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n 



1 



HPOAOTOT IZTOPIQN 

H. e, 1 

nOATMNIA OTPANIA KAAAIORH 



MACMILLAN AND CO^ Limitbd 

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA 
MBLBOCRNB 

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

NBW TORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO 
ATLANTA • BAN FRANCISCO 

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. 

TORONTO 



HEKODOTUS 

THE SEVENTH, EIGHTH, & NINTH BOOKS 

WITH 

INTRODUCTION, TEXT, APPARATUS, COMMENTARY, 
APPENDICES, INDICES, MAPS 



BY 



REGINALD WALTER MACAN, D.Lirr. 

UNIVBB8ITT RKADXB IN ANCIBNT HISTOBT 

1CA8TKB (SOmTIMB FBLLOW AND TUTOR, FORMSRLT SCHOLAB) OF 

UNIVXBSITT COLLBOB, OXFORD 



VOL. L— PART I 
INTRODUCTION, BOOK VII. (TEXT AND COMMENTARIES) 



MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED 

ST, MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 

1908 



107189 



TRIBUS VIRIS ILLUSTRIBUS 

HENRICO STEIN 

HENRICO VAN HERWERDEN 

ALUREDO HOLDER 

HOC VOLUMBN 

D.D.D. 

EDITORIBUS EDITOR 



PREFACE 

The present publication completes a task undertaken upwards of 
twenty years ago, and but partially absolved in 1895 by the 
issue of an edition, in the same series, of 7%« Fowrth, Fifth, and 
Sixth Books of Herodotus. The most obvious difference in 
method between the two works is the addition of an Apparatus 
Criticus to this volume. That Apparatus, however, makes no 
pretence to independent authority. Fully aware that fresh colla- 
tions of some of the Codices are desirable, I could have wished 
in particular to have had something better and more recent in 
relation to the Bancroft MS. than Gaisford^ (1840) to work 
upon. Nan omnia possfwmus omnes. I dare not face such 
further delay of this publication as was involved in a thorough 
collation, and I could not guarantee the results of a perfunctory 
reading. If the present work have any special or novel merits, 
they will be discovered in some other directions ; yet I am not 
without a hope that the printed text may prove a convenience, 
and the synthesis of the labours of previous editors, presented 
by the Apparatus, lack neither interest nor utility for those to 
whom these volumes are addressed. 

Commentary and Appendices may claim to present a good 
deal more than a mere synthesis of the labours of others ; yet 
I despair, even with recourse to an Index Auctorvm, of 
acknowledging adequately my obligations to previous and con- 
temporary scholars and historians. I have nowhere consciously 
exploited another man's work without acknowledgement; but 



viii HERODOTUS 

now and again virtue has peradventure flowed over me from 
masters unknown or forgotten. Thirty years have I lectured 
and taught in the University upon the topics treated in these 
volumes, and have doubtless profited directly and indirectly by 
the winged words of fellow-students, at home and abroad : I am 
no longer able to father my every thought upon its * first and 
only better/ Moreover, what scholar has not known again 
and again old ideas rediscovered and proclaimed as novelties, in 
perfect good fedth ? It has happened to me also to encounter, 
in print or viva voce, points or parallels which I could almost 
have sworn were my very own. The jealous scramble for 
priority of publication in the well-worked fields of Herodotean 
research were a little difficult to justify ; and the attempt here 
to enumerate items which I believe to be fresh and original in 
my own work, a sorry speculation : so woefully would omitted 
articles and unconsidered bagatelles depreciate the claim. I 
shall be more than content if the comparatively small number 
of readers — all I can hope for — who are capable of a judgement 
in the matter, find my work serviceable and interesting. It is 
addressed to the friends of Hellenic studies: except for that 
appeal, it has been accomplished through long years, amid many 
conflicting duties, and latterly under some physical disabilities, 
purely for its own sake, and as a debt of honour — alrruie Matri 
mUrida — to the University of Oxford, which in according me 
a quasi-professorial position upon her staff, laid silently upon me 
(as I understood) an obligation to diminish, so feir as in me lay, 
the reproach — ^perhaps a trifle antiquated — of sterility, still too 
often levelled against her resident sons. 

Somewhat full analyses, or Tables of Contents, are prefixed 
to the Introduction and to the Appendices in these volumes; 
but, without recourse to the Indices, it will not be possible for 
those who consult the work to assemble all the references bearing 
upon the almost innumerable topics discussed. In particular, 
the argument of the Introduction is constantly enforced, and 
supplemented, in Commentary and Appendices, and it is only. 



PREFACE ix 

for example, in Index IV. that the fuller references for ' the 
priority of the last three Books' in Composition, or the 
hypothesis of the ' three Drafts/ and so forth, are to be found. 
I fear, indeed, that I have not always succeeded in avoiding 
unnecessary repetitions: at least one such case of superfluity 
affronts me in the paraUel passages on the Hellespontine Bridges. 
The passage in the CommejUary was printed first; and yet it 
seemed impossible, when the Bridges loomed up in the Appendix, 
to be content with a simple reference back to the Commentary, 
leaving an obvious lacuna and inconsequence in the sustained 
argument of the section : but I would fain hope that this case 
is all but unique. Exception may be taken to my inconsistencies 
in transliterating proper names, and to discrepancies between the 
spelling in my text and that upon some of my Maps. Such 
objections in part affect the mystery of book-making, and your 
author is hardly quite a free agent, or responsible : in part, such 
discrepancies, which never leave the real objective in any doubt, 
seem to me almost negligible quantities. If that is not enough, 
I will make bold to say that, had I the whole work to do over 
again, I would be, if you please, even more pedantic in such 
matters, and enforce a transliteration of Greek proper names as 
exactly as Grote and Browning did : * Herodotus,' though I have 
adhered to it, is an abomination to me, and 'Thucydides' — 
which the Anglo-Saxon pronounces * Theusydidese' — an absurdity. 
But perhaps what might most loudly call for an apology is 
the audacity of my dedications. I have ventured to inscribe the 
first volume of this Ex voto to the three distinguished Editors 
on whose foimdations my Apparatus is in the main erected ; and 
with the second volume I have dared couple the names of three 
distinguished fellow-countrymen of my own, all brilliant ex- 
positors of old Greek life and letters. They will not, I hope, 
be shocked if I say in defence that Herodotus had in him the 
makings of a very decent Irishman, just as Thucydides might 
pass, of course, for a typical John Bull. But, as I may call them 
in some sort, all three, friends of long standing, they will forgive 



X HERODOTUS 

me when they find their names — that is, their good examples 
and courageous spirit — associated with my work. Had Sir 
Richard Claverhouse Jebb been still within hearing of such an 
Ave, I might have claimed a like indulgence for the unauthorized 
use of his name. 

I have to acknowledge with cordial thanks the care and 
acuteness with which an old friend and former pupil, Mr. 
Gteorge Buckland Green, now a Master at the Academy School 
in Edinburgh, has assisted me in the correction of the proofs of 
this work. My gratitude is due to Messrs. R & R Clark, 
of Edinburgh, and to their accomplished and learned staff, for 
the accuracy and unfailing courtesy with which the lengthy 
business of printing these volumes has been conducted, and to 
the House of 'Edward Stanford,' for the pains bestowed upon 
the maps in the second volume. Last, and not least, I desire to 
record my grateful sense of the patience and kindness with 
which my publishers, and in especial Dr. George A. Macmillan, 
have endured a long-drawn engagement, from which neither 
publisher nor author can expect to derive pecuniary advantage ! 

REGINALD W. MACAN. 

Oxford, December 1907. 



CONTENTS 




Part I 

IinaoDuenoN 

§ I. Unity of the last three Books of Herodotus 
§ 2. Justification of ihe existing subdivisions 
§ 3. Characteristic and Analysis of Bk 
§ 4. Characteristic and Analysis of Bk. 8 
§ 5. Characteristic and Analysis of Bk. 9 
§ 6. Is the work of Herodotus incomplete, or unfinished ? 
i. Brevity of Bk. 9 does not prove an affirmative 
ii. Peculiarities of Bk. 9 not due to lack of finish 
iii. Siege of Sestos a good finale in itself 
iv. No ancient authority regarded the work as un- 
finished ...... 

V. TO. MrfSiKa as a technical term . 
vi. Unfulfilled promises do not prove it . 
vii. References to the PerUekontaeteris disprove it 
viii. Inconsistencies, etc, do not prove it . 
ix. General plan of the work as a whole disproves it 
X. Priority of Bks. 7, 8, 9 in composition support 
the view that the work is complete 
§ 7. General considerations in support of the priority of 

Bks. 7, 8, 9 

i. Existing order of the Books not necessarily the 

original order of composition of the Logoi . 

ii Case of Bk. 2 (the Egyptian Logoi) and other 

Excursuses ...... 

iii. Probability that the Persian war was the original 
theme ....... 



PAGE 
XV 

XV 

xviii 

xix 

xxvii 

xxxiv 

xl 

xl 

xl 

xl 

xU 
xli 
xli 
xlii 
xlii 
xliii 

xliv 

xlv 

xlv 

xlvi 

xlvii 



HERODOTUS 



(1) Novelty of the subject at the time 

(2) Literary influences in the last three Books 

(3) Religious tone of the narrative . 

(4) Early influences on the education of 

Herodotus 

(5) Accessibility of the Sources 

(6) Style of Herodotus based on the vox vwa . 
§ 8. Particular passages favourable to the priority of Bks. 7, 

8, 9 

a. Three canons, or caveats — 

i. Inconsistencies due to inconsistent Sources 
ii. Evidences obliterated by Revision 
iii. Problem more biographical than historical 
6. Classification of passages — 

i. Events of the PenUkontaiteris 
ii. References to previous Books 
iiL Absence of such references 
iv. Passages in Bks. 7, 8, 9 which clash with 

passages in Bks. 1-6 . 
V. Omissions in Bks. 1-6 due to passages in 

Bks. 7, 8, 9 . 
vi. The use of the Patronjrmic 

§ 9. Marks of successive Redactions in Bks. 7, 8, 9 
Absence of notes of travel .... 
The three Drafts (the second, or ' Thurian ') . 
Revisions of the last three Books attested by — 
i. The hiatus in the contemporary references 
ii. The general tone of the volume 
iii. Specific passages (26 instances) . 

§ 10. The Sources : analysis inconclusive 

i. AfUopm, or first-hand evidence 
ii. Oral inquiry and information . 
iii. Documentary and literary materials 

§ 11. Defects and Merits of Herodotus hidorieiu 
in Bks. 7, 8, 9 

L Fictitious elements : the Speeches 
ii. Exaggeration : Numbers . 
iiL Shortcomings : in re miUtoH 
iv. Shortcomings : in re jntblicn 
V. Aneodotage : Lust ru fahulieren 
vi. Teratology : signs and wonders 



I exhibited 



PAOB 

xlvii 
xlviii 
xlviii 

xlviii 
xlix 
xlix 



1 
1 
U 

Ii 
liii 
liv 

Iv 

Ivii 
Ix 

Ixi 
Ixi 
Ixii 

Ixiv 
Ixv 
Ixvi 

Ixvii 

Ixviii 

Ixx 

Ixxii 

Ixxvi 
Ixxvii 
Ixxxi 
Ixxxii 
Ixxxiii 
Ixxxv 
Ixxxvi 



CONTENTS xiii 



PAOB 



viL Honesty, and freedom from bias . Ixxxvii 

yiiL Empiricism, respect for matters of fact . Ixxxviii 

iz. Critidsm, and rational effort .... Ixxxix 

X. Geography, its excellence ..... xcii 

xL Chronology, its relative excellence xciii 

xiL Anthropology, its importance .... xciii 

§ 12. The false and the true estimates of Herodotus and his 

work xdv 

The Apologetic view xciv 

The Literary view ...... xcv 

Herodotus Prineeps ...... xcvi 

NoTS ON THB Text xcix 

Book YIL Poltmnia 1 



Pabt II 

Book YIII. Ourakia 357 

Book IX. Ealliopb 595 



INTRODUCTION 

§ 1. The seventh, eighth, and ninth Books, or ' Muses,' constitute 
a distinct part, or section, of the work of Herodotus. They form 
a whole in themselves, separate from the preceding Books, and 
closely continuous and related with each other. Though com- 
prising in actual substance a full third of the work, the narrative 
in this volume presents but a single short war, of two campaigns, 
and is free for the most part from digressions and excursuses, such 
as bulk so large in the earlier Books. The chronological condi- 
tions of the continuous narrative are complete in a dyad, or at most 
in a decade, of years. A somewhat larger demand is made in the 
geographical interest ; but the requirements of the narrative, or of 
the composition, are satisfied without serious interruption of the 
main theme, and geography rarely, if ever, in these, as often in the 
earlier Books, becomes an end in itself. Nor is the story proper 
much n^lected, or often deserted, for purely narrative digressions, 
stories within or beside the story of the war; if anecdotes or 
tales are brought in which break the strict sequence or continuity 
of the main narrative, yet they have mostly some bearing upon 
the subject in hand, as antecedents, consequents, or illustrations. 
There is, indeed, as compared with the preceding Books, a re- 
markable closeness in the texture and argument of this last trio. 
The subject proper comprises the story of the invasion of Greece 
by the Persians, the ' Barbarians,' under Xerxes, a well-defined 
and well-understood episode, or climax, to which Thucydides, for 
example, afterwards applied the title tA MrjSiKa, ' the war with 
the Mede,' as a technical term.^ In dealing with this special 

^ Thucyd. 1. 23. 1 ruv 9k irp&repov 6 'SiriSiKbs irdXefios 1. 90. 1 ; 95. 7 ; 97. 1 ; 

fp7«r iiiyurrw irpAx^v rb Mi7diir6i', xcd 8. 10. 2. rd MrjSiKd 1. 14. 2 ; 18. 8 ; 

rovro 6fuas dvw vaviiaxiaiv koX wc^o- 97. 2 ; 2. 16. 1 ; 21. 2 ; 8. 24. 8 (cp. 

/MLxlaiM raxeituf Hip KpUrip iaxcp, Cp. 1. 41. 2 ; 69. 1 ; 78. 2 ; 142. 7 ; 6. 82. 8). 



ivi HERODOTUS § 1 

subject Herodotus undertook to cover a good deal of ground, and 
to organise a large mass of material ; the result is a treatment 
upon a scale for which the preceding six Books have afforded no 
parallel How curt the stories of the Marathonian campaign, of 
the first expedition of Mardonios, of the six years' struggle with 
Ionia in revolt, compared with the scale on which the invasion 
under Xerxes is delineated ! Even the invasion of Europe by 
Dareios in person, which might more nearly challenge comparison, 
is dwarfed beside the story of ' the great Expedition,' much more 
the other and earlier adventures, of Greek against Greek, or Greek 
against Barbarian, or of Barbarians among themselves, whereof 
the former Books of Herodotus have preserved a memory. So 
great, indeed, is the contrast in scale, method, and interest 
between the last three Books of Herodotus and the first three, 
that it would be difficult to relate these two sections of the work 
to each other, or to believe them parts of one whole, governed by 
one single plan and conception, if accident had divorced them, or 
if, say, the middle portion of the work, Bks. 4, 5, 6, like the 
middle Books of the Annals of Tacitus, had been lost in the lost 
archetypal manuscript.^ The distinct and independent unity of 
the last three Books is further accentuated by the clear stylistic 
break between the sixth and seventh Books on the one hand, and 
the total absence of any stylistic break between the seventh and 
eighth Books and between the eighth and ninth Books upon the 
other. Nowhere, indeed, is the existent division into Books less 
justified than in the last section of the work of Herodotus.^ The 
break between Book 7 and Book 8 seetiis indeed inevitable from 
the otherwise unruly dimensions of the former, and a distinct 
pause is marked in the narrative, after Thermopylai, by the 
record of the erection of monuments, subsequently, upon the spot, 
and by the author's clear severance of the operations by sea off 
Artemision from the operations by land at Thermopylai. ' This 
justification or call for a convenient division is emphasized by the 
Spartan anecdote, probably a later addition, and hardly from the 

^ Gp. my edition of Books IV. -VI. the whole work is divided into twelve 

(1895), Introduction, § 4 (voL i. pp. xii. A^tm, of which the last three comprise, 

ff.). indeed, the last three Books, bat with 

* Cp. the OekoTiomie des HerodoUschen new divisions (A670f i' = vii. 1-177 ; 

WerkB in A. von Gutschmid's Kleine Kiym la' = Yiu 178-viii. 129 ; Aiyos ifi* 

Schriftmj iv. (1893), pp. 183 ff., where =viii. ISO-iz. 122). 



§ 1 INTRODUCTION xvii 

aathor's pen, with which the Book now concludes ; but neither 
in the original nor in the final draft of this section or volume of 
the work was there any grammatical or stylistic break or pause 
between our Book 7 and our Book 8. The same observation is 
exactly true of the break between Books 8 and 9 ; grammatically 
the breach is ignored, and materially it is purely artificial, not to 
say unuaturaL Least of all do the existing divisions correspond 
to a chronological skeleton, such as underlies the division of the 
work of Thucydides into Books.^ The action of the last forty 
chapters of the seventh Book is synchronous, so to say, with that 
of the first twenty-five chapters of the eighth Book, just as the 
events narrated in the first half of the ninth Book are ex hypothesi 
synchronous with the events narrated in the second half. If the 
* Book of Artemision ' was to be separated from the ' Book of 
Thermopylai,' so might the ' Book of Mykale ' have been parted, 
and with more justification in the nature of things, from the 
' Book of Plataia/ The purely artificial or arbitrary nature of 
the divisions, plainly dictated by merely external convenience, is 
a witness to the essential coherence of the record as a whole. 
This coherence is further attested by the observation of the over- 
laps between Book and Book : thus the narrative of the naval 
operations is taken up at the opening of Book 8 from Book 7 
c 196, and again in Book 9 c. 90 from Book 8 c. 132 ; what 
would otherwise have been purely a naval story has been 
interrupted, we may say, in the one case by the story of 
Thermopylai, in the other by the story of Plataia. No other 
equal portion of the work of Herodotus exhibits so remarkable a 
coherence, continuity, and freedom from digression, interruption, 
or asides as this the third and last volume, or trio, of Books. 
Other particular and considerable portions of the work do indeed 
reveal an equal closeness and unity of structure, the Egyptian 
Logoi, the Skythian Logoi, the Libyan Logoi, each severally ; but 
the size and separateness of the Egyptian Zogoiy for example, 
destroys by its position the unity and continuity of the Medo- 
Persian history into which it has been inserted, and tlie smaller 
but substantial unities of the Skythian and Libyan Logoi have 

* The second, third, and fourth Bks. same scheme, had the work been com- 

of Thacydides each contain the annals pleted, not by Xenophon but by the 

of a triennium : the eighth, ninth, and author. The division into Books is, of 

tenth might have shown almost the course, posthumous. 

VOL. 1 PT. I b 



xviii HERODOTUS § 1 

combined to form a unity in Book 4, which has destroyed 
apparently for most students and editors the inner continmty of 
Herodotus's narrative from the passage of the Bosporos by Dareios 
to the battle of Marathon, and its immediate sequelae. Moreover, 
the bewildering kinematograph of Hellenic histories developed in 
Books 5 and 6, and especially in the latter, throws into all the 
greater relief the comparative simplicity and unity of interest and 
story in Books 7, 8, 9. If that unity and that simplicity are 
not conspicuous to a fault, the result is due in the first place to 
the dividing and conflicting interest of actions conducted syn- 
chronously on land and on sea, and not always in sight of each 
other ; it is due in the second place to the ubiquitous methods of 
the author, who is equally at home among invaders and invaded, 
and narrates with equal confidence deliberations and doings in 
the Persian court and camp on the one hand, and combinations 
and conduct among the Greeks on the other, passing from sea to 
shore and from side to side with a regularity which amounts 
to a priuciple, or at least a trick, of composition. 

§ 2. Granted, however, that for practical purposes a sub- 
division of the third volume, or section, of the work was desirable, 
the existing divisions are sufficiently justified by the structure of 
the narrative and the nature of the subject.^ The story falls 
almost spontaneously into the account of the antecedents and 
preparations for the great undertaking, as well on the offensive 
side as on that of the defence. The scenes of these two parallel 
streams of narrative and description are necessarily laid apart, on 
the Asiatic and on the European mains, until the invaders and 
the invaded are set face to face, by sea and land, at Artemision 
and Thermopylai. From that point onward the stories of the Perso- 
Hellenic war might flow in a single channel but for the double 
character of the operations, maritime and terrestrial Thus, 
to the account of the preparations ex parte Persarum, which 
carries Xerxes and his forces to the threshold of Greece, un- 
interrupted by any reference to purely Greek affairs, succeeds 
the account of the contemporary preparations of the Greeks to 
meet the impending danger, down to the definitive occupation of 
their first line of defence. At this point the two stories coalesce 



* The division of the Herodotean in Alexandria; cp, Herodottu IP\-VL, 
work into nine Books was probably made Introduction, § 2 (vol. i. p. x). 



