'"^i^^ii '..> l"!^'
J
HERODOTUS,
TRANSLATED
FROM THE GREEK,
WITH NOTES.
BY THE REV. WILLIAM BELOE.
IN FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL. IV.
THE FOURTH EDITION.
LONDON :
PRINTED FOR F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON ; j; CUTHELL ; J. NUNN ;
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN ; J. RICHARD-
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J. MAWMAN ; G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER ; W. COLLINGWOOU ;
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ISQl.
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LJ J/ SANTA BARBARA Cr "TARY
132.1 67459
^^Hti E R O D O 1' U S.
BOOK VII.
V O L Y M N I A
C O N T I N U F. 1).
CHAP. LX.
J AIM not able to specify wliat number of men
each nation supplied, as no one has recorded it.
The whole amount of the land forces was seven-
teen hundred thousand^'. Their mode of ascer-r
^' Seventeen lumdred thoii.sund.'] — I remain still in doubt,
says Richardson, whether any such expedition was ever under-
taken by the paramount suxereign of Persia. Disguised in
name by some Greek corruption, Xerxes may possibly have
been a feudatory prince or viceroy of the western districts;
and that an invasion of Greece may have possibly taken place
under this prince, I shall readily believe, but upon a scale I
niubt also believe infinitely narrower than the least exagge-
rated description of the Greek historians.
In Herodotus the reputed followers of Xerxes amount to
5,283,220. Isocrates, in his Panathenaicos, estimates the
land army in round numbers at 5,000,000. And witii tlieni
Plutarch in general agrees ; but such myriads appeared to Di-
odorus, Phny, /Elian, and other later writers, so much stretched
\oL. IV. r, ,
2 P O L Y M N I A.
taining tlie number was this : they drew up in one
place a body of ten thousand men ; making these
beyond all belief, tbat tbey at once cut oft" about four-fiftbs,
to bring tbeni vvilbin the line of possibility. Yet what is
this, but a singular and very unauthorized liberty in one
of the most consequential points of the expedition? What
circumstance in the whole narration is more explicit in He-
rodotus, or by its frequent repetition, not in figures, but in
words at length, seems less liable to the mistake of copiers ?
&c. — See RkhardsoJi.
Upon this subject, Larcher, who probably had never seen
Richardson's book, writes as follows :
This immense army astonishes the imagination, but still is
not incredible. All the people dependant on Persia were
slaves : they were compelled to march, without distinction
of birth or profession. Extreme youth or advanced age were
probably the only reasons which excused them from bearing
arms. The only reasonable objection to be made to this re-
cital of Herodotus is that which Voltaire has omitted to make
• — where were provisions to be had for so numerous an army ?
But Herodotus has anticipated this objection : " We have with
us," says Xerxes, " abundance of provisions, and all the na-
tions among which we shall come, not being shepherds, but
husbandmen, we shall find corn in their country, which we
shall appropriate to our own use."
Subsequent writers have, it is true, differed from Herodotus,
and diminished the number of the army of Xerxes ; but Hero-
dotus, who was in some measure a contemporary, and who
recited his history to Greeks assembled at Olympia, where
were many who fought at Salamis and Plataea, is more deserv-
ing of credit than later historians.
The truth perhaps may lie betwixt the two difterent opi-
nions of Richardson and Larcher. It is not likely, as there
were many exiles from Greece at the court of Persia, that
Xerxes should be ignorant of the numbers and resources of
Greece. To lead there so many millions seems at first sight
not only unnecessary but preposteioiis. Admitting that so
P O L Y M N I A. 3
stand together as compactly as possible, they
drew a circle round them. Dismissing these,
they enclosed the circle with a wall breast high ;
into this they introduced another and another
ten thousand, till they thus obtained the precise
number of the whole. They afterwards ranged
each nation apart.
LXI. The nations who composed the army
were these. I speak of the * Persians first, who
vast an army had marched against Greece, no one of com-
mon sense would have thought of making an attack by the
way of Therniopylaj, where the passage must have been so
tedious, and any resistance, as so few in proportion could
possibly be brought to act, might be made almost on equal
terms : whilst, on the contrary, to make a descent, they had
the whole range of coast before them. With respect to pro-
visions, the difficulty appears etill greater, and almost insur-
mountable. I recur therefore to what I have before inti-
mated ; and believe, in contradiction to Richardson, tliat the
expedition actually took place ; but I cannot think, with Lar-
cher, that the numbers recorded by Herodotus are consistent
with probability.— 7',
* llennell says, that the Persians may be compared, in
respect to the rest of the army of Xerxes, with tlie Euro-
peans in a British army in India, composed chiefly of sepoys
and native troops.
In reviewing the arguments on both sides since the first edi-
tion, there appears to me more good sense in the above short
remark of Rennell, than in all that Richardson and Larcher
have written on the subject. — The former is indeed absurd
enough; he disbelieves Herodotus, yet seems incHucd to cre-
dit the Persian poets : hence his dreams about the dignity ot
the Persian monarchs, and the e.Kpeditions of their feudatory
princes, by which he attempts to explain or rather to confound
» 2
4 1' () L Y M N I A.
wore small helmets on their heads, which they
call tiarae : their bodies were covered with tunics
of different colours, having sleeves, and adorned
with plates of steel, in imitation of the scales
of fishes ; their thighs were defended, and they
carried a kind of shield called gcrra, beneath
which was a quiver^**. They had short spears^''.
the Scriptures. It appears from Herodotus himself, that
the regular troops were but an inconsiderable part of the
number. Probably Xerxes had not many more actual sol-
diers than the Greeks ; the rest were desultory hordes fit
only for plunder, and four-fifths of the whole were followers
of the camp with rice, provisions, &c. — The army that
marched under Lord Cornwallis at the siege of Seringapa-
tam, in the first campaign, consisted of 20,000 troops, but
the followers were more than 100,000. — This is the case in
all Eastern countries.
58 A quixerJ] — It is probable, from this account, says Lar-
cher, that on their march the Persians did not carry their
shields in their hands, but suspended beiiind from their
shoulders.
But there seems no ground for this opinion, for the shield
might be on the left arm, and the quiver so fastened under
it, either on the left shoulder, or on the left side, as to
admit of the drawing arrows from it, under cover of the
shield, in time of action. I recollect no examples of soldiers
whose backs were defended by a shield. In the figures of
Persepolis the quiver appears suspended across the left hip,
and perhaps the large bow in a case with it, but no shield,
and on tbeir right side the short daggers {tvyj^ipiha) sus-
pended from a belt. May it be an unfounded conjecture,
that the bas-reliefs at Persepohs relate to the expedition of
Xerxes, which seems to be no otherwise recorded in the
Persian history r
^9 Short spears.^ — The reader will find an excellent descrip-
tion of these military habits in ISlcntlaucun ; and by no
r O L Y M N I A. 5
large bows, and arrows made of reeds ; and on
their right side, a dagger suspended from a belt.
They were led by Otanes, fatlier of Amestris,
one of the wives of Xerxes. The Persians were
once called Cephcnes by the Greeks; by them-
selves and their neighbours Artsei*. But when
Perseus, tlie son of Danae and Jupiter, went to
reside with Cepheus son of Belus, he married his
daughter Andromeda, and had by her a son named
Perses, who was left with his grand lather. Ce-
plieus had no male offspring, and the Persians
took their name from his grandson Perses.
I^XII. The Modes had the same military
dress ; indeed, properly speaking, it is Median f,
and not Persian. Their leader was Tigrancs, of
the family of Achaemenides. In ancient times the
iSledes were universally called Arii ; but wlien
Medea of Colchis went over to these Arii from
Athens, they changed their name ; this is what
they say of themselves. The armour of the Cis-
sians generally resembled that of the Persians,
means an inelegant or incorrect one in the Leonidiis of our
countryman Glover. — T.
* Artcei.] — These, says Rennell, might be the same with
the Arleatse just mentioned, and their country may be ex-
pressed by the Artacene of Ptolemy, and the Andistar of
modern geography, a province situated to tlie N. K. ot
Ispahan, p. '286.
t W'ah the Greeks, in the time of llerndolus, .Median
6 r O L Y M N I A.
except that instead of tiarae they wore mitres :
they Avcre commanded by Anaphes, son of Otanes.
Tlic Hyrcani were also dressed like the Persians,
and had for their leader ISIegapanus, who was af-
terward governor of Babylon.
LXIII. The Assj^ian forces had brazen hel-
mets of a barbarous form, and difficult to de-
scribe. Their shields, spears, and daggers, were
like those of the iEgjqitians ; they had also large
clubs pointed with iron, and linen cuirasses*.
These people the Greeks call Syrians, the Bar-
barians Assyrians ; mixt with these were the
Chaldeans : the whole were under the conduct
of Otaspes son of Artachasus.
IjXIV. The Bactrians, in what they wore on
their heads, most resembled the Mcdes, but, after
the custom of their country, they used bows
made of reeds, and short spears. The Sacae,
who are a Scythian nation, had helmets termi-
was applied generally to the united empire of Medes and
Persians, as having from habit been applied to the power
Avhich held the sovereignty of Asia. This appears tlirough-
out his work. lie says, moreover, that in ancient times,
the Medes were universally termed Arii, which agrees with
Strabo, for by him it appears as if the whole tract between
Assyria and India had originally been called Asia by the
Greeks. — Rennell, p. 272.
* Perhaps, says Rennell, these might be vests quilted with
cotton, or some such substance, to resist the ordinary cut of
a sabre; war jackets — these are worn at present by the sol-
diery in the service of the petty princes of India.
P O L Y M N I A. 7
Hating in a point, and wore breeches. Tlicy
were also armed in their country manner, with
bows, daggers, and a hatchet called sagaris. This
people, though really the Amyrgii of Scytliia,
were called Sacae, the name given by the Persians
indiscriminately to all Scythians. Hystaspes, son
of Darius by Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, com-
manded the Bactrians and the Sacae.
LXV. The dress of the Indians was cotton :
their bows were made of reeds*, as were also
their arrows, which were pointed with iron :
their leader was Pharnazathres, son of Artabates.
The Arii had bows like the Medes, but were
in other respects equipped like the Bactrians,
and were under the command of Sisamncs son
of Hydarnes.
LXVI. The Parthians^, Chorasmians, Sog-
dians, Gandarianst, and the Dadicaj, had the
same armour as the Bactrians. The Parthians
* By reeds, in this place, bamboos must certainly be
intended.
^ Parthians, <^c.] — Various and numerous as these confe-
derates of Xerxes are here described, Lucan, in a poetical
Jiyperbole, aflirms, that the allies of Pompey were still more
so. — See L. iii. 285. — T.
i" Gandarians.] — A mistake of the press at this place has
misled my friend Major Rennell, and occasioned an elabo-
rate note from Larcher in consequence. \'anity might, per-
haps, induce me to rejoice in an error which has drawn
forth so handsome a compliment from the learned Trench-
8 1> O I. Y M N I A.
aiul Cborasmiaus were led by Artabaiuis, son of
Pbarnaces ; Azancs, son of Arta^us, commanded
tbc Sogdians; as did Artypbiiis, son of Artabanus,
the Gardarians and Dadicaa.
IjXVII. The Caspians wore a vest made of
skins : they liad the armonr of their country,
bows made of reeds, and scymetars. Ariomar-
dus the brother of Artyphius conducted them.
The Sarangae* had beautiful habits of different
and splendid colours : they had buskins reaching
to their knees, bows and javelins like the JMedes,
and Pherendates, the son of ^legabazus, com-
manded them. The Pactycs also had vests made
of skins, bows and daggers after the manner of
their country, and Artyntes son of Ithamatrcs
was their leader.
LXVIII. The Utii, Mycii, and Paricanii,
were armed like the Pactyes. The Utii and Mycii
man to the first edition of this work, of which I can only ob-
serve, I have corrected as many errors as I have been al)le to
discover. — T.
* The Saraiigcp, or Sara7igc(i)is.'\ — The dress of this people^
says Uennell, characterizes them as rich, civilized, and indus-
trious. They were the Energetie of- the Greeks. They are
called by Arrian Agriaspit ; by Pliny Argetae ; by Ptolemy
Ariaspie. Diodorus tells us, that when Cyrus was on some
expedition, in great distress, this people brought him 30,000
carriages laden with provisions. For this service, he bestowed
various privileges upon them, and they were also exempted
from paying tribute. — T.
POLY INI N I A. 9
had for their commander iVrsamcnes, son of Da-
rius : Sirometris the son of (Eobazus conducted
the Paricanii,
I^XIX. The Arabians wore hirge folding vests,
which they call zirae : their bows were long, flexi-
ble, and crooked. The Ethiopians were clad in
skins of panthers and lions : their bows were of
palm, and not less than four cubits long. Their
arrows were short, and made of reeds, instead of
iron they were pointed with a stone wliich they
use to cut their seals. They had also spears
armed with the horns of goats, shaped like the
iron of a lance ; and beside these, knotty clubs.
It is the custom of this people, when they ad-
vance to combat, to daub one half of their body
with gypsum, the other with vermihon. Arsanes
son of Darius by Artystonc a daugliter of Cyrus,
commanded the Arabians and the ^'Ethiopians
who came from beyond ^gypt. Of all his wives,
Darius loved Artystone the most, and he con-
structed a golden statue in her honour.
LXX. Those iEthiopians who came from the
more eastern parts of their country (for there
were two distinct bodies in this expedition) served
with the Indians. These differed from the former
in nothing but their language and their hair.
The Oriental .'Ethiopians have their hair straight,
those of Africa have their hair more crisp and
10 r O L Y M N I A.
curling than any other men. The armour of
the Asiatic ^Ethiopians resembled that of the In-
dians, but on their heads they wore the skins of
horses' heads ^^, on which the manes and cars
were left. The manes served as the plumes, and
the ears remained stiff and erect. Instead of
shields they held out before them the skins of
cranes.
LXXI. The Libyans were dressed in skins,
and had the points of their spears hardened in the
fire*. They were conducted by Massages, son
of Oarizus.
LXXII. The Paphlagonians wore helmets
made of net-work ; they had small spears and
bucklers, beside javelins and daggers. Agreeably
^^ Horses' heads.'] — These helmets were, according to the
description of Cajsar in his Commentaries, very common
among the ancient Germans. — T.
* See Statius, Theb. iv. c. 4.
Pars robora flammis
Indurata diu.
And Q. Curtius, iii. 2.
Invicta bello manus, fundis, credo et hastis igne duratis
repellentur. — Virgil, Mn. vii. 523.
Non jam certamine agresti
Stipitibus duris agitur, sudibusq; pra'ustis.
Tlie savages of America use the same process for their
spears at this day. — T.
P O L Y M N I A. 11
to tlie fasliion of their country, tlicy had huskins
which reached to the middle of the leg. The
Ligycs, Matieiii*, Maryandeiii, and Syrians, were
hahited like the Paphlagonians. These Syrians
are by the Persians called Cappadocians. The
general of the Paphlagonians and INIatieni was
Dotus, son of IMegasidras. The Maryandeni,
Ligyes, and Syrians, were led by Bryas, son of
Darius and Artystone.
LXXIII. The armour of the Phrygians dif-
fered very little from that of the Paphlagonians.
According to the ISIacedonians, the Phrygians,
as long as they were their neighbours, and lived
in Europe, were called Bryges ; on passing over
into Asia they took the name of Phrygians^".
The Armenians are a colony of the Phrygians,
and were armed like them. iVrtochmcs, wlio had
married a daughter of Darius, commanded botJi
nations.
LXXIV. The I^ydians were equipped very
like the Greeks. They were once called Meo-
* These Matieni must have belonged to the Matienc of
Ca|>padocia.
^- Phrygians.] — Arrian tells us that the Phrygians were re-
ported to be the oldest of mankind, XtyoyTui 'Jfpvyt^ iraXatoraroi
ardpioTioy. Cited by Kubt. in Com. in Dion. p. 80y. '1 he
reader will remember that this was disputed with them by
the Egyptians, but given up after the expedient used by
Psammetichu8. — T.
12 r O L Y U N I A.
iiiaiis ^^ ; but they cliangcd their ancient name,
and took that of Lydus, the son of Atys. The
Nysians wore the liehnets of their country, had
small shields, and javelins hardened in the fire.
They are a colony of the Lydians, and named
Olympians, from mount Olympus. These two
nations were conducted by Artaphernes, son of
that Artaphernes who in conjunction with Datis
had invaded JNIarathon.
LXXV. The Thracians wore on their ])cads
skins of foxes ; the other part of their dress con-
sisted of a tunic, below which was a large and
folding robe of various colours : they had also
buskins made of the skins of fawns, and were
armed with javelins, small bucklers, and daggers.
They were, as themselves relate, formcrlv called
Strymonians, from inhabiting the banks ot the
Strymon ; but passing over into Asia, were
named Bithynians. They say they were ex-
^^ Meonians.] — Bochait deduces this name from the Greek
Maiovtrdat, and their after- name Lydi from the Hebrew. But
it does not seem probable that the oldest name should be
taken from the Greek, and the latter from the Hebrew lan-
guage. What is yet farther removed from consistency, he
places a descendant of Shem in the lot of Japhet, and sup-
poses the Lydians to be the children of Ludim. From him
I presume they would have been called Lydimi, not Lydi —
See the invention of £;ames imputed to this people, book i.
c. 94.-'/'.
P O I. Y M N I A. 13
pellctl tlieir country by the Teiicrians and the
Mvsians.
IjXXVI. Bassaces, son of Artabaniis, com-
manded the Thracians of Asia ; these used sliort
bucklers made of hides, and eacii of tliem car-
ried two Lycian spears : they liad also helmets
of ])rass, on the summit of which were the ears
and horns of an ox, made also of brass, together
with a crest. On their legs they had purple
buskins. This people have among them an oracle
of Mars^
T.XXVII. The Cabalian Meonians^ who are
also called Lasonians, were habited like the Cili-
cians, whom I shall describe in their proper order.
The IMilyaj carried short spears, their vests con-
fined with clasps ; some of them had Lycian
bows, and they wore helmets of leather. Of all
these, Badres, son of Hystanes, was commander.
6* Oracle of Mars^^ — It is thought by some, that here is
something wanting; for the description which by the con-
text seems here to be given of the 'I'hracians, with truth will
apply neither to the Thracians of Asia nor of Europe. Wes-
seUng presumes that they may be the Chalybians, among
whom was an oracle of Mars, and who were neighbours to
the nations here described by Herodotus. Larcher also is of
this opinion.
65 Cabalian 3/eo;»fl««.] -These were probably the same
people who are mentioned book iii. c. 90. the change of the
« for c being agreeably to the Ionic dialect.
14 P O L Y M N I A.
The INfoschi bad helmets of wood, small bucklers,
and short spears with long iron points.
LXXVIII. The Tibareni, INIacrones, and
Mosynoeci, were in all respects habited like the
Moschi. Ariomardus, son of Darius, and of
Parmys daughter of Smerdis, son of Cyrus,
commanded the Moschi and the Tibareni. Ar-
tayctes, son of Chorasmes, who was governor of
Sestos on the Hellespont, conducted the JNlacrones
and IVIosynoeci.
LXXIX. The Mares* after the fashion of
their country, had net-work casques, small leather
bucklers, and spears. The Colchians had helmets
of wood, small bucklers made of the hard hides of
oxen, short spears, and swords. Pharandates, son
of Teaspes, commanded the INIares and the Col-
chians. The Allarodii and Saspines were dressed
like the Colchians, and led by Masistius, son of
Siromitras.
LXXX. The people who came from the
islands of the Red Seat, to which those who
labour under the king's displeasure are exiled,
* There were several tribes of this name, if they were
the same people with the Mardii, as probably they were.
See Rennell, p. 283.
t Perhaps it would have been more correct to have called
P O L Y M N I A. 15
were habited and armed like the Medes : they
were led by ^Mardontes son of Bagaeus, who two
years afterward was slain at the battle of Mycale,
where he commanded.
LXXXI. These were tlie nations who pro-
ceeded over the continent, and composed the
infiintry of the army. Their leaders who mar-
shalled and numbered them, I have already spe-
cified : they appointed also the captains of thou-
sands and ten thousands, who again chose the
centurions and leaders of ten. The different
forces and nations had also other officers, but
those whom 1 have named were the principal
commanders.
LXXXII. The generals in chief of all the
infantry were INIardonius, son of Gobryas ; Trin-
tataechmes, son of Artabanus, who had given his
opinion against the Grecian war ; and Smer-
dones, son of Otanes ; which last two were sons
of two brothers of Darius, the uncles of Xerxes.
To the above may be added Masistes, son of
Darius by Atossa ; Gergis, son of Arinus ; and
ISIegabyzus, son of Zopyrus^'.
this the Erythrean, which comprehended the Persian Gulph.
The islands of the ocean were too few to answer tlie de-
scription. — See Rennell, p. 291.
6tJ ZnpyrusJ] — This was the famous Zopyriis through whose
means Darius became master of Babylon. — See book iii.
c. U)0.
IG P O r. Y M N I A.
I^XXXIII. Tlicse were tlic commanders of
all the infantry, except of the ten thousand
chosen l*crsians, wlio were led by Hydarnes, son
of Hydarnes. These were called the immortal
band, and for this reason, if any of them died
in battle, or by any disease, his' })lace was im-
mediately supplied. They were thus never more
nor less than ten thousand. The Persians sur-
passed all the rest of the army, not only in mag-
nificence but valour. Tlieir armour I have
before described; they were also remarkable for
the quantity of gold which adorned them : they
had with them carriages for their women, and a
vast number of attendants splendidly provided.
They had also camels and beasts of burden to
carry their provisions, beside those for the com-
mon occasions of the army.
LXXXIV. All the above nations are capable
of serving on horseback ; but on this expedition
those only constituted the cavalry, which I shall
enumerate. The Persian horse, except a small
number, whose casques were ornamented with
brass and iron, were habited like the infantry.
LXXXV. There appeared of the Sagartii a
body of eight thousand horse. These people lead
a pastoral life, were originally of Persian descent,
and use the Persian language : their dress is
something betwixt the Persian and the Pac-
tyan ; they have no offensive weapons, either of
P O L Y M N I A. 17
iron or brass, except their daggers; their princi-
pal depeiidaiice in action is upon cords made of
twisted leather, which they use in this manner :
when they engage an enemy they throw out these
cords, having a noose at the extremity; if they
entangle ""^ in them either horse or man, they
without difficulty put them to death. — These
forces were embodied with the Persians.
LXXX\^I. The cavalry of the Medes, and
also of the Cissians, arc accoutred like tlieir in-
fantry. The Indian horse likewise were armed
like their foot ; but beside led horses they had
chariots of war, drawn by horses and wild asses ^.
67 If they entangle.'] — A similar mode of fighting was prac-
tised by those of the Roman gladiators who were called the
Retiarii : beneath their bucklers they carried a kind of net,
which, when the opportunity presented itself, they threw
over the head of their adversaries the Secutores, and, thus
entangled, put them to death with a kind of trident which
constituted their ofl'ensiv.e weapon. — T.
See a full account of these gladiators in Gifford's Translation
of Juvenal, Sat. 8.
68 Wild assesJ\ — M. Larcher renders orot oyptot, zebres,
but I do not see that this necessarily follows. The zebra is
certainly a species of wild ass ; but I conceive that every
wild ass is not a zebra. Ruffon makes mention of wild asses
very distinct from the zebnt. The French translator sup-
ports his opinion from the description of the oyot aypio<: in
Oppian, L. iii. v. 183; but this is by no means convincing
to me. — T.
The zebras are spoken of very particularly in the first
book of Xcnophon's Anabasis, as being remarkably swift of
Vol.. \\. ('
18 ' P O L Y M N I A.
The armour of tlie Bactriaii and Caspian horse
and foot were alike. This was also the case
with the Africans, only it is to be observed that
these last all fought from chariots. The Pari-
canian horse were also equipped like their foot, as
were the Arabians, all of whom had camels, by
no means inferior to the horse in swiftness.
LXXXVn. These were the cavalry, who
formed a body of eighty thousand, exclusive of
camels and chariots. They were drawn up in re-
gular order, and the Arabians were disposed in
the rear, that the horses might not be terrified,
as a horse cannot endure a camel '^■'.
LXXXVIII. Harmamithres and Tithseus, the
sons of Datis, commandedt he cavalry : they had
shared this command with Pharnuches, but he
had been left at Sardis indisposed. As the troops
were marching from Sardis he met with an un-
foot, and very good eating. Colonel Malcolm and his party
saw them in their journey across Persia, and represent them
as exceedingly swift.
69 Cannot endure a camel.] — It appears, on further exami-
nation, that the antipathy between the horse and the camel
is imaginary. I understand that in the East horses and
camels are often mixed in caravans. It will not escape the
reader, that no mention is here made of elephants, nor does
Herodotus appear to have known that this animal was com-
mon in India. — T.
P O I. Y M N I A. 19
fortunate accident: a dog ran under the feet of
his horse, which being terrified reared up and
threw his rider. Pharnuches was in consequence
seized with a vomiting of blood, which finally
terminated in a consumption. His servants, in
compliance with the orders of their master,
led the horse to the place where the accident
happened, and there cut off his legs at the
knees. Thus was Pharnuches deprived of his
command.
LXXXIX. The number of the triremes was
twelve hundred and seven '" ; of these the Phoe-
nicians, in conjunction with the Syrians of Pa-
'° Twelve hundred and seven.'] — I give the account of the
Persian Heet as stated by Herodotus, that the reader may
compare it with that which follows of Diodorus Siculus :
The Phoenician vei
ssels
were
-
-
300
j?^gyptians
-
-
-
-
200
Cyprians
-
-
-
-
1.50
Cilicians
-
-
-
-
100
Pamphylians
-
-
-
30
Lycians
-
-
-
-
50
Dorians
-
-
-
-
30
Carians
-
-
-
-
70
lonians
-
-
-
-
100
Islanders
-
-
-
-
17
yEolians
-
-
-
-
60
People of the
Hellespont
100
1,207
c 2 According
20 P O L Y M N I A.
lestine, furnished three hundred. They who
served on board them had on their heads hel-
mets nearly resembling those of the Greeks ;
they had breast-plates made of linen, bucklers
without bosses, and javelins. This people, by
their own account, once inhabited the coasts of
the Red Sea'^, but migrated from thence to the
According to Diodorus Siculus,
The Greeks had - - - .
~
320
The Dorians _ . . -
40
-iEolians - . . .
•
40
lonians _ . . _
-
]00
Hellespontians _ . _
-
so
Islanders . . - .
-
50
vEgyptians - - - .
-
200
Phoenicians . - - -
-
300
Cilicians _ . - .
-
80
Carians . . . .
-
80
Pamphyhans . _ _
-
40
Lycians _ . - _
-
40
Cyprians . . - -
150
1,200
71 Coasts of the Red Sea.] — There were Phoenicians of dif-
ferent countries : they were to be found upon the Sinus
Persicus, upnin the Sinus Arabicus, in JLgypt, in Crete, in
Africa, in Epirus, and even in Attica. — See Hesychius.
^oiviKez yfj'Of 71 Adrji'fjtTi. There is a race of Phoenicians
among the Athenians. In short, it was a title introduced at
Sidon and the coast adjoining, by people from ^gypt ; and
who the people were that brought it, may be known from se-
veral passages in ancient history, but particularly from an
extract in Eusebius. — See Bryant, vol. i. 324, 325.
P O L Y M N I A. 21
maritime parts of Syria; all which district, as
far as ^gypt, is denominated Palestine*. The
Egyptians furnished two hundred vessels: they
wore on their heads casques made of net-work ;
their shields were of a convex form, having large
bosses ; their spears were calculated for sea-
service, and they had huge battle-axes. Their
forces, in general, had breast-plates, and large
swords.
XC. The people of Cyprus supplied fifty
vessels: as to their armour, their princes wore
mitres on their heads; the troops wore tunics,
but were in other respects habited like the
Greeks. The Cyprians, according to their own
account, are variously composed of the people
of Salamis and ^Vthens ; some also came from
Arcadia, some from Cythnus, others from Phoc^
nicia, and others from /Ethiopia.
XCI. From Cilicia came one hundred ships.
This people had a kind of helmet peculiar to
their country, and a small buckler made of the
untanned hide of an ox ; they had also tunics of
* Thus it appears, says Rennell, that Herodotus discrimi-
nated Phoenicia and Paksliue from Syria at hirgu ; and that
the name by which he dcnominalos ralesline, is usually Syria
of Palestine. — p. '2 fJ.
22 P O L Y M N 1 A.
wool : each of them had two spears, and a sword
not unlike those of ^Egypt. Formerly they were
called Hypachffians : they were named Cilicians
from Cilex the Phoenician, the son of Agenor.
The Pamphylians brought thirty ships, and were
accoutred like the Greeks : they are descended
from those who after the destruction of Troy were
dispersed under Amphilochus and Calchas '^
XCII. Fifty ships were furnished by the Ly-
cians, who were defended with breast-plates and
a kind of buskin : beside their spears, they had
bows made of cornel wood ; their arrows were of
reeds, but not feathered. From their shoulders
the skin of a goat was suspended, and on their
heads they wore a cap with a plume of feathers:
they had also axes and daggers. They are dc-
72 Calchas.} — With the name of Calchas every one is ac-
quainted ; but few perhaps know the end he met with.
Mopsus, son of Marto and Apollo, had at the death of his
mother, by right of inheritance, the oracle of Apollo at
Claros. About this period Calchas, who after the taking of
Troy led a wandering life, arrived at Colophon. The two
seers maintained a long and obstinate dispute, till at length
Aniphimachus king of Lycia terminated their difference.
Mopsus dissuaded hma from going to war, foretelling that
he would be defeated ; Calchas, on the contrary, advised him
to go, assuring him he would prove victorious. Aniphi-
machus having been overcome, Mopsus received greater
honours than ever, and Calchas put himself to death. —
Larc/ier.
POLYMiNIA. 23
scended from the Cretans, and were once called
Termilae ; afterward they took the name of Ly-
cians, from I.ycus, an Athenian, the son of
Pandion.
XCIII. The Dorians of Asia came in thirty
vessels : these being originally from the Pelopon-
ncse, were provided with Grecian arms. The
Carians had seventy ships, and were equipped in
every respect like the Greeks, with the addition
of axes and daggers. AVe have in a former place
made mention of the name, by which they were
originally known.
XCIV. The lonians, armed like the Greeks,
appeared with a fleet of one hundred ships. Ac-
cording to the Grecian account, this people,
when they inhabited that part of the Pclopon-
nese called Achaia, before the arrival of Danaus
and Xuthus, were called the Pelasgian ^'Egialians.
They were afterward named lonians, from Ion,
son of Xuthus.
XCV. The islanders"'', in Grecian armour.
73 The islanders.'] — These Ionian islanders could not be
either those of Chios or of Samos. These assembled at the
Panionium, and were a part of the twelve cities, which these
islanders were not. Diodoius Sicukis adds also the inha-
bitants of Chios and of Sauios to the Ionian^, and makes,
24 POL Y M N I A.
were in seventeen vessels. These, once Pelas-
gian, were ultimately termed Ionian, for the same
reason as the twelve Ionian cities founded by the
Athenians. The iEolians brought sixty ships,
and were armed in the Grecian manner : these
also, according to the Greeks, were once Pelasgi,
The inhabitants of the Hellespont, those of
Abydos excepted, in conjunction with the people
of Pontus, furnished one hundred vessels : those
of Abydos, by the command of the king, remain-
ed to defend the bridges. The Hellespontians,
being a mixt colony of lonians and Dorians, were
armed like the Greeks.
XCVI. In each of these vessels were detach-
ments of JMcdes, Persians, and Sacae. The best
mariners were the Pha^nicians, and of the people
of Phoenicia, the Sidonians. The sea and land
forces of all these nations, were under the im-
mediate command of their own officers. The
mention of their particular names, as it is not
like Herodotus, a distinction betwixt them and the islanders.
But who then were they ? Diodorus Siculus informs us. —
The king, says he, was joined by all those islands betwixt
the Cyaneaj and the promontories of Triopium and Sunium.
Thus it appears that they were the isles of Ceos, or Cea, as
the Latins have it, Naxos, Sephros, Seriphos, Andros, and
Tenos, which were Tienian, and founded by the Athenians,
as appears from Herodotus, book viii. chap. 46, 48 ; and
from Thucydides, buck vii. c. 57, where it should be read
T^vtot and not T>/to£. — Vaknacr.
P O L Y M N I A. 05
essential to my purpose, I shall omit. It ^vould
indeed prove an uninteresting labour, as every
city had its own commander, who without any
great distinction or authority, merely helped to
swell the mass of the army. Those who had the
principal conduct of the war, I have already enu-
merated, as well as the Persian officers to whom
the command of each nation was assigned.
XC\'II. The commanders in chief of tlie sea
forces were *, Ariabignes, son of Darius, Prcx-
* The religious scruples which prevented the Persians
from making any voyages by sea, were known to the ancients.
Pliny relates of one of the Magi, who was sent on an em-
bassy from Tiridates to the Emperor Nero : " Navigare
noluerat, quoniam expuere in iMaria, aliisque mortalium
necessitatibus violare naturam earn, fas non putant." Nat.
Hist. lib. XXX. c. 6. This aversion to the sea they carried so
far, that, according to the observation of a well-informed
historian, there was not a city of any note in their empire
built upon the sea-coast. Ammian. Marcel, lib. xxiii. c. 0'.
We learn from Dr. Hyde, how intimately these ideas were
connected with the doctrines of Zoroaster. Rel. Vet. Pers.
cap. vi. In all the wars of the Persians with Greece, the
fleets of the Great King consisted entirelj' of ships furnished
by the Phoenicians, Syrians, the conquered provinces of tlie
Lesser Asia, and the islands adjacent. Herodotus and Dio-
dorus Siculus mention the quota furnished by each country,
in order to compose the fleet of twelve hundred ships, with
which Xerxes invaded Greece; and among ihcse, there is
not one belonging to Persia. At the same time it is proper
to observe, that, according lo Herodotus, whose aulliurity is
26 P O L Y M N I A.
aspes, son of Aspathines, and Megabyzus, son of
Megabates, together with Achaemenes, another
son of Darius : of these, Ariabignes, son of Da-
rius, by a daughter of Gobryas, had the conduct
of the Ionian and Carian fleets. The /Egyptians
were commanded by Achaemenes, brother of
Xerxes, both on the father and mother's side.
The two other generals conducted the rest of
the fleet to the amount of three thousand vessels,
which were composed of vessels of thirty and
fifty oars, of Cercuri ^*, and of long transports for
the cavalry.
XCVIII. After the generals, the more distin-
guished officers of the fleet were the Sidonian
Tetramnestus, son of Anysus ; Martes of Tyre,
son of Siromus; Nerbalus the Arabian, son of
unexceptionable with regard to this point, Ariabignes, a son
of Darius, acted as admiral of the Persian fleet, and had
several satraps of high rank under his command ; and both
Persians and Medes served as soldiers on board of it,
Herod, lib. vii. c. 96, 97. By what motives, or what au-
thority they were induced to act in this manner, I cannot
explain. From some religious scruples similar to those of
the Persians, many of the natives of Indostan, in our own
time, refuse to embark on board a ship, and to serve at sea ;
and yet, on some occasions, the Sepoys in the service of the
European powers, have got the better of these scruples. —
Robertson on Ancient India, 332.
"^"^ Cercuri.] — These, according to Pliny, were a particular
kind of vessel, invented by the (Cyprians.
POLY M N I A. '27
Agbahis; the Cilician Sycimesis, son of Oro-
mecloii; and Cybcrniscus, the son of Sicas. To
these may be added Gortes, son of Chersis, and
Timonax, son of Timagoras, both of them Cy-
prians, with tlie three Carian leaders, Ilistia^us,
son of Tymnis, Pigrcs, son of Seklomus, and
Daniasithymus, son of Candaulcs.
XCIX. The other leaders I forbear to spe-
cify, it not appearing necessary ; but it is im-
possible not to speak, and ^vith admiration, of
Artemisia ^^, who, though a female, served in this
73 Artemisia.'] — There were two of tliis naine, lioth natives,
and queens of Caria, from which circumstance they have by
different writers been frequently confounded. Pliny, llar-
douin, and Scaliger have been guilty of this error, and have
ascribed to the first what is true only of the last. — See Baij/e,
article Artemisia. Nothing can however be more clear and
satisfactory, than that the Artemisia who accompanied
Xerxes was the daughter of Lygdamis. The Artemisia whose
mausoleum in honour of her husband's memory has rendered
her so illustrious, wiis the daughter of Ilecatemnes, and
lived at a much later period. The daughter of Lygdamis,
of whom it is our business to speak, was certainly a great
and illustrious character. Her wisdom is very cons|iicuous,
from the excellent advice which she gave Xerxes ; and her
valour was eminently distinguished, above that of all the
men, in the battle of Salamis. See in a subsequent para-
graph the speech of Xerxes concerning her, which l)as been
imitated by Justin : " Artemisia queen of Halic.irnassus,
who joined her forces with Xerxes, appeared amongst the
forwardest commanders in the hoUest en^agcnicnts : and as
28 1* O L Y M N I A.
Grecian expedition. On the death of her husband
she enjoyed the supreme authority, for her son
was not yet grown up, and her great spirit and
vigour of mind alone induced her to exert herself
on this occasion. She was the daughter of Lyg-
damis, by her father's side of Halicarnassus, by
her mother of Cretan descent. She had the
conduct of those of Halicarnassus, Cos, Nisyros,
and Calydne. She furnished five ships, which
next to those of the Sidonians, were the best
in the fleet. She was also distinguished among
all the allies for the salutary counsels which she
gave the king. The people I have recited as
subject to Artemisia, were I believe all of them
Dorians. The Halicarnassians were originally
of Trsezene, the rest ofEpidaurus. — Such were
the maritime forces.
C. Xerxes having ranged and numbered his
armament, was desirous to take a survey of
them all. INIounted in his car, he examined each
nation in their turn. To all of them he proposed
certain questions, the replies to which were noted
on the man's side there was an effeminate cowardice, on the
woman's was observed a masculine courage."
She is honourably mentioned by a variety of writers, but at
length fell a victim to the tender passion. She was violently
in love with a native of Abydos, named Dardanus ; to rid her^
self of which she took the celebrated lover's leap from the pro-
montory of Leucas, and perished. — 7'.
P O L Y M N I A. 99
down by his secretaries. In this manner he pro-
ceeded from first to last through all the ranks'",
both of horse and foot. A\"hen this was done,
the fleet also was pushed off from land, whilst
"^^ Through all the j-anks."] — The procession of Xerxes in
his car through the ranks of his army is well described by
Glover in his Leonidas, and seems to afford a fine subject for
an historical painting.
The monarch will'd, and suddenly he heard
llis trampling horses — High on silver wheels
The iv'ry car with azure sapphires shone,
Ca?rulean beryls, and the jasper green,
The emerald, the ruby's glowing blush,
The flaming topaz, with its golden beam,
The pearl, th' empurpled amethyst, and all
The various gems which India's mines afiord,
To deck the pomp of kings. In burnish'd gold
A sculptur'd eagle from behind display'd
His stately neck, and o'er the royal head
Outstretch'd his dazzling wings. Eight generous steeds.
Which OB the fam'd Nisaean plain were nurs'd,
In wintry ISIedia, drew the radiant cai-.
At the signal bound
Th' attentive steeds, the chariot flies ; behind
Ten thousand horse in thunder sweep the field —
He now draws nigh. Th' innumerable host
Roll back by natio-ns, and admit their lord
With all his satraps. As from crystal domes
Built underneath an arch of pendent seas,
When that stern power whose trident rules the floods,
With each cerulean deity ascends
Thron'd in his pearly chariot — all the deep
Divides its bosom to th' emerging god.
So Xerxes rode between the Asian world,
On either side receding. J.ennidns.
fJO P O L Y ]\[ N I A.
the monarch, exchanging his chariot for a Sido-
nian vessel, on the deck of which he sat heneath
a gohlcn canopy, passed slowly the heads of the
ships, proposing in like manner questions to each,
and noting down the answers. The commanders
had severally moored their vessels at about four
plethra from shore, in one uniform line, with
their sterns out to sea, and their crews under arms,
as if prepared for battle. Xerxes viewed them,
passing betwixt their prows and the shore.
CI. When he had finished his survey, he went
on shore ; and sending for Dcmaratus, the son of
Ariston, who accompanied him in this expedition
against Greece, he thus addressed him : " From
" you, Demaratus, who are a Greek, and, as I
" understand from yourself and others, of no
" mean or contemptible city, I am desirous of
" obtaining information : do you think that the
*' Greeks will presume to make any resistance
" against me ? For my own part, not to mention
" their want of unanimity, I cannot think that
" all the Greeks, joined to all the inhabitants
*' of the west, would be able to withstand my
" power : what is your opinion on this subject ? "
" Sir," said Demaratus in reply, " shall I say
'•' what is true, or only what is agreeable " ? "
''^ Or onlii what is agreeable.] — This naturally brings to
mind the old proverb in the Andria of Terence :
Obsequium
POLY M N I A. f31
Xerxes commanded him to speak the truth, as-
suring him that he would be as agreeable to him
as ever.
CII. " Since," an.swered Demaratus, " you
" command me to speak the truth, it shall be my
" care to deliver myself in such a manner that no
" one hereafter, speaking as I do, shall be con-
" victed of falsehood. Greece has ever been the
" child of poverty ; for its virtue it is indebted
" to the severe wisdom and discipline by which it
" has tempered its poverty, and repelled its op-
Obsequiuni amicos, Veritas odium parit.
Which expression Cicero, in his Treatise de Amicitia, repro-
bates with proper dignity.
See also the following lines, quoted in AthencXus, from
Agatho:
Et fxiv (pjoacTO) r'a\tidtg ov^ a tvf^pavM
El C£ evcbpaytH ri a' ov^i Ta\t}deg <ppa(Tu.
That is, in English, If I speak the truth I shall not please
you ; if I please you I shall not speak the truth.
If, as appears from Xenophon in particular, and from
various other writers, that to speak the truth constituted an
indispensable part of Persian education, these words of
Demaratus must have appeared an insult to Xerxes, not to
be justified by any affected humility, or any real difference
of rank. What Homer thought on this subject may be
gathered from the two noble lines which he puts into the
mouth of Achilles :
Who dares think one thing and another tell.
My soul detests biin as the gates of hell. T.
32 r O I. Y M N I A.
*' pressors. To this praise all the Dorian Greeks
" are entitled, but I shall now speak of the Lace-
" da^monians only. You may depend upon it that
" your propositions, which tin-eaten Greece with
" servitude, will be rejected; and if all the other
" Greeks side with you against them, the Lace-
" da^monians will engage you in battle. Make
" no enquiries as to their numbers for if they
" shall have but a thousand men, or even fewer,
■** they will fight you "
(» ?»
cm. " What, Demaratus," answered Xerxes,
smiling, " think you that a thousand men will
" engage so vast a host ? Tell me, you who, as
*' you say, have been their prince, would you
" now willingly engage with ten opponents? If
" your countrymen be what you describe them,
" according to your own principles you, who are
78 Will fight you.'] — In close imitation of the passage
before us, the author of Leonidas makes Xerxes thus address
Demaratus :
Now declare
If yonder Grecians will oppose their march.
To him the exile : Deem not, mighty lord,
I will deceive thy g()odness by a tale,
To give them glory who degraded mine;
Nor be the king oftended while I use
The voice of truth — the Spartans never fly.
Contemptuous smil'd the monarch, and resum'd,
AVilt thou, in Lacediemon once supreme,
Encounter twenty Persians?
r () 1. Y M N I A. .^3
** their prince, should be equal to two of thcni.
" If, therefore, one of them be able to contend
" with ten of my soldiers, you may be reasonably
*' expected to contend with twenty: such ought
" to be the test of your assertions. But if your
" countrymen really resemble in form and size
" you, and such other Greeks as appear in my
" presence, it should seem that what 3-ou say is
" dictated by pride and insolence ; for how can
" it be shewn that a thousand, or ten thousand,
" or even fifty thousand men, all equally free,
" and not subject to the will of an iiidividual,
" could oppose so great an army ? Granting
" them to have five thousand men, we have still
" a majority of a thousand to one ; they who
" like us are under the command of one person,
" from the fear of their leader, and under the
" immediate impression of the lash, are animated
'• with a spirit contrary to their nature, and are
" made to attack a number greater than their
" own ; but they who are urged by no constraint
" will not do this. If these Greeks were even
" equal to us in number, 1 cannot think they
" would dare to encounter Persians. The virtue
" to which you allude, is to be found among
" ourselves, though the examples are certainly
" not numerous ; there are of my Persian guards
" men who will singly contend witli tln-ee
Vol. \V. L)
34 r O L Y M N I A.
" Greeks'^. The preposterous language which
" you use can only, therefore, proceed from your
" ignorance.''
CIV. " I knew, my lord, from the first,"
returned Demaratus, " that by speaking truth I
" should offend you. I w^as induced to give you
" this representation of the Spartans, from your
" urging me to speak without reserve. You may
" judge, sir, what my attachment must be to
" those who, not content with depriving me of
" my paternal dignities, drove me ignominiously
" into exile. Your father received, protected,
" and supported me''': no prudent man will
" treat with ingratitude the kindness of his be-
" nefactor. I will never presume to engage in
" fight witli ten men, nor even with two, nor
79 jnth three Greeks^ — This vain boast of Xerxes was in
the. end punished by Polydamus. Darius, natural son of
Artaxerxes, and who by the favour of the Persians succeeded
to the throne, had heard of his remarkable exploits ; having
by promises allured him to Susa, Polydamus challenged three
of those whom the Persians call the immortal, encountered
them all at once, and slew them. — hardier.
80 Protected and supported meP\ — That prince gave him the
towns cf Pergamus, Teuthrania, and Halisarnia, which Eury-
sthenes and Prorles, descendants of Demaratus, enjoyed in the
95th Olympiad, who joined themselves to Thimbron the Lace-
diemonian general, when he passed into Asia Minor to make
war on Persia. — Lurcher.
IM) I. V M X I A. iir>
' indeed williniilv Avitli one ; but if necessity do-
* manded, or danger provoked nic, I v.ould not
' hesitate to fight witli any one of tliose, wlio
' is said to be a matcli for three Greeks. The
' I^acedcemonians, when they engage in single
' combat, are certainly not inferior to otlier men,
' but in a body they are not to be equalled. Al-
though free, they are not so without some reserve ;
the law is their superior ^\ of which tliey stand
in greater awe than your subjects do of you:
^^ T/te law is their supcrior.~\ — Thomson, in his Poem t >
Liberty, gives this just and animated description of Sparla :
- - - Spread on Eurotn's bank.
Amid a circle of soft-rising hills.
The patient Sparta stood, the sober, hani,
And man-subduing city, which no shape
Of pain could conquer, nor of pleasure chaiui.
Lycurgus there built, on the solid base
Of equal life, so well a temper'd state.
Where mix'd each government in each just poise,
Each power so checking and supporting cacli.
That firm for ages and unmov'd it stood,
The fort of Greece, without one giddy hour,
One shock of faction, or of party rage:
For, drain'd the springs of wealth, corruption there
Lay wither'd at the root. Thrice happy land,
Had not neglected art with weedy vice
Confounded sunk : but if Athenian arts
Lov'd not the soil, yet then tiic calm abode
Of wisdom, virtue, philosophic ease.
Of manly sense, and wit in frugal phrase,
Confin'd and press'd into laconic force ;
I) 2 There
36 P O L Y M N I A.
" they arc obedient to what it commands''", and
" it commands them always not to fly from the
" field of battle, whatever may be the number
" of their adversaries. It is their duty to preserve
" their ranks, to conquer or to die ^'\ If what I
" say seem to you absurd, I am willing in future
" to be silent. I have spoken what I think, be-
" cause the king commanded me, to whom may
" all he desires be accomplished."
There too, by rooting thence still treach'rous self,
The public and the private grew the same ;
The children of the nursing public all,
And at its table fed : for that they toil'd,
For that they liv'd entire, and ev'n for that
The tender mother urg'd her son to die.
Liberfj/, part ii. 108, &c.
Dr. Johnson says truly of this poem, that none of
Thomson's works have been so little regarded : I may,
nevertheless, venture to promise whoever has not perused it,
that it will very well pay his attention. — T.
82 JV/iat it commands.^ — " With theLacedcemonians," says
Plato, " the law is the king and master: and men are not
the tyrants of the laws." " The Deity," says he, in
another place, " is the law of wise and moderate men ;
pleasure that of men who are foolish and intemperate." —
Larcher.
^' Conquer or to die.'\ —
- - - - O conceive not, prince.
That Spartans want an object where to fix
Their eyes in reverence, in obedient dread.
To them more awful than the name of king
To Asia's trembling millions, is the law,
Whose sacred voice enjoins them to confront
Unnumber'd foes, to vanquish or to die. — Leonidas.
r L Y M N I A. 57
CV. Xerxes smiled at these words of Deina-
ratus, whom he dismissed without anger, civilly
from his presence. After the ahove conference,
he removed from Dorisciis the governor who had
been placed there by Darius, and promoted in
his room IMascamis, son of jNIcgadostis. He
then passed through Thrace with his army, to-
ward Greece.
CVI. To this jMascamis, as to the bravest of
all the governors appointed either by himself or
by Darius, Xerxes sent presents every year, and
Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes, continued to do the
same to his descendants. Before this expedition
against Greece, there had constantly been iro-
vernors both in Thrace and the Hellespont, all
of whom, except Mascamis, the Greeks after-
ward expelled : he alone retained Doriscus in
his subjection, in defiance of the many and re-
peated exertions made to remove him. It was in
remembrance of these services, that he and all his
descendants received presents from the kings of
Persia.
CVII. The only one of all those expelled by
the Greeks, who enjoyed the good oj)inion of
Xerxes, was Boges''^ the governor of Kion ;
"* Boges.] — This proper name \f> by Pausanias wrilleii
38 r O L Y M N I A.
lie always mentioned this man in terms of esteem,
and all his descendants were honourably regarded
in Persia. Boges was not undeserving his great
reputation : when he was besieged by the Athe-
nians, under the conduct of Cimon, son of IMil-
tiades, he might, if he had thought proper, have
retired into Asia; this he refused, and defended
himself to the last extremity, from apprehensions
that the king might ascribe his conduct to fear.
When no provisions w^re left, he caused a large
pile to be raised ; he then slew his children, his
wife, his concubines, and all his family, and
threw them into the fire; he next cast all the
gold and silver of the place from the walls into
the Strymon ; lastly, he leaped himself into the
flames. This man is, therefore, very deservedly
extolled by the Persians.
CVIII. Xerxes, in his progress from Doriscus
to Greece, compelled all the people among whom
he came to join his army. All this tract of
country, as far as Thessaly, as I have before
remarked, had been made tributary to the king,
first by JMegabyzus, and finally by IMardonius.
Leaving Doriscus, he first passed beyond the
Samothracian forts, the last of which, toward
Boes. The expedition of Ciinon is mentioned by Thucydides,
T^ilschines, and others. — This Cimon was the grandson of the
Cimon spoken of in Livy, bcok vi. chap. 34, 3.'j.
r O L Y M N I A. 39
the west, is called Mesembria ; contiguous to
this is Stryme, a Thasian town. The river Lis-
sus waters both these towns, the streams of which,
on the present occasion, were insufficient for the
army. This district was once called Galaicc,
now Briantica, and properly belonged to the
Ciconians.
CIX. Xerxes having passed the exhausted bed
of the Lissus, continued his march beyond the
Grecian cities of Maronea, Dic^ea, andAbdera"^;
he passed along the following lakes in the
vicinity of these towns : the Ismaris, betwixt
INlaronea and Stryma, the Bistonis in the neigh-
bourhood of Dicsea, which is filled by the two
streams of the Trauus and Compsatus. Near
Abdera is no lake of importance ; but the king
63 Ahdera.] — See note to chapter J 68 of book the first; I
there observed that Abdera produced many illustrious charac-
ters, yet it is thus stigmatized by Juvenal in his tenth Satire.
Speaking of Democritus, he says, he was one
- - — ciijus prudentia monstrat
Summos posse viros et magna exempla daturos
Vcriecum in patria, crassoque sub acre nasci.
Which lines are thus translated by Gifford ; Dryden's version
is very faulty :
Yes, in those times, in every varied scene,
The good old man found maUer for his spleen :
A wond'rous sage ! whose story makes it clear,
Tliat men may rise in folly's atmosphere ;
Beneath Eocotian fogs, of soul sublime,
And great examples to the coining lime.
40 r O L Y M N I A,
passed near the Nestus, wliicli empties itself into
the ocean. He proceeded onward through the
more midland cities, in one of which is a lake
almost of thirty stadia in circumference, full of.
fish, but remarkably salt : the waters of this
proved only sufficient for the beasts of burden.
The name of the city is Pistirus*. These Gre-
cian and maritime cities were to the left of Xerxes
as he passed them.
ex. 'i'he nations of Thrace, through which lie
marched are these : the Pseti, Ciconians, Bistoncs,
Sapaei, Dersasi, Edonians, and the Satra?. The
inhabitants of the maritime towns followed by
sea ; those inland, which I have already specified,
were, except the Satra3, compelled to accompany'''
the army by land.
CXI. The Satrte, as far as I know, never vverc
subdued ; they alone, of all the Thracians, liavc
continued to my memory, an independent nation.
They are remarkable for their valour. They in-
* Larcher is of opinion, that the word has been altered by
copyists, and that we should read Topiris. — See his Table
Geographiquft.
^^ Compelled to accompany ^ — Thus we find were these na-
tions compelled to serve under Cyrus, who were betwixt him
and Croesus, not as associates, but as prisoners of war. Many
of them were reduced from being horsemen to serve on foot,
and in a way, sa3's Xenophou, which Cyrus accounted as n\
the highest degree servile, as slingers. — T.
1^ O L Y M N I A. 41
habit lofty mountains covercil witli snow, but
abounding in all kinds of trees : upon the sum-
mit of one of their highest hills, they have an
oraele of Bacchus*. The interpreters of these
divine oracles are the Bessi '" : a jiriestess makes
the responses, as at Delphi, and with the same
ambiguity.
CXII. Xerxes continued to advance, and
passed by two Pierian cities, one called Phngra,
the otlier Pergamos ; to his right lie left tlie
mountain Panggeus, which is of great extent and
heiglit, and has mines both of gold and silver ;
these are worked by the Pierian s and Odomanti,
and particularly by the Satrae.
CXII I. Beyond Panga3us, to the north, are
the Psconians, the Doberes, and the Picoplcs.
Xerxes passed all these, keeping a westward di-
rection, till he came to the river Strymon, and
the city of Eion : Boges, the governor of this
last place, whom we have before mentioned, was
then living. The country round Pangacus is
* Macrobiiis makes mention of this oracle, and tells us
that the piie,st, before he delivered the sentiments of the
god, drank a large quantity of wine ; they must of course have
been pure and perspicuous. — T.
87 iJcv.vi'.]— Ovid makes mention of these Ressi in no very
flattering terms :
Vivere quani miserum est inter Bessosque Getasque. — '/'.
42 POL Y M N I A.
called riiillis, it extends to the west as far as tlie
Aiigitis, which empties itself into the Strymon ;
to the south it continues till it meets the Stry-
mon. To this river the magi offered a sacrifice
of white horses'^.
CXI V. After performing these and many other
religious rites to the Strymon, they proceeded
through the Edonian district of the Nine Ways,
to ^vhere they found bridges thrown over the
Strymon : when they heard that this place was
^^ Sacrifice of xvhitc Jwrses.'] — The particular manner in
which they performed these sacrifices, Strabo thus describes ;
^Vhen the Persians come to a lake, a river, or a fountain,
they sink a pit, and kill the victim, taking particular care
that the pure water in the vicinity be not stained with blood,
which would contaminate it. They then place the flesh of
the victim upon branches of myrtle or laurel, and burn it with
small sticks : during this they chant hymns, and ofi'er libations
of oil mixed with milk and honey, which they pour not into
the fire, but upon the ground. Their hymns are very long,
and whilst they are singing them, they hold in their hands a
bundle of short pieces of briar.
To which may be added the following particulars :
When the Persians sacrificed they wore garlands, which we
learn from the first book of Herodotus, and the third book
of the Cyrop^dia of Xenophon. They sometimes burnt all,
and sometimes only part of the victim, feasting on the re-
mainder.— In the l6th chapter of Leviticus, the English
reader may find a general similitude to the Persian mode
of sacrifice, and indeed to that of all the Oriental nations.
See also on this subject the second Dissertation of Hutchin-
son, prefixed to his Cyropjedia. And compare 2 Samuel i.
13, et seq. — T.
P O L Y M N I A. 43
named the Nine Ways, they buried there aUvc
nine youths * and as many virgins, natives of
the country. This custom of burying alive is
common in Persia ; and I have been informed
that Amestris, the wife of Xerxes, when she was
of an advanced age, commanded fourteen Persian
chikh-en of iUustrious birth to be interred aUve in
lionoiir of that deity, who, as they suppose, exists
under the earth.
