brownwood, Tex.) 211,213,215-230
Howard University (Washington, D.C.) 33
I
Indonesian Peasants Organization 18
Industrial Workers of the World 82
Information Council of the Americas (INCA), New Orleans, La 168,
180-184, 187, 189-193, 195
Institute of International Studies (University of South Carolina) 158
Institute of National Minorities (Kunming, Red China) 150
Institute of Pacific Relations 158
International, III (Communist) (also known as Comintern and Interna-
tional Workers' Association) 16,171
Sixth World Congress, July 17 to September 1, 1928, Moscow 172
International Center for the Training of Journalists (Budapest,
Hungary) 87, 103
International Organization of Journalists (Prague, Czechoslovakia) 87, 99, 103
J
Jeunesse (Congo-Brazzaville) [see also National Revolutionary Move-
ment) 66
John Birch Society 156
Juan Ronda (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97
K
Karl Marx School of the SED. (See entry under Socialist Unity Party,
SED.)
Korean Workers (Communist) Party 104
Ku Klux Klan 156, 193
L
Lenin Institute of Political Warfare 2, 16, 17, 172
M
Movimento Popular Dominicano 136
N
National Association of Manufacturers 70, 76
National Cadre School, Cuba 132
National Directorate of Revolutionary Instruction (Cuba) 97
National Education Association of the United States 15
National Revolutionary Movement (Congo-Brazzaville) (see also Jeimesse,
Congo-Brazzaville) 66
National Schools of Revolutionary Instruction (Cuba) 97
National Strategy Information Center, Inc. (New York City) 168
Nico Lopez (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) -97
O
Order of Lafayette 232-233 (statement), 258
Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy 40, 41, 47
People to People Health Foundation, Inc., The 200
Perkins Panel (or Committee). (See U.S. Government, President's Ad-
visory Panel on a National Academy of Foreign Affairs. )
Princeton University (Princeton, N.J.) 50
Project HOPE 199, 200, 210, 233
vlii INDEX
R
Page
Radio College of Marxism-Leninism (North Korea) 104
Radio Czechoslovakia 27
Radio Free Europe 69, 113, 193
Radio Liberty 113
Radio Moscow 27
Radio Peiping 27
Reserve Officers Association of the United States 79,84-85 (statement)
Revolutionary Student Directorate 184
Ruben Bravo (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97
S
SED. {See Socialist Unity Party, East Germany.)
SNCC. (See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.)
School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists (Buckow,
near East Berlin, Germany) 87,101
Sheet Metal Workers' International Association (AFL-CIO) 237
Socialist Unity Party, SED (Communist Party, East Germany) 100
Karl Marx School 100
Stanford University (Stanford, Calif.) 158
Steelworkers of American, United, AFL-CIO 237
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 206
Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists (near Prague,
Czechoslovakia) 87, 99
T
Tass News Agency 156
Trade Union Federation of Czechoslovakia (ROH) : 98
Trade Union School of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions
(Moscow, U.S.S.R.) 95
Trade Union School of the General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions
(Budapest, Hungary) 103
Twenty-sixth of July Movement (Cuba) 132
U
Union of Czechoslovak Journalists 87, 99
Union of German Journalists (East Germany) 102
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of :
Secret Police :
KGB (Komitet Gosudarstvennoi Bezopasnosti — Committee for
State Security) 156
United Harlem Organizations 168
U.S. Government:
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 131,155,156,192,194,197
Defense, Department of 139, 140, 146, 162
Health, EJducation, and Welfare, Department of 33
Justice Department :
Federal Bureau of Investigation 197
National Security Agency . 194
President's Advisory Panel on a National Academy of Foreign Affairs,
The (Perkins Panel or Committee) 45,52,61
President's Commission on the Assassination of President John F.
Kennedy, The 183
Senate, U.S. :
Internal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee 42
State Department— 6-11, 13, 23, 29-32, 45-47, 50, 52. 54, 56, 57, 60, 61, 106, 107,
109, 115, 116, 118, 120, 131-135, 137-140, 149,150, 192, 194. 206, 246.
Agency for International Development (AID) 150,167,243
Alliance for Progress 194, 237, 238
Bureau of Intelligence and Research 132
Foreign Service Institute (FSI) 45,60,61,265
Peace Corps 39, 126, 196, 233
U.S. Information Agency (USIA) 11,61,106,109,111,113-115,
117-120, 125, 126, 148-150, 192, 194, 210
Voice of America 27, 48, 51, 61, 113
INDEX ix
Page
University of Oregon (Eugene, Oreg.) 205
University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, Pa.) 69,158
University of South Carolina (Columbia, S.C.) 158
University of the Workers of the East 171
V
Valley Forge Freedom's Foundation. (See Freedoms Foundation at Valley
Forge. )
Veterans of Foreign Wars 231-232 (statement)
W
Washington and Lee University (Lexington, Va.) 157
Wilhelm Pieck Youth Academy (near Bast Berlin, Germany) 101
Y
Young Pioneers 101
PUBLICATIONS
A
America Illustrated 114, 209
Ameryka. (See America Illustrated.)
C
Capital, Das (Kapital) (book) 191
Communist Propaganda on the Campus 158
Cuba Socialista (Socialist Cuba) 132
D
Daily Worker, London 156
F
Fourth Floor, The (Smith) 130,133
Free China & Asia 247
I
International Affairs 157
L
L'Humanite 156
Life (magazine) 143
M
Mission to Moscow (film) 22
N
New Times 195
O
Orbis (University of Pennsylvania) 69,71
P
Peaceful Coexistence — A Communist Blueprint for Victory 158
Problems of Peace and Socialism (PPS) 98
Q
Quill, The 151
R
Reader's Digest 42, 77, 155
X INDEX
S
Page
Stalin and German Communism (Fischer) 16
Strategy of Persuasion, the Use of Advertising Skills in Fighting the C5old
War, The (Meyerhoff) 105,110,122
T
Trud (newspaper) 195
W
Worker, The 157
o
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