§ 3 INTRODUCTION xix 

into the narrative of the struggle for Tbermopylai, with the 
capture of which post the seventh Book virtually concludes. 
Four or five subjects, in the main of continuous character, fill the 
eighth Book — the story of the naval operations ofif Artemision, 
the advance of the Persians through central Greece, including the 
attempted sack of Delphi and the actual capture of Athens, the 
naval movements culminating in the battle of Salamis and its 
immediate sequels on sea and land, the retirement of the King 
and his land-forces, and certain proceedings of the winter and 
spring antecedent to the second campaign. A minute analysis of 
this portion of the work will reveal a more open texture, a more 
composite structure, a certain embarrassment on the author's 
part in dealing with his materials, an appreciable increase in 
digressional and episodic elements, a greater complication than 
is observable in the construction of the seventh or of the ninth 
Books ; but, for all that, the structure of Book 8 is simple in 
comparison with Books 5 and 6, or even Book 3. The ninth 
Bo6k is the simplest, as it is the shortest, of all the conventional 
divisions : it holds but two compartments, the narrative of the 
operations of the armies in Europe, culminating at Plataia ; the 
narrative of the naval operations culminating on the Asian side 
at Mykale, with a sort of corollary in each case respectively, the 
si^e of Thebes, the siege of Sestos. Throughout this whole 
volume comprising these three Books the narrative flows on 
almost unbroken, except by those changes of scene and time 
which the nature of his subject itself or the sources of his know- 
ledge imposed on or at least suggested to the author. To 
emphasize more fully the continuity and coherence of this 
narrative, to specify such digressional passages as do occur, to 
exhibit the structure and contents of these Books in somewhat 
greater detail, there is here subjoined a more detailed Analysis, 
which follows the clear divisions and self-advertisements of the 
work itself, with explicit references. 

Book 7 

§ 3. After a short Introduction (cc. 1-4), which serves to 
explain the delay in the Reinvasion of Hellas after Marathon 
by various considerations — the need of fresh levies, the revolt of 
Egypt, the death of Dareios, and the accession of Xerxes — the 



XX HERODOTUS § 3 

seventh Book, as we reckon it, falls almost self-evidently into 
two, or into three, main parts. The first part deals with Persian 
history, and records the antecedents of the invasion, and the 
advance of the king to the gates of Greece (cc. 5-131). What- 
ever the Sources underlying this part of the narrative, the story 
is told, so to speak, from the Asiatic point of view : it is not 
primarily Greek history. We may erect the historian's account 
of contemporaneous politics and preparations among the Greeks 
into a second and co-ordinate Part (cc. 132-178), though in 
bulk it amounts to little more than half the size of the previous 
Part. An equal section of the Book will then remain to make 
a third Part, comprising the story of the actual outbreak of 
hostilities, and of the conduct of the war down to the capture of 
Thermopylai (cc. 179-239). These two Parts taken together 
as nearly as possible equal in bulk the first Part, and as the 
material contained in them is manifestly Hellenic in origin and 
interest, some analysts might prefer to divide the Book into two 
equal Parts (I. 5-131 ; II. 132-239). In either case, whether 
making a dual or a triple division, we recognize the principle of 
balance, of parallelism, of symmetry in the composition, which 
may have helped to determine the later division into Books — a 
division skilfully made in accordance, on the whole, with the 
inner structure of the work itself. Throughout the Book, in its 
dual or triple divisions, the narrative proceeds with little 
interruption, or digression, save what is immediately germane to 
the subject The excursus on Sicilian history (cc. 153-156) 
most nearly appi*oaches to a veritable departure from the 
argument; yet even this departure, though probably a later 
insertion, like many smaller passages, from the author's own 
hand, rather enhances than disturbs the main interest by a 
suggestive aside. The still minuter Analysis which follows may 
exhibit the structure and relations of the main Parts of the Book 
more intelligibly, and may also guarantee the observations above 
formulated upon the closeness of the argument, the continuity 
of the treatment. 

Introduction (cc. 1-4). 

i Cau9a belli (Marathon, etc.), c 1. 
IL Reasons for delay (cc. 1-4). 

1. Fresh preparations by Dareios, c. 1. 

2. Revolt of Egypt, c. 1. 



% 3 INTRODUCTION xxi 

3. Qaestion of Succession, or Vice-gerency, determined in favour 

of Xerxes, cc. 2, 3. 

4. Death of Dareios, c 4. 

Part I. Immediate Antecedents, and Early St^^ges, of the Invasion 
(cc. 6-137). 

i. Accession, Policy, Ck>uncils, Preparations of Xerxes, cc. 5-25. 

1. Accession of Xerxes : disposition to Peace, c. 5. 

2. Policy of war adopted, under the influence of Mardonios, c 5. 

Qreek allies and exiles, Aleuadai, c 6. 
Peisistratidai. 
Demaratos. 

3. Reconquest of Egypt, c 7. 

4. The King's Councils : three days and three nights, cc 8-19. 

(a) First Day : First Council : Speeches of Xerxes, c. 8, and 
Mardonios, c. 9, for War. 
Speech of Artabanos, in favour of peace, c 10. 
Decision of Xerxes, and speech, ell. 
Night : Repentance of Xerxes : in spite of a Vision, c. 12. 
(6) Second Day : Second Council : Speech of Xerxes in favour of 
peace, c. 13. 
Night : Second vision of Xerxes, c. 14. 

Artabanos summoned : Speech of Xerxes, c. 15. 

Speech of Artabimos, c 1 6. 
Vision of Artabanos, c 17. 
Speech of Artabanos, c. 18. 
(c) Third Day: Third Council : War policy supported by Artabanos 
and Xerxes, c. 18. 
Night : Third vision of Xerxes : interpretation by Magoi, c. 19. 

5. Actual preparations for the invasion, cc. 19-25. 

(1) The Levy en masse^ cc. 19, 20, 21. 
Comparison of the expedition with others. 

(2) Athos-canal, and Bridges, cc. 22-25 (cp. cc 33-37). 

(3) Commissariat: cc 21-25 (cp. cc 118-120, 187). 

ii. The Advance of Xerxes and his Forces, cc 26-127 (137). 

1. From Susa to Eritalla, c 26. 

2. From Eritalla to Sardes, cc 26-31. 

A. On the march : (1) From Kritalla to Kelainai, c 26. 
Geographical note on Kelainai and its rivers, ib. 
Mythological note on Marsyas and Apollo, i&. 
Episode of Pythios a of Atyp, cc 27-29. 

(2) From Kelainai to Kolossai, c 30. 
Notes on the Salt-lake, and the Lykos. 

(3) From Kolossai to Kydrara, «6. 
Note on the stele of Elroisos. 

(4) From Kydrara via Kallatebos to Sardes, c 31. 
Notes : road to Karia : sweetmeat manufactory at 

Kallatebos : anecdote of the Plane-tree. 



ixii HERODOTUS § 3 

R Pause at Sardes : (5) Xerxes winters in Sardes (cp. 9. 108). 

(a) Mission of Heralds into Hellas. 

(b) The Bridges on the Hellespont, cc. 33-36. 

(c) Additional note on the canal, c. 37. 

(d) The Departure : eclipse, ib, 

Pythios and his son, cc. 38, 39. 
The order of march, cc. 40, 41. 

3. From Sardes to Abydos, cc. 37-43. 

A. On the march : Eclipse of the sun, c. 37. 
Punishment of Pythios, cc. 38-39. 
Procession from Sardes, ca 40, 41. 
Thunderstorm, c. 42. 

Xerxes at Troy, c 43. 

B. Pause : Xerxes at Abydos, cc. 44-53. 
Naval review : the tyrant's tears, c. 46. 
Dialogue with Artabanos, cc 46-52. 
The King's general Order, c. 53. 

4. The crossing of the Hellespont, cc. 54-56. 

An Hellespontian bon mot, c. 56, prodigies, c. 57. 

5. From Sestos to Doriskos. 

A. The march, c. 58. 

B. The halt at Doriskos, cc. 59-107. 
Description of the place, c. 59. 
Numbering and organization of the host, c. 60. 
Army-List, cc. 61-88. 

Infantry, cc. 61-83. 
Cavalry, cc. 84-88. 
Navy-List, cc 89-99. 
Review, c 100. 

Dialogue: Xerxes and Demaratos, cc. 101-104. 
Maskames of Doriskos, cc 105, 106. 
Boges of Eion, c. 107. 

6. From Doriskos to Akanthos, cc 108-121. 

(1) Doriskos to the Strymon, cc 108-114. 

Sacrifice at *Nine Ways,' c 114. 

(2) The Strymon to Akanthos, cc 115-121. 

The King's Alliance with Akanthos, c 117. 
Cost of the King's entertainment, cc. 118-120. 
Bon mot of Megakreon of Abdera, c 120. 
Note on the order of march from Doriskos to 
Akanthos, c 121. 

7. From Akanthos to Themie, cc 122-127. 

The Fleet, cc 122, 123. 
The Army, cc 124-126. 
Encampment at Therme, c 127. 

The text, so far analyzed, though obviously saturated in 
Greek media, is yet in the main Persian history, an account and 
description of the project and movement for the conquest of 



§ 3 INTRODUCTION xxiu 

Hellas wholly from the Persian side. A great deal of the 
material, for example the geographical notes and descriptions, 
which are copious and precise, is presumably of purely Hellenic 
provenience. The origin of various anecdotes, bons mots, speeches, 
and similar items is disputable; and even the scenes laid in 
Susa have a suspiciously Greek colour. But, irrespective of 
origin, and from the simple standpoint of the analyst, the subject 
matter so far is all, with trifling exceptions, so to speak, Persian 
history, a description of Persian institutions, affairs and persons. 
The exact point to which it is worth while to carry analysis of 
this kind may be disputed: the Analysis above given is over 
minute for some purposes, and not minute enough for others; 
but, at any rate, on the general character and main divisions of 
the subject matter there is not much room for discussion. Be- 
fore, however, this obviously Persian Logos makes way for a no 
less obviously Hellenic Logos, its counterpart and parallel, we 
have to face a passage of ambiguous and transitional character. 
It is a medley of complex and even miscellaneous content 
The historical value and provenience of the items are almost as 
much in doubt as their occurrence just in this place is perplexing 
from the point of view of the literary composition. The problems 
raised by this passage cannot be resolved until the questions of 
the Sources, Composition, and Genesis of the work have been 
stated and answered ; meanwhile the passage has been reckoned 
to the first main division of the Book, because a fresh section 
clearly begins with c. 138. 

Appendix to Part I. (of Book 7). 

P. 1. The king's visit to Tempe \^ 128-130 

2. The geography of Thessaly / 

3. The pause in Pieria, and the return of the Heralds, c. 131 (cp. c. 32). 

O. 4. list of medizing Hellenes : the oath of the Patriots, c. 132. 

5. Why no heralds were sent to Athens and Sparta, c. 133. 

6. Story of the Wrath of Talthybios, cc. 134-137. 

This Appendix may be taken to ease the scene-shifting 
between Part I. and Part II. in this Book ; but Herodotus does 
not by any means employ such transitions as essential in his 
composition, and the items contained in this Appendix generate 
each and all grave historical difficulties, the last item, the 
story of the Wrath of Talthybios, involving the fdndamental 



xxiv HERODOTUS § 3 

problem of the date and history of the composition. Unless the 
whole Book was written after the outbreak of the Peloponnesian 
war, the close of this passage at least must have been an insertion, 
among the very last, from the author's own hand. It is, indeed, 
expressly marked as a digression by his own words. It will 
hereafter (cp. § 9 infra) be shown that the stratification of this 
passage is probably the result of more than one later deposit, and 
that a somewhat complex theory of the composition of the work 
must be invoked in order to solve the given problem. 
To resume analysis : — 

Part II. Preparations of the Greeks, cc 138-178. 

Attitude of the Greek states, c 138. 
The case of Athens, cc. 139-144. 

The Historian's verdict, c 139. 
The Delphic Responses, cc. 140-144. 
The services of Themistokles, cc. 143, 144. 
Congress of patriotic states : the programme, c. 146. 
Spies to Sardes, cc. 146, 147. 
Negotiations with Argos, cc 148-162. 
Sicily, cc. 163-167. 
Korkyra, c 168. 
Krete, cc. 169-171. 
Thessaly, cc. 172-174. 
The plan adopted : to defend Thermopylae cc. 176-177. 
Topography of Artemision-Thermopylai, c 1 76. 
Occupation of the line, c. 177. 
Delphic oracle, on the wind, c. 178. 

On this whole passage three observations may at present 
suffice. First, (1) the passage on Sikelian affairs (tA aTro 
%i,K€hlf)i) resolves itself clearly into four sub-divisions: (a) 
Origin and rise of Gelon, cc. 153-156 ; (6) Interview of the Greek 
ambassadors with Gelon, ca 157-162, a passage containing six 
speeches, totidem verbis ; (c) The mission of Eadmos, cc. 163, 164; 
(d) The Sikeliote variant on the main theme, cc. 165-167. 
Again, (2) the passage on Krete contains an explicit digression 
{irapevOtiKfi) in a note on the defeat of the Tarantines by the 
Messapian lapygians {ra Karh 'Vrfyivov<: re teal Tapavripov^). 
Finally, (3) the passage on Thessaly (cc. 172-174) is of a special 
significance, as it records the decision of the Confederate Greeks 
in the first instance to include Thessaly in their line of defence, 
and the actual despatch of a large force to realize this plan, 
adopted only to be abandoned. The military and historical 



§ 3 INTRODUCTION xxv 

aspects of this story must be reserved for discussion (cp. 
Appendix IV. §§ 6, 7). From this analytical point of view it is\ 
worth while to observe that the projected defence of Thessaly / 
makes the king's encampment at Therme, c. 127, doubly suit-l 
able as the point at which to mark the finale of the first section I 
of the Book, which carries the Persian from the capital of his \ 
Empire to the natu^ frontier of free Hell as. y 

The story of the mere antecedents and preparations of the 
struggle is herewith ended, and the story of the actual operations, 
the invader now in touch with the invaded, is about to begin. 
But this fact rather complicates than simplifies the practical 
problem of composition for our author. He has henceforward to 
deal with a double series of synchronous and more or less inter- 
related operations, those by sea and those by land, and he has to 
show himself equally at home among the Greek as among the 
Persian forces. He solves the problem in the main henceforth 
by a regular scene-shifting from sea to land, and from land to 
sea, coupled with an equally regular but more rapidly recurring 
alternation of the standpoint from the side of the Persian to the 
side of the Greek, and from the Greek back to the Persian side. 
When things come to close quarters, to actual blows, the story 
is told mainly from the Greek standpoint, as correspondents or 
reporters attached to Greek forces — had such fire-bringers 
(irvpi^poi) been then procurable — might have told the story. 
The results of this method are not altogether happy. The 
operations by sea and by land are divorced, at least in some 
situations, unduly from each other, by the literary practice ; the 
literary result itself obtains, for considerable pctssages, somewhat 
of the mechanical beat of a pendulum; and the crucial or 
climacteric moments are nevertheless presented in somewhat 
one-sided a fashion. Tet the superficial aspect of the narrative 
is not deficient in variety. Herodotus is so rich a master of 
anecdote, asides, anticipations, reflexions, anachronisms, and all 
the ancillary devices of story-telling, that his work never presents 
the bald mechanics of a chronicle, the bare bones of mere 
annalism. In the subsequent tables the alternations above 
described will be indicated by appropriate letters. P = Persian 
side; G = Greek side; A = Army; N = Navy. An H indicates 
some extensive or noteworthy reflexion by the historian; other 
digressions, or excursuses, are marked as such. 



xxvi HERODOTUS § 3 

Part III. (or 11.^, Actual Operations, ca 176 ff. 

A. Persians and Qresks at Sea. 

PN. (cc 1 88-1 95). The King's Fleet advances from Therme to Magnesia, 
cc. 179-183. 
H. Estimate of the maxima of the King's Forces, cc 184-187. 
PN. The Storm, cc. 188-191 (Athenian Logos, c 189). 
GN. (Retreat, c. 183, and) Return of the Greek Fleet to Artemision, 

c. 192. 
PN. Movement of Persian Fleet to Aphetai, cc. 193, 196. 
GN. Capture of fifteen ships by the Greeks, cc. 194, 195. 
Pause : Anecdote of Sandokes, c 194. 

At this point the story of naval operations is abandoned, not 
to be resumed until the story of Thermopylai is complete. 

III. B. The Story of Therhoptlai, cc. 196-239. 

PA. (cc. 196-201). Advance of Xerxes and the Army to Trachis, 
cc. 196-201. 
Xerxes in Thessaly : Horse-races, c. 196. 

in Achaia : the House of Athamas, c. 197. 
in Malis: Topography, cc. 198-200. 
The Persians face to face with the Greeks, c. 201. 
GA. The Greeks at Thermopylai, cc. 202-207. 
Army-List, c. 202. 
Manifesto, c. 203. 
Leonidas : his pedigree, c 204. 
Why there were Thebans at Thermopylai, c 205. 
Why more Peloponnesians were not at Ther- 
mopylai, c. 206. 
Alarm of the Greeks : divided councils, c 207. 
PA. Reconnaissance (Persian), c. 208. 

Xerxes and Demaratos, c. 209. 
GP. The three days' engagements at Thermopylai, cc. 210-225. 
First day, cc 210, 211. 
Second day, c. 212. 
Third day, cc. 213-225. 
(P, 213-218) The * treachery' of Epialtes, cc. 213-214. 

The march of Hvdames, cc. 215-218. 
(G, 219-222) Portents and newe, c 219. 

Devotion of Leonidas, Megistias, cc 220, 221. 
Departure of the Greeks, save Lakedaimonians, 
Thespians, Thebans, c 222. 
G. The third day's fighting, cc. 223-225 
Exeursw. The Spartan Aristeia, cc. 226-227. 

The Monuments and Epitaphs, c. 228. 
Aristodemoe the *cowaxtl,' cc. 229-232. 
Case of the Thebans, c. 233. 



§ 4 INTRODUCTION xxvii 

PA. After the battle, cc. 234-238. 

Xerxes and Demaratos : further plana, cc. 234-237. 

Review of the dead : the corpse of Leonidas, c 238. 
ColophoTi^ or Pause : Anecdote of Gorgo, c. 239. 

The bald analysis of the passage displays a great variety of 
materials, and presumes a large number of sources laid under 
contribution for the composition of so complex a record. A 
chronological indication at the close of c. 233 suggests that 
' the case of the Thebans ' is a late addition, unless indeed the 
whole composition is to be dated to the opening years of the 
Peloponnesian war. The Colophon, or pause, gained by the in- 
sertion of an anecdote, such as that on Gorgo, is entirely in 
Herodotus' manner ; but only too good reason can be found for 
doubting the authenticity of the passage, which in any case will 
hardly have formed a constituent of the first draft of the work. 

Book 8 

§ 4. The eighth Book deals predominantly, though not quite 
exclusively, with naval affairs. Except for (1) the advance of 
the Persian army through central Greece (cc. 26-39), including 
the assault on Delphi; (2) the siege and capture of the Athenian 
Akropolis (cc. 51-55); (3) the notice of the fortification of the 
Isthmos by the Peloponnesians (cc. 71-73); (4) the retreat of 
Xerxes and Mardonios to Sardes and to Thessaly respectively 
(cc. 113-120); (5) the operations of Artabazos in the north 
(cc 126-129); (6) the mission of Mys to the oracles (cc. 133- 
135); and (7) of Alexander to Athens (cc. 136-144), the afiairs 
narrated concern the fleets and the operations at sea, and the 
scenes may be said to be all laid on the water. Even where for 
a few other moments we land, with the author, as on the shore 
of Salamis (c. 49 ktX.), or the plain of Thria (c. 65), at Phaleron 
(c. 67), or for the award of the Aristeia, and so forth (cc. 121- 
125), the episodes are all closely related, as antecedents or 
consequents, to the naval operations. Thus, as a whole, the 
eighth Book has a certain unity in itself, arising from the pre- 
dominantly naval interest, until this interest is lost at the close 
(cc 133 flf.). Chronological coherence, too, the narrative possesses 
for the greater part of the Book, albeit this element of unity 
becomes obscure and problematic, with the winter following the 



xxviii HERODOTUS §4 

battle of Salamis (after c. 121). On the whole, however, the 
Book forms a sort of unity in itself, by its subject and the 
chronological sequence of the narrative, and has, after a fashion, 
a beginning, a middle, and an end. The middle is clearly sup- 
plied by the stories of Salamis ; and taking Salamis as the key 
to our analysis, the Book may be divided into three main 
sections — 

I. Before Salamis, cc 1-39. 
II. Salamis, cc 40-96. 
III. After Salamis, cc. 97-144. 

Of these sections the first is considerably the shortest, and the 
third the longest; but it may be worth while to observe that, 
if from the third section the latter portion (cc. 133-144) be 
detached as essentially belonging to the operations of Mardonios 
and the land forces in the coming campaign, the middle and 
core of the Book would have before and after it two passages, 
or sections, of almost exactly equal length (cc. 1-39, 97-132), 
and would form in that case a very nicely balanced whole. 

The first part or section of the Book further subdivides very 
clearly into two distinct sub-sections, or main chapters : — 

i. The Story of Artemision, cc 1-26. 
ii. The Persian Army in Central Qreece, cc 26-39. 

Each of these sub-sections invites further subdivision as 
follows : — 

i. Thb Btort of Artemision, cc 1-25. 
Preliminary : 1. The Greek Navy : Contingents, c 1. 

Command, c 2. 

Previous question of the Hegemonia^ c 3. 
2. The craft of Themistokles : Panic of the Qreeks stayed by 
bribery and corruption, cc 4, 5. 
The Three Days* Fighting, cc 6-22. 

First day : The Barbarians' plan, cc 6, 7. 

Skyllias and his warning, cc 8, 9. 
The first naval engagement, cc 10, 11. 
Storm : depression in the Persian Fleet, c 12. 
wreck of the squadron off Euboia, c 13. 
Second day : Qreek fleet reinforced and encouraged ; second 
engagement : destruction of Eilikian vessels, 
c 14. 
Third day : Third engagement, cc. 16-17. 
(Athenian Aritieia,) 
After the battle : Council of war, c 18. 



S 4 INTRODUCTION xxix 

Fate of the Euboians, c 19 ; prognosticated by 

Bakis, c 20. 
Disaster at Thermopylai announced: retreat of 

the Fleet, c. 21. 
The plan (c 19) and inscriptions of Themistokles, 

c 22. 
Fourth day : Advance of the King's Fleet to Artemision, c 23. 
Visit of the naval forces to Thermopylai, cc 24-25. 
A bon vwt : the prize of virtue, c. 26. 