CXV. JMarching still forward, they left on
the shore, to the west, a Grecian city called
Argilus ; this, as well as the country beyond it,
is called Bisaltia : leaving then to the left the
gulph, which is near the temple of Nqitunc,
they crossed the plain called Sileum, and passing
the Greek city of Stagirus, came to Acanthus.
The people of all these places, of mount Pan-
gaeus, together with those whom we have enume-
rated, they carried along with them : they who
dwelt on the coast went by sea ; they who lived
distant from the sea, went by land. The line of
country through which Xerxes led his army, is
to the present day held in such extreme venera-
tion by the Thracians, that they never disturb or
cultivate it.
* See Plutarch's Tract on Superstition, wliere it is anirnitil
that on this occasion twelve men were huried alive. It was
a coiiiuion practice in Persia.
44 P O L Y M N I A.
CXVI. On his arrival at Acanthos, the Per-
sian monarch interchanged the rites of hospitality
with the people, and presented each with a Me-
dian vest "" : he was prompted to this conduct by
the particular zeal which they discovered toward
the war, and from their having completed the
work of the canal.
CXVII. Whilst Xerxes still continued at
Acanthos, Artacha^es, who had superintended
the works of the canals, died ; he was of the
race of the Achsemenidse, in great favour with
the king, and the tallest of all the Persians ;
he v^anted but four fingers of fi^•e royal cubits-'",
and was also remarkable for his great strengtli
of voice. The king was much afflicted at his
loss, and buried him with great magnificence,
the whole army being employed in erecting a
monument to his memory. The Acanthians, in
compliance with an oracle, invoke him by name,
and pay him the honours of a hero. Xerxes
always considered the death of Artachaees as a
great calamity.
89 Median vest.] — This was invented by Semiramis, the
wife of Ninus; it was so very graceful, that the Medes
adopted it after they had conquered Asia; the Persians fol-
lowed their example. — Larcher.
9° Five royal cubits.] — Supposing our author to mean here
the Babylonian measure, this, according to the computation of
D'Anville, would be seven feet eight inches high, or somewhat
more than eight feet of our measure.
P O I. Y M N I A. 45
CXVIII. Those Greeks who entertained the
Persian army, and provided a banquet for the
king, were reduced to extreme misery, and com-
pelled to abandon their country. On account of
their cities, distributed along the continent, tlic
Thasians also feasted Xerxes and liis forces : An-
tipater, the son of Orgis, a man of great repu-
tation, was selected by his countrymen to preside
on the occasion ; by his account it appeared, that
four hundred talents of silver were expended for
this purpose.
CXIX. Xo less expense devolved upon the
other cities, as appeared by the accounts delivered
in by the different magistrates. As a long pre-
vious notice was given, preparations were made
with suitable industry and magnificence. As
soon as the royal will was made known by the
heralds, the inhabitants of tlie several cities di-
vided the corn which they possessed, and employed
many months in reducing it to meal and flour.
Some there were, who purchased at a great price
the finest cattle they could procure, for the pur-
pose of fattening them : otliers, with the same
view of entertaining the army, provided birds
both of the land and the water, which they pre-
served in cages and in ponds. ^lany emj)loycd
themselves in making cups and goblets of gold
and silver, with other utensils of tlie table : these
last-mentioned articles were intended only for the
4-0 r O L Y M N I A.
king himself, and his more immediate ;ittend-
ants; with respect to the army in general, it was
thought sufficient to furnish them with provision.
On tlie approach of the main body, a pavilion was
erected, and properly prepared for the residence of
the monarch, the rest of the troops remained in the
open air. From the commencement of the feast
to its conclusion, the fatigue of those who pro-
vided it is hardly to be expressed. The guests,
after satisfying their appetite, passed the night on
the place ; the next morning, after tearing up the
pavilion, and plundering its contents, they departed,
without leaving any thing behind them.
CXX. Upon this occasion the witty remark
of INIegacreon of Abdera, has been handed down
to posterity. He advised the Abderites of both
sexes to go in procession to their temples, and
there, in the attitude of supplicants, entreat the
gods to continue in future to avert from them the
half of their calamities. With respect to the past,
he thought their gratitude was due to heaven,
because Xerxes did not take two repasts in a
day. If the Abderites, he observed, had been
required to furnish a dinner as well as a supper,
they must either have prevented the visit of the
king by flight, or have been the most miserable
of human beings.
CXXI. These people, severe as was the bur-
den, fulfilled what had been enjoined them. From
P O I. Y M N I A. 47
Acanthus, Xerxes dismissed the commanders of
his fleet, requiring them to wait his orders at
Therma. Therma is situated near the Thermcan
gulpii, to which it gives its name. He had heen
taught to suppose this the most convenient road ;
by the command of Xerxes, the army had marched
from Doriscus to Acanthus, in three separate
bodies: one went by the sea-coast, moving witli
the fleet, and was commanded by INlardonius aud
Masistes; a second proceeded through the midst
of the continent, under the conduct of Tritan-
tJEchmes and Gergis ; betwixt these went the third
detachment, with whom was Xerxes himself, and
who were led by Smerdomenes and IMegabyzus.
CXXII. As soon as the royal mandate was
issued, the navy entered the canal which had been
cut at mount Athos, and which was continued
to the gulpli, contiguous to which are the cities
of Assa, Pidorus, Singus, and Sarga. Taking on
board a supply of troops from these places, the
fleet advanced toward the Therma^an gulph, and
doubling the Toronean promontory of Amj)elos,
passed by the following Grecian towns, from
which also they took reinforcements of vessels
and of men — Torona, Galepsus, Sermyla, INIccy-
beraa, and Olynthus* All the above district is
now named Sithonia.
* Olnnf/iiis.] — T!)is city was toUilly destroyed by IMiilip of
48 P J. Y M N I A.
CXXIII. From the promontory of Ampelos,
they proceeded by a short cut to the Caiiastrean
cape, the point, which, of all the district of Pal-
lene, projects farthest into the sea; here they took
Avith them other supplies of men and ships, from
Potida^a, Aphytns, Neapolis, iEga, Theramhus,
Scione, IMenda, and Sana. These cities are si-
tuated in the region now called Pallene, known
formerly by the name of Phlegra. Coasting on-
ward to the station appointed, they supplied them-
selves with troops from the cities in the vici-
nity of Pallene, and the Therma^an gulph. The
names of these, situated in what is now called the
Cnossean region, are Lipaxus, Combrea, Lissae,
Gigonus, Campsa, Smila, and ^^nea. From this
last place, beyond which I shall forbear to spe-
cify the names of cities, the fleet went in a
straight direction to the Thermean gulph, and
the coast of JNIygdonia ; it ultimately arrived at
Therma, the place appointed, as also at Sindus
and Chalestra, on the river Axius, which sepa-
rates Mygdonia from Bottiseis. In a narrow neck
of this region, leading to the sea, are found the
cities of Ichnae and Pella.
CXXIV. The naval forces stationed them-
selves near the river Axium, the town of Ther-
ma, and the other neighbouring cities, where they
Waceduii, nor does it appear that it was ever afterward
restored.
POLY M N I A. 49
waited for the king. Directing liis march this
way, Xerxes, with all his forces, left Acanthus,
and proceeded over the continent througli Pa?onia
and Crestonia, near the river Chidorus, which,
taking its rise in Crestonia, flows tlnough Mygdo-
nia, and empties itself into a marsh above the
river Axiuni.
CV. XX In the course of this march, the
camels, which carried the provisions, were at-
tacked by lions: in the darkness of the night
they left their accustomed abode, and without
molesting man or beast, fell upon the camels
only ^\ That the lions should attack the camels
9' 'J /le camels only.'] — " Hcrodolus," says Ikllaiigcr, in a
iiute upon lliis passage, " was no great naturalist. Tlie
Arabians, and all those who inhabit the countries where are
lions and camels, very well know that the lion loves the
flesh of the camel." — See yElian, History of Animals, book
xvii. chap. 36.
Herodotus, it must be confessed, was not remarkably wtU
versed in natural history ; but if he had, it must always have
appeared surprising to him, that lions, who had never before
seen camels, or tasted their Uesh, should attack them in pre-
ference to other beasts of burthen. That in Arabia lions
should prefer a camel to a horse, may seem natural enough ;
they know byexperience the flesh of these two animals, and
that of the camel is doubtless more to their taste : but
what could have given them this knowledge in Macedonia?
1 conlfts that this would have appealed no le?6 marvellous
to me than to Herodotus.— La/rArr.
Vol. IV. E With
50 rOLYMNIA.
alone, animals they liad never been known before
to devour, or even by mistake to have seen, is a
fact wliicli I relate with surprise, and am totally
unable to explain.
With respect to the Hon, many preposterous errors an-
ciently prevailed, which modern improvements and researches
in natural history have corrected and improved ; nevertheless
the fact here recorded by Herodotus must ever appear mar-
vellous. It seems in the first place, that the region of Europe
i-n which he has fixed these lions is too cold for producing
those animals, and according to every testimony it was then
colder than at present.
It is now well known that the lion, however urged by
hunger, does not attack its prey boldly and in an open mannei-,
but insidiously : as the camels therefore were certainly on
this occasion accompanied by a multitude, it is not easy to
conceive how they could well be exposed to the attacks of the
lions. In the next place, it is not likely that the lions should
be allured to the camels by their smell, for it is now very
well ascertained that the lion has by no means an acute sense
of smelling. With respect to the taste of the lion, it is said,
that having once tasted human blood, it prefers it to all other
food. Of the tiger, which is only a different species of the
same genus with the lion, both being feles, it is said, but I
know not from what accuracy of experiment or observation,
that it prefers the flesh of an African to that of an European,
the European to the American ; but the assertion may be
reasonably disputed. — T.
The following extract howevev from Barrow, and indeed
. other information which I have received, seems to make it
certain that the lion does actually prefer the flesh of the
Black to any other food.
It seems to be a fact well established, that the hon pre-
fers the flesh of a Hottentot to that of any other creature.
He has frecjuently been singled out from a party of Dutch. —
The horse, next to the Hottentot, seems to be his favourite
POLY M N 1 A. 51
CXXVI. These places abound with lions and
wild bulls, the large horns of whicli are carried
to Greece. On the one side the Nestus, which
flows through Abdera, and on the other the Achc-
lous, passing through Acarnania, are the limits
beyond which no lions are found ''": In the in-
termediate region betwixt these two places, lions
are produced : but no one has ever seen them in
Europe, beyond the Nestus to the cast, or beyond
the Achelous to the west.
CXXVI I. On his arrival at Therm a, Xerxes
halted with his army, which occupied the whole
of the coast from Therma and IMygdonia* as
far as the rivers Lydias and Haliacmon, whicli
food, but on the sheep, perhaps on account of his woolly
covering, which he is too indolent to uncase, he seldom
deigns to fix his paw.
See in Barrow, vol. i. p. 3.92, a very curious anecdote of a
Hottentot's escape from a lion.
y2 Lions are found.'] — Lions are not at all found in Ame-
rica, and fewer in Asia than in Africa. The natural history
of the lion may be perused in Buffon with much information
and entertainment ; but more real knowledge concerning this
noble animal may perhaps be obtained from Sparman's A'oyage
to the Cape of Good Mope, than from any other writer on
this subject. — T.
* There is doubtless a mistake in the original. Herodotus
could not possibly mean the Haliacmon which runs through
Pieria, and is perfectly distinct from the Lydias. — The
author perhaps intended the Axius. — See Larcher's Table
Geographique. — T.
E '2
oa r () L Y M N I A.
forming the limits of Bottiaeis and IMaccdonia,
meet at last in tlie same channel. Here the
Barbarians encamped : of all the rivers I have
ennmerated, the Chidorus, which flows from
Crestonia, was the only one which did not afford
sufficient water for the troops.
CXXVIII. Xerxes, viewing from Therma,
Olympus and Ossa, Thessalian mountains of an
extraordinary height, betwixt which was a narrow
passage where the Peneus poured its stream, and
where was an entrance to Thessaly, he was de-
sirous of sailing to the mouth of this river. For
the way he had determined to march as the safest
was through the high country of IMacedonia, by
the Perrasbi, and the town of Gonnus. He in-
stantly however set about the accomplishment of
his wish. He accordingly went on board a Sido-
nian vessel, for on such occasions he always pre-
ferred the ships of that country * ; leaving here
his land forces, he gave the signal for all the fleet
to prepare to set sail. Arriving at the mouth of
the Peneus, he observed it with particular ad-
miration, and desired to know of his guides if
it would not be possible to turn the stream, and
make it empty itself into the sea in some other
place.
* This incident proves what Xerxes thought of their
iiuiitical skill.— See c. 5.') of this book, as well us c. 100,
where he gavw the same preference.
P O I. Y -M X I A. o;}
CXXIX. Thcssaly is said to have been for-
mcrly a inarsli, on all sides surrounded by lofty
mountains '' ; to the cast by Pelion and Ossa,
uhose bases meet each other ; to the north by
Olympus, to the west by Pindus ; to the soutli
by Othrys. The space betwixt these is Thessa-
ly, into \vliicli depressed region many rivers pour
tlieir waters, but more particularly these five, tlic
Peneus, tlie Apidanus, the Onochonus, the Kni-
peus, and the Pamisus: all these, flowing from
the mountains which surround Thcssaly into the
plain, are till tlicn distinguished by specific name?.
They afterward unite in one narrow channel,
and are poured into the sea. After their union
they take the name of the Peneus only. It is
said, that formerly, before this aperture to tlie
sea existed, all these rivers, and also the lake
Bfcbeis, had not as now any specific name, but
that their body of water was as large as at pre-
sent, and the whole of Thessaly, a sea. The
Thessalians affirm, and not improbably, that the
vallev tlirough which the Peneus flows, was
formed by Neptune. Whoever supposes that
Neptune causes earthquakes, and that the conse-
quent chasms are the work of that deity, may on
viewing this spot easily ascribe it to his power:
* Renncll remarks that this desciipticni of Tliessaly us well
as of the straits of 'i hcrmopyhr, prove how well Ilrrodotiis had
considered the scenes of parlicidar actions.
54 P O L Y M N I A.
to me, the separation of these mountains appears
to have been the eflfect of an earthquake '".
CXXX. Xerxes* inquiring of his guides whe-
ther the Peneus might be conducted to the sea
by any other channel, received from them, who
were well acquainted with the situation of the
country, this reply : " As Thessaly, O king, is
" on every side encircled by mountains, the Pe-
" neus can have no other communication with
93 An earthquake.'] — The reader may see in Philostratus
the descriplion of a picture in which Neptune is represented
as in the act of separating the mountains. — See also Strabo.
The tradition that Ossa and Olympus were anciently dif-
ferent parts of the same mountain, existed from a very
remote period in Greece ; and, according to Mr. Wood, in
his Essay on Homer, is not now obliterated. The valley
through which the Peneus flows is the celebrated vale of
Tempe, the fruitful theme of so many poetical effusions in
ancient periods, as well as at the present. The river Pe-
neus is no where better described than in the following lines
of Ovid :
Est nemus Hajmoniee praerupta quod undique claudit
Silva, vocant Tempe per quse Peneus ab imo
Effusus Pindo spumosis volvitur undis
Dejectuque gravis tenues agitantia fumos
Nubila conducit, summasque aspergine sylvas
Impluit et sonitu plusquam vicina fatigat.
Metamorph. i. 568.
Very few readers will require to be told that Ovid made
the banks of the Peneus the scene of his fable of Daphne and
Apollo. — T.
* This question proves that Xer.xes was by no means de-
ficient ill talents.
P O I. V M N I A. 0,5
" tlic sea." " Tlie Thessalians," Xerxes is said
to have answered, " are a sagacious people.
" They have been careful to decline a contest for
" many reasons, and particularly as they must
" have discerned that their country would afford
*' an easy conquest to an invader. All that would
" be necessary to deluge the whole of Thessa-
" ly, except the mountainous parts, would be to
" stop up the mouth of tlie river, and thus throw
*' back its waters upon the country." This ob-
servation referred to the sons of Aleuas, who
were Thessalians, and the first Greeks who sub-
mitted to the king. He presumed that their
conduct declared the general sentiments of the
nation in his favour. After surveying the place
he returned to Therma.
CXXXI. He remained a few days in the
neighbourhood of Pieria, during which interval
a detachment of the third of his army was em-
ployed in clearing the JNIacedonian mountain, to
facilitate the passage of the troops into the coun-
try of the Peraebi. At the same time the mes-
sengers who had been sent to require earth and
water of the Greeks returned, some with and
some without it.
CXXXII. Among those who sent it, were the
Thessalians, the Dolopians, the Enians, the Pe-
raebi, the Locri, the JNIagnetes, the Mclians, tlie
56 P O L Y M N I A.
Achseans of Pthiotis, the Thebaiis, aiul the rest
of the people of Boeotia, except the Thespians
and Platasans. Against all these nations those
Greeks who determined to resist the Barbarians
entered into a solemn vow '^^ to the folio win ir
effect— that wliatever Greeks snbmitted to tlie
Persian, without the plea of unavoidable neces-
sity, should on any favoiirable change of their
affairs, forfeit to the divinity of Delphi a tentli
part of their property.
CXXXIII. Xerxes sent no messengers either
to Athens or to Sparta, for when Darius had
before sent to these places, the Athenians threw
his people into their pit of punishment'^, the
9* Solemn to-w!\ — The Greek is ara^iov opKiov, literally, f/iei/
cut cm oath, because no alliance or agreement was ever made
without sacrificing a victim. Similar to this, and to be ex-
plained in like manner, was the ferire fctdus of the Romans.
In like manner we say in English, strike a bargain. — T.
9^ Pit of ptinishnierit.] — Learned men have disputed whe-
ther the fiapadpov was the place of punishment at Athens or
at Sparta. See the Essais de Critique of Bellanger, p. 63, and
the note of Larcher on this passage- It was a deep pit, in-
to which criminals were precipitated. Both cities seem to
have been provided with a place similar to the dungeon of
after-times, calculated both for imprisonment and precipi-
tation. See, in the Stratagemata of Pulyaenus, an entertain-
ing account of the ingenious and successful contrivance of
one Aristomenes to escape from this horrid place. Polifceti.
book ii. c. 2. Similar to this was the punishment of pre-
POLY M N I A. 57
Lacedaemonians into wells, telling them to get
the earth and water thence, and carry it to their
king. The city and country of the Athenians
was afterward laid waste ; but that they suffered
thus in consequence of their treatment of the am-
bassadors, is more than I will assert, indeed I can
by no means ascribe it to that cause.
CXXXIV. But the vengeance of Talthy-
bius'**', who had been the herald of Agamemnon,
fell upon the Lacedajmonians. There is at Sjiarta
a temple of Talthybius ; his posterity are called
cipitation from the Taipeian rock, inflicted on state crinunals
amongst the Romans. Perhaps it is not unreasonable to pre-
sume that a like kind of punishment prevaikd amongst the
.Tews, who, we are told in the Gospels, hurried our Saviour to
the brow of the hill on which the city was built, intending to
throw him headlong down. — T.
96 Vengeance of Talthi/hiii.s.] —The indignation of Talthy-
bius fell upon the republic of Laceda^mon generally, but at
Athens upon a particular house, namely, on the family of Mil-
tiades, son of Cimon, because he had advised the Athenians to
put to death the heralds who came to Attica. — Puuaanias,
book iii. chapter 12.
I can no where find on what account these honours were
paid to Talthybius and his posterity, except tiiut Talthybius
was probably the first herald in the Grecian history, and might
on that account be reverenced at Sparta. The persons of
heralds the laws of all nations consented to hold sacred, but
this veneration was paid not to the. individual, but to the
ortice. The name of Talthybius occurs very seldom in Homer,
and is never introduced with any peculiar marks of honour
or distinction. — T.
58 P O L Y M N I A.
Talthybiadse, and are employed, as a mark of
honour, on all foreign embassies. A long time
after the incident we have related, the entrails of
the victims continued at Sparta to bear an un-
favourable appearance, till the people, reduced to
despondency, called a general assembly, in which
they inquired by their heralds, if any Lacedaj-
monian would die for his country ^'. Upon this
9^ Die for his country.'] — A superstitious idea prevailed
among the ancients, that the safety of a whole nation might
be secured, or the life of an individual he preserved, by the
voluntary devotion of one or more persons to death. Thus,
among the Gi'eeks, in the instance before us, and in the ex-
ample of Leonidas, who devoted himself at Thermopylge. The
Romans were distinguished by the same absurd error : the
chasm of the forum was supposed to close because a Roman
knight voluntarily leaped into it ; and a splendid victory over
their adversaries was believed to be the consequence of the
self-devotion of Decius. In succeeding times it became cus-
tomary for individuals to devote and consecrate themselves,
their fortunes, and their lives, to the service of the emperors.
The folly began with Augustus, to whom one Pacuvius thus
devoted himself. That better devotion, the result not of su-
perstition but of genuine patriotism, is thus well described by
Thomson :
But ah, too Httle known to modern times,
Be not the noblest passion past unsung,
That ray peculiar, from unbounded love
El-l'us'd, which kindles the heroic soul —
Devotion to the public. Glorious flame,
Celestial ardour, in what unknown worlds.
Profusely scatter'd through the blue immense,
Hast thou been blessing myriads, since in Rome,
Old
P O L Y M N I A. 59
Sperthies ^, son of Aneristus, and Bulls son
of Nicolans, Spartans of great accomplishments
and distinction, offered themselves to undergo
whatever punishment Xerxes the son of Darius
should think proper to inflict on account of the
murder of his ambassadors. These men there-
fore the Spartans sent to the Medes, as to certain
death.
CXXXV. The magnanimity of these two
men, as well as the words which they used, de-
serve admiration. On their way to Susa they
came to Hydarnes, a native of Persia, and go-
vernor of the vanquished places in Asia near
the sea : he entertained them with much libe-
rality and kindness, and addressed them as fol-
Old virtuous Rome, so many deathless names
From thee their lustre drew r Since, taught by thee,
Their poverty put splendour to tlie blush,
Pain grew luxurious, and death delight? T.
98 Sperthies.] — ^The name of this Spartan is very variously
written : he is called Spertis, Sperchis, and Sperches, but it
is of no great importance. Suidas, by an unpardonable negU-
gence, clianges these two Spartans into two Athenians. They
sung, in honour of these two exalted characters, a melancholy
dirge called Sperchis, though I doubt not that Bulis was also
celebrated in it, as was Anstogiton in that of Harmodius. —
See Theocritus, Idi/L xv. 96', gS.—Larcher.
The above mistake in Suidas, which Larcher has pointed
out, Toup, in his Emendations of that author, has omitted to
notice. — T.
0,0 rOI.YMNIA.
lows : " ^^^lly, O I^accdaemoiuans, will you reject
*' the friendship of the king ? From me, and
" from my condition, you may learn how well
" he knows to reward merit. He already thinks
" highly of your virtue, and if you will hut enter
" into his service, he will douhtlcss assign to
** each of you some government in Greece."
" Hydarnes," they replied, " your advice with
*' respect to us is inconsistent : you speak from the
" experience of your own but with an entire igno-
" ranee of our situation. To you servitude is
" familiar ; but how sweet a thing liberty is, you
" have never known, if you had, you yourself
" would have advised us to make all possible ex-
" ertions to preserv^e it^/'
CXXXVI. A¥hen introduced, on their arri-
val at Susa, to the royal presence, they were
first ordered by the guards to fall prostrate, and
adore the king""', and some force was used to
99 To preserve it.^ — "^I'he Greek is ovk avlopaai (rv/njiovXevoif
t'lU'iv TTipi avTtjg fiayECjQai aWa Kcii irsktKsfTi, which hterally
means, You would advise us to figlit for it not only with spears,
but with hatchets : which in a manner explains itself; for to
fight with a spear implies fighting at a greater distance, and
consequently with less danger, than was possible with an axe,
the wounds of which must be more severe, and less easily
avoided. — 2\
^0° Adore the liliig.'\ — This was the compliment always
paid to the kings of Persia, when admitted to tlieir pre-
POLY M X I A. 61
compel tliem. But this tlioy refused to do, even
if they should dash their heads against the
ground. They were not, tlicy said, accustomed
to adore a man, nor was it for this purpose that
they came. After persevering in such conduct,
they addressed Xerxes himself in these and
similar expressions : " King of the JNIedes, wc
" arc sent by our countrymen to make atonement
" for those ambassadors who perished at Sparta."
Xerxes with great magnanimity said he would
not imitate the example of the Lacedaemonians.
They in killing his ambassadors had violated the
laws of nations ; he would not be guilty of that
with which he reproached them, nor, by de-
stroying their messengers, indirectly justify their
crime.
CXXXVII. In consequence of this conduct
of the Spartans, the indignation of Talthybius
subsided for the present, notwithstanding the rc-
sence ; but this the Greeks, with the exception of Theniis-
tocli's and one or two more, unitornily refused to do. ^^'e
learn from Valerius jNIaxinuis, that one Timagoras, an
Athenian, having done this, was by his countrymen con-
demned to die : thinking the dignity of their city injured and
degraded by this act of meanness.
Prideanx remarks, that this compliment of prostration
before him, nuist have been i)aid the king of Persia by the
prophets Ezra and Nehemiah, or they could not have had
access to him. — T.
62 POL Y M N I A.
turn of Spertliies and Bulis to their couutiy.
But according to tlie LacedaMiionian account,
this displeasure was, after a long interval, again
conspicuous in the war betwixt the people of the
Peloponnese and the Athenians. For my own
part, I see no divine interposition ^"^ in this bu-
siness ; that the anger of Talthybius should
without ceasing continue to operate till the de-
voted individuals were sent from their country,
seems just and reasonable ; but that it should
ultimately fall on the children of these men,
does not to me look like divine vengeance. Ni-
colaus, the son of Bulis, and Aneristus, the son of
Sperthies, had taken a fishing-vessel belonging to
the Tirinthians ^°~ full of men : being afterward
^01 Divine infcrposifion .] — To impute that to divine inter-
position, which human sagacity is unable to account for or
explain, seems the necessary result of ignorance combined
with superstition. That in a case so remarkable as this
before us, Herodotus should disdain to do this, does the
highest credit to his candour and his wisdom. The passage
however has greatly perplexed the most learned com-
mentators, some thinking that the negative particle ought
to be rejected, others the contrary. I would refer the
curious reader to Valcnaer's note on the passage, which to
me seems very satisfactory, and which I have of course
adopted. — T.
i°2 To the Tirinthians. 1 — Thucydides relates the parti-
culars of this afTair, book ii. chapter 67. From his account
no divine interposition seems necessary to explain what
happened to Nicolaus and Aneristus : they were two of
r O L Y M N I A. 63
sent on some public business into Asia by the
Lacedaemonians, they were betrayed by Sitalces,
son of Tereus, king of Thrace, and by Nympho-
dorus, son of Pythus, a man of Abdera. They
were accordingly captured near Bisanthis on the
Hellespont, and being carried to Attica, were put
to death by the Athenians, as was also Aristeus
son of Adimanthus, a Corinthian. These events
happened many years after the expedition of
Xerxes ''\
CXXXVIIT. This expedition, to return to
my proper subject, was nominally said to be
directed against Athens ; but its real object was
the entire conquest of Greece. The (xreeks
were long prepared for this invasion, but they
did not all think of it alike. They who had
made their submission to the Persian, did not
conceive they had any thing to apprehend from
several who fell into the hands of the Athenians, who were
then at variance with Sparta. In the heginning of the war
the Lacedaemonians had put to death such as they captured
by sea, and the Athenians thought themselves at liberty to
retaliate. Tiiucydides says, that Aristeas, one of the cap-
tives, was in a particular manner odious to the Athenians,
as they imputed to him many calamities they had recently
experienced; but he says no such thing either of Nicolaus or
Aneristus. — T.
^'^^ After the expedition of Xe/\rc*.] — The events here al-
luded to happened in the third year of the eighty-seventh
Olympiad^ as appears from Thucydides.
64 POL Y INI N I A.
tlie Barbarian's presence, whilst tliey wlio liad
resisted his proposals were overwhelmed with
terror and alarm. The united naval armament
of Greece was far from able to contend with his
power ; and a great number of them discovered
more inclination to go over to the INIedes, than
to concur in the general defence.
CXXXIX. I feel mj^self impelled in this
place to deliver an opinion, which, though it
may ai)pear invidious to most men, as it seems to
me the fact, I shall not suppress. If the Athe-
nians, through terror of the impending danger,
had forsaken their country, or if they had staid
merely to have surrendered themselves to Xerxes,
he would certainly have met with no resistance
by sea ; if he had remained, without contest,
master of the sea, the following must have been
the event of things on the continent : — Although
they of the Peloponnese had fortified the isthmus
by a number of walls, the Lacedaemonians must
inevitably have been deserted by their allies, not
so much from inclination, as from their being
compelled to see their cities regularly taken and
pillaged by the Barbarian fleet. Thus left alone,
after many efforts of valour, they would have
encountered an honourable death. Either this
must have been their lot, or, seeing the other
Greeks forming alliances with the IMedes, they
themselves would have done the same : thus
V O L Y M N I A. G3
would Greece eitlicr way liave been reduced uuder
the Persian yoke. Of what advantage the walls
along the isthmus could possibly liave been,
whilst the king remained master of the sea, I am
unable to discover. \^^hoever tlierefore shall
consider the Athenians as the deliverers of Greece,
will not be far from the truth. The scale to which
they inclined, would necessarily preponderate.
In their anxiety for preserving the liberties of
their country,, they animated the ardour of all
that part of Greece which was before inclined
to resist the Medes. They, next to the gods,
repelled the invader ; nor did the Delphic oracles,
alarming and terrific as they were, induce them
to abandon Greece ; but they waited to receive
the invader.
CXL. The Athenians, desirous to know the
will of the oracle, sent messengers to Delphi ;
who, after the customary ceremonies, entering
the temple, were thus addressed in a prophetic
spirit by the priestess, whose name was Aris-
tonice :
" Unhappy men, to earth's last limits go ;
" Forsake your homes, and city's lofty brow,
" For neither head nor bodies firm remain,
" Nor hands assist you, nor can feet sustain :
" All, all is lost, the fires spread wide around,
" Mars in his Syrian car and arms is found ;
\oi.. IV. r
66 POLYMNIA.
" Not ye alone his furious wrath may fear ;
" Their towers from many shall his vengeance tear.
" And now from hallow'd shrines the flames ascend,
" Black hlood and sweat their fearful torrents hlend.
" Horror prevails ! Ye victims of despair,
" Depart, and for unheard-of ills prepare ! ''
CXLI. This reply filled the Athenian messen-
gers with the deepest affliction : whilst they were
reflecting on its melancholy import, Timon, son
of Androbulis, one of the most illustrious citizens
of Delphi, recommended them to assume the dress
of supplicants, and a second time to consult the
oracle. They followed his advice, and expressed
their sentiments to the oracle in these termxS :
" O king, return us an answer more auspicious
*' to our country ; let our supplicatory dress and
" attitude incline you to compassion; otherwise
" we will not leave your sanctuary, but here re-
" main till we die." The second answer ^°^ of the
priestess was to this effect :
" Of Jove, who rules Olympian heights above,
" Not Pallas' self the solemn will can move.
^°* The second answer.'] — This has generally been imputed
to the interposition of Themistocles, who, as Plutarch in-
forms us, despairing to influence his fellow citizens by any
human arguments, brought to his aid divine revelations,
prodigies, and oracles, which he employed like machines in a
theatre.
((
t(
P O I. Y M N I A. 67
My awful words attend then once again,
And firm they shall as adamant remain.
When all is lost within Cecropian bounds,
And where Cithajron's sacred bosom sounds,
Jove to his lov'd Tritonian maid shall give
A wall of wood, where you and yours shall live.
Your numerous foes approach forbear to stay,
But fly from horse, and foot, and arms away.
Thou shalt, immortal Salamis, destroy
The rising source of many a mother's joy :
Thou shalt — tho' Ceres scatter o'er the plain,
" Or keep within dispos'd, her golden grain."
CXLII. The messengers, as reasonably they
might, deeming this reply less severe than the
former, wrote it down, and returning to Athens
recited it to the people. Many different, and
indeed entirely opposite opinions, were delivered
concerning the meaning of the oracle : some of
the oldest men thought it intended to declare, that
the citadel, which formerly was surrounded by a
pallisade, should not be taken, to which pallisade
they referred the oracular expression of the
w^ooden wall. Others thought, that the deity, by
a wooden wall, meant ships, which therefore,
omitting every thing else, it became them to pro-
vide. But they who inclined to this opinion were
perplexed by the concluding words of the oracle :
" Thou shalt, immortal Salamis, destroy
" The rising source of many a mother's joy :
68 POL Y M N I A.
" Thou slialt — ilio' Ceres scatter o'er the plain,
" Or keep within dispos'd, her golden grain ; "
for the interpreters of the oracle presumed, that
a defeat would be the consequence of a sea engage-
ment near Salamis.
CXLIII. There was at Athens a man lately
arrived at the first dignities of the state, whose
name was Themistocles, the son of Neocles ; he
would not allow the interpreters of the oracles to
be entirely right. " If," said he '^ " that pre-
*' diction had referred to the Athenians, the deity
" would not have used terms so gentle. The
*• expression would surely have been, * O
" wretched Salamis,' and not ' O immortal Sa-
" lamis,' if the inhabitants had been doomed
" fo perish in the vicinity of that island." Every
1^^ If, i>uid //e.] — The last-mentioned oracle is thus given
by Glover in his Athenaid, book i. 334.
" Ah, still ray tongue like adamant is hard;
Minerva's tow'rs must perish : Jove severe
So wills, yet granting, at his daughter's suit,
Her people refuge under walls of wood ;
But shun the myriads of terrific horse.
Which on your fields an eastern Mars shall bring." —
She ceas'd, th' Athenian notes her answer down ;
To one the most entrusted of his train
He gives the tablet : " Back to Athens fly,"
He said, " the son of Neocles alone,
By his unbounded faculties, can pierce
The hidden sense of these mystei ious strains."
1' O L Y M N I A. 09
more sagacious person, he tliouglit, must allow
that the oracle threatened not the Athenians, but
the enemy ; he recommended them, therefore, to
prepare for an engagement by sea, ' tlie only
proper interpretation of the walls of wood. This
opinion of Themistocles appeared to the Athe-
nians more judicious than that of the inter-
preters, who were averse to a naval engagement ;
and who advised their countrymen to attempt no
resistance, but to abandon Attica, and seek ano-
ther residence.
CXLIV. Themistocles had on a former occa-
sion given proofs of his superior sagacity : a con-
siderable sum of money had been collected in
the public treasury, the produce of the mines of
Laurium. A proposal had been made, and ap-
proved, that this should be equally divided among
the citizens of mature age, at the rate of ten
drachmae a head ; Themistocles dissuaded '" the
Athenians from this measure, and prevailed on
them to furnish out with it a fleet of two hundred
^"6 J'hemistoclcs dissuaded. 1 — Plutarch, in his life of Thc-
mistocles, relates the same fact. It was doubtless a bold
though sagacious measure, and one of those which, as it
happens to meet the temporary emotion of the people, occa-
sions a man either to be torn in pieces as the betrayer, or vene-
rated as the saviour of his country. — T.
It seems to me perfectly clear, that the answer of the oracle
was dictated by Themistocles.
70 P O L Y INI N I A.
vessels, for the war with iEgina. It was this
war, therefore, which operated to the safety of
Greece, by obliging the Athenians to become
sailors. This fleet was not applied to the pur-
pose for which it was originally intended, but it
opportunely served for the general benefit of
Greece. The above ships being already pre-
pared, the Athenians had only to increase their
number : it was therefore determined, in a ge-
neral council, held after the declaration of the
oracle, that they could not better testify their
obedience to the divinity, than by meeting at sea
the Barbarian invader of their country, in con-
junction with those Greeks who chose to join
their arms. — Such were the oracles delivered to
the Athenians.
CXLV. At this council, all the other Greeks
assisted who were animated with an ingenuous
ardour with respect to their country. After a
conference, in which they pledged themselves to
be faithful to the common interest, it was first of
all determined, that their private resentments and
hostilities should cease. At this period great
disturbances existed, but more particularly be-
twixt the people of Athens and ^l^^gina. As soon
as they heard that Xerxes was at Sardis, at the
head of his forces, the Athenians resolved to
send some emissaries into Asia, to watch the
motions of the king. It was also determined to
P O L Y M N 1 A. 71
send some persons to Argos, to form ^vith that
nation, a confederacy against the Persian \var :
others were sent to Sicily, to Gelon, the son of
Dinomenis ; some to Corcyra and Crete, to
solicit assistance for Greece. It was their view,
if possible, to collect Greece into one united
body, to counteract a calamity which menaced
their common safety. The power of Gelon was
tlien deemed of so much importance, as to be
surpassed by no individual state of Greece.
CXLVI. When all these measures were agreed
upon, and their private animosities had ceased,
their first step was to send three spies '"^' to Asia.
These men, on their arrival at Sardis, were
seized, in the act of examining the royal army,
and, being tortured by the command of the ge-
nerals of the land forces, were about to be put
to death. When Xerxes heard of this, he ex-
pressed himself displeased with the proceedings
107 Three spies.] — The treatment of spies is one of thdse
things about which nations the most polished and the most
barbarous have always thought and acted ahke. To hang
a spv the moment he is discovered, without any forms of
judicial process, is warranted by universal consent, and
seems justifiable on the common maxims of policy.
The refinement of modern times annexes a considerable
degree of infamy to the employment and character of a
spy, but the enterprize of Diomed and Ulysses, as recorded
by Homer, seems lo prove that this was tiol always the
case, — 'J'.
72 POLY M N I A.
of his officers, and sending some of his guards,
he commanded them to bring the spies to his
presence, if they were not ah'eady dead : the
guards arrived in time to preserve them, and
they were conducted to the royal presence.
Xerxes, after inquiring their business, directed
his guards to lead the men round his army *"",
and shew them all his forces, both horse and
foot ; when they had fully satisfied their curio-
sity, he suffered them to depart without mo-
lestation, wherever they thought proper. Xerxes
was prompted to this conduct, by the idea that
if the spies were put to death, the Greeks would
be able to form no conception of his power, ex-
ceeding even the voice of fame ; he imagined
also, that the loss of three individuals, could
prove of no serious detriment to the enemy.
But he concluded, that by the return of these
men to Greece, the Greeks, hearing of the pre-
parations made against tliem, would not wait
his arrival to make their submissions ; and that
consequently he sliould be spared the trouble of
marching against tliem.
CXLVII. Upon another occasion Xerxes ap-
^*'^ Round his armi/.] — A similar conduct was pursued by
Caius Fabricius, with regard to the spies of Pyrrhus.
The character of Xerxes seems to me to have been very
imperfectly understood. — In many instances he proved him-
self of superior worth as well as wisdom. — The subject well
deserves a separate and elaborate Essay.
POLY M N I A. 73
joearcd to reason in the same manner : uhen he
was at Abydos he saw some vessels saiUng over
the Hellespont, which carried corn from the
Pontus* to /Egina and the Peloponnese. A'S^hen
his attendants discovered them to be enemies,
they prepared to pursue them, and looked ear-
nestly on the king, as expecting his orders to do
so. Xerxes inquired where these vessels were
going ; on being told, to the enemy, and that
they were laden with corn, " Well," he replied,
" and are not we going to the same place, car-
" rying with us corn amongst other necessaries?
" How, therefore, can these injure us, who are
" carrying provisions for our use ? " The spies,
after surveying all that they desired, returned
to Europe.
CXLVIH. After their return, those Greeks
who had associated to resist the Persian, sent
messengers a second time to Argos. Tlie Ar-
gives give this account of their own conduct: —
They were acquainted, they say, at a very early
* All the (jieeks, and more particularly the Athenians,
carried on a considerable commerce with the maritime coast
of the Pontiis Euxinus and the Crimea. They exported the
wines of Cos, Thasus, &c. the earthenware and merchandize
of Athens, which were then nut less esteemed for their ele-
gance and beauty, than those of London and Paris are at this
period. In exchange for these commodities, they imported in
return from these places, corn, wax, honey, wool, leather,
skins, &c. and this commerce proved a source of great wealth
to Athens. — Larcficr.
74 P O L Y M N I A.
period, with the Barharian's views upon Greece;
and being aware, and indeed assured, that they
would be called upon by the Greeks for their
assistance to oppose him, they sent to inquire of
the oracle at Delphi, what line of conduct they
might most advantageously pursue. They had
recently lost six thousand of their countrymen,
who were slain by the Lacedaemonians, under the
conduct of Cleomenes, the son of Anaxandrides.
The Pythian made them this reply :
*' You, whom your neighbours hate, whilst gods
above,
" Immortal gods, with truest kindness love,
" Keep close within, and well your head defend,
" Which to the limbs shall sure protection lend."
This was the answer given them by the Pythian,
before the arrival of the Grecian envoy. When
these had delivered their commission to the se-
nate of Argos, the Argives expressed themselves
disposed to enter into a pacific treaty with the
Lacedsemonians, for a term of thirty years, upon
condition of having the command of half^^'^ of
1^9 The command of half .~\ — Diodorus Siculus says, that the
Argives sent deputies to the general assembly, who, on asking
for a share of the command, received an answer to this effect :
That if they thought it harder to submit to the command of
a Grecian, than to have a Barbarian master, they might as
well stay, as they were, in quiet : if they were ambitious to
have the command of Greece, they must deserve it by their
noble actions.
r O L Y M N I A. 7.^
ti)
tlie troops; they thought that in justice tlicy
might claim the whole, but agreed to be satisfied
■with half.
CXLIX. This, according to their own ac-
count, was the answer of the Argive senate, in
contradiction to the advice of the oracle, not to
join the Grecian confederacy. Their awe of the
divinity did not prevent their urging with eager-
ness a treaty for thirty years, in Avhich period
their children, they presumed, would arrive at
manhood; and they feared, if they refused to
make a treaty, and their former misfortunes
should be aggravated by any new calamity in the
Persian war, they might be ultimately reduced
under the I^acedaemonian yoke. To these pro-
posals of the Argive senate, tlie Spartan envoys
replied, that with respect to the treaty, they
would relate their determination to their country-
men ; but as to the military command, they were
authorized to make this decisive answer: That
as they had two kings, and the Argives but one"",
the Spartans could not deprive either of their
two"* sovereigns of his privileges; but tlicre was
''" The Jrgne.s but ojic] — Larcher remarks on this passage,
tliat it is tlie only one be has been able to discover, wliich
mentions there being a king of Argos.
"^ Eil/ur (if their tico.'] — In book v. rbap. r.n we are
told expressly that the Spartans passed a law, lorbiddinc
,76 r O 1. Y M N I A.
no reason wliy the Argive prince shonld not be
vested with a joint and eqnal antliority. Thns
the Argives relate that they found themselves
unable to submit to the Lacedaemonian insolence,
choosing rather to be subject to the Barbarians,
than to the tyranny of Sparta ^^". They there-
fore informed the ambassadors, that if they did
not quit their territories before sun-set, they
should be regarded as enemies.
-fe"
CL. The above is the Argive account ; another
report, however, is prevalent in Greece : — Xerxes,
it is said, before he commenced hostilities with
Greece, sent a herald to Argos, who was instructed
thus to address the people : *' Men of Argos, at-
" tend to the words of Xerxes ; we are of opinion
" that Perses, whom we acknowledge to be our
" ancestor, was the son of Perses, whose mother
" was Danae, and of Andromeda, the daughter
" of Cepheus ; thus it appears that we derive
" our origin from you ^^\ It would, therefore.
both their kings to be at the same time present with the
army ; with which assertion the passage before us evidently
militates.
112 Tyranny of Sparta.'] — The Laceda?monians, says Valc-
naer, and Cleomenes in particular, had on various occasions
treated the Argives ill ; these, therefore, with the Achaeans,
were the only people of the Peloponnese who refused to assist
them in the Peloponnesian war.
^^^ Our origin from you.] — If the fables of Greece may be
r O L Y M N I A. 77
" be unnatural cither for us to carry on war
" with those from whom we are descended, or
" for you to make us your adversaries, by giving
" your assistance to others. Remain, therefore,
" in tranquillity at home ; if what I meditate
" prove successful, no nation shall receive from
" me greater honours than yours." This propo-
sition appeared to the Argives of such serious
importance, that they of themselves made no ap-
plication to the Greeks ; and when they were
called upon for their assistance, they claimed an
equal command, merely with the view of remain*
credited, the royal families of Perseus and Argos came from
the same source. Fr(>m Danae, the daughter of Acrisius and
Jupiter, came Perses, king of Argos; Perses had by Andro-
meda, the daughter of Cepheus, Perses, who gave his name to
the Persians, before culled Cepheri. — Larc/ur.
It is truly said by Plato (in Alcibiad. vol. ii. p. 120.) that
the Ueraclida3 in Greece, and the Acha^menidiv among the
Persians, were of the same stock. On this account Hero-
dotus makes Xerxes claim kindred with the Argives of
Greece, as being equally of the posterity of Perses, the
same as Perseus, the sun, under which character the Per-
sians described the patriarch from whom they were descended.
Perseus was the same as Mithras, whose sacred cavern was
styled Perseiim.
Phoebe parens — seu te roseum Titana vocari
Gentis Achcemeniae ritu, seu praestat Osirin
Frugiferum : seu Persei sub rupibus antri
Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mitliram.
Statins Hull. i. 717.
The above is from Bryant, vol. ii. 6?, 0\S. — See aUo, uf the
same work, vol. i. 46"6, and vol. iii. 388.
78 P O L Y M N I A.
iiig quiet, for they knew the Lacedaemonians
would refuse it
lU
CLT. The ahove receives confirmation from a
circumstance represented in Greece to have hap-
pened many years afterwards. The Athenians,
upon some occasion or other, sent amhassadors
to Susa, the city of Memnon ^'% amongst whom
was Callias*, the son of Hipponicus : at the
same place, and time, some Argives were pre-
sent, to inquire of Artaxerxes, the son of Xer-
xes, whether the friendship they had formed
with his father Xerxes, continued still in force.
114 Jf^ould refuse zY.]— Plutarch, in his Essay on the maUg-
nity of Herodotus, which I have frequently had occasion to
mention, says, that this passage is a remarkable instance of
our author's malice. " Every body knows," says Plutarch,
" that the Argives were not unwilling to enter into the Gre-
cian confederacy, although they did not choose to submit to
the tyranny of the Lacedaemonians." — T.
113 Citi/ of Memnon.']— Buih by Tithonus, the father of
ISIemnon, and called both by Herodotus and Strabo the
JMemnonian city.
* The fart was this, according to Diodorus Siculus, Ar-
taxerxes, in consequence of the great losses he had sus-
tained in Cyprus, determined to make peace with the Greeks.
Artabanes and Megabyzes were accordingly dispatched on
this business as ambassadors to Athens. — The terms appear-
ing reasonable to the Athenians, they on their side sent am-
bassadors to Artaxerxes with full powers. — Callias was at
the head of the embassy, and this event happened in the
fourth year of the 82d Olympiad, and 44.9 years before the
Christian a^ra.
P O L Y M N I A. 79
or whether he regarded them as enemies. Ar-
taxerxes replied, tliat it certainly did continue,
and that no city had a greater share of his regard
than Argos.
CLII. In relating the above, I neither speak
from my own knowledge, nor give any opinion,
having no other authority but that of the Argives
themselves, for saying that Xerxes sent a herald
to Argos, or that the Argive ambassadors at Susa
interrogated Artaxerxes concerning his friend-
ship for their country. This, however, I know,
that if all men were to produce in one place
uo
iiG Produce in one place.] — This passage is obscure. The
meaning of Herodotus seems to be, that if we take the
representation of the Argives, their guilt was not consider-
able, according to the favourable eye with which all men
view their own faults. " I know," says he, " that all
men would rather keep their own faults, than take those
of others."
A similar sentiment to this is well expressed by lord Ches-
teriield, in a paper of the World.
'* If, sometimes, our common parent has been a little par-
tial, and not kept the scales quite even, if one preponderates
too much, we throw into the lighter a due counterpoise of
vanity, which never fails to set all right. Hence it happens,
that hardly any man would without reserve, and in every par-
ticular, change with any other."
Solon, according to Valerius Ma.ximus, book vii. c. 2. as-
serted the same thing concerning human miseries. " Solon
aiebat si in unum locum cuncti malu sua contulissent, futurum
ut propria deportare domum quani ex communi miseriaruni
uccrvo portionem suani ferrc inallcnt." Thi'^ Inpio is treatml
80 r O L Y M N I A.
tlieir faults, in order to exchange them for those
of their neighbours, the result would be, that
after due examination, each would willingly re-
turn with what he brought. — The conduct of the
Argives, according to this representation, was not
the basest possible. But it is incumbent upon
me to record the different opinions of men,
though I am not obliged indiscriminately to cre-
dit them ; and let this my opinion be applied
to the whole of my history. It is then also as-
serted, that the Argives first invited the Persian
to invade Greece, imagining, after the losses
they had sustained from the Lacedaemonians,
that they could experience no change for the
worse.
CLIII. With the view of forming a treaty
with great humour in the Spectator, N° 557 and 558.
Should there be any doubt about the meaning of koku, in
this passage, it may be observed that Plutarch substitutes
Plutarch, after reprobating the manner in which Herodotus
speaks of the Argives, adds this comment :
" What he therefore reports the ^Ethiopian to have ex-
claimed concerning the ointment and the purple, ' Deceitful
are the beauties, deceitful the garments of the Persians,' may
be appUed to himself; for deceitful are the phrases, deceit-
ful the figures, which Herodotus employs, being perplexed,
fallacious, and unsound. For as painters set off and render
more conspicuous the luminous parts of their pictures by the
aid of shades, so he by his denials extends his calumnies, and
by his ambiguous speeches makes liis suspicions take the
deeper impression." — T.
P O I. Y M N I A. 81
with Gelon, there arrived in Sicily tlifFercnt am-
hassatlors from the several allies, and Syagrus on
the part of the Lacedaemonians. An ancestor
of this Gelon was a citizen of Gela "', of the
island of Telo, opposite Triopinm ; when the
Lindians of Rhodes"", and Antiphemus, built
*'7 Ciela.~\ — The curious reader will find every thing relating
to Gela amply discussed by the learned D'Orville, in his
Sicula, page 111 to page 131. It seems probable thut it
was built 713 years before Christ. According to Diodorua
Siculus, Phintias, tyrant of Agrigentum, destroyed Gela
about the 124th Olympiad, and 572 years after its first t\)unda-
tion : the inhabitants he removed to the town of Phintias,
which he built. A medal has been found in Sicilv, on one
side of which is a minotaur, the well known type of the
people of Gela ; on the reverse a wild boar, which is always
found on the medals of Phintias. See Larcher's Table Geo-
graphique, vol. vii. p. l.')7. — T.
^"^ Rhodes.] — The Rhodians succeeded the Cretans in the
dominion of the sea ; they styled themselves sons of the
■sea. .So Simias, their own historian, says of iheni, us cited
by Clemens Alexand. and explained by Bccliart, vloi daXacratji:.
— See Diodorus Sic. 1. v. Florus calls them Nauticus popu-
UiR. See Meursius, where we find that llhudes was styled
Mari enata, because it emerged hv the decrease of the sea.
They applied themselves with great success to maritime affairs,
and became famous for building ships; they took so much
care to keep the art to themselves, that it was criminal
not only to enter, but even look at tlnir docks. — See in
Eustalhius in Dion, the expression ra XiytuTrXota. The high
esteem and credit which Rhodes obtained, is apparent Irom
the succours which the neighbouring states sent her, when
almost destroyed by an earthquake. See Polybius. In
Polybius the reader niav find an account of the wiRdom of
Vol,. IV. G
82 V O L Y i^I N I A.
Gela, lie accompanied them. His posterity, in
process of time, became the ministers of the in-
fernal deities"-*, which honour, Telines, one of
tlicir ancestors, thus obtained : Some men of
(iela, who in a public tumult had been worsted,
took refuge at iNIactorium, a city beyond Gela.
her politics : one part I cannot omit, namely, the just value
they set on their poor, and their importance to the state, and
the care they took of them. They established many rules fur
their maintenance, and made ample provision for them all,
wisely concluding, that the better they were used, the more
obedient and peaceable they would be, and always ready to
attend the summons of the public, in recruiting and manning
their fleets. With the terror of these they long maintained
the sovereignty of the seas, extending their dominion even to
Pharos, near Egypt, till Cleopatra, by subtlety, shook olT
their yoke. The inhabitants of Pharos complaining of the
heavy tribute they annually paid, as many other islands did,
to the Rhodians, she ordered a mole to be thrown up to join
Pharos to the continent, which was surprisingly executed
within seven days, and thence called Eptastadium. Soon
after this the Rhodian officers being arrived at Pharos
for the payment of the tribute, the queen, riding on horse-
back over the new causeway to Pharos, told the Rhodians
they did not know their own business : that the tribute
was not to be paid by the people of the continent, and Pharos
was no longer an island. Let me add, that the inhabitants
of Rhodes long maintained their credit in maritime affairs,
gave their assistance to the unfortunate, curbed and restrained
tiie oppressor, and, by the institution of the knights of
Jerusalem, in 1308, enlisted themselves in defence of Chris-
tianity against the encroachments of the infidels, and gallantly
defended their island against the Ottoman forces f)r the
space of 200 years. — T.
119 Infernal deities.'] ~Ce\-es and Proserpine.
P O I. Y M N I A. SS
Telines brought these back to their allegiance,
without any other aid than the things sacred to
the above deities, but where or in what manner
he obtained them, I am unable to explain. It
was by their aid, that he effected the return of
the citizens of Gela, having previously stipulated
that his descendants should be the ministers of
the above-mentioned deities. That Telines should
undertake and accomplish so difficult an cntcr-
prize, seems to me particularly surprising ; it was
certainly beyond the abilities of any ordinary in-
dividual, and could only have been executed by a
man of very superior qualities. He is, never-
theless, reported by the people of Sicily to have
been a person of different character ; that is to say,
of a delicate and effeminate nature. — Thus, how-
ever, he attained his dignities.
CLI^^. Cleander, the son of Pantareus, after
possessing for seven years the sovereignty of Gela,
was assassinated by Sabyllus, a citizen of the
place, and succeeded in his authority by his bro-
ther Hippocrates. During his reign, Gelon '"'^
'-° G('lon,'\ — lie was not, as Dionysiiis llalicauinssiis as-
serts, the brother of Hippocrates. From belonging to the
body guard of Hippocrates, he elevated himself to the go-
vernment of Gela, and from thence to that of Syracuse :
this last he rendered a flourishing town, and so attached it to
liim by his liberality, that when they broke in pieces the
G 2
84 P O L Y M N I A.
one of the posterity of Telincs, of nlioni indeed
there were many others, and particularly .oEne-
sidemus, son of Pataicus, of the body guard of
Hippocrates, was soon, on account of his military
virtue, promoted to the rank of general of the
cavalry. He had eminently distinguished himself
in tlie several different wars, which Hippocrates
had prosecuted against the Callipolitae, the Nax-
ians, the people of Zancle and Leontium, not to
mention those of Syracuse, and many barbarous
nations. Of all these cities, which I have enume-
rated, that of Syracuse alone escaped the yoke of
Hippocrates. The Syracusans, indeed, had sus-
tained a signal defeat near the river Elorus, but
the Corinthians and Corcyrseans had supported
and delivered them, on the express condition
that they should give up to Hippocrates the
city of Camarina, which they possessed from the
remotest antiquity.
CLV. Hippocrates, after reigning the same
period as his brother Cleander, lost his life before
the town of Hybla ^"\ in a war against the Sici-
statnes of the tyrants, to coin them into money, when Timo-
leon restored its liberty to Syracuse, those of Gelon alone
were exempted. — Larcker.
*-^ Hybla.l — There were in Sicily three cities of this name,
the greater, the middle, and the little Ifyhla. The first of
these is now called Paterno, and is at the fo(»t of yT'.tna ; the
POLY M N I A. 8.3
liaiis. Geloii, after having conquered liis fel-
low-citizens in a fixed battle, under pretence of
defending the rights of Euclid and Oleander, sons
of Hijipocrates, whose accession to their father's
dignity was resisted, obtained the supreme autho-
rity of Gela, to the exclusion of the lawful heirs.
lie afterwards got possession of Syracuse, taking
the opportunity of restoring to their country,
from Csamcnc, those of the Syracusans called
Gamori '", who had been expelled by the common
people, in conjunction with their own slaves the
Cillyrians '''. The Syracusans, on his approach,
made their submissions, and delivered up their
citv.
CLVI. When Gelon became master of Syra-
cuse he made light of Gela, his former posses-
second is the modern Uagusa ; the third is Megara. — It was
before the second llybla that Hippocrates died. Ilybla was
also the name of a mountain in SicUy, which abounded in
thyme, and was celebrated for its bees ; it has been sufficiently
notorious in poetic description.