Such is a bare analysis of the whole passage on the naval 
operations between Aphetai and Artemision, as presented by 
Herodotus. Whether the items are recorded in true perspective 
and chronological order, and whether the outline of events is 
historically acceptable, are questions to be here postponed. But 
one remark may be made affecting the merely literary presenta- 
tion. Obviously the story of the naval operations, although 
resumed fix>m Book 7 c. 196, where it has given place for a 
time to the story of Thermopylai, yet here is treated as a sub- 
stantive and independent story, with something like a fresh 
introduction : a literary device which certainly tends to obscure 
the material relations between the operations at Thermopylai 
and the operations off Artemision. The story is closed charac- 
teristically with a bon mot, which, however, is obviously intended 
to apply as much to Leonidas and his men as to the naval 
forces; the preceding chapters have just reunited the Persian 
forces by the visit of the naval arm to Thermopylai to inspect 
the evidences of the King's victory on land. Thus a distinct 
pause in the story is marked by the anecdote in c. 26, and an 
occasion gained for a distinct move forwards with the land forces 
in the following passage. The pause is, moreover, augmented 
by an excurstts, or digression, on the Feud between the Thessalians 
and Phokians (cc. 27-30), which, though connected with the 
matter immediately in hand, the further advance of the Persians 
in central Greece, yet harks back to events 'some few years 
before the King's expedition,' and preserves fortunately some 
details valuable in themselves, though quite unconnected with 
the immediate subject. 

iL The Pebsian Army in Central Greece, cc. 26-39. 

Excursus, On the origin of the Thessalo-Phokian feud, and two recent 
disftsters to the Thessalians, cc. 27-30. 



XXX HERODOTUS § 4 

Advance of the king's army through Doris, c 31, Phokis, c. 32, into 

Boiotia, c 33 (cp. c. 50 vnfra). 
The attack on Delphi : a miraculous preservation, cc 34-39. 

Herodotus here leaves the King and his army in Boiotia, in 
order to resume the main argument, to wit the operations on sea, 
which are to culminate at Salamis. The further movements of the 
army are introduced in the subsequent narrative, at least until the 
discomfiture of the King's fleet, as ancillary and subordinate to 
the naval operations. It may be open to question where exactly 
the next main section of the Book should be terminated most 
conveniently, and most in accordance with the inner principles, 
or instinct, governing the author's composition ; but that some- 
thing of a new start is made with c. 40 is hardly to be denied. 

II. Salamis, cc. 40-96. 

Preliminaries, cc. 40-69. 

Q^N. The Qreek Fleet at Salamis, c. 40. 

Evacuation of Attica : portent of the snake, c. 41. 
Navy-List, cc. 42-48. 
Council of war, c 49. 

P^A. Arrival of the King at Athens, c. 60. 

Siege and capture of the Akropolis, cc. 61-53. 
The Athenian exiles on the Akropolis : portent of the 
olive, cc. 54, 55. 

G^. Council of war at Salamis : decision to retire, c. 56. 
Themistokles and Mnesiphilos, c. 57. 
Themistokles and Eurybiades, c 68. 
Council of war at Salamis : decision to remain, cc 59-63. 
Themistokles, c 60, Adeimantos, c 61, Themistokles, 
c 62. 
Invocation of the Aiakidai, c. 64. 
The Eleusinian Portent (Dikaios, Demaratos), c 66. 

P2N. Advance of the King's Fleet from Histiaia (cp. c. 25) to 
Phaleron, c 66. 

H. Losses and gains. 
The King's Council of war, cc. 67-69. 
Decision to do battle. 

The exact period, the number of days elapsing from the arrival 
of the Greek Fleet at Salamis, c. 40, to the decision of the King 
to do battle by sea, c. 69, is not marked or indicated by 
Herodotus; and, as will be shown elsewhere, the passage just 
analyzed cannot be regarded as giving a true perspective or 



§ 4 INTRODUCTION xxxi 

chronology of the events, for example, of the Greek councils of 
war. But the passage next in order must be taken as expressly 
presenting the events of the day and night before the battle, with 
the usual alternation from side to side, and the narrative then 
passes at once into the description of the actual battle, such as it 
i& The Analysis follows these diarial indications, as above for 
Thermopylai and for Artemision. 

Salamis : The Dat before tbb Battle, cc. 70-82. 

P^. (First) Movement of the Sling's Fleet and Army, c. 70. 

AMe: Fortification and defence of the Isthmos, cc 71, 72. 
Exeurtua: Ethnology of the Peloponnesos, c. 73. 

G^ Meeting or Council in the Qieek camp at Salamis, c. 74. 
The (first) mission of Sikinnop, c. 75. 

P2. The Persian occupation of Psyttaleia : fresh (or further) 
movement of the King's Fleet, c. 76. 
Digresnon : An oracle of Bakis, c. 77. 

Q^. Debate of the Qreek Strategoi in Council, cc. 78-81. 

Arrival of Aristeides : Aristeides and Themistokles, cc. 79, 80. 

Aristeides and th^ Council, c 81. 
Arrival of the Tenians, c 82. 

The Day of Battle, cc 83-96. 

i. The speech of lliemistokles, c 83. 

ii. The advance : Athenian and Aiginetan variants, c 84. 

iii Qreek exploits on the Persian side : Samian ArisUia^ c. 85. 

iv. General aspect of the battle (Athenian, Aiginetan), c 86. 

V. Exploit of Artemisia of Halikamassos, cc 87, 88. 

vi. Losses on the Persian side, c. 89. 

vii. Fate of certain Phoenicians, c 90. 

viii. Exploits of the Aiginetans, c. 91. 

ix. Themistokles and Polykritos (of Aigina), c. 92 

x. The Aruieia (Aiginetan, Athenian), c 93. 

xL Athenian scandal against Adeimantos and the Korinthians, c. 94. 

xii. Exploit of Aristeides, on Psyttaleia, c 95. 
CoUfhon : Bakis again, c 96. 

Even this Analysis may fairly suggest that the account given 
by Herodotus of the great battle dissolves into a mere spray or ] 
broken succession of items and episodes, without much of argu- // 
ment pr unity, strategic or literary, underlying it. This character 
of obscurity continues to rest upon the ensuing passage; in 
particular the chronological indications, apparently so firm for 
the day of battle and the preceding day, relapse into the vague. 



xxxii HERODOTUS § 4 



/ 



\ 



The Persian Fleet may have fled from Salamis on the evening, or 

night, following the battle ; but, in the text of Herodotus, this 

movement is not recorded until (a 107) after deliberations, 

V digressions and excursuses in the text, which seem to suggest an 

/ appreciable lapse of time. At least all imity centred on Salamis 

( has disappeared with the notice of the oracle, which serves as a 

K^lopJum to the account of the battle: and these observations 

further justify the lines of the present Analysis. 

III. After Salamis, cc 97-end. 

Immediate sequel (cc. 97-107). 

P^. Xerxes meditates flight : begins building a mole, c 97. 
Excursw : The Persian Postal service (dyyafyrjiov), c. 98. 
Reception of the news of defeat in Susa, c. 99. 
Proposals of Mardonios, c 100. 
Artemisia's advice to the King, cc. 100-1. 
Artemisia charged with the conveyance of the King's bastards, 

c. 103. 
Digreinan: Story of Hermotimos, or the Eunuch's Revenge, 

cc. 104-106. 
Departure of the King's Fleet, c 107. 

The reputation of Themdstokles (cc. 108-112). 

QK Qreek pursuit, as far as Andros, cc 108-112. 
Themistokles and the Peloponnesians, c 108. 
„ „ Athenians, c 109. 

„ „ King : (second) mission of Sikinnos, c. 110. 

„ „ Andrians, c 111. 

„ „ other Nesiotes, c 1 1 2. 

TTie flight of Xerxes (cc. 113-120). 

P2. Xerxes' retreat to Thessaly : Mardonios' Levy, c. 113. 
Recompense for Leonidas demanded (Delphi), c 1 1 4. 
Xerxes' retreat from Thessaly to Sardes, cc 116-117. 
Sufferings of the Army : the King of the BisaltaL 
Alternative story of the return of Xerxes, cc 118-120 : 
H. disapproved by Herodotus. 

The award of the prizes (cc. 121-125). 

G^. Failure at Andros: Karyetos harried, c 121. 
Return to Salamis : division of the spoil, ib. 
Thank-offerings : Delphi and Aigina, c 122. 
At the Isthmos : non-award of Aristeia, c 123 
Themistokles in Sparta, c 124. 
Bon mot : a retort by Themistokles, c. 12C 

Again a pause in the composition, the construction, is 



§ 4 INTRODUCTION xxxiu 

reached, and marked by an anecdote, a hon mot, though it is 
plainly a subordinate pause] Yet to some extent a new chrono- 
logical point rises in the next ensuing passage, together with a 
complete ^change in the scene, and in the chief act9r8 . The 
events next recorded belong to the winter and spring that 
succeeded the battle of Salamis. 

After Salahis, cotUinuecL 

The winUr^s taU (cc 126-130). 

P*. A. Artabazoe with 60,000 men, after escorting the King, operates 
in Chalkidike : siege of Poteidaia, cc 126-129. 
N. Persian Fleet winters at Kyme and Samos: rendezvous at 
Samoe in the spring, c 130. 

The Spring of the year (cc 131, 132). 

G'. N. Spring (of 479 aa). Rendezvous at Aigina of the Greek 
Fleet (110 in number) under Leotjchidas, c 131 : his 
pedigree, ib. 
Application of the lonians (1) at Sparta, (2) at Aigina : advance 
of the Greek Fleet to Delos. 

This passage supplies the last word on the Greek fleet, or on 
the naval affairs, which have bulked so largely throughout this 
Book, until the story is taken up again from this point in Book 9 
c 90. The remaining portion of this Book deals with acts and 
negotiations in Greece, directly preliminary to the land-campaign 
of Mardonios in the following year, or rather in the same year, 
judging from the standpoint gained in 8. 132. Whether there 
is a chronological relapse, or overlap, in consequence, between 
the two sections cc. 126-132 on the one part, and cc. 133-144 
on the other, is a fair question, but concerns rather the historical 
criticism than the literary analysis of the passage. It is more 
important in the present connexion to observe the complete 
change of subject, scene, actors and interest in the passage next 
ensuing, and its complete coherence with the first Part of the 
ninth Book. 

Aftkr Salahis, continued. 

The intrigues of Mardonios (cc. 133-136). 

P^. Mission of Mys (by Mardonios) to consult the Oracles, cc. 
133-135. 
Mission of Alexander (by Mardonios) to seduce Athens, c 

136. 
Digression: Origin of the Makedonian Monarchy, cc. 137-139. 
VOL. I PT. I C 



xxxiv HERODOTUS § 4 

The Temptation of Athens (cc 140-144). 

Q^ Alexander at Athens : his speech, c 140. 

The Lakedaimonians at Athens : speech, cc. 141, 142. 

Reply of the Athenians to Alexander, c 143. 

Reply of the Athenians to the Lakedaimonians, c 144. 

The foregoing analysis may be taken at least to demonstrate 
the closeness and consequence in the structure, in the texture, so 
to speak, of this Book, down to a certain point (c. 125). But that 
the war involved a double set of operations, by land as well as 
by sea, the chronological sequence of the narrative were unbroken, 
except for the passage of the Historian from the Persian side to 
the Greek and back again. The digressional and discursive 
element is relatively insignificant in the eighth Book of 
Herodotus. Apart &om mere asides, or anecdotes en passant, 
. there are but five separable excursuses in this Book, and two of 
these are mere 'notes,' occupying small space. (1) The 
Ethnography of the Peloponnesos, c. 73, is hardly called for in 
the given context, but (2) the note on the Persian Postal Service, 
c. 98, startles the reader only by its tardy appearance. (3) The 
account of the causes of the Tbessalian hostility to the Phokieuis, 
cc 27, 28, is fairly, if not fully justifiable, in its immediate 
setting, while (4) the story of the Eunuch's Eevenge, cc. 105, 
106, though out of place, is a story after Herodotus* own heart. 
Far the most considerable excursus is (5) that on the Makedonian 
Eoyal House (c. 137), which, as foretold and promised in 5. 22, 
has a special bearing on the problems of the composition and 
construction of the work, as a whole. 



Book 9 

§ 5. The ninth Book of Herodotus, as it stands, is the 
shortest of the nine received divisions of the work, and calls 
for but curt analysis. The narrative is all but continuous, so 
far as the records of two concurrent and synchronous series of 
events can be continuous.^ Apart from some trifling digressions 
or excursuses, to be duly'catalogued in their places, the Book falls 
into two main divisions, the first (cc. 1-89) treating of the 
conduct of the war on land, in Hellas proper, and culminating 
in the victoiy of Plataia; the second (cc. 90-107, 114-122) 
treating of the conduct of the war by sea, or rather by the 



§ 5 INTRODUCTION xxxv 

maritime forces, and culminating in the victory of Mykale, 
which was a victory in a land engagement, though apparently 
won by the marines. Further analysis will present a better 
conspectus of the substance and structure of each part 

Fftrt I. The Cahpaion of Plataia, cc 1-89. 
Pzelimiiiariee : cc 1-19. 
Pi (cc. 1-6). 

Advance of Mardonioe from Thessaly to Athens, cc. 1-3. 
Advice of the Thebans, c 2. 
Miflsion of Murychidas, c 4. 
Fate of Lykidas, c 5. 

GP (cc. 6-12). 
Athenian negotiations with Sparta, cc. 6-11. 

i Representations of Athens, Megara, Plataia at Sparta, c. 6. 

ii Speech of the Athenians, c 7. 
iiL Dilatory inaction of the £phor8, c. 8. 
iv. Intervention of Chileos of Tegea, c 9. 

V. Despatch of Forces under Pausanias, c 10. 
vL Final interview of the Envoys with the Ephors, ell. 

P2(cc 12-18). 

i Argive message to Mardonios, c. 12. 

u. Mardonioe evacuates Attica (c 13), raids Megaris (c 14), 

retreats into Boiotia : position and camp, c 16. 
iiL The banquet of Attaginos, c 16. 
iv. The reception of the Phokians in the Persian camp, cc 17, 18. 

The operations in Boiotia : cc. 19-70. 
Q. Advance of Peloponnesian forces. 

Junction with the Athenians at Eleusis. 
Occupation of the first position in Boiotia, c. 19. 

GP. Fighting in the first position, cc 20-24. 
Defeat of Persian cavalry by the Athenians. 
Death of Masistios. Barbarian mourning. 

GP. Operations in the second position, cc. 25-61. 
First ten days. 

Advance of the Greeks to a fresh position, c 26. 

Dispute between Athenians and Tegeatai for precedence, cc 

26, 27. 
Hellenic battle - array : number and composition of the 

army, cc 28-30. 
Persian battle-an-ay : composition of the forces, cc. 31, 32. 
Divinations : cc 33, 36. 
Digretnons: Story of Teisamenos, cc. 33-36. 
Story of H^esistratos, c. 37. 



xxxvi HERODOTUS § 5 

Reluctance on both sides to begin the attack : lapse of ten 

days. 
Skirmishing, cc 38-40. The Qreeks cut off from the 

main pass of Dryos Kephalai. 

Eleventh day (cc 41-46). 
P (cc. 41-43). 

Dispute between Mardonios and Artabazos, c. 41. 
Mardonios resolves on doing battle next day : reassures Greek 
commanders anent oracles, c. 42. 
H. Hdt. on oracles : Bakis again, c. 43. 
O. Visit of Alexander to the Athenian camp, cc. 44, 45. 
The Athenian Strategoi and Pausanias, c. 46. 

Twelfth day (cc. 47-57). 

The Athenian and Spartan (ex)change of positions, c 47. 
The challenge of Mardonios, c. 48. 
Cavalry assaults on the Qreek position, c. 49. 
Qreek council of war : resolve to retreat to ' the Island ' and 
to relieve baggage-train, cc, 50, 51. 

Night of the twelfth day (cc 52-57). 

Retirement of the Greeks : the centre to the Heraion, c 52. 

Obstinacy of Amompharetoe, c. 53. 

Action and message of the Athenians, cc 54, 55. 

Thirteenth day (>}(o$). Pausanias retires, c 56. 

Amompharetos rejoins the main body, c 57. 
The final battle, and victory of the Greeks, cc. 58-70. 
Mardonios* speech to the Aleuadai, c 58. 
Persians cross the Asopos in pursuit of the Lakedaimonians, 

c 59. 
Pausanias summons the Athenians to his aid, c. 60. 
The engagement on the right wing (Spartans, Persians), cc 

61-65 : death of Mardonios, c 63. 
The flight of Artabazos with 40,000 men, c. 66. 
The engagement on the left wing (Athenians, Boiotians), c. 67. 
Rout of the Persian forces covered by the cavalry, c. 68. 
Advance of the Greek centre (in two divisions) : defeat of the 

left centre by the Boiotian cavalry, c. G9. 
Capture and sack of the Persian fortified camp, c 70. 
Numerical losses on both sides, c. 70. 

After the Battle, cc 71-89. 

i. The Aristeia : Spartan : (Aristodemos, Poseidonios, Philokyon, 
Amompharetos, Kallikrates), cc. 71, 72. 
Athenian ; Sophanes of Dekeleia, cc. 73-75. 
Note: ancient connexion between Dekeleia and 
Sparta, 
ii. The Lady of Kos, c 76. 



§ 6 INTRODUCTION xxxvii 

iii. Mantineians, Eleiana, too late ! c. 77. 

iv. Proposal of Lampon (of Aigina) rejected by PaoBanias, cc 78, 79. 

Y. Collectmg the spoils (origin of Aiginetan wealthX c. 80. 

vi Division of the spoils : memorial offerings, c 81. 

vii. An object-lesson on luxury, c 82. 

viiL Curiosities of the battle-field, c 83. 

ix. The burial of Mardonios, c. 84. 

X. The tombs at Plataia, c. 85. 

Siege, surrender and fate of Thebes, cc 86-88. 
The escape of Artabazoe, c. 89 (cp. c 66 »upra). 

As there are unusually precise data in the text regarding the 
journal, or diary, of Plataia, from the occupation of ' the second 
position ' onwards, they have been utilized for the purposes of the 
Analysis, but, of course, without prejudice to the questions of fact, 
and the military problems underlying the presentation of the 
whole matter in Herodotua The purpose of this Analysis was 
simply to represent the subject in bare outline, as found in the 
Herodotean logography. How far his stories are consistent and 
credible in themselves, in relation to each other, and to the 
permanent or a priori conditions of the problem (geographical, 
strategic, anthropological), are questions not arising in a mere 
Analysis. The Analysis, however, may be taken to show that 
Herodotus describes the operations on the Asopos with unusual 
minuteness at unusual length, and here if anywhere advances a 
claim to be judged as a military historian. At least three distinct 
positions are assigned to the Greek forces in the course of the 
operations, and the account of the final engagement discriminates 
clearly the behaviour of the two wings and the quondam centre. 
Although in some few passages the author sets his readers on 
the Persian side (cc. 24, 41-42, 58, 66, 89), the story is in the 
main iot^ obviously from the national standpoint, and in this case 
even the Persian record is almost as much Greek as Barbarian. 
Chronological sequence is manifestly abandoned in the miscel- 
laneous series of items and episodes comprised under the heading 
' After the Battle,' though the items in themselves will be found 
of special value for the determination of the sources and composi- 
tion of the first Part of the Book. 

The digressional element is reduced almost to a minimum in 
this Part The record of the operations and events in loco is 
only interrupted by the stories of the Diviners, in cc. 33-37, and 



xxxviu HERODOTUS § 6 

by the author's own aside concerning oracles in c. 43. When 
the chronological sequence and continuity is dropped * after the 
battle ' a larger excursional element makes its appearance, and at 
least one note, that on Dekeleia (c. 75), may carry down almost 
as late as any other throughout the whole work. 

The second Fart of the ninth Book (cc. 90 £f.) deals on a 
smaller scale — perhaps there was less to record — with the opera- 
tions of the fleet, culminating at Mykale, the story being resumed 
from Bk. 8 c. 132, and the movement being ex hypothesi syn- 
chronous with the events recorded in the first Part, the exact 
synchronism of the battle of Mykale with the final engagement 
at Flataia being expressly marked 

Part XL The Naval Operations, cc. 90-end. 

1. The campaign of Mykale, cc 90-107. 

Delos : The Greek Fleet at DeloB, cc. 90-92 (cp. 8. 132). 
finvoys from Samos : Hegesistratos. 
Admission of the Samians to the Alliance. 

Digression : Story of Evenios of Apollonia, father of Deiphonos, the 
Diviner, cc 93-94. 
If Deiphonos was really his son ? c 95. 
Samos : Movement of the Greek Fleet from Delos to Samoa, c 96. 

The Persians at Mykale, c 97. 
Mykale : Advance of the Greeks : Leotychidas' appeal to the lonians, c 98. 
Landing of the Greeks, c. 99. 

The <t>rifirf : the KijpvKrjiov : Divine coincidences, cc 100, 101. 
Athenians rout the Persians, c. 102. 
Arrival of the Lakedaimonians, c. 103. 
Loyal conduct of Samians, c 103, and Milesians, c 104. 
Second Revolt of Ionia from the Persians. 
Aristeia of the Athenians, c 105. 
Samos : Return of the Greek Fleet to Samos : Council, c. 106. 

Division of opinion between Peloponnesians and Athenians as to 

the future position of Ionia. 
Admission of Samians, Chians, Lesbians, Nesiotai into the 
Alliance. 
Sardes : Retreat of the Persians to Sardes : quarrel of Artayntes and 
Masistes, the commanders : Xeinagoras of Halikamassos saves 
^ the life of Masistes, c 107. 

2. Digression (a domestic tragedy) : Life in an Oriental Harem, or The 

Amours of Xerxes, the revenge of Amastris, and the death 
of Masistes, cc. 108-113. 

Sestos: 3. Operations on the Hellespont, cc 114-121. 

i. The Greek Fleet at Abydos : departure of the Peloponnesians, 
c 114. 



§ 6 INTRODUCTION xxxix 

iL Siege and capture of Sestoe by the AtheniauB, cc. 115-120, or the 

story of Artayktea. 
iii. Return of the Athenians home, c 120. 

Chlopkan : Anecdote of Kyros, his wisdom, c 122. 

Thus rapidly after the story of Plataia is once ended the work 
of Herodotus draws to a close: were it not for the consider- 
able digressions, and especially the major one, which disparts 
them, the stories of Mykale and of Sestos had been soon told, 
and the symmetry in the composition, demanded to some extent 
hj the supposed co-ordination of the two series of events, were 
even more hopelessly lost The conscious parallelism in the 
construction extends, perhaps, even so far as to establish a 
balance between the two sieges, of Thebes (cc. 86-88) and of Sestos 
(ca 114-121); and the whole concludes most characteristically 
with an anecdote, a ban mot, which carries a moral for Greece, 
mtUaio nomine, and points in that manner the most obvious lesson 
of the war just recorded, as a victory of the mountain over the 
plain, of poverty over luxury, of the sound mind in sound body 
over degenerate wearers of purple and fine linen. It is the moral 
anticipated in the object-lesson of Pausanias, on Lakonic simplicity 
and Persian pomp (a 82), and by design, or happy accident, 
might seem to have suggested the introduction of that lurid 
picture of oriental despotism, vice and cruelty presented in the 
major digression, on the amours of Xerxes, as though the historian 
would say : Horrors of that kind were rendered for ever impossible 
in Hellas by the stricken fields of Plataia and Mykale ! 

Thus compact, finished and complete, the work of Herodotus 
as a whole, and the last three Books as its third volume, emerge 
firom our Analyses. And yet there are eminent authorities ^ who 
still doubt whether the ninth Book, whether the work as a whole, 
is to be deemed finished and complete according to the design 
and conception of the author ; or whether, as clearly in the case 
of Thucydides, some catastrophe prevented the fulfilment of the 
historian's lifelong ambition. To the solution of this problem 
our argument naturally proceeds. 

^ The last, not the least, U. von {dasa der jeizige abxhluss (Us herodotei- 

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, who, in his sehen werkes nieht vom verfasser heah- 

AridoUU$ und Athen, i. 26 f. (1898), siehtigrt ist, liegt auf der hand oder sollU 

asserts that "the present close of the es dock tun). There is much yirtae in 

work of Herodotus is manifestly not in dock, 
aoeordance with the author's intention " 



xl HERODOTUS § 6 

§ 6. Is the work of Herodotus, then, incomplete, unfinished, 
as it stands ? The comparative shortness of the ninth Book does 
not make for an affirmative. Though the division into Books is 
not the author's doing, the ninth Book possesses practically a 
complete structure of its own, as above exhibited ; the stoiy of 
Mykale and of Sestos is complete in itself, and the Colophon 
with which the Book, and so the work, concludes is Herodotus' 
own way of marking from time to time a pause, a finis, more or 
less absolute.^ Kor are such peculiarities as may be detected 
in the ninth Book attributable to want of finish, but mainly to 
the nature of the subject and the Sources.' The final Book 
of Thucydides may be taken to show unmistakeable signs of 
incompleteness and want of finish: a chronological scheme 
manqv4, speeches still all left in the oblique oration, stylistic 
peculiarities, the abrupt breaking off. Not merely has the 
annalistic record of Thucydides been arrested some years short 
of its promised conclusion, but the latter end of it is obviously 
in the raw, as compared with other portions. No such assertions 
can be sustained against the final Book of Herodotus ; at most 
it might be said that Herodotus intended to carry on his story 
further, that the main subject has not reached its proper end 
with the capture of Sestos, and that another Book, or Books, 
would be required to bring down the history of the war to its 
actual finale. But what should this proper finale have been ? 
Ought Herodotus to have carried his story down to the transfer 
of the naval hegemony, or to the victory of the Eurymedon, or 
to the Peace of Kallias, if there was such a Peace, or to the de 
facto cesser of hostilities between Persia and Athens, wherever 
that is to be placed ? Not one of these events, real or supposed, 
would be a better finish to the story than the point at which 
Herodotus leaves off, before the schism between Sparta and 
Athens, before the new departure involved in carrying the war 
into the enemy's country, before the disappearance and disgrace 
of the heroes of the war, before the entrance on the scene of new 



^ For other examples of similar pauses, Herodotus* methods, 
or relative conclusions, nmrked by anec- ' The Sources of Bk. 9 are predomi- 

dotes, cp. 8. 160 ; 4. 143-4 ; 6. 137- nantly Attic, op. § 10 infra, Appendices 

140; 7. 239 (well placed, even if not VII., VIIL, and Commentary jMun'm : 

genuine). The assertion that 9. 122 is heuce its Atticisms. But I base no 

displaced in our text misses a point in argument on its stylometry. 



§ 6 INTRODUCTION xli 

actois and the rise of new interests. Herodotus is an artist, not 
a mere annalist ; but, even from the strictest historical point of 
view, the story of ' the great expedition ' may be considered ended 
after the battles of Plataia and Mykale, with the triumphant 
return of the Athenian fleet from Sestos, bringing home the 
cables which had yoked the Hellespont, linked Asia and Europe, 
and rendered the vast invasion possible. No ancient authority, 
or critic, r^arded the work of Herodotus as incomplete, or 
suspected an intention on his part to carry his narrative below 
the point just indicated. On the contrary, the Persian war, 
the great expedition, meant for his successors, from Thucydides 
to Diodoros, exactly what it had meant for Herodotus himself.^ 
To suppose that these authorities, imprimis Thucydides, accepted 
an imperfect conception of the subject due to the accidental 
failure of Herodotus to carry out his whole project, is to ascribe 
to them an exaggerated respect for his authority. Probably the. 
conception of rit JArjSitcd as the Invasion of Xerxes, comprising 
the two campaigns of 480 and 479 B.C., came to Herodotus 
himself ready-made, an accepted view of the case, justifiable on 
its merits: he simply stereotyped and gave it currency. No- 
where doed he indicate precisely in advance the limits of his 
subject, or the date, or event, which is the terminus of the war ; 
there is no ground so convincing as that would be, had he 
announced an end which he fails to reach, for charging the work 
with incompleteness. The only plausible argument in support 
of the view that the work of Herodotus is incomplete as it 
stands arises from the unfulfilled promises made by the author 
in the course of the work. There are three such cases in all : 
two of these, the promise to relate the capture of Nineveh 
(1. 106), and the promise to make mention of some kings of 
Babylon (1. 184), do not affect the conclusion of the work as 
it stands ; for no one can suppose that the fulfilment of these 
pledges was to find place in the present work after the record 
of the capture of Sestos. Either Herodotus at some time 
contemplated a distinct work on Assyrian history, or he intended 
to add to the end of the third Book, as we have it, some further 

^ Thucydides virtually begins his narrative into that of his predecessor; 

review of the PenUkorUtUfUris from the cp. Thuc. 1. 89 ff. For Diodoros cp. 

point reached by Hdt., the overlaps Appendix I. § 18 (vol. ii. p. 74). 
being only such as to dovetail his 



xlii HERODOTUS § 6 

notices of Babylon and Assyria. It is difficult to set down the 
non-fulfilment of these two promises, in pari materia, and occur- 
ring so nearly together, to an oversight, and I am inclined to 
believe that Herodotus had projected a separate work on 
' Assyrian ' history, which he never achieved. The argument is 
different in the third and only remaining case, the promise to 
complete the story of Epialtes, 7. 213, which is nowhere 
fulfilled. But, if we are not here in presence of a pure over- 
sight, at most the case proves that Herodotus did not quite fully 
and finally revise his work ; it cannot prove that he had projected 
a later close, or finale. Such a project would have landed him 
in the Pentekontaeteris to encounter all the difficulties and in- 
consequence above adverted to, in seeking a better, a more 
artistic conclusion than his actual work presents. Moreover, 
the numerous explicit references to events of the FentekorUaeteris, 
which occur throughout the work of Herodotus, and especially 
in the last three Books, supply a positive bar to the supposition 
that he intended to carry his connected and continuous narrative 
over any considerable portion of the period subsequent to the 
capture of Sestos. On any such hypothesis those references 
would involve reiterated anticipations of the narrative still to 
come of an inartistic and clumsy sort, which has no parallel in 
the actual work of Herodotus.^ Yet, if we are led to acquiesce 
in the view that the work of Herodotus missed the very last 
revision from the author's hand, it is less on the strength of this 
one clearly unfulfilled pledge than on account of the occurrence 
of numerous inconsequences, or maladroitnesses, which repeated 
filing might perhaps have removed from the finished work, 
much as your modem author will revise a complete and final 
edition of his works : though even in such a case a writer rarely 
succeeds in removing all inequalities, or inconsequences, from 
productions drawn from various quarters, dealing with many 
diverse interests and topics, and spread in composition over a 
considerable number of years ; and it may be doubted whether 
any number of revisions and retractations could quite have 
brought every story, every chapter, every line in the work of 
Herodotus into perfect consistency with every other, in view of 
his empirical methods and conflicting sources. 

^ On the references to the events of the FenUkonUUteria see § 8 it^ra. 



§ 6 INTRODUCTION xUu 

A further argument in favour of the view that the work of 
Herodotus is complete, after the author's oym conception, is to 
be found in the general plan and scope of the work as a whole. 
The whole falls, as has been already, and elsewhere more fully 
shown, into three great sections, or volumes, each comprising, as 
it happens, a trio of Books, and each nearly equivalent in bulk 
to each. A remarkable symmetry and proportion obtain in the 
tripartite work, anticipating, perhaps suggesting, the symmetry 
in the work of Thucydides, had the latter but obtained the 
destined bulk and finish from its author's hand. In neither 
case was the actual plan of the complete and symmetric work 
in existence before the inception of the undertaking: in each 
case, surely, the idea of the whole dawned and grew upon the 
author in the course of composition. This hypothesis is verifiable 
in the case of Thucydides, and highly probable in the case of 
Herodotus. But in the latter case, whatever may have been 
the point or stage at which the author first conceived the 
idea of the work as a whole, matters nothing to the present 
argument for the completeness of the work as it stands. To 
have added, that is inserted, the Assyrian Logoi, which were 
surely to have been as bulky as the Egyptian, or at least as the 
Libyan Logai, would have destroyed the symmetry of the extant 
whole, a parte ante ; to have carried the chronicle of the wars 
with Persia down to the battle of the Eurymedon, or the more 
complete end of actual hostilities, about the time of Perikles' 
ascendency, would have destroyed the symmetry of the work a 
parte post. The addition, indeed, of the further records, or Zogoi, 
indicated to the first and the third sections, or volumes, of the 
work respectively, would have left the symmetry of the com- 
position inviolate, but would enormously have increased the bulk 
of the whole, would have still further retarded the main 
argument by a fresh digression, and would have destroyed the 
moral atmosphere and efiect of the work, by involving the story 
in the decadence aud disruption of Hellas. It may have been 
the very impossibility of adding to the story of the Persian war, 
of carrying it below the capture of Sestos, without departing 
from recognized principles, and becoming entangled in endless 
diflRculties and inconsequences, which determined Herodotus to 
preserve the proportions of his work as a whole by omitting 
the ^Aa-avpiot \6yoi from the first volume, and reserving the 



xliv HERODOTUS § 6 

fuller stories of Nineveh and of the Babylonian kings for an 
entirely distinct work. If the Assyrian Logoi were to have been 
a separate and distinct work, as appears most probable, then the 
references and promises in respect of them in no degree bear 
out the view that the existing work was incomplete, or un- 
finished, in the author's judgement and conception. The 
argument has to rely simply upon the promise in the seventh 
Book, a frail support for a conclusion otherwise so improbable ; 
and as it can be shown, from numerous authentic additions and 
insertions, that the author revised his work certainly once» 
and probably more than once, the most extreme conclusion 
justified by the state of the evidences amounts to no more than 
the admission that Herodotus, had he revised his work yet once 
again, might have removed a few more of the still remaining 
inconcinnities, which go to prove that the work, as we have it, 
artistic, complete, and highly finished as it is, a whole, with a 
beginning, a middle and an end, nevertheless was not originally 
conceived and projected upon the lines, and with the structure 
and great argument thereinto imported by the author in the 
course of his years of apprenticeship and mastery. 

Last, and not least, if not merely is the work a result of years 
of study, of wandering, of experience and production, as all critics 
will in some degree admit : if also the earliest portion, or section, 
of the work to attain relative completeness and definite form was 
just the History of the Great Invasion, r^ Mi/S^/ca, our last three 
Books : why, then, the argument in favour of regarding the work 
as complete and finished, in structure and general conception, 
gains additional weight and substance. If the history of the 
Medic war was the primary and principal subject to the record 
and illustration of which Herodotus first addressed himself, it is 
probable that the history of the Medic war is complete and 
finished in the author's conception and creation. This history 
forming the end of the Herodotean work, as we have it, that 
work is finished, and has reached its proper end, whatever lacunae 
may be detected in its earlier portions. The problem of the 
order in which the various parts and portions of the work of 
Herodotus were composed, or the materials for their composition 
collected, is in itself an important and interesting problem to the 
student of historical literature. Should it be decided in accord- 
ance with the hypothesis just indicated, it must be held to afford 



§ 7 INTRODUCTION xlv 

fre8h ground for recognizing the work as finished and complete 
in its present form ; and all arguments for the substantive priority 
of Books 7, 8, 9 become ancillary arguments for the completion 
and completeness of the work. Should the problem of the order 
of composition be decided otherwise, or be held definitely in- 
soluble, still all the considerations already adduced remain to 
make it practically quite certain that the connected and con- 
tinuous story of the Barbarian and Hellenic worlds, and of the 
wars waged between them, had reached its end and conclusion, 
as conceived and projected for his work by the author; and 
nothing in the work itself, much less elsewhere, justifies the view 
that the story of the war is incomplete. 

§ 7. The view that the contents of the last three Books were 
the earliest portion of the work collected, and even put by the 
author into literary shape, has been repeatedly advanced by 
competent critics,^ but cannot be said to be much in favour at 
the present tima The case, indeed, has never been quite fully 
stated, nor the whole argument sufficiently elaborated. Undue 
stress has been laid on one or two partial observations, and 
certain cumulative arguments have been overlooked, or treated 
as self-evident An absolutely demonstrable conclusion is not 
likely to be attained upon this subject, the problem being mainly 
a literary one, where direct testimony is not forthcoming. But 
at least the question should be recognized as a purely open one 
at starting, unprejudiced by the particular order in which the 
subject matter is now presented in the finished and completed 
work. The primitive assumption that the Logoi of Herodotus 
were collected and written down by him in just the order in 
which they now meet us in his work, though substantially main- 
tained by Kirchhoflf,^ is neither probable in itself nor in accordance 



^ Blakesley in England (1854) and of the work strictly in the existing 
A. Scholl in Germany (1855) were ap- order, but recognizes three stages and 
parently the first to suggest it ; A. three localities in its genesis, Bks. 1, 2, 
Baaer'a EnisUhung des Herodotischen 3. 1-119 having been composed before 
0€8chichf^werkes, Wien, 1878, is still the Hdt.'s migration to Thurioi, Bks. 3. 
most considerable tract in its support ; 120-160, 4 and 5. 1-76 at Thurioi be- 
ep, my Herodotus IK- VI., vol. i. p. tween 443 and 482 B.C., and Bks. 6. 77- 
xdi (1895). 124, 6, 7, 8, 9 at Athens during the 

* Ueber die EnlsUhungszeit des Hero- early years of the * Peloponnesian war.' 

doUaehen GeschidUswerkes, 2te Aufl., Cp. § 9 p. Ivi infra. According to the 

Berlin, 1878, maintains the composition more naive doctrine of the ancients the 



xlvi HERODOTUS § 7 

with analogy, nor borne out by the inner indications to be found 
in the work itself. The clearest single test of such an assumption 
is the position of the second Book ; for the occurrence of this 
colossal excursus, so early in the course of the work, is difficult 
to reconcile with the hypothesis that the existing work was 
conceived as a whole, and its several parts composed exactly in 
the existing order. The date of the author's visit to Egypt, the 
date of the composition of the second Book, which is a unity in 
itself, must be treated, at starting, as open questions ; so must 
the date and origin of each subordinate unit, into which the work 
of Herodotus can be fairly analyzed, be left at starting an open 
question : the Skythian, the Libyan, the Lydian, the Medo-Persian 
histories, the records and traditions of particular Hellenic states 
(Samos, Athens, Sparta, Korinth, Syracuse), the Ionian Bevolt, 
the Marathonian campaign, and likewise the account of the Great 
Invasion, must all be regarded as potentially separable units. The 
problems of genesis, date and composition arise equally in relation 
to the many precise passages of a digressional or excursional 
character with which the work is enriched ; such materials have 
been gathered, perhaps, at widely different epochs of the author's 
life, and may have been inserted in the work at various dates ; 
the order of their occurrence in the work by no means corre- 
sponds of necessity to the chronological order of their collection, 
or of their insertion. One conclusion, perhaps only one, need 
be posited at starting, that the whole work of Herodotus being 
composed of many different and separable units, partly corre- 
sponding to, but partly irrespective of, the existing division into 
nine Books, these parts, or subdivisions, still recognizable in the 
work will have existed, some or all, in a state of relative com- 
pletion, or substantial independence, before they were brought 
together and fused, more or less flawlessly, into the existing 
whole. The exact degree of that independence and individuality 
may have varied in different cases, great and small, and can 
never have amounted, except perhaps in the case of the second 
Book, and of some minor and clearly detachable excursuses, 
digressions, stories, to complete identity of form and substance 
with the passages as now observable in the work of Herodotus. 



work of Hdt. was all accomplislied at at Samoa (Suidas) or later at Thorioi 
one time in one place, whether early (Pliny, Nat. Hist, 12. 18). 



§ 7 INTRODUCTION xlvii 

Any other assumption would involve the corollary that 
Herodotus, notwithstanding the splendid artistic result, put his 
materials together by a purely mechanical method, and that the 
final redaction, perhaps the last of several revisions, was without 
appreciable effect upon the composition, the fusion, the org^isa- 
tion of the whole. Such a corollary were an absurdity. But 
there is no inherent absurdity in the view that the artistic whole 
is a product, not of one original and single inspiration, proceeding 
from one single idea, but of a gradual enlargement of plan, and 
probably of materials and knowledge ; there is no absurdity in 
the assumption that even the skilful and artistic hand of 
Herodotus, applied again and again to his great and growing 
work, failed to remove and obliterate entirely all traces of its 
genesis. The genesis of the work is a legitimate subject of 
speculation, and what theory is at once more simple and more 
consistent with the work, as we find it, than the view that 
Herodotus first projected and, to a greater or less extent, first 
elaborated the History of the Persian War, in Bks. 7, 8, 9, 
though not in quite the exact form, or with all the details, now 
presented in those Books; and that afterwards there developed 
before his mind the possibility of working up into a vast prelude 
to that main theme materials amassed during many years of 
study, research, inquiry, travel, a prelude that should pourtray 
the historic antecedents, both Barbarian and Hellenic, of the 
great struggle, and present in vivid colours a panorama of the 
two worlds that clashed together in the final duel ? 

There would certainly have been much more of novelty in 
an attempt to relate, in an adequate and also picturesque manner, 
the story of a recent war, as represented in the last three Books 
of Herodotus, than in the attempt to reproduce geographical 
descriptions and ethnographical memoranda more or less in the 
style of Hekataios, such as are to be found in the second and 
fourth Books, and to a considerable extent also in the first, third, 
and fifth. The precise advance which Herodotus made upon his 
prose predecessors appears to have lain in his applying to history 
methods and ideas drawn from the only sphere of literary art so 
far practised, poetry, and chiefly the Epos and the Drama, To 
emulate Phrynichos and Aischylos by taking a subject from the 
immediate past, and to relate it in prose, with artifices and 
methods largely drawn from the Homeric Epos as well as from 



xlviii HERODOTUS § 7 

the stage, was an inspiration far surpassing any previous achieve- 
ment in prose composition, and one well worthy the genius of 
Herodotus. While the subject was thus original, the methods of 
representation were largely imitative. There is no part of the 
work of Herodotus where the Homeric influence is so visible as 
in the last three Books. The introduction is modelled upon the 
first Book of the Iliad ; the second Book of the Eiad supplies a 
good precedent for the catalogue of Army and Navy. Elsewhere 
Herodotus might seem to have drawn his inspiration from the 
Odyssey, as he travels, or seems to travel, over the world, visiting 
the tribes and cities of men in many climes ; the concentration of 
interest on the war in the last three Books reproduces rather the 
atmosphere of the older epos. It is unnecessary to pursue these 
analogies into detail: the direct deposit of Homeric style and 
terminology is strongest in the last three Books.^ A similar 
observation holds of the relation of these Books to the Drama. 
The influence of Aischylos is undeniable, less in details concern- 
ing the march or the battle, where there are also noticeable 
difiTerences between Herodotus and the poet, than in the presenta- 
tion of character, and in the moral setting of the whola It has 
been observed also that the speeches in the last three Books of 
Herodotus are far more truly dramatic than the speeches in the 
earlier Books.^ There they are too often mere substitutes for 
narrative ; here they have a real bearing on action, and the 
march of events. It was not, we may fairly surmise, at the end 
of his life and literary achievement that Herodotus would show 
most clearly such influences. The distinctly religious tone of the 
narrative favours the same conclusion. The heroic and poetical 
standpoint of Herodotus breaks down in the later decades of the 
century into the colder estimates of Thucydides.* Herodotus 
writes this history in the spirit of Aischylos and of Simonides, of 
Panyasis and of Pindar. The little we know of his biography, 
and particularly of his early education, favours the view that the 
subject he first chose for literary illustration in prose was an 
epical subject, such as that offered by the invasion of Xerxes. 
Herodotus was trained, so to speak, in the school of his imcle 
Pauyasis, one of the last of the epic poets. His history of the 

^ Cp. Appendix II. § 2, vol. ii. p. 125, are in orcUio oUiqua^ e.g. 8. 83. Cp. 
and Commentary adlL § 11 (i) infra, 

^ The most authentic-looking speeches ' Cp. Appendix I. § 4. 