I am conscious that, with respect to geographical descrip-
tions, 1 have on all occasions been concise, and some of my
readers may, perhaps, think to a fault. In answer to this
I can only observe, that the geography of Herodotus might be
reasonably expected to employ a separate volume. — T.
122 Gamori] — The Gamori or Geomori, were properly
those who, being sent away as a colony, divided the lands
among them.
1" Cilli/rians. ]—'Vh'\i name is written differently. larcher
calls them Cillicvrian?.
8() F O L Y M N I .\.
sioii, and consigned it to the care of his hrothcr
Hiero. Syracuse, which now was every thing to
him, became soon a great and powerful city.
Gelon removed all its inhabitants from Camarine,
whom he made citizens of Syracuse, after over-
turning their city. He did the same with respect
to more than half of the people of Gela. He be-
sieged also the people of Sicilian Megara ; on
their surrender, the most wealthy among them,
who, on account of their activity against him,
expected no mercy, were removed to Syracuse,
and permitted to enjoy the privileges of citizens.
The common people of JMcgara, who, not having
been instruments of the war, thought they had
nothing to apprehend, after being conducted to
Syracuse, were sold as slaves, to be carried out of
Sicily. The people of Euboea in Sicily were in
like manner separated, and experienced the same
treatment. His motive, in both these instances,
was his fear and dislike of the common people :
thus he rendered himself a most powerful
prince.
CLVII. When the Grecian ambassadors ar-
rived at Syracuse, and obtained an audience of the
king, they addressed him to this effect ; " The
" Lacedaemonians, Athenians, and their common
*' allies, have deputed us to solicit your assist-
" ance against the Barbarian. You must have
** heard of his intended invasion of our country.
r () L Y .AI N I A. 8T
" that he has thrown bridges over the Helles-
" pont, and, bringing with him all the powers
" of Asia, is about to burst upon Greece. He
** pretends, that his hostilities are directed against
" Athens alone ; but his real object is the entire
" subjection of Greece. We call on you, there-
" fore, whose power is so great, and whose Sici-
" lian dominions constitute so material a portion
" of Greece, to assist us in the vindication of
" our common liberty. Greece united will form
" a power formidable enough to resist our inva-
** ders ; but if some of our countrymen betray us,
" and others withhold their assistance, the de-
" fenders of Greece will be reduced to an insig-
" nificant number, and our universal ruin may be
" expected to ensue. Do not imagine that the
" Persian, after vanquishing us, will not come to
*' you : it becomes you, therefore, to take every
" necessary precaution ; by assisting us, you
" render your own situation secure. — An cnter-
" prize concerted with wisdom seldom fails of
" success."
CLVIII. The reply of Gelon was thus vehe-
ment : " Your address to me, O men of Greece,"
said he, " is insolent in the extreme. How can
" you presume to solicit my aid against the
" Barbarian ? when I formerly asked you for
" assistance against the Carthaginians, nnd to
** revenge on the people of .'F.gesta, the death
«
«(
88 POL Y IM N I A.
of Dorieus, the son of Aiiaxaiidiides, offer-
ing in return to make those commercial places
free, from whence great advantages would
have been derived to you, on both occasions
you refused to succour me. That all this re-
gion, therefore, is not in subjection to the
Barbarians, has not depended upon you ; the
event, however, has been fortunate to me.
But on the approach of war, and your own
immediate danger, you have recourse to Gelon.
I shall not imitate your contemptuous conduct ;
I am ready to send to your aid two hundred
triremes, twenty thousand heavy-armed troops,
two thousand horse, and as many archers,
two thousand slingers, and an equal number
" of light-armed cavalry. It sliall be my care
*' also to provide corn "^ for all the forces of
" Greece, during the continuance of the war,
124 PfQiijg corn.] — The fertility of Sicily, with respect to
corn, has from the most remote times been memorable.
In the most flourishing times of Rome it was called the
granary of the republic. See Cicero in Verrem, ii. — " lUe
M. Cato sapiens cellam penariam reipublica;, nutricem
plebis Romaiia? Siciliam nominavit." Modern travellers
agree in representing Sicily as eminently abundant in its crops
of corn.
There is a fragment of Antiphenes preserved in Athena-us,
which may thus be translated :
" A Cook from Elis, a caldron from Argos, wine of
Pliliub, tapestry of Corinth, fish from Sicyon, pipers
(ai/\>;r/>«c«<;) from ^gium, cheese from Sicily, the perfumes
of Athens, and eels of Baotia."
bo
r O L Y U N 1 A. 89
" But I make these offers on the condition of
" being appointed to tlie supreme command,
" otherwise I will neither come myself, nor fur-
" nish supj)lies."
CLTX. Syagrus, unable to contain himself,
exclaimed aloud : " How would Agamemnon, the
" descendant of Pelops, lament, if he could
" know that the Spartans suffered themselves to
" be commanded by Gelon, and the people of
" Syracuse ! Upon this subject I will hear you
" no farther : if you have any intention of assist-
" ing Greece, you must submit to be subordinate
" to the Lacedaemonians ; if you refuse this, we
" decline your aid."
CLX. AVhen Gelon perceived the particular
aversion of Syagrus to his proposals, he delivered
himself a second time as follows : " Stranger of
" Sparta, when injuries are offered to an exalted
" character, they seldom fail of exciting his re-
" sentment : yet your conduct, insulting as it is,
" shall not induce me to transgress against dc-
" cency. If you are tenacious of the supreme
" authority, 1 may be reasonably more so, who
*' am master of more forces, and a greater
*' number of sliips : but as you find a difficulty
So that cheese also was amongst the numerous dclicacie*
which Sicily supphcd. — J'.
90 r O L Y M N I A.
" in acceding to my terms, I will remit somcwliat
" of my claims. If you command the land
" forces, I will have the conduct of the fleet ;
" or, if you will direct the latter, I will command
" the former. You must be satisfied with one of
" these conditions, or be content to depart with-
" out my powerful assistance ^''\" — Such were the
propositions of Gclon.
CLXI. The Athenian envoy, anticipating the
I^acedaemonian, answered him thus : " Kins; of
" Syracuse, Greece has sent us to you, not want-
" iug a leader, but a supply of forces. Such is
*' your ambition, that unless you are suffered to
" command, you will not assist us. When you
" first intimated your wish to have the supreme
" command of our united forces, we Athenians
" listened in silence, well knowing that our La-
" cedaemonian ally would return you an answer
125 Ml/ powerful assistance-l — iElian, in his Various His-
tory, book ix. chap. 5, relates this anecdote of Hiero and
Themistocles :
When Hiero appeared at the Olympic games, and would
have engaged with his horses in the race, Themistocles
prevented him, saying, that he who would not engage in the
common danger ought not to have a share in the common
festival.
The chronology of this fact is adduced by Bentley, as a
convincing argument against the genuineness of the epis-
tles imputed to Themistocles. See Bentley on Phalaris,
p. 395.— r.
r O L Y M N I A. 91
" applicable to us both. As soon as you gave up
" this claim, and were satisfied with requiring
" the command of the fleet alone, I then tliouglit
" it became me to answer you. Know then, tliat
" if the Spartan ambassador would grant you this,
" we would not : if the Lacedcemonians refuse the
" conduct of the fleet, it devolves of course to
" us ; we would not dispute it with them, but we
*' would yield it to nobody else. It would little
" avail us to possess the greater part of the mari-
" time forces of Greece, if we could suffer the
" Syracusans to command them. The Athenians
•' are the most ancient people of Greece ^■*', and
^^^ The most ancient people of Greece.^ — The Athenians in
support of their antiquity, assumed many romantic aj)pel-
lations, calling themselves the sons of the earth, '^Bovioi,
avTO-)(^dope(, yijyivci^f irrjXoyovot, children of clay. See He-
sychius at the word yr/yjj'ffc. Opposing also these appel-
lations to the fiction of the ^Egyptians, concerning the gene-
ration of man from the slime and mud of the river Nile,
they afterwards, as an emblem of their own fortuitous ge-
neration, wore the cicaike, or harvest flies, commonly trans-
lated grasshoppers, in their hair. Their comic poet, who on
no occasion spared his countrymen, makes of this their em-
blem a happy but sarcastic use, telling them that the cicada,
which they pretended to be a symbol of themselves, did re-
ally exhibit their faithful picture, they were ardpunroi winrtp
irapvoTrec, with this only difference, that whereas the cicada
only sung upon the boughs for a month or two, they sung
away their whole lives in hearing causes ; that in short they
were oinpfioXoyoi (See Athena?us, p. .UO.) sauntering through
the streets to pick up the loose grain which fell from the
industrious farmer, to find out a place, anpay^ioya, where
D2 r O L Y M N I A.
*' we alone have never changed our country :
" from us was descended that hero, who, ac-
" cording to Homer, of all those who marched
" against Troy*, was the most expert in the
*' arrangement and discipline of an army : we
" relate these things with a becoming sense of
" our own imj)ortance."
they had nothing to do. This claim, however, of the Athe-
nians to avatiquity was opposed by the Arcadians, who boasted
thai they existed before the moon, and to keep up this pre-
tence they wore lunulas or moons in their shoes, as the Athe-
nians wore the cicada in their hair : they therefore called
themselves irpoffiKrp'oi : and Strabo, in his eighth book, owns
their plea, asserting that the Arcadians were the oldest of
all the Grecians. — 1 cannot help thinking that the Arcadians
were called Silen, before they disputed with the Athenians
on the subject of antiquity. A principal part of their pos-
sessions in Asia were called Salonum, and the cheese there
made caseus Salonites, words not unlike to Silenus and Se-
lenita;. The name also is preserved in Silenus, the usual
companion of Pan, the Arcadian deity. Silenus, as the Greek
language prevailed, might afterwards be changed into Selcnvs
or Selenita, from the word Selene, then better understood, or
on purpose to maintain the contest of antiquity, and to ac-
count for calling themselves Proseleni. — T.
* Troy^ — There are frequent allusions in Herodotus to
the Trojan war. See for example Clio, c. v. this passage,
and Calhope, c. x.xvii. — Xerxes sacrificed to the Trojan Mi-
nerva, and paid respect to the memory of the heroes who
died at Troy — of course he believed the Trojan war to have
existed. The truth I conceive to be this — that the Trojan
war did actually take place, but that the poem of Homer
contains a number of fables introduced by the poet as em-
bellishments. — T.
P O L V M N I A. 9S
CLXII. " jNIan of Athens," answered (icloii,
" it does not appear that you want commanders,
" but troops. Since, therefore, you would ob-
" tain every tiling and concede nothing, hasten
" your departure, and inform Greece that their
•' year will be without its spring." The meaning
of his expression was, that as the spring was the
most desirable season of the year, so were his
forces with respect to those of Greece; Greece,
therefore, destitute of his alliance, would be as a
year without its spring.
CLXIII. The Grecian ambassadors, after re-
ceiving this answer from Gelon, sailed back again.
Gelon afterwards, apprehending that the Greeks
must fall before the Barbarian power, and still
disdaining, as monarch of Sicily, to be subordi-
nate to the Spartans in the Peloponnese, adopted
the following measure: — As soon as he heard
that the Persian had passed the Hellespont, he
sent three fifty-oared vessels to Delphi, under
the conduct of Cadmus, the son of Scythes, of
the isle of Cos ; he had with him a large sum
of money, and a commission of a pacific ten-
dency ''^. They were to observe the issue of
the contest : if the Barbarian proved victorious,
I'T Pacific tendency-^ — •jftiXfoi/t Xoyovt, literally, " friiridly
vNords."
94 P O L Y M N I A.
they were to give liim earth and water, in token
of the submission of those places of which Gelon
was prince ; if victory fell to the Greeks, they were
to return home.
CLXIV. This Cadmus had received from his
fjither, the sovereignty of Cos; and tliough his
situation was free from every species of disqui-
etude, he resigned his authority from the mere
love of justice, and retired to Sicily. Here,
in conjunction with the Samians, he inhabited
Zancle, the name of which place was afterwards
changed to Messana ^'^. Gelon selected this man,
being convhiced from his previous conduct, of
his inviolable attachment to justice. Among
the other instances of rectitude which he exhi-
bited, the following is not the least worthy of
admiration : If he had thought proper he might
have converted to his own use the wealth with
which Gelon intrusted him ; but after the vic-
tory of the Greeks, and the consequent retreat
of Xerxes, he carried all these riches back again
to Sicily.
^"^ Messana.] — It is by no means certain when this hap-
pened : the authorities of Herodotus and Thucydides are con-
tradicted by that of Pausanias. The reader who may wish
minutely to investigate tliis fact, I refer to Larcher's long note
to Bentley on Phalaris, page 104, who avails hiinsTelf of it to
detect the forgery of the epistles ascribed to Phalaris ; and
lastly to D'()rvilli:'s Sicula.— 7\
I* O L Y M S I A. 95
CLXV. 'Tlic Sicilians affirm, that Gclon would
still have assisted the Greeks, and siihmittcd to
serve under the Lacedaemonians, if Terillus, the
son of Crinippus, who had heen expelled from
Himera, where he had exercised the sovereignty,
by Theron, son of iEuesidemus, had not at this
time brought an army against him. This army
was composed of Phoenicians, Africans, Ibe-
rians, Ligurians, Helisycians, Sardinians, and
Cyrnians, under the command of Amilcar, son
of Anno, king of Carthage ^~\ to the amount of
three hundred thousand men. Terillus had con-
ciliated this person, partly from the rites of pri-
vate hospitality, but principally by the interpo-
sition of Anaxilaus, son of Cretineus, king of
Rhegium, who had given his children as hostages
to Amilcar, to induce him to come to Sicily^"*',
and revenge the cause of his father-in-law.
Anaxilaus had married the daughter of Terillus,
whose name was Cydippe : Gelon, from these
circumstances being unable to assist the Greeks,
sent, as we have described, a sum of money to
Delphi.
^^9 King of Carthage.] — Larcher remarks, from Polyreruis
and Cornelius Nepos, that the title of king was frequently
given to the Carthaginian generals.
13J Come to Sicil}/.'] — Diodorus Siculus relates, that Xerxes
had made. a treaty with the Carthaginians, and that it was
in consequence of this that the war here mentioned lin,\i place
in Sicily.
96 P O L Y M X I A.
CLXVl. It is related on the same authority,
that Geloii and Theron conquered the Cartha-
ginian Amilcar, in Sicily, on the same day "\
which was remarkable for the victory of the
Greeks at Salamis. The father of Amilcar, as
they assert, w'as a Carthaginian, his mother was
a native of Syracuse ; he had been elevated to
the throne of Carthage for his personal virtues.
After being vanquished, as we have described,
he disappeared, and was never seen afterwards,
dead or alive, though Gelon "^ with the most
diligent care endeavoured to discover him.
^fe'^
CLXVII. The Carthaginians assert, and with
1^1 On the same dai/.] — Diodorus Siculus says the same
thing: of course these two authors are agreed about the year
of the battle of ThermopyUv, and differ only in a few months.
Herodotus makes it to have happened in the beginning of the
first year of the 75th Olympiad ; Diodorus Siculus some
months afterwards.
The victory of Gelon did him great honour ; but what in
my opinion did him more, was, that when he granted peace
to the Carthaginians, he stipulated that they should never
again sacrifice children to Saturn. Nevertheless, Diodorus
Siculus, who mentions this treaty, says nothing of this
condition ; and it appears from this author, that the bar-
barous custom above-mentioned still prevailed in the time
of Agathocles, that is to say, in the 117th Olympiad. —
Larcher.
^''^ Though Gelon.1 — If Polya^nus may be believed, Gelon
very well knew the fate of Amilcar; see lib. i. c. 27- Not
daring to face him openly in the field, he destroyed him by a
paltry stratagem, when in the act of offering sacrifice.
P O L Y M N I A. 97
some probability, that during the contest of the
Greeks and Barbarians in Sicily, which, as is
reported, continued from morning till the ap-
proach of night, Amilcar remained in liis camp ;
here he offered sacrifice to the gods, consuming
upon one large pile the entire bodies of numerous
victims "I As soon as he perceived the retreat
of his party, whilst he was in the act of pouring
a libation, he threw himself into the flames, and
for ever disappeared. Whether, according to
the Phoenicians, he vanished in this, or, as the
Carthaginians allege, in some other manner, this
last people, in all their colonics, and parti-
cularly in Carthage, erected monuments in his
honour, and sacrificed to him as a divinitv. —
Enough perhaps has been said on the affairs of
Sicily.
CLXVIII. The conduct of the Corcyreans
did not correspond with their professions. The
same emissaries who visited Sicily, went also to
Corcyra, the people of which place they ad-
dressed in the terms they had used to Gelon.
To these they received a promise of immediate
and powerful assistance : they added, that they
133 ^y,„eyous licfims.] — We find Croesus, in a preceding
book, offering up three thousand chosen victims ; see book i.
chap. 50.
Vol. W. H
98 P I. V M N I A.
could by no means be indifferent spectators of
tlie ruin of Greece, and they felt themselves
impelled to give their aid, from the conviction,
tliat the next step to the conquest of Greece
u'ould be their servitude ; they would therefore
assist to the utmost. — Such was the flattering
answer they returned. But when tliey ought to
have fulfilled their engagements, having -very
different views, they fitted out a fleet of sixty
vessels ; these were put to sea, though not \\ itii-
out difficulty, and sailing towards the Pelopon-
nesc, they stationed themselves near Pylos and
Taenaros, off the coast of Sparta*. Here they
waited the issue of the contest, never imagining
that the Greeks would prove victorious, but
taking it for granted that the vast power of the
Persian would reduce the whole of Greece. They
acted in this manner to justify themselves, in
addressing the Persian monarch to this effect :
*' The Greeks, O king, have solicited our as-
iistance, who, after the Athenians, are second
((
" to none in the number as well as strength of
*' our ships : but vvc did not wish to oppose your
*' designs, or to do any thing hostile to your
* The treachery of the people of Corc3ra had well nigh
cost them dear ; after the war the Greeks would have exter-
minated them, but Themistocles represented to them, that
if they were to destroy all the cities which had not been
in alliance with them, Gi'eece would sustain greater injury
than if the I'ersians had conquered their country. — Larcher.
1* () I, Y M N I A. • ij[)
" wishes." By tins language they hoped to ob-
taiu more favourable conditions ; in which they
do not to me appear to have been at all unrea-
sonable : they had previously concerted their
excuse to the Greeks. When the Greeks re-
proached them for withholding the promised
succour, they replied that they had absolutely
fitted out a fleet of sixty triremes ; but that the
north-east winds would not suffer them to pass
the promontory of ^lalea : and tliat it was tliis
accident alone, not any want of zeal, which pre-
vented their arrival at Salamis till after the
battle. It was thus they attempted to delude
the Greeks.
CLXIX. The Cretans being in like manner
solicited by the Grecian envoys to assist the
common cause, determined to consult the oracle
at Delphi about the expediency of such a mea-
sure : " Inconsiderate as you arc," replied the
priestess, " has not Minos given you sufficient
" cause to regret the part you took with respect
" to Menelaus ? The Greeks refused to re-
" venge the murder of I^Iinos "^ at Camicus,
134 Mino.s.'j — The Cretans had sent some foices to the
Trojan war, under the conduct of Idomeneus and Merion.
Idomeneus was a descendant of Minos, and at liis dtath the
government of the family of Minos ceased. Minos expelled
from Crete the Rhadamanes; see the Dionysiaca of Nonniis'
II -2
100 P O L Y M N I A.
** though you assisted them to punish the rape of
" a Spartan woman by a Barbarian." This
liled by Mfuisiiis, p. I'JO. Those who settled witli JNlinos
at Crete, are the first whom the Grecian history records for
their power and dominion at sea; he extended his jurisdic-
tion to the coasts of Caria on the one hand, and to the cities
of Greece on the other; using his power with moderation
and justice, and employing it against those lawless rovers
.-Irid pirates who infested the neighbouring islands, and in the
protection and support of the injured and distressed. If he
be represented in worse colours by some authors, the paint-
ing is the hand of one who copied from those, whose rapine
and oppression had provoked and felt his resentment. Minos
was no less renowned for his arms abroad, than for his po-
lity and good government at home ; he is said to have framed
a body of laws, under the direction of Jupiter, for his sub-
jects of Crete, and, though this may have the air of a
romance, invented, as such reports were, to give the better
sanction to his laws, yet it is confessed, says Strabo, that
Crete in ancient times was so well governed, that the best
states of Greece, especially the Spartan, did not disdain to
transcribe many of its laws, and to form the plan of their
government according to this model. Lycurgus retired into
Crete, and transcribed its laws. — Meursius, p. l62 ; they re-
lated principally to military points. A. Gellius records one
instance of this agreement of the military sort, in giving the
onset to battle, 1. i. c. 11.; there are many others in Meur-
sius. Besides Plato and Ephorus, mentioned by Strabo, we
may add Xenophon and Polybius, bearing their witness to
what I have above said of the ancient Cretans' character.
As it was gained by, so it fell with, the descendants of
Minos ; for when the Carians had expelled the former, and
were become masters of the island, as Diodorus Siculus sup-
poses that they did soon after the Trojan war (book v. at
the end) Crete became a den of tyrants, and a nest of pirates,
rOLYMNIA 101
answer induced the Cretans to refuse their as-
sistance.
CLXX. It is said tliat ]Minos coming to Sica-
nia, now called Sicily, in search of Daidalus "',
as infamous for their thefts and injustice, as the Eteocretans
had been famous for their opposite virtues. — T.
133 Dcedalus.] — Diodorus Siculus gives the following ac-
count of Dcedalus, book iv. c 7t>.
Daedalus was an Athenian, of the family of Erectheus; he
was eminently skilful as an architect, as a statuary and
engraver. He had arrived at so great excellence, that his
posterity boasted of his figures, that they appeared to see
and to move like human beings. He was the first who
formed eyes to his figures, and represented the limbs and
arms correctly and distinctly. Before his time artists made
the eyes of their figures closed, the hands suspended close
to the sides. His nephew Talos was his pupil, whose in-
genuity so excited his envy and jealousy that he killed him :
for this he was condenmed to death by the Areopagus,
but flying to Crete, his talents procured him great reputa-
tion, and the friendship of Minos. This he forfeited fnun
using his art to gratify the preposterous passion of Pasiphae,
the wife of Minos ; whence the story of the birth of the
Minotaur. He consequently fied from hence with his son
Icarus, who gave his name to the sea where he perished.
Daedalus went to Sicily, where he was received and enter-
tained by Cocalus; ]Minos pursued him with a numerous
fleet, he landed in the territory of Agrigentum, and sent to
Cocalus to demand Daedalus. Cocalus invited him to a
conference, promised to give Daedalus up, and otlered him
the rites of hospitality; after which he suffocated Minos in
a hot bath.
It has been disputed, whether with the assistance of Dae-
dalus, Minos was not the inventor of tlie labyrinth. 'I'liu
r^r i- ■ . T 1 r .^n V ' 1
102 r O L Y :\i N I A.
perished by a violent cleatli *"'. Xot long after-
wards, actuated as it were by some divine im-
pulse, all the Cretans in a body, except the
l^oliehnites and the Praesians, passed over with
a o-reat fleet to Sicania, and for five years laid
close siege to Camicus, which was inhabited even
to my time by tlic Agrigen tines. Unable either
to take the place or continue the siege, they were
compelled by famine to retire ; a furious tempest
attacked them off the coast of lapygia, and drove
credit uf the invention is by Pliny assigned to the /Egyptian ;
Ovid very prettily compares the winding of the Cretan laby-
rinth to the course of the Meander, 1. viii. i6'0.
Non secus ac liquidus Phrygiis jMaeandros in arvi^
Ludit, et ambiguii lapsu refluitque fluitque,
Occurrensque sibi venturas aspicit undas ;
Et nunc ad fontes, nunc in mare versus apertuin
Incertas exercet aquas. Ita Daedalus iniplet
Innumeras errore vias, &c. T.
136 Yiolctit death.] — Zenobius affirms, that whilst he was
at the bath, the daughter of Coralus killed him, by pouring
boiling pitch upon him. Diodorus Siculus says, that Cocalus
having permitted him to do what he wished, and offering
him the rites of hospitality, suffocated him in a bath, of
which the water was too hot. Pausanias says nothing of the
kind of death which Minos died; he satisfies himself with
saying, that the daughters of Cocalus were so pleased with
Da3dalus on account of his ingenuity, that to oblige him, they
resolved to destroy Minos. The violent death of this prince
induced Sophocles to write a tragedy, called Minos, as
appears from Clemens Alexandrinus or Camicoi, as we find
in AthenKus. — Larcher,
r () L V M N I A. 103
them ashore. As their vessels were destroyed,
and they were unable to return to Crete, they
remained there, and built the town of Hyria.
Instead of Cretans they took tlic name of INIes-
sapian lapyges ^^\ and from being islanders they
became inhabitants of the continent. From Hyria
they sent out several colonies ; with these, the
Tarentines being afterwards engaged in the most
destructive hostilities, received the severest de-
feat we ever remember to have heard related.
The Tarentines were not on this occasion the
only sufferers ; the people of Rhcgium, who had
been instigated by Mycithus, son of Choerus, to
assist the Tarentines, sustained a loss of three
thousand men ; tlic particular loss of the Ta-
rentines has not been recorded. JMycithus had
been one of the domestics of Anaxilaus, and had
"7 lapi/ges.] — So called from lapyx, the name of the son
of Dcedalus. lapyx was also the name of the Western wind.
See Horace:
Obstrictis aliis praeter lapyga
Ventis.
Again,
Ego quid sit atcr
7\drK'e novi sinus, et qniri albiis
Peccet lapyx.
The particulars of the battle, mentioned in the subsequent
part of the chapter, may be found at length in Diodorus
Siculus, book ii. chap. 52.
104 P O L Y M N I A.
been left to take care of Rhegium ; being driven
thence he resided afterwards at Tegea in Arcadia,
and consecrated a great number of statues ^^^ in
Olympia.
CLXXI. IMy remarks concerning the people
of Rhegium and Tarentum, have interrupted the
thread of my narration. Crete being thus left
without inhabitants, the Praesians say, that va-
rious emigrants resorted there, of whom the
greater number were Greeks. In the third age
after the death of JMinos, happened the Trojan
war, in which the Cretans were no contemptible
allies to IMenelaus. On their return from Troy,
and as some have asserted as a punishment for
the part they had taken, a severe pestilence and
famine destroyed them and their cattle; they
who survived, were joined by others who mi-
grated to them, and thus was Crete a third time
peopled. By recalling these incidents to their
remembrance, the Pythian checked their inclina-
tion to assist the Greeks.
i.-js Great numher of statues.'] — These are specified in Pau-
sanias ; they consisted of the statues of Amphitrite, Neptune,
and Vesta, by the hand of Glaucus, anArgive: there were
also Proserpine, Venus, Ganymede, Diana, Homer, and Ile-
siod ; next these were iEsculapius and Ilygeia, with Agon.
Tliese with many others were given by Mycithus, in conse-
quence of a vow made on account of his son, who was afflicted
with a dangerous disease. — T.
P O L Y M N I A. 105
CLXXII. The Thessalians were from the be-
ginning compelled to take the part of the ]Medes,
taking care to shew their dislike of the conduct
of the Aleuadae. As soon as they heard that
the Persian had passed over into Europe, they
sent deputies to the isthmus, \Yhcre were assem-
bled the public counsellors of Greece, deputed
from those states which were most zealous to de-
fend their country. On their arrival, the Thes-
salian deputies thus spake : " jNIen of Greece, it
'* will be necessary to defend the Olympic straits,
" for the common security of Thessaly, and of
" all Greece. We on our parts are ready to
" assist in this, but you must also send a con-
" siderable body of forces, which if you omit
" to do, we shall undoubtedly make our terms
" with the Persian. It cannot be just that ^ve,
" who from our situation are more immediately
" exposed to danger, should perish alone on
" your account. If you refuse to assist us, you
" cannot expect us to exert ourselves for you.
" Our inability to resist will justify our conduct,
*' and we shall endeavour to provide for our own
" security."
CLXXIII. The Greeks in consequence de-
termined to send a body of infantry by sea to
defend these straits. As soon as their forces
were ready they passed the Euripus. Arriving
106 POLY M N I A.
at Alus, in Achaia *, tliey disembarked, and j)io-
ceedcd towards Thessaly. They advanced to
Tempo, to tlie passage which connects the lovvcr
parts of Macedonia with Thessaly, near the river
Pencils, betwixt Olympus and Ossa ; here they
encamped, to the number of ten thousand heavy-
armed troops, and they were joined by the Thes-
salian horse. The Lacedaemonians were led by
Euaenetus, son of Carenus, one of the Pole-
marchs^'^^, though not of the blood-royal. The-
mistocles, son of Neocles, commanded the Athe-
nians. Here they remained but a few days ; for
Alexander, son of Amyntas, the Macedonian,
sent to them, recommending their retreat, from
their total inability to make any stand against the
land and sea forces of the enemy, whose num-
bers he explained. The Greeks, thinking the
* In Achaia.'] — Achaia means here Phtbiotis, in Thessaly.
— See Strabo, b. ix.
139 One of the Polemarchs.'] — The Polemarch seems to have
had separate and distinct duties in peace and in war ; in peace,
as I have elsewhere observed, it was his business to superin-
tend the strangers resident in Sparta, as well as to see to the
maintenance of the children of those who died in the public
service.
In war he seems to have been a kind of ard-de-oamp to
the king, and to have communicated his orders to the troops.
We may presume, from what Herodotus says in the conclu-
sion of the paragraph, that the Polemarchs were generally of
the blood-royal. — T.
r O L Y M N I A. 107
advice reasonable, and the Macedonian ami-
cable towards them, regulated their conduct by
it. I am rather inclined to impute tlie part
they acted to their fears, being informed tliat
there was another passage into Thessaly, through
the country of the Perrha^bi, in the higher region
of Macedonia, near the city Gonnos, and through
this the army of Xerxes did actually pass. The
Greeks retired to their ships, and returned to the
isthmus.
CIjXXIV. This expedition to Thessaly was
undertaken when Xerxes was preparing to pass
into Europe, and was already at Abydos. The
Thessalians, forsaken by their allies, lost no time
in treating with the IVIedes ; they entered warmly
into the king's affairs, and proved themselves re-
markably useful.
CLXXV. The Greeks, after their return to
the isthmus, in consequence of the advice of
Alexander, called a council to deliberate how
and where they should commence hostilities. It
was ultimately determined to defend the straits
of Thcrmopyla?, as being not only narrower than
those of Thessaly, but also within a less distance.
Of that other ai)proach by which the Greeks at
Thermopylae were surprized, tliey had not the
smallest knowledge, till, having arrived there,
they were shewn it by the Trachinians. To pre-
108 P O L Y I\I N I A.
vent the advance of the Barbarians to Greece,
they undertook to guard this passage : they re-
solved to send their fleet to Artemisium on the
coast of Histiaeotis. These places are so conti-
guous, that a communication betwixt the two
armaments was extremely easy.
CLXXVI. The above places may be thus de-
scribed : — Artemisium *, beginning from the Thra-
cian sea, gradually contracts itself into a narrow
strait betwixt the island of Sciathus and the con-
tinent of INIagnesia. Artemisium meets the coast
at the straits of Euboea, and here is a temple of
Diana. The entrance into Greece by the way of
Trachis is in its narrowest part half a plethrum ;
compared with the rest of the country, the part
most contracted lies before and behind Thermo-
pylae ^'^^ : behind, near the Alpeni, there is room
* Artemisium^ — According to this description, Artemisium
is the name of the whole sea, from Sepias to the Cenaean
promontory.
^^ T/iermopylce.] — An excellent plan of the straits of
Thermopylae, as they at present appear, may be seen in the
charts of the Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis. The description
which Livy gives of them has been greatly admired. — See
liber xxxvi. c. 15.
" Extremes ad orientem montes CEtam vocant ; quorum
quod altissimum est, Callidromon appellatur, in cujus valle
ad Maliacum sinum vergente iter est non lalius quam LX
passus. lI.Tc una militaris via est, ({ua traduci exercitus, si
P O L Y M N I A. 109
only for a single carriage ; before, near the river
Phoenix, by the town of Antlicla, the dimensions
of the passage are the same. To tlic west of
Thermopylae, is a steep and inaccessible moun-
tain, whicli extends as far as (Eta ; to the east,
it is bounded by the shoals and by the sea. In
these straits, there are warm baths which the
natives call Chytri, near which is an altar sacred
to Hercules. The place was formerly defended
by a wall and by gates : the wall was built by
the Phoceans, througli fear of the Tliessalians,
who came from Thesprotia to establish them-
selves in jSlolia, where they now reside. The
Tliessalians endeavouring to expel them, the Plio-
eeans erected the wall to protect them ; and, to
make the place marshy and impassable, they suf-
fered the above-mentioned warm springs to empty
themselves, using every expedient to prevent the
incursions of the Thessalians. The wall had in
a great measure mouldered away from length of
nun prohibeanlur possint. Ideo Pyhi', et ab aliis, quia calidic
aqiuc in ipsis faucibus sunt, Therniopylaj locus appellatur,
nobilis Lacedxmoniorum adversus Persas morle magis menio-
rabili quam pugna."
'I'be gates of public buildings were called by the Greeks
Onjoai, the gales of cities irvXai. — See Suidas at the word irvXai,
See also Perizonius's note to yElian, book iii. c. 25.
" The narrow entrance of Greece," says Mr. Ciibbon, de-
scribing the march of Alaric into Greece, " was probably eu-
laroed liv each succcs'-ivc ravisher." — T.
no l»OLYMNIA.
time: it was repaired, because it was here deter-
mined to repel the Barbarian from Greece. In
the vicinity is a place called Alpeni, which the
Greeks made a repository for their provisions.
CLXXVIL The Greeks from every consi-
deration deemed this place the most eligible.
After much cautious inspection and deliberation,
they concluded that the Barbarians could not
here avail themselves either of their numbers or
their cavalry ; here therefore they determined to
receive the disturber of their country. As soon
as they were informed of his arrival in Pieria,
they left the isthmus ; the land forces proceeding
to Thermopylas, the fleet to Artemisium.
CLXXVIII. Whilst the Greeks, according to
the resolutions of their council, resorted to their
several stations, the Delphians, anxious for them-
selves and for Greece, consulted the oracle. They
were directed, in reply, to address themselves
to the winds, for they would prove the best
allies of Greece. The Delphians lost no time
in communicating this answer to those Greeks
who were zealous for their libertv, and who
greatly dreading the Barbarian, thought it de-
served their everlasting gratitude. An altar was
immediately erected, and sacrifice offered to the
winds in Thyia, where there is a temple in honour
P O I. Y M X I A. Ill
of Thyia, daughter of Cepliissus ^*\ from whom
the place has its name. In consequence of the
above oracle, the Delphians to this day supplicate
the winds.
CLXXIX. The fleet of Tcrxes movino: from
Therma, dispatched ten of their swiftest sailing
vessels to Sciathus, where v.crc three guardships
of the Greeks, of Troezene, iEgina, and Athens.
These, on sight of the Barbarian vessels, imme-
diately fled.
CLXXX. The Barbarians, after e pursuit,
took the Troezenian vessel commanded by Prax-
inus. The most valiant of the crew they sacri-
ficed on the prow of the ship, thinking it a
favourable omen that their fust Greek capture
was of no mean distinction. The name of the
^*i Thyia, daughter of Cephisnus.] — Larcher quotes from
Pausanias the following passage :
" Others say that Castalius, a native of the country, had
a daughter named Thyia ; she was priestess of Bacchus,
and was the first who celebrated orgies in honour of that ii,od.
From this time, all those were called Thyiades, who became
frantic in honour of this god. They say also that Delplius
was the son of that Thyia by Apollo; others again say that
the mother of Delphus was Melania the daughter of Ct-
phlssus."
Strabo and Plutarch discerned a great affinity and hk.:iie&s
between the frantic rites of Cybele, the orgiaof liacchus,, ami
the mysteries of Pan. — 7'.
IV2 P O L Y M N I A.
man they slew was Leon, and to his name per-
haps he owed his fate.
CLXXXI. The vessel of iEgina occasioned
the enemy more trouble ; it was commanded by
Asonides, and among its warriors was Pythes "',
son of Ischenous, who on that day greatly dis-
tinguished himself. When his ship was taken,
he persevered in his resistance, till he was cut
in pieces : at length he fell, but, as he discovered
some signs of life, the Persians, in admiration of
his valour, made every possible effort to preserve
him, bathing his wounds with myrrh, and apply-
ing to them bandages of cotton ^ '^ On their
1*2 Pi/thes.'] — Bellanger in a long note endeavours to prove
that it should be Pytheas, and not Pythes. To all his argu-
ments I am satisfied to oppose the learned authority of Lon-
ginus, who writes the nominative case Pythes. — Lurcher.
143 Bandages of cotton.] — I have proved in another place,
that Byssus was cotton. A very learned man has objected
to me, that as the tree which produces cotton was not cul-
tivated in iEgypt, in the time of Prosper Alpinus, except in
gardens, it must necessarily, in the time of Herodotus, have
been still more uncommon ; which induces him to believe,
with father Ilardouin, that it is a species of fine linen. This
does not to me seem conclusive. It may be reasonably sup-
posed that the floods may in a great degree have destroyed
that plant, and particularly since iEgypt is become bar-
barous (devenue barbare.) This may be one cause of its
scarcity in the time of Prosper Alpinus, and does nut prove
to me that it was scarce in the time of Herodotus, or even
before his time. According to my interpretation, the Per-
POLYMNIA. 113
return to their camp, they exhibited him to the
whole army as a man deserving universal esteem ;
whilst they treated the rest of the crew as vile
slaves.
sians bound the wounds of Pythes with cotton ; we in similar
cases use lint : but the /Egyptians at this day use hnt of cotton
for wounds and sores. — Larchcr.
I do not know whether what I have to offer, in contradic-
tion to M. Larcher's opinion on this subject, may be thought
satisfactory, but I think that it merits the attention of the
English reader. I have before observed, that the finest
linen of /l>gypt was of a very coarse nature, of whatever it
was composed; and I find in Ezekiel, xxvii. 7- the follow-
ing verse :
BY2!202) jUira TTOiKiXiac EH AirTIlTOT lyerero rot
arpufivt], rovirtpidtiyai (tol coi,ai', icni TrapifiaXEiv ai vaKirdoy
leai iropd>vpav [k tuv vi}crwv EXctorat, kcii tytvtro irspifioXata
(Tov. Which is thus rendered by our translators :
Fine linen with broidered work from ^Egypt, was that which
thou spreadest forth to be thy sail; blue and purple from the
isles of Elisha was that which covered thee.
That V>vatTo<; is properly expressed by the word linen, I be-
lieve ; but whv it should be rendered fine linen, I am at a
loss to imagine. We are expressly told that it was used for
sail-cloth, and was probably of a substance equally coarse
with that mentioned by "\'irgil :
Usum in castrorum aut miseris velamina nautis. T.
Cotton seems to derive its name from the fruit in Crete,
called by Pliny mala cotonea, or cydonia, lib. xv. c. 11; it
is distinguished by other names, bombax, bambox, gossi-
pium xylon, the cloth made of it bissos. Ferunt cotonei mali
amplitudine cucurbitas, qua^ maturitate ruptae ostenduiit lanu-
ginls pilas, ex quibus vestes pretioso linleo faciunt. — Pliny,
lib. xii. c. \0.— Vincent's Voyage of Nearchus, p. 13.
Vol. IV. I
lU 1M> ], V M N 1 A.
CLXXXII. Two of the vessels being tlius
taken, the third, commanded by Phormus, an
Athenian, in its endeavour to escape, went ashore
at the mouth of the Peneus. The Barbarians
took the ship, but not its crew. The Athenians
got on shore, and proceeding through Thcssaly,
arrived safe at Athens. The Greeks stationed
at Artemisium were made acquainted with tlie
above event by signals of fire from Sciathus.
They instantly retired in alarm to Chalcis, witli
the view of guarding the Euripus. They did
not however omit to place daily sentinels on the
heights of Euboea.
CLXXXIII. Three of the ten Barbarian ves-
sels sailed to the rock called Myrmex, between
Sciathus and Magnesia. Here they erected a
column, with stones which they brought with
them for that purpose. They spent eleven days *
on this cruize, after the king's departure from
Therma, being conducted safe with respect to
this rock by Pammos the Scyrian. Sailing from
the above place, they in one day passed along
the coast of Magnesia to Sepias, on the shore
* I have always, observes Major Rennell, considered this
passage as either corrupted or mutilated ; perhaps the grand
fleet was eleven days on its passage from Therma to the coast
of Magnesia, and from thence one day to Sepias.
V () L Y M N I A. 11.5
which lies betwixt tlie town of Casthaiiee and the
coast of Sepias.
CLXXXIV. Thus far, and to Thermopylae,
the army of Xerxes met with no misfortune.
The number of the vessels which left Asia
amounted, if my calculations have not deceived
me, to twelve hundred and seven. The com-
plement of the crews by which tliey were ori-
ginally ^'* manned, was two himdred forty-one
thousand four hundred, composed of the differ-
ent auxiliaries, and allowing two huiidred men
to each vessel : to these, independent of their
own proper crews*, are to be added tliirty of
either Persians, Medes, or Saca;. The whole
number of these last was thirty-six thousand two
hundred and ten : to the above are also to be
added those who were on board the vessels of
fifty oars, to which we may allow at the rate of
eighty men to each. The whole number there-
fore of these will be found to have been three
'** Originalh/.'] — That is, I suppose, without the troops
which the king added to his armament in progress from Asia
to pAirope.
* This last description of men, may, perliaps, be considered
in the nature of marines ; and it is worthy of remark, that the
proportion of them to the rest of the crew, does not difl'er
much from the proportion of marines to our erews in these
times. — RenncU, p. 25 4.
1 2
116 POL Y M N I A.
thousand, and of the men two hundred and forty
thousand. Thus the fleet whicli left Asia was
composed of five hunch-ed seventeen thousand
six hundred and ten men. The infantry con-
sisted of seventeen hundred thousand men ; the
number of the cavahy was eighty thousand. The
Arabians with their camels, and the Africans
in their chariots, were twenty thousand more.
The above was the armament which left Asia ;
to make no mention of the menial attendants,
the transports which carried the provisions, and
their crews.
CLXXXV. To these are still to be added all
those troops which were brought from Europe;
of the precise number of which we can only
speak from opinion. The Greeks of Thrace,
and of the islands contiguous, furnished one
hundred and twenty vessels, the crews of which
amounted to twenty-four thousand men : a body
of land forces was also provided by the Thra-
cians, Pa^onians, the Eordi, Botti^ans ^^^ Chal-
145 Boft'urans. — The Bottiajans were of Athenian origin,
and, according to Aristotle, from those children whom the
Athenians sent to Minos in Crete by way of tribute. These
children grew old in that island, gaining their livelihood by
the labour of their hands. The Cretans, in compliance with
some vow, sent to Delphi the first-fruits of their citizens, to
whom they added these descendants of the Athenians. As
POLY MN I A. 117
cidians, Brygiaiis, Pieriaiis, Macedonians, Vcr-
rhaebians, Enieiies, Dolopes, JNIagnesians, Achae-
ans, and the other people who inhabit the mari-
time parts of Thrace. The amount of all these
was I believe three hundred thousand men. These
collectively, added to the Asiatic forces, make two
millions six hundred forty-one thousand six hun-
dred and ten fighting men.
CLXXXVI. Great as the number of these
forces was, the number of the menial attendants,
of the crews on board the transports carrying the
provisions, and of the other vessels following the
fleet, was I believe still greater. I will however
suppose them equal. Thus it will appear that
Xerxes son of Darius conducted to Sepias and to
Thermopylae an army consisting of five millions
two hundred and eighty-three tliousand two hun-
dred and twenty men.
CLXXXVI I. The above was the aggregate
of the troops of Xerxes : as to the women who
prepared the bread, the concubines and eunuclis,
no one has ever attempted to ascertain their num-
ber. The baggage-waggons also, the beasts of
they could not subsist there, they went to Italy, and estabHshed
themselves in lapygia; from hence they wenl to Thrace,
where ihty took llio name of Botlia-ans. — JjOrchcr.
118 rOLYMNIA.
burden, and the Indian dogs, which accompanied
the army, defy all computaticii. We can hardly
be surprised that the waters of some rivers were
exhausted ; but we may reasonably wonder how
provision could be supplied to so vast a multitude.
According to a calculation made by myself, if
each of the above number had only a chsenix of
corn a day, there would every day be consumed
ten thousand three hundred and forty mcdimni
Neither does this computation comprehend the
quantity allowed to the women, eunuchs, cattle,
and dogs. Among all these myriads of men, with
147
Its £jf,.y (la^j i)g cojisinned.'] — INlaitlaiul, who I believe is
generally allowed to be a faithful and accurate historian,
furnishes us with a table of the quantity of cattle consumed
annually in London, above thirty years ago, when that city
was far less populous than it is at present :
Beeves .08,244
Calves - - - . . ig.1,,76'0
Hogs 186',932
Pigs ----- 52,000
Sheep and Lambs - - - 71 1 123
The most inquisitive calculators seem now to a^ree in
allowing, upon an average, to the metropolis nt-ar a million of
inhabitants. — T.
14T Mec/i?«rt2.]— There were forty-eight chcnices in one
niedimnus; according therefore to the calculation of Hero-
dotus, there ought to have been 5,296",320 men. There is
of course a mistake either in tlie number of medimni or of
the troops.
r () L Y M N 1 A. 119
respect to grace and dignity of person "", no one
better deserved the supreme command than Xerxes
himself.
CLXXXVIII. The vessels of the fleet, after
their arrival on the coast of 3Iagnesia, betwixt
the town of Casthanaea and the shores of Sepias,
there stationed themselves, the foremost drawing
close to land, the others lying on their anchors
behind. As the shore was of no great extent,
the fleet was ranged in eight regular divisions,
with their heads towards the main sea, in which
situation they passed the night. On the ap-
proach of day, the sky and tlie sea, which had
before been serene, w-ere violently disturbed: a
furious storm arose, attended witli a violent squall
of wind from the cast"'', which the inhabitants
148 Grace and dignitij of person. —
Through all the nations which ador'd his pride
Or fear'd his power, the monarch now was pass'd ;
Nor yet among these millions could he found
One who in beauteous feature might compare,
Or towering size, with Xerxes. O possess'd
Of all but virtue, doom'd to shew how mean,
How weak, without her is unbounded power.
The charm of beauty, and the blaze of state ;
How insecure of happiness, how vain ! G/oicr.
149 From the east.'] — Apeliotes, called also Solaiuis and
Subsolanus. The ancients originally used only the four
cardinal winds ; they afterwards added lour more. The
120 P O L Y M N I A.
of these parts call an Hellespontian wind. They
who foresaw that the tempest would still in-
Romans increased them to twenty-four, and the moderns
have added to the four cardinal, twenty-eight collateral
winds. The annexed table may probably be useful to many
of my readers.
Names of the winds, and points of the compass.
English. Latin and Greek.
1 North ----- i Septentrio or Boreas.
2 North by East - - - 2 Hyperboreas, Hypaquilo,
Gallicus.
3 North, Norlh East - 3 Aquilo.
4 North East by North - 4 Mesoboreas, Mesaquilo, Su-
pernas.
5 North East - - - 5 Akctapeliotes, Bouape-
LioTES, Grxcus.
6 North East by East - 6" Hypoca^sias.
7 East North East - - 7 Caesias, Hellespontius.
8 East by North - - - 8 Mesocassias.
9 East 9 Solanus, Subsolanus
Apeliotes.
10 East by South - - - 10 Hypeurus, or Hypereurus.
11 East South East - - 11 Eurus or Volturnus.
12 South East by East - 12 Meseurus.
13 Southeast - - - 13 Notapeliotes,Euraster
14 South East by South - 14 Ilypophccnix,
15 South, South East - - 15 Phoenix, Phoenicias, Leuco-
notus, Gangeticus.
16 South by East - - - 16 Mesophoenix.
17 South 17 Auster, Notus, Meri-
DIES.
18 South by West - - 18 Hypolibonotus, Alsanus.
19 South, South West 19 Libonotus, Notolybicus, Aui-
tro-Africus.
P O L Y M N I A.
121
crease, and whose situation \vas favourable, pre-
vented the effects of the storm, by drawing their
vessels ashore, and with them preserved their own
persons : of those whom the hurricane surprized
farther out at sea, some were driven to the straits
of Pelion, termed the Ipnoi, others went on shore;
some were dashed against the promontory of Se-
pias, others carried to INIeliboea and Casthanaia, so
severe was the tempest.
CLXXXIX. It is asserted, that the Athenians
bein«c advised bv some oracle to solicit the assist-
ance of their son-in-law, invoked in a solemn
20 South West by South -
21 South West - - -
22 South West by West -
23 West South West - -
24 West by South - -
25 West - - - - -
26 West by North - - -
2/ West North West - -
28 North West by West -
2.9 North West - - -
30 North West by North -
3 1 North, North West
42 North by West - - -
Latin and Greek.
20 Mesolibonotus.
21 Notozephyrus, Notoli-
BYCUS, AfRICUS.
22 Hypohbs, Hypafricus, Sub-
vesperus.
23 Libs.
24 Mesolibs, Mesozephyrus.
25 Zephyrus, Favonius,
occidexs.
26 Hypargestes, Hypocorus.
27 Argestes, Caurus, Corus,
lapyx.
28 Mesargestes, Mesocorus.
2^) Zephyro-Boreas, Boroli-
bycus, Olympias.
30 H3'pocircius, IJypothrascias,
Scirem.
31 C'ircius Thrascias.
31 Mesocircius.
122 P O L Y M N I A.
manner the aid of Boreas"''. Boreas, accordin<v
to the tradition of the Greeks, married Orithya,
an Athenian female, daughter of Erectheiis : from
this, if fame may be believed, the Athenians were
induced to consider Boreas as their son-in-law ;
and during their station off the Euboean Chalcis
to watch the motions of the enemy, they sacrificed
to Boreas and Orithya, invoking their interposi-
tion to destroy the Barbarian fleet, as they had
before done near mount Athos. I will not pre-
sume to say, that in consequence of their suppli-
cations, Boreas dispersed the Barbaruin fleet ; but
the Athenians do not scruple to affirm, that Bo-
reas, who had before been favourable to them,
repeated his eiforts to assist them on this occasion.
They afterwards erected a shrine to Boreas on the
banks of the Ilissus.
CXC. In this storm, according to the lowest
calculation, four hundred vessels were totally lost,
with an infinite number of men, and a prodigious
treasure. Aminocles son of Cratinus, a Magne-
'^° Boreas.] — Astraeus had by Aurora four sons, Argestes,
Zephyrus, Boreas, and Notus. Some have taken Boreas for
a wind, others foi' a prince of Thrace. This Boreas went to
Thrace in Attica, from whence he carried Orithya, daughter
of Erectheus. By this marriage he became son-in-law to
Erectheus, and the Athenians consequently considered him as
their ally, calling him their son-in-law also. — Larcher.
P O L Y M N I A. 123
sian, who had an estate near Sepias, reaped af-
terwards very considerable advantage from this
tempest ; many vessels of gold and silver were
thrown by the tides upon his lands ; he became
master also of various Persian treasures, and an
immense quantity of gold. Although this inci-
dent rendered him affluent, he was in other re-
spects unfortunate, having by some calamity been
deprived of his children ^^\
CXCI. The loss of the provision-transports,
and of the other smaller vessels, was too great to
be ascertained. The naval commanders, appre-
hending that the Thessalians would take this
opportunity to attack them, hitrenched them-
selves within a rampart made of the wrecks of
the vessels. For three days the storm was una-
bated ; on the fourth, the magi appeased its vio-
15' Of his children,'] — This passage has occasioned great
perplexity ; but Palmerius in his Exercitationes has re-
moved every difficulty, and satisfactorily done away the
effects of Plutarch's perverse misconception. Plutarch
abuses Herodotus for introducing this circumstance of the
affluence of Aminocles, and the means by which he ob-
tained it, merely for an opportunity of saying that he had
killed his son,
Plutarch of course refers the word iraicoKTovoi; to Ami-
nocles ; but, as Palmerius observes, by referring the word
rrailoKTovoi;, not to the man, but to his (Tv/ii(j)opt] (calamity)
every difficulty is removed, and no imputation of malignity
can be attached tu oui historian. — T.
If 4 POLY :M X I A.
lence by human victims, and incantations to the
\>iud, as well as by sacrificing to Thetis and the
Kereids, unless perhaps the tempest ceased of
itself. They sacrificed to Thetis, having learned
from the louians that it was from this coast she'
had been carried away by Peleus, and that all
the district of Sepias''" was sacred to her in com-
mon with the other Nereids. It is certain, that
on the fourth day the tempest '" ceased.
CXCII. Their sentinels, who were every day
stationed on the heights of Euboea, did not fail
to acquaint the Greeks with all the circumstances
of the storm, on the morning which followed.
As soon as they received this intelligence, after
jmying their vows, and offering libations to Nep-
tune Servator, they hastily returned to Artemi-
sium, hoping to find but few of the enemy's
vessels. Thus a second time they fixed their
station at Artemisium, near the temple of Nep-
152 Sepia-s.'l — This coast was sacred to Thetis, because that
goddess, desirous of eluding the pursuit of Peleus, changed her-
self in this place into a kind of sea-fish, which the Greeks call
Irjiria (Sepia.) This story gave the name of Sepias to this
coast and promontory. — Larcher.
153 The tempest^ — Twenty-four miles to the south-east of
Larissa is ^'olo, said to be Pagasae, where the poets say the
ship Argo was built. Near it is Aphetce, from which place
thev sav the Argonauts sailed. The south-east corner of this
land is the old promontory Sepias, where five hundred sail of
Xerxes' fleet were shipwrecked in a storm. — Pococke.
POLY M N I A. 125
tune surnamed Senator, ^vhich appellation, given
on the above occasion, is still retained.
CXCIII. The Barbarians, as soon as thev
perceived the \vind subside and the sea calm,
again ventured from the shore. Coasting along,
they doubled the Magnesiau proniontors", and
made their way directly to the gulph leading to
Pagasae. It was in this gulph of ^Magnesia that
Hercules, going on shore from the Argo '^ to
procure water, was deserted by Jason and his
companions, who were bound to /Ea of Colchis
to obtain the golden fleece. Having taken in
water, they sailed from hence ; in commemoration
of which incident, the place afterward took the
name of Aphetae.
CXCIV. Here also it was that the fleet of
Xerxes came to an anchor. Fifteen of these,
being at a considerable distance from their com-
panions, discovered the vessels of the Greeks
at Artemisium, and mistaking them for friends,
sailed into the midst of them. The leader of
these ships was Sardoces, son of Thamasias, the
governor of Cyma, in ^^olia. This man Darius
had formerly condemned to the punishment of
the cross ; he had been one of the royal judges,
15* ^,-o-o.]— See book iv. r. 17O, Note Bryant, ii. 490,
491.
me r () l y m n i a.
and convicted of corruption in liis office. He
was already on the cross, when the king, reflect-
ing that his services to tlie royal family exceeded
his offences, and that he himself had in the pie-
sent instance acted with more impetuosity than
prudence, commanded him to be taken down.
Thus he escaped the punishment to which Darius
had condemned him ; his escape now from the
Greeks was altogether impossible ; they saw him
sailing towards them, and perceiving his error at-
tacked and took him and his vessels.
CXCV. In one of these vessels was Aridolis,
prince of the Alabandians of Caria ; in another,
Penthylus, son of Demonous, a Paphian general.
This latter left Paphos with twelve vessels, eleven
of which were lost in the storm off Sepias ; he
himself, with the twelfth, fell into the enemy's
hands, at Artemisium. The Greeks, having ob-
tained such information as they wished concern-
ing the forces of Xerxes, sent their prisoners in
chains to the isthmus of Corinth.
CXCVI. Except the above fifteen vessels,
commanded by Sardoces, the whole of the Bar-
barian fleet arrived at Aphetae, Xerxes with
his land forces, marching through Thessaly and
Achaia, came on the third day to the territories
of the Melians. Whilst he was in Thessaly he
made a trial of his cavalry against those of the
PO L V M N I A. VZ7
Thessalians, which he had heard were the best in
Greece ; but in this contest the inferiority of the
Greeks '"'^ was evidently conspicuous. The Ono-
clionus was the only river in Thessaly which did
'^^ The inferiority of the Greeks^ — The best cavalry in the
world attended Xerxes on this expedition, namely those of
Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. Uecatonymus tells Xenojthon.
in the litth book of the Anabasis, that the cavalry of the
Cajjpadocians and Paphlagonians was better and more expert
in martial exercises than any other which the king of Persia
had. That part of Cappadocia which Herodotus calls Cilicia
paid as a tribute to the kings of Persia a horse for every day
in the year. Strabo says, that Cappadocia sent 1500 horses
annually. The boast of Hecatonymus to Xenophon was by
no means vain ; the same preference was given them by
others, and excellent commanders. Plutarch informs us, that
on these Crassus the Roman general chiefly relied ; and with
these surprising feats of gallantry were performed in the Par-
thian war. Luculliis also had these in his army at the siege
of Tigranocerta ; and in the battle with Tigranes made choice
of them and the Thracian horse to attack the Cataphracts,
the choicest of the enemy's cavalry, and to drive them
from the ground. Tigranes is said to have opposed Lucullus
with an army of 55,000 horse; and many other instances may
be adduced to shew that the chief strength of these northern
powers consisted in their cavalry.