§ 7 INTRODUCTION xlix 

great invasion is but the application of the principles of Panyasis 
to a new subject, the freshest that could have engaged his 
attention, or lent itself to such treatment.^ Materials and 
encouragement would not be wanting in Halikamassos, where 
Artemisia had but just passed away ; in Samos, which had played 
no unimportant part at the crucial moment ; in Ionia, which had 
supplied no small part of the King's Fleet, and had revolted, ' for 
the second time,' as lonians were proud to remember, from the 
Persian yoke on the morrow of Mykale. When Herodotus began 
to write, about the middle of the fifth century, some thirty 
years after the victory of Salanus, and before the travels, more or 
less extensive, in Europe, in Libya, in Asia, which are implied in 
the earlier Books, what boon could he bring to European audiences 
more acceptable than the deft and glorious records of the Greek 
victory over the hosts of Asia — ^meet pendant to the Trojan war 
— or what stronger motive could he have for visiting European 
Hellas than the desire to complete, by the means there available 
to him, in Athens, in Delphi, in Sparta, the projected story, and 
round it into a finished whole ? 

Whatever be the varying proportion of written to oral sources 
in the successive parts of the work of Herodotus, for no part of 
his record can Herodotus have had oral tradition so copious and 
so firesh as for the history of the Invasion contained in the last 
three Books. The amoimt of matter in these Books drawn from 
literary sources has, indeed, been generally under-estimated ; but 
be it set never so high, there remains a larger and more constant 
echo of the vox viva in this volimie than in any other equal 
portion of the work. It could hardly be otherwise from the 
nature of the case, and from the relation of the author to his 
subject Herodotus stands indeed to his subject in one degree 
less intimate than Thucydides to the annals of the Peloponnesian 
war, but he was only just not contemporary with the expedition 
of Xerxes. The elder generation, amongst whom he grew up, had 
taken part in the war, upon the Persian side ; nor was it only 
with one medizing Greek from Greece proper that he had held 
converse.* The happy selection of a virgin subject, knowledge of 
which was still largely to be gleaned from the lips of living men 



CpL Suidas, 8,v. Ucwdcuris, On the relation of Cholrilos and Hdt. cp. § 10 infra. 

' Cp. 9. 16 and § 10 infra, 
VOL. I PT. I d 



1 HERODOTUS § 7 

and women, themselves witnesses and actors in the drama, goes 
far to explain the most characteristic quality of the author's style, 
the elpofjLevff Xi^i^, that impression of the living voice in the 
literary narrative, caught naturally in the first instance from the 
lips of the story-teller, mother, or mother's brother, exile and 
refugee, Ionian, Dorian, Persian, and what not It is, indeed, 
not easy to detect more than one style in Herodotus, the 
acquisition or formation of which is most readily explained by the 
supposition that it was first acquired and exercised on such a 
subject, and on such materials, as those presented in the last 
three Books, and then applied, with but slight modification, to 
more remote subjects, for which literary evidences were already 
forthcoming in greater abimdance, as was the case, in varying 
degrees, with the earlier Books of the finished work.^ 

§ 8. All these general observations and reflexions could at 
best establish but a probability in favour of the prior composition 
of the story of the Great Invasion. That probability requires to 
be fortified and supplemented by a detailed examination of the 
passages, of various kinds and orders, which may be quoted in 
support of the main thesis. These passages are, of course, 
cumulative in their evidential value, and their partial classifica- 
tion will (it is to be hoped) strengthen, or clarify, the argument. 
Two or three obvious considerations, however, tend to complicate 
the problem, or at least to generate caveats or canons in bar of 
too facile a conclusion. (L) Herodotus undoubtedly draws, 
throughout his work, from a great variety of sources, without a 
strenuous attempt to co-ordinate their data, or reduce the result 
to self-consistency. Inconsistencies, inconsequences, may be 
found not merely between Book and Book, but often in close 
juxtaposition in his pages. In either case such occurrences may 
prove not differences of time and design in composition, but 
simply dififerences of source imperfectly reduced. Again, (ii.) the 
indubitable fact of revision, of insertions on revision, while it 
helps to explain, helps also to obscure the evidence in regard to 
the genesis of the work ; and in some cases we are left with an 

^ I have despaired of applyiDg stylo- its subject matter, and sources, neutralize 
metric tests to the problem of the order the stylometrio argument. The appear- 
and gerutis of the Herodotean Logoi^ ance of a closer texture in sundry places 
there being no fixed datum for any isprobably due to the presence of literaiy 
portion of the work from which to start. sources, and the introduction of con- 
Book 4 might afford hpoirU cU eUpart, but troversial matter. 



§ 8 INTBODUCTION U 

apparently arbitrary or capricious result, and no good reason 
why a given passage, note, or remark occurs in this rather than 
in that context If in the end there emerge not a demonstrated 
conclufidon, but at best a tenable hypothesis, there will still be a 
twofold gain — incidentally a harvest of problematic and interest- 
ing gobbets gleaned from the work, the co-ordination of which is, in 
itself, an essay in the higher criticism ; and ultimately a resultant 
theory, which more than any of the known alternatives renders 
the geneeis of the work, as a whole, intelligible, and explains how 
parts, at first sight so disparate, as, for example, the first three and 
the last three Books of Herodotus, come to fall into their places 
as symmetrical factors in the organic opus. Finally, (iii) the 
problem is a literary, or at most a biographical one ; success and 
fBolare in its solution alike leave the historical values in the work 
intact. The truth or falsity, the weight or authority, of what 
Herodotus reports of the Persian war is but little affected by the 
detennination of the precise date, within the possible range of 
twenty years, at which he reduced it to writing: least of all 
oonld the priority of the last three Books militate against their 
authority. Subject to these cautions the argument may proceed 
with its review of the proofs in detail. 

The story of the war ends appropriately with the capture of 
Sestos ; but in no equal part of the work of Herodotus are there 
so many references to later history as in the last three Books. 
To events, situations, developments, falling into the period con- 
veniently and correctly known as the Fentekontaeteris,^ there are 
about three dozen references in the course of these Books.* From 
the chronological rearrangement of these references an important 
observation results. Three cases carry down to the opening 
years of the third Peloponnesian war, the Ten Years' War of Thucy- 
dides ' ; the other thirty and odd cases, with one doubtful instance, 

^ w^rrjfKomtrriplt is the term used ences in tlie last three Books to events 

bj the Scholiast to Thucydides 1. 97. subsequent to the capture of Sestos, as 

'Hie termiremf«oprarrf a (used apparently against from ten to twelve in Bks. 4, 5, 

in the same sense by the Scholiast ibid. 6, and as against some five or six in Bks. 

and ad 1. 89) is found in Dionysios of 1, 2, 3. The nature of the contents and 

GUikamassoe 4. 82 in the sense of * the sources, in the three volumes respec- 

•ge of fifty.' Revived by Busolt for the tively, will in part account for this 

interval between the Persian and Pelo- difference in the distribution of contem- 

ponnesian wan, it is now commonly so porary references, but not wholly. 
used in Germany and England. ' These three cases may be numbered : 

' There are at least thirty-six refer- (35) the reference to the Theban sur- 



lii 



HERODOTUS 



§8 



carry down only to the breetch between Athens and Sparta, and 
the first Peloponnesian war.^ The latest event in this the main 
body, or stream, of references to contemporary events is the 
mention of the battle of Tanagra (457 b.c.).^ In the references, 
then, to events subsequent to the ostensible close of the historian's 
record, there are two groups : the first group comprises a con- 
siderable mass of references belonging chronologically to the 
twenty years immediately succeeding the fall of Sestos; the 
second consists of three references, which belong chronologically 



prise of Plataia, in 431 B.C., 7. 283, cp. 
Thucyd. 2. 2; (36) the sparing of 
Dekeleia by the Spartans, in 431 B.O., 
9. 78, cp. Thncyd. 2. 23 ; (37) the fate of 
Nikolas, Aneristos, and Aristeus, in 430 
B.C., 7. 137, cp. Thucyd. 2. 67. Cp. next 
note. For supposed later references cp. 
note to 7. 285. 6 (i. 346). 

^ The exact succession can scarcely 
be determined for all cases, but the 
dates, or approximate dates, for the 
more important events can be ascer- 
taiued, and this evidence is irrespective 
of the general atmosphere, and signs of 
afterthought, perceptible throughout the 
narrative. To the first decade or so 
after the war might be reckoned the 
rewards, or punishments, meted out to 
actors in the war, whether on the Persian 
or the Greek side, with other more or 
less cognate matters: (1) Theomnestor 
and Phylakos, 8. 86 ; (2) Xeinagoras, 9. 
107 ; (3) Megapauos, 7. 62 ; (4) Amyu- 
ta^ (?), 8. 186 ; (6) rewards for the burial 
of Mardonios, 9. 84 ; (6) fate of Masistes, 
9. 108-113 ; (7) rewards to Maskames 
and his descendants, 7. 106 (carries down 
into the reign of Artaxerxes) ; and here 
might be added (8) *the old age of 
Amastris,' 7. 114. On the Greek side : 
the cases of (9) Antidoros, 8. 11 ; (10) 
Sikinnos, 8. 75 ; (11) Epialtes, 7. 213 ; 
(12) Hegesistratos, 9. 38; (13) the 
Tenians, 8. 82; (14) the Korkyraiaus, 
7. 168, a case that might carry down 
much later. There are, besides, the 
notices of monuments and relics con- 
nected with the war, which imply dates 



in the PentekonUUUris for their erection, 
or it may be for the historian's view of 
them, such as (15) the tombs at Ther- 
mopylai, 7. 228 ; (16) offerings at Delphi* 
8. 121, 122, cp. 7. 179, 9. 81 ; (17) at 
Athens, 7. 189 ; (18) at PlataU, 9. 83. 
But of more interest are the events in 
Greek history to be dated previous to 
the first rupture between Sparta and 
Athens, such as (19) the liberation of 
Thrace, 7. 106; (20) the heroism of 
Boges, 7. 107 ; (21) the transfer of the 
naval hegemony, 8. 3 ; (22) the battle 
of Tegea, 9. 84; (23) the battle of 
Dipaia, ibid. ; (24) the Tarantine dis- 
aster, 7. 170 ; (25) the death of Hermo- 
lykos, 472 B.C., 9. 105 ; (26) the exploit 
of Aneristos, 468 B.o. ? 7. 137 ; (27) the 
expulsion of Mikythos, 467 b.o. f 7. 170 ; 
(28) the medism of Themistokles, 466 
B.O., 8. 109; (29) deaths of Sophanet 
and Leagros, 465 &c., 9. 75; (30) the 
Messenian war, 464 B.C., 9. 84 ; (81) 
death of Aeimnestos, 464 B.C., 9. 64. 
Events after the rupture between Athens 
and Sparta (462 B.O.) follow : (82) the 
war in Egypt, 459 ac, 7. 7 ; (38) the 
battle of Tanagra, 457 B.C., 9. 84 ; (84) 
the embassy of Kallias, 7. 151, possibly 
earlier than the war in Egypt, but more 
probably after the death of Eimon (449 
B.C.), or even after the Thirty Years' 
Truce (445 b.c.). In the latter case there 
is a considerable gap between the dates 
of (33) and (34). 

'^ 9. 84. See No. (33) in preceding 
note. 



§ 8 INTRODUCTION liii 

to the years 431—430 B.C., and may of course have been actually 
penned a year or two later. Between the two groups of references 
there is objectively a chronological interval of nearly thirty years, 
perhaps broken by a single reference, of doubtful data^ The 
conclusion to which these observations point is clear. The last 
three Books of Herodotus must in the main have been composed 
not very long after the battle of Tanagra, in part presumably 
from information collected upon the European side; but this 
draft was laid aside for many years, and then revised, or retouched, 
in the opening years of the Peloponnesian war, the Ten Years' 
War, apparently during a visit to Athens. If there was a second 
or intervening revision in the meanwhile, it involved no reference 
to contemporary events in Hellas (with the one doubtful exception 
above mentioned), and was, therefore, presumably made in some 
place where Herodotus was removed from the main current of 
Hellenic affairs. It is manifest that these observations accord 
perfectly with the hypothesis that the last three Books of 
Herodotus were in substance composed some time before the 
previous six Books, that their first draft was succeeded by a period 
of travel, or further travel, and research ; and that the work of 
Herodotus, as we have it, only came into existence after the 
author's return to Athens, and is the result of a third and final 
revision from the author's own hand, in the opening years of the 
Peloponnesian war : a revision, perhaps, never quite fully carried 
out. 

In view of the number of passages in the last three Books 
where matters are mentioned which have been more fully 
described or narrated in the previous Books, it is curious (if we 
are to believe that the first six Books were already in existence 
before the last three Books were written) that there are only 
two express references in the last three Books to passages in 
the earlier Books. Of these two references the first is on a 
very trivial point, is made in somewhat unusual form, without 
any personal reference, and reads very like a gloss.^ The second 
case is irreproachable in form, is quite in Herodotus' usual 
manner, is made to an important passage, or rather to two im- 

* No. (34) in note 1, previous page. ^ 7. 93 o5roi Si (sc. Kapes) dripis 

This passage might belong to the final vpSrepoy iKoKiovro iy roTai TfuSyroiai 

revisioii of the work, and date with the tQv X67(uv etfnjrai, 
latest insertions. 



liv HERODOTUS § 8 

portant passages in the fifth and sixth Books, and has all the 
appearance of being authentic.^ But unique as it is, and 
referring moreover to events which have been previously implied 
in the narrative and speeches of the seventh Book, it is more 
probably a later addition, on revision, from the author's own 
hand, than an integral part of the first or original draft of the 
history of the Great Invasion. Certainly neither of these 
passages should be cited in support of the view that the Books of 
Herodotus were composed in just the order in which they now 
stand, or even that the seventh Book is later in original con- 
ception, or composition, than the first, the fifth and the sixth. 
There is also something apparently capricious in this one express 
reference to an earlier story, in view of the many passages where 
reference to the earlier Books, had those earlier Books been in 
existence, would have been equally in point, or even more so. 
The argument a sUefUio may not be much stronger in this 
than in any other application, yet it counts for something, and 
must be faced. Whatever, indeed, may be the best explanation 
of the anomalies presented by the following cases, the anomalies 
demand attention. 

The total absence of any reference back from the Army and 
Navy lists in Book 7 to passages on the same tribes and nations 
as described in the first four Books is remarkable, if the first four 
Books were compiled and composed before the seventh; the 
silence is simple enough, on the supposition that the seventh 
Book is older in the genesis of Herodotus' work than the earlier 
Books. Persians, Medes, Skyths, Libyans, Arabians, Aithiopians, 
Egyptians, Ass}rrians defile before us in the seventh Book as 
though we had never heard of them before ; but the passages in 
the seventh Book concerning them show in some respects a more 
imperfect and presumably earlier state of knowledge. The 
absence of express reference to the story of the conquest of 
Egypt as told in the third Book is remarkable; still more 
remarkable is the absence of any express reference to the story 
of the Skythian expedition of Dareios, if the third and fourth 
Books were already in existence when Herodotus was writing 
the seventh. Could he have lost himself in wonder over the 

^ 7. 108 idedo^XiOTo ydp, «u$ Kcd Tp6- "Htyapdj^ov re Karaarpeil/afUpov koI Otf*- 
T€p6p fJLOi dediiXurrai, ij fi^XP^ Q€<r<ra\lris repw Mapdovlov. 
Tcura Kol ffv (nrb pcunXia SafffJt^o^pos, 



S 8 INTRODUCTION Iv 

bridges and canal of Xerxes if he had already described, without 
astonishment, the bridges and canal of Dareios, the latter at least 
a tax more stupendous work? The total omission of any 
reference to Kjrrene in relation to the expedition of Xerxes is 
the more remarkable, if Herodotus was already so fully acquainted 
with the history of Eyrene as he shows himself in the Libyan 
LogoL All these, and other similar if less striking omissions of 
direct reference, are easily intelligible on the supposition that 
Herodotus drafted the history of the expedition of Xerxes in 
much the form now presented by the seventh and following 
Books before he had written, or even acquired the materials for 
writing, the earlier Books, more especially those portions of the 
earlier Books which describe the history and antiquities of the 
non-HeUenic nations, whether civilised or barbarous. 

There are three or four passages in the last three Books 
which clash with passages in the earlier Books, and where the 
absence of a reference, or explanation, is almost inexplicable on 
the supposition that the last three Books were the last compiled, 
or composed, by the author. (1) To take the two notices of 
Sophanes of Dekeleia, and especially his victory in a duel with 
Eurybates the Argive, in Aigina: the absence in 9.75 of any 
reference to 6.92, if the latter passage was in existence when 
the former passage was first penned, is certainly remarkable. (2) 
In this connexion it might further be urged that the absence in 
Book 7 of any reference to the story, or details, of the Aiginetan 
war, had that story already been committed to writing in the 
form now found in Books 5 and 6, is also a noticeable omission. 
The confusion and obscurity in which that story is involved in 
no wise militate against the later date for the fifth and sixth 
Books. (3) Still more striking is a third instance, where a 
backward reference might fedrly be expected, all the more because 
there is inconsistency, not to say contradiction, involved in the 
two passages. Book 7.163 gives a story of Kadmos, son of Skythes 
of Koe, and of his father Skythes, in which the absence of any 
reference to Book 6. 23, 24, where a variant story of Skythes is 
told, is the more astonishing in view of the difficulty of reconcil- 
ing, or harmonising, the data of the two passages. This omission 
is more intelligible on the supposition that the passage in the 
sixth Book is the younger passage, and was not in existence 
when Herodotus first penned the passage in the seventh Book, 



Ivi HERODOTUS § 8 

than on the reverse hypothesis. (4) There is another pair of 
passages, in this case, indeed, a precise doublet, which would 
settle once for all the priority of the eighth Book to the first, in 
order of composition, could the authenticity of the two passages 
be guaranteed. Book 8. 104 appears to reproduce from Book 
1. 175 an account of the portent of the bearded priestess of 
Pedasa, in almost identical terms, but with one marked variation: 
according to Bk. 8 the portent has occurred twice, according to 
Bk. 1 three times. The conclusion is obvious : the passage in 
Book 1 is the later of the two. Unfortunately for the argument 
the occurrence of this unique doublet suggests a scribe's gloss, 
in one place or the other ; and the variation may easily pass for 
a lapse of memory, or of pen, on the glossator's part. 

On mere inconsistencies, or even apparent contradictions, 
between passages in the last three Books and in the first six, cited 
to prove the independence of the last three Books as against the 
first six, and the probability therefore of their prior composition, 
much stress cannot be laid ; for the cases cited need prove only the 
independence of the sources in various parts of Herodotus' work, 
and the absence of a thorough co-ordination and rationalisation 
of the data of varying sources — facts everywhere patent through- 
out the work of Herodotus. If, for example, in the seventh Book 
(c. 8) Aristagoras accompanies the Greeks to Sardes in 498 B.C., 
while in the history of the Ionian revolt (5. 99) he stays behind 
in Miletos, it may be said that the latter statement is obviously 
preferable, and shows better knowledge, and is consequently a 
later statement ; it may also, however, be said that the former 
is a blunder dramatically put into the mouth of Xerxes, and in 
no way commits Herodotus. It would be fair to reply that the 
blunder seems a rather gratuitous one ; but still, the inconsistency 
here has obviously a very low evidential value either way. 
Again, in Book 7. 54 Xerxes the Persian king pours libations, 
while in Book 1. 132 we learn that the Persians have no such 
custom or rite. Had Herodotus possessed this information when 
he wrote that passage, he must (it is said) have suppressed, or at 
least have explained, the inconsequence. But the argument is 
not convincing. Herodotus might follow an ill-informed tradition, 
and forget in one place what he had said in another, especially 
in passages of such different character and provenience ; or again, 
Xerxes might sanction religious rites, upon occasion, which were 



S 8 INTRODUCTION Ivii 

not strictly * Persian/ and so on. A supposed inconsistency has 
been discovered between the statement in 9. 35 that Teisamenos 
and his brother were the only outlanders ever admitted to the 
Spartan franchise, and the record in 4. 145 of the admission of 
the Minyai ; but again reply is easy. The one case belongs to 
the historical, the other to the legendary period; Herodotus 
overlooks the infinitesimal inconsequence ; or, finally, he records 
that the Minyai lost the franchise after gaining it, so the instance 
would hardly count A fairer case might be made out in the 
foller details of the domestic history of some of the recent Spartan 
kings given in Bk. 6, as compared with Bk. 7 ; but even here 
difference of source might account for most of the variations, and 
in any case our author's whole style and method of research, 
thought, and composition is hardly close and cogent enough 
to give such observations any great weight in determining the 
theory of the order in which various parts or sections of his 
history were composed. 

Much more weight attaches to a group, or series, of passages 
fonnd in Books 7, 8, 9, the presence of which therein would be 
more or less anomalous, or surprising, if Books 1-6 had been 
¥nritten first Thus, it is curious that we should have to wait until 
the seventh Book (c. 11) for the Achaimenid Pedigree, if Books 
1—3 were composed before Books 7-9. The natural and proper 
place for its introduction would have been in connexion with the 
accession of Dareios, or failing that, as Herodotus calls Kyros an 
Achaimenid,^ in connexion with his name. The device of placing 
his own pedigree in the lips of Xerxes suggests that Herodotus 
was rather hard bestead for an excuse to introduce a matter 
which might much more easUy have been introduced in t)ie first 
or in the third Books, had he written, or had he entertained the 
plan of writing, them at the time. A similar remark attaches 
to other pedigrees which occur .in the last three Books. It is 
curious that we should have to wait until these Books are 
unrolled for the genealogies of the Spartan kings, and of 
Alexander of Makedon. It may be said that the pedigree of 
Leonidas (7. 204), the pedigree of Leotychidas (8. 131), are 
introduced on great occasions, to give solemnity to the stories 



Hdt. bM made Xenes do in 7. 11. 



Iviii HERODOTUS § 8 

with which they are associated ; but are we to suppose Herodotus 
holding his hand not merely in the first Book, where Spartan 
kings now meet us for the first time, but throughout the fifth and 
sixth Books, in which the inner history of Sparta, the fortunes of 
the royal houses, and the succession of these very kings, Leonidas 
and Leotychidas themselves, are in question, for the chance of 
utilizing the Herakleid genealogies to elevate the stories of 
Thermopylai and Mykale into a more heroic atmosphere ? The 
case of the Makedonian dynasty is not very dissimilar; and 
here the pedigree is given, in the baldest and coldest style, as a 
mere note or appendix to a brilliant story, which gains nothing 
but a touch of legal formalism from the genealogical finale. The 
context here encountered reaches further. In the eighth Book 
(cc. 137-9) Herodotus tells the story of the origin of the 
Makedonian monarchy, and explains the Hellenic descent of the 
Makedonian kingly house from the Temenids of Argos. In the 
fifth Book (c. 22) Herodotus tells a story, which records the 
dispute at Olympia over the Hellenic claim of the Makedonian 
house, and the decision in its favour, but there expressly post- 
pones the justification of the claim, and pledges himself to 
relate it hereafter. What hypothesis better explains this curious 
procedure than the supposition that, when Herodotus was writing 
the fifth Book, the eighth Book, with the passage on the Hellenic 
descent of Alexander embedded in it, was already in existence ? 

Within the class of cases now under review there is 
none4 of higher evidential value than the excmsoB on the 
origin of the Makedonian Eoyal House. There is, however, 
another case of almost equal weight, save for two considera- 
tions : the absence of the proleptic reference, and the possibility 
that the whole passage is a later insertion, as a part of it 
at least most certainly is, in the body of the seventh Book. 
But to regard the whole passage as an insertion makes 
its anachronistic introduction in its present context doubly 
perplexing. In Book 6 c. 48 Herodotus records the mission 
of heralds by King Dareios to the Greek states in 491 ac. 
demanding earth and water, but does not record the treatment, 
good, bad or indifferent, which these heralds underwent in Athens 
or in Sparta, nor does he even expressly record their arrival in 
Athens, or in Sparta, at all. In Book 7 c. 133 an ever-memor- 
able account is given of the defiant outrage of which these royal 



S 8 INTRODUCTION lix 

messengers were the victims in Sparta, and in Athens likewise. 
The historical merits of this account are not for the moment in 
question : the present problem is to explain the occurrence of 
this story in the seventh Book, out of its proper and obvious 
connexion, rather than in the sixth Book, under the annals of 
the year to which it chronologically and naturally belongs. 
What simpler explanation for this anomaly can be suggested 
than the hypothesis that the story had already been placed and 
utilized by the author in the records of the Great Invasion to 
explain the action of Xerxes (which, by the way, needed no such 
explanation) in omitting to send heralds to Athens and Sparta 
in 481 BwC. ? If the whole story (cc. 133-7) were an insertion, 
made at the last revision of his work by the author, it is hard to 
see why it was inserted in the seventh Book rather than in the 
sixth. The absence of a forward reference in the sixth Book, 
which might certainly have been desirable, is yet easily intelligible: 
Herodotus may have taken his record in Book 6 to imply that 
heralds were sent to Sparta and Athens, as to other Greek states, 
though the only one expressly named is Aigina, and that for a 
reason immediately supplied by the context. A proleptic reference 
to the sequel of the mission, the story of the reception, Herodotus 
did not happen to insert, either in the first draft of the sixth 
Book or on revision. Such references are quite exceptional 
in his pages, and the wonder is rather that he gave one in the 
case of Alexander than that he omitted one in the case of the 
heralds. In Alexander's case, to be sure, an explanation for the 
omission of the pertinent story was demanded by the argument 
itself. But for the actual postposition of either story it is hard 
to see any reason, except that each story was already, so to speak, 
in type, in place, to wit, in what are now respectively the seventh 
and eighth Books. 

Other anomalies of the same kind, though more subtle in 
d^ree, are best explained by the same hypothesis. Why is 
there no adequate description of the forces of the whole empire, 
which Dareios led with him into Thrake and Skytliia, except that 
the historian had already exhausted the subject, perhaps even 
exploited the available sources, in describing the Host of Xerxes ? 
So likewise the description of the Bridges of Xerxes in the 
seventh Book has rendered a description of the Bridges of Dareios 
in the fourth Book superfluous. If we would know the states 



Ix HERODOTUS § 8 

contributing to the Ionian fleet of Dareios on the Danube in 
512 B.C. we must turn back, so to speak, to the Navy-list of 
Xerxes in 480 B.c. Dareios sent manj messages throughout 
his empire; he was imdoubtedly the reorganiser, if not the 
inventor, of the Imperial postal system ; but it is only in the eighth 
Book (c. 98) that we read Herodotus* account of the Persian 
courier service. It is not to be assumed that Herodotus has 
always and everywhere made the best possible use of his 
materials, or that accident had no part in shaping his results. 
Many trifling anomalies may be left unaccounted for, or at least 
refused independent weight in the argument; but the greater 
anomalies establishing a presumption, the lesser fall into line in 
support of that presumption, and the presumption is in part 
verified by insignificant details.^ 

So, finally, there is a class of cases, in themselves by no 
means conclusive, although, as it seems, they were the first to 
suggest the hypothesis of the priority in genesis, or composition, 
of the last three Books over their preceders in the final achieve- 
ment of the work. A number of persons are introduced in the 
seventh Book as though for the first time, partly by the terms 
in which they are described, and partly by the employment of 
the patronymic in connexion with their names. The use of the 
patronymic has more than one purpose with Herodotus. He 
undoubtedly employs it upon occasion to lend emphasis, to mark 
a strong situation, to gain a rhetorical point, even as he may use 
a pedigree or a family name for the same purpose. In some 
cases recurrence of the patronymic may be due to the source 
from which name and father's name have been taken over 
together, without set purpose or significance. But the whole 
object of such an employment would be lost if this use were not 
exceptional, or if the presence and absence of the patronymic 
were determined by purely casual motives. The rule undoubtedly 
holds that the patronymic is used in introducing the person, and 
then is dropped, unless occasion arise to distinguish two persons 
of the same name, who might be confused, or for some other 
special reason, as above indicated. If King Dareios is given his 

^ Adolph Bauer {Die EnUttchung in themselves iu regard to the order of 

'u. 5. tr.) presses a large number of details composition, though favourable to the 

into the service of the argument, which more or less independent com])Osition, 

have here been discarded as inconclusive of the various \^ot. 



§ 9 INTRODUCTION Ixi 

patronymic in the opening words of Book 7, it is because there is 
here a new beginning, or a fresh departure.^ Demaratos might, 
perhaps, have had his father's name, without remark ; but why 
the details of his deposition and flight from Sparta if the seventh 
Book originally, as now, came after the sixth, in which details 
had just been given, making such a note quite unnecessary ? 
MardonioB, too, is described, not merely befathered, though we 
are, on that hypothesis, just come from an important passage on 
him in the sixth Book. The Peisistratidai make their appearance 
in terms which read strangely, considering what a space they 
have filled in the fifth and sixth Books; and the mention of 
Hipparchos as ' the son of Peisistratos ' after Book 5 is itself less 
perplexing than the total omission in the seventh Book of any 
mention of Hippias and his end — if at least Book 7 originally 
succeeded Book 6 as a continuous record. Atossa and Artabanos, 
Xanthippos and Alexander, Kadmos and Sophanes might be 
names all occurring for the first time, as much as Themistokles 
and Aristeides, Artabazos and Artemisia, or any of the numberless 
personages proper to the story in these Books. The nett result 
of such observations is to accentuate the impression of separateness, 
distinction, independence, and priority claimed for these Books 
on other groimds.^ 

§ 9. The priority in genesis or composition here demanded 
for the last three Books of Herodotus involves the recognition of 
a redactive act, or series of acts, whereby these Books have been 
combined with the other six, to form the existing whole. Whether 
this literary fusion was achieved once for all, or resulted from 
more than one revision or process of readjustment, is a problem the 
solution of which depends partly upon the general theory of the 
genesis of the whole work, and partly upon the actual evidences, or 
marks, of revision, which may be detected, and with more or less 
probability chronologized, within the volume here immediately in 
view. The general priority of the last three Books over the first 
six is more easily established than the respective order in com- 
position of those six Books, or their constituent parts. The all 
but total absence in the last three Books of the notes of travel, 
specially towards the East and South, makes heavily for the 
original priority in the composition of this volume of the work. 

^ Contrast its absence in 1. 130. 
* For the instances of the use of the Patronymic cp. Index IV. sub v. 



Ixu HERODOTUS § 9 

Apparently when Herodotus first drafted the story of the Invasion 
of Hellas by Xerxes his Wanderfahre had hardly begun, his major 
journeys lay still before him, the Pontos, the West, Libya, Egypt, 
Syria, were still unvisited. The first relatively completed draft of 
the story of the Persian war was doubtless in the main calculated 
for an Athenian audience; its tentative publication perhaps 
brought our author the means and opportunity for those more 
extensive voyages, the results of which are conspicuous in the 
earlier Books, and more especially in the Skythian Logoi There 
are two fairly well attested and convincing points (Tapput in the 
life and work of Herodotus — the voyage to the Pontos, and the 
voyage or migration to Italy, the clearest traces of which are to 
be found in the fourth Book ; and these two points combine to 
serve the theory of composition and redaction here propounded. 
The association of the Skythian Logoi with the expedition of 
Perikles into the Pontos in 443 B.c. is a thoroughly acceptable 
suggestion, whatever precise role may be assigned to Herodotus 
personally in connexion with that adventure.^ The association 
of his western migration, and consequent access to western 
sources, with the Periklean settlement of Thurioi in 443 B.a, is 
an ancient and long-established tradition in the biography of 
Herodotus. The first drafts of much of the Hellenic Logoi now 
preserved in the earlier Books, especially the histories of Athens, 
Sparta, Korinth, may well date from Herodotus' first visit to the 
mainland of Hellas. The Skythian Logoi cannot well be much 
earlier in date than his migration to the West, and were perhaps 
composed in the first instance for a western audience. Western 
sources flow freely in the fourth Book, and it is only by an over- 
sight that their presence in the first Book can be denied,^ while 
their effect in the third Book, notably in its last section, is a 
datum with which every theory of the genesis of the work has to 
reckon. If Herodotus was ever resident in Thurioi, it can hardly 
have been for long * ; and no positive proof of a visit to Syracuse, 
or to Sicily, can be adduced ; but, perhaps, enough time can be 



^ Cp. my Herodotus IV,-VLy Intro- The settlement was hardly a success 

duction, § 21 (vol. i pp. zc if.). from an Athenian point of view. The 

^ Cp. especially 1. 168, 165-7, also total silence of Herodotus in regard 

c. 94. to Thurioi makes it less easy to believe 

* For the history of Thurioi cp. that he was actually one of the 

Busolt, Or, Ouch. in. i. (1897) 518-40. colonists. 



% 9 INTRODUCTION Ixiii 

allowed in his western adventure to make room for what may 
not inconveniently be termed a ' Thurian redaction ' of his work. 
Though the last three Books nowhere suggest extensive travels, 
least of all in the East or South, yet a western deposit, pre- 
sumably due to his ' Thurian ' migration, is incontestably present ; 
these Books have been revised in the interests of what we have 
ventured to call ' the Thurian redaction/ ^ It was this redaction 
which first gave the work its full scope, its great width, its pro- 
found unity; but it remains a dij£cult and delicate problem to 
determine how much of the work, as it now exists, was incorporated 
in this, its second and enlarged edition, so to speak. A revised 
story of the Invasion of Xerxes was there ; the antecedents of 
the war were there ; the earlier history of the Greek states, the 
earlier history of the Persian empire, the attempted conquest of 
Europe by Dareios, the Ionian revolt, the Marathonian campaign, 
perhaps all of these. It is easier to say, with confidence, what 
was not yet to be found in the work. The Lydian Logoi were 
perhaps already involved with the origines of the Persian power ; 
but not the Libyan Logoi, still less the Egyptian. The second 
Book of Herodotus contains (as I believe) the key to the position, 
and points to the right solution of the problems of composition, 
genesis, and redaction presented by the work. The higher 
criticism has tended recently to date the Egyptian visit of 
Herodotus, and consequently the composition of the second Book, 
relatively late, but not quite late enough. Let the visit to Egypt 
be placed after the western adventure, yes, if you will, on the 
way back from Italy to Athens, and the composition of the work 
of Herodotus falls into the better perspective.^ The second 

^ The passage on Sicily, 7. 168-67, visit to Egypt falls relatively late: he 

contains much which is drawn from local dates it " about 440 B.C.," after the his- 

soarces, notably, the story of Gelon's torian's return from Thurioi to Athens. 

rise, cc 158-6 ; the story of Kadmos, I should rather suggest that Hdt. visited 

cc 163 £ ; the battle of Himera, cc. Egypt (and then Tyre, cp. 2. 44) after 

165-7. Just thereafter rd xard *'?yjylvov% leaving Thurioi but before returning to 

re KoX Tap€urr(povs is an obvious addi- Athens (possibly taking Kyrene on 

tion (and note Kafiur6r, rV ^ar' ifU the way, 2. 181). However that may 

'Ajc/MToyriyoc Mftorro), Western sources be, the composition of the Egyptian 

may underlie the note on the European Logoi falls late in the genesis of Hdt. 's 

habitat of the lion, 7. 126, and the story work. Bk. 2 was composed after Bk. 8, 

of Evenioa, 9. 98-95. cp. 2. 88 and 8. 28 (for, if 8. 28 was not 

' Edward Meyer {Forsehungen, i. already in existence, why not include 

(1S92) 155) has well seen that Hdt's the arifiifia in 2. 881). Bk. 2 was com- 



Ixiv HERODOTUS § 9 

revision or enlargement of the plan of the work, * the Thnrian 
redaction/ was not final: a later handling, probably again in 
Athens, incorporated the Egyptian Logoi in the first section of 
the work, perhaps appended the Libyan Logoi to the second, and 
to the third added at least those rarer touches which belong 
chronologically to the opening years of the Peloponnesian war, 
and which, in the case of the last three Books, are separated from 
the great mass of contemporary references by so considerable an 
interval. 

It is most important to realize that the general priority in the 
composition of the last three Books is a far simpler and more easily 
admitted conclusion than any view of the order and dates in the 
composition of the first six Books, or their constituent parts, and 
the precise times and places of the successive redactions by which 
such disparate elements were fused into a relatively continuous 
and complete whola In regard to the last three Books, with 
which this Introduction specifically deals, the evidences of re- 
vision, even of successive revisions, can hardly be gainsaid. The 
gap in the references to contemporary events proves it How is 
that gap to be explained if the whole sum and substance of the 
last three Books was being written down by the author in its 
present form about, or just after, the date of the three isolated 
references to 'the Ten Years' War'? Moreover, the signs of 
successive revision are apparent in the prevailing tone and point 
of view of the general narrative, as well as in the patent stratifica- 
tion of several distinct passages. The general tone and tendency 



posed after Bk. 1 (cp. 2. 100 with 1. between 'Egyptian' and 'Assyrian' 

185-7). Bk. 2 was composed after Bk. Logoi^ the unfulfilled promises in r^^ard 

4 (2. 161, 4. 159). The fourth Bk. to the latter (1. 106, 184) bring the 

is of cardinal importance to the argu- composition of the Egyptian Logoi down 

ment, as the Skythian Logoi were plainly to the end of Hdt.'8 literary labours, 

written, or written up, in the West, and Bk. 2 is fatal to the unity and oon- 

westem sources flow freely also in the tinuity of the Herodotean composition : 

Libyan Logoi, presumably composed it is practically a se^iarate treatise ; it 

afterwards : the analogies between the could never have formed an original 

<tian and the Libyan Logoi are part of the continuous argument, or 



strong. ' Western ' sources show them- ground-plan of the work ; its insertion, 

selves in Bk. 2, notably in cc. 10 (the as an afterthought, is to be justified as 

Echinades), 33 (the course of the furnishing a balance, so far as mere bulk 

Danube), 52, 55 (Hdt. in Dodona), per- is concerned, to the Beginning of the 

haps in c. 81 (Pythagorean orgies). work as against the Middle and the 

Assuming an affinity, or similar interest, End, cp. § 6, p. xzxvii sttpra. 



S 9 INTRODUCTION Ixv 

of the Books suggest a date for their composition before the 
middle of the fifth century, while the particular marks of revision 
point down as late as the Archidamian War. The great mass of 
references to events of the Pentekontdeteris belong, as already 
pointed out, to a date before the middle of the fifth century. To 
that period may be referred the original draft of the story of the 
war — a subject for which domestic and Asianic sources would be 
largely available, and which Herodotus might easily have pro- 
jected before leaving Halikamassos, and executed, at least in part, 
without travelling further than Samoa The war, indeed, is 
already a matter of history ; the chief agents in it are no more. 
Xerxes, Pausanias, Themistokles, Aristeides, are as dead as 
Leonidas and Mardonios. It is not so clear whether Alexander 
of Makedon was still alive when the first or second draft of the 
story was made : his successor is never mentioned, and the 
omission of all reference to the Odrysai among the Thrakians 
would be almost inexplicable if the passages on Thrake had been 
written after the rise of that tribe to supremacy. Herodotus 
must have found out before the completion even of the first draft 
of his story that, although he could get on fairly well with the 
account of naval operations, including Mykale, or even with the 
march of Xerxes as far as Thermopylai, perhaps as far as Athens, 
yet for his account of the preparations of the Greeks, for the 
campaign on land, for Thermopylai, above all for the story of 
Plataia, a journey to Athens, to Sparta, to Delphi, to Thebes, 
perhaps further afield, was desirable. It may be that a consider- 
able interval elapsed between the original composition of the 
earlier parts of the story and its first provisional completion, a 
labour perhaps accomplished before the death of Kimon, if not 
before the death of Alexander of Makedon. Athens is evidently 
growing in unpopularity : the rehabilitation of Argos is in pro- 
gress, that of Delphi is a fait accompli, but Thebes has hardly 
yet emerged from the cloud, and though the breach between 
Athens and Sparta has taken place, and the battle of Tanagra 
had been fought, the battle of Koroneia, with its momentous con- 
sequences, is still in the future. There are no true notes of a 
' Periklean redaction ' of the Persian war-story in the last three 
Books of Herodotus. The son of Xanthippos is not so much as 
named ; the Periklean disdain for the Eastern question would have 
been fatal to the Herodotean logography : Herodotus writes for a 
VOL. I FT. I e 



Ixvi HERODOTUS § 9 

public that still regards the Barbarian as its chief enemy. The 
argument from silence, from omissions, must not be pressed ; the 
subject and the sources will here account for so much ; yet it is 
to be observed that the special notes of the Periklean policy, 
resumed from Themistokles, anti-Lakonism, 'Medism/ the 
Empire, are not found in these Books, or only found in some of 
those passages which have been inserted on revision, and furnish 
forth the cumulative proof of re-editing and redaction. 