The curious reader may compare Plutarch's account of
the army of Tigranes with that which Ezekiel gives of the
army of Magog.
Claudian, in Laud. Serenae, tells us it was customary to
have a breed from a Phrygian mare by a Cappadocian
horse :
Delectus equorum
Quos Phrygiue matres Agraaque gramina pasta?,
b^enune Cappadocum sacri-, pr^ebepilnis edunt. T.
128 V O I. Y M N I A.
not afford sufficient water for the army. Of those
of Achaia, the Apidanus, the greatest of them all,
hardly sufficed.
CXCVII. Whilst Xerxes was proceeding to
Alos, an Achaian city, his guides, anxious to tell
him every thing, related what was reported by
the natives concerning the temple of Jupiter
Laphystius^^ It was said that Athamas, the
son of -T^olus, in concert w ith Ino, contrived the
death of Phrixus. The Achaians, following the
command of the oracle, forbade the eldest of the
descendants of Ahamas ever to enter their pry-
taneum, called by them Leitus. They were very
vigilant in seeing tliis restriction observed, and
whoever was detected within the proscribed limits
could only leave them to be sacrificed. There
were several who in terror escaped into another
^^° Jupiter Laphystius.'] — It was to this deity that Piirixus
sacrificed the ram upon which he was saved ; and even to
this day, says the SchoUast to Apollonius Rhodius, one of the
descendants of Phrixus enters the prytaneum according to the
established law, and offers sacrifices to this god. At twenty
stadia from Ceroneus was mount Laphystius, where was a
mound consecrated to Jupiter Laphystius: there is still seen
in this place a marble statue of this god. Phrixus and Helle
being on the point of being sacrificed in this place by Atha-
mas, they say that Jupiter sent them a ram whose fleece was
gold, upon which they saved themselves.
Jupiter surnamed Laphystius was, according to Kuhnius,
the protector of fugitive^. — Larchcr.
<?(
r O L Y 31 X 1 A. V
country, when they were on the point of being
sacrificed. If they ever afterward returned,
they were, if discovered, instantly sent to the pry-
taneum. To the above, the guides of Xerxes
added the description of the sacrifice, the cere-
mony of binding the victim with ribands, with
all other circumstances. The posterity of Cytis-
sorus, the son of Phrixus, are subject to the
above, because Cytissorus himself, in his way
from Ma of Colchis, delivered Atharaas from the
hands of the A ch scans, who by the direction of
the oracle were about to offer him as an expia-
tory sacrifice. On this account, the anger of
the di\ inity fell upon the posterity of Cytissorus.
In cojiscquence of hearing the above narrative,
Xerxes, when he approaclied the precincts of the
grove, cautiously avoided it himself, and com-
manded all his army ^^^ to do the same. He
'i' All /lis or?iii/.]—be.e on this subject Bryant, vol. ii. 40,
41, &c. — This writer supposes, and his opinion is confirmed
by Suidas, that the prutaneion is derived from irvp, fire : the
words of Suidas are these : irpvraveiov, Trvpoq ratinov ttOa rjy
aafttffTov TTvp. The Scholiast upon Thucydides talks to the
same purpose : aWoi ct (paaty oti to TrpvTayeior irvpoi ijv
rafieiov evda t)v ao-jjearov irvp. Others tell us that the pruta-
neion was of old called puros tameion, from yur, because it was
the repository of a perpetual fire. These places were temples,
and at the same time courts of justice ; hence we find that
in the prutaneion of Athens the laws of Solon were engraved.
These laws were inscribed upon wooden cylinders, some of
which remained to the time of Plutaich, (S:c. — Bnjant.
Vol. IV. K
130 P O L Y M N I A.
shewed the same veneration for tlie residence of
the posterity of Atharaas.
CXCVIII. Such were the incidents which
occurred in Thcssaly and Achaia. From hence
Xerxes advanced to JMehs, near a bay of the sea,
where the chbing and flowing of the tide may be
seen every day. Near this bay is an extensive
phiin, wide in one part, and contracted in ano-
ther : round this plain are certain lofty and inac-
cessible mountains, called the Trachinian rocks,
and inclosing the whole region of ISIelis. Leav-
ing Achaia, the first city near this bay is Anticyra.
This is washed by the river Sperchius, which,
rising in the country of the Enieni, here empties
itself into the sea. At the distance of twenty
furlongs is another river, called Dyras, w^hich is
said to have risen spontaneously from the earth,
to succour Hercules when he was burning. A
third river, called jNIelas, flows at the distance of
twenty furlongs more.
CXCIX. Within five furlongs of this last
river stands the town of Trachis. In this part
the country is the widest, extending from the
mountains to the sea, and comprehending a space
of twenty-two thousand plethra. In the moun-
tainous tract which incloses Trachinia, there is an
opening to the west of Trachis, through w^hicli
the Asopus winds round the base of the moun-
tain.
r O L Y M N I A. 131
CC. To the west of this, another small stream
is found, named the Phoenix ; it rises in these
mountains, and empties itself into the Asopus.
The most contracted part of the country is that
which lies nearest the Phoenix, where the road
will only admit one carriage to pass. From the
Phoenix to Thermopylae are fifteen furlongs ; in
the intermediate space is a village named An-
thela, beyond which the Asopus meets the sea.
The country contiguous to Anthcla is spacious:
here may be seen a temple of Ceres Amphictyonis,
the seats of the Amphictyons', and a shrine of
Amphictyon himself.
CCI. Xerxes encamped in Trachinia at jMe-
lis ; tlie Greeks in the Straits. These straits the
Greeks in general call Thermopylae; the people
of the country Pylas only. Here then were the
two armies stationed, Xerxes occupying all the
northern region as far as Trachinia, the Greeks
that of the south.
ecu. The Grecian army'^^, which here
1^8 Amphkhjon.s.'] — See book v. c, 62, note. What I have
there omitted concerning the Amphictyons, their office, and
character, may be found amply discussed in Gillies's History
of Greece, and faithfully represented in Rees's edition of
Chambers's Dictionary, as well as by Larcher. — T.
159 The Grecian armj/.] — Beneath is the number of Greeks
who appeared on this occasion, according to the different re-
presentations of Herodotus, Pausanias, and Diodorus Siculus :
K 2 ^Itartans
1S2
r O L Y M N 1 A.
waited the approach of the l^crsiaii, was com-
posed of three hundred Spartans in complete
armour ; five hundred Tegeatae, and as many
IVIantineans ; one hundred awd twenty men from
Orchomenus of Arcadia, a thousand men from
the rest of Arcadia, four hundred Corinthians^
two hundred from Philins, and eighty from
jMycense. The above came from the Peloponnesc .
from Boeotia tlicre were seven hundred Th.es-
pians and four hundred Thebans.
CCIII. In addition to the above, the aid of
Herodotus.
Pausanias.
Diodorus.
Spartans
— 300 —
300
300
Tegeatse
500 —
500
Laceda?monians 700
Mantineans
— 500 —
500
The other nati-
Orchornenians
— 120 —
120
ons of the Pe-
Arcadians
— 1,000 —
1,000
loponnese - 3,000
Corinthians
— 400 —
400
Phlyontians
— 200 —
200
Micenians
— 80 —
80
Total
— 3,100
3,100
4,000
The above came from the Peloponnese ; those who came,
from the other parts of Greece, according to the authors
above-mentioned —
Thespians — 700 — 700 Milesians 1,000
Thebans — 400 -— 400 — 400
Phoceans —1,000—1,000 — 1,000
Opuntian Locrians — — 6,000 — 1,000
5,200 1 1 ,200
7,4CO
p () I. ^^ ^r \ I A. i3n
all the Opuutian I^ocriaiis had been solicited,
together with a thousand Phoeeans. To obtain
the assistance of these, the Greeks had previously
sent emissaries among them, saying,' that they
were the forerunners only of another and more
numerous body, whose arrival was everv day
expected. They added, that tlic defence of the
sea was confided to tlie people of Athens and
JEginn, in conjunction with the rest of the fleet ;
that there was no occasion for alarm, as the in-
vader of Greece was not .a god, but a mere hu-
man being; that tliere never was nor could be
any mortal superior to the vicissitudes of fortune ;
that tlie most exalted characters were exposed
to the greatest evils; he therefore, a mortal, now
advancing to attack them, would suffer ""' for his
ifi" Would suffer. 1 — The expedition of Xerxes to Greece,
and his calamitous return, as described by Herodotus, may
be well expressed by the words with which Ezckiel de-
scribes Gog's army and its destrucion. — See chapter xxxviii.
and xxxix.
" Thou shalt ascend and come like a storm, thou shalt be
like a cloud to cover the land, thou, and all thy bands, and
many people with thee :
** Persia, ^Ethiopia, and Libya with them, all of them with
shield and helmet.
" But I will turn thee back, and put hooks into thy jaws,
I will turn thee back, and leave but the sixth part of thee :
and I will smite thy bow out of thy left hand ; and will cause
thy arrows to full out of thy right hand.
"ThnU
134 P O L Y M N I A.
temerity. These arguments proved elFectual, aiiu
tliey accordingly marched to Trachis to join their
allies.
CCIV. These troops were commanded by dif-
ferent officers of their respective countries: but
the man most regarded, and who was intrusted
with the chief command, was Leonidas of Sparta.
His ancestors were, Anaxandrides, Leon, Eury-
cratides, Anaxander, Eury crates, Polydorus, Al-
camenes, Teleclus, Archelaus, Agesilaus, Do-
ryssus, Leobotes, Echestratus, Agis, Eurysthenes,
Aristodemus, Aristomachus, Cleodseus, Hyllus,
and Hercules.
CCV. An accident had placed him on the
throne of Sparta; for, as he had two brothers
older than himself, Cleomenes and Dorieus, he
had entertained no thoughts of the government :
but Cleomenes dying without male issue, and
Dorieus not surviving (for he ended his days in
Sicily) the crown came to Leonidas, who was
older than Cleombrotus, the youngest of the sons
of Anaxandrides, and who had married the daugh-
ter of Cleomenes. On the present occasion he
" Thou shall fall upon the mountains, thou and all thy
bauds, and the people that is with thee. I will give thee unto
the ravenous birds of every soit, and to the beasts of the
held, lo be devoured." — T.
r O i. Y M N I A. 135
took Avitli him to Thermopylae a body of three
hundred chosen men, all of whom had chil-
dren ^*'\ To these he added those Thcban
troops "'" whose number I have before mentioned,
and who w^ere conducted by Leontiades son of
Eurymachus. Leonidas had selected the The-
bans to accompany him, because a suspicion
generally prevailed that they were secretly at-
tached to the ^ledes. These therefore he sum-
moned to attend him, to ascertain whether they
w'ould actually contribute their aid, or openly
withdraw themselves from the Grecian league.
With sentiments perfectly hostile, they neverthe-
less sent the assistance required.
CCVI. The march of this body under Leoni-
das was accelerated by the Spartans, that their
example might stimulate their allies to action, and
that they might not make their delay a pretence
for going over to the INIedes. The celebration
Kil
All of whom had children.^ —
Three hundred more compleat ih' intrepid band,
Illustrious fathers all of generous sons,
The future guardians of Laconia's state. Leonidas.
162 Thehan troops.] — Plutarch upbraids Herodotus for thus
slandering the Thebans ; and Diodorus says, that Thebes
was divided into two parties, one of which sent four hundred
men to Thermopylae. — T.
13G P () L Y M N I A.
of the Carnian festival'"^ protracted the inarch of
their main body ; but it was their intention to
follow with all imaginable expedition, leaving
only a small detachment for the defence of Sparta.
The rest of the allies were actuated by similar
motives, for the Olympic games happened to
recm* at this period ; and as they did not expect
an engngement would immediately take place at
Thermopylae, they sent only a detachment before
them.
CCVII. Such were the motives of the con-
federate body. The Greeks who were already
assembled at Thermopylae were seized with so
much terror on the approach of the Persian, that
they consulted about a retreat. Those of the
Peloponnese were in general of opinion that
tliey should return and guard the isthmus ; but as
the Phoceans and I^ocrians were exceedingly
averse to this measure, Leonidas prevailed on
them to continue on their post. He resolved
however to send messengers round to all the
states, requiring supplies, stating that their num-
ber was much too small to oppose the JMedes
with any effect.
*^-* Carnian festivulJ] — This was continued for seven days
at Sparta in honour of Apollo. Various reasons are assigned
for its institution ; the most plausible is that found in the
Scholiast to Theocritus, which tells us that thev were cele-
brated by the people of the Peloponnese,- to comnriemorate the
cessation of some pestilence.— 7\
P O L Y IVl N I A. 1S7
CCVIII. Whilst they thus deliberated, Xerxes
sent a horseman to examine their number and
their motions. He had before heard in Tliessaly,
that a small band was collected at this passage,
that they were led by Lacedaemonians, and by
Leonidas of the race of Hercules. The person
employed, performed his duty : all those who
were without the intrenchment, he was able to
reconnoitre ; those who were within for the pur-
pose of defending it, eluded his observation.
The Lacedaemonians were at that period stationed
without ^"^; of these some were performing gym-
nastic exercises, whilst others were employed in
combing their hair. He was greatly astonished,
but he leisurely surveyed their number and em-
ployments, and returned without molestation, for
they despised him too much to pursue him. — He
related to Xerxes all that he had seen.
^''* Stationed uitkout, 4c-] —
By chance
The Spartans then compos'd th' external guard ;
They in a martial exercise employ'd,
Heed not the monarch and liis gaudy train,
But poise the spear protended as in fight,
Or lift their adverse shields in single strife,
Or trooping forward rush, retreat, and wheel
In ranks unbroken, and with equal feet :
While others calm beneath their polish'd helms
Draw down their hair, whose length of sable curls
O'erspread their necks with terror. Leonidas.
138 POLYMNIA.
CCIX. Xerxes, on hearing the above, was
little aware of what was really the case, that this
people were preparing themselves either to con-
quer or to die. The thing appeared to him so
ridiculous, that he sent for Demaratus the son of
Ariston, who was then with the army. On his
appearing, the king questioned him on this be-
haviour of the Spartans, expressing his desire to
know what it might intimate. " I have before,
" Sir," said Demaratus, *' spoken to you of this
" people, at the commencement of this expedi-
" tion ; and as I remember, when I related to you
" what I knew you would have occasion to ob-
" serve, you treated me v/itli contempt. I am
" conscious of the danger of declaring the
" truth, in opposition to your prejudices ; but I
" will nevertheless do so. It is the determina-
" tion of these men to dispute this pass with us,
" and they are preparing themselves accordingly.
" It is their custom before any enterprise of
" danger, to adorn their hair ^^^. Of this you
^65 Adorn their hair.'\ — Long hair distinguished the free
man from the slave; and, according to Phitarch, Lycurgus
was accustomed to say, that long hair added grace to hand-
some men, and made those who were ugly more terrific.
The following are some of the most animated lines in Leo-
nidas :
To whom the Spartan : O imperial lord.
Such is their custom, to adorn their hfads
When
P O L Y M N 1 A. 139
" may be assured, that if you vanquish these,
" and their countrymen in Sparta, no other na-
" tion will presume to take up arms against you :
" you are now advancing to attack a people
" whose realms and city are the fairest, and
" whose troops are the bravest of Greece."
These words seemed to Xerxes preposterous
enough ; but he demanded a second time, how so
small a number could contend with his army.
" Sir," said he, " I will submit to suffer the
** punishment of falsehood, if what I say does
*' not happen."
CCX. Xerxes was still incredulous, he ac-
cordingly kept his position without any movement
for four days, in expectation of seeing them re-
treat. On the fifth day, observing that they
continued on their post, merely as he supposed
from the most impudent rashness, he became
much exasperated, and sent against them a de-
tachment of Medes and Cissians, with a command
to bring them alive to his presence. The jNIedes
When full determin'd to encounter death.
Bring down thy nations in resplendent steel ;
Arm, if thou canst, the general race of man,
All who possess the regions unexplor'd
Beyond the Ganges, all whose wand'ring steps
Above the Caspian range, the Scythian wild.
With those who drink the secret fount of Nile :
Yet to Laconian bosoms shall dismay
Remain a stranp-er.
140 P O L Y ^I X I A.
in conseqiiciice attacked them, and lost a con-
siderable number, A reinforcement arrived ; but
though the onset was severe, no impression was
made. It now became universally conspicuous,
and no less so to the king himself, that he had
many troops, but few men^^. The above en-
gagement continued all day.
CCXT. The Medes, after being very roughly
treated, retired, and were succeeded by the band
of Persians called by the king " the immortal, '
and commanded by Hydarnes. These it was sup-
posed would succeed without the smallest diffi-
culty. They commenced the attack, but made no
greater impression than the Modes : their superior
numbers were of no advantage, on account of the
narrowness of the place; and their spears also
were shorter than those of the Greeks. The
Lacedaemonians fought in a manner which de-
serves to be recorded ; their own excellent dis-
cipline, and the unskilfulness of their adversa-
ries, were in many instances remarkable, and not
the least so when in close ranks they affected to
166 Many troops, but feu: moi.] — According to Plutarch,
Leonidas being asked how he dared to encounter so prodi-
gious a multitude with so few men, replied : " If you reckon
by number, all Greece is not able to oppose a small part
of that army ; but if by courage, the number I have with
me is sufficient."
POLY MN I A. 141
retreat. The Barbarians seeing them retire,
pursued them with a great and chimorous shout ;
but on their near approach the Greeks faced
about to receive them. The loss of the Persians
was prodigious, and a few also of the Spartans
fell. The Persians, after successive efforts made
with great bodies of their troops to gain the
pass, were unable to accomplish it, and obliged to
retire.
CCXII. It is said of Xerxes himself, that
being a spectator of the contest, he was so greatly
alarmed for the safety of his men, that he leaped
thrice from his throne. On the following day,
the Barbarians succeeded no better than before.
They went to the onset as against a contemptible
number, whose wounds they supposed would
hardly permit them to renew the combat : but the
Greeks, drawn up in regular divisions, fought
each nation on its respective post, except the
Phoceans, who were stationed on the summit of
the mountain to defend the pass. The Persians,
experiencing a repetition of the same treatment, a
second time retired.
CCXIII. Whilst the king was exceedingly
perplexed what conduct to pursue in the present
emergence, Ephialtes the son of Eurydemus, a 'K
Melian, demanded an audience : he expected to
jreceive some great recompense for shewing him
142 r L Y M N I A.
the path which led over the mountain to Therm o-
pylse : and he indeed it was who thus rendered
ineffectual the valour of those Greeks who pe-
rished on this station. This man, through fear
of the Lacedaemonians, fled afterwards into Thes-
saly ; but the Pylagorae ^*'', calling a council of
the Amphictyons at Pyla^a for this express pur-
pose, set a price upon his head, and he was after-
wards slain by Athenades, a Trachiuian, at An-
ticyra, to which place he had returned. Athe-
nades was induced to put him to death for some
other reason, which I shall afterward ^''^ explain ;
he nevertheless received the reward offered by the
Lacedaemonians : — this however was the end of
Ephialtes.
CCXIV. On this subject there is also a dif-
ferent report, for it is said that Onetes, son of
167 Pylagone.] — Many are involved in a mistake, by con-
founding the Pylagorte with the Amphictyons. They were
not synonymous, for though all the Pylagorai were Amphic-
tyons, all the Amphictyons were not Pylagorae. — See Putter's
Archccologia Gnrca, lib. i. c. 16".
^^^ I shall afttrv:ard.~\ — But Herodotus no where does this;
whether therefore he forgot it, or whether it appeared in some
of his writings which are lost, cannot be ascertained. — See P.
Wesselingi Dissertatio Herodotsa, p. 14.
" Verum nihil hujus nee libro viii. neque nono. Plures
ne ergo ix. libris absolvit inquis de Athenada? An excidit
ex superstitibus ejus memoria? non dixero. Oblitusne est
de Athenada addere ? Fieri potest. Operi longo fas est
obrepere somnum."
P O L Y M N I A. 143
Phanagoras, a Carystiaii, and Corydalus of An-
ticyra, were the men who informed the king of
this path, and conducted the Persians round the
mountain. This witli me obtains no credit, for
nothing is better known than that t]ie Pylagoraj
did not set a price upon the heads of Onetes or
Corydalus, but upon that of Ephialtcs the Tra-
chinian *% after, as may be presumed, a due inves-
tigation of the matter. It is also certain, that
Ejihialtes, conscious of his crime, endeavoured to
save himself by flight : Onetes, being a vidian,
miglit perhaps, if tolerably acquainted with the
country, have known this passage ; but it was cer-
tainly Ephialtes who shewed it to the Persians,
and to him without scruple I impute the crime.
CCXV. The intelligence of Ephialtes gave
the king infinite satisfaction, and he instantly de-
tached Hydarnes, with the forces under his com-
mand, to avail himself of it. They left the
camp at the first approach of evening ; the Me-
lians, the natives of the country, discovered this
path, and by it conducted the Thessalians against
the Phoceans, who had defended it by an intrench-
ment, and deemed themselves secure. • It had
never however proved of any advantage to the
Melians.
'^3 Trachinian.] — In tlie preceding chapter Herodotus calls
him aMelian; but this amounts to tlie same thing, asTrachi-
nJa made part of Mclis.
\U POL Y M N I A.
CCXVI. The path of wliich we are speaking
commences at the river Asopus. This stream
flows through an aperture of the mountain called
Anopa^a, which is also the name of the path.
This is continued through the whole length of the
mountain, and terminates near the town of Alpe-
luis. This is the first city of the Locrians, on the
side next the jNIelians, near the rock called IMe-
lampygus ^'", by the residence of the Cercopes '^'.
The path is narrowest at this point.
'^'i'^ Melampygus.~\ — See Suidas, at the article ^lEKaf^iirvyov
Tvy^oti. The Melainpygi were two brothers, and remarkable
for their extreme insolence; their mother cautioned them
against meeting a man who had " black buttocks." Hercules
meeting them, bound them together, and suspended tliem
from a post, with their heads downward. Afterward seeing
them laugh, he inquired the reason ; they told him that their
mother bade them beware of meeting a man with " black
buttocks." Hercules on hearing this laughed too, and let
them go. Those who had " white buttocks" (XevKOTrvyovt)
were ridiculed by the comic poets as eflejiiinate. — See Aristo-
phanes Jjysistraic.
Larcher tells a story somewhat different, from the Adagia
of Zenobius. — T.
171 Cercopes.'] — These people were robbers. Homer is said
to have written a poem on them, mentioned by Suidas at the
word 'Ofiijpog, and by Proclus in his life of Homer. Probably
the expression extended to all sorts of robbers, of whom there
were doubtless many in such a place as Q^lta. Plutarch
mentions them as a ridiculous people, making Agis say to
Alexander, " I am not a little surprised that all you great
men who are descended from Jupiter take a strange de-
light in flatterers and buffoons : as Hercules had his Cercopians,
and Bacchus his Silenians about him ; so I see your majesty is
pleased to have a regard for such characters."— Lorc^e/-.
1' O L y M N I A. 145
CCXVII. Following the track which I have
described, the Persians passed tlic Asopns, and
inarched all night, keeping the CEtean mountains
on the right, and the Trachinian on the left. At
the dawn of morning they found themselves at
the summit, where, as I have before observed, a
band of a thousand Phoceans in arms was sta-
tioned, both to defend their own country and this
pass. The passage beneath was defended by
those whom I have mentioned: of this above,
tlie Phoceans had voluntarily promised Leonidas
to undertake tlie charo-e.
CCXVIII. The approach of the Persians was
discovered to the Phoceans in this manner : whilst
they were ascending the mountain they were to-
tally concealed by the thick groves of oak ; but,
from the stillness of the air, they were discovered
by the noise they made by trampling on the
leaves, a thing which might naturally happen. The
Phoceans ran to arm.s, and in a moment the Bar-
barians appeared, who, seeing a number of men
precipitately arming themselves, were at first
struck with astonishment. They did not expect
an adversary; and they had fallen in among
armed troops. Hydarnes, apprehending that the
Phoceans might prove to be Lacedaemonians,
inquired of Ephialtes who they were. When he
was informed, he drew up the Persians in order
of battle. The Phoceans, not able to sustain
Vol. IV. L
^^Q POLYMNIA.
the lieavy flight of arrows, retreated up the moun-
tain^'", imagining themselves the objects of this
attack, and expecting certain destruction : but
the troops with Hydarnes and Ephialtes did not
think it worth their while to pursue them, and
descended rapidly down the opposite side of the
mountain.
CCXIX. To those Greeks stationed in the
straits of Thermopylae, Megistias the soothsayer
had previously, from inspection of the entrails,
predicted that death awaited them in the morning.
Some deserters ^'^ had also informed them of the
circuit the Persians had taken ; and this intelli-
gence was in the course of the night circulated
through the camp. All this was confirmed by
their sentinels, who early in the morning fled
172 l/p the mountain^ — Mr. Glover has been very minute
and faithful in his representation of the places where this scene
was exhibited.
The Phocian chief,
Whate'er the cause, relinquishing his post,
Was to a neighbouring eminence remov'd.
Though by the foe neglected or contemned. T.
173 Deserters.'] — Diodorus Siculus mentions but one:
" There was in the army," says he, '' one Tyrastiades of
Cyme ; as he was a man of honour and probity, he fled
from the camp by night, and going to Leonidas and his
party, discovered to them the designs of Ephialtes." —
Larcher.
POLY MM A 147
down tlie sides of the moiintam. In this predica-
ment, the Greeks called a council, who were
greatly divided in their opinions : some were for
remaining on their station, others advised a re-
treat. In consequence of their not agreeing,
many of them dispersed to their respective
cities; a part resolved to continue with Leo-
nidas.
CCXX. It is said, that those who retired,
only did so in compliance with the wishes of Lco-
nidas, who was desirous to preserve them : but he
thought that he himself, with his Spartans, could
not without the greatest ignominy forsake the post
they had come to defend. I am myself inclined
to believe that Leonidas, seeing his allies not
only reluctant, but totally averse to resist the
danger which menaced them, consented to their
retreat. His own return he considered as dis-
honourable, whilst he was convinced that his de-
fending his post would equally secure his own
fame, and the good of Sparta. In the very be-
ginning of these disturbances, the Spartans hav-
ing consulted the oracle, were informed that either
their king must die, or Sparta be vanquished by
the Barbarians. The oracle was communicated
in hexameter verses, and was to this effect :
" To you who dwell in Sparta's am})le walls,
" Behold, a dire alternative befalls ; —
L '2
148 POLY MN I A.
" Your glorious city must in ruins lie,
" Or slain by Persian arms, a king must die,
" A king descended from Herculean blood.
" For, lo ! he comes, and cannot be withstood ;
" Nor bulls, nor lions, can dispute the field,
" 'Tis Jove's own force, and this or that must
" yield."
I am unwilling to insinuate of the allies who de-
parted, that differing in opinion from their leader,
they dishonourably deserted. I should also sup-
pose that the conduct of Leonidas was the result
of his revolving the oracle ^"^ in his mind, and of
his great desire to secure to the Spartans alone,
the glory of this memorable action.
CCXXI. To me it is no small testimony of the
truth of this supposition, that among those whom
Leonidas dismissed, was Megistias himself. He
171 The oracle.'] — Plutarch is very severe upon Herodotus
for bis manner of representing these circumstances : some of
which he says our author has done falsely, others maliciously.
This however does not seem to have been the case. "
Glover makes Leonidas exclaim, on hearing that the enemy
had circumvented him,
I now behold the oracle fulfiU'd. —
Then art t'lou near, thou glorious sacred hour
Which shall my country's liberty secure?
Thrice hail, thou solemn period; thee the tongues
Of virtue, fame, and freedom, shall proclaim,
Shall celebrate iu ages yet unborn ! T.
r O L Y :\I N I A. 149
was of Acarnania, and, as some affirm, descended
from Melampus; he accompanied Leonidas on
this expedition, and from the entrails had pre-
dicted what would happen : he refused however to
leave his friends, and satisfied himself with send-
ing away his only son, who had followed his father
on this occasion.
CCXXII. Obedient to the direction of their
leader, the confederates retired. The Thespians
and Thebans ^'^ alone remained with the Spartans,
the Thebans indeed very reluctantly, but they
were detained by Leonidas as hostages. The
Thespians were very zealous in the cause, and
refusing to abandon their friends, perished witli
them. The leader of the Thespians was Dcmo-
philus, son of Diadromas.
CCXXIII. Xerxes early in the morning of-
fered a solemn libation, then waiting till the hour
of full forum ''', he advanced from his camp : to
175 Thespians and Thebans?^ — Diodorus Siculus speaks only
of the Thespians. Pausanias says that the people of My-
cene sent eighty men to Thermopylae;, who had part in this
glorious day ; and in another place he says, that all the allies
retired before the battle, except the Thespians and people
of Mycene. — hardier.
It is probable that Diodorus speaks only of the Thespians,
because the Thebans did not remain voluntarily.
''^ Full forum.] — I have before explained this circnnislance
with respect to the mode of computing time.
150 r O L Y M N I A.
the above measure he had been advised by Ephi-
altcs. The descent from the mountain is much
shorter than the circuitous ascent. The Bar-
barians with Xerxes approached ; Leonidas and
his Greeks proceeded, as to inevitable death, a
much greater space from th.e defile than they had
yet done. Till now they had defended them-
selves behind their intrenchmcnt, fighting in the
most contracted part of the passage ; but on this
day they engaged on a wider space, and a multi-
tude of their opponents fell. Behind each troop
of Persians, officers were stationed with whips in
their hands, compelling with blows their men to
advance. INIany of them fell into the sea, where
they perished ; many were trodden under foot by
their own troops, without exciting the smallest
pity or regard. The Greeks, conscious that their
destruction was at hand from those who had taken
the circuit of the mountain, exerted themselves
with the most desperate valour against their Bar-
barian assailants.
CCXXIV. Their spears being broken in
pieces, they had recourse to their swords '"^.
'^■^ Their sxcords.'] — The soldiers of the Lacedaemonians
wore a red uniform; and Suidas says, that it was because
the blood of those who were wounded would thus be le&s
conspicuous, — T,
POLY M N I A. 151
Leonidas fell in the engagement, having greatly-
signalized himself; and with him many Spartans
of distinction, as well as others of inferior note.
I am acquainted with the names of all the three
hundred. INIany illustrious Persians also were
slain, among whom were Abrocomes and Hype-
ranthes, sons of Darius, by Phrataguna, the
daughter of Artanes. Artanes was the brother
of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, and grandson
of Arsamis. Having married his daughter to
Darius, as she was an only child, all his wealth
went with her.
CCXXV. These two brothers of Xerxes fell
as they were contending for the body of Leo-
nidas '^^ : liere the conflict was the most severe.
^''^ Body of Leonidas. '\ — One of the noblest descriptions in
Homer is that of the battle for the body of Patroclus ; and
we learn from various examples, that the ancients were re-
markably tenacious on this head, deeming it the greatest base-
ness to forsake the dead bodies of their friends. Plutarch, in
his parallels between the Romans and Greeks, thus describes
the death of Leonidas :
" Whilst they were at dinner, the Barbarians fell upon
them : upon which Leonidas desired them to eat heartily,
for they were to sup with Pluto. Leonidas charged at the
head of his troops, and after receiving a multitude of wounds,
got up to Xerxes himself, and snatched the crown from his
head. He lost his life in the attempt ; and Xerxes, causing
his body to be opened, found his heart hairy. So says
Ariblides, in his lirst book of his Persian History." This
152 r O L Y M N 1 A.
till at leugtli tlic Greeks by their superior valour
four times repelled the Persians, aud drew aside
the body of their prince. In this situation they
continued till Ephialtes and his party approached.
As soon as the Greeks perceived them at hand,
the scene was changed, and they retreated to the
narrowest part of the pass. Having repassed
their intrenchment, they posted themselves, all
except the Thebans, in a compact body, upon a
hill, which is at the entrance of the straits, and
where a lion of stone ^''^ has been erected in ho-
nour of Leonidas. In this situation, they who
liad swords left, used them against the enemy,
the rest exerted themselves with their hands and
their teeth ^'^''. The Barbarians rushing upon
fiction seems to have been taken from the Xaaiov ictjp of
Homer.
^^9 Liofi of if one,'] — Two epigrams on this subject may be
found in the Analecta Veterum Poet. Griec. v. i. 132. v. ii.
162. The bones of Leonidas vvei'e carried back to Sparta
by PausaniaS; forty years after his death ; they were placed
in a monument opposite the theatre : every year they pro-
nounced in this place a funeral oration, and celebrated
games, at v.hich the Spartans only were suffered to con-
tend. — Larcher.
^"° Their teeth.'] — " ^^'hat are we to think of this hyper-
bole?" says Longinus ; " What probability is there that men
should defend themselves with their hands and teeth against
armed troops.? This nevertheless is not incredible, for the
thing does not appear to be sought out for an hyperbole ; but
the hyperbole seems to arise from the subject."
'Ihii
POLY M N I A. 153
tliem, some in front, after overturning their wall,
others surrounding and pressing them in all direc-
tions, finally overpo^yered them.
This circumstance which appeared hyperbolical to Lon-
giiius dees not to me ; this mode of fighting was common
amongst the Lacedaemonians ; when they had no arms, they
availed themselves of their nails and teeth : Cicero had been
a witness of this. — See the Tiiscidan Questions, book fifth,
chapter 27 th.
There is also another memorable instance of men fight-
ing with hands and teetli, in the Numidian soldier, at the
battle of Cannaj, who was found in the field expiring under
the body of a dead Roman, whose head he was tearing with
his teeth, not being able to use his hands as weapons. See
Livy, xxvii. 51.
Diodorus Siculus relates the battle of Thermopylae some-
what differently ; he tells us that Leonidas, when he knew
that he was circumvented, made a bold attempt by night to
penetrate to the tent of Xerxes ; but this the Persian king had
forsaken on the first alarm. The Greeks however proceeded
in search of him from one side to the other, and slew a pro-
digious multitude. When morning appi'oached, the Persians
perceiving the Greeks so few in number, held them in con-
tempt; but they still did not dare to attack tlu-m in front;
encompassing them on both sides, and behind, they slew
them all with their spears. Such was the end of Leonidas and
his party.
Mr. Glover, in his English Poem of Leonidas, has fol-
lowed the account of Diodorus ; he differs however from
both historians, in making the king of Sparta fall the last ;
his description is sufficiently animated to be inserted in this
place :
— - - The Spartan king
Now stands alone. In heaps his slaughter'd friends
All stretched around him lie. The distant foes
Show'r on his head innumerable darts ;
Fnini
151. POLYMNIA.
CCXXVI. Such was the conduct of the I>.a-
cedaemonians and Thespians ; but none of them
distinguished tliemselves so much as Dieneccs
the Spartan. A speech of his is recorded, which
he made before they came to any engagement.
A certain Tracliinian having observed, that the
Barbarians would send forth such a shower of
arrows that their multitude would obscure the
sun ; he replied, like a man ignorant of fear, and
despising the numbers of the JMedes, " our Tra-
" chinian friend promises us great advantages ;
*' if the Medes obscure the sun's light, we shall
" fight them in the shade, and be protected
" from the heat." Many otiicr sayings have
been handed down as monuments of this man's
fame.
CCXXVII. Next to him, the most distin-
guished of the Spartans were, Alpheus and
Maron, two brotliers, the sons of Orsiphantus ;
From various sluices gusk the vital floods ;
They stain his fainting limbs ; nor yet with pain '
His brow is clouded ; but those beauteous wounds,
The sacred pledges of his own renown,
And Sparta's safety, in serenest joy
His closing eye contemplates. Fame can twine
No brighter laurels round his glorious head ;
His virtue more to labour fate forbids,
And lays him now in honourable rest,
To seal his country's liberty by death.
P O L Y M N I A. 155
of the Thespians, the most conspicuous was
Dithy iambus, son of Harniatidas.
CCXXVIII. All these were' interred in the
place where they fell, together^^with such of the
confederates as were slain before the separation
of the forces by Leonidas. Upon their tomb was
this inscription :
" Here once, from Pelops' sea-girt region brought,
" Four thousand men three hostile millions foui>ht."
This was applied to them all collectively. The
Spartans were thus distinguished :
" Go, stranger, and to list'ning^Spartans tell,
*' That here, obedient to their laws, we fell."
There was one also appropriated to the prophet
JNIegistias :
" By Medes cut off beside Spcrchius' w-avc,
" The seer INIegistias fills this glorious grave :
" Who stood the fate he well foresaw to meet,
" And, link'd with Sparta's leaders, scorn'd retreat."
All these ornaments and inscriptions, that of JNIe-
gistias alone excepted, were here placed by the
Amphictyons. Simonidcs, son of Lcoprcpis '"',
18^ Simonides, son of Lcoprcpis.] — See note to book v. c. IU'2.
The Simonides here mentioned composed several woiks, tiie
titles of which nuiy be seen in the BibUotheca Grarcu of
Fabricius, v. i. p. 565.
156 V O L Y U N I A.
inscribed the one to the honour of Megistias, from
the ties of private hospitality.
CCXXIX. Of these three hundred, there were
two named Eurytus and Aristodemus ; both of
them, consistently with the discipline of their coun-
try, might have secured tliemselves by retiring to
Sparta, for Leonidas had permitted them to leave
the camp ; but they continued at Alpenus, being
both afflicted by a violent disorder of the eyes:
or, if they had not thought proper to return home,
they had the alternative of meeting death in the
field with their fellow-soldiers. In this situation
they differed in opinion what conduct to pursue.
Eurytus having heard of the circuit made by the
Persians, called for his arms, and putting them
on, commanded his helot to conduct him to the
battle. The slave did so, and immediately fled,
whilst his master died fighting valiantly. Aristo-
demus pusillanimously staid where he was. If
either Aristodemus, being individually diseased,
had retired home, or if they had returned together,
I cannot think that the Spartans could have shewn
any resentment against them ; but as one of them
died in the field, which the other, who was pre-
cisely in the same circumstances, refused to do, it
was impossible not to be greatly incensed against
Aristodemius.
CCXXX. The safe return of Aristodemus to
P O I. Y M N I A. 15
ot
Sparta is by some thus related and explained.
There are others who assert, that he v/as dis-
patched on some business from the army, and
might, if he had pleased, have been present at
the battle, but that he saved himself by lingering
on the way. They add, that his companion, em-
ployed on the same business, returned to tlie
battle, and there fell.
CCXXXI. Aristodemus, on his return, was
branded with disgrace and infamy ; no one would
speak with him ; no one would supply him with
fire ; and the opprobrious tenn of trembler * was
annexed to his name; but he afterward, at the
battle of Platea, effectually atoned for his former
conduct.
CCXXXII. It is also said that another of the
three hundred survived ; his name was Pantites,
and he had been sent on some business to Thes-
saly. Returning to Sparta, he felt himself in
disgrace, and put an end to his life.
CCXXXIII. The Thebans, under the coni-
* Trembler.] — He who trembled, 6 rpitra^; it miglit be
rendered quuker : this seems to have been an established term
of opprobrium in Sparta; Tjrta>us says, Tpeaaavruy vuiupon'
■jraa uttoXciX' ape-)) — " the tremblers are devoid of all virtue."
See Bruiick's Anal. vol. i. p. 4f). — T.
158 r O L Y M N I A.
maiid of Leoiitiades, hitherto constrained by force,
had fought with the Greeks against the Persians ;
but as soon as they saw that the Persians were
victorious, when Leonidas and his party retired
to the hill, they separated themselves from the
Greeks. In the attitude of suppliants they ap-
proached the Barbarians, assuring them what
was really the truth, that they were attached
to the Medes ; that they had been among the first
to render earth and water ; that they had only
come to Thermopylas on compulsion, and could
not be considered as accessary to the slaughter of
the king's troops. The Thessalians confirming
the truth of what they had asserted, their lives
were preserved. Some of them however were
slain ; for as they approached, the Barbarians
put several to the sword ; but the greater part,
by the order of Xerxes, had the royal marks
impressed upon them, beginning with Leontiades
himself. Eurymachus his son was afterward slain
at the head of four hundred Thebans, by the
people of Platea, whilst he was making an
attempt upon their city.
CCXXXIV. In this manner the Greeks
fought ^^' at Thermopyla?. Xerxes afterward
'^- TJie Greeks fought.'] — Plutarch censures Her(>dotiis for
r () L Y iAI N 1 A. 159
sent for Demaratiis, and thus addressed liim :
" 1 have ah-eady, Demaratiis, had experience of
omitting many memorable things relating to Leonidas.
Some of those specified by Plutarch I have already introduced
in my notes, others were as follow : when the wife of Leonidas
took leave of him, she asked him what commands he had
for her? " Marry," said he, in reply, " a good man,
and bring him good children." — Being desirous to save two
£>f his relations, who were with him at Thermopylaj, he pre-
tended to give them messages to the senate of Sparta : " I
followed you," says one of them, " to fight, not as a mes-
senger." " What you enjoin, " says the other, " is the
business of a messenger; " he then took up his shield and
placed himself in his rank.
I cannot in a more proper place than this, make a few
miscellaneous remarks upon the institutions of Lycurgus,
and the manners of the Spartans ; not that I entertain any
hope of throwing new light on a subject which has been
amply investigated by the learned ; but I may perhaps be
able to make a few things familiar to my English readers,
which were obscure or unknown to them before. The Spar-
tans are renowned in the volumes of antiquity for one vir-
tue above all others : I speak of their fortitude, which they
carried to an amazing and almost incredible perfection, a virtue,
which if we canvass and examine it to the extent in which it
was practised by this extraordinary people, will seem almost
peculiar to themselves.
It was the aim of Lycurgus to settle and root in the minds
of the Spartans this principle, that the preference was always
to be given to virtue, which constituted the only real dif-
ference or inequality between one man and another. And
he succeeded almost to a miracle. He persuaded them to
rf nounre all other means of happiness usually but falsely so
IGO r O L Y M N I A.
*' your truth and integrity, every thing has hap-
*' pened as you foretold; tell me then, how
called, tO' make virtue their chief and only object, and to
put themselves, their desires, and their hopes to this single
test. lie prevailed on the rich and noble to give up their
ample possessions, to throw all they had into a common
fund, and to reduce themselves to a level with their neigh-
bours. And these men, instead of the soft and tender blan-
dishments of plenty, the sweets of luxury, and the pride of
life, to which they had been accustomed, were contented to
submit to the austerities of a severe and painful discipline ;
to sit down to a coarse mess of black Spartan broth ; to
make no appearance, to expect no treatment abroad better
than others. This astonishing reformation was confirmed
and secured by two expedients ; the one, which obliged every
person to dine constantly in public with his own tribe, on
the dinner which was provided for them at the expense of
the state; the other, which forbade the use of any other
than iron money: by these salutary injunctions, every op-
portunity of indulging in luxury was cut off, as well as the
"neans of providing for it. They rendered money altogether
useless among them, so that, Plutarch informs us, it was a
common saying in other countries, " that at Sparta, and
there alone, of all the cities of the world, Plutus the god of
riches was blind; a mere picture or statue without life or
motion." I would here remark, that this is one note of dif-
ference which Polvbius assigns against those who likened
the Cretan polity to the Spartan, see book sixth. Plato
also, when he reckons riches the fourth ordinary blessing to
a state, certainly could not esteem this disregard of money
which prevailed in Sparta as a mark of extraordinary virtue;
but ordinances so self-denying, so opposite to the suggestions
of sense, and the ordinary practice of mankind, would not
have been received on the authority of Lycurgus, if they had
not been favoured by a character of mind pecuhar to this
P O L Y M N I A. Kil
many of the Lacetlacmoiiians may there he left,
liow maiiv of like valour with those who have
people. It was the natural and constitutional bravery of the
Spartans which incHned tliem to admit and obey such a plan
and form of government.
Precept and authority alone would not have done it, for
the passions of men are neither to be reasoned nor terrified
from their own bent and tendency : it is therefore but ren-
dering justice to this gallant people to confess, that their
bravery of mind was ft)unded in inclination and principle.
Cicero observes, that the Spartans (and the same could not
)>e said of any other people in the world) had retained their
primitive manners, without changing their laws, for more
than seven hundred years. — See Orat. pro L. Flacco. La-
ceda;monii soli, toto orbe terrarum, scptingentos annos et
amplius suis moribus et nunquam mutatis legibus, vi.xerunr.
— See also Lhy, book xxx. c. 34.
r
^' Plutarch says, only five hundred years, until the time of
Agis, son of Archidamus, in which period fourteen kings had
reigned. See his Life of Lycurgus. The conquests of Ly-
sander in Asia, by tilling Laceda?mon with money, introduced
luxury, and vitiated their morals; several examples of whicii
are produced by Xenophon. The women of Sparta seem little
less entitled to admiration ; strangers to the natural weakness
and softness of their sex, they were actuated by the same gal-
lant spirit as the men. They submitted to a like discipline,
and endured similar hardships. Instead of studying the ac-
complishments whicli usually distinguish a female education,
they accustomed themselves to manly exercises ; to running,
wrestling, throwing the dart or quoit; having the emulation to
contend with men at their own arts, and to bear them company
in the same paths of glory.
I cannot help presuming, with respect to the dames as
well as the men of Sparta, that it must have been something
innate, something beyond the power of education^ custom, or
Vol. I\'. M
16i> P O T. y M N I A.
" perished, or are they all alike ?" " Sir," re-
plied Dcmaratus, " the Ijacedaemoniaiis are a
example, which constitutes the wonderful difference we dis-
cern in then), compared with all other women. Can it, tiien,
be a matter of wonder, that the Spartan females claimed
extraordinary privileges at home, and more extensive power
in the government of their families? Lycurgus disliked that
excessive authority which the women had usurped, and at-
tempted, it seems, to reform it, and to restore to the husband
the usual and proper authority in his own house ; but in vain :
a convincing argument, that if the women liad not of them-
selves been inclined to his laws of female education, they
would have paid them neither attention nor obedience. War,
then, and conquest, with the endurance of fatigue, were the
principal objects which the Spartans had in view. Learn-
ing, and the study of letteis, of arts and sciences, to which
their neighbours the Athenians were devoted, were in no
repute among them, lience it has been observed, that the
former made the better figure in war, the latter in peace. —
See ^'alerius IN'Iaximus, 1. ii. c. 6. Egregios virtutis bellicaj
spiritus Lacedeemoniorum, prudentissimi pacis moribus At'ie-
nienses subsequuntur.
And this was unquestionably true, since we are assured,
that although the most rigorous care was taken to keep their
youth constantly to their exercises, their men of mature years
were permitted to live just as they pleased ; they followed
no employment, they disdained industry and honest labour,
and were indeed forbidden to pursue any art, which was ac-
counted liberal ; even husbandry, and the management and
cultnre of their lands, the most rational and most public-
spiiiied study that can be pursued, they left entirely to their
slaves. The old men of Sparta spent the whole of their
time in frequenting the schools and apartments of the youth,
as at Athens they did at the public places of resort, to
hear or to tell some new thing, 'i'he former indeed could
P O L Y M N I A. IGii
" numerous people, and possessed of many cities.
*' But I will answer your question more parti-
mispend their time in this manner with more grace, and
might plead the authority of Lycurgus in their vindication,
whose polity and scheme of government aimed at maintain-
ing an equality among the people, by restraining them from
trade, and the arts of growing rich. The design of Solon
was entirely the reverse ; he strove to animate the Athenians
with a spirit of industry ; he enacted a law against idleness,
requiring every person to have a calling and profession ; and
the philosopher, who had none, fell under the statute. Cle-
anthes and INIenedemus were indicted and called before the
Areopagus on this account. The statute which restrained
the study of rhetoric at Rome assigned this reason : " Ibi
homines adolescentulos totos dies desidere ;" for the same
reason philosophers were banished, amongst whom was
Epictetus in the reign of Domitian. — See Auhis Gelliiis,
1. XV. c. 1 1.
I have little to say on the religion of the Spartans. The
object of their worship seems to have been diversified by
them as well as by the Athenians, according to the system
of politics which their respective law-givers established.
Solon, intent upon promoting conmierce and gainful arts,
presented the great goddess to the Athenians, holding
in her right hand the weaver's beam, and he surnamed her
from the Egyptians, Athene and INIinerva, styling her the
goddess of arts and sciences. Ljcurgus, training up the
Spartans to the discipline of war, clothed the same goddess
in armour, called her Pallas and the Goddess of Battle
{Trafx^a^oi: kui '^uXkioiicoq 6ta) Aristoph. Lysist. ad finem.
She was styled Chalcicecus, either because her temple was of
brass, or because it was built by fugitives from Chalcis in
Eubcea. The brothers also, Castor and Pollux, were for
similar reasons enrolled in the Fasti of the Spartans ; and I
presume, if the Pagan Theology be capable of being reduced
M 2
164 P O I. y M N I A.
" ciilarl}'. Sparta itself contains oiolit tliousaiid
" men, all of whom are equal in valour to those
"who fouglit here; the other Lacedsemonians,
" though inferior to these, are still brave." " Tell
" me, then," returned Xerxes, " how we may
" subdue these men with least trouble ? you who
" have been their prince, must know what mea-
•' sures they are likely to pursue."
CCXXXV. " Since, Sir," answered Dema-
ratus, " you place a confidence in my opinion,
" it is proper that I should speak to you from
" the best of my judgment : I would therefore
" recommend you to send a fleet of three hun-
" dred vessels to the coast of Laceda2monia.
" Contiguous to this is an island named Cy-
*' thera, of which Chilon, the wisest of our coun-
" trymen, observed, that it would be better for
" the Spartans if it were buried in the sea ; fore-
" seeing the probability of such a measure as
" I now recommend. From this island your
" troops may spread terror over Sparta. Thus,
" a war so very near them, may remove from
" you any apprehension of their assisting the
to any fixed and settled rules, it will be best explained and
accounted for by supposing the religion of every different
nation or people to be a mixture of worship, and physics,
and politics, and that their idols were representations of
natural causes, named and habited according to the diflerent
tempers and genius of those who set them up. — T.
r O L V M N I A. IGo
" rest of Greece, Avhicli will then be open to
" your arms, and which, if subdued, will leave
*' Sparta hardly able to oppose you. If my ad-
" vice be disregarded, you may expect what fol-
" lows. There is a narrow isthmus in the Pelo-
" ponnese, in which all its people will assemble
" in resistance to your arms, and where you will
" have far more violent contests to sustain than
" you have here experienced. If you execute
" what I propose, you may without a battle be-
" come master of the isthmus, with all the cities
" of Peloponnesus."
CCXXXVI. Achajmcnes the brother of Xer-
xes, and commander of the fleet, was present at
this interview. Fearful that the king might do
as he had been advised, he thus delivered his sen-
timents : " You seem, Sir," said he, " too much
" inclined to listen to a man, who either envies
" your prosperity, or wishes to betray you. It
" is the character of Greeks to envy the suc-
" cessful, and to hate their superiors. AVe have
" already lost by shipwreck four hundred vessels ;
" if we detach three hundred more to the Pelo-
" ponnese, the force of our opponents will be
'* equal to our own ; ovu- united fleet will be far
" superior to theirs, and, with respect to any ef-
" forts they can make, invincible. If your forces
" by land, and your fleet by sea advance at the
" saine time, they will be able nuitually to assist
166 r O L Y M N I A.
" each otlicr ; if you separate them, tlie fleet
" will not be able to assist you, nor you the
" fleet. It becomes you to deliberate well on
" your own affairs, and not to concern yourself
" about those of your enemies, nor to enquire
" where they will commence their hostilities,
" what measures they will take, or how nu-
" merous they are. Let them attend to their
" affairs, we to ours. If the Lacedaemonians
" sliall presume to attack the Persians, they
" will be far from repairing the loss they have
" already sustained."
CCXXXVII. " Achsemenes," answered Xer-
xes, " I approve your counsel, and will follow it.
*• The sentiments of Demaratus are, I well know,
" dictated by his regard to my interests ; but
" your advice to me seems preferable. I cannot
" be persuaded that he has any improper inten-
" tions, events having proved the wisdom of his
" former counsels. One man frequently envies
" the prosperity of another, and indulges in se-
" cret sentiments of hatred against him ; neither
" will he, when he requires it, give him salutary
" advice, unless indeed from some surprising cf-
*' fort of virtue ; but a friend exults in a friend's
" happiness ; has no sentiments for him but those
" of the truest kindness, and gives him always
" the best advice. Let no one therefore in fu-
*' ture use any invective against Demaratus, who
'* is mv friend."
POLY U N I A. 107
CCXXXVIII. When Xerxes had finislied,
he went to view the dead, among whom was Leo-
nidas. AVhen lie heard that he had been the
prince and leader of Sparta, he ordered his head
to be cut off, and his body to be suspended on a
cross*. This incident is no small proof to me,
among many others, that Xerxes indulged the
warmest indignation against Leonidas wliilst he
was alive. He otherwise would not have treated
him when dead with such barbarity. I know tliat
the Persians, of all mankind, most highly honour
military virtue. The orders, however, of tlie king
were executed.
CCXXXIX. I shall now return to the thread
of our history. The Spartans were the first
who were acquainted with the king's designs
against Greece ; they sent to the oracle on the
occasion, and received the answer 1 have related.
The intelligence was communicated to them in
an extraordinary manner. Demaratus, the son
* This proceeding of Xerxes is wholly inconsistent with
what is told in chap, clxxxi. of this book, where the I'ersians
are represented as testifying the warmest admiration of mili-
tary virtue. The whole, however, of the character of Xerxes
exhibits the greatest contradiction, and would afford excel-
lent materials for a separate essay. At one time we find
him sagacious in his enquiries, and profound in his remarks;
at another, preposterous, absurd, and puerile; at one time
distinguished by the tenderesl humanity, at another guilty of
the most unprovoked and wanton barbarity.
1G8 r () L Y INI N I A.
of Aristoii, had taken lefuge among the JNledes,
and, as there is every reason to suppose, was not
friendly to the Spartans. He however it was who
informed tlicm of wliat was meditated ; whether
to serve or insult them, must be left to conjecture.
When Aerxes had resolved on this expedition
against Greece, Dcmaratus, who was at Susa,
and acquainted with his intentions, determined to
inform the Laceda3monians. As this was both
difficult and dangerous, he employed the following
means : he took two tablets, and erased the wax
from each ; then inscribed the purpose of the king
upon the wood. This done, he replaced the wax,
that the several guards on the road, from seeing
the empty tablets, might have no suspicion of the
business. When these were delivered at Laccda^-
mon, the people had no conception of their mean-
ing, till, as I have been informed, Gorgo, the
daughter of Cleomenes and wife of Leonidas, re-
moved the difficulty. Imagining what might be
intended, she ordered the wax to be removed,
and thus made the contents of the tablets known.
The LacedEcmonians, after examining what was
inscribed on the wood, circulated the intelligence
throuo'h Greece.
H E R O D O T U S.
BOOK Vlll.
U 11 A N I A.
CHAP. I.
HAVE before described these
events as they are said to have
happened. The Greeks who
composed the naval armament
were these : The Athenians ^
furnished one hundred and
twenty-sevcn vessels, part of which were manned
by Phiteans, who, though ignorant of sea affairs,
were prompted by zeal and courage; the Corin-
thians brought forty ships, the jNlcgarians twenty;
the Chalcidians equipped twenty ships, whicli the
Athenians supplied ; the ^Eginette eiglitecn, the
' Athiniiins.] — Diodorus Siculiis inakeb the number uf
Alheiiian vessels on this occasion two hundred.
170 URANIA.
Sicyoiiiaiis twelve, and the Laccclajmoinaiis ten;
the EpidauriaiLS brought eight, the Eretrians
seven, the Troezenians five, the Styreans two ; the
people of Ceos two, and two barks of fifty oars ;
the Opuntian Locrians assisted the confederates
with seven vessels of fifty oars.
II. These were stationed at Artemisium ; and
such were the numbers which each nation sup-
plied. Without taking into the account the ves-
sels of fifty oars, the whole amounted to two
hundi'ed and seventy-one. Of these the com-
mander-in-chief appointed by the Spartans, was
Eurybiades, the son of Euryclidas. The allies
refused to serve under the Athenians, and had
resolved, unless they had a Spartan leader, to
disperse
*
III. At first, and before any deputation had
been sent to Sicily requiring assistance, it had
been debated whether it would not be expedient
* Such are the blessed effects of a republican govern-
ment. — The two contending states, Athens and Lacedasmon,
hazarded the well-being and existence of Greece on the stake
of their ambition, These were the nations who risked all for
liberty, and among whom liberty flourished. But still more
striking effects of intrigue appeared just before the battle of
I'lata^a, when some Athenian leaders were on the point of
sacrificing both Athens and Greece to Persia, and were so
agitated by the divisions of contending parties, that they
entered with reluctance even upon the necessary means of
their sell-preservation. — T.