The list of such particular passages is a lengthy one, especially 
for the seventh Book, and some show traces of more than one 
retractation. Such a passage is (1) the highly composite passage, 
which connects the first and second parts of Book 7, and especially 
cc. 133-137, characterized by the author himself as a digression, 
and bearing the marks of more than one revision. Such again 
are (2) the passage on the geography of Thessaly, 7. 128-130 ; 
(3) the digression on Argos, 7. 150-152; (4) the Sikeliote history, 
7. 153-167 ; (5) the notes on Doriskos, 7. 106 ; (6) the king's 
high- way in Thrace, 7. 115 ; (7) the habitat of the lion, 7. 126 ; 
(8) the insertion {irapevOritcri) on Mikythos, or the war between 
Ehegion and the Tarentines, 7. 170; (9) the geographical notes on 
Thermopylai, 7. 176, and so forth. Moreover, many of the 
passages on Thessaly, on Athens, on Delphi have the appearance 
of insertions, or additions at second or third hand ; e.g. (10) the 
story of the expedition to Tempe, 7. 172, 173; (11) the oracle of 
the winds, 7. 178; (12) the defence of Athens, 7. 139. To 
these instances of addition, retractation, from the seventh Book, 
which might probably be increased, may be added some further 
ones from Books 8 and 9 ; (13) the deliverance of Delphi, 8. 
36-39; (14) the guardian of the Akropolis, 8. 41; (15) the 
Athenian exiles on the Akropolis, 8. 54, 55; (16) the oracle of 
Bakis, 8. 77 (perhaps other citations of the Boiotian seer should 
be added); (17) the Delphian column, 8. 82; (18) the appari- 
tion at Salamis, 8. 84 ad f. ; (19) a variant story of the flight of 
Xerxes, 8. 118-120; (20) the siege of Poteidaia, 8. 126-129; 
(21) Mardonios and the Oracles, 8. 133-135 ; (22) the origin of 
the Makedonian monarchy, 8. 137-139. From the ninth Book 
may be added : (23) the story of Teisamenos, 9. 33-35 ; (24) the 
correct exegesis of an oracle, 9. 43 ; (25) the note on Dekeleia, 
9. 73 ; (26) the story of Evenios, 9. 93, 94. The great majority 
of these passages belong to the 'second draft'; only definite 



§ 10 INTRODUCTION Ixvii 

references to the Peloponnesian, ie. Archidamian war, can be 
admitted as additions at third hand, or on final revision. The list 
of insertions and additions in the second draft might probably be 
considerably enlarged, but a caveat may here be entered against 
gratuitous anachronisms, and the exaggerated suspicion of con- 
temporary reference. If any stratum in these Books belongs to 
the original draft, it is the series of passages in which Demaratoe 
figures ; and the remark put into his mouth with reference to the 
island of Kythera is no more a reflexion of the achievement of 
Nikias ^ in 424 B.c. than the phrases irepnrXieiv HekoTropptjaov 
(7. 236) or £/Aa t^ Sapi ireipaaOai rfj^ TleXoiroppi^aov (8. 113) 
are borrowed from the Athenian strategics of the Archidamian 
war ; nor is it possible to bring down the final revision of these 
Books, and therewith the publication of the work as a whole, much 
below the date of the last clear reference to the events of that war.^ 
§ 10. General analyses and discussions on the Sources of 
Herodotus are disappointing and inconclusive; nor is the secret of 
this disappointment far to seek. The work is too large and 
complex, its parts are too diverse in character and origin, for 
generalizations, based upon the indiscriminate citation of verses, or 
evidential items from the whole work passim, to be convincing. 
A critique and evaluation of the Sources to be satisfactory must be 
conducted on such a scale as to be exhaustive. Moreover, the 
historical appreciation of the contents of the work, as attempted 
for example in the Appendices of the present edition, requires 
constant reference to the particular Sources of particular passages, 
and supersedes the attempt at a general and vaguer analysis. 
Yet, for particular Books, or groups of Herodotean Logoi, each 
with a predominant character of its own, something by way of a 
general account of the Sources may within reasonable compass be 
profitably achieved ; and this Introduction to the three last Books, 
which deal with the story of the Great Invasion, a story compris- 
ing but two or three years as its chronological condition, and a 
comparatively limited area for its geographical scenes, would be 
incomplete without some attempt to deal generally with the 
question of the Sources from which the narrative was derived. 
Those Sources can only have been of three kinds : (i.) aiUopsis, or 
personal inspection ; (ii.) hearsay or tradition ; (iii.) documentary 

* Cp. Thucyd. 4. 5S-67. ^ Cp. further, Index IV. sub w. Composition, Draft, etc. 



Ixviii HERODOTUS § 10 

or literary evidence. Even such a classification is apt to be 
fallacious, especially in connexion with the work of Herodotus. 
The line between a monument and an inscribed monument is 
somewhat evanescent : the difference between a description based 
upon eyesight in the first degree and in the second is not always 
easy to detect ; the afl&davits of the agent and of the agent's family, 
or friends, are sometimes curiously stratified. Herodotus himself 
rarely draws clear distinctions between the specific categories of 
historical evidence. 

(l) The precipitation of the element of autopsis, personal 
inspection, in the seventh, eighth and ninth Books of Herodotus 
involves, as in the case of every part of his work, the evidences 
of his own movements, travels and researches. Now, apart 
from the suggestions, or rather confirmation, of a voyage, or 
migration, to the west, you would hardly discover or even 
suspect from the contents of these Books that Herodotus had 
been a great traveller in his day. Nothing suggests the visit 
to Egypt, or the voyage in the Pontes. There is no hint of 
the writer's having seen Susa or Babylon, though both are 
mentioned in these Books. The Kyrenaica is conspicuous by its 
absence. Even the scenes in Sardes, and on the route of Xerxes 
in lower Asia, show little or nothing that might not be put down 
to fairly vivid but secondary Sources. It would be pleasant to 
picture Herodotus tracing in person the route of Xerxes from the 
still unidentified Kritalla to Sardes, or even from Sardes to the 
Hellespont, and there would be no great extravagance in the 
supposition, at least so far as relates to the latter stage ; but it is 
just here that we find it especially difl&cult to detect Herodotus in 
person. At some time or other Herodotus beheld Abydos, but 
apparently not before he had drafted his account of the march of 
Xerxes. It is much easier to carry, or to follow, Herodotus by 
sea than by land from his native Halikamassos round the 
Aigaian world; and, except in the Hellenic peninsula and in 
the valley of the Nile, he scarcely penetrates inland. These 
Books may be taken to show, or to suggest, autopsy for 
Samos,^ Athens,^ Sparta,^ Delphi,* Thebes,^ and perhaps also 

* e.g. in the Army and Navy Lists in Sources ; cp. 7. 189, 8. 84, 9. 73, etc. 
the story of Mykale, etc. Cp. 8. 85. » Cp. 7. 137, 224, 226, 227, etc. , 

^ The precision of the Attic tope- * 8. 35, 82 ; 9. 81. 

graphy, and the copiousness of Attic ' 8. 136. 



§ 10 INTRODUCTION Ixix 

TegesL,^ Argos,* and other places in Greece proper. The proof 
that Herodotus visited Plataia, or the battle-field, before drafting 
his account of the battle is not convincing ; but, as he certainly 
saw Thebes at some period of his career,^ he pi*obably saw Plataia, 
and wrote, or revised, the story of the campaign, with the advan- 
tage of a tardy visit to the scene, though without a dear or full 
perception of the strat^c and tactical problems involved in his 
own narrative.^ The gross blunder in the orientation of Ther- 
mopylai makes it very difficult to believe that Herodotus had 
studied that story of Spartan heroism an Ort und Stdle, even 
though points in the narrative, or topography, are extremely 
graphic^ The description of Thessaly, as seen from the neigh- 
bourhood of Tempe, has suggested to more than one reader the 
idea that Herodotus convoyed Xerxes from Therme to Tempe, 
because he had performed the voyage himself, and the passage 
has 'notes' of autapsis about it besides its graphic force.^ 
If 80, Herodotus' problematic visit might be connected with 
his traditional residence at the Makedonian court; but the 
allied residence at the Makedonian court is itself prob- 
ably only an inference from the evidence afforded by the 
work, particularly in the eighth and ninth Books, of an 
admiration for Alexander, a special interest in his achievements/ 
Athens, Delphi, Olympia, all might have supplied evidences and 
sources sufficient to account for the colour and warmth of 
Herodotus' notices of the Makedonian monarch. There are 
many vivid touches in the Makedonian and in the Thrakian 
geography of these Books ® ; but lists of cities and tribes were to 
be had for the asking, and there was no district better known in 
Athens than the tributary Thrakian region. The older geography 
of Hekataios was especially bright and copious in the north 
Aigaian. A serious blunder in regard to Chalkidike ® undoes the 
impression made by the descriptions of the canal, of Poteidaia, of 
the neighbourhood of Therme ; and the too graphic touch on the 



» 9. 70. But the term d^iod^Tjroi can- arc ostensibly cited, 7. 73, 8. 138 ; 

not be pressed ; cp. 9. 25, 109. ^Poteidaian,' 8. 129. 

« 7. 148. 3 Cp. 5. 59. « e.g. 7. 115 i^y di 666i^ TaOrrji^, ry 

* Cp. Appendix VIII. § 3. /3a<riXei>$ S^p^i;? riy (rrparbv ^Xa<r€, oifre 

* 7. 176. • 7. 128, 129. (rvyx^ov<ri Qp^iKcs olh* ixiffiretpovin ci- 
' Saidas : nvls hi iv YliWin avrbv ^ovrai re ^rydXwj rb M^XP* ^Mcv. 

rfXcirr^rcU ipaaiv, ' Makedonian * sources * 7. 22, 122 (with notes ad IL), 



Ixx HERODOTUS § 10 

European habitat of the lion shows that Herodotus can be vivid 
and precise at second hand.^ If Herodotus had personal know- 
ledge of 'Thrake/ it is most natural to connect his Thrakian 
experiences with his visit to the Pontes, and not unreasonable to 
date that voyage later than the first draft of these Books, a view 
which harmonizes well with the non-appearance of the Odrjsai 
in this volume.^ But, however the vision of ' Thrake ' be dated, 
it is rash to infer that the geography of the region is in the main 
based on personal observation, rather than on the copious Sources, 
of various kinds, available for the purpose. 

(iL) Apart from the advantage to his geographical and 
topographical data, and the vivifying effect on a narrative of 
events due to acquaintance with the scenes of action, the vast 
gain to Herodotus from his travels in the Greek world arose 
from the numerous opportunities afforded him of contact and 
conversation with men of various tribes and cities who had 
taken part in the war, upon the one side or the other. Besides 
what the actors themselves still had to say, there were doubtless 
strong local traditions in various places, and among the rising 
generation, in respect to the parts played by the various cities 
and powers of Greece throughout the great struggia It would 
no doubt have been possible, in the time of Herodotus, to 
compile a history of the war purely based upon oral traditions, 
and to have gathered those traditions lai^ly on the Asianic 
main. Such a history might have borne a marked resemblance, 
in ensemble and in details, to the actual work of Herodotus in 
this part There is no equal section of his history where the 
terminology of oral tradition is so strong and patent, or where, 
failing excM^t and decisive terms, the general indications and 
conditions point so clearly as in the three last Books to the 
living voice as the main source of the writer's knowledge 
Over and above such cases the catalogue of passages based on 
oral tradition may fairly be enlarged by referring thereto 
every stoiy, or paragraph, for which a scriptural source is not 
distinctly preferable. It is a curious fact that Herodotus has 
explicitly named as an informant, and for a comparatively 
trivial occasion, but one person, that one happily contemporary 
with the war.^ As little as one such reference can represent 

* 7. 126. « Cp. 4. 92. » Theniander, 9. 16. 



§ 10 INTRODUCTION Ixxi 

the contact of Herodotus with the men who had actually taken 
part in the war, so little perhaps do the explicit notes of oral 
information represent the actual mass of materials due to this 
source in the pages of Herodotus. Waiving the terms, which 
are ambiguous (X0709* X^era^, Xeyovcrt, ^acrt tcrk.), and used 
indifferently of oral and of written information/ though per- 
haps in these Books more generally of oral than of written 
information, there are not much more than ten or twelve 
passages in which unambiguous or explicit reference is 
made to an oral source (ojcoi;). Six times the express use of 
the term for hearing (ateovevp) guarantees the presence of first- 
hand oral information ' ; four times the hardly less explicit term 
^r«9 is used, though with a less direct personal assurance.' If 
the term irwOdvofMi can be thrown into the same scale, the 
total of such references may amount to the baker's dozen.^ For 
the most part, be it observed, the passages so marked record 
comparatively trifling circumstances to which Herodotus attaches 
little importance. The chief exception is signalized not by the 
terms employed, but by the express nomination of his informant. 
We dare not infer from this paucity of reference that Herodotus 
had documentary or written authority for all the rest The 
nature of the case, the character of the story in itself, Herodotus' 
own date and the evidences of his travels, all go to prove page 
after page of these Books the first literary redaction of the 
living voices of men. The Halikamassian speaks in the exploits 
of Artemisia,* the story of Hermotimos,® the service and reward 

' Cp. mj HdL IV^-VLf Introduction, (Theraander), 9. 84 (burial of Mardonios), 

§ 20 (L pp. IxzT ff.). The point can be 9. 85 (Aiginetan kenotaph), 9. 95 

easily proyed again from Bks. 7-9. (paternity of Deiphonos). 

Thus (i) X^Tof, X^yctr, etc, are used freely * 7. 8 (of Demaratos), 7. 198 (Athenian 

of Hdt's own work, e.g. 7. 152 (X^etv invocation of Boreas), 8. 94 (Athenian 

rd Xcyft/icra), 7. 218 (^ roc<rc iirwBt scandal against Eorinthians), 9. 94 (an 

XJkywffi. a7ifaap4<a), etc. ; (ii.) used of other Ephesian buried Mardonios). 

literary authority, e.g. 7. 95 CEKKijpiav * 7. 114 (cruelty of Amastris in her old 

XSyos), cp. 7. 20, 189, 191, 198 ; 8. 55 ; age), 7. 166 (disappearance of Amilkar), 

9. 26, etc. (iii.) Such phrases as the 8. 85, 88 (the Delphic miracle), 9. 85 

following are conclusive : 7. 228 iiriy4- (the kenotaphs at Plataia), 7. 224 

ypawrai ypdfifxaTa }Jyom rdde, 8. 22 (names of the Three Hundred Spartans) 

Hl 9^ ypdfjLfAara rdde Aeye. 8. 136 must surely go back to an inscription. 

inXt^dfinewot 8 n 9ii X^orra l^v rd 7. 238 (anecdote of Gorgo) is probably 

XpnirHifiULf etc. spurious. 

* 7. 85 (branding the Hellespont), » 7. 99, 8. 87, etc 

7. 55 (the King's crossing last), 9. 16 < 8. 104-106. 



Ixxii HERODOTUS § 10 

of Xeinagoras.^ Incidents of the battle of Salamis, the campaign 
of Mykale, and more besides, come from the lips of Samians.^ 
Athenian or phil- Athenian report, and apparently still unwritten 
report, dominates the records of Artemision, of the battle of 
Plataia, and other considerable portions of the narrative.* It 
was in Sparta, or at least from Spartans, that Herodotus heard 
many incidents connected with Thermopylai, and with the battle- 
field of Plataia/ Delphic sources, not written, though sometimes 
connected with monuments and inscribed objects, flow freely, and 
partly to the confusion (>( truth and consistency in the historian's 
work.* Boiotians are not silent*; Argives,^ Korintliians,® and 
Thessalians® are to be heard; *Thrakians,' that is Greeks of 
Thrake, may have spoken with Herodotus, at Athens for example, 
even if he had not visited Thrake when he first wrote down its 
geography.^^ Western witnesses are cited in a way that suggests, 
bearing aJl the circumstances in mind, a personal rapport ^^ For 
the copious insertions of contemporary events, the contribution 
of Herodotus to the Pentekonta'eteris, it stands to reason that his 
source is Hearsay, or what might count as such.^^ The mass 
of materials thus recognized is immense, and gives this volume 
of the work a specific character." Moreover, behind the living 
voice we here and there catch an echo of the traditions in the 
making.^* 

(iii.) But the mass of materials thus recognized, though 
immense, is not quite exhaustive, and of a surety the amount of 
information, even in the last three Books of his work, which 

* 9. 107. 168, •Phrygians' 7. 26, 'Kypriaiis* 
2 8. 85, 130 ; 9. 90 ff. 7. 90, 'Carthaginians* 7. 167, he need 
' 7. 140-144 ; 8. 8, 4, 10, 11, etc. ; 9. ' not be understood to have yisited those 

21, 26-7, 44-6, etc. Cp. Appendix peoples, or even to be drawing from per- 
VIII. § 3. sonal interviews anywhere. Probably 

* 7. 137, 224, 226, 227, 230, 232 ; 9. in all cases except the last named he is 
71, 72. drawing on literary sources ; in that 

' 7. 178, 220 ; 8. 36-9, 121-2. case, he may be reporting hearsay. So 

« 8. 136 ; 9. 16. too with the Kretans, 7. 171. 

7 7. 148-50, 152. i< The message of Demaratos, 7. 239 

^ 8. 94. (if genuine) ; the King's envoy in Argos, 

* 7. 129, 188. 7. 150 (if true) ; the report of the spies, 
>« 7. 57-9, 108-27 ; 9. 120. 7. 146-7 ; the communications of Alex- 
ia 7. 153, 165, 166. - ander, 7. 173, etc. ; the examination of 
^2 Cp. p. xlv f. supra, prisoners, 7. 196 ; the first version of 
^' When Hdt. cites ' Persians * 7. 12, the story of Thermopylai (an Athenian), 

*Medes* 7. 62, 'Phoenicians' 7. 89, 8. 21, etc. etc. 



5 10 INTRODUCTION Ixxiii 

Herodotus has drawn from literary sources, from documents and 
authorities of one kind or another, other than the living voice of 
the actors and spectators of the great war, has been greatly 
under-estimated by many recent critics. There is a great deal 
of substance in the last three Books of Herodotus besides the 
bare story of the war, and belonging to other departments 
where learned or poetic pens had long been busy. A deal of 
matter in these Books, notably in the Army and Navy lists, 
was ancient history to Herodotus himself: legends, myths, 
traditions of migrations, colonization, settlements, foundations, 
which had all received treatment from poets and logographers, 
whose works Herodotus is innocently exploiting as a matter 
of course. Herodotus was not the first man to commit to 
writing the Achaimenid pedigree, or the genealogies of the 
royal houses of Sparta and of Pella. His geography and 
ethnography he had neither to discover for himself, nor to take 
simply on hearsay : there was a considerable geographical literature 
in existence, and a good deal of his material he found ready to 
hand in the works of Hekataios, and perhaps of others. But it 
may be thought that such matters, though not inconsiderable, 
only bear remotely, if at all, on the story of the war. There 
were documents of various kinds in existence concerning the 
war: the war had already, and almost immediately, created a 
literature of its own. Some critics write, or speak, as though it 
were much to the credit of Herodotus to have neglected all 
that^ and begun de novo, as though to glean the oral tradition and 
ignoro the written word were a special merit in the historian. 
Strange aberration! We should feel more complete confidence 
in Herodotus could we be assured that he had made a systematic 
study of all that had already been written about the war, and 
had examined all available documents dating from the war period 
itself. It is all to his credit if, scanty as are the materials 
for comparison, and slight as are the hints afforded by his own 
methods and result, we can yet perceive that he did not wholly 
ignore what others had done before him, or disdain the monu- 
ments of the war, the history whereof he undertook to write. 
Any one can see that Herodotus must have had access to 
written collections of Oracles, as well Delphic as less august 
vaticinations/ but there the recognition of written sources 

^ Huaaios, 7. 6 (8. 96), 9. 43 ; Bakis, 8. 20, 77, 96 ; 9. 43 ; Lysistratos, 



Ixxx HERODOTUS § 11 

fiction.^ The discussion in the council of war at Andres,* like 
the discussion in the council of war at Samos,^ both reported 
in oblique oration, contain at least veritable points of dispute, 
doubtless at issue and debated on the occasion; but the 
larger set speeches, of Alexander, the Spartans, the Athenians, 
on the question of an Athenian union with the Persian, are quite 
unacceptable in their actual form.^ More plausible are the 
speeches, briefly reported, in Lakedaimon soon afterwards ^ ; but 
the great orations of the Tegeatai and Athenians on the battle- 
field of Plataia, whatever the historical incident that lurks hid 
in the situation, are plainly out of place and time.* To what 
category must the short oration of the Korkyraians before Xerxes 
be assigned which is reported ipsissimis verbis albeit ex hypothesi 
never delivered ? " To the same category as the message of 
Themistokles to Xerxes, addressed by the lips of a messenger 
warranted to keep silence in regard to his trust even in the 
extremity of torture ! ^ Many speeches, reported by Herodotus, 
are reducible to messages on the battle-field, or diplomatic pour- 
parlers, where the substance is plainly or plausibly historical, and 
the form is comparatively unimportant; others dwindle to the 
dimensions and purpose of boTis mots (Itti; eiJ €tpr)fiiva), with an 
immortal right to exist, whatever their unauthenticity ! ^ 

Doubtless for the contents of many of the speeches reproduced 
in his pages Herodotus had what he believed to be sufl&cient 
justification in the reports or traditions that had reached him 
orally, or in writing. In other cases, doubtless, he has more or 
less consciously followed the principle formulated by Thucydides, 
to 'put into the mouth of each speaker the sentiments (and 
ideas) proper to the occasion.' This principle is, however, one 
no longer consistent with the practice of the historical muse : 
it marks a method which even the most rhetorical historiography 
of our days will not adopt, despite the examples of Herodotus 
and Thucydides, of Livy and Tacitus. It is a method confined 
in our literature to the historical novelist, so called. In some 
of the cases above cited it is employed by Herodotus with a 
freedom which astonishes us even in the pages of an ancient 
author ; and such action makes it very difficult for us to suppose 



1 8. 79, 80. * 8. 108. ' 9. 106. -• 8. 140-4. * 9. 7-11. 

• 9. 26-7. 7 7. 168. » 8. 110. » Cp. p. Ixix note 8 fupra. 



§11 INTRODUCTION Ixxxi 

that this liberty of creation, or of report, was confined to words, 
and debarred from events and conduct, or that where speeches 
are transparent fiction narrative is all hard fact. 

(ii) One matter of fact, into which fiction has certainly made 
way, consists in the numbering of the forces of Xerxes. The 
full results are, indeed, presented by Herodotus, not as bare facts 
traditionally or authoritatively guaranteed, but in part at least as 
products of argument and computation : the data are themselves 
manifestly unsound, and the initial mistake naturally generates 
a self-multiplying aberration.^ The final result is a miscalculation 
rather than a fable, and attaints the author's judgement rather 
than the character of his Sources. Yet there was plainly that 
in his Sources to start him upon this road to ruin; and the 
instance shows at once the licence of his Greek authorities, and 
the inability of Herodotus to control or to amend it. One 
hundred and seventy myriads of fighting men is the total which 
Herodotus accepts at starting as the figure for the infantry of 
Xerxes massed and numbered at Doriskos, with eighty thousand 
added for the cavalry.^ Such forces the Persian king might 
conceivably have levied from his vast empire ; but such forces he 
could not have taken with him into Greece, nor supported had 
he taken them thither. The figure is, however, only an estimate, 
based upon an incredible anecdote, and not a total reached by 
a summation of various items for the various component parts 
of the army. Herodotus, indeed, is not content with the given 
figures ; but, far from seeking to diminish them, he is shortly 
attempting to increase them, and succeeds, to his own satisfaction, 
in raising the total of the king's forces by laud to upwards of 
two million fighting men. The numbers for the fleet are not 
perhaps so extravagant, though a total of upwards of half a 
million men at arms is a manifest exaggeration. Misjudgement 
and absurdity reach a climax in the proposal to double the figures 
throughout in order to make allowance for attendants and 
followers, raising the total of the men led by Xerxes as far as 
Thermopylai and the Thessalian shore to upwards of five millions 
and a quarter. This passage is of the utmost importance for a 
just estimate of Herodotus' competence as a military historian. 
His figures and his computation set conditions of time and space 

^ 7. 184-7 ; cp. Appendix II. § 5. *^ 7. 60. 