URANIA. 171
to entrust the conduct of the naval forces to the
Athenians ; hut as this was opposed by the allies,
the Athenians did not insist upon it". Their
principal concern was the welfare of Greece, and
as they were sensible that this would be endan-
gered by any contention, tliey very wisely with-
drew their claims. As much as war itself is more
destructive than peace, so much more dangerous
are intestine commotions, than a war conducted
witli consistency and union : persuaded of tliis,
they did not dispute the matter whilst circum-
stances justified and required their forbearance.
Afterwards, when, having repelled the Persian,
they were contending for what belonged to
him, they made the insolence of Pausanias a
pretence for depriving tlie I^accdaimonians of the
command. These, however, were things which
happened afterwards.
IV. AVhen the Greeks assembled at Artemisium
saw the number of ships which were collected at
Aphetae, and every place crowded with troops, they
were struck with terror ; and as the attempts of
■-' Did not insist upon if.] — Mr. Glover, in hi? Poem of llie
Alhenaid, puts this sentiment into the mouth of Thiinis-
tocles :
Wisely did we cede
To Spartan Eurybiades command ;
The different squadrons to their native ports
Had ebe deserted, iS:c.
172 U R A N I A.
the Biirbariaiis had succeeded so much beyond
their expectations, they consulted about retreat-
ing to the interior parts of Greece ^ When this
idea had been generally circulated^ the Eubaans
entreated Eurybiades to give them time to re-
move their children and their slaves. Unsuc-
cessful in this application, they went to Themis-
tocles the Athenian leader, on whom they pre-
vailed, for the consideration of thirty talents, to
continue at Euboea, and risk the event of a
battle.
V. This was effected by Themistocles in the
following manner : He presented Eurybiades with
five talents, as if from himself; having gained him,
he had only to prevail on Adimantus the Corin-
thian*, the son of Ocytus, who was obstinate in
•'' Parts of Greece.^ — Plutarch is very severe upon Hero-
dotus for making this assertion. Pindar, says he, who was
a native of a city supposed to be attached to the Medes, men-
tions the behaviour of the Athenians at Artemisium with the
highest encomiums. So perhaps lie might, but what dofs this
prove? certainly not that the Greeks did not stay and fight
against their will, though when they actually were engaged,
they behaved with extraordinary valour. — T.
* Adimantus. the Corinthian.] — This Adimantus in the event
behaved timidly. He was a Corinthian, and leader of the
Corinthians ; he must not therefore be confounded with
the Athenian Adimantus, who greatly distinguished himst^lf
against the Persians, and who, probably, is tlie same person
who was archon in the fourth year of the seventy-fifth
URANIA. 173
his (Ictermiiiation to sail from Artemisium. After
using the solemnity of an oath, " if you," said
lie, " will not desert, I promise you a greater
" present tlian the king of the Medes would have
" given you for leaving us." He instantly sent
to his vessel three talents of silver. By these gifts
he gained the commanders to his purpose, and
satisfied the Euboeans. Themistocles rewarded
himself by keeping the remainder*, whilst they
who had accepted of his presents supposed the
money had been sent him from Athens for. tliis
purpose.
Vl. They eontiiuied therefore at Eubrra, and
came to a battle. The barbarians arriving at
break of day at ^Vpliet^e, had before heard that
the Greeks at Artemisium were very few in
number. On their seeing this, they were eager
to engage, in expectation of taking them ; they did
not, however, think it expedient to advance di-
rectly to the attack, lest the Greeks, perceiving
Olympiad. An epitapli by Simonides was inscribed on his
tomb, intimating, that by his counsels Greece became free.
— Lurcher.
See c. 9-i of this book, where it is represented that Adi-
mantus was seized with a |)anic, and fled at the beginning of
the fight.
* Other accounts say that he gave one talent to Archi-
beles the Athenian. — Sec the story related at length in Plu-
tarch's Life of Themistocles.
]74 U K A N I A.
them, should escape under cover of the night.
The Persians had ah-eady boasted that not even
the torch -bearer ^ shoukl escape them.
VII. With this idea they pursued the following
^ Torch-bearer.'] — Before trumpets were used in armies,
the signal for battle was given by a torch. Those who car-
ried it were sacred to Mars ; they advanced at the head of
armies, and in the interval betwixt them they dropt their
torch, and retired without molestation. The armies engaged,
and even if a whole army was destroyed, they spared the
life of the torch-bearer, because he was sacred to Mars ;
thence came a proverb applicable to total defeats, " Not
even the torch-bearer has escaped." Herodotus is the first
author where we meet with this expression, which after-
wards became so familiar that it passed into a proverb.
— Lurcher.
It is probable, that in the time of Homer no signals for
battle were in use, as we find no mention of any throughout
his works : in both Iliad and Odyssey we find torches placed
on the tops of hills to give intelligence of certain events.
Modern signals for battle are, by land, drums and trum-
pets ; by sea they are more various, and are given by can-
non, lights, sails, and colours. The Romans, in addition to
the shout with which all nations have been described as
commencing an engagement, violently clashed their arms
together. Milton makes a happy use of this idea.
He spake, and, to confirm his words, out flew
Millions of flaming swords, drawn from the thigli
Of mighty cherubim. The sudden blaze
Far round illumin'd hell : highly they raged
Against the Highest, and fierce with grasped anns
Clash'd on their sounding shields the din of war,
Ilurlinp; defiance toward the vault of heaven. — T
U R A N I A. 175
measures : two liuiidrcd chosen vessels were de-
tached beyond Sciathus, lest in passing round
Euboca they might be discovered by the enemy off
Cajiharea and Gersestus, near the Euripus, mean-
ing thus to enclose them, and commence an
attack at the same time in the rear and in front.
With this design the appointed squadrons set sail.
It was not their intention to attack the Greeks on
this day, nor till a signal should be given by the
detachment with which they were to act in con-
cert. On the departure of the former, an ac-
count was taken of the number of those which
continued as Apheta?.
VIII. Whilst the Persians were thus employed,
they happened to have with tliem Scyllias*" of
c> Scyllias.'] — The name of this skilful diver is differently
written. In an epigram of A|)ollonides it is Scyllos, in
Pliny and Pausanias it is Scillis. Scyllias had taught his
daughter Cyane the art of diving ; during the tempest,
which surprized the Persians near mount Pelion, they
phmged together under the water, and removed the anchors
which held the vessels of Xerxes, which occasioned consi-
derable injury. By order of the Amphictyons, statues were
creeled to the father and daughter in the temple of Apollo
at Delphi. The statue of Cyane was amongst those which
by the coaunand of Nero were transported to Rome. —
Lurcher.
Brydone, in his entertaining Tour through Sicily and
Malta, informs us, that tlie Sicilian authors make mention
of one Colas, who, from liis extraordinary skill in diving,
170 URANIA.
Scios, tlie most skilful diver of his time, who, in
the shipwreck off Pelion, had preserved to the
Persians an immense quantity of treasure, and
at the same time considerably enriched himself.
This man had long intended to desert to the
Greeks, but he had never before had the oppor-
tunity : he on this day effected his purpose ; it is
uncertain in what manner, but if what is related of
him be true, it is really astonishing. It is said, that
having leaped into the sea at Aphetae, he did not
rise again till he came to Artemisium, having
gone a space of eighty stadia through the water.
Other thngs are related of this man, some of
which appear to be fabulous, whilst others are
actually true. For my own part, I am inclined to
the opinion, that -lie escaped to Artemisium in
a little vessel ; on his arrival, he informed the
commanders of the shipwreck ', and of the ships
which had been sent round Euboea.
IX. Upon this the Greeks called a council.
was named Pesce, or the fish. It was said of him, that with-
out coming at all to land, he could live for several days in
the water ; that he caught fish merely hy his agility in the
water, and that he could even walk across the straits at the
bottom of the sea. One of their kings had the cruelty to
propose his diving near the gulph of Charybdis, and to tempt
him threw in a golden cup. In a third attempt to gain
this, it is supposed he was caught by the whirlpool, for he
appeared no more. — T.
7 SJiipxvreck.'] — See book vii. chap. 188.
U RANI A. 177
Various opinions were delivered : but it was ulti-
mately determined to remain that day on their
station, and to depart soon after midnight, to
meet that part of the enemy's licet which had been
sent round Kuboea. As they perceived no one
advancing against them, as soon as the twiliglit
appeared, they proceeded towards the Barbarians,
determining to make experiment of their skill in
lighting and manoeuvring.
X. The commanders and forces of Xerxes
seeing them approach in so small a body, con-
ceived them to be actuated by extreme infatua-
tion'', and, drawing out their vessels, expected to
find them an easy conquest. In this they were
not unreasonable, for their fleet was superior to
the Greeks, not only in number but swiftness ; in
8 Extreme infatuation.] — With the same contempt the
French are represented to have considered the Enghsh army
hefore the hattle of Agincourt. This is expressed with the
greatest animation by Shakspeare, in his Henry the Fifth.
His numbers are so few,
His soldiers sick and famish'd in their march ;
And I am sure, when he shall see our army,
He'll drop his heart into the sink of fear,
And for achievement, offer us his ransom.
To the Persians, as well as to the French, the noLle ;inswer
of Henry to the French herald was happily applicable.
The man that once did sell the lion's skin
While the beast liv'd, was kiU'd with hunting him.
Vol. IV. N
178 URANIA.
contempt, tiicrefore, they surrounded tlicm. Tliere
were some of the louians who wished well to tlie
Greeks, and served against them with tlie greatest
reluctance ; seeing them thus encircled, they were
affected with much uneasiness concerning thein,
not supposing that any could escape, so insignifi-
cant did they appear. There were other lonians,
to whom the seeming distress of the Greeks gave
great pleasure ; these contended with all exertion
who should take the first Athenian vessel, in hopes
of a reward from the king. For among the Bar-
barians greater reputation^ was allowed to the
Athenians, than to any other of the allies.
XI. Tlie Greeks, as soon as -the signal was
given, turned their prows towards tlie Barharians,
collecting; their sterns into one common centre.
On a second signal, tliough compressed within a
narrow space, they attacked the enemy in front.
They soon took thirty of the Barbarian vessels,
among whom was Philaon, son of Chersis, and
9 Greater reputation.] — Notwithstanding what is here as-
serted in favour of the Atlieniaiis, their own historian re-
marks, that, from the best conjectures he was able to form,
his countrymen had done nothing worthy of being recorded,
either at home or abroad, from the Trojan to the Persic and
Peloj)onnesian wars. Thucydides, 1. i. As I have thrown
together at the end of the preceding book some remarks on
the Spartan policy and manners, the reader at the conclusion
of this will find some relative to those of Athens. — T.
IT U A N I A. 179
brotlicr of Corgus, prince of Salamis, a man
very highly esteemed in the army. The first
enemy's sliip was taken by an Athenian; his name
was Lycomcdcs, the son of TEschrcas, and he
obtained the fame he merited. A'ictory alter-
nately inclined to both parties, .when they were
separated by the night. The Greeks returned to
Artemisium, the Barbarians to Aphetae, the issue
of the contest being very different from what they
had expected. Of those Greeks who were in the
service of the king, Antidorus the Lcmnian was
the only one who went over to his countrymen.
The Atlienians, in consideration of his conduct,
assigned him some lands at Salamis.
XII. The above engagement took place in
the middle of the summer. When night ap-
proached, there fell a heavy storm of rain, at-
tended with continued thunder from mount
Pelion. The bodies of the dead, and the wrecks
of the vessels floating to Aphctaj, were so in-
volved among the prows of the ships, that the
oars were hardly manageable ; the forces on
board were seized with a violent panic, expecting
that they were certainly doomed to perish ".
^" Expecting ex cry moment to perish. '\ — An example of ter-
ror very much like this, occurs in 1 Samuel, xiv. 1.0. Though
it must be acknowled;^ed, that the confusion into which the
N 2
180 URANIA.
They had hardly recovered themselves from the
eftect of the first storm and shipwreck off Pelioii,
when that severe hattle at sea had succeeded.
As soon as this last terminated, they* were attacked
again by violent rains, a tempestuous sea, and
continued thunder.
XIII. This night, however, proved still more
disastrous, to those whose business it was to make
a circuit round Euboea. The storm fell upon them
with the greater violence, as they were remote
from land ; and they perished in a miserable man-
ner". It commenced when they were standing
camp of the Philistines was thrown, is expressly attributed
to a divine cause, and was attended with an earthquake.
" And there was trembling in the host, in the field and
among the people ; the garrison and the spoilers they also
tiembled, and the earth quaked ; so it was a very great
trembling.
" And the watchmen of Saul in Gibeah looked, and be-
hold the multitude melted away, and they went on beating
down one another." — T.
i-^ Miserable manner r\ — To TtKoq a<j)i tyeysro a\api.hon
ginus, section xliii. p. l6'0, Pearce's edition, censures this
expression of a-y^api, as mean and feeble. Pearce does not
vindicate our author, neither does Toup ; Larcher does, and
with considerable eftect. Boileau, he says, has rendered
the word w^^api, peu agreab/e. If this were admitted, the
censure of Longinus would be reasonable enough ; but in
tact «X"/°' '^ '^ ^'^'T strong term, and signifies- something in
the highest degree shocking. Herodotus has applied tjvjLKpopt)
a-^^apn:, to the murder of a brothei", book i. 42; and again
U R A N I A. LSI
towards the slioals of Eiiboca ; ignorant of their
course, tliey were driven before the wind, and
dashed against the rocks*. It seemed a divine
interposition, tliat a Persian fleet should thus be
rendered equal, or at least not much superior to
that of the Greeks. In this manner they were
destroyed on the Eubocan sands.
XIV. The Barbarians at Aphcta? saw with
joy the morning advance, and remained inactive,
thinking it of no small moment, after their past
calamities, to enjoy the present interval of tran-
quillity. At this juncture, the Greeks were rein-
forced by fifty-three Athenian ships. Animated
by the arrival of their friends, they had still far-
ther reason to exult in the fate of those Barba-
rians who had been ordered round Eubcea, not
one of whom escaped the violence of the storm.
to the murder of a son, vii. igo. Antoninus Liberalis calls
the crime of incest between a father and his daughter a-\(^npi
Kai adecruop epyoy, an action horrible and offensive to all laws.
A similar mode of speaking was in use amongst the Romans ;
every one knows that Virgil applied the word illaudatus to
Busiris ; and Horace calls Pythagoras, Non sordidus auctor
naturae verique.
* It is the fashion to call Herodotus credulous and super-
stitious; the truth is, he was a good and pious man, who be-
lieved in a particular Providence. If any thing saved Greece
from its own factious spirit, and from the overwhelming forces
of Xerxes, it surely was Providence, which, for reasons un-
known to us, and for the further views which it had concern-
ing Greece, thought it worth saving. — T.
182 U 11 A N I A.
The Greeks taking the opportunity of the same
hour, towards the evening advanced boldly against
the Cilicians ; these they totally defeated, and at
night returned again to Artemisium.
XV. On the third day, the leaders of tlic Bar-
barians did not wait for the Greeks to connnence
the attack ; they advanced about mid-dny, mu-
tually encouraging each other : they could not
bear to be insulted by so inferior a num])cr, and
they feared the indignation of Xerxes. It hap-
pened that these engagements by sea took place
precisely at the same periods as the conflicts at
Thermopylae. The object of the sea fights was
the Euripus, as that of the battles by land was
the passage of Thermopylas. The Greeks ani-
mated each other to prevent the entrance of the
Barbarians into Greece ; the Barbarians in like
manner were emulous to disperse the Greeks, and
become masters of these passages.
XVI. Whilst the forces of Xerxes advanced
in order of battle, the Greeks remained on their
station at Artemisium. The Barbarians, as if to
render tliemselvcs secure of them all, enclosed
them in a semicircle. The Greeks met them, and
a battle ensued, which was fought on both sides
on equal terms. The fleet of Xerxes, from the
size and number of its vessels, was much per-
plexed by their falling foul of each other; they
U R A N I A. 183
fought however with firmness, and refused to give
way, for they could not hear to he put to flight hy
so inferior a force. In the conflict many Grecian
vessels perished, with a great number of men ; hut
the loss of the Barbarians was much greater in
both. Tliey separated as by mutual consent*.
XVII. Of all those in the fleet of Xerxes,
the -Egyptians performed the most important ser-
vice; they distinguished themselves throughout,
and took five Grecian vessels, with all their men.
Of the confederates, the Athenians were most con-
spicuous ; and of these the bravest was Clinias,
son of Alcibiades ''. His ship, which carried
two hundred men, was equipped and manned
at liis own expence.
XVIII. The two fleets eagerly retired to
their respective stations. The Greeks retained
the wrecks of their vessels which were damaged,
* At the battle of Arteniisium, the Athenians most dis-
tinguished themselves among the Greeks, — the Sidonians
lunon"; the Barbarians. See Plutarch de sera nun)inis vin-
dicta, where a fragment of Pind.ir, relating to this battle,
is preserved.
^~ Clinias, son of Alcibiades.'] — Upon this personage Valcnaer
has a very elaborate and learned note ; but I do not see that it
contains any thing particularly claiming the attention of the
English reader, except that he was the father of the famous
Alcibiades, afterwards so celebrated in (Ireece. — T.
184 U R A N I A.
and possessed the bodies of their dead ; but as they
had suffered severely, and particularly the Athe-
nians, the half of whose vessels were disabled,
they deliberated about retiring to the remoter
parts of Greece.
XIX. Themistocles had constantly believed,
that if he could detach the lonians and Carians^^
from the Barbarians, there would be no difficulty
in overpowering the rest. Whilst the Euboeans
were assembling their cattle on the sea-coast, he
called the chiefs together, and informed them he
had conceived a method, which he believed would
deprive the king of the best of his allies. At this
juncture he explained himself no farther, adding
only his advice, that they should kill as much of
the cattle of the Euboeans as they possibly could ;
1^ Carians.}' — Originally these people inhabited the islands
lying near their own coast, and so much only of the JEgtan
sea as was called the Icarian, of which Icarus, the iila/id of
Caria, was the principal island ; they were then named Le-
leges and Telasgi. — See Strabu, 1. xii. 66 1 — 572. After-
wards, removing to the continent, they seized upon a large
tract of the sea-coast, as well as of the inland country :
" This," says Strabo, " was the opinion most generally
allowed." — Homer applies to the Carians the epithet of
ftapftapo^uvMv. — Strabo supposes them to have been so called,
Irom cJf KaKw<;Y.\\})vi!!,ovTii;, and that at first a person was called
barbarous, whose speech was thick and coarse, Tra-^vaTOf.ioq,
though afterwards the word was extended to a more general
sense. — Tibullus calls the Latin Turnus barbarous, 1. ii. el. j.
Jam tibi prasdico, barbare Turne, necem. T,
U R A N I A. 185
for it was much better tliat their troops should
enjoy them than those of tlie enemy. He recom-
mended them to order their respective people to
kindle a fire, and told them that he would be
careful to select a proper opportunity for their de-
parture to Greece. His advice was approved, the
fires were kindled, and the cattle slain.
XX. The Euboeans, paying no manner of re-
gard to the oracle of Bacis, had neither removed
any of their effects, nor prepared any provision ;
which, it certainly became those to do, who were
menaced by a war : tlieir neglect had rendered
their affairs extremely critical. The oracle of
Bacis ^* was to this effect :
" When barb'rous hosts with Byblus yoke the
main,
" Then drive your cattle from Euboca's plain."
As they made no use of this declaration, cither
in their present evils or to guard against the fu-
ture, they might naturally expect the w'orst.
1* The oracle of Bacis.] — There were three soothsayers of
this name; the most ancient was of Eleus in Ba-olia, the se-
cond of Athens, and the third of Caphy in Arcadia. This last
was also railed Cydus and Aletes, and wonderful things are
related of him hy Theopompus. — Lurcher.
See the Peace of Aristophanes, where the poet speaks with
a sneer of these oracles of Bacis.
This is very true, says Herodotus ; that is, if the nymphs
have not deluded Bacis, and if Bacis is not deluded by
mortals.
186 U 11 A N 1 A.
XXI. At this period there arrived a spy from
Trachis ; there was one also at Artemisium, Avhose
name was Polyas, a native of Anticyra. He had
a swift vessel with oars constantly in readiness^
and was directed to commnnicate, to those at
Thermopylae, the event of any engagement which
might take place at sea. There was also with
Leonidas an Athenian named Abronychus, the
son of Lysicles, who was prepared with a thirty-
oared vessel to give immediate information to
those at Artemisium of whatever might happen
to the land forces. This man arrived at Artemi-
sium, and informed the Greeks of what had be-
fallen Leonidas and his party. On receiving his
intelligence, they thought it expedient not to
defer their departure, but to separate in the order
in which they were stationed, the Corinthians
first, the Athenians last.
XXII. Themistocles ^^, selecting the swiftest
of the ^Vthenian vessels, went with them to a
watering place, and there engraved upon the
rocks these words, which the lonians, coming
^' Themistodes.'] — Bartelemy, in his Voyage du Jeune Ana-
charsis, divides the Athenian history into three distinct inter-
vals, which he calls the commencement, the progress, and the
I'all, of that empire. The iirst he names the age of Solon, or
of the laws ; the second, the age of Themistodes, and Aris-
tides, or of glory ; the third, the age of Pericles, or of luxury
and the arts. — T.
URANIA. 187
the next day to Artemisium, perused : " JNIen of
" Ionia, in fighting against your ancestors, and
" endeavouring to reduce Greece to servitude,
" you are guilty of injustice : take, therefore, an
" active part in our behalf; if this be impracti-
" cable, retire yourselves from the contest, and
" prevail on the Carians to do the same. If you
" can comply with neither (jf these requisitions,
" and are so bound by necessity that you can-
" not openly revolt, when the conflict begins, re-
*' tire ; remembering that you are descended from
" ourselves, and that the first occasion of our
" dispute with the Barbarians originated with
" you." Themistocles, in writing the above, had,
as I should suppose, two objects in view. If what
he said were concealed from the kmfx, the lonians
might be induced to go over to the Greeks ; and
if Xerxes should know it, it might incline him
to distrust the lonians, and employ them no
more by sea.
XXIII. When Themistocles had written the
above, a man of Histiaca hastened in a small ves-
sel to inform the Barbarians that the Greeks had
fled from Artemisium. Distrusting tlie intelli-
gence, they ordered the man into close custody,
and sent some swift vessels to ascertain the truth.
These confirmed the report ; and as soon as the
sun rose, the whole fleet in a body sailed to
Artemisium ; remaining here till mid-day, they
18S URANIA.
proceeded to Histiaea : they then took possession
of the city of the Histiseans, and overran part of
Hellopia ^", and all the coast of Histiaeotis.
XXIV. Whilst his fleet continued at Histi-
aeotis, Xerxes, having prepared what he intended
concerning tlie dead, sent to them a herald. The
preparations were these : Twenty thousand men
liad been slain at Thermopylae, of these one thou-
sand were left on the field, the rest were buried
in pits sunk for the purpose; these were after-
wards filled up, and covered with leaves, to pre-
vent their being perceived by the fleet. The
herald, on his arrival at Histiaea, assembled the
forces, and thus addressed them : " Xerxes the
" king, O allies, permits whoever chooses it to
" leave his post, and see in what manner he con-
" tends with those foolish men, who had hoped to
" overcome him."
XXV. Immediately on this declaration, scarce
a boat remained behind, so many were eager to
see the spectacle. Coming to tlie spot, they be-
held the bodies of the dead. Though a number
1^ Hellopia.'] — The whole island of Euboea was anciently
called Helapia. I understand that the Hebrew word which
we pronounce Hellap, means of a clear countenance ; for this
reason the people round Dodona were called Elli and Ellopes,
and their country also Ellopia.— T".
U R A N I A. 189
of Helots ^' 'svcrc among them, they supposed
that all whom they saw were Lacedgemonians
and Thespians. This subterfuge of Xerxes did
not deceive those who beheld it ; it could not
fail of appearing exceedingly ridiculous, to see a
thousand Persian bodies on the field, and four
thousand Greeks crowded together on one spot.
After a whole day had l)cen thus employed, the
troops returned on the following one to the fleet
at Histiffia, and Xerxes with his army proceeded
on their march.
XXVI. A small number of Arcadians de-
serted * to the Persian army : they were destitute
of provisions, and wished to be employed. Being
introduced to the royal presence, and interrogated
by several Persians, and by one in particular,
concerning the Greeks, and how they were then
employed : " At present," they replied, " they
" are celebrating the Olympic games, and be-
" holding gymnastic and equestrian exercises."
'7 Helot.s.] — I have in a preceding note spoken of the
IIeh)ts; but for more particulars concerning them, I beg
leave to refer the reader to a Dissertation on the History
and servitude of the Helots, by M. Capperonier, published
in the Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles
Lettres. — T.
* No author, says Larcher, has speciJied who were the
people of Arcadia that deserted to the Persians. From a
passage in Vilruvius, book. i. c. 1. tiny appear to have bc-in
those of Carga. — See Larcher't; note.
190 U R A N I A.
Being a second time asked wliat Avas the prize for
which they contended, they answered, " An
'• olive garland." On this occasion Tigranes '",
the son of Artahanus, having expressed himself
in a manner which proved great generosity of sonl,
was accused by the king of cowardice. Hearing
that the prize was not money, but a garland, he
exclaimed before them all — " What must those
" men be, O JNIardonius, against whom you are
" conducting us, w^ho contend not for wealth,
" but for virtue?"
XXVII. After the above calamity at Tliermo-
pylse, the Thcssalians sent a herald to the Plioce-
ans, with whom they had before been at enmity '",
^^ Tigranes.l — Many learned men are of opinion, that
this name is derived from the Togarmah of Scripture, and
given to the chiefs of that house; see Ezekiel, xxxviii. 6. — ■
'■' Togarmah of the north quarters, and all his bands." Jo-
sephus writes Togarmah's name, Qvypa/Lijutj^, Thygrammis,
which some copies render Thygran, neither of them very
unlike Tigranes. — T.
^9 Enmitij.] — The Thessalians, being natives of Thesprotia,
had seized /Eolia, afterwards called Tliessaly, whence they
attempted to penetrate into Phocea, by the passage of Ther-
mopylic ; but the Phoceans in this place constructed a wall,
whicli checked their incursions. I'his was the source of the
hatred which these people bore each other, and which was
carried to such extremities, that the Thessalians in one day
cut the throats of all the magistrates and princes of the Pho-
ceans, who, in return, heat to death two hundred and fifty
hostages they had in their hands. — Larcher.
URANIA. 191
but particularly so after tlieir last overthrow.
Some years antecedent to this expedition of the
king, the Thcssalians in a body, in conjunction
witJi their allies, had attacked the Phoceans, but
had been driven back and roughly handled. The
Phoceans, being surrounded at Parnassus, hap-
pened to have Vv ith them Tellias ^ of Eleum, the
20 Tcma.s.]—Ue was the chief of the family of the TelHada-,
in which the art of divination was hereditary. In gratitude
for the victory which they obtained through his means, the
Phoceans made i statue of TelHas, wliich they sent to
Delphi, with those of the chiefs and heroes of their country.
— Larc/wr.
Compare the account here given by Herodotus with that of
Puusanias, 1.x. c. i. and the Stratagemata of Polyajnus, 1. vi.
c. 18, — See also Plutarch on the Virtues of Women.
To revenge the above-mentionet'. murder of their hostages,
the Thessalians marched against the Phoceans, determining
to spare no men that were of age, and to sell the women and
children for slaves. Diaphantus, governor of Phocis, on
hearing this, persuaded his countrymen to go and meet the
Thessalians, and to collect their women and children in one
place, round wliom they were to pile combustible materials,
and to place a watch, who, if the Phoceans should be de-
feated, were to set fire to the pile. To this, one person ob-
jected, saying, the women ought to be consulted on the busi-
ness. The women hearing of this, assembled together, and
not only agreed to it but highly applauded Diaphantus for
proposing it. It is also said, that the children also met
together, and resolved on the same thing. The Phoceans
afterwards engaging the eni-my at Cleon, a place in Hy-
ampolis, were victorious. The Creeks called this resolution
of the Phocean women apouoiu, desperation. The greatest
feast of the Phoceans is that which they celebrated at
Ilyampoiis, and ciUtd FJajiJiebo/ia, in commemoration of
this victory.
192 U R A N I A.
soothsayer, at ■whose instigation they concerted
the following stratagem : They selected six hun-
dred of their bravest men, whose persons and
arms they made white with chalk : they thus
sent them against the Thessalians, under cover
of the night, commanding them to put every
one to death who was not whited like themselves.
The Thessalian out-posts, who first saw them,
conceived them to be nomcthing supernatural.
These communicated their panic to the body
of the army, in consequence of which the Fho-
ceans slew four thousand, and carried away their
shields : half of these shields were consecrated
at Abas, and half at Delphi. A tenth part of
the money which resulted from this victory,
was applied to erect the large statues which are
to be seen round the tripod before the temple
at Delphi : an equal number were erected at
Abas.
XXVIII. ThePhoceans thus treated the Thes-
salian foot, by whom they had been surrounded :
their horse, which had made incursions into their
country, they effectually destroyed. At the en-
trance to Phocis near Hyampolis they sunk a deep
trench, into which having thrown a number of
empty casks, they covered them with earth to the
level of the common ground. They then waited
to receive the attack of the Thessalians : these
ad\ ancing, as if to capture the Phoccans, fell in
U R A N I A. 193
among the casks, by which the legs of then- horses
were broken *.
XXIX. These two disasters had so much exas-
perated the ThessaUans, that they sent a herald
to say thus to the Phoceans : " As you are now,
" O Phoceans, rendered wiser by experience, it
" becomes you to acknowledge yourselves our in-
" fcriors. When we formerly thought it consist-
" ent to be united with the Greeks, we were al-
*' ways superior to you : we have now so much
" influence with the Barbarians, that it is in our
" power to strip you of your country, and reduce
" you to slavery. Wc are nevertheless willing to
" forget past injuries, provided you will pay us
" fifty talents : on these terms we engage to avert
** the evils which threaten your country."
XXX.. Such was tlie application of the Thes-
salians to the Phoceans, who alone, of all the
people of tliis district, did not side with the
jMedes, and for no other reason, as far as I am
able to conjecture, than their liatred of the Thes-
salians. If the Thessalians Iiad favoured the
Greeks, tlic Phoceans I believe would liave at-
* If the reader will consult Pausanias, Plato, and indeed
viirious other ancient writers, he will find that the Thessalian
cavalry were in high reputation.
Vol. I\', O
194 U R A N I A.
taclied tlicmselves to the Medes. The Plioceans
in reply refused to give the money : they had the
same opportunity, they added, of uniting with
the Medes, as the Thessalians, if they wished to
change their sentiments ; but they expressed them-
selves unalterably reluctant to desert the cause of
Greece.
XXXI^ This answer of the Phoceans so irri-
tated the people of Thessaly, that they offered
themselves as guides to the Barbarian army, which
they conducted from Trachis to Doris. The pas-
sage of this district is not more than thirty stadia
in extent, it is situate betwixt Melias and Phocis,
and was before called Dryopis. The Dorians are
the original and principal people of the Pelopon-
nese. The Barbarians penetrated into Doria,
but without cominitting any devastations. The
Thessalians did not wish them to commit any
violence here, and indeed the inhabitants had em-
braced the interests of the Medes.
XXXII. The Barbarians passed from Doris
hito Phocis, but did not make themselves masters
of the persons of the inhabitants. Of these, some
had taken refuge on the summits of Parnassus "',
"' P(a7/«.v5»*.]— This celebrated mountain had a lorked
summit with two vertices; of these one wa* saf^red to
URANIA. 195
at a place called Tithorea, near the city Neon,
capable of containing a great number of people.
A greater number had fled to Ampliissa, a town
of the Ozolae I^ocrians, beyond the plain of
Crisaeum. The Barbarians effectually over-ran
Phocis, to Avhich the Thessalians conducted them ;
whatever they found they destroyed with fire and
sword, and both the cities and sacred temples
were burned.
Apollo, the other to Bacchus. — See Jodrell on Euripides,
p. 19. Sir George Wheler, in his Travels into Greece, has
given an engraving of this circumstance, so often celebrated
by the Greek and the Roman poets ; and he observes, that
the high cliff's seem to end in two points from the town of
Delphi. He also adds, that there is a fountain with a very
plentiful source of water continually flowing out from a cavity
close to this mountain, which, by the marble steps leading to
it, should be the fountain Castalia. Lucan observes, that at
the time of the deluge Parnassus was the only mountain, and
that too with one of its tops only, which projected above the
water, 1. v. 75.
Hoc solum fluctu terras mergente cacumen
Eminuit, pontoque fuit discrinien et astris.
Which lines are thus diffusely rendered by Rowe :
When o'er the world the deluge wide vvas spread,
This only mountain rear'd its lofty head ;
One rising rock preserv'd, a bound was given
Between the vasty deep and ambient heaven.
L. V. ver. \J.
Sir George Wheler says, " I esteem this mountain not only
the highest in all Greece, but one of the highest in all the
world, i'.v.d not inferior to mount Cenis among the Alps."
396 U R A N I A.
XXX in. Proceeding along the river Cephis-
sus, they extended their violence throughout
l*liocis. On one side they burned tlie city Dry-
mon, on the other Charadra, Krochos, Tethro-
iiium, Amphicsea, Neon ■' , Pedieas, Triteas,
Elatea, Hyampolis, Parapotamios, and Abas.
At this last place is an edifice sacred to Apollo,
abounding in wealth, and full of various trea-
sures "' and offerings. Here at that time was an
oracle, as indeed there is at present. Having
plundered this temple, they set it on fire. They
pvu'sucd the Phoceans, and overtook some of them
near the mountains ; many of their female cap-
tives died, from the great numbers wiio committed
violence on their persons.
XXXIV, Passing the Parapotamians, they
came to the Paropeans ■^ At this place the army
was divided into two bodies, of which the one
most numerous and powerful })rocecded towards
Athens, entering Eoeotia througli the Orchonie-
22 Neon.'] — M. Larcher thinks, and with great reason, that
the Neon in this passage should he read Cleon.
23 Treasures.] — As the greater part of the Grecian cities
sent their wealth to Delphi, it is very probable, says-M.
Larcher, that those of Phocis deposited theirs at Abas.
34 Paropeans.] — D'Anville, in his Geography, reverses this
order, and places the Paropeans before the Parapotamians.
U R A N I A. 197
nian territories. The Boeotians in general had
taken part with the iNIedes. Alexander, with the
view of preserving the Boeotian cities, and of con-
vincing Xerxes that the nation were really at-
tached to him, had stationed a INIacedonian de-
tachment in each. Tins was the line of march
pursued by one part of the Barbarians,
XXXV. The other division, keeping Parnas-
sus to the right, advanced under the conduct of
their guides to the temple of Delphi. ^Vhatcver
they met in their march belonging to the Pho-
ceans, they totally laid waste, burning the towns
of the Paropeans, Daulians, and iEolians. They
proceeded in this direction, after separating from
the main army, with the view of plundering tlie
temple of Delphi, and of presenting its treasures
to the king. I have been informed that Xerxes
had a more intimate knowledge of the treasures
which this temple contained, than of those which
he had left in his own j^alace ; many having made
it their business to inform him of its contents,
and more particularly of the offerings of Croesus,
the son of Alyattes.
XXXVI. The Delphians, on hearing this, were
struck with the greatest consternation, and, apply-
ing to the oracle, desired to be instructed whether
they should bury the sacred treasures in the earth,
or remove them to some other place. They were
198 U R A N I A.
ordered not to remove thein, as the deity was able
to protect what belonged to him ; their sole care
therefore was employed about themselves, and they
immediately removed their wives and children into
Achaia. Of the people the greater part fled to
the summits of Parnassus, and to the Corycian
cave*'; others took refuge at Amphissa in Lo-
ss Corycian care.] — This was at the base of mount Corycus,
and said by Pausanias to have been of vast extent : it was
sacred to the Muses, who from thence were called Nymphae
Corycides. See Ovid, Met, i. 320.
Corycidas nymphas et numina montis adorant.
It should seem, that in the countries of the East subterra-
neous caves were very frequent, and used by shepherds to
sleep in, or as folds for their flocks in the evening. The
Syrian coast, or rather the mountains on this coast, are re-
markable for the number of caves in them. See Harmers
Observations on Passages of Scripture, vol. iii. p. 6l.
We find in the History of the Croisades, by the archbisliop
of Tyre, that Bald\\in the First presented himself, with some
troops which he had got together, before Ascalon; that the
citizens were afraid to venture out to fight with him. Upon
which, finding it would be to no advantage to continue there,
he ranged about the plains between the mountains and the sea,
and found villages whose inhabitants, having left their houses,
had retired with their wives and children, their flocks and
herds, into subterraneous caves.
See also 1 Samuel, xiii. 11.
" And both of them discovered themselves unto the gar-
rison of the Philjstines; and the Philistines said, Behold,
the Hebrews come forth out of the holes where they had hid
themselves."
Again — Judges, vi. C.
" And
URANIA. 19Q
cria. Kxcei)ting by sixty men, witli the principal
priest, the city of Delplii was entirely deserted.
XXXVII. When the Baiharians approached,
and were in sight of the temple, the prophet,
whose name was Aceratus, observed that the
sacred arms, wliich had ever been preserved in
the sanctuary, and W'hich it was impious to touch,
were removed**' to the outward front of the
temple ; he hastened to acquaint those Delphians
w^ho remained of the prodigy. The enemy con-
tinued to advance ; and when thev came to the
temple of Minerva Pronea, more portentous ap-
pearances were seen. It miglit be thought suffi-
" And because of the Midianites, the children of Israel
made them the dais which are in the mountains, and caxen,
and strong holds." — T.
-^ Wert removed.] — A little before the battle of Leuctra, it
was said that the temples opened of themselvr^s, and that the
arms which were in the temple of Hercules disappeared, as
if Hercules himself was gone to be present at that engagement.
But many did not scruple to say, that these miracles wore con-
trived by the magistrates, — Xeiibpkon.
Julius Obsequens, in his enumeration of the Roman prodi-
gies, says, that A. U. 6'52. Hastae INIartis in regia sua sponte
motae; — The spears of Mars, preserved in the palace, moved of
their own accord. Amongst the prognostics which preceded
the assassination of Caesar, A'irgil mentions the sound of arms
heard all over Germany.
Armorum sonitum tuto Germania coelo
Audiit. T-
200r U 11 A N I A.
ciently wonderful, that the arms should sponta-
neously have removed themselves to the outward
part of the temjile; but what afterwards hap-
pened was yet more astonishing. As the Barba-
rians drew near the temple of Minerva Pronea, a
storm of thunder burst upon their heads ; two
immense fragments of rock -'' were separated from
the tops of Parnassus, which, rolling down with a
horrid noise, destroyed a vast multitude. At the
same time there proceeded from the shrine of the
goddess, loud and martial shouts.
XXXVIII. This accumulation of prodigies
impressed so great a terror on the Barbarians,
""^ Fragments of rock. ~\ —
The double hea<,i
Of tall Parnassus reeling from the crag
Unloos'd two fragments: mountainous in bulk
They roll to Delphi, with a crashing sound
Like thunder nigh, whose burst of ruin strikes
The shatter'd ear with horror. —
They move, and passing by Minerva's grpve^
Two monuments of terror see. — There stopj)'cl
The massy fragments from Parnassus rent;
An act of nature, by some latent cause
Disturb'd. Tremendous o'er Barbarian ranks
The ruins down the sacred way had roll'd,
Leaving its surface horrible to sight,
Such as might startle war's remorseless god,
And shake his heart of adamant.. Athenaid.
The same events are recorded by Diodorus Siculus, 1. xi,
& c. 4.
U R A N I A. 201
that they fled in confusion. The Dclphians,
perceiving this'*^, descended and slew a great
number. They who escaped, fled to Bocotia ;
these, as I have been informed, related that
besides the above prodigies, they saw also two
armed beings of more than hnman size, who
pursued and slaughtered them.
XXXIX. The Dclphians say that these two
were heroes, and natives of the country, their
names Phylacus and Autonous, to whom some
buildings near the temple had been consecrated.
That of Phylacus, stands on the public road near
the temple of INIinerva Pronea ; that of Autonous,
near Castalia, beneath the Hyampean ^•crtcx. The
rocky fragments which fell from Parnassus have
been preserved within my remembrance near tlie
temple of Minerva Pronea, where they first fixed
themselves, after rolling through the Barbarian
ranks. In this manner was the enemy obliged to
retreat from the temple.
XL. The Grecian fleet, after their departure
from Artemisium, at the request of the xithe-
38 Perceiving this,] —
- - - The Delphian race,
By fear so lately to the neighbouring hills
And caves restrain'd, forsake their shelt'iing holds;
In clusters rushing on the foes disinay'd,
Accomplish their defeat. Athcnaid.
202 U 11 A N I A.
niaiis, came to an anchor at Salamis. The mo-
tive of the Athenians in soliciting this, was to
have the opportunity of removing their wives and
famiUes from Attica, as well as to deliherate upon
what measures they should pursue. To this also
they were farther induced, because things had
hitherto happened contrary to their expectations.
They had hoped that the people of the Pelopon-
nese, in one collected body, would wait the ap-
proach of the Barbarians in Bceotia. Instead of
which, they learned that they were satisfied with
fortifying the isthmus of the Peloponnese with a
wall, careful of their own security alone. The
Athenians were induced, in consequence of this
intelligence, to entreat the allies to station them-
selves at Salamis.
XLI. Whilst the rest of the allies continued
with the fleet, the Athenians returned to their
country, where they proclaimed by a herald ^^,
that every Athenian was to preserve his family
and effects by the best means in his power. The
greater number took refuge at Troezene, others
fled to JEgina, and some to Salamis, each be-
ing anxious to save what was dear to him, and
29 By a Iierald.] — It was criminal at Athens to abandon their
country in time of danger, or even to remove their wives and
children from the perils which impended, till permission was
given by a public proclamation. — Lurcher.
URANIA. 205
to comply with the injunctions of the oracle. It
is asserted by the Athenians, that there is a large
serjient ^'^ in the temple of the citadel, which con-
tinually defends it. Of this they have such an
entire conviction, that they offer to it every month
cakes of honey : these had before always been
regularly consumed, at this juncture they were
untouched ^\ The priestess having made this
incident known, the Athenians still more pre-
cipitately deserted the city, believing that their
goddess had abandoned the citadel, llemoving,
therefore, all their effects, they hastened to join
the fleet.
XLII. When it w-as generally known that
those who had left Artcmisium, had taken their
station at Salamis, all the vessels which were at
Troczene hastened to join them ; orders having
been previously issued to assemble at Pogon and
Troczene. A much larger fleet was now got to-
gether than had before fouglit at Artcmisium,
and they were manned by a greater number of
different nations. Eurybiades, the son of Eury-
30 Large serpent.'] — See Bryant on the subject of serpent-
worship, vol. i. p. 476, Sec. The Athenians were esteemed
Serpentigencn, and they had a tradition thai the chief j^uardian
of their AcropoUs was a serpent, &c. — T.
•''1 Untouched.'] — It appears that Themistocles was at the
bottom of all these pretended miracles, and of this in parti-
cular. See his Life, as given by Plutarch.
204 U 11 A X I A.
clidas, who had commanded at Artcmisium, was
the leader also on the present occasion, though
not of the blood royal. The vessels of the
Athenians were the most numerous, and the
best sailers.
XLTII. The fleet was thus composed : of the
people of the Peloponnese, the I^acedasmonians
furnished sixteen vessels, the Corinthians the
same number as at Artemisium, the Sicyonians
fifteen, the Epidaurians ten, the Troezenians five,
the Hermionians three. All these, except the
Hermionians, were Dorians and Macedonians,
coming from Erineus, Pindus, and Dryopis.
The Hermionians are from Dryopis, they had
formerly been expelled by Hercules and the
Melians of the district now called Doris. — These
were the forces from the Peloponnese.
XLIV. Of those situated upon the exterior
continent, the Athenians alone furnished one
hundred and eighty vessels, a number equal to
all the rest. The Plataeans were not present at
the battle of Salamis, and for this reason : w-hen
the Greeks departing from Artemisium touched
at Chalcis, the Plataeans, landing on the ojiposite
coast of Boeotia, employed themselves in removing
their families and effects, in doing which they
\Yere left behind. The Athenians were Pelasgi,
and called Cranai, when that region now named
URANIA. 205
Greece was possessed by tlie Pelasgi : under Ce-
crops '■ they took the name of Cecropida?. The
title of iVtheiiians was given tliem when Ei-ec-
theus succeeded to the throne : tlieir name of
lonians " was derived from Ion, wlio had been
general of the Athenian forces.
2- Cecrops.'] — Strabo cites llocataeus, who said that Pelo-
ponnesus was inhabited by the Burbari before it was possessed
by the Greeks ; and adds, that ahnost all Greece was an-
ciently the seat of this strange people. Among other proofs
he alleges several names of persons, such as Cecrops, Co-
drus, 8cc. which he says evidently prove a foreign language;
-o j3ctpj3apoy efx^aiviTai.
Thucj'dides, 1. i. at the beginning, with the Scholia, says
that the lonians were called Pelargi or Pelasgi. The name
Pelargus is usually taken for a saiinferer, irXavrjTiKoc; this
shews that it was originally used as a word of reproach.
Strabo evidently derives the wandering temper of the Pe-
largi, or Pelasgi, from the Greek apyot,, explaining the word
iroXvirXayoy by Taj(y irpoij avaaraffeK, quick in changing their
settlements. — T.
yEgeus of Athens, according to Androtion, was of the ser-
pent breed ; and the first king of the country is said to have
been A^oo/cwj', a dragon. Others make Cecrops the first who
reigned ; he is said to have been of a twofold nature, being
formed with the body of a man, blended with thai of a ser-
pent. Diodorus says, that this was a circumstance deemed
by the Athenians inexplicable, yet he labours to explain it
by representing Cecrops as half a man and half a brute, &c,
— Biyant, vol. i. 484., 6cc.
■ 33 loniatis.'l — See Genesis, x. 4.
" And the sons of Javan, Elishah, and Tarshish, and Chit-
tim, and Dodanim."
Bochart places Javan and his sons in Europe, assigning to
the father, Greece ; to Elisha, Peloponnesus ; to Tarshish,
S06 U RANI A.
XLV. The Megareaiis supplied the same num-
ber of vessels as at Artemisium. The Ampraciotse
brought a reinforcement of seven ships ; the Leu-
cadii, a Dorian nation, originally from Corinth,
furnished three.
XLVI. Of the people of the islands, the
.^ginetse provided thirty vessels ; they had others
also, but these were employed in defending their
coasts : the thirty, in which they fought at Sa-
lamis, were the best equipped, and the swiftest
sailers. The iEginetse are Dorians, originally of
Epidaurus, and their island was formerly called
CEnone. Next to this people, the Chalcidians, as
at Artemisium, supplied twenty ships, the Ere-
trians seven ; these are lonians. An equal num-
ber was furnished by the people of Ceos, who
also are lonians of Athenian descent. The Nax-
ians brought four vessels : these, with the rest
of the islanders, had been desired by the ma-
jority of their countrymen to take part with the
Medes, but they had gone over to the Greeks,
by the persuasion of Democritus, a man of con-
siderable distinction, and at that time trierarch.
The Naxians also are lonians, and of Athenian
origin. The Styreans appeared with the same
Tartessus in Spain; to Chittim, Laiiuin in Italy; and to Do-
<laniin, a part of France, 1. iii. c. 7- — Javan he considers as the
prince of louia.-^r-T'.
U R A N I A. 207
number of ships as at Artemisiura ; the Cyth-
nians'^ brought only one, atul that of fifty
oars : both these last people are Dryopians.
The allies ^vere farther assisted by the Seriphi-
ans, Siphnians, and Melians, who alone, of the
islanders, liad refused to render the Barbarian
earth and water.
XLVII. All these different people who inhabit
the region betwixt the Thesproti and the river
Acheron ''^ appeared as confederates in the war.
^* CT/tliniansJ] — These islanders were of no great strength
or importance. " If," says Demosthenes, " I considered you
as like the Siphnians, Cythnians, or such people, I would
not recommend you to adopt sentiments so elevated." —
Larcher.
'3 Acheron.l — Here Hercules descended into hell, and hither
"he brought back with him the dog Cerberus, whose foam over-
spread the country with aconitum. Adonis was celebrated
for having the liberty of descending to Acheron, or the in-
fernal regions, and of returning again at certain seasons. See
Theocritus, Idyl. iii. 48. with Scholia ; see also Theoc.
Id. x\. 13.3; where Adonis is said to be the only hero who
had this privilege :
The descent into hell is generally understood to be a form
of admission into the mysteries, for all those more especially
who endeavoured to prove themselves the most illustrious
benefactors to mankind. Of these mysteries the -(Egyptians
may perhaps be esteemed the original authors ; and that the
descent of their king Rhampsinitus to the infernal regions is
older than tliat of Hfrculei;. Homer, in t);r lOih Od. piui-
«08 URANIA.
The Thesproti are contiguous both to the Am-
praciotoe and Leucadii, who came on this occa-
sion from the remotest limits of Greece. Of the
nations still farther distant, the Crotoniatas alone,
with one vessel *, assisted Greece in its danger :
nierates Acheron among the rivers of hell, saying that the
Phlegethon and Cocytiis flow into it, ng A'y^epopra peovm.
Pope incorrectly renders this the flaming gulph of Acheron ;
Homer says no such thing. — 7\
^s One resselJ] — Pausanias says that this vessel was pre-
vided and manned at the private expence of Phayllus ; which
induces Valcnaer to believe that the text of Ilerodotus is in
this place corrupt, and that instead of vtji /j.t^ we should read
oiicrjiJ] vi]i. Plutiirch also, in his Life of Alexander, says, that
theX^rotoniatte were permitted to plunder the Persians, out of
respect to Phayllus, who equipped a vessel at his own expence
to assist ihe Greeks at Saiamis.
There was a statue at Delphi of this Phayllus.
I find mention made of Phayllus twice in Aristophanes;
ance ii) the Acharnenses, 210.
or tpo) <j>Epuv
A.i'6paK(JV (popriov
HkoXovBovv OavXXp rpt^^uv.
In the Scholiast to which passage we are told that there were
others of this name. Concerning this there is a Greek epi-
gram, which says he could leap fifty-five feet, and throw the
discus ninety-five.
Tierr tin irevTtjKovra iroSat; vtjctjcn $ai/\\of,
AiaKEuaey ^' tKaror irtyr aTroXinro/nei'uy.
\Vhich 1 have somewhere seen thus rendered in Latin:
Saltum ad quinque pedes quinquagintaque Phayllus,
Discum ad centum egit quinque minus pedibus.
lie is again mentioned in the Vespse, 1201,. for his swiftness
in the course. — T.
URANIA. i>09
it was commanded by Phayllus, a man who liad
been three times victorious '" at tlie Pythian
games. — The Crotoniatae are of Achaean origin.
XL VII I. The allies in general furnished tri-
remes for the service : the JNIelians, Siphnians,
and Scriphians, brought vessels of fifty oars ; the
JNIelians two, the Siphnians and Seriphians one
each. The JNIelians are of Spartan extraction ^ :
the Siphnians and Seriphians are lonians, and
descended from the Athenians, Without taking
into the account these vessels of fifty oars, the
fleet consisted of three hundred and seventy-eight
ships.
XLIX. When all these different nations were
assembled at Salamis, a council was called of
their leaders. At the suggestion of Eurybiades,
it was proposed that each should deliver his opi-
nion, what place of those which they yet pos-
V Three times victorious. 1 — Pausanias says, that he was
twice victorious in the contests of the Pentathlon, and once in
those of the Stadium.
^^ Spartan cjfractiou.] — Thucydides, book v. says the same
thing; !M>;X£Ot x\.UKeSai/xoynt)r fiey eicriv uiroiKoi, the INIelians
are a Lacedairaonian colony : so also does Xenophon, Hist.
Graec. 1. ii. The particulars of their migration are related at
length by Plutarch, in his Treatise of the Virtues of Women,
where he speaks of the Tyrrhene women. — T.
Vol IV. P
iilO U K A N I A.
sessed, would be most proper for a naval en-
gagement. Attica was considered as totally lost,
and tlie object of their deliberation was the rest
of Greece. It seemed to be the opinion of- the
majority, tliat they shonld sail to the isthmus,
and risk a battle in the vicinity of the Pelopon-
nese ; for if, it was urged, a defeat shonld be the
issue of a contest at Salamis, they would be ex-
posed to a siege on the island, without the pros-
pect of relief; but from the isthmus they might
easily retire to their respective countries.
L. Whilst the leaders were revolving this mat-
ter, a messenger arrived from Athens, to inform
them that the Barbarian had penetrated Attica,
and was burning all before him. The forces
vmder Xerxes, in their passage through Boeotia,
had set fire to the city of the Thespians, who had
retired to the Peloponnese. They had also burned
the city of the Plataeans, and proceeding onwards,
were now about to ravage Athens^'^ They had
^9 Ravage Athens.] — The following lines, describing the
advance of Xerxes to Athens, are highly animated and
poetical :
Her olive groves now Attica display 'd ;
The fields where Ceres first her gifts bestow'd,
The rocks whose marble crevices the bees
With sweetness stor'd ; unparallel'd in art
Rose structures growing on the stranger's eye
Where'er
URANIA. j^il
so treated '^ri)ospia and Plataea, l)ecaiisc informed
by the Thebans that these places were hostile to
them.
LI. After passing the Hellespont, the Barba-
rians had remained a month* in its vicinity,
before they advanced : three more were em-
ployed in their march to Attica, where they ar-
rived when Calliades was chief magistrate. They
found the city deserted; an inconsiderable num-
ber remained in the temple, with the treasurers ^
of the temple, and a few of the meaner sort, who,
with a pallisade of wood, attempted to prevent
the approach of the enemy to the citadel. These
had not gone to Salamis, being deterred partly
by their indigence, and partly from their confi-
dence in the declaration of the oracle, that a wall
Where'er it roam'd delighted. On \\k& Death,
From his pale courser scatt'ring waste around,
The regal homicide of nations pass'd,
Unchaining all the furies of revenge
On this devoted country, Sec. Atlunaid.
* See book vii. c. 56.
This passage, as Larcher observes, has not the author's
usual perspicuity.
*° Treasurers.^ — See Suidas, at the word Tctfuai ; these, he
tells us, were Athenian magistrates, and were ten in num-
ber : the shrine of Minerva, of Victory, with their ornaments
and wealth, were delivered to them in the presence of the
senate.
p 2
212 URANIA.
of wood would prove invincible. This they re-
ferred not to the ships, hut to the defence of
wood, which on this occasion they had formed.
LII. The Persians encamped on the hill op-
posite the citadel, which the iVthenians call the
hill of Mars ^\ and thus commenced their attack :
they shot against the intrenchment of wood ar-
rows wrapped in tow, and set on fire. The
Athenians, although reduced to the last extre-
mity, and involved in the fire which had caught
their barricade, obstinately refused to listen to
conditions, and would not hear the Pisistratidae,
who on certain terms invited them to surrender.
They resisted to the last, and when the Persians
were just about to enter, they rolled down upon
them stones of an immense size. Xerxes, not
*^ Hill of Mars.']— On this place was held the celebrated
court of the Areopagus, of which, as it bore so high a rank in
the constitution of the Athenian republic, the following suc-
cinct account from Gillies may be acceptable.
" The court of the Areopagus, originally entrusted with the
criminal jurisdiction, assumed an extensive power in regula-
ting the behaviour and manners of the citizens : it consisted
only of such magistrates as had discharged with approbation
the duties of their respective offices. The members were
named for life, and as from the nature of the institution they
were generally persons of a mature age, of an extensive expe-
rience, and who having already attained the aim, had seen
the vanity of ambition, they were well qualified to restrain the
impetuous passions of the multitude, and to stem the torrent
of popular phrenzy."
URANIA. 213
able to force the place, was for a long time ex-
ceedingly perplexed.
LIII. In the midst of their embarrassment the
Barbarians discovered a resource : indeed the
oracle had declared, that whatever the Athenians
possessed on the continent, should be reduced to
the power of the Persians. In the front of the
citadel, but behind the gates and the regular
ascent, there was a cragged and unguarded pass,
by which it was not thought possible that any
man could force his way. Here, however, some
of the enemy mounted, near the temple of Ag-
lauros*", the daughter of Cecrops. As soon' as
the Athenians discovered them, part threw them-
selves over the wall and were killed, others re-
tired into the building. The Persians who en-
tered, forced their way to the gates, threw them
open, and put the suppliants to death who had
there taken refuge : they afterwards plundered
and set fire to the citadel.
LIV. As soon as Xerxes found himself entire
42 Aglauros.'] — This word is written Aglauros in Pausaiiias,
1. i. c. 18 ; in Ovid. Met. 1. ii. 739-
Aglauros lajvuni, medium possederat Herse.
Larcher nevertheless, on the authorities of ApoUodorus
and of Stephen of Byzantium, writes it Agraulos ; see his
elaborate note.
214 IT R A N I A.
master of Athens, he sent a horseman to Susa, to
inform Artabanus of his success. On the follow-
ing day, he called together the Athenian exiles
who were with him, and ordered them to go to
the citadel, and there offer sacrifice, according to
the custom of their country. He was probably
induced to this from some nocturnal vision, or
from some compunction, on account of his hav-
ing burned the temple. The exiles did as they
were commanded.
LV. I will explain my reason for introducing
this circumstance : — There is in the citadel, a
temple sacred to Erectheus *'', who is said to have
been the offspring of the earth : in this, is an
'*'' Erectheus.] — bee book v. c. 82. Not only Erectheus
called himself the offspring of the earth, but as I have before
shewn, all the Athenians. In his temple were three altars,
on the first of which they sacrificed to Neptune and
Erectheus, from which Neptune was called Erecthean. See
Lycophron, v. 158.
Erectheus was deified, because in a contest with Eumol-
pus, prince of Thrace, he was told by the oracle that if he
would sacrifice his daughter before he engaged the enemy,
he should be victorious ; he did so, and succeeded. See the
story related, Li/curg. contra Leocrat. — Taylor's edition, 217-
Concerning his being deemed an ofl'spring of the earth,
Farnaby, on this kind of fortuitous generation, is worth con-
sulting, in his note on Ovid. Met. i. 416.
Pausanias, in his Atticis, c. xxvii. mentions two large
figures in brass in a fighting attitude, supposed to represent
Erectheus, and Immaradus, son of Euin()l[)us.-— T.
U R A NM A. 215
olive'' and a sea*^, believed to have been placed
there by Neptune and jNlinerva, in testimony of
** An olive.] — This, according to Pliny, was said to exist
in his time ; it was in the citadel : and because goats destroy
the olive and make it barren, it was forbidden to bring goats
near the citadel, except once a year for the necessary sacri-
fice. — Larcher.
Some oil made of this olive which was sacred to Minerva,
was given as a reward to those who conquered in the Pana-
thena^a. See the Scholiast to the Nubes of Aristophanes, and
to the 10 Nem. Ode of Pindar, ver. 65. See a whole oration
of Lysias ; vrcp tov rrtjKov. — T.
45 A sea.] — This was a cistern, into which, by a subterra-
neous canal, sea-water was conducted.
"In itself," says Pausanias, " there is nothing remarkable j
but what deserves to be related is, that when the south wind
blows, a noise is heard like that of agitated waves ; and upon
the stone is seen the figure of a trident, which is said to be a
testimony of the dispute betwixt Minerva and Xeptune con-
cerning Attica." — See Pausanias, 1. i. c. 26.
The same thing was also said to be in the temple of Neptune
Ilippias, near Mantinea, and at Mylase, a town of Caria, al-
though the gate of this last place was eighty furlongs fiom the
sea, and iNlantinea was so fur inland, that the water of the sea
could not come there unless by a miracle. — Larcher.
The word sea is used in the same manner for a large cistern
by our interpreters of the Bible; see 2 Kings, xxv. 13.
" And the pillars of brass that were in the house of the
Lord, and the bases, and the brazen sea that were in the house
of the Lord, did the Chaldei'S break in pieces, and carried the
brass of them to Babylon.'*
This sea is described, I Kings, vii. 23, to be ten cubits
from one brim to the other. The Greek word in Herodotus
and in the Septuagint, is daXaaat]. 'I'hi s meaning of the
216 U R A N I A.
their dispute ^" concerning this country : this olive
the Barbarians had burned with the temple. The
Athenians, who had been sent by the king to
perform the ceremonies of their religion, which
was two days after the place had been burned,
observed that this olive had put forth a new
shoot, a cubit " in length.
LVI. When the Greeks at Salamis heard
what had befallen the citadel of Athens, they were
seized with consternation ; many of the leaders,
without waiting the result of the council as to
their future conduct, went hastily on board, hoisted
their sails, and prepared to fly. It was instantly
determined by those who remained, that they must
only risk an engagement at sea, near the isthmus.
At the approach of night they left the assembly,
and returned to their ships.
LVII. As soon as Themistocles had retired to
English word sea I do not find either in Cbambers's or John-
son's Dictionary. — T.
46 Their dispute. 1^-T\ns is said to have happened in the
reign of Cecrops. Neptune coming to Athens, struck with his
trident the inidst of the citadel, from which sprang a horse ;
Minerva produced an olive : Jupiter assigned the patronage of
the town to IMinerva.
■1" A cubit.] — Pausanias says two cubits. I supjiose, says
Larcher, the miracle increased with the time.
U R A N I A. 217
his vessel, Mnesipliilus *, an Athenian, came to
ask him what had been the determination of the
council. When he was informed of their reso-
lution to sail to the istliraus, and come to battle
in the vicinity of the Pcloponncse, he expressed
himself as follows : " If the allies," said he,
" shall once leave Salamis, you will never have
" the opportunity of fighting for your country.
** The fleet will certainly separate, and each
" nation return to their respective homes, and
" neither Eurybiades nor any one else will be
" able to prevent them : thus Greece will perish
" from tlie want of judicious counsel. Make
" haste, therefore, and endeavour to counteract
" what has been detemiined ; if it be possible,
" prevail on Eurybiades to change his purpose
" and continue here."
LVIII. This advice was so agreeable to The-
mistocles, that without returning an answer he
went to the vessel of Eurvbiades. As soon as he
saw him, he expressed his desire to speak with
him on what was of importance to the common
interest: he was desired to come on board, and
* This Mnesipliilus, says Plutarch, was neither orator nur
natural philosopher, but a professor of what was then called
wisdom, which consisted in a knowledge of the arts of
government, and the practical part of political freedom. —
Life of Thcmistocles.
218 U R A N I A.
declare his sentiments. Tlicmistocles, seated by
him, related what had been said by INInesiphilus,
as from himself, which he so enforced by other
arguments, that Eurybiades was brought over to
his opinion, persuaded to leave his ship, and again
assemble the leaders.
LIX. As soon as they were met, and before
Eurybiades had explained why he had called them
together, Tlicmistocles spake at some length, and
with great apparent zeal. Adimantus, son of
Ocytus, the Corinthian leader, interrupted him,
" Themistocles," said he, " at the public games
" they who rise before their time arc beaten."
" True,'' replied Themistocles, " but they who
" are left behind are never crowned."
LX. Having thus gently reproved the Corin-
thian, he turned to Eurybiades ; he did not repeat
what he had said to him before, that as soon as
the fleet should leave Salamis the confederates
would disperse, for as they were present he did
not think it proper to accuse any one. He had
recourse to other arguments : " The safety of
" Greece," said he, " depends on you ; whe-
" ther, listening to me, you come to an engage-
" ment here, or, persuaded by those who are of
" a contrary opinion, you shall conduct the fleet
" to the isthmus; hear the arguments on both
" sides, and then determine. If we fight at the
URANIA. 219
*' isthmus, we must fight in the open sea, where,
" on account of our heavier vessels and inferior
" number, we shall have every disadvantage :
" add to this, that if every thing else succeed to
" our wishes, w^e shall yet lose Salamis, IMcgara,
" and Mgina. The land forces of the enemy will
" accompany their fleet, which you will thus
" draw to the Peloponnese, and involve all Greece
*' in danger. By adopting what I recommend,
" you will have these advantages : by fighting
" within a narrower space of sea, our small
" force will be better able to contend with the
" greater armament of the enemy, and, accord-
*' ing to the common chances of war, we shall
" have a decisive advantage. For us, it must
' be most eligible to contend in a small space,
" as it is for them to fight in a large one. Thus
" also will Salamis be preserved, where our wives
" and children remain ; and thus too, the very
" advantage of which you yourselves arc soli-
" citous, will be secured. 13y remaining here,
" you will as effectually defend the Peloponnese
" as by sailing to the isthmus ; and it will be ex-
" tremely injudicious to draw the enemy there.
" If, as I sincerely wish, we shall obtain the vic-
" tory, the Barbarians will neither advance to
" the isthmus, nor penetrate beyond Attica : they
*' will retire in confusion. We sliall thus be
" benefited by preserving Salamis, IMcgara, and
*♦ /Kgina, where the oracle has promised we sliall
220 URANIA.
" be superior to our enemy. They whose deli-
" beratioiis are regulated by reason*' generally
" obtain their wishes, whilst they who are rash
" in their decisions must not expect the favour of
" the gods."
L.XI. Themistocles was a second time inter-
rupted by Adimantus of Corinth, who ordered
him to be silent, as not having now a country *^ ;
and he added that Eurybiades could only then
consistently suffer Themistocles to influence his
determination, when he should again have a city :
this he spake in allusion to the plunder and cap-
ture of Athens. Themistocles in reply, heaped
many reproaches upon the Corinthians, and upon
their leader in particular ; and he farther urged,
that they still possessed a country and a city, in
effect greater than theirs, as long as they had two
^ Regulated by reason.l —
True fortitude is seen in great exploits,
Which justice warrants, and which wisdom guides;
All else is tow'ring phrenzy and distraction. Addison.
*^ Not having now a countn/.l —
Proud Adimantus, on his birth elate,
------ arose and spake :
For public safety when in council meet
Men who have countries, silence best becomes
Him who has none — Shall sucli presume to vote ?
Too patient Spartan, nay, to dictate here,
Who cannot tell us they possess a home, &c. Athcnaid.
URANIA. 221
hundred vessels'^, well provided with stores and
men, a force which none of the Greeks would he
ahle to resist.
LXII. He afterwards proceeded to address
himself to Eury blades in particular. " If," said
he, with greater earnestness, " you continue here,
" you will deserve our universal gratitude ; if
" not, you will be the destroyer of Greece. In
" this war our fleet constitutes our last, our only
*' resource. You may be assured, that unless you
" accede to my advice, we will take on board
" our families, and remove with them to Siris in
*' Italy ^\ which from remote times has been
50 Two hundred vessels.] — Aristotle writes, that the senate
of the Areopagus gave eight drachmas to every soldier, and
thus the complement of men was soon provided. Clidemnus
says that this money was procured by the artifice of Themis-
tocles : whilst the Atlienians, says he, assembled at Piraeus
to embark, the a^gis of the statue of Minerva was lost. The-
mistocles pretending to make a search, found amongst the bag-
gage an immense sum of money, which being divided, spread
abundance amongst their fleet. — Lurcher.
Thus brief he [Themistocles] clos'd : —
Athenians still possess
A city buoyant on two hundred keels.
Thou Admiral of Sparta frame thy choice; —
Fight, and Athenians shall thy arm sustain :
Retreat, Athenians shall retreat to shores
Which bid them welcome. .IthcnahL
5' Tn If all/.] —
To Hesperian shores
Tor them by ancient oracles reserv'd :
Safe from insulting foes and false allies. AthcnuiJ.
222 U RANI A.
" considered as belonging to us, and where,
" if the oracle may be credited, we ought to
" found a city. Deprived of our assistance,
" you will hereafter have occasion to remember
'* my words."
LXIII. By these arguments Eurybiades was
finally influenced, principally, as I should sup-
pose, from his fears lest, if they sailed to the
isthmus, they should be deserted by the Athe-
nians, without whose aid, they would be little
able to contend with the enemy. He acceded
therefore to what Themistocles proposed, and
consented to stay and fight at Salamis.
LXIV. When the determination of Eurybia-
des was known, the confederates, wearied with al-
tercations, prepared to engage. In this situation
the morning appeared, at the dawn of which there
was a convulsion of the earth, which was felt at
sea. They determined therefore to supplicate the
gods, and implore the interposition of the iEacidae.
This was accordingly done : after calling upon all
the gods, they invoked Ajax and Telamon, and
dispatched a vessel to JEgma, to entreat the aid of
iEacus and the ^acidae "*".
^2 ^acidce.] — See book v. c. SO. — Consult Pausanias, book
ii. c. 29.
Near the port of the island of yEgina there is a temple of
Venus, and in the most conspicuous part of the city is a
URANIA. 223
LXV. Dicacus the son of Theocydes, an Athe-
nian exile, but of considerable reputation with
the Medes, at the time when Attica was deserted
by the Athenians, and wasted by the army of
Xerxes, reported that he was with Demaratus of
Sparta on the plains of Thria. Here he saw a
dust as of an army of thirty thousand men ad-
vancing from Elcusis. AV^hilst they were wonder-
ing from w^hence it could proceed, Dicgcus affirms
that he heard a voice which seemed to him the
mystic lacchus". Demaratus, being ignorant of
temple of ^acus, called the Jiaceium. It is a square struc-
ture of white marble, in the entrance of which are the sta-
tues of the deputies who came to ^Eacus from all parts of
Greece.
^^ lacchus.] — On the twentieth of the month Bocdremion,
which answers to our October, which was the sixteeth day ol
the festival of the mysteries of Ceres, they carried from the
Ceraniians to Eleusis a figure of lacchus, or Bacchus, crowned
with myrtle, having a torch in his hand. During the proces-
sion they sung a hymn in honour of the god, which hymn was
also called lacchus, and in which they often repeated the word
lacche. — Larcher.
The word lacchus is derived, according to Eustathius, airo
Tov ia')(^civ, from bawling out. lacchus is used by Virgil
as synonymous with vinum, because lacchus or Bacchus was
the god of wine : some say he was the son of Ceres. In the
mysteries here mentioned he is always joined with Ceres and
Proserpine; but he is not always considered as the son of
Ceres, though nursed at her breast, — See Lucretius, and Sal-
masius adSolhiutri, p. 7jO-
The circumstance of the mystica vannus, or mystical fan,
which in this solenmity was carried before the image of lac-
224 URANIA.
the Eleiisiiiian mysteries ^*, inquired the meaning
of the noise which he heard. " Demaratus,"
answered Dicseus, "some great calamity is im-
" pending over the forces of the king : Attica
*' being deserted, it is evidently the divinity which
" speaks, and is now coming from Eleusis to as-
" sist the Athenians and their allies. If this
" shall appear in the Peloponncse, the king him-
" self, and the forces which are with him, will
" be involved in the greatest danger ; if it shall
" shew itself at Salamis, the destruction of the
" king's fleet will probably ensue. Once in every
clius, is thus curiously explained by Servius ad Geo]-g. i. l66.
The fan, says he, was carried in procession before Bacchus,
because they who were initiated into his mysteries are purified
as corn is by the use of the fan or van. — T.
54 Mi/steries.'] — I have before spoken on the subject of these
mysteries ; but the reader will find a far more particular and
entertaining account of them in Warburton's Divine Lega-
tion, and in the Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis, vol. v. 507,
&c. Warburton intimates his belief that the initiated were
instructed in the unity of the Divine Being. Larcher thinks
otherwise: they might perhaps, says the learned Frenchman,
do this with respect to those whom they found ir.clined to
believe this dogma; but they preached atheism to a select
number, in whom they found a favourable disposition to re-
ceive it. The temple of Ceres, where these mysteries were
celebrated, was one of the noblest in Greece ; it is described
by Strabo, book ix. and by Vitruvius, book vii. A view of
it is given in " Lc Roy's Ruins of Greece;" and it is described
also by Chandler in his Travels in Greece. There were the
greater and the lesser mysteries ; the latter of which belonged
to Proserpine. — T.
URANIA. 225
year the Athenians solemnize these rites to Ce-
res and Proserpine, when also they initiate into
the mysteries, such of the Greeks as may desire
it. The sound which you hear is the cry of
" lacchus *." To this he says Demaratus made
him this reply : " JNIake no mention of this to any
" one. If what you say should be communicated
" to the king, you will certainly lose your head,
** and neither myself nor any one else will he able
" to save you : be silent, therefore, and leave the
" event to the gods." lie added, that after the
dust and voice which they saw and heard, a cloud
appeared, which directed its course towards Salamis
and the Grecian fleet. From this they concluded
that the armament of Xerxes would be defeated.
This was reported by Dicseus '''' the son of Thco-
cydes ; for the truth of which he appealed to
Demaratus and others.
* This reflpcling age will not allow supernatural voices to
be forerunners of great events, but Pagan superstition was not
without its authority.
55 Dicccus.'\ — Upon this name the following pleasant anec-
dote occurs in the Voyage dn Jeune Anacharsis.
A Persian, who founded all his merit on the splendour of
his name, came to Athens : as I had known him at Susa, I
was his conductor to the theatre. We happened to sit near
a number of Athenians who were talking together — he was
anxious to know their names. The first, says I, is called
Eudovus, that is, f/ie honourable ; immediately my Persian
makes a low bow to Eudorus ; the second, I continued, is
named Poh/detus, or the xeiy celebrated ; another very low
bow. Doubtless, saj^s he, these two are at the bead of the
Vol. 1\'. Q
226 U R A N I A.
LXVI. The naval troops of Xerxes, after
being spectators of the slaughter of the Spartans,
passed over from Trachis to Histiaea, where
they remained three days : thence sailing down
the Euripus, in three more they came to Pha-
Icrum ^^. The land and sea forces were neither
republic. Oh no, they are people whom nobody knows.
That third person, who seems so infirm, is called Megasthenes,
or tilt teri/ strong ; the fat heavy man yonder is named
Prothoos, or the veiy suift; yon melancholy fellow's name
is Epicharis, which means the cheerful. The sixth, says the
Persian impatiently, how is he called ? Sostrates, or the
saviour of the armi/. He has commanded, then? No; he has
never been in the service. The seventh, yonder, who is
called Clitomachus, which signifies illustrious xcarrior, has al-
ways been a coward, and is declared infamous. The name of
the eighth is Dicceus, or the just, a most notorious rascal. — I
was going to name the ninth, when the stranger rose and said,
How all these people disgrace their names ! But at least, says
I, you must confess, that their names do not make them
coxcombs. — T.
^^ Phalerum.'] — Athens had three ports near each other,
Pineus, Munychia, and Phalerum. Phalerum was said to
have been named from Phalerus, a companion of Jason in the
Argonaulic expedition. Theseus sailed from it for Crete, and
Menestheus his successor for Troy ; and it continued to be the
haven of Athens to the time of Themistocles. It is a small
port of a circular form ; the entrance narrow, the bottom
a clear fine sand, visible through the transparent water. The
fane of Aristides, and his monument, which was erected at
the public expence, were by this port. The capital port
was Piraeus. — Chandler.
Chandler writes Phalerum ; Pococke Phalereus and Py-
rceium ; D'Anville, Phalerus ; Meursius, in his tract called
Piraeus, or an Essay on the Port of that name, writes Pha-
lerum, and properly. This was the most ancient port of the
three. — T.
URANIA. 227
of them, as far as I can determine, less in num-
ber when they laid waste Attica, than when
they first arrived at Sepias and Thermopylae. To
supply the loss of those who perished in the
storm, and who were slain at Thermopylae and
Artemisium, there arrived from those nations
which had not yet declared for the king, rein-
forcements of JMelians, Dorians, Locrians, and
Bactrians, who, except the Thespians and Pla-
taeans, joined him with all tlieir troops. To
these may be added the Carystians, Andrians,
Tenians, with all the people of the islands, ex-
cept the five states ^^ before specified. The far-
ther the Persians penetrated into Greece, by the
greater numbers they were followed,
LXVIL All these troops, except the Parians,
assembled at Athens or at Phalerum. The Pa-
rians ^ staid at Cvthnus, waiting for the event of
the war. At this juncture Xerxes visited his
fleet in person, to confer with the leaders, and
to acquaint himself with their sentiments. On
his arrival, he presided at a council, where the
princes of the different nations, and the several
commanders, were placed according to the rank
57 Five states.^ — Naxos, Melos, Siphnos, Seriphus, and
Cythnus.
58 Parians.'] — The Parians shared with the Persians the
disgrace of the battle of Marathon; and their perfidy to the
Greeks became proverbial. — T.
Q 2
228 U R A N I A.
which Xerxes had given them. The prince of
Sidon first, the prince of Tyre^ next, and the
^9 Ti/re.] — In Isaiah, chapter xxiii. ver. 10. Tyre is called
the daughter of Tarshish ; in the same chapter, ver. 12,
Tyre is called the daughter of Sidon, I presume, on different
accounts. The Syrians were originally a colony of the Si-
donians, and Sidon, consequently the motlier city of Tyre.
By Tarshish, the Seventy universally understand Carthage:
but how then could Tyre be called the daughter of Tarshish ?
for Carthage was the daughter of Tyre.
Herodotus, in book ii. chap. 44, speaks of the Hercules
of Tyre. It has been conjectured by many learned men,
that this could have been no other than the Israelitish
Sampson. That this is very probable, the reader may per-
haps be inclined to think from these among other reasons :
With the story of Sampson the Tyrians might easily be-
come acquainted at Joppa, a seaport belonging to the tribe
of Dan ; but more especially from those Danites who re-
moved to Laish, in the neighbourhood of Tyre, and who, as
Ezekiel informs us, had great commerce with the Tyrians.
These Danites came from Zorah and Eshtaol, wliere Sampson
was born and lived, and would not fail of promulgating and
magnifying the exploits of their own hero. I am aware
how rash it is to pronounce a sameness of person from
a likeness of certain circumstances in the actions of
men, but there are many particulars so striking, first
in the account given of this Tyrian Hercules by Hero-
dotus, and secondly, in the ritual prescribed for his
worship, that where we can prove nothing by more solid
argument, conjectures so founded may be permitted to have
some weight. The story of Sampson will account for the
two pillars set up in the temple of Hercules, if we consider
them as placed there in commemoration of the greatest of
Sampson's exploits. The various circumstances which He-
rodotus makes peculiar to the Tyrian Hercules, however
URANIA. 229
rest in order. The king then commissioned Mar-
donius to inquire of them individually whether
they were willing to engage the enemy,
LXVIII. Mardonius began with the prince
of Sidon, and from him went to the rest; and
they were all of opinion that a battle should be
disguised, are all reducible and relative to this last action of
Sampson. 1. Hercules, being apprehended by the i^gyptiuns,
was led in procession as a sacrifice to Jupiter; and the Phi-
listines proclaimed a feast, to offer a great sacrifice to Dagon
their god, and to rejoice, because Sampson was delivered into
their hands. 2. Whilst Hercules stood at the altar, he re-
mained quiet for a season; and so did Sampson when his
strength was departed from him. 3. But in a short time Her-
cules returned to his strength, and slew all the ^Egyptians. —
Concerning the ritual used in the worship of the Tyrian
Hercules, Bochart remarks there were many things in it
not practised elsewhere. Let the reader judge from what
follows whether they do not seem borrowed from the Levi-
tical Law, or grounded on what the Scripture relates of
Sampson. The total disuse of images, the prohibition of
swine in sacrifice, the habit of the priest, his embroidered
stole, 6cc. and naked feet, th6 strict chastity exacted of him,
the fire ever-burning on the altar, are all of tliem precepts
which Moses delivered. Why may we not add that the ex-
clusion of wojnen from the temple, and the shaven head of
the priests, were intended to brand the treacherous beha-
viour of Dalilah, and to commemorate the loss of Sampson's
locks? Appian, Arrian, and Diodorus Siculus, acknowledge
these to have been Phcenician rites, and different from ^any
observed amongst the Greeks; and it is well known that
this siiiguhiiiti/ was a principal point intended by the litual
of Moses. — 7'.
230 URANIA.
fought ; but Artemisia thus delivered her senti-
ments : " Mardonius, deliver this my opinion
* to the king, whose exertions in the battle of
* Euboea were neither the meanest nor the least ;
' I think myself therefore justified in declaring
what I think will be most to your interest
' to pursue. I would advise you to spare your
' ships, and not risk a battle. These men by
' sea are as much superior to yours, as men arc
* to women : but after all, what necessity is there
' for your hazarding an engagement? You are
' already in possession of Athens, the avowed
' object of this expedition, the rest of Greece
' is already your own, and no one resists you.
' They who opposed you, have met the fate
* they merited. I will now tell you how the
' affairs of your adversaries are circumstanced :
if you do not urge a naval engagement, but
will order your vessels either to remain here,
or sail to the Peloponnese, all your wishes
will infallibly be accomplished. The Greeks
will not long be able to oppose you; you will
oblige them to separate, and retire to their
respective homes. I am well informed, that
in the island where they are, they have no
supply of provisions; and if you shall enter
the Peloponnese, it is not to be supposed that
these remaining here, will risk a battle for the
sake of the Athenians. But if you determine
to fight them by sea, I seriously fear that a
URANIA. 231
" defeat of your fleet will be added to that of
your land forces. Let this also be impressed
upon your mind, that the best of men have
" sometimes the worst of servants ; and that bad
" men are frequently served with fidelity. You,
" O king, arc one of the best of men ; but you
" have among your dependents -Egyptians, Cypri-
" ans, Cilicians, and Pamphylians''', from whom
" no good can be expected."
^ Cilicians and Pampki/liajis.'\ — However contemptuously
these people may be here introduced, it is certain that
Tarsus of Cilicia was accounted the metropolis of this part
of Asia, and was the first commercial power which made
any figure in that part of the world. Not only the fables of
Pagan mythology, which inform us that Anchiale was built
by the daughter of Japetus, and Tarsus by Perseus, son of
Jupiter, bear witness to the high antiquity of these cities ;
but Scripture also informs us, that the sons of Turshish, who
were settled on this coast, had made themselves famous for
their navigation and commerce as early as the days of
David. The ships ofTarshish, see Psalm xlviii. 7, were then
become a common appellation for all vessels of trade ; and
to go to Tarshish, a proverbial expression for setting out to
sea in such vessels. That part of the Mediterranean which
was contiguous to Cilicia was called the Sea of Tarshish.
Pamphylia was colonized from Cilicia, and was the entrance
to it from the north-west. Strabo gives this character of
the natives of Tarsus : " They did not stay at home," says
he, " but in order to complete their education went abroad ;
and many of them, when thus accomplished, resided with
pleasure in foreign parts, and never returned." When their
neighbours on all sides, both in Asia and the adjacent islands,
made themselves infamous for their piratical depredations,
the inhabitants of Tarsus maintained a fair reputation ; they
232 URANIA.
LXIX. They who wished well to Artemisia
were apprehensive that her speaking thus deci-
sively to JNIardonius against risking a battle,
would bring upon her some mark of the king's
indignation : her enemies, on the contrary, who
wished to see her disgraced, and who were jealous
of her favour with the king, were delighted in
the confident expectation that her freedom of
speech would prove her ruin ; but Xerxes, after
hearing the opinions of the council, was parti-
cularly pleased with that of Artemisia; he had
esteemed her before, but he was on this occa-
sion lavish in her praise. He nevertheless de-
termined to comply with the decision of the ma-
jority; and as he imputed the former ill success
at Euboea to his being absent, he resolved to be a
spectator of the battle of Salamis.
LXX. When orders were given for the fleet
to depart, they proceeded towards Salamis, and
deliberately ranged themselves in order of battle.
As the approach of evening prevented their then
not only occupied their business in great waters, but they
also traded on the continent. They had factories at Dedan
and Sheba on the Euphrates, with which they trafficked in
silver, SiC—E-ekiel, xxxviii. 10. All which incidents con-
sidered, I should suppose that the censure of Artemisia, passed
upon them in this place, will hardly occasion them to be con-
sidered either as a faithless or cowardly people.
It is evident that if her advice had been followed Greece
must have been lost. — T.
URANIA. 233
coining to an encounter, they prepared themselves
for the following day. In the mean while a gene-
ral consternation was impressed upon the Greeks,
and in particular upon those of the Pcloponnese,
who, conceiving that their fighting at Salamis was
solely on account of the Athenians, believed that
a defeat would occasion their being blockaded in
the island, and would leave their own country
totally defenceless.
LXXI. On the very same night the land
forces of the Barbarians advanced to the Pclo-
ponnese, though every possible eflPort had been
made to check their proceeding farther on the
continent. As soon as the Pcloponnesians had
heard of the ruin of Leonidas and his party at
Thermopylae, they assembled, at the isthmus, all
the forces they could collect from their different
cities under the conduct of Clcombrotus, the son
of Anaxandrides, and brother of Leonidas. En-
camped here, their first care was to fortify the
pass of Sciron ^' ; they then, after consulting on
the subject, proceeded to defend the whole of
61 Sciron.l — Said by Strabo to have been called from the
famous robber of that name, who was remarkable for his
barbarity to passengers, and who was killed by Theseus. —
See Lucian in Jove Tragaedo, where we learn that at the
same time Theseus destroyed two other famous robbers,
whose names were Pityocamptes and Cercyon. Sciron he
threw into the sea, and his bones became rocks. — See Oxid.
Met. vii. 413.— T.
234 U R A N I A.
the isthmus by a wall. This was soon finished,
as not one of so many thousands was inactive;
for without intermission, either by night or day,
they severally brought stones, bricks, timber, and
bags of sand.
LXXII. The Greeks who appeared in de-
fence of the isthmus with their collected strength,
were the Lacedaemonians, Arcadians universally,
Eleans*, Corinthians, Sicyonians, Epidaurians,
Phliasians, Troezenians and Hermionians. All
these were drawn together, by the danger which
menaced Greece. The rest of the Peloponne-
sians, although the Olympic games and Carnian
festivals were past, remained in careless inactivity
at home.
LXXIII. The Peloponnese is inhabited by
seven different nations; two of these, the Ar-
cadians """^ and Cynurians, are natives of the
* Pausanias also affirms that the Eleans took part in the
war between the Greeks and Xerxes, whilst Diodorus Siculus
asserts that they did not. — See Diod. Sic. Excerpt, de
Virtut. et Vitiis.,
6i Arcadians^ — Eustathius in Dion. v. 414, tells us that
Arcadia was formerly called Gigantis, that is, the Land
of Giants. It was also called Azania. Arcadia was sacred
to the god Pan, who was worshipped in every corner of
the country. It was celebrated for its pastures ; and its
U 11 A N I A. iiSo
country, and have never changed their place of
residence. The Achaians have never , quitted
the Peloponnese, but simply removed from
one situation to another. The four others,
namely the Dorians, j^^tolians, Dryopians, and
Lemnians, migrated hither. The Dorians have
many famous cities ; the -^tolians *^' Elis only ;
inhabitants were so generally addicted to the business of
feeding cattle, that Arcades and Pastores became synony-
mous terms; and the Bucolic verse was styled the Arcadian.
Of the antiquity which this people claimed I have already
spoken in a foregoing note. Some have supposed Arcadia to
have been so called from Areas, the son of Callisto, who was
said to have had his name from the supposed transforma-
tion of his mother, and to have given it to Arcadia. — See in
Arati Pha/i. de Calli.stho. TeKtiv Aptcroy Haav tov kKijOivtu
ApKcda. Homer says they were wholly ignorant of mari-
time affairs :
ETTtt ov (T(jti QaXaacia ipya juijiiijXii.
Which Pope imperfectly renders,
And new to all the dangers of ihe main.
See what De Pauw says of the Arcadians in his Rcdicixhcs
sur Ics Grccs, — 3'.
63 jEtoUaus.] — There seems to be a doubt in this place
whether it should be read yEolians or /Etolians. /Eolus is
said by some learned men to be Klisha, eldest son of Javan.
— See the Genealogy. The name Elisha is explained by llie
Jewish Rabbis to mean ad insulam ; and Varro, as cited by
Servius on the 1st jEneid, gives the same title to Mollis
Hippotades, styling him dominus insxdarvm. Lesbus was
called Issa, that is, I believe, the island. — See Hesychius in
\aai]. Of the .Etolians, 'SI. P, de I'auw, in his Preliminary
236 U 11 A N I A.
the Dryopians have Hermion and Asina, near
Cardamyle"*, in Laconia. The Parorcatae ''■' are
all Lemnians. The Cynurians, though natives
of the country, are supposed to he lonians ; hut
in process of time, like the Orneata) and their
neighhours, they became Dorians, and subject
to the Argives ^. Of all these seven nations,
Discourse to his Recherches Philosophiques sur les Grecs,
gives a shocking character. " On y parloit," says the French-
man, " ci la verite la langue des Grecs, mais on y avoit lea
moeurs des Barbares, &c tant d'atrocite dans le caract^re, que
Ton comparoit les Etoliens a des betes feroces cachees sous le
masque de I'homme," ^c — T.
fi* Cardanit/le.'] — ^Strabo says this city was founded on a rock,
tTi veTpa<: ; and Homer mentions it as one of the seven which
Agamemnon promised to give Achilles. — T.
C5 Paroreatce.'\ — See book iv. c. 145. Oreata? was the name
of a city in the territories of Lacedasmon, which vvas after-
wards called Br.Tsia2 or Prasia; ; concerning which consult
Pausanias in Laconieis. — T.
^ Argives.] — Eustathius says, that Apis cleared the Pelo-
ponnese of serpents, and named it from himself Apia; he
was deified and thence called Serapis, a manifest allusion to
the great idol of the .-Egyptians. From these serpents Argos
might receive its name, for apyai was used as synonymous
with o<j>tc. — See Hcsijchius. The frog, which was the symbol
of the people of Argos, was explained to be a direction to
them to keep at home; and properly enough, that they might
guard the isthmus, prevent a surprise, and be a constant
garrison to the Peloponnese. It was in allusion also, I be-
lieve, to their old name Leleges. AaXayn, says Ilesychius,
is the frog of a green colour. The Spartan coin, or that
of the Peloponnese, was a ^iXioytj, or tortoise, the symbol
of a housekeeper. — 7'.
URANIA. 237
those only whom I have specified, attached them-
selves to the cause of Greece ; the others, if I
may speak the truth, certainly favoured the
jMedes.
LXXIV. They who were at the isthmus ex-
erted themselves as if every thing depended
upon them alone, not expecting any thing from
the fleet. The Greeks at Salamis, hearing this,
were overwhelmed with terror, not so much on
their own account, as on that of the Pclopon-
nese. They began to murmur secretly among
each other, and to complain of the injudicious
conduct of Eurybiades. They at length ex-
pressed their discontent aloud, and obliged a
council to be called; a violent debate ensued,
some were for sailing instantly to the Pelopon-
nese, and risking every thing for its defence,
urging the absurdity of staying where they were
to contend for a country already captured. The
Athenians, with those of iEgina and Megara,
thought it most advisable to fight where they
were.
LXXV. Themistocles, seeing himself over-
powered by those of the Peloponnese, retired
privately from the council : he immediately dis-
patched a messenger to the enemy's fleet, with
instructions what to say. The man's name was
Sicinnus, a domestic, and the tutor of his chil-
238 URANIA.
dreii, whom Themistocles afterwards caused to
be made a citizen of Thespia, and who became
very opulent. Directing his course to the leaders
of the Barbarian fleet, he thus addressed them :
" The Athenian leader ^^ who in reality is at-
*' tached to the king, and who wishes to see the
" Greeks in subjection to your power, has sent
" me thus privately to you : a consternation has
*' seized the Greeks, and they are preparing to
" fly ; an opportunity is now afforded you of
** jierforming a splendid action, unless you suffer
" it through negligence to escape you. They
*' are divided among themselves, and incapable
" of farther resistance. You will soon see those
*' who favour, and who are inclined to oppose
" you, in hostilities with each other." Having
said this, Sicinnus departed.
LXXVI. The Barbarians, confiding in this
^'7 Athenian IcaderJ] —
Themistocles, who leads
Athenian squadrons, is the monarch's friend,
Approv'd by this intelligence ; the Greeks
In consternation shortly will resolve
To separate and fly. Let Asia's fleet
Her numbers round in diligence extend,
Investing every passage ; then confus'd
This whole confederated force of Greece
Will sooner yield than light, and Xerxes close
At once so perilous a war. Athenaid.
URANIA. 039
intelligence, passed over a large body of Per-
sians to the small island of Psittalia^, betwixt
Salamis and the continent. About midnight the
western division of their fleet advanced towards
Salamis % meaning to surround it. The ships
also which lay off Ceos and Cynosura^", re-
moved, and occupied the whole narrow sea as far
as Munychia. They drew out their fleet in this
manner to cut off from the Greeks the possibility
of retreat, and that, thus inclosed at Salamis,
they might suffer vengeance for the battle of
Artcmisium. Their view in sending a body of
forces to Psittalia was this : this island was con-
tiguous to the spot where the battle must of
necessity take place ; as therefore such vessels
and men as were injured in the fight must endea-
^ Psittalia]. — H^irraXia. Non retulissem inter populos
Atticos nisi Strabonis locus aliud suaderet. Itaque crcden-
dum ilium aliquando fuisse habitatum. — Jacobus Sponius de
Pagis Atticis.
"3 Advanced towards Salamis.] — Larcher, in a very elabo-
rate note, attempts to describe the situation of the two fleets
with respect to each other in this memorable engagement;
but the reader perhaps will have a better conception of it
from the chart to be found in the Voyage du Jeune Ana-
charsis, than from any thing Larcher has said, or that I
can say. — T.
''^ Ct/nosura.] — This was a promontory of Attica, opposite
to the southern extremity of Euboea ; and must not be con-
Iciunded witli the place of the same name in Laconia. Some
critical remarks on the subsequent oracle may be found in
Jortin's Remarks on Kccles. Mist. Appendix N" 2. — T.
g40 URANIA.
vour to take refuge here, they might here preserve
their own and destroy the forces of the enemy.
The measure was pursued privately and unper-
ceived by the enemy, to accomplish which, the
whole night was employed without any interval
of rest.
LXXVII. After reflecting upon this subject,
the truth of the oracular prediction appears in-
contestable ; for who would attempt to contradict
a declaration so obvious as tlie following ?
On Dian's shore, and Cynosura's coasts.
When ev'ry strait is fill'd with naval hosts ;
When hostile bands, inspir'd with frantic hope.
In Athens give wide-wasting fury scope. —
" Then shall the youthful son of daring Pride
" The vengeance of celestial wrath abide,
" Fierce tho' he be, and confident of pow'r,
" For arms with arms shall clash, and blood
" shall show'r
" O'er all the sea : while liberty and peace
" From Jove and Victory descend on Greece.''
After the above explicit declaration from Bacis,
T shall neither presume to question the autho-
rity of oracles myself, nor patiently suffer others
to do so*.
«(
* It is a question of importance, says Jortin, whether
there has ever been in the Pagan world such a thing as
divination, or a foieknowledge of things. Tlie strongest
URANIA. 241
LXXVIII. Disputes still continued to run
high among the leaders at Salamis, who were not
at all conscious of their being surrounded by the
Barbarians. They presumed that the enemy re-
mained on the very same post in which they had
observed them during the day.
LXXIX, Whilst thev were debating in coun-
cil, Aristides, son of Lysimachus, arrived at iEgina ;
he was an Athenian, and had been banished'' by
argument against it is contained in Isaiah, where the Ahiiigh-
ty, foretelling many great events, particularly the raising up
of Cyrus to destroy the Babylonian Monarchy, and to deliver
the Jews from captivity, declares that he alone can divine,
such things, and appeals to these predictions as proofs of
his divinity, and evident arguments that there is no God
besides him.
''^ Ba/mlicd.l — Literally ostracised. Every body knows
that ostracism was the banishing a person by writing his
name upon a shell, in Greek Oslracon. It was not a disho-
nourable banishment, but rather a mark of popularity, and
generally inflicted on the great and powerful. By this,
Themistocles, Aristides, Thucydides, and Alcibiades, were
banished.
By ostracism, a person was banished for ten years ; a
similar mode of banishment was adopted at Syracuse, and
called petulism, where the people WKote the name upon a
leaf, pctalufi. By petalism, a man was banished for five
years only.
Perpetual exile at Athens was the punishment of sacrilege
and high treason; the term they used was not (ttev/ny, but
Bi,ipy^r(TOat. — T.
Vol. IV. R
M2 U R A N I A.
a vote of the people, although my information
induces me to consider him as the most excel-
lent'* and upright of his fellow-citizens. He
immediately went to the asscmhly and called
out Themistocles, who was not his friend, but
his particular enemy. The greatness of the im-
pending danger prevailing over every thing else,
he called him out to confer with him : lie had
heard how anxious the Peloponnesians were to
return with the fleet to the isthmus ; accordingly
when Themistocles appeared, he spoke to him
thus : " It would become us at any time, and
" more particularly at the present, to contend
*' which of us can best serve our country '\ I
72 Most excellent.] — iEiian gives a catalogue of Greeks who
were alike remarkable for their extraordinary merit and ex-
treme poverty. Aristides, Phocion, Epaminondas, Pelopi-
das, Lamachus, Socrates, and Ephialtes. With respect to the
dispute betwixt Themistocles and Aristides, the same autho-
rity informs us, that they were educated together under the
same preceptor, and that when children they were notorious
for their dislike of and quarrels with each other. Plutarch
•says, that one amongst other reasons for the inveterate hatred
which prevailed betwixt them, was their having an attach-
ment to the same youth.
The circumstance of their mutually laying aside tlicir ani-
mosities when their country was in danger, has obtained them
everlasting glory. — T.
73 Best .serve our cou/ilri/..] —
Dissensions past as puerile and viiin
Now to forget, and nobly strive who best
URANIA. ^43
" have to inform you, that whatever the Pelo-
" ponnesians may now urge, with respect to re-
" tiring to the isthmus, can be of no signifi-
*' cation : I can assure you, from my own obser-
" vation, that the Corinthians, and Eurybiades
" himself, could not now sail thither if they
" would ; we are on all sides surrounded by
" the enemy. Return therefore, and tell this
" to the assembly."
LXXX. "What you tell me," replied The-
mistocles, " I consider as particularly happy for
" us all. The thing which I most ardently
" wished to happen, you have beheld : know,
" then, that this motion of the Modes is the
" consequence of my measures, it appearing to
" me essential that those Greeks who were rc-
" luctant to fight sliould be compelled to do so ;
*' but as you come to tell us what promises us
" so mucli good, tell it yourself If I shall
" inform the assembly of what you say, I shall
" obtain no credit ; nor will they suppose that
" tlie Barbarians are posted as they are. Enter
Shall serve his country, Aristides warns
His ancient foe Theniistocles. I hear
Thou giv'st the best of counsel, which the Greeks
Reject through mean solicitude to lly.
Weak men ! throughout these narrow seas the toe
Is stationed, now preventing all escape. Athenaid.
u 2
iiU URANIA.
" therefore yourself, and inform them how things
" arc. If they believe you, it will be well ; but
" if not, the event will be the same. For if, as
" you say, wc arc surrounded, there exists no op-
" portunity to retreat."
LXXXI. Aristides entering the council, re-
peated what he had before said; tliat he was
come from Mgina, and had passed with great
difficulty through the enemy's forces; that the
Grecian fleet was entirely surrounded, and that
it became them to prepare for their defence.
Aristides, as soon as he had spoken, retired.
Fresh altercations now again rose among the
leaders, the greater part of whom refused to
credit what they had heard.
LXXXII. Whilst they continued still to
doubt, a trireme of Tcnians deserted to them ;
they were commanded by Parastius, the son of
Sosimenes, and their intelligence put the matter
beyond all dispute. In gratitude for this service,
the names of the Tenians were inserted upon
the tripod consecrated at Delphi, among those
who repelled the Barbarians. This vessel, which
joined them at Salamis^^ added to one of Lem-
74 Salamis.'\ — Attica was surrounded by islands, but ex-
cept this of Salamis, they were in general barren and unin-
URANIA. 215
nos, which before came over to them at Arte-
misium, made the exact number of the Grecian
ships* three hundred and eighty. There were
only tliree hundred and seventy-eight before.
LXXXIII. The Greeks having all their
doubts removed by the Tenians, prepared seriously
for battle. At the dawn of mornine; all was in
readiness. Themistocles said every thing which
might avail to animate his troops. The prin-
cij^al purport of his speech was a comparison
betwixt great and pusillanimous actions ; ex-
2)laining how much the activity and genius of
man could effect, and exhorting them to have
glory in viewf. As soon as he had finished,
orders were given to embark. At this juncture,
the vessel which had been sent to the /Eacidai
habited. Salamis is praised in high lerms by Euripides, as
abounding in honey and olives. Euripides and Solon were
both born here. The trophies of the battle of Salamis, says
De Pauw, cease to interest us; but the Iphigenia in Tiiuris,
and the legislation of Solon, can never be forgotten.
To take a circuit of the district of Attica, it was advised to
embark at Salamis, double the promontory of Sunium, and
landing in the Oropian territories, proceed to the mouth of
the Asopus. —T.
* ^schylus limits the nuuiber of Grecian ships to 300.
See the Persue, 337, 338.
t Themistocles nmst here be presumed to address the
Athenians. The otlicr generals doubtless did the same to
their sevoral troops.
240 URANIA.
returned from ^giiia, and soon afterwards all the
Grecian fleet were under sail.
LXXXIV. As soon as they began to move,
the Barbarians rushed upon them. While the
Greeks hung back, and seemed rather inclined to
retire, Aminias of Pallene, an Athenian, darted
forwards and attacked the enemy; when he was
so involved with his opponent, as to be un-
able to separate, the rest came to his assist-
ance, and a promiscuous engagement ensued.
Thus, according to the Athenians, the battle
began. The people of iEgina say, that the
engagement was begun by the vessel which
had been sent to the iEacida?. It is also af-
firmed that a female figure was visible to the
Greeks, and that in a voice sufficiently loud
to be heard by them all, it exclaimed, " Infatu-
" ated men, how long will ye remain inactive
" on your oars?"
LXXXV. The Athenians were opposed to
the Phoenicians, who occupied the division to-
wards Eleusis'^ and the west; the Laccdsemo-
"^^ Ekusis.] — So called from Eleusis, son of INIercnry. — See
Fausunias in Atticis, 8f Meursius Atticce Lectiones, 1. iii. c. 20.
The Eleusinians submitted voluntarily to the dominion of
Athens, on condition of having the privilege exclusively of
celebrating the mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine, which
proved to them an inexhaustible source of riches. — T.
URANIA. 247
niaiis combated the loniaiis, \vho were in the
division towards the Pirscus''^ and the east, A
small number of these, at the suggestion of
Themistocles, made no remarkable exertions ;
but with the majority it was otherwise. I am
able to mention the names of several trierarchs
who overpowered and took Grecian vessels; but
I shall only specify Theomestor, son of Andro-
damas, and Phylacus, son of Histiaeus, botli of
them Samians. I mention these, because on ac-
count of the service which he on this occasion
performed, Theomestor was made prince of Sa-
mos by the Persians. Phylacus also had his
name written *, as deserving of the royal lavour.
76 Pincus.] — This, as I have before remarked, was the
most celebrated port of the Athenians. A Tract of .1. INIeuiv
sius, called Piraeus, contains every thing relating to it and its
unti(juities. — 2\
* They who had rendered personal services to the sove-
reign, had their names inscribed in public registers. SceThu-
cydides, Li. c. 129-
To this custom the following verse in the book of Esther*
doubtless alludes, vi. 1.
" On that night could not the king sleep, and he connnanded
to bring the Book of Records of the Chronicles."
In one of the Oriental Tales published by myself, in 179\
from a manuscript brouglit from Aleppo by my friend Dr.
llussel, the Kalif of Damascus is represented as unable to
sleep, and in consequence sends for his vizier. The vizier,
on his arrival, proposes various modes of tramiuillizing his
master's mind : among others, he says, Let us go to one gf
248 , URANIA.
and was presented with a large tract of land.
They who merit the favour of the king are in the
Persian tongue called Orosangae.
LXXXVI. A very great part of the Barha-
rian fleet was torn in pieces at Salamis, princi-
pally by the Athenians and the people of ^Egina-
The event could not well be otherwise. The
Greeks fought in order, and preserved their ranks ;
the Barbarians, without either regularity or judg-
ment. They nevertheless behaved better this day
than at Euboea, and they made the greater exer-
tions from their terror of the king, in whose sight '^
they imagined they fought.
LXXXVII. To speak decisively and minutely
of the several efforts, either of Barbarians or
Greeks, is more than I can presume to do. The
conduct however of Artemisia increased her fa-
your majesty's palaces in the suburbs, and entertain ourselves
with the " representations of times past." The general simi-
litude is very striking.
"' III -whose sightJ] — It is no doubt difficult to describe and
understand accounts of battles ; but whoever places himself
on the spot where the Persian monarch is said to have viewed
the battle of Salamis, and at the same time reads the account
which Herodotus, or that which iEschylus, an eye-witness,
gives in his Persce of that action, and considers the shoalness
of the water, and the small space into which so many ships
were crowded, must think contemptibly of the marine engage-
ments in those days. — Wood on Homer.
URANIA. 2i9
favour with the king. When the greatest dis-
order prevailed in the royal fleet, the vessel of
Artemisia was pursued by an Athenian, and re-
duced to the extremest danger. In this per-
plexity, having before her many vessels of her
allies, and being herself the nearest to the enemy,
the following artifice succeeded ^". As she re-
treated from the Athenian, she commenced an
attack upon a ship of her own party ; it was a
Calyndian, and had on board Damasithymus, the
Calydian prince. Whilst they were in the Hel-
lespont, she was involved in some dispute with
this man, but it is still uncertain whether her
conduct in the present instance was the effect of
design, or accidentally happened from the Ca-
lyndian's coming first in her way. This vessel
Artemisia attacked and sunk, by which she ob-
tained a double advantage. The Athenian com-
mander, seeing the vessel he pursued attack a
Barbarian, supposed that it was either a Grecian
ship, or one that had deserted the Barbarians,
and was now assisting the Greeks : he was thus
induced to direct his attack elsewhere.
LXXXVIII. Artemisia by this action not
■f^ Artifice mivceedcd.'] — Polyaenus informs us, lluit Arte-
misia first ordered lier I'ersian ensign to be tiiken down ; a cir-
cumstance omitted by Herodotus, but which adds nuich to the
probabUity ol" tlie story. — Lurcher.
250 URANIA.
only avoided the impending danger, but also
made herself more acceptable to the king at the
time she was doing him an actual injury. It is
asserted that the king, as he viewed the engage-
ment, observed her vessel bearing down upon
the other. At this period, some attendant * re-
marked to him, " Observe, Sir, the prowess of
" Artemisia, she has now sent to the bottom a
" vessel of the enemy." Tbe king was earnest
in his enquiry, whether the ship which attracted
his attention was really that of Artemisia. Those
about him, knowing exactly the figure which dis-
tinguished her ship, assured him that it was : at
the same time they had no doubt but the vessel
she had attacked belonged to the enemy. It
happened among the other fortunate occurrences
which Artemisia met with, that not a single per-
son of the Calyndian vessel survived to accuse
her. Xerxes is said to have replied to what they
told him : " The men have behaved like women,
" the women like men *''."
* According to some, this person's name was Draco, son
of Eupempos, of Samos. He had so acute a sight, that he
couUl distinguish objects at the distance of twenty stadia.
Xerxes gave him a thousand talents to accompany him on
this expedition.
79 The women like wen.] — Xerxes sent a complete suit of
Grecian armour to Artemisia, as a reward of her bravery ;
to the commander of his own lleet, a distaff and spindle. —
Pohiccnus.
This last does not seem to me probable, and the answer
URANIA. 051
LXXXIX. In this battle, many persons of
distinction fell, both of the Persians, the Medes,
and tlieir confederates : among others Ariabignes*"
was slain ; he was the commander-in-chief, son of
Darius, and brother of Xerxes. The loss of the
Greeks was but small. As they were expert in
swimming ''^ they whose ships were destroyed,
and who did not perish by the sword, made their
escape to Salamis. Great numbers of the Bar-
barians, from their ignorance of this art, were
drowned. When the foremost ships were obliged
to seek their safety by flight, a general destruction
of Xerxes perhaps gave rise to it. The commander of the
fleet was the brother of Xerxes, who died after fighting
gallantly. — Larcher.
Larcher might have said that this was impossible. ^Vollld
Xerxes send a spindle to a dead man? It is false too that his
men behaved like women; they fougbt as well as the (Jreeks,
and their defeat was owing to other causes, wliich have ope-
rated from that day to this in the same n)anner.
'*" Ariabigncs.] — Called Arlabazanes, book vii. c. 2.
81 Sidm?ning\] — The art of swimming constituted a mate-
rial part of youthful education amongst tlie (ireeks and
Romans ; if they intended to speak in very contemptuous
terms of any man, they said he had neither learned to read
nor to swim.
Savary informs us, that of the ^Egyptians, men, women,
and children, are remarkably expert, and he says graceful, in
swimming. ISlan is the only perfect animal which learns to
swim, all others swim naturally : in general we lind that
islanders, and all those people whose country is intersected
by canals, or abounds in rivers, are skilful in this manly
exercise, whilst those living more inland are ignorant of it.
— T.
J.>52 URANIA.
of the rest ensued. They who were behind, an-
xious to advance to the front, and to give to
the king, who viewed them, some testimony of
their zeal and courage, ran foul of those vessels,
which were retreating.
XC. During the confusion, many Phoenicians
who had lost their ships, v/ent to the king, and
informed him, that their disgrace was occasioned
by the perfidy of the lonians. The consequence
of this was, that the Ionian leaders were not
punished with death, but the Phoenicians were.
While they were yet speaking, a Samothracian
vessel attacked one of Attica, and sunk it ; imme-
diately afterwards, a ship of ^gina fell upon the
Samothracian, and inflicted on it a similar fate ;
but the Samothracians, who were skilful in the
management of the spear, attacked as they were
going down their adversaries with so much suc-
cess, that they boarded and took the vessel.
This exploit was very fortunate for the lonians.
Xerxes observing this specimen of the Ionian
valour, turned with anger to the Phoenicians,
and as he was beyond measure vexed and exas-
perated, he ordered them all to be beheaded, as
being pusillanimous themselves, they had pre-
sumed to accuse men better than themselves.
The king, placed on mount jEgaleos ^', which is
82 Mount JEgaleos.'\ — The ancients differ concerning the
jduce from which Xerxes beheld the battle of Salamis. Pha-
U R A iN I A. 253
opposite to Salamis, was particularly observant
of the battle, and when he saw any person emi-
nently distinguish himself, he was minute in his
inquiries concerning his family and city ; all
which, at his direction, his scribes recorded. This
execution of the Phoenicians, was not a little
forwarded by Ariaramncs, a Persian, and fa-
vourite of the king, who happened to be then
present.
nodemus pretends that it was from the temple of Hercules, in
a place where Attica is separated from Salamis by a very
small strait. Acestodorus says it was from the hills called
Cerata (The Horns) or the confines of the territory of Megara.
The difference is only in appearance. They fought, says Pau-
sanias, at Salamis, which stretches itself as far as Megara ;
thus Mount iEgaleos was on the confines of Attica and Me-
gara. — Larcher.
^schylus in the Persae contents himself with saying, that
Xerxes was a spectator of the engagement, without saying
from what place :
Ec/3aj/ yap «^£ Travroc evavyt) arparov
'Xy^rjKov o-^dov ayyi irtkayia<. a\o^.
He had a seat from which he could easily discern all liis forces,
a lofty mound, near the sea; from which it should seem to have
been some artificial tumulus. The Scholiast to the passage of
iEschylus refers the reader to the place before us in Herodotus.
Phny calls it Mount ^Egialos. — T.
Xerxes, who enthron'd
Higl) on ^galeos anxious sate to view
A scene which nature never yet display 'd,
Nor fancy feign'd. The theatre was Greece,
Mankind spectators, equal to that stage,
'1 liomistoclcs, great actor. Atlicnaid.
254 U R A N I A.
XCI. In this disaster were tlie Phoenicians in-
volved ; the Barharians retreating, were anxions
to gain I'halerum ; the iEginetae liowever, guard-
ing this neck of the sea, performed what well de-
serres mention. The Athenians in the tumult
of the fight overpowered those who resisted, and
pressed upon those who fled. These last the
^ginetae attacked, so that many which escaped
from the Athenians, were intercepted hy the
iEginetae.
XCII. As Themistocles was engaged in the
pursuit of a flying enemy, he came up with a
vessel of ^Egina, commanded by Polycritus, son
of Crios, which was then attacking a vessel of
Sidon. It happened to be the very ship which
off Sciathus took Pythcas, the son of Ischenus,
in a vessel of ^gina sent to watch the motions
of the enemy. This man, almost expiring from
his wounds, the Persians had preserved witli
great tenderness on account of his extraordinary
valour; and when the Sidonian vessel with the
Persians on board was taken, Pytheas was re-
stored in safety to his country. Polycritus ob-
serving the Athenian vessel, which by its colours
he knew to belong to the commander-in-chief,
called out in a reproachful manner* to Themis-
* III a reproachful maimer^ — The Athenians had accused
the iEgineta?, and particuUxrly Crius the father of this man,
U R A x\ I A. 255
tocles and bade him observe liow the iEginetse
shewed their attachment to tlie JNIcdcs; at the
same time he rusheil on the Sidonian.
XCIII. The Barbarians, whose ships remained,
fled to Phalerum, and joined the land forces. On
this (lay, they wlio distinguished themselves the
most were the people of ii'gina, next to them the
Athenians. Of the ^'Eginetae, Polycritus was emi-
nent; of the Athenians, Eumenes ofAnagyris,
and Aminias of Pallcne'\ This last was the
person who pursued Artemisia, and who would
not have desisted till he had taken the enemy, or
been taken himself, if he had conceived her to
have been on board the vessel which he chased.
The Athenian commanders had received parti-
cular orders with respect to her, and a reward
of ten thousand drachmae was offered to whoever
should take her alive; it being thought a most
disgraceful circumstance that a woman should
fight against /ithens. She however escaped as we
liavc before described, as also did many others,
to Phalerum.
XCIV. The Athenians affirm "%f Adimantus,
of designing to betray their country to the INIeiles. — See book
vi. chap. 4y. To this unjust accusation Polycritus ulluded
'u\ this sarcasm. — T.
"2 Aminius of PaUciic.'] — lie whs brother to the great poet
iEschylus.
ai riic Atlnimijis alJinitJ] — Dion C'lirys«)»l(iiii rcbitos, that
'25G URANIA.
the leader of the Corinthians, that at the very
commencement of the fight he was seized with
a panic, and fled. The Corinthians followed his
example. Arriving at the temple of JNIinerva
Sciras"', not far from the coast of Salamis, they
met a little bark, which seemed as if sent by the
gods : who actually did send it could never be
discovered ; it approached however the Corin-
thians, who were in total ignorance how things
went, and when at a certain distance, some one
on board exclaimed : " Adimantus, by thus flying
our historian not having received the compensation which he
expected from the Corinthians, to whom he had recited what
he had written in their praise, was induced to misrepresent
their conduct, with that of Adimantus, on the day of Salamis.
Plutarch pretends that Herodotus from malignity related the
battle of Salamis in a manner disadvantageous to the Co-
rinthians. If what was asserted by Dion Chrysostom were
true, Plutarch would not have omitted it. I cannot prevail
on myself to believe that our historian was influenced by
either motive. 1 rather think he desired to gratify the Athe-
nians, who were at enmity with the Corinthians. Plutarch
with some reason opposes to Herodotus' the silence of Thu-
cydides, the ofterings made at Delphi, the vow of the women
of Corinth, and the inscriptions of Simonides, and some other
poets, of which the historian could not be ignorant. I may
add, that if Herodotus had felt the motives imputed to him
by Plutarch and Dion Chrysostom, he would not have op-
posed to the recital of the Athenians the evidence of Universal
G reece. — Larcher.
^^ Minerxa Scirus.'] — Salamis was anciently called Sciras,
from some hero. Minerva was honoured by this name in that
island, whence came the sacrifice called at Athens the Fpi-
scirosis, and the month Scirophorion. — Larcher.
URANIA. 257
" with the ships under your command, you must
" be considered as the betrayer of Greece : the
" Greeks however are victorious over their ene-
" mies to the utmost of their hopes." Adiman-
tus not giving credit to these assertions, it was
repeated from on board the little bark, that they
would agree to suffer death if the Greeks were
not victorious. Adimantus therefore with his de-
tachment made haste to rejoin the Greeks, but
they did not come up till the battle was deter-
mined. This is what the Athenians affirm. The
Corinthians deny the fact, declaring that no na-
tion was more distinguished on this occasion than
themselves; and this indeed the Greeks in ge-
neral confirm.
XCV. Aristidcs the Athenian, son of I^ysima-
chus, of whose integrity I have before made ho-
nourable mention, during the tumult of the bat-
tle of Salamis, rendered his country this service :
taking with him a number of armed Athenians,
whom he found stationed alont^ the shore of Sa-
lamis, he landed on the island of Psittaleia,
and put every Persian whom he found there
to death.
XCVI. After the engagement, the Greeks
collected all their damaged vessels at Salamis"^',
^^ Sala/ni.<i.'\ — Amongst other rejoicings whicli oelfebrated
Vol.. W. S
S58 U R A N I A.
and prepared for ar. other battle, presuming that
the king would renew the fight with all the vessels
lie had left. At the same time a wind from the
west, had driven on tliat part of the coast of
Attica, which is called Colias, many wrecks be-
longing to the enemy. Thus the different oracles
pronounced concerning this battle at Bacis and
Musasus, were minutely accomplished, as was also
the prediction of the Athenian Lysistratus, made
many years before concerning these wrecks. It
had long eluded the sagacity of the Greeks, and
was to this effect :
" The Colian dames with oars shall roast their
"food'V
The above happened after the king's departure.
XCVII. When Xerxes discovered how severely
the victor}' of Salamis, I find in Athen^us the following anec-
dote of Sophocles. Sophocles, who had a very fine person,
was also accomplished in the arts of music and dancing, which
when very young he had been taught by Lamprus. After the
victory of Salamis, he danced with a lyre in his hand round
a military trophy erected by the conquerors. Some say that
he was entirely naked, and anointed with oils ; others, that
he was in his clothes. When he exhibited his tragedy of
Thamyris, he played on the citharis ; and when his Nausicaa
was performed, he discovered great activity in leaping with
the ball — tacpatpnTsu. — T.
^^ Roast their food ^ — This passage has greatly perplexed
the commentators ; in the Greek it is cpiTjxoKJi <ppi^ov(n, shall
rage at the oars. Kuhnius reads fpv^oi/aij which both Wesse-
ling and Valcnaer approve. — T.
U II A N I A. 259
he had suffered, apprehending that the lonians
might induce the Greeks, or that of themselves
tliey miglit be disposed to sail to the Hellespont
and break down the bridge, he determined to
seek his safety by flight. Desirous however of
not being suspected in his design, either by the
Greeks or his own troops, he made an effort to
connect Salamis with the continent, joining for
this purpose the Phoenician transports together,
to serve both as a bridge and a wall. He then
made seeming preparations for another naval en-
gagement. His taking these measures caused
it to be generally believed that he intended to
continue where he was * and prosecute hosti-
lities. His real purpose did not escape JNIardo-
nius, who was well acquainted with his mind.
Whilst Xerxes was thus employed, he sent a
messenger to Persia with intelligence of his
defeat '^.
XCVIH. The Persian messengers travel with
^^ Defeat.] — " I have been told by a Mede," says Dion
Clirysostom, " that the Persians do not agree to what is re-
ported by the Greeks. They pretend that Xerxes conquered
the Lacedaemonians at Thermopylae, and slew their king ;
that he made himself master of Athens, totally destroying-
it, and reducing all those Athenians to slavery who did not
escape by flight ; and that finally he returned to Asia, after
having imposed a tribute on the Greeks. It is evident that
this narrative is false : but it is not impossible, indeed it is
very probable, that the king said this to the Asiatic nations,"
&CC, — l.ti clier.
s '2
2G0 URANIA.
a velocity which nothing human "^ can equal. It
is thus accomplislied : as many days as are re-
quired to go from one place to another, so many
^^ Nof/iing /luman.] — Qy])roy £ov. — \'alcnaer does not ap-
prove this reading. Surely, says he, the domestic pigeons,
which we know were used for the purpose of conveying in-
telligence very anciently, travelled much faster. lie therefore
proposes to read ai'dprji'oy or avQpuTrriiov. human. Larcher
replies to this, by s'-iying, " that it is not probable that
pigeons were used in the great roads where public posts
were established, but rather in routes difficult of access for
horses." This observation has no great weight; it is more
to the purpose that he refers the reader to an expression
of Herodotus, in the first book, where Iw calls the horse,
vravTuv TOP dvt]TO)v to ra'^itrrov. I nevertheless prefer the
conjecture of Valcnaer.
The regularity and swiftness of the Roman posts cannot
fail of exciting the admiration of all who attentively con-
sider the subject; they are thus excellently described by
Gibbon :
" The advantage of receiving the earliest intelligence, and
of conveying their orders with celerity, induced the emperors
to establish, throughout their extensive dominions, the regu-
lar institution of posts. Houses were every where erected
at the distance only of five or six miles ; each of them Vvas
constantly provided with forty horses, and by the help of
these relays, it was easy to travel a hundred miles in a day
along the Roman roads." Mr. Gibbon adds in a note the
following anecdote :
" In the time of Theodosius, Cesarius, a magistrate of high
rank, v/ent post from Antioch to Constantinople, He began
his journey at night, was in Cappadocia (165 miles from An-
tioch) the ensuing evening, and arrived at Constantinople the
sixth day about noon. The whole distance was 725 Roman,
or 665 English rniles. — See also Libaiiiiis, Orat. 22, and the
Itineraria, p. 572 — 58 1.
The
URANIA. o(;i
men and horses are regularly stationed along the
road, allowing a man and a horse for each day:
neither snow, nor rain, nor heat, nor darkness,
arc permitted to obstruct their speed. The first
messenger delivers his business to the second, the
second to the third, as the torch is handed about
among the Greeks at the feast of Vulcan. This
mode of conveying intelligence the Persians call
Angarei'on.
XCIX. On the arrival of the first messenger
at Susa, informing them that Xerxes was master
of Athens, such universal transport prevailed, that
the Persians strew^ed their public roads with myr-
tle, burned perfumes, and all were engaged in
religious or private festivals ; but the intelligence
of the second messenger* excited universal sorrow;
they tore their clothes'", w ept, and mourned aloud,
imputing all the blame to Mardonius. They were
not so solicitous about the loss of their fleet, as
anxious for the person of their king ; nor were
their disquietudes calmed but by the arrival of
Xerxes himself.
The mode adopted by Cyrus, as described by Xenophon,
did not essentially vary from ibis of the Romans. — T.
* The great Frederick of Prussia once sent a dispatch to
Berlin, to say be had gained a great victory. Just as they
began their rejoicings came a second letter, to say that llie
battle was lost, and that Berlin must surrender.
yo Tore their cljtiies.] — This was a custom of the Orientals,
of which various examples occur in Scripture. — See also the
Persa; of .Eschylus, 53, ikc.
262 URANIA.
C. ISIardoiiiiis observed that his defeat at sea
greatly afflicted Xerxes, and he suspected that he
meditated to fly from Athens : he began therefore
to be alarmed on his own account, thinking that
as he had been the instrument of the king's
commencing hostilities with Greece, he might be
made the object of his vengeance. He thought it
therefore preferable to attempt again the subjec-
tion of Greece, or in some great effort to meet an
honourable death. His idea of conquering Greece
prevailed, and after some deliberation, he thus
addressed the king : " I would not. Sir," said
he, " have you much afflict yourself concerning
*' what has happened, nor suppose that your re-
" putation has sustained from it any considerable
" wound. The ultimate success of our attempts
'* does not depend " on ships, but on our troops
^^ Does not depend.] — The following paraphrase on this
speech of Mardonius by Mr. Glover, is one of the best pas-
sages in his poem :
Be not discourag'd, sovereign of the world !
Not oars, not sails and timber can decide
Thy enterprize sublime. In shifting strife,
By winds and billows governed, may contend
The sons of traffic ; on the solid plain
The generous steed and soldier; they alone
Thy glory must establish, where no swell
Of hckle floods, nor breath of casual gales
Assist the skilful coward, and controul
By nature's wanton but resistless might
The brave man's arm, &c. Atkenaid.
URANIA. 2G3
" aiid horses. They, who from their late acl-
" vantages, suppose all contest at an end, will
" not presume to leave their vessels to oppose
" you, nor will the Greeks on the continent dare
" to meet you in the field. They who did so
" suffered. With your permission, therefore, our
" future exertions shall he made in the Pelo-
" ponnese ; or if you please for awhile to sus-
" pend your activity, it may securely he done;
" be not however disheartened, it is not possible
" that the Greeks should be finally able to elude
" the vengeance due to them, or to avoid being
" made your slavcis. What I have recommended,
" you will find to merit your attention ; but if
*' you are determined to return with your army,
" I have other advice to offer. Suffer not, O
" king, the Persians to become the ridicule of
" the Greeks; you will not find us to have been
" tlie instruments of your losses ; you have never
" seen us cowardly or base. If the Phoenicians
" jfEgyptians, Cyprians, or Cilicians have behaved
" themselves ill, it ought not to be imputed to
" us; if the Persians therefore have not merited
" your censure, vouchsafe to listen to my counsel ;
" if you shall not think proper to continue with
" us yourself, return to your country, and take
" with you the majority of your forces. Ijcavo
" me here three hundred thousand chosen men,
" and I doubt not but I shall reduce Greece to
" your obedience."
2G4 URANIA.
CI. Xerxes, on hearing this, found his vexa-
tion suspended, and his tranquiUity restored. He
told JNIardonius, that after taking advice on the
subject he would give him an answer. Having
consulted with some Persians whom he assembled,
he determined to send for Artemisia, whose supe-
rior wisdom he had before had reason to approve.
On her arrival, Xerxes ordered his counsellors
and guards to retire, wliilst he thus addressed her :
" Mardonius advises me to continue here, and
" make an attempt on the Peloponnese, urging
*' that my Persians and land forces have not been
" at all accessary to the injuries we have sus-
" tained, of which they desire to give me future
" testimony. If I should disapprove of this, he
" himself engages, with three hundred thousand
" troops, to stay and reduce Greece to my power,
" recommending me to retire with the rest of the
" army to my native country. Do you therefore,
" who with so much wisdom endeavoured to dis-
" suade me from risking an engagement at sea,
" tell me which of these measures you would
" have me pursue?''
CI I. The reply of Artemisia was to the follow-
ing purport: " In a situation like the present,
" O king, it is not easy to say what measures
" will be best ; but as far as I am ab^e to discern,
" I would recommend vour return. Let JMar-
" donius remain here with the number of forces
U R A N I A. OG5
'* he requires, as it is his own voluntary propo-
" sal to effect with these the accomplisliment of
" your wishes. If he shall subjugate the coun-
" try, and effect what he promises, the glory
" will be yours '^\ for your troops must be his
" instruments ; if he should be disappointed and
" vanquished, wliile you are safe, and your family
" and fortunes secure, no great calamity can en-
" sue. The Greeks, as long as you shall survive,
" and your family remain, must be involved in
" many contests. If JMardonius shall fail in his
" attempts, and perish, the Greeks will have no
" great advantage to boast from the misfortunes
*' or death of one of your slaves. You have
" burned Athens, which was the proposed object
" of your expedition, and may therefore return
" without dishonour."
^- T/ie glory ■will be yours.'\ — Thus in subsequent times did
the emperors of Rome obtain ovations, triumphs, and an
artificial reputation from the successful labours of their more
bold and hardy lieutenants. " Under the commonwealth,"
says Mr. Gibbon, " a triumph could only be obtained by
the general who was authorized to take the auspices in the
name of the people. By an exact consequence drawn from
this principle of policy and religion, the triumph was reserved
to the emperor ; and his most successful lieutenants were
satisfied with some marks of distinction, which under the
name of triumphal honours, were invented in their favour."
Speaking of the emperor's lieutenants, in another place, he
says, " they received and held llieir commissions at the will
of a superior, to whose auspicious influence the merits of their
action was legally attributed." — T.
^66 URANIA.
cm. Xerxes was dcliglited with advice so
consonant to the secret wishes of his heart : for
my own part, I am of opinion his terror was so
great, that no persuasions could have prevailed
on him to stay. Artemisia was dismissed most
graciously from his presence, and directed to
retire with the royal children to Ephesus, for
some of the king's natural sons had accompanied
him.
CIV. Hermotimus, a favourite eunuch of the
king, and a Pedasian by birth, was sent to take
care of them. The Pedasians ^' inhabit the dis-
trict beyond Halicarnassus. It is affirmed of this
people, that as often as they are menaced by any
calamity, the chin of the priestess of Minerva
produces a large beard ; an incident which has
happened twice among them.
CV. This Hermotimus revenged himself on
account of the injury he had formerly sustained.
^' T/ie Pedasians, c^-c] — See book i. chap. 173. Valcnaer
is of opinion that the whole of this paragraph to the end of
the chapter is spurious. It certainly has no business here,
and if essential at all, would have more properly appeared
in book vi. chapter 20. The strongest argument against its
being genuine is, that Strabo seems to have known nothing
of it; speaking as if he had only seen the passage in the first
book to which I have referred the reader. — T.
URANIA. <261
with a severity, as far as I can Icavn, witliout
example. lie had been taken captive, and sold
as a slave to a man of Chios "^ named Panio-
9* Chios.] — Chios, and the islands in its vicinity, were
famous for their purple. It was to Chios that Alexander,
when he was revelling in Persia, sent for materials to clothe
himself and his attendants with purple robes. It was pro-
duced from the purpura, called in Maccabees, chap. iv. verse
23, the purple of the sea.
" Then Judas returned to spoil the tents, where they got
much gold and silver, and blue silk, and purple of the sea, and
great riches."
See also Ezekiel, chapter xxvii. where the prophet, enu-
merating the merchandize of Tyre, says, ver. 7- " Blue and
purple from the isles of Elishah was that which covered
thee." By the isles of Elishah, I conceive the prophet to
mean Lesbos, Tenedos, and the small islands near them.
There were several species of the purpura, but the Pelagium
and the Buccina were most valued. — See Pliny, 1. ix. c. 33.
From these two, separately, or combined, were produced the
three kinds of purple most esteemed by the ancients. One
was called iroptpvpi^, of a strong violet colour inclining to
black; a second was called ^olvikh:, inclining to scarlet; a
third aXovpyig, azure or sky blue. Athena'us says, 1. iii. c. 1-2,
that the best and largest were found about Lesbos and the
promontory of Lectus.
" By the discovery of cochineal," says Mr. Gibbon, " we
far surpass the colours of antiquity. Their royal purple had
a strong smell and a dark cast, as deep as bull's blood. In
Rome, this was restrained to the sacred person and palace
of the emperor, and the penalties of treason were denounced
against the ambitious subjects who dared to usurp the prero-
gative of the throne." — See Gibbon, vol. iii. 71. Statius in
the following passage seems to distinguish betwixt the deep
and the blueish purple :
Quis
268 URANIA.
nius, who maintained himself by the most infa-
mous of all traffic : whenever ho met with any
youths whose persons were handsome, he castrated
them, and carrying them to Sardis or Ephesus,
disposed of them at a prodigious price. Among
tlie Barbarians, eunuchs '■'^ are esteemed of greater
value than other slaves, from the presumption of
their superior fidelity. Hemiotimus was one of
the great many, whom Panionius had thus
Quis purpura saspe
ai,balis et Tyrii moderator livet aheni. Sj/l. i. 2. 150.
The best, or the Pelagia, were so called, because found
in deeper waters. — See the Schol. to Apollonius RhodiiiA;
1. i. V. 46 1. Ev /3a9et r^c daXaaa-i]^ tvpicTKcrai. From this
peculiarity of the purpura, the verb TroptpvptcTKo) was used for
to meditate profoundly. — T.
95 EunuchsJ] — Eunuchs were introduced in the courts of
princes and the families of great men at a very early period
and of course became an important article of commerce.
Black eunuchs appear to have been preferred, at least we find
one in the court of Zedekiah. — See Jeremiah, xxxviii. 7.
" Now when Ebed Melech, the Ethiopian, one of the
eunuchs which was in the king's house, heard that they had
put Jeremiah in the dungeon," &c.
Black eunuchs are still an article of great luxury in the east
and seldom found but in the seraglio of the Grand Signior,
and those of the Sultanas, See Memoirs of Baron Tott, who
represents their manners as always harsh and brutal. — See
also Hanncr, vol. iii. 328.
Eunuchs are found in the catalogue of eastern commodi-
ties, which, about the time of Alexander Severus, were made
subject to the payment of duties ; and Mr. Gibbon observes,
that the use and value of these effeminate slaves gradually
rose with the decline of tlie empire. — T.
URANIA. 269
treated. Hermotiiniis however could not be
esteemed as altogether unfortunate : he was sent
from Sardis to the king as one among other
presents, and in process of time became the fa-
vourite of Xerxes above all the other eunuchs.
CVI. When the king left Sardis to proceed
towards Athens, this Ilcrmotimus vvcnt on some
business to a place in xMysia, called Atarneus, in-
habited by some Chians : he there met and re-
membered Panionius. lie addressed him with
much seeming kindness; he first enumerated the
many benefits he enjoyed through him, and then
proceeded to assure him, that if he would come
to him with all his family, he should receive the
most convincing testimony of his gratitude. Pan-
ionius listened to the offer with great delight,
and soon went to Hermotimus, with his wife and
children. \Mien the eunuch had got them in
his power, he thus addressed Panionius : " The
" means by which you obtain a livelihood is the
" most infamous that can be conceived. How
" could I, or any of my ancestors, so have in-
" jured you or your family as to justify your
" reducing me from manhood to my present con-
" temptible state? Could you imagine that your
*' crimes would escape the observation of the
*' gods, who inspiring me with the fallacy I
*' practised, have thus delivered you into my
" hands? Abandoned as you are, you can have
270 URANIA.
" no reason to complain of the vengeance which
" 1 mean to inflict on yon." After these re-
proaches, he prodnced tlie fonr sons of Panio-
nius, and ohhged the father to castrate them
himself: when this was done, he compelled the
sons to do the same to their flither. Such was'^
the punishment of Panionius, and the revenge of
Hermotimus.
CVII. Xerxes having sent his children to
Ephesus, under the care of Artemisia, commis-
sioned Mardonius to select from the army the
number that he wished, and desired him to make
his deeds correspond with his words. The above
happened during the day ; but on the approach
of night, the king commanded the leaders of his
fleet to retire from Phalerum, towards the Hel-
lespont, with the greatest expedition, to protect
the bridge, and secure his passage. The Barba-
rians set sail, but when they approached Zoster,
mistaking the little promontories which rise above
that coast for ships, they fled to a great distance.
Discovering their error, they afterwards formed,
and proceeded in a regular body.
CVITI. In the morning, the Greeks perceiv-
96 Such was.]—
Qui primus pueris genitalia membra recidit
"N'ulnera quit fecit debuit ipse pati.
Ovid. Amor. 1. ii. e. 3.
URANIA. 271
ing the land forces of the enemy, on their former
post, supposed their fleet to be still at Phalerimi,
and prepared for a second engagement. AVhcn
informed of their retreat, they commenced a pur-
suit with the greatest eagerness. Proceeding as
far as Andros without being able to discover
them, they went on shore on the island to hold a
consultation. Themistocles was of opinion that
they should sail through the midst of the islands,
continuing their pursuit, and endeavour to reach
the Hellespont, and destroy the bridge. This
was opposed by Eury blades, who thought that the
measure of breaking down the bridge would not
fail to involve Greece in the greatest calamity.
It was not probable, he urged, that if the Persian
was compelled to stay in Europe he would remain
inactive ; if he did, his army would be in dan-
ger of suffering from famine, unable either to return
to Asia, or advance his affairs ; but if he should
be earnest in the prosecution of any enterprize,
he would have great probability of success, as it
was much to be feared, that most of the cities and
powers of Europe would either be reduced by
him, or surrender previously to his arms ; besides
this, he would have a constant supply of corn
from the annual produce of Greece : as therefore
it was not likely that the Persian, after his late
naval defeat, would wish to stay in Europe, it was
better that his escape to his own country should
be permitted. Here, he added, it will be after-
272 URANIA.
wards adviseable to prosecute hostilities. In this
opinion the other leaders of the Peloponnese
acquiesced.
CTX. Themistoclcs seeing his advice to sail
immediately to the Hellespont, overruled by the
majority, addressed himself next to the Athe-
nians. They were more particularly exasperated
by the escape of the enemy, and had determined
to continue the pursuit to the Hellespont, even if
unsupported by the rest of the allies. He spoke
to them as follows : " I have myself been witness
" of similar incidents, and I have frequently
" heard it affirmed by others, that men reduced
" to the extremest ebb of fortune have by some
" succeeding efforts retrieved their affairs, and
" made amends for their former want of vigour.
" We Athenians have enjoyed this favourable vi-
" cissitude ; but although we have thus happily
" defended ourselves and our country, and have
" repulsed such an host of foes, we refrain from
," the pursuit of a flying enemy ; not that we
" must impute our success to our own exertions ;
" we must thank the gods and the heroes who
" would not suffer an individual marked by his
"impiety and crimes to be the tyrant of A^a
" and of Europe ; a man who made no discri-
" mination betwixt things sacred and profane ;
" who consumed by fire the shrines of the gods ;
" who dared to inflict lashes on the sea, and throw
U R A N I A. j>7S
*' chains into his bosom. To us the present
*' moment is auspicious, let us therefore attend
*' to the interest of ourselves and. families ; and
" as the Barbarian is effectually expelled, let
" us severally repair our dwellings, and culti-
*' vate our lands. In the sjiring we will sail
*' to Ionia and the Hellespont." By this con-
duct, Thomistoeles intended to conciliate the
friendship of the Persian, that in case of his
becoming unpopular with his countrymen, he
might be secure of a place of refuge. The
event proved his sagacity °^
ex. The Athenians, deluded by Themistocles,
assented to his proposal ; they had before thought
highly of his wisdom, and the present instance of
his prudence and discretion induced their readier
compliance with his wishes. The Athenians had
no sooner agreed in form to what he recom-
97 The eient.l — It is a singular circumstance, which I do
not remember ever to have seen remarked by any writer, that
one of the motives which made Atossa urge on Darius to hos-
tilities with Greece was, that she might have some Ionian
female slaves, who were celebrated for their graces and accom-
plishments. — See Horace :
Motus doceri guadet lonicos
JMatura virgo, et lingitur artubus
Jam nunc, &c.
And the escape of Themistocles to Asia was in the habit
of an Ionian female slave, concealed in a litter, by which
means he with difificulty eluded the fury of liis incensed
countrvmen. — T.
Vol. IV. T
S74 URANIA.
mended, than he dispatched a bark with confi-
dential servants to inform the king of their de-
termination, who were not to be prevailed on,
even by torture, to reveal what was entrusted to
them : among these was the slave Sicinnus -I On
their arrival at Attica, Sicinnus left his compa-
nions in their vessel, and hastened to the king,
whom he thus addressed : " Themis tocles, son of
" Neocles, and leader of the Athenians, of all the
" confederates the most wise and the most va-
" liant, has sent me to inform you, that willing
" to render you kindness, he has prevented the
" Greeks from pursuing you to the Hellespont,
" when it was their inclination to do so^-', in
order that they might break down your bridge ;
you may now, therefore, retire there in secu-
rity." Saying this, Sicinnus returned.
98 Sicitmus.'] — Plutarch says it was one of the king's
eunuchs, found antiong the prisoners, named Arraces. But
as Larcher justly remarks, Themistocles was much too wise
to send a person of this description, who, if possessed of the
smallest sagacity, could have forewarned Xerxes of the artifice
of the Athenian commander. — T.
99 IncHnation to do so.] — Plutarch relates the matter dif-
ferently : he makes Themistocles inform Xerxes, that the
Greeks, after their victory, had resolved to sail to the Helles-
pont, and break down their bridge ; but that Themistocles,
zealous to preserve him, urged him to hasten to that sea, and
pass over to Asia. In the mean time he raised perplexities
and embarrassments among the allies, which retarded their
pursuit. — Larcher.
it
U R A N I A. 275
CXI. The Greeks having thus declined to
pursue the Barbarians, with the view of break-
ing down the bridge at the Hellespont, laid close
siege to Andros, and determined totally to de-
stroy it. These were the first of the islanders
who had refused the solicitation of Themistocles
for money. He had urged to them, that they
were impelled to make this application by two
powerful divinities, persuasion and necessity, who
could not possibly be refused. The Andrians re-
plied, that Athens might reasonably expect to
be great and prosperous from the protection of
such powerful deities, but that their island was
of itself poor and barren, and had withal un-
alterably attached to it two formidable deities,
poverty and weakness : that they, therefore, could
not be expected to supply them with money : the
strength of Athens, they added, could never be
greater in proportion than their weakness. In
consequence of this refusal and reply they were
uow besieged.
CXII. In the mean while the avarice of The-
mistocles appeared to be insatiable. He made
applications to all the oilier islands also for
money, using the same emissaries and language
as before to the iVndrians. In case of refusal,
he threatened to bring against them the forces
of Greece, and utterly destroy them. He by
these means obtained from the Carystians and
T 2
276 U R A N I A.
Pariaus an enormous sum of money. These peo-
ple hearing that the Andrians had heen distressed,
on account of their attachment to the Medes, and
being informed that Themistocles was the first in
rank and influence of all the Grecian leaders, were
terrified into comi)liance. Whether any of the
other islands gave him money or not, I will not
take upon me to decide, but I am inclined to
believe that some of them did. The Carystians,
however, did not by their compliance escape the
menaced calamity, whilst the Carians, by the ef-
fect of their bribes on Themistocles, avoided being
made the objects of hostilities. In this man-
ner Themistocles, beginning with the Andrians,
extorted money from the islanders, without the
knowledge of the other leaders.
CXIII. The land forces of Xerxes, after con-
tinuing on their former station, a few days after
the battle of Salamis moved towards Boeotia, fol-
lowing the track by which they had come. Mar-
donius thought proper to accompany the king, both
because the season of the year was improper for
any farther military exertions, and because he
preferred wintering in Thessaly, intending to ad-
vance to the Peloponnese on the commencement
of the spring. On their arrival in Thessaly, the
first care of Mardonius was to select, in pre-
ference to all the Persians, those called the Im-
mortals, excepting only their leader Hydarnes,
U U A N I A. ST7
who refused to leave the person of the king. Of
the other Persians he chose the Cuiias;siers, and
the body of a thousand horse : to these he added
all the forces, horse and foot, of the ^Medes, Sacae,
Bactrians, and Indians. From the rest of the
allies he selected only those who were distin-
guished by their advantages of person, or who
had performed some remarkable exploit. He
took also the greater part of those Persians who
wore collars and bracelets*; and next to these
the Medes, inferior to the Persians in force,
but not in number. The aggregate of these
troops, including the cavalry, was three hun-
dred thousand men.
CXIV. Whilst Mardonius was employed in
selecting his army, and Xerxes was still in Thes-
saly, an oracle was addressed to the Lacedaemo-
nians from Delphi, requiring them to demand
compensation of Xerxes for the death of Leoni-
das, and to accept of what he should oiFer. A
messenger was instantly dispatched from Sparta,
who came up with the army, the whole of which
was still in Thessaly, and being introduced to
Xerxes, thus addressed him : " King of the
" Medes, the I^acedajmouians and Heraclidai of
* Collars and bracelets.] — As marks of royal favour, and
rewards for service. — See an accouul of the loyal gifts of
Persia, in a note on the first book.
278 U R A N I A.
" Sparta '"^j claim of you a compensation for the
" death of their king, whom you slew whilst he
" was defending Greece." The king laughed at
this, and for some time returned no answer; till
at length, turning to ISIardonius, who stood near
him, " This man," says lie, " shall make you a
" becoming retribution." The herald receiving
this answer departed.
CXV. Xerxes, leaving JMardonius in Thessaly,
hastened towards the Hellespont. Within the
space of forty-five days he arrived at the place of
passage with a very inconsiderable number of
troops. But wherever these troops came, they
consumed, without any distinction, all the com
of the inhabitants, and when this failed, they fed
upon the natural produce of the earth, stripping
wild and cultivated trees alike, of their bark and
leaves, to such extremity of famine* were they
come. To this a pestilence succeeded, which
with the dysentery destroyed numbers in their
march. Xerxes distributed his sick through the
cities as he passed, recommending the care and
100 Hcradidcr of Sparta.'] — Herodotus expresses himself
thus, to distinguish the kings of Lacedcemon from those of
Argos and INIacedonia, who also were Herachdte, that is to
say, of the race of Hercules. — Lurcher.
* This explains the mystery of the retreat. The followers
of the camp had created a famine, as they generally do in
Eastern countries.
URANIA. 279
maintenance of them to the inhabitants. Some
were left in Thessaly, others at Siris in Paeonia,
others in Macedonia. At this last place, on his
march to Greece, Xerxes had left the sacred
chariot of Jupiter, which he did not find on his
return. The Pteonians had given it to the
Thracians ; but when Xerxes enquired for it
again, they told him that the mares, whilst
feeding, had been driven away by the people
of the higher Thrace, who lived near the source
of the Strymon.
CXVI. Here the king of Bisaltica and Cres-
tonia, a Thracian, did a most unnatural action.
Refusing to submit to Xerxes, he had retired to
the higher parts of mount Rhodope, and had
commanded his sons not to serve against Greece.
They, either despising their father, or curious to
see the war, had joined the Persian army. There
were six of them, and they all returned safe, but
their father ordered their eyes to be put out ; such
was the reward they received.
CXVII. The Persians, leaving Thrace, came
to the passage, where they eagerly crowded into
their vessels to cross to Abydos. The bridge of
vessels was no more, a tempest had broken and
dispersed it. Here meeting with provisions in
greater abundance than they had enjoyed during
their march, they indulged themselves so intem-
perately, that this, added to the change of water,
J280 U R A N I A.
destroyed a great number of those who remained ;
the rest Avitli Xerxes arrived at Sardis "".
CX\'^III. There is also another story. — It
is said that Xerxes, leaving Athens, came to a
city called Eion, on the banks of the Stiymon.
Hence he proceeded no farther by land, but en-
trusting the conduct of his forces to Hydarnes,
with orders to march them to the Hellespont, he
went on board a Phoenician vessel to cross over
into Asia. After he had embarked, a heavy and
tempestuous wind set in from the lake, which on
account of the great number of Persians on board,
attendant upon Xerxes, made the situation of
the vessel extremely dangerous. The king, in an
emotion of terror, enquired aloud of the pilot if
he thought they were safe ? " By no means,"
was the answer, " unless we could be rid of
" some of this multitude." Upon this Xerxes
exclaimed, " Persians, let me now see which of
" you has an affection for his prince ; my safety,
it seems, depends on you." As soon as he had
((
*"i Mr. Richardson, who rejects altogether the Grecian ac-
count of Xerxes, and his invasion of Greece, finally expresses
himself in these strong terms :
" To sum up all ; the expedition of Xerxes, upon the most
moderate scale of the Greek writers, seems to be inconsist-
ent with probability and the ordinary power of man. It
is all upon stilts ; every step we take is upon romantic
ground : nothing seems wanting but a few genii, to make
it in every respect an exceeding good Arabian tale. — Dis-
icrta/lons, Svo. 'M6.
URANIA. 281
spoken, they first bowed themselves before him,
and then leaped into the sea '"'*. The vessel being
thus lightened, Xerxes was safely landed in Asia.
As soon as he got on shore, he rewarded the
pilot with a golden crown, for preserving the life
of the king ; but as he had caused so many Per-
sians to perish, he cut off his head.
CXIX. This last account of the retreat of
Xerxes seems to deserve but little credit, for
many reasons*, but particularly from this catas-
trophe of the Persians who accompanied the
king. If Xerxes really made such a speech to
the pilot, I cannot hesitate a moment to suppose,
that the king would have ordered his attendants,
who were not only Persians, but men of the
1°^ Leaped into the sca.'\ — An anecdote not very unlike this,
and particularly characteristic of the spirit of British sailors,
is related of James the Second, when Duke of York, He
■was, by some accident, in imminent danger of being lost at
sea, but getting into the ship's boat, with a select number of
attendants, he, though with extreme difliculty, got safe to
shore. The honest crew, when they saw his highness landed
on the beach, gave him three chce. ', and in a few minutes all
went down, and perished. — T.
* The objection of Herodotus to the truth of this story,
seems to be founded on not reflecting that the Phoenician
rowerj5 were uuuh more essential to the safety of the vessels,
than the Persians. If the Persian nobles were volunteers in
the business, it shews the spirit of the nation, like the ser-
vants of the old man of the mountain : But the whole is a
foolish story, introduced to calumniate Xerxes. A ratutual
history of Xerxes is a great desideratum.
282 URANIA.
highest rank, to descend into the hold of the
ship, and would have thrown into the sea as
many Phoenician rowers as there were Persians
on board. But the truth is, that the king,
with the residue of his army, returned towards
Asia by land.
CXX. Of this there is a yet stronger proof
It is well known that Xerxes, on his return to
Asia, came to Abdera, with the inhabitants of
which he made a treaty of friendship, presenting
them with a golden scimitar, and a tiara richly
embroidered. The Abderites assert what does not
to me appear probable, that with them, Xerxes,
for the first time after his departure from Athens,
pulled off his garments, as being not till then re-
leased from alarm. Abdera is much nearer the
Hellespont than Strymon and Eion, where it is
said he went on board.
CXXI. The Greeks not succeeding in their at-
tempts upon Andros, attacked Carystus, and, after
wasting its lands, returned to Salamis. Here
their immediate care was to set apart as sa-
cred to the gods, the first fruits of their suc-
cess, among which were three Phoenician triremes.
One of these was deposited upon the isthmus,
where it continued within my memory ; a second
was placed at Sunium ; the third was consecrated
to Ajax, and reserved at Salamis. They then
U K A N I A. 283
proceeded to a division of the plunder, sending
the choicest to Delphi. Here a statue was
erected twelve cubits high, having in its hand
the beak of a ship ^"^ : it was placed on the same
spot where stands a statue in gold of Alexander
of Macedon.
CXXII. After these offerings had been pre-
sented at Delphi, it was enquired publicly of the
deity, in the name of all the Greeks, whether
what he had received, was perfect and satisfac-
tory to him. He replied, that from the Greeks
in general it was, but not from the .^ginetse, from
whom he claimed a farther mark of tlieir grati-
tude, as they had principally been distinguished
at the battle of Salamis. The people of ^gina,
on hearing this, consecrated to the divinity three
golden stars, which were fixed upon a brazen
mast, in the angle near the cistern of Croesus.
CXXni. After the division of the plunder,
the Greeks sailed to the isthmus, to confer the
reward of valour upon him who should be judged
to have been most distinguished during the war.
On their arrival here, the Grecian leaders seve-
103 Beak of a ship.'] — The first naval triumph at Rome was
commemorated in a similar manner. A pillar, or rather
trophy, was erected in the forum, compostd of the beaks of
ships taken from the enemy. — T.
284 URANIA.
rally inscribed their opinions, which they depo-
sited upon tlic altar of Neptune. They were to
declare wliom they thought the first, and whom
the second in merit : each individual inscribed his
own name, as claiming the first reward ; but a
great majority of them united in declaring The-
mistocles deserving the second. Whilst each,
therefore, had only his own suffrage for the first,
Themistocles had the second place awarded him,
by a great majority*.
CXXIV. Whilst the Greeks severally returned
to their homes, avoiding from envy to decide the
question for which they had purposely assembled,
Themistocles was not only esteemed, but cele-
brated through Greece as the first in sagacity
and wisdom. Not having been honoured by
those with whom he conquered at Salamis, he
retired for this purpose to , Lacedaemon : here
he was splendidly entertained '", and honourably
* Larcher on this passage makes the following quotation
from Cicero :
" Academico sapienti ab omnibus ceterarum sectarum qui
sibi sapientes viderentur, secundee partes dantur, cum primas
sibi quemque vindicare necesse sit. Ex quo potest probabiliter
conjici eum recte primum esse judicio suo, qui omnium cetero-
rum judicio sit secundus."
101 SpleiuUdly entertained.'] — This was the more remark-
able, and must have been a proof of the extraordinary regard
in which the character of Themistocles was held, as it was
URANIA. 285
distinguished. The prize of personal prowess
was assigned to Eiirybiades ; but that of wis-
dom and skill to Theniistocles, and each was
presented with an olive crown. To the latter
tliey also gave the handsomest chariot in Sparta ;
they heaped praises upon him, and when he re-
turned, three hundred chosen Spartans, of those
who arc called the knights '"^j were appointed to
attend him as fiir as Tegea. I know no other
example of the Spartans conducting any person
from their city.
CXX^". On his return from Laceda^mon to
Athens, Timodemus of Aphidna, a man chiefly re-
markable for his implacable enmity against The-
mistocles, denounced his visit to Sparta as a
public crime. The honours, he said, which he
had received at LaccdaDmon, were not bestowed
contrary to the genius of the Spartans, and the inveterate pre-
judices of that people. While at Athens there were some-
times known to be ten thousand foreigners of ditferent nations,
all of whom were treated with hospitahty and attention,
strangers were discouraged from visiting Sparta, and if ever
they ventured there, were considered as spies. — T.
105 T/ic Kjiig/its.] — The Greek word is nnreic; it neverthe-
less may fairly be doubted whether they served on horseback,
or whether it was not a term of honour only. It is certain the
country of liUcedajmon was ill adapted for cavalry ; that Xe-
nophon calls the few they had, 7roi'j;/)07-oro< ; and that none but
those who were wealthy possessed horses. See Larcher's ela-
borate note at this word. — 7'.
98G U R A N I A.
out of respect to him, but to Athens. Whilst
he was continuing his invectives, *' Friend," says
Themistoclcs, " the matter is thus ; if I had been
" a Belbinite '"", I shoukl not have been thus
" distinguished at Sparta, nor Avoukl you, al-
" though an Athenian."
CXXVI. At this juncture, Artabazus, son of
Pharnaccs, who had always had great reputation
among his countrymen, and particularly from his
conduct at Platea, accompanied the king with a
detachment of sixty thousand men of the army
which Mardonius had selected. When Xerxes
had passed the Hellespont, and iras arrived in
Asia, Artabazus returned, and encamped near
Pallene. Mardonius had taken up his winter
quarters in Thessaly and Macedonia, and as he
did not wish to have his camp enlarged by this
additional number, Artabazus thought it expe-
dient to take the opportunity now before him,
of cliastising the rebellious Potidasans. When
the king was gone, and the Persian fleet had
fled from Salamis, this people openly revolted
from the Barbarians; they of Pallene had done
the same.
^^^ Belbinite.'] — In the beginning of the chapter, Hero-
dotus tells us that this man was of Aphidna^ — Wesseling
thinks, that he might nevertheless be a Belbinite, though,
when made a citizen of Athens, he was enrolled in the tribe
of Aphidna;. — T.
URANIA. 287
CXXVII. Artabazus therefore laid siege to
Potidaea: distrusting the fidelity of the Olyn-
thiaiis, he attacked them also. Their city was
at this time possessed by the Bottiaeans, whom
the Macedonians had driven from the gulph of
Therma. Artabazus having taken their city, put
the inhabitants to death in a neighbouring marsh.
The government of the place he gave to Crito-
bulus of Torone: the Chalcidians thus became
masters of Olynthus.
CXXVIII. Having taken Olynthus, Arta-
bazus applied with greater ardour to the siege
of Potidaea. He contrived to induce Timoxenus,
the chief of the Scionaeans, to betray the town
into his hands. In what manner their corre-
spondence commenced I am not able to say, 1
can only speak of the event. Whenever they
wanted to communicate with each other, a letter
was rolled round a notch in an arrow, and, giv-
ing wings to this letter, it was shot off to a
place agreed upon. But the betrayer of Potidaea
was ultimately detected : Artabazus directed an
arrow to the concerted place, but it deviated
from its direction, and wounded a Potidaean in
the shoulder. A crowd, as is usual on such occa-
sions, surrounded the wounded man, who seeing
the letter connected with the arrow, carried it
immediately to the magistrates, with wliom their
Pallcnian allies were present. The letter was
288 URANIA.
read, and the traitor discovered ; it was not,
however, thought proper to inflict the deserved
punishment on Timoxenus, out of regard to his
country, and that the Scionseans might not in
future he stigmatized as traitors : hut it was in
tliis manner that the treacliery of Timoxenus
hecame known.
CXXIX. Artahazus had heen now three months
before Potidaea, when there happened a great over-
flowing of the sea, which continued for a consider-
able time. The Barbarians seeing the ground
become a swamp, retired to Pallene : they had al-
ready performed two-fifths of their march, and
had three more before them, when the sea burst
beyond its usual limits with so vast an inun-
dation, that the inhabitants, who had often wit-
nessed similar incidents, represent this as with-
out parallel. They who could not swim were
drowned ; they who could, were killed by the
Potidseans from their boats. This inundation,
and the consequent destruction of the Persians,
the Potida^ans thus explain. — The Barbarians,
they say, had impiously profaned the temple and
shrine of Neptune, situate in their suburbs, who
may therefore be considered as the author of
their calamity, which to me appears probable.
With the few who escaped, Artahazus joined the
army of Mardonius in Thessaly, and this was the
URANIA. 289
fate of those wlio coiidiicted Xerxes to the Hel-
lespont.
CXXX, The remainder of the fleet of Xerxes,
which flying from Salamis, arrived in Asia, after
transporting tlie king and liis forces from the Cher-
sonese to Abydos, mntered at Cyma. In the
commencement of the spring it assembled at Sa-
mos, where some other vessels had continued dur-
ing the winter. This armament was principally
manned by Persians and Medes, and was under
the conduct of IMardontes, the son of Bagseus,
and Artayntes, son of Artachaeus, whose uncle
Amitres had been joined to him as his colleague.
As the alarm of their former defeat was not yet
subsided, they did not attempt to advance farther
westward, nor indeed did any one impel them to
do so. Their vessels, with those of the lonians,
amounted to tlircc hundred, and they stationed
themselves at Samos, to secure the fidelity of Ionia.
They did not think it probable that the Greeks
would penetrate into Ionia, but would be satisfied
with defending their country. They were con-
firmed in this opinion, as the Greeks, after the
battle of Salamis, never attempted to pursue them,
but were content to retire also themselves. With
respect to their affairs at sea, the Persians were
sufficiently depressed; but they expected that
jMardonius would do great things by land. Re-
maining on their station at Samos, they consulted
Vol. IV. U
290 URANIA.
how they might annoy the enemy, and they anx-
iously attended to the progress and affairs of
Mardonius.
CXXXI. The approach of the spring, and
the appearance of Mardonius in Thessaly, roused
the Greeks. Their land army was not yet got
together, hut their fleet, consisting of a hundred
and ten ships, was already at iEgina, under the
command of Leutychides. He was descended in
a right line from Menares, Agesilaus, Hippo-
cratidas, Leutychides, Anaxilaus, Archidamus,
Anaxandrides, Theopompus, Nicander, Charilus,
Eunomus, Polydectes, Prytanes, Euryphon, Pro-
cles, Aristodemus, Aristomachus, Cleodaeus, Hyl-
lus, and lastly from Hercules. He was of the
second royal family, and all his ancestors, except
the two named after Leutychides, had been kings
of Sparta. The Athenians were commanded by
Xanthippus, son of Ariphron.
CXXXII. When the fleet of the Greeks had
arrived at ^gina, the same individuals who had
before been at Sparta to entreat the assistance of
that people to deliver Ionia, arrived among the
Greeks. Herodotus, the son of Basilides, was
with them ; they were in all seven, and had
together concerted the death of Strattes, tyrant
of Chios. Their plot having been discovered by
one of the accomplices, the other six had with-
URANIA. 091
drawn themselves to Sparta, and now came to
Mgina to persuade the Greeks to enter Ionia:
they were induced, though not without difficulty,
to advance as far as Delos. All beyond this, the
Greeks viewed as full of danger, as well because
they were ignorant of the country, as because
they supposed the enemy's forces were in all
these parts strong and numerous: Samos they
considered as not less remote than the pillars of
Hercules. Thus the Barbarians were kept by
their apprehensions from advancing beyond Sa-
mos, and the Greeks, notwithstanding the soli-
citations of the Chians, would not move farther
eastward than Delos. Their mutual alarm thus
kept the two parties at an equal distance from
each other.
CXXXIII. Whilst the Greeks thus moved to
Delos, INIardonius, who had wintered in Thessaly,
began to break up his quarters. His first step
was to send an European, whose name was INIys,
to the different oracles, ordering him to use his
endeavours, and consult them all. What it was
that he wished to learn from them I am unable to
say, for I have never heard; I should, however,
suppose, that he only intended to consult them on
the immediate state of his affairs.
CXXXIV. It is certain that this man went
to Lebadia, and by means of a native of the
V 2
292 URANIA.
country, wliom he bribed to' his purpose, de-
scended to the cave of Trophonius*; he went
also to tlie oracle of iVbas in Phocis ; he then
proceeded to Thebes, where, with the same cere-
monies as are practised in Olympia, he consulted
the Ismcnian Apollo ; afterwards he obtained per-
mission by means of his gold, of some stranger,
but not from a Theban, to sleep in the temple of
Amphiaraus. No Theban is here permitted to
consult the oracle ; for wh.cn Amphiaraus had
formerly submitted to their choice, whether they
would have him for their diviner, or for their
ally, they preferrexl having liim as the latter. On
this account no Theban is allowed to sleep in his
temple.
CXXXV. According to the account given me
by the Thebans, a remarkable prodigy at this
time happened. INIys, the European, having vi-
sited all the oracles, came to the temple of Apollo
Ptous. This, though so called, belongs to the
Thebans ; it is beyond the lake of Copais, at the
declivity of a mountain near Acraephia^'^'^ When
this Mys arrived here, he was attended by three
* For an account of the oracle of Trophonius, consult
book i. c. 46, and for that of Abas also.
^"■^ Acra-phia.^ — From this place Apollo had the name of
Acrcephius. — T.
URANIA. 293
persons of the place, appointed for the express
purpose of writing down the answer of the oracle.
The priestess immediately made reply to him in a
barbarous language'"', which filled those who were
present, and who expected the answer to be given
in Greek, with astonishment. Whilst his attend-
ants remained in great perplexity, Mys snatched
the tablets from their hands, and wrote down the
reply of the priestess, which, as afterwards ap-
peared, was in the Carian tongue : having done
this, he returned to Thessaly.
CXXXVI. As soon as the oracular declara-
tions had been conveyed to JVIardonius, he sent
Alexander the Macedonian, son of Amyntas,
ambassador to Athens. His choice of him was
directed from his being connected with the Per-
sians by ties of consanguinity. Bubares, a Per-
sian, had married Gygsea, sister of Alexander, and
daughter of Amyntas : by her he had a son, who
after his grandfather, by the mother's side, was
called also Amyntas, to whom the king had
presented Alabanda, a city of Phrygia. IMardo-
nius was farther influenced in employing Alex-
ander, from his being a man of munificent and
hospitable spirit. For these reasons he deemed
him the most likely to conciliate the Athenians,
108 Jiarhai-Qiis langiagc] — See chapter 18.
294 URANIA.
who were represented to him as a valiant and
numerous people, and who had principally con-
tributed to the defeats which the Persians had
sustained by sea. He reasonably presumed, that
if he could prevail on them to unite their forces
with his own, he might easily become master of
the sea. His superiority by land was in his opi-
nion superior to all resistance, and as the oracles
had probably advised him to make an alliance
with the Athenians, he hoped by these means
effectually to subdue the Greeks.
CXXXVII. Attending to this, he sent to
Athens Alexander, descended in the seventh de-
gree from Perdiccas, whose manner of obtaining
the throne of Macedonia I shall here relate : —
Three brothers, Gavanes, j^^ropus, and Per-
diccas, sons of Temenus, fled on some occasion
from Argos to Illyrium, from whence retiring to
the higher parts of JNIacedonia, they came to Lc-
baea. Here they engaged in the service of the
king, in different menial employments : one had
the care of his horses, another of the cattle, the
third and youngest, of the sheep. In remoter
times, the families even of kings had but little
money ^"^, and it was the business of the queen
^^ Little money.'] — In the time of the Trojan war, the use
of money was not known among the Greeks. Homer and
Hesiod do not speak of gold and silver money ; they express
URANIA. 295
herself to cook for her husband"'^. When the
bread prepared by the younger domestic, Per-
the value of things by saying, they are worth so many oxen
or sheep. They estimated the riches of a man by the number
of his flocks, and that of a country by the abundance of its
pastures, and the quantity of its metals. See the Iliad, vii.
466. — Pope's version :
Each in exchange proportioned treasures gave,
Some brass or iron, some an ox or slave.
Lucan attributes the invention of money (1. 6. v. 402.) to
Itonus, king of Thessaly, and son of Deucalion; others to
Ericthonius, king of Athens, who, as they say, was the son
of Vulcan, and had been brought up by the daughters of Ce-
crops. Aglaosthenes (in Julius Pollux) gives the honour of
this invention to the inhabitants of the island of Naxos,
The more received opinion is, that Phidon, king of Argos,
and contemporary with Lycurgiis and Iphitus, first introduced
the use of money in iEgina, to enable the people of .Egina to
obtain a subsistence by commerce, as their island was so
barren.
Neither gold nor silver were permitted at Laceditmon.
According to Athenajus, they gave the widow of king Po-
lydonus, who reigned about 130 years before Lycurgus, a
certain number of oxen to purchase a house. When Lysandor
plundered Athens, the Lacedaemonians began to have gold and
silver, but only for public necessities, the use of it amongst
individuals being forbidden on penalty of death.
Herodotus, 1. i. c. 94, says, that the Lydians were the first
who coined gold and silver money, and used it in com-
merce.
The treasuries of Croesus contained gold and silver only in
the mass. See Herodotus, b. vi. c. 125.
!'•' lor this note, see next page.
It
296 U R A N I A.
diccas, was baked, she always observed that it
became twice as big as before ; this she at length
communicated to her husband. The king im-
mediately considered the incident as a prodigy,
and as foreboding some extraordinary event.
He therefore sent for the brothers and com-
manded them to leave his territories. They told
him, it was but reasonable that they sliould first
receive what was due to them. Upon this the
king answered, as if heaven-struck, " I give you
" this sun," (the light of which tlien came
through the chimney) '' as proper wages for you."
Gavanes and iEropus, the two elder brothers,
on hearing this, were much astonished, but the
younger one exclaimed, " We accept, O king,
what you offer us:" Then taking the sword, for
he had one with him, he made a circular mark
It does not appear that the Persians had money before the
time of Darius, son of Ilystaspes. See Herod, 1. vi. l66.
1. ix. 40,
^10 Cook fur her k us band.]— A shaik, who has the com-
mand of five hundred horse, does not disdain to saddle and
bridle his own, nor to give him barley and chopped straw.
In his tent his wife makes the coffee, kneads the dough, and
superintends the dressing of the victuals: his daughters and
kinswomen wash the linen, and go with pitchers on their
heads, and veils over their faces, to draw water from foun-
tains. These manners agree precisely with the descriptions
in Homer, and the history of Abraham iu Genesis.—
Vul/uy.
URANIA. 297
with it upon that part of the ground on which
the sun shone, and having three several times re-
ceived the light upon his bosom, departed with
his brothers.
CXXXVIII. One of the king's porters in-
formed him of what the young man had done,
and of his probable design in accepting what was
offered. The king was much incensed, and im-
mediately dispatched some horsemen to kill them.
In this country is a river, near which the pos-
terity of those men who were originally from
Argos, offer sacrifices as to their preserver. This,
as soon as the Temcnidse had got to the oppo-
site bank, swelled to so great a degree that the
horsemen were unable to pass it. The Temenida;
arriving at another district of JNIacedonia, fixed
their residence near the gardens, said to belong
to Midas, the son of Gordius. In these a spe-
cies of rose* grows naturally, having sixty leaves,
and more than ordinary fragrance : here also, as
* Herodotus is the first author who makes mention of the
double rose; and it is a curious fact, that the Rho(Han and
other coins which have roses on them, are distinguished
by having five petals only. Some, however, have imagined,
that what are called roses on these coins, may be the plants ("f
the lotus.
Herodotus, it may be observed, speaks of the double rose,
as if it were of great rarity.
298 URANIA.
the Macedonians relate, Silenus^" was taken.
Beyond this place is a mountain, called Bermion,
which, during the winter, is inaccessible. The
Temenidse first settled here, and afterwards sub-
dued the rest of Macedonia.
CXXXIX. From the above Perdiccas, Alex-
ander was thus descended: he was the son of
Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alcetas, Al-
cetas of ^ropus, ^ropus of Philip, Philip of
Argaeus, Argaeus of Perdiccas, who obtained the
kingdom.
CXL. When Alexander arrived at Athens, as
^^^ Silenus.] — Most authors affirm that he was a satyr:
some confound the Sileni with the satyrs. Marsyas is called
Silenus by some writers, and a satyr by others. There was
certainly a difference betwixt them ; the Sileni were the elfJer
satyrs. — Lurcher .
According to Pausanias, book i. c. 23, the eldest of the
satyrs were called Sileni — r«? yap yjXiiciq. ruy ^arvpuv irporf
Kovrag ovo/uLaluan ^EiXyjyu^.
If the Sileni differed only from the satyrs in age, it is not
at all wonderful that authors have confounded them.
We learn from the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, 1. iv.
460, that there was a people of Arabia called SelenitJE. It
has been said that this name was taken by the Arcadians, to
confront the vain boast of the Athenians; see book vii. I
think that the name Sileni was assumed by the Arcadians
before they began to dispute antiquity with the Athenians.
A principal part of their possessions in Asia was called Sa-
lonum, and the cheese there made Caseus Salonites, words not
unlike Silenus and Selenita?. The name is preserved in Si-
lenus, the usual companion of Pan. — T.
URANIA. 299
deputed by Mardoiiius, he delivered the follow-
ing sjieech : " Men of Athens, INIardonius in-
** forms you by me, that he has received a com-
" mission from the king of the following im-
" port: * Whatever injuries the Athenians may
" have done me, I willingly forgive: return them
** therefore their country ; let them add to it
from any other they may prefer, and let them
enjoy their own laws. If they will consent to
enter into an alliance with me, you have my
orders to rebuild all their temples, which I
" have burned.' — It will be my business to do
" all this unless you prevent me: I will now
" give you my own sentiments : What infatua-
" tion can induce you to continue your hostilities
" against a king to whom you can never be
" superior, and whom you cannot always resist?
" you already know the forces and exploits of
" Xerxes ; neither can you be ignorant of the
army under me. If you shoidd even repel
and conquer us, of which if you be wise you
can indulge no hope, another army not infe-
" rior in strength will soon succeed ours. Do
" not, therefore, by endeavouring to render your-
** selves equal to so great a king, risk not only
" the loss of your native country, but the se-
*' curity of your persons : accept, therefore, of
" our friendship, and avail yourselves of the
" present honourable opportunity of averting the
" indignation of Xerxes. — Be free, and let us
u
a
SOO URANIA.
" mutually enter into a solemn alliance, without
" fraud or treachery. Hitherto, O Athenians,
" I have used the sentiments and language of
" Mardonius ; for my own part it cannot be ne-
** cessary to repeat what partiality I bear you,
" since you have experienced proofs of it before.
" Accept, therefore, the terms which Mardonius
offers you ; you cannot always continue your
opposition to Xerxes; if I thought you could,
" you would not now have seen me. The power
" of the king is prodigious'^", and extensive be-
" yond that of any human being. If you shall
" refuse to accede to the advantageous proposals
" which are made you, I cannot but be greatly
" alarmed for your safety, who are so much
" more exposed to danger than the rest of the
" confederates, and who, possessing the region
" betwixt the two armies, must be involved in
certain ruin. Let, then, my offers prevail with
" you as their importance merit, for to you alone
" of all the Greeks, the king forgives the in-
" juries he has sustained, wishing to become your
« friend."
CXLI. The Lacedaemonians having heard that
this prince was gone to Athens to invite the
112 Prodigious.] — As the word yup is used in Greek, so is
manus in Latin.
An nescis longas regibus esse nianus. — Larchcr.
((
URANIA. 301
Athenians to an alliance with the Persian, were
exceedingly alarmed. They could not forget the
oracle which foretold, that they, with the rest of
the Dorians, should be driven from the Pelopon-
nese by a junction of the INIedes with the Athe-
nians, to whom therefore they lost no time in
sending ambassadors. These w^ere present at
the Athenian council, for the Athenians had
endeavoured to gain time, well knowing that
the Lacedaemonians would learn that an ambas-
sador was come to invite them to a confederacy
with the Persians, and would consequently send
deputies to be present on the occasion ; they
therefore deferred the meeting, that the Lace-
daemonians might be present at the declaration
of their sentiments.
CXLIL When Alexander had finished speak-
ing, the Spartan envoys made this immediate re-
ply : " We have been deputed by the Spartans,
" to entreat you not to engage in any thing
" which may operate to the injury of our com-
" mon country, nor listen to any propositions of
" Xerxes ; such a conduct w ould not be cqui-
" table in itself, and would be particularly base
" in you, from various reasons : you were the
" first promoters of this war, in opposition to
" our opinion ; it was first of all commenced in
" vindication of your liberties, though all Greece
" was afterwards drawn into the contest. It will
30^ U R A N I A.
" be most of all intolerable, that the Athenians
" should become the instruments of enslaving
" Greece, who from times the most remote, have
*' restored their liberties to many. Your pre-
*' sent condition does not fail to excite in us
" sentiments of the sincerest pity, who, for two
" successive seasons, have been deprived of the
" produce of your lands, and have so long seen
" your mansions in ruin. From reflecting on
" your situation, we Spartans, in conjunction
" with your other allies, undertake to maintain,
" as long as the war shall continue, not only
your wives, but such other parts of your fa-
* milies as are incapable of military service.
Let not, therefore, this INIacedonian Alexan-
*' der, softening the sentiments of Mardonius,
" seduce you : the part he acts is consistent ;
" a tyrant himself, he espouses the interests of
*' a tyrant. If you are wise you will always re-
" member, that the Barbarians are invariably false
" and faithless."
CXLIII. After the above address of the Spar-
tans, the Athenians made this reply to Alexan-
der : " It was not at all necessary for you to
*' inform us, tliat the power of the Persians was
" superior to our own : nevertheless, in defence of
" our liberties, we will continue our resistance
" to the utmost of our abilities. You may be
*' assured that your endeavours to persuade us
<(
i(
URANIA. 303
" into an alliance with the Barharians never will
" succeed : tell, therefore, Mardonius, on the part
" of the Athenians, that as long as the sun shall
" continue its ordinary course, so long will we
" avoid any friendship with Xerxes, and so long
" will we continue to resist him. Tell him, we
" shall always look with confidence to the protect-
" ing assistance of those gods and heroes whose
" shrines and temples he has contemptuously
" destroyed. Hereafter do not you presume to
" enter an Athenian assemhly with overtures of
" this kind, lest whilst you appear to mean
" us well, you prompt us to do what is abo-
minahle "'. We are unwilling that you should
receive any injury from us, having been our
guest and our friend."
i(
((
CXLIV. The above was the answer given to
Alexander ; after which the Athenians thus spoke
to the Lacedaemonians : " That the Spartans
" should fear our entering into an alliance with
" the Barbarians seems natural enough ; but in
" doing this, as you have had sufficient tcsti-
*^^ IF/iat is ahominablcJ] — *' Our ancestors so loved their
country," says Lycurgus, " that they were very near stoniHg
Alexander, the ambassador of Xerxes, and formerly their
friend, because he required of them earth and water,"
It was the circumstance of their being united to him by the
ties of hospitahty, which induced tiic Atiienians to spare his
life. See my note on the ancient rites of hospitality.— 7'.
304 U R A iN I A.
" monies of Athenian firmness, you certainly did
" us injury. There is not upon earth a quan-
" tity of gold, nor any country so rich or so
" beautiful, as to seduce us to take part with the
" Modes, or to act injuriously to the liberties of
'* Greece. If of ourselves we were so inclined,
" there still exist many important circumstances
" to deter us : in the first place, and what is of
" all motives the most powerful, the shrines and
" temples of our deities, consumed by fire, and
" levelled with the ground, prompt us to the
*' prosecution of a just revenge, and manifestly
*' compel us to reject every idea of forming an
" alliance with him, who perpetrated these im-
" pieties. In the next place, our common con-
" sanguinity, our using the same language, our
" worship of the same divinities, and our prac-
" tice of the same religious ceremonies, render
" it impossible that the Athenians should prove
*' perfidious. If you knew it not before, be
" satisfied now, tliat as long as one Athenian
" shall survive, we will not be friends with
*' Xerxes ; in the mean time, your interest in
" our fortunes, your concern for the ruin of our
" mansions, and your offers to provide for the
" maintenance of our families, demand our gra-
" titude, and may be considered as the perfec-
" tion of generosity. We will, how^ever, bear
*' our misfortunes as we may be able, and not
" be troublesome to you ; be it your care to
URANIA. 305
" bring your forces into tlic field as expeditiously
"-^as possible; it is not probable that the Bar-
" barian will long defer his invasion of our coun-
" try, he will be upon us as soon as he shall be
" informed that we have rejected his proposals :
" before he shall be able to penetrate into Attica,
" it becomes us to advance to the assistance of
" Boeotia."
Vol. 1\'. X
HERODOTUS.
BOOK IX.
CALLIOPE.
CHAP. I.
N receiving this answer from
the Athenians, the amhassa-
dors returned to Sparta. As
soon as IMardonius heard from
Alexander the determination of
the Athenians, he moved from
Thessaly, directing hy rapid marches his course
towards Athens. Wherever he came, he fur-
nished himself with supplies of troops. The
princes of Thessaly were so far from repenting of
the part they had taken, that they endeavoured
still more to animate Mardonius. Of these,
X 2
«08 CALLIOPE.
Thorax ^ of Larissae^ who had atteiuled Xerxes in
his flight, now openly conducted INIardonius into
Greece.
II. As soon as the army in its progress arrived
at Bocotia, the Thebans received Mardonius.
They endeavoured to persuade him to fix his sta-
tion where he was, assuring him that a place
more convenient for a camp, or better adapted
for the accomplishment of his purpose, could not
be found*". They told him, that by staying here
he might subdue the Greeks without a battle. He
might be satisfied, they added, from his former
experience, that as long as the Greeks were
nnited, it would be impossible for any body of
men to subdue them. " If," said they, " you
" will be directed by our advice, you will be
*' able, without difficulty, to counteract their
" wisest counsels. Send a sum of money to the
1 Thorax.'] — lie was the son of Aleuas, and with his two
brolhers EurypyUis and Thrasydeiiis, were remarkable for
their attachment to Xerxes. — T.
2 Lariixce.] — There were several cities of this name in Asia
and in Europe. Strabo remarks, that it was something
peculiar to the Larisscei, both of Europe and Asia, tbat the
ground or soil of their settlements was alike in three places,
at the rivers Cayster, Hermus, and Peneus. It was yj/
TTOTafio^utTog, land thrown up by the river.
* Probably because they knew that the region of Attica
was not well adapted to the movements of cavalry.
C A L L I O P E. 309
" most powerful men in each city: you will thus
" create anarchy in Greece, and by tlie assistance
*' of yonr partisans, easily overcome all oppo-
" sition."
III. This was the advice of the Thebans, which
JMardonius was prevented from follow ing ', partly
bv his earnest desire of bccomino; a second time
master of Athens, and partly by his pride. He
was also anxious to inform the king at Sardis, by
means of fires ^ dispersed at certain distances
along the islands, that he had taken Athens.
Proceeding therefore to Attica, he found it totally
3 From following.] — Diodorus Siculus assures us on tlie
contrary, that Mardonius, whilst in Boeotia, did actually send
money to the Peloponiiese, to detach the principal cities from
the league.
4 Fires.] — I have before spoken on this subject, and in-
formed my reader, how in remoter times intelligence of ex-
traordinary events was communicated from one place to
another by reason of tires. The word here is irvpixuiai, which
Larcher renders torches, and adds in a note the following
particulars :
" Men placed at different distances gave notice of whatever
happened. The first who saw any thing gave warning of it
by holding up lighted torches; the second held up as many
torches as he had seen ; the tliiril and the rest did the same :
by which means intelligence was communicated to a great
distance in a short space of time." — T.
Larcher had his information about the signals by fire from
Onosandcr Strategui.
310 CALLIOPE.
deserted; the inhabitants, as he was informed,
being either at Salamis or on board the fleet. He
then took possession of Athens a second time, ten
months after its capture by Xerxes.
IV. Whilst he continued at Athens, he dis-
patched to Salamis, Murichides, a native of the
Hellespont, with the same propositions that Alex-
ander the JNIacedonian had before made to the
Athenians. He sent this second time, not that
he was ignorant of the ill-will of the Athenians
towards him; but because he hoped, that seeing
Attica effectually subject to his power, their firm-
ness would relax.
V. Murichides went to the council, and de-
livered the sentiments of Mardonius. A senator
named Lycidas gave his opinion, that the terms
offered by Murichides were such as it became
them to listen to, and communicate to the people ;
he said this, either from conviction, or seduced
by the gold of Mardonius ; but he had no sooner
thus expressed himself, than both the Athenians
who heard him, and those who were without,
rushed with indignation upon him, and stoned
him ^ to death. They dismissed JMuri chides with-
5 Stoned him.l — A man of the name of Cyisilus had ten
months before met a similar fate, for having advised tlie
people to stay in their city and receive Xerxes. The
Athenian women in like manner stoned his wife. Cicero
C A L L I O r E. 311
out injury. The Athenian women soon heard of
the tumult which had been excited at Salamis on
account of Lycidas, when in a body mutually sti-
mulating each other, they ran impetuously to his
house, and stoned his wife and his children.
VI. These were the inducements with the
Athenians for returning to Salamis: as long as
they entertained any expectation of assistance
from the Peloponnese, they staid in Attica ; but
when they found their allies careless and inactive,
and that Mardonius was already in Boeotia, they
removed with all their effects to Salamis. At the
mentions the same fact, probably from Demosthenes. — See
Demost. Orat. pro Corona. — Lurcher.
The stoning a person to death was in remoter times not
only resorted to by the people, to gratify their fury against an
obnoxious character, but it had the sanction of law, and was
a punishment annexed to more enormous crimes. The ex-
treme barbarity of it is too obvious to require discussion ; we
accordingly find it gradually disused as civilization extended
its powerful influence. Within these last centuries, in all the
distractions of civil, or the tumults occasioned by religious
fanaticism, we meet with no example of any one's being stoned
to death. A modern traveller informs us, that lapidalion,
or stoning to death, is a punishment at this time inflicted in
Abyssinia, for crimes against religion. — T.
Very soon after the first edition of this work was published,
the women of Paris, better distinguished by the name of
Poissardes, in every particular imitated this brutality, and
whoever difl'ered with them in opinion wore exposed to the
danger of the Lantcrne.
312 CALLIOPE.
same time they sent envoys to Lacedsemon, to
complain that the Spartans, instead of advancing
with them to meet the Barbarian in Boeotia, had
suffered him to enter Attica. They told them by
what liberal offers the Persian had invited them
to his friendship ; and they forewarned them, that
if they were not speedy in their communication
of assistance, the Athenians must seek some
other remedy. The Lacedaemonians were then
celebrating what are called the Hyacinthia^,
which solemnity they deem of the highest im-
portance ; they were also at work upon the wall
of the Isthmus, the battlements of which were
already erected.
VII. The Athenian deputies, accompanied by
those of INIegara and Platjea, arrived at Lacedae-
mon, and being introduced to the Ephori ', thus
addressed them : " We have to inform you, on
^ Hyacinthia.'] — A particular description of this solemnity,
is given by Athenajus in his fouith book. They were cele-
brated in memory of the beautiful Hyacinthus, whose story
must be sufficiently familiar; and they were accompanied by-
games in honour of Apollo. They continued three days, and
were exhibited at Amycla?, in Laconia. — T.
7 Ephori.'] — Of the Ephori I have before spoken at some
length, but I omitted to mention that the principal Ephorus
was called Eponymus, as the principal Archon was at Athens,
and for the same reason, because from him the year was
named tfopivovroi tcv cuvu. — T.
CALLIOPE. 513
*^ the part of the Athenians, that the king of the
" Medes has expressed himself \villing to restore
" us our country, and to form an alliance ^ith
*' us on equitable terms, without fraud or collu-
" sion : he has also engaged to give us any other
*• country which we may choose in addition to
" our own. We, however, though deserted and
*' betrayed by the Greeks, have steadily refused
" all his offers, through reverence for the Gre-
" cian Jupiter", and from detestation of the
crime of treachery to our countrymen. A^^c
arc sensible that it would be more to our
advantage to accept the Barbarian's offered
" fricndsliiii, than to continue the object of his
" hostilities ; w^e shall ho-aever be very unwilling
" to do so. Thus far we have discharged our
" duty to the Greeks with sincerity and candour ;
" but you, vvho were so greatly alarmed at the
" possibility of our becoming the confederates of
*' Persia, when once you were convinced that we
" should continue faithful to Greece, and when
" you had nearly completed the wall on the
" Isthmus, thought no farther of us nor of our
" danger. You had agreed with us jointly to
'^ Grecian Jupiter.] — Puusanias in Corinthiis, c. xxx.
speaks of a temple erected to this Jupiter on a mountain
called Panhellenium : It was said to have been erected by
^acus. There was also a festival called the Panellenia,
celebrated by an assembly of people from the diflereut parts
of Greece. — T.
a
i(
314 C A L L I O P E.
<(
meet the Barbarian in Boeotia ; bnt you never
fulfilled the engagement, considering the en-
trance of the enemy into Attica, as of no im-
portance. The Athenians therefore confess,
that they are incensed against you, as having
violated your engagements. We now require
" you instantly to send us supplies, that we may
" be able to oppose the Barbarian in Attica.
*' We have failed in meeting him in Boeotia : but
" we think the plains of Thria'^, in our own
*' territories, a convenient and proper place to
" offer him battle."
VIII. The Ephori heard, but deferred an-
swering them till the next day ; when the morrow
came, they put them off till the day following,
and this they did for ten days successively. In
this interval, the Peloponnesians prosecuted with
great ardour on the Isthmus, their work of the
wall, which they nearly completed. Why the
Spartans discovered so great an anxiety on the
9 Tkria.] — This was a village in Attica. — See Span de
jPugis Alticis. Athens had ten gates, the largest of which,
probably because the entrance to the city from Thria, were
called I'ortas Thriasiaj. See Meursius, Atticce Lectiones. The
same gates were afterwards called Dipylon. — See Plutarch in
Pcriclc. Ylapa rac Qpiaaiut; TrvXac aivvv AnrvXoy ovoua-
i^oyrai. It was also called the sacred gate, and was that
through which Sylla entered from the Pirceus. It was named
moreover the gate of Ceramicus. — -T.
C A L L I O r E. 315
arrival of Alexander at Athens, lest the Athe-
nians should come to terms with the INIcdcs, and
why now they did not seem to concern themselves
about them, is more than I am able to explain,
unless it was that the wall of the Isthmus was
unfinished, after which they did not want the aid
of the Athenians : but when Alexander arrived
at Athens, this work was not completed, although
from terror of the Persians they eagerly pur-
sued it.
IX. The answer and motions of the Spartans
were finally these : on the day preceding that
which was last appointed, a man of Tegea, named
Chileus^", who enjoyed at Lacedajmon greater
reputation than any other foreigner, enquired
from one of the Ephori what the Athenians had
said; which when he knew, he thus addressed
them : " Things, O Ephori, are thus circum-
" stanced. If the Athenians, withdrawing from
" our alliance, shall unite with the Persian,
^° Ckileus.'] — Plutarch, in the Essay so often quoted, takes
occasion in this place severely to reprobate Herodotus. Ac-
cording to the historian, says he, we are taught to believe,
that if any private business had kept Chilcus at home, or if
the rights of private hospitality had not accidentally subsisted
betwixt this man and some of the Ejjhori, the splendid victory
at PlatEea never would have happened. Surely it could not be
necessary to inform a man of Plutarch's wisdom, that from
causes equally insignificant, events not less important than the
one here recorded have proceeded. — T.
316 C A L L I O P E.
" strong as our wall on the Isthmus may he, the
" enemy will still find an easy entrance into
*' the Peloponnese. Let us therefore hear them,
" before they do any thing which may involve
" Greece in ruin."
X. The Ephori were so impressed by what
Chileus had said, that without communicating
with the deputies of the different states, whilst it
was yet night, they sent away a detachment of
five thousand Spartans, each accompanied by
seven Helots, under the conduct of Pausanias,
son of Cleombrotus. The command properly
belonged to Plistarchus ", son of Leonidas; he
was yet a child, and Pausanias was his guardian
and his uncle*. Cleombrotus, the son of Anax-
andrides, the father of Pausanias, died very soon
after having conducted back from the Isthmus,
the detachment which constructed the wall. He
had brought them back, because, whilst offering a
sacrifice to determine whether he should attack
the Persian, an eclipse^' of the sun had hap-
11 FUstarchiis.'] — This prince, according to Pausanias, died
at a very early age, and was succeeded by the Pausanias here
mentioned. — T.
* See book i. c. Jl.
12 An eclipse.'] — That an e(:Hpse in the early ages of igno-
rance and superstition should be deemed an inauspicious omen
seems \cry natural. A partial deprivation of light or heat,
CALLIOPE. 317
pencd. Pausanias selected as his assistant in
commantl, Euryanactes, son of Doricns, who was
his relation.
XT. With these forces Pansanias left Sparta :
the deputies, ignorant of the matter, when the
morning came went to the Ephori, having pre-
viously resolved to return to their respective
cities : " You, O Lacedaemonians," they ex-
claimed, ^" lingering here, solemnize the Hyacin-
" thia, and are busy in your public games, basely
" deserting your allies. The Athenians, injured
contrary to their ordinary experience, and beyond their
ability to account for and explain, must to untutored minds
have had the appearance of preternatural interposition, and
have seemed expressive of divine displeasure.
Mr. Sclden makes no scruple to assert, that the authors of
the melancholy rites instituted in Phrygia, in honour of
Adonis, had no other meaning than to represent thereby the
access and recess of the sun. ylttes Hyes, Hyes Attes, was
the set form of exclamation used in these mysteries, which,
as explained by liochart, means, tu es ignis, ilk est ignis, is
consistent with Selden's opinion, and justifies us in con-
cluding, that ignis, fire or heat, whether solar or any other,
whether real or symbolical, was the chief thing intended and
pointed at in these mysteries. Neither is it perhaps un-
worthy of remark, that Ezekiel was carried to the north
door of the temple, to behold the women lamenting Thammuz
or Adonis.
" Then he brought me to the door of the gate of the
Lord's house, which was towards the north, and behold,
there sat women weeping for Thammuz." — Ezck. viii. 15,
—T,
tilH C A L L I O r E.
" by you, and but little assisted by any, will
" make their peace uitli the Persians on the best
" terms they can obtain. When the enmity
*' betwixt us shall have ceased, and we shall
*' become the king's allies, we sliall fight with
*' him wherever he may choose to lead us: you
*' may know therefore v/hat consequences you
" have to expect." In answer to this declaration
of the ambassadors, the Ephori protested upon
oath, that they believed their troops were al-
ready in Orestium, on their march against the
strangers ^^; by which expression they meant the
Barbarians. The deputies, not understanding
them, requested an explanation. When the mat-
ter was properly represented to them, they de-
parted with astonishment to overtake them, ac-
companied by five thousand armed troops from the
neighbourhood of Sparta.
•\r
II. Whilst these were hastening to the
^^ The strangers, S^c. Barbarians.'] — I have before re-
marked, that the ancients used the word Barbarians in a
much milder sense than we do. In the sense in which it is
here used, it occurs in the following classical lines of
]\Iilton :
High on a throne of royal state, which fur
Outshone the wealth of Ormus or of Ind,
Or where the gorgeous east with richest hand
Show'rs on her king barbaric pearl and gold,
Satan exalted sat. T.
CALLIOPE. 319
Isthmus, the Argives'*, as soon as they heard of
the departure of Pausanias at the head of a
body of troops from Sparta, sent one of their
fleetest messengers to Mardonius in Attica. They
had before undertaken to prevent the I^aceda^-
monians from taking the field. When the herald
arrived at Athens, " I am sent," said he to INIar-
donius, " by the Argivcs, to inform you that the
" forces of Sparta arc already on their march,
" and we have not been able to prevent them ;
" avail yourself therefore of this information."
Saying this, he -returned.
XIII. Mardonius, hearing this, determined
to stay no longer in Attica. He had continued
until this time, willing to see what measures the
Athenians would take; and he had refrained
from offering any kind of injury to the Athenian
lands, hoping they would still make peace with
him. When it was evident that this was not to
be expected, he withdrew his army, before Pau-
sanias and his detachment arrived at the Isthmus.
^'* The Argivcs.'] — Eustathius in Dionys. informs us that
Apis having cleared ttie Peloponnesus of serpents, named it
from himself Apia. He was afterwards deified, and thence
called Serapis, all which has a manifest allusion to the great
idol of the ^Egyptians. From these serpents probahly this
part of the Peloponnese was called Argus, for Argus, accord-
ing to Hesychius, was used synonymously with Ophis, Ser-
pens. — See Hesychius at the word A«x;(h. But this is mere
conjecture. — T.
^320 C A L I. I O r E.
He (lid not however depart without setting fire to
Athens ''', and levelling with the ground whatever
of the walls, buildings, or temples, still remained
entire. He was induced to quit his station, be-
cause the country of Attica was ill adapted for
caA-ahy, and because in case of defeat he had no
other means of escape but through straits, where
a handful of men might cut off his retreat. He
tlicreforc determined to remove to Thebes, that he
might have the advantage of fighting near a con-
federate city, and in a country convenient for his
cavalry,
XIV. IVIardonius was already on his march,
when another courier came in haste to inform
him, that a second body of a thousand Spartans
Avns moving towards INIegara. He accordingly
deliberated how he might intercept this latter
party. Turning aside towards JNIegara '\ he sent
15 Fire at Athens.'] — The fate of Athens has been various.
It was first burned by Xerxes; the following year by Mar-
donius; it was a third time destroyed in the Peloponnesian
war ; it received a Roman garrison to protect it against Philip,
son of Demetrius, but was not long afterwards ravaged and
defaced by Sylla ; in the reign of Arcadius and Honorius, it
was torn in pieces by Alaric, king of the Goths, and is now
as obscure and insignificant as it was once famous and
splendid. When in its glory, the circumference of the walls
of the city alone was seven miles and a half. Modern Athens
is called Athini, and sometimes Setines. — T.
^^ Megara,] — Was at the point of middle distance betwixt
CALLIOPE. 321
on liis cavalry to ravage tlie Megarian lands.
These were the extreme limits, on the western
parts of Europe, to which the Persian army-
penetrated *.
XV. Another messenger now came to tell him,
that the Greeks were assembled with great strength
at the Isthmus ; he therefore turned back throush
Decelea. The Boeotian chiefs had employed their
Asopian neighbours as guides, who conducted
INIardonius first to Sphendalcas, and thence to .
Tanagra. At Tanagra, Mardonius passed the
night, and the next day came to Scolos, in the
Theban territory. Here the lands of the Thebans,
though the friends and allies of the Medes, were
laid waste, not from any enmity, but from the
' Athens and Corinth : it took its name either from Megaras,
a son of Neptune, or IMegareus, a son of Apollo. It wJis the
native place of Euclid the Socratic, and of Theognis. There
was a place of the same name in Sicily. The Megara here
mentioned retains its ancient name. — T.
This people enjoyed no great degree of reputation, as ap-
pears among other instances from an oracle preserved in
Suidas, the purport of which is this :
You people of Megara are neither the third, the fourth, or
even the twelfth in rank, in short yeu are good for nothing,
ovT iv apidjxu.
* How IS this to be reconciled with the fact? for the Per-
sians were at Delphi and in Phocis, which is much more to
the west. Probably, says Rennell, Herodotus was speaking
only of their progress from Attica.
V^OL. I\'. Y
322 CALLIOPE.
urgent necessities of the army. The general was
desirous to fortify his camp, and to have some
place of refuge in case of defeat. His camp
extended from Erythraj, by Hysise, as far as
Plataea, on the banks of the Asopus. It was
protected by a wall, which did not continue the
whole extent of the camp, but which occupied a
space of ten stadia in each of the four fronts.
Whilst the Barbarians were employed on this
work, Attaginus, the son of Phrynon, a Theban,
gave a magnificent entertainment, to which Mar-
donius and fifty Persians of the highest rank were
invited. They accepted the summons, and the
feast was given at Thebes.
XVI. What I am now going to relate, I re-
ceived from Tersander, an Orchomenian, one of
the most esteemed of his countrymen. He in-
formed me, that he v/as one of fifty Thebans
whom Attaginus at the same time invited. They
were so disposed at the entertainment, that a
Theban and a Persian were on the same couch ^^
17 On the same couch.] — The ancients, in more remote
times, sat at table as we do. Homer represents people as
sitting round a table. Yet the custom of reclining on a
couch at meals must have been practised very early, as is
evident from this passage of Herodotus. The Romans also,
in the earlier times of the republic, sat ; and Montfaucon, ex-
pressing his surprise at this, enquires what could possibly
induce the Romans, as they became more luxurious and
CALLIOPE. 323
After tlie feast they began to drink cheerfully,
when the Persian, who was on the same couch,
asked him in Greek, " What countryman he
was ?" he replied, " An Orchomenian." " Well,"
answered the Persian, " since we have feasted
" together, and partaken of the same libations "',
" I would wish to impress upon your mind somc-
voluptuous, to adopt a custom much less convenient and
easy. He proceeds to give the following reason from Mer-
curialis, who says, that they first began to eat in a reclining
attitude when the use of the bath became fashionable; it
was their custom to bathe before supper; after bathing to
lie down, and have their supper placed before them ; it soon
became universally the practice to eat in that posture. Me-
liogabalus had his sleeping beds and table beds of solid
silver. — See Montfaucon, vol. iii. 74:, See also Ilarmer's
Observations on Passages of Scripture, from which I extract
the following :
" The Persian carvings at Persepolis frequently exhibit a
venerable personage sitting in a sort of high-raised chair,
with a footstool ; but the later sovereigns of that country
have sat with their legs under them, on some carpet or
cushion laid on the floor, like their subjects. Two very an-
cient colossal statues in ^^gypt are placed on cubical stones,
in the same attitude we make use of in sitting." In like
manner, we find the figures on the ancient Syrian coins are
represented sitting on seats, as we do. — T.
^^ Same libatiuns.] — The Greek is ofiomrovcor, which per-
haps might as well have been rendered drank of the same
cup. This expression occurs with great beauty and effect in
the lively allegorical description which Nathan gives David
of his conduct. " It did eat of his own meat, and drank of
his oivn Clip," &ic. — T.
Y 2
324 CALLIOPE.
" thing which may induce you to remember me,
" and at tlie same time enable you to provide
" for your own security. You see the Persians
" present at this banquet, and you know what
" forces were encamped upon the borders of the
" river; of all these in a short interval very few
** will remain." Whilst he was saying this, the
Persian wept. His neighbour, astonished at the
remark, replied : " Does it not become you to
" communicate this to Mardonius, and to those
" next him in dignity ?" *' My friend," returned
the Persian, " it is not for man to counteract the
" decisions of Providence. Confidence is seldom
" obtained to the most obvious truths. A mul-
" titude of Persians think as I do ; but, like me,
" they follow what it is not in their power to
" avoid. Nothing in human life is more to be
" lamented, than that a wise man should have so
" little influence." This information I received
from Thersander the Orchomeniau, who also told
me that he related the same to many, before
the battle of Plataea.
XVII. Whilst Mardonius was stationed in
Bceotia, all the Greeks who were attached to the
Persians supplied him with troops, and joined
him in his attack on Athens ; the Phoceans alone
did not: these had indeed, and with apparent
ardour, favoured the JVIedes, not from inclina-
tion but necessity. A few days after the enter-
CALLIOPE. 325
tainment given at Thebes, tliey arrived with a
thousand well armed troops under the command
of Harmocydes, one of their most popular citi-
zens. JNIardonius, on their following him to
Thebes, sent some horsemen, commanding them
to halt by themselves in the plain where they
were: at the same moment, all the Persian ca-
valry appeared in sight. A rumour instantly
circulated among those Greeks who were in the
Persian camp, that the Phoceans were going to
be put to death by the cavalry. The same also
spread through the Phoceans ; on which account
their leader Harmocydes thus addressed them:
" My friends, I am convinced that we are des-
" tined to perish by the swords of these men,
" and from the accusations of the Thessalians.
" Let each man therefore prove his valour. It is
" better to die like men, exerting ourselves in oiu"
" own defence, than to suffer ourselves to be slain
" tamely and without resistance: let these Bar-
" barians know, that the men whose deaths they
" meditate are Greeks.
XVIII. With these words Harmocydes ani-
mated his countrymen. When the cavalry had
surrounded them, they rode up as if to destroy
them: they made a shew of hurling their wea-
pons, which some of them probably did. The
Phoceans upon this closed their ranks, and on
every part fronted the enemy. The Persians,
326 CALLIOPE.
seeing this, faced about and retired. 1 am not
able to decide wlietber,- at the instigation of the
Thessalians, the Phoceans were actually doomed
to death; or whether, observing them determined
to defend themselves, the Persians retired from
the fear of receiving some injury themselves, and
as if they had been so ordered by Mardonius,
merely to make experiment of their valour.
After the cavalry were withdrawn, an herald
came to them on the part of Mardonius ; " Men
" of Phocis," he exclaimed, " be not alarmed;
" you have given a proof of resolution which
" Mardonius had been taught not to expect;
" assist us therefore in the war with alacrity,
" for you shall neither out-do me or the king in
" generosity." The above is what happened
with respect to the Phoceans.
XIX. The Lacedgemonians arriving at the
Isthmus '^ fortified their camp. As soon as this
^^ At the Isthmus.'] — Diodorus Siculus says, that the Pelo-
ponnesians, arriving at the Isthmus, agreed without reserve
to take the following oath :
"I will not prefer life to liberty; I will not desert my
commanders, living or dead; I will grant burial to all the
allies who shall perish in the contest; after having van-
quished the Barbarians, I will not destroy any city which
contributed to their defeat ; I will not rebuild any temple
which they have burned or overturned ; but I will leave
CALLIOPE. 327
was known to the rest of the Peloponncsians, all
wore unwilling to be surpassed by the Spartans,
as well they who were actuated by a love of
their country, as they who had seen the Lacedae-
monians proceed on their march. The victims
which were sacrificed having a favourable appear-
ance, they left the Isthmus in a body, and came
to Eleusis. The sacrifices at this place being
again auspicious, they continued to advance,
having been joined at Eleusis by the Athenians,
who had passed over from Salamis. On their
arrival at Erythrae, in Boeotia, they first learned
that the Barbarians were encamped near the
Asopus ; consulting upon which, they marched
forwards to the foot of Mount Cithaeron '^^
XX. As they did not descend into the plain "\
them in their present condition, as a monument to posterity
of the impiety of the Barbarians."
Lycurgus says, and with greater probability, that this oath
was taken by the confederates ofPlatasa. — Lycurg. contra
Leocreton. The oath is there preserved, but it differs in some
respect; it adds, " I will decimate all those who have taken
part with the Barbarians." — Lurcher.
20 Cithtron.l — This place was particularly eminent for the
sacrifices to Bacchus. — See Virg. JEn. v. 301.
Qualis commotis excita sacris
Thyas ubi audito stimulant trieterica Baccho
Orgia, nocturnusque vocat clamore Citha?ron. T.
^^ Into the plain.] — Plutarch relates some particulars pre-
vious to this event, which arc worth transcribing.
Whilst
S2S CALLIOPE.
Mardoiiius sent the whole of his cavah-y against
them, under the command of IMasistius, called by
the Greeks Macisius. He was a Persian of dis-
tinction, and was on this occasion mounted on a
Nisaean horse", decorated witlv a bridle of gold,
and other splendid trappings. When they came
near the Greeks, they attacked them in squa-
drons, did them considerable injury, and by way
of insult called them women.
Whilst Greece found itself brought to a most delicate
crisis, some Athenian citizens of the noblest families of the
place, seeing themselves ruined by the war, and considering
that with their effects they had also lost their credit and their
influence, held some secret meetings, and determined to
destroy the popular government of Athens ; in which project
if they failed, they resolved to ruin the state, and surrender
Greece to the Barbarians. This conspiracy had already made
some progress, when it was discovered to Aristides. He at
first was greatly alarmed, from the juncture at which it
happened ; but as he knew not the precise number of
conspirators, he thought it expedient not to neglect an
affair of so great importance, and yet not to investigate it
too minutely, in order to give those concerned opportunity to
repent. He satisfied himself with arresting eight of the
conspirators; of these, two as the most guilty were imme-
diately proceeded against, but they contrived to escape.
The rest he dismissed, that they might shew their repentance
by their valour, telling them, that a battle should be the
great tribunal to determine their sincere and good intentions to
their country. —Plutarch's Life of Aristides.
22 Nisean liorse.] — These horses are mentioned as remarkable
for their size, in Thalia, c. 136. Strabo says, book the 11th,
that they were used by kings, being the best and largest breed,
ApitTToig ov<n Kcti jueyiaTOK; ; they are said to have been all of
a golden colou.r, iiyin ^avOctij iruaar, — T.
CALLIOPE. 329
XXI. The situation of the Megarians being
most easy of access, was most exposed to the
enemy's attack. Being hardly pressed by the
Barbarians, they sent an herald, who thus ad-
dressed the Grecian commanders: " We Me-
" garians, O allies, are unable to stand the shock
" of the enemy's cavalry in our present posi-
" tion : nevertheless, though closely pressed, we
" make a vigorous and valiant resistance. If
" you are not speedy in relieving us, we shall
" be compelled to quit the field.'' After this
report of the heralds, Pausanias wished to see if
any of the Greeks would voluntarily offer them-
selves to take the post of the JNIegarians. All
refused, except a chosen band of three hundred
Athenians, commanded by Olympiodorus the son
of Lamp on.
XXII. This body, which took upon itself the
defence of a post declined by all the other Greeks
encamped at Erythrae, brought with them a band
of archers. The engagement, after an obstinate
dispute, terminated thus : The enemies' horse at-
tacked in squadrons ; the steed of Masistius
being conspicuous above the rest, was wounded
in the side by an arrow; it reared, and becoming
unruly from tlie pain of the wound, threw its
rider. The aVthcnians rushed upon him, seized
the horse, and, notwithstanding his resistance,
killed Masistius. In doing this, however, tlicy
330 C A L L I O P E.
had some difficulty, on account of his armour.
Over a purple tunic he wore a breast-plate co-
vered with plates of gold. This repelled all their
blows, which some person perceiving, killed him
by wounding him in the eye'\ The death of
Masistius was unknown to the rest of his troops ;
they did not see him fall from his horse, and
were ignorant of his fate, their attention being
entirely occupied by succeeding in regular squa-
drons to the charge. At length making a stand,
they perceived themselves without a leader. Upon
this they mutually animated each other, and
rushed in with united force upon the enemy, to
bring off the body'* of Masistius.
XXIII. The Athenians seeing them advance
2S hi the eye.] — Plutarch, in his Life of Arislides, says that
Masistius was killed by a wound through the opening of his
helmet.
-* Bring off the body.'\ — This was considered as a high point
of honour in ancient military service. Some of the finest
passages of Homer are found in his descriptions of battles
about the dead bodies of the slain. The superstitious ideas
which prevailed, from the circumstance of a deceased relative's
not receiving the rites of burial, are beautifully employed by
Sophocles in his Antigone. It seems a very natural impulse,
but I remember no other instance where the Persians appear
to have been tenacious with respect to this prejudice. Their
obstinacy on this occasion might increase in the proportion in
which they saw it exercised by their adversaries. On the
customs of the Persians, with respect to their dead, see book i.
c. cxl. and note ^'^5. — T.
CALLIOPE. 331
no longer in successive squadrons, but in a col-
lected body, called out for relief. While the
infantry were moving to their support, the body
of IMasistius was vigorously disputed. While
the three hundred were alone, they were com-
pelled to give ground, and recede from the body;
but other forces coming to their relief, the cavalry
in their turn gave way, and, with the body of
their leader, lost a great number of their men.
Retiring for the space of two stadia, they held a
consultation, and being without a commander,
determined to return to Mardonius.
XXIV. On their arrival at the camp, the death
of Masistius spread a general sorrow through the
army, and greatly afflicted Mardonius himself.
They cut off the hair from themselves, their
horses, and their beasts of burden, and all Boeotia
resounded with their cries and lamentations. The
man they had lost was, next to Mardonius, most
esteemed by the Persians and the king. Thus
the Barbarians, according to their manner, ho-
noured the deceased Masistius.
XXV. The Greeks having not only sustained
but repelled the attacks of the cavalry, were in-
spired with increasing resolution. The body of
Masistius, which from its beauty and size de-
served admiration, they placed on a carriage.
33« CALLIOPE.
and passed through the ranks'^, while all quitted
their stations to view it. They afterwards de-
termined to remove to Plataea; they thought
this a more commodious place for a camp than
Erythrse, as well for other reasons as because
there was plenty of water. To this place, near
which is the fountain of Gargaphie, they re-
solved to go and pitch a regularly fortified camp.
Taking their arms, they proceeded by the foot of
Cithaeron, and passing Hysiae, came to Platsea.
They drew themselves up in regular divisions of
the different nations, near the fountain of Gar-
gaphie'^ and the shrine of the hero Androcrates ^,
some on a gently rising ground, others on the
plain.
XXVI. In the arrangement of the several na-
2^ Through the fmiks.] — Thus in the twenty-second book of
the lUad, Achilles directs the body of Hector to be carried for
inspection through the Grecian army :
Meanwhile ye sons of Greece in triumph bring
The corpse of Hector, and your Pa?ans sing;
Be this the song, slow moving toward the shore ;
Hector is dead, and Ilion is no more. T.
26 Gargaphie.] — This place is celebrated in poetic story
for being the place where Actseon was devoured by his
dogs. — T.
-^ Jndrocrates.] — Androcrates had been anciently a Pla-
ta'an commander.
CALLIOPE. 333
tions, a violent dispute arose betwixt the Te-
geans and Athenians, each asserting their claim
to one of the wings, in vindication of which they
appealed to their former as well as more recent
exploits. The Tegeans spoke to this effect :
" The post which we now claim has ever been
" given us by the joint consent of the allies, in
" all the expeditions made beyond the Pelopon-
" nese : we not only speak of ancient but of
" less distant periods. After the death of Eu-
" rystheus, when the Heraclidae " made an at-
*' tempt to return to the Peloponnese, the rank
" we now vindicate was allowed us on the
" following occasion : In conjunction with the
" Acheans and lonians, who then possessed the
" Peloponnese, we advanced as allies to the Isth-
" mus, encamping opposite to those who were en-
" dcvavouriuir to return. At that time Hvllus
'* made a proposition not to risk the safety of
" the two armies, but that the Peloponnesians
" should select the bravest man of all their army
" to engage him in single combat, upon certain
" terms. The Peloponnesians assented, and an
2« HeraclidcB.'\ — This speech of the Tegeatai does not to me
seem remarkably wise. They had better, I should suppose,
have spoken but very tenderly of their exploits against the
Heraclidaj in the presence of their immediate descendants, who
to punish their arrogance might naturally enough assign the
sirperiority to their rivals, although their pretenbions were not
so well founded, — Laixher.
334 C A L L I O r E.
" oath was taken to this effect : If Hylhis con-
" quercd the Peloponiiesian chief, the HeracHdae
" should be suffered to resume their paternal
" inheritance ; if Hyllus was vanquished, the
" Heraclidse were to retire, nor during the
" space of one hundred years, make any effort
" to return to the Peloponnese. Echemus the
" son of (Enopus, and grandson of Phegeus "',
" our leader and prince, was selected on this
" occasion by the voice of all the confederates.
" He encountered Hyllus, and slew him. From
" this exploit, the Peloponnesians of that period
" assigned us many honourable distinctions which
" we still retain, and this in particular, that as
" often as any expedition shall be made by their
"joint forces, we should command one of the
" wings. With you, O Lacedaemonians, we do
" not enter into competition, we are willing that
" you should take your post in which wing you
" think proper ; the command of the other, which
" has so long been allowed us, we now claim.
" Not to dwell upon the action we have recited,
" we are certainly more worthy of this post than
" the Athenians. On your account, O Spartans,
" as well as for the benefit of others, we have
*' fought again and again with success and glory.
29 Phegeus.^— Larcher, on the authority of Pausanias, pro-
poses to read Cepheus, and I think it ought to he so. Cepheus
was one of the Argonauts.
I
C A L L I O FE. 385
" Let not then the Athenians be on this occasion
" preferred to us ; for they have never in an
" equal manner distinguished themselves in past
" or in more recent periods."
XXVII. The Athenians made this reply :
" We are well aware, that the motive of our
" assembling here is not to spend our time in
" altercations, but to fight the Barbarians ; but
" since it has been thought necessary to urge on
" the part of the Tcgeata^ their ancient as well
" as more recent exploits, we feel ourselves
" obliged to assert that right which we receive
*' from our ancestors, to be preferred to the lir-
*' cadians as long as we shall conduct ourselves
" well. Those HeraclidcT, whose leader they
" boast to have slain at the Isthmus, after being
" rejected by all the Greeks with whom they
" wished to take refuge from the servitude of
" the people of Mycenae, found a secure retreat
" with us alone. In conjunction with them we
" chastised the insolence of Eurystheus, and ob-
" tained a complete victory over those who at
" that time possessed the Pcloponnese. The
" Argives, who under Polynices fought against
" Thebes, remaining unburicd ^'\ we undertook
'0 Unburied.] — The sentiments of the ancients, with re-
spect to the bodies of the dead remaining unburied, cannot
336 C*A L L I O P E.
" an expedition against the Cadm,eans, recovered
" the bodies, and interred them in our country
" at Eleusis ^\ A farther instance of our
" prowess was exhibited in our repulsion of
be better expressed than in the following lines of Homer,
which I give in the version of Pope. The shade of Patroclus,
in the 23d book, thus addresses Achilles :
And sleeps Achilles (thus the phantom said)
Sleeps my Achilles, his Patroclus dead?
Living, I seem'd his dearest tenderest care ;
But now forgot, I wander in the air.
Let my pale corpse the rites of burial know,
And give me entrance in the realms below ;
Till then the spirit finds no resting place.
But here and there the unbody'd spectres chase
The vagrant dead around the dark abode,
Forbid to cross th' irremeable flood.
Now give thy hand : for to the farther shore,
When once we pass, the soul returns no more ;
AVhen once the last funereal flames ascend.
No more sliall meet Achilles and his friend, &c.
Upon this translation of Mr. Pope I may be excused re-
marking, that in the fourth line, the expression, " I wander
in the air," is not in Homer. Homer contents himself with
saying, " You did not neglect me living, but dead." The
seventh line also is not in Homer: "Till then the spirit,"
&c. it is implied perhaps, but certainly not expressed. It ^
may seem cavilling to quarrel with the epithet " irremeable"
in the tenth hne : I can only say it is not in Homer, who
merely says virtp Trorafxoto, over the river. " For to the
farther shore, when once we pass," in lines eleven and twelve,
are not found in Homer. — T.
31 At Eleusis.] — Pausanias, as well as Herodotus, asserts
that these bodies were interred at Eleusis. — Pausa/i. 1. i.
c. 39.
C A L L I O 1* E. 337
" tlic Amazons''', wlio advanced from the river
" Thermodon, to invade Attica. We were no
" less conspicnons at tlie siege of Troy*. But
" this recital is vain and nseless ; the people
" who were then illustrious might now be base,
" or dastards then, might now be lieroes. Enough
" therefore of the examples of our former glory,
" thou<]:h we are still able to introduce more and
" greater ; for if any of the Greeks at the battle
" of IVIarathon merited renown, we may claim
" this, and more also. On that day we alone
" contended with the Persian, and after a glo-
'• rious and successful contest were victorious
" over an army of forty-six different nations ;
" which action must confessedly entitle us to the
" post wc claim ; but in the present state of
" affairs, all dispute about rank is unseasonable ;
*' we are ready, O Lacedaemonians, to oppose the
" enemy wherever you shall choose to station us.
*' W^hcrever we may be, wc shall endeavour to
" behave like men. Lead us on therefore, wc are
" ready to obey you."
32 Amazons.] — Concerning the Amazons, see book Mel-
pomene, chap. ex.
See also Rennell on the Geography of Herodotus, p. 91 and
p. 204.
* This is one other, among innumerable evidences, that
the siege of Troy was universally believed in the remotest
periods to have existed.
Yr.l. IV. Z
338 CALLIOPE.
XXVIII. When the Athenians had thus de-
livered their sentiments, the Lacedsemonians were
unanimous in declaring that the Arcadians must
yield to the people of Athens the command of
one of the wings. They accordingly took their
station in preference to the Tegeata^. The
Greeks who came afterwards, with those who
were present before, were thus disposed. The
Lacedaemonians, to the number of ten thousand,
occupied the riglit wing ; of these, five thousand
were Spartans, who w^ere followed by thu*ty-five
thousand Helots lightly armed, allowing seven
Helots to each Spartan. The Tegeatae, to the
number of fifteen hundred, were placed by the
Spartans, next themselves, in consideration of
their valour, and as a mark of honour. Nearest
the Tegeatge, w^ere five thousand Corinthians,
who, in consequence of their request to Pau-
sanias, had contiguous to them three hundred
Potidaeans of Pallene. Next in order were six
hundred Arcadians of Orchomene, three thou-
sand Sicyonians, eight hundred Epidaurians, and
a thousand Troezenians. Contiguous to these last
were two hundred Lepreatae ; next to whom
were four hundred Myceneans and Tirynthians.
Stationed by the Tirynthians were in regular
succession, a thousand Phtiasians, three hundred
Hermionians, six hundred Eretrians and Sty-
reans : next came four hundred Chalcidians,
CALLIOPE. 339
five hundred Ampraciatse, eight hundred Leu-
cadians and Anactoriaus ; to whom two hundred
Paleans of Cepballenia, and five liundred iEgi-
netae, successively joined. Three thousand Me-
gareans and six hundred Platscans were conti-
guous to the Athenians, who to the number of *
eight thousand, under the command of Aristides,
son of Lysimaclms, occupied the left wing at the
other extremity of the army.
XXIX. The amount of this army, inde-
pendent of the seven Helots to each Spartan,
was thirty-eight thousand seven hundred men,
all of them completely armed and drawn toge-
ther to repel the Barbarian. Of the light-armed
troops were the thirty-five thousand Helots, each
well prepared for battle, and thirty-four thou-
sand five hundred attendant on the Lacedaemo-
nians and other Greeks*, reckoning a light-
armed soldier to every man ; the whole of these
therefore amounted to sixty-nine thousand five
hundred.
XXX. Thus the whole of the Grecian anny
* Let it be remembered, to tbc honour of Greece, that on
this occasion, the Greeks, whose number only amounted to
110,000, were opposed by 50,000 of their treacherous coun-
trymen. Some noble sentiments of llennell on the subject of
this invasion of Xerxes, I have before quoted. See his Geog.
of Herod, p. 320, 321, &c.
z 2
340 C A L L I O P E.
assembled at Plataea, including both the heavy
and the light-armed troops, was one hundred
ci<»ht thousand two hundred men ; addins; to these
one thousand and eight hundred Thespians who
were with the Greeks, but without arms, the
complete number was one hundred and ten thou-
sand. These were encamped on the banks of the
Asopus ^\
XXXI. The Barbarian army having ceased
to lament Masistius, as soon as they knew that
the Greeks were advanced to Plataea, marched
also to that part of the Asopus nearest to it ;
where they were thus disposed by Mardonius.
Opposed to the Laceda3monians vvere the Per-
sians, who, as tliey were superior in number,
fronted the Tegeat^ also. Of this body the select
part was opposed to the J^acedaemonians, the
3s Of the Asopiis.J — All ingenious plan of this battle, which
may give llie reader a general idea of the respective situa-
tions of the two armies, may be seen in the Voyage du Jeune
Anacharsis, In the description of places, every succeeding
observation of ditTerent travellers confirms the fidelity and
accuracy of Herodotus. On this subject Mr. Wood speaks
thus : " 1 would not encourage that diffidence in Herodotus
which has already been carried too far. Were I to give my
opinion of him, having followed him through most of the
countries which he visited, I would say, that he is a writer
of veracity in his description of what he saw, but of credulity
in his relations of what he //card." — 7'.
CALLIOPE. 311
less effective to the Tcgeatae. In making which
arrangement, Mardonius followed the advice of
the Thebans. Next to the Persians were the
Medes, opposed to the Corinthians, Potidasans,
Orchomenians, and Sicyonians. The Bactrians
were placed next, to encounter the Epidaurians,
Troezenians, Lepreatas, Tirynthians, ]\Iyceneans,
and Phtiasians. Contiguous to the Bactrians the
Indians were disposed, in opposition to the Her-
mionians, Eretrians, Styreans, and Chalcidians.
The Sacae, next in order, fronted the Ampra-
ciata?, Anactorians, Leucadians, Paleans, and
JEginctss. The Athenians, Plateaus, and Me-
gareans were ultimately faced by the Boeotians,
Locrians, Melians, Thcssalians, and a thousand
Phoceans. All the Phoceans did not assist the
Medes ; some of them about Parnassus, favoured
the Greeks, and from that station attacked and
harassed both the troops of Mardonius and those
of the Greeks who were with him. The Mace-
donians and Thessalians were also opposed to the
Athenians.
XXXII. In this manner P^iardonius arranged
those nations who were the most numerous and
the most illustrious ; with these were promis-
cuously mixed bodies of Phrygians, Thracians,
Mysians, Pseonians, and others. To the above
might be added the .Ethiopians, and those
iEgyptians named Hermotybians and Calasi-
34.^ CALLIOPE.
rians ^*, who alone of that country follow the pro-
fession of arms. These had formerly served on
hoard the fleet, whence they had heen removed
to the land forces by Mardonius when at Pha-
lerum : the ^Egyptians had not heen reckoned
with those forces which Xerxes led against
Athens. We have before remarked, that the
Barbarian army consisted of three hundred thou-
sand men ; the number of the Greek confederates
of Mardonius, as it was never taken, cannot be
ascertained ; as far as conjecture may determine,
they amounted to fifty thousand. Such was the
arrangement of the infantry ; the cavalry were
posted apart by themselves.
XXXIII. Both armies being thus ranged in
nations and squadrons, on the following day
offered sacrifices. The divine on the part of the
Greeks was Tisamenus, the son of Antiochus,
who had accompanied the Grecian army in this
character. He vv^as an Elean, of the race of
"•^ Hcniiotijbians and Culdnlrians.'] — See book Euterpe, c.
clxiv. p. l6"5 and 16'S.
These were the only tribes of the ^Egyptians who followed
the profession of arms. The pilots I'nd seamen formed a
totally distinct class. The proportion of actual sailors on
board the ships of the ancients, was very small; and probably
their manoeuvres, as they never went to any very greatdis tance
from shore, were not very complicated.
CALLIOPE. 343
Jamidae ^\ and of the family of Clytiadse, but
had been admitted to the rights of a Lacedae-
monian citizen. Having consulted the oracle at
Delphi, concerning his offspring, the Pythian
informed him he should be victorious in five
remarkable contests. Tisamenus not understand-
ing this, a])plied himself to gymnastic exercises,
presuming that from these he was to expect re-
nown and victory : becoming, therefore, a com-
petitor in the Pentathlon, he carried off all the
prizes, except that of wrestling ^^ in which he
was foiled by Hieronymus, an Andrian. The
Lacedaemonians, however, applying the oracular
declaration to Tisamenus not to gymnastic but
military contests, endeavoured to prevail on him
by money to accompany their kings, the Hera-
35 Jainidcc.'] — The families of the Jamidae, Clytiadai, and
Telliadffi, seem to have been all soothsayers, with som.e spe-
cific distinction. Cicero, in his book de Divinat. makes a dif-
ference betwixt the Jamidae and the Clytiadae.
Wesseling thinks the text of Herodotus is in this place
corrupt. OfJamus, the founder of this family, it may farther
he remarked, that his mother being secretly delivered of him,
concealed him among some rushes and violets, from whence
he had the name of Jamus, lov, Ion, signifying a violet.
This is Larcher's account, who refers the reader to Pindar,
Olymp. vi. ver. 90. — It nevertheless seems very far-
fetched. — T.
36 Except that of xircsfliiio;.] — See Pausanias, 1. iii. c. xi.
where the same thing is said of this personage.
SU CALLIOPE.
clidjc, as a leader in their warlike enterprizes.
lie, observing tliat his friendship was of im-
portance to the Spartans, endeavoured to make
the most of it ; he told them, that if they would
admit him to all the privileges of a citizen of
Sparta, they might expect his services, otherwise
not. The Spartans were at first incensed, and
for a time neglected him ; hut when the terror
of the Persia]! army was impending, they ac-
ceded to his terms. Tisamenus seeing them thus
changed, encreased his demand ^^, and insisted
upon their making liis brother Hegies also a ci-
tizen of Sparta.
XXXIV, In this conduct he seems to have
imitated the example of Melampus, except that
the one claimed a throne, the other the rights of
a citizen. IMclampus was invited from Pylos by
the Argives, for a certain proposed compensa-
tion, to remove a kind of madness which pre-
vailed among their women. The Argives, on
•'57 Encreased his demand.] — The story of the Sibylline books
will here occur to the reader. A woman came to Tarquin
with nine books of the oracles of the Sibyls, which she offered
to sell: the king hesitating about the price, she went away
and burned three of them, and then came and asked the same
price for the remaining six : Tarquin again refused to accede
to her demand; she accordingly went away, and burned three
more, and returning, still asked the same price. — The augurs
advised the king to pay her, and preserve the books as sacred,
which was done. — T.
CALLIOPE. 3i5
his requiring half of their kingdom'"', disdained
and left him ; but as the disease continued to
spread still farther among their females, they re-
turned to him, accepting his terms : he observing
this change, extended his views, refusing to ac-
complish what they desired, unless they would
also give a third part to his brother Bias : the
Argives, compelled by necessity, granted this
also.
•■is Half of their kingdom.'] — These men sometimes sold
their knowledge at a very high price. There were diviners
and soothsayers in all parts of Greece; but Elis of the Pelo-
ponnese was particularly remarkable for two families, the
Jamida; and the Clytiada;, who for many generations trans-
mitted the art of divination from father to son. — See Cicero
de Divinat. 1. i. c. 41. — T.
JNIelampus is thu 