VOL. I PT. I / 



Ixxxii HERODOTUS §11 

at defiance : the initial device, by which the total for the infantry 
was obtained at Doriskos, is itself an absurdity. K other figures 
for fleets and forces on both sides are more moderate and sane, 
that cannot expunge the deliberate and express misjudgement 
to which Herodotus is committed in this instance. The total of 
the Persian fleet (raised by the European contingent to 1327 
vessels) Herodotus reduces by storms and captures before 
Salamis to about 600 vessels; but he supposes these losses to 
have been fully compensated by the contingents of Karystos, 
Andros, Tenos, and other Kesiotes: a manifest absurdity.^ 
Such arithmetical irresponsibility, in the face of physical and 
historical conditions, is not to be condoned- by the observation 
that the motives of exaggeration in both directions are transparent 
enough. The defect of science here is a defect of art likewise, 
and almost of common sensa Ars est eelare artem. It may be 
questioned whether any one has ever taken these figures and 
computations for truth except Herodotus himself. The deliberate 
effort to make the most of the hosts of Xerxes has drawn 
attention to the physical conditions and the recorded facts of the 
case, which alike disprove the historian's reckoning. There are 
no two pages in the whole work of Herodotus more fatal to his 
claims as a sober historian than the pages devoted to these 
systematic and elaborate computations. Herodotus is dealing 
seriously from first to last in this business; it is not an 
exaggerated jest nor an ironical satire : that is the worst of it ! 
Solvuntur risu tabulae! The thing is ridiculous, and neither 
' the rivers that failed,' ^ nor the surpassing stature and beauty 
of Xerxes,^ invented apparently ad hoc, can save Herodotus from 
bankruptcy on this account. 

(iii.) Naturally computation is not the only particular in 
which Herodotus breaks down as an historian of military affairs. 
Passing over here his description of the arms and accoutrements 
of the v£wt host, his account of its march with the king at its 
head leaves much to be desired, even on his own showing. 
Despite Its colossal size, the host remained, if we are to credit 
Herodotus, a chaotic mob, until it reached Doviskos.* Again, 

^ 8. 66. ' ibid, xdWedt re ctyeira irai /JueydOeot 

^7. 187 Cxrre odSip fioi BCofia vapi- ovSeli avrdp d^iwiKdrcpos ^f airov al4p^€W 

ffTarai jrpodowax tA fi^edpa rdv vorafMV (x^iv roOro t6 Kpdros, 

fan C>y, Cp. note to 7. 21. * 7. 69. 



§11 INTRODUCTION bucxiii 

though we may detect in his records evidence that the army was 
oiganized in three corps or columns, and advanced in that order, 
it is evidence of which he himself seems unconscious, and the 
arrangement is only predicated by him of one short stage on the 
route.^ Again, although in one place he indicates that the 
Persian strategy treated, so long as possible, fleet and army 
as indissoluble,^ he shows practically no consciousness of this 
due in his own narrative of the two campaigns, but treats the 
movements of the fleets and armies, on both sides, as whoUy 
independent, though accidentally synchronous, series of operations; 
and while he has incidentally enabled us to relate the battles 
of Thermopylai and Artemision to each other, he has left the 
relations of the movements of the Greek fleet in 479 b.c. to the 
operations on land, a matter of pure speculation. His accounts 
of individual battles break up for the most part into successions 
of disconnected episodes. His diary of the fighting in front of 
Plataia must be pronounced on the whole his chef dceuvre in 
this kind ; yet it is replete with obscurities and improbabilities, 
and indicates very little conception, on the writer's part, or that 
of his informants, of the strategic and tactical conditions involved. 
It may be that materials for an adequate and reasoned record of 
the Persian war hardly existed in the time of Herodotus, or that, 
for all his merits and goodwiU, he was not just the right man to 
collect and to digest them; but neither plea alters the actual 
quality of the narrative in question. The best that can be said 
of his military essays is that they preserve an outline of events, 
which might otherwise have been wanting, and contain scattered 
hints showing the actual war to have been conducted on intel- 
ligible and intelligent principles. These hints justify the endless 
attempts on the part of Herodotus* followers and commentators 
to reconstruct with more or less success the probable plans of the 
two belligerents, and the actual contour of the various operations 
by sea and by land, in the course of the Persian war. 

(iv.) Conditions and limitations, which precluded success in 
the attempt to give a true history of the war, have not enabled 
Herodotus to present an adequate or accurate version of the 
policies of the states or statesmen whose acts and advices he had 
to record. Policy is a less technical concern than strategy and 

1 7. 121. « 7. 236. 



Ixxxiv HERODOTUS § 11 

tactics; yet states fare little better in the pages of Herodotus 
than fleets and armies. It is hardly to be reckoned a serious 
fault if he represents the policy of Persia as ultimately dependent 
on a despot's caprice ; yet his own pages teem with proofs of 
the inevitable character of the Persian war.^ Neither the action 
nor the inaction of Sparta is traced to any clear motives, or 
objects of policy, in these Books; and, as it happens, an im- 
portant development of Spartan policy in relation to Athens and 
the Persian question is reported, in the sixth Book, in terms 
which reduce the account to a mere anecdote; yet among all 
Greek states the policy of Sparta is at all times the most easily 
explained.^ The conduct of Athens is throughout represented in 
the heroic terms accepted from the Attic or philo-Athenian 
sources ^ ; the material and political interests which Athens had 
at stake, and in especial the definite object to resist a tyrannic 
restoration under Persian auspices, is barely indicated, or but 
unconsciously suggested. The policy of the Medizing states is, 
perhaps, more successfully adumbrated than ' the policy of those 
who chose the better part ' * : the divisions of Thessaly,* the feud of 
Phokis,* the anti- Atticism of Thebes,^ the anti-Lakonism of Argos,® 
are verae camae, most clearly expressed in the cases of Phokis and 
of Argos. Over the political attitudes and sympathies of Makedon 
and of Delphi a glamour had been thrown, we cannot but suspect, 
in the light of later events and interests, which Herodotus has 
accepted somewhat too credulously at its own valuation. Yet 
on the whole the political motives of the various states named are 
historical problems not difficult of solution in and from his records, 
although the truth in regard to the political action of Delphi and 
of Makedon in particular may never be quite clearly recovered. 
It is in dealing with the behaviour and motives of individuals that 
his sympathies, or his sources, betray Herodotus into something 
like superficial injustice. The attitude and action of Alexander 

1 Cp. Appendix II. § 2. 157 (r6 vyiaufw Tijs 'EWdSos ib,) ; ol 

« Cp. Appendix III. § 3. "EWiym 7. 149, 167, 168, 173, etc. ; « 

^ Cp. especially 7. 139, and Appendix 'EWds 7. 161, ol aOfifiaxoi 7. 158, if avfji- 

III. § 4. fiax^rj 7. 148, Td avfxfiaxiKdp 9. 106. 

* ol rd. dfjielpdf ^tpoviovre^y cp. 7. 145, (T)iis note should be read into Appendix 

172 ; 9. 19. Other titles are oi avfUfjiArai III. § 5.) 

'EW'fiPuif iwl r<? Uipav 7. 148 ; oi t^ » Cp. Appendix IV. §§ C-8. 

/3o,o/3dpv TdXefiOf dtipdfAePOi 7. 182 (c]>. « 8. 27-9, 9. 17. 

8. 82) ; ol i\€v$€f>ovyT€s Hjv 'EWdda 7. " 9. 2, 40, 67. ' 7. 149, 9. 12. 



§ 11 INTRODUCTION Ixxxv 

of Makedon have been reported probably from sources deeply 
coloured by the political results of the Persian war. The record 
of Themistokles does little justice to the political objects and 
abilities, or even the patriotism, of that statesman, and Herodotus 
has failed — has not attempted — to get behind the traditions and 
anecdotes which dated from his fall, or were the outcome of the 
hostilities that helped to fell him. The political action of Gelon 
in relation to the Persian and national question has been obscured 
in the Herodotean record by the general Hellenic antipathy to 
' tyrants,' though fortunately in this case later and local know- 
ledge has led Herodotus to supplement the general tradition, 
current in Athens or Sparta, with a special variant, which proves 
at once good history and good politics, more than justifying the 
non-appearance of Gelon at Salamis, justifying also the doubt 
whether his co-operation was ever invited at all. The character 
of Xerxes, as a politician, has been reduced, in the conflicting 
tradition preserved by Herodotus, to that of a paradoxical puppet, 
partly swayed by supernatural interventions and agencies driving 
him on to his doom, partly led by evil councillors more astute 
and ambitious than himself, partly the creature of his own 
capricious and ungovernable passions. That there was no real 
precedent for such a portrait it would be rash to affirm ; but it 
is safe to say that the particular motives assigned for many of 
the King's undertakings and actions are unduly prejudiced, and 
that where good reasons were forthcoming, Herodotus did ill so 
often to prefer the worse reason for the conduct of Xerxes.^ 

(v.) It is, in short, not unfair to say that Herodotus was 
primarily neither a military nor a political historian, and does 
not always show to advantage beside a Thucydides, a Polybios, 
a Caesar, or even a Tacitus. Herodotus prefers the concrete to 
the abstract, the particular to the universal, the anecdote, the 
episode, the ban mot, the gnome, to the reasoned description of 
military movements, or the conscious rationale of political events. 
Even his record of the second Persian war, much the most closely 
connected and best sustained achievement in his logography, teems 
with sportive items.^ Such things are not history, though they 
may be, if rightly authenticated, a part of the materials out of 



> Cp. 7. 24, 64 ; 8. 26, 103. 118, 125, 137-8 ; 9. 33-6, 37, 76, 78- 

« 7. 66, 120, 147, 194 (239) ; 8. 26, 82, 93-4, 108-18, 122. 



Ixxxvi HERODOTUS § U 

which history is to be made, or at least to be made agreeable. 
In a sense, indeed, they are better than history, they are mostly 
too good to be true ; but in general they are at once either too 
artful or too artless to rank as good historical evidences. In 
the one case they betray the moral, and in the other case the 
malignity, which has been at the making of them; or at best 
they drop out of serious account as pure sports of the humorist, 
or raconteur. 

(vi.) Again, the record of the Persian war as told by Herodotus 
sufifers detriment, fix)m the strictly historical point of view, by 
the too ready admission of the marvellous, the miraculous, the 
special intervention of ' the other world,' in one shape or another. 
To justify Herodotus from this charge, in a certain sense, is easy 
enough. Granted that Xerxes was not hounded on by divinely 
ordered dreams and apparitions to carry out the pre-ordained 
purpose of Heaven in the invasion of Greece ^ : granted that the 
deliverance of Delphi was unaccompanied by special apparitions 
and miracles * : waiving the reported interventions, omens, portents, 
that cluster round Salamis and its story": rationalizing the 
telepathic Phemi at Mykale, and its reputed synchronism with 
the victory of Plataia * : yet still, it may be said, Herodotus had 
failed for all time to represent a notable and perfectly historical 
feature in the traditions of the war, aye, in the souls of the 
victors themselves, had he omitted to reproduce these irrational 
elements in the story as it reached him from the age of faith. 
These elements are features in the story, because such elements, 
the same in kind if not in amount and prominence, were factors 
in the life of Greece in the fifth century. Oracles, dreams, 
portents, with their interpretation, counted for something, not 
insignificant, in the actions of living men and women, and in the 
policy of states, in a pre-metaphysical age. And what fault could 
be found with Herodotus if he but reported the cases where the 
oracle was appealed, and helped to determine action, or failed to 
do so, as might be ; if he but recorded marvels, or supposed 
marvels, or any other * religious* excuse, as actual motives of 
action, and even of policy? The suspicion is unavoidable 
that, strong as was the belief in the direct intervention of 



* 7. 12, 14, 17, 19. « 8. 85-9. 

» 7. 142 ; 8. 41, 54, 65, 66, 77, 84, 94, 96 ; 9. 10. * 9. 90, 100-1. 



§11 INTRODUCTION Ixxxvii 

gods and heroes in human affairs, important as was the rdle 
played by oracles, divination, the interpretation of portents, 
dreams, and so forth, in real life, yet all these things never- 
theless played less part in men's actions and fortune than 
the logography of Herodotus would lead us to suppose. The 
charge is rather that, owing to an idiosyncrasy, a personal 
penchant for such things, he has given them an undue prominence 
in his narrative to the exclusion of more genuinely historical 
elements ; he has preferred a ' supranaturalistic ' story, or version 
of a story, to a more natural one ; he has transfused his whole 
conception and representation of the course of affedrs so as to 
bring it into agreement with a somewhat thin and antiquated 
view of the action of the ' God in History * ; and, both in what 
he inserts and in what he omits, in the form he has given to his 
materials, or the forms he has accepted and preferred, the bold 
miracle has too often taken the place of the better reason.^ It 
may be some compensation to us that by this very miscarriage 
and shortcoming Herodotus all the more fully represents the 
popular mind of his age and people, and so becomes, in a fresh 
application, historical in our eyes ; but this consolation is tanta- 
mount to admitting that, in the first instance, he presents to 
us an imperfectly historical mind, and represents an imperfectly 
historical age, or rather the less instructed side of an age, which 
was already in all its leading minds essentially scientific. 

(viL) Of the worst charge against the good faith of an 
historian Herodotus stands acquitted: personal bias, personal 
ill-will, should never have been alleged against him. As 
formulated in the pages of Plutarch's tract de Malignitate Herodoti 
this charge, a monument of critical incompetence, collapses upon 
the Boiotian critic's own pate. A good deal of malignity is, 
indeed, preserved in the pages of Herodotus, but it is there as 
evidence, for the most part, of the surpassing candour and 
simplicity of the writer's own mind. Kretans were not the 
only liars in Greece: Greeks all told stories at each other's 
expense, Athens to the discredit of Sparta, of Korinth, of Thebes, 
each of which doubtless returned the compliment with interest : 
oligarch maligned democrat, and democrat maligned oligarch, and 
both united to blacken the tyrant's fame : feuds of clan with clan, 

* See especially 7. 133-137 ; 8. 13. 77 ; 9. 65. 



Ixxxviii HERODOTUS §11 

and rivalries of man with maD, gave constant vogue to the worse 
report and the worse interpretation of each other's actions. It was 
a part of the price paid by the Greeks for their enfranchisement^ 
All this carnival of calumny is reflected in the pages of Herodotus, 
thanks to his direct reproduction of the local version, the partisan 
story, the rival's anecdote, the apologist's retort But there is 
little or no malice in his own private judgements, nor is a malign 
spirit consistent with the general tone of his work. That 
Herodotus betrays no political or personal preferences it would 
be too much to assert : such a miracle of impartiality would be 
more or less than man and than Herodotus; but he errs by 
excess rather than by defect of admiration. His two worst 
offences in this connexion are to have taken too easily the 
current Athenian transfiguration of Athens, and the current 
Athenian denigrations of Themistokles. For the rest, Herodotus 
preserves somewhat more than a benevolent neutrality. Who 
can say that he does less than justice to Lakedaimon, if he 
reproduces too faithfully one Athenian jibe at Sparta's honour ? * 
Or to Korinth, if he reports the Athenian scandal, with the 
universally received dimerUi in immediate juxtaposition ? ^ Or to 
Argos, for whose conduct he apologizes with, perhaps, half an 
eye to " the Attic question " ? * Or to Thebes, whose medism was 
past whitewashing, even though the account of the Thebans at 
Thermopylai is one of the weakest spots in the historian's armour ? * 
Yet there is little or nothing in all this, and in the lesser cases 
which might be cited, to convict Herodotus in his own person 
of ilUwill to any man or state in Hellas.^ That he does no 
injustice to the Barbarian has often enough been pointed out^: 
that not even Plutarch's captious tract allied against him. 

(viii.) Herodotus' own reflexions are seldom profound, and 
never ill-natured.® His very empiricism refutes the chaige of 

^ 7. 237 iroXtiJnys fikv trokiirni «5 * There are about fifty expressioiiB of 

vprfyraovri tftdovUi. personal opinion in these Bks. (often 

* 9. 6i iirurrdiJLevoi tA AaKeSai^wiuv signalized by doir^eiy, dn cUdvai et sim. ). 

tftpor/ifMTa u)i dXXa <ppoP€6tfTuv Kcd dXXa Among them may be specified (1), (2), 

Xcy&yTUfv. importance of the services of Athena, 

-' 8. 94. * 7. 148-52. » 7. 233. 7. 139, 8. 63 ; (8) a candid remark on 

^ See especially 7. 152. Medizers, 8. 73 ; (4) need for reticence 

' 9. 62 is notable, but Hdt's whole in theology, 9. 65 ; (5) connexion of 

treatment of non-Hellenic peoples is to conduct and character, 7. 153 ; (6) his 

his credit. opinion of Themistokles, 8. 22, etc ; (7) 



§ 11 INTRODUCTION Ixxxix 

ill-will.^ His method of letting people tell their own story, 
instead of rationalizing or reducing all his conflicting materials to 
a self-consistent prSds, enables his readers to compare one account 
with another for themselves, and to correct at times the version 
preferred by the historian in the light of one reported on principle. 
Not indeed that Herodotus quite fulfils his own formula. He 
has not been at sufficient pains always to collect information from 
every source legitimately concerned. It is certainly strange, and 
a little unfortunate, that the campaign of Plataia should be so 
largely drawn from Athenian tradition, and throughout Herodotus 
is too much at the mercy of his Athenian authorities. Yet even 
here the very transparency of the medium supplies its own cor- 
rective, and the absence of conscious or deliberate special pleading 
on the historian's part enables his readers to improve on his 
position. This observation holds good even of the stories of the 
nautical and military operations : we may venture to rationalize 
them just because the historian has done little or nothing himself 
in that direction. If, on the whole or in parts, we claim to 
understand the course of events better than our best authority, it 
is not so much that we correct and supplement his record largely 
from other sources, but rather that his record so largely supplies 
its own corrective, in the conflict of evidences reported, and the 
manifest animus of much reproduced bona fide by the reporter. 
Such reconstruction can be but hypothetical, and of course de- 
pends for its acceptance upon appeal to still verifiable facts in 
the physical conditions, and in the nature of man; but it is 
not thereby discredited as illegitimate, and its verisimilitude is 
due, in the last resort, to the simple good faith of the first report, 
(ix.) The naivete of Herodotus must not, however, be ex- 
aggerated ; the presence of a critical and a rationalistic tendency 
in his work cannot be denied. He has himself exercised to 
some extent a judgement, if not in the selection, at least in the 
evaluation of his sources, rejecting stories as untrue, or improbable, 
which he still thinks it his duty to report, entering his own 
opinion and verdict in some disputed cases formally for what it 
is worth, and incidentally or implicitly forcing on his audience 

of AriflteidM, 8. 79 ; (8) of Aristodemos, Xry^^xcyo, irtlBeaBal yt fih oi) Twrdircun 
9. 71. Bat; after all, every page displays 6if>eCKw, koI fjM toOto rb (wot ix^u it 
the mind of Hdt, cp. pp. Ixxxv f. infra. rdrra \^w. 
1 7. 152 iyiif Bi ^tXu X^eir rd 
VOL. I PT. I / 2 



xc HEBOXOTUS S ^^ 

a certain reading of the fetcte, a certain rationale of the merely 
empirical order of phenomena, or the merely empirical roll of 
witnesses. In some cases this element of reflexion, when 
segregated and envisaged on its own merits, leaves very little to 
be desired. No one will claim for Herodotus the rank of a 
philosophic tiiinker ; yet the rationale which he gives, in one way 
or another, sometimes speaking in his own person, sometimes by 
the lips of his dramatis personas, sometimes it may be in the mere 
way of narrative, of the Greek victory over the Persians, is all but 
complete. On the Persian side the unmanageable size and 

/numbers of the hosts ^ ; disregard of sound policy and errors in 
the actual plans of campaign^; division of interests, rivalry 
and qnarrels among the leaders, and in the command ' ; division 
of interests and lack of coherence in the fighting forces *; positive 
inferiority in equipment, armour, skill, discipline, training^ : what 
more could be required to explain the issne ? On the Oredc 
side the contrary and the complement of all these : the advantage 
in actual material and military equipment^; the advantage in 
skill, in discipline, in leadership, in intelligence; union ^; the 
advante^ in manhood and in morcd ^ ; the vast superiority of the 
cai^ise.^ Yet Herodotus does not escape a certain inconsequence 
between his dear perception of the secondary causes accountable 

i/ for the Greek victory, and his strong desire to make the moat of 
the danger, and to magnify the result, as a great and wonderful 
work, not to be explained by any merely human actions or 
considerations. In the end he is not content, short of the 
invocation of his hi^iest categories for human experience. In 
his mind the victory is due, immediately and ultimately, to the 
direct interposition of the gods and heroes, the higher individual 
wills which rule the world, and to the supreme laws of all human 
life and fortune.^^ Keligiously speaking the discomfiture of Xerxes, 
the salvation of Greece, are ascribed to the jealousy excited in 

^ the god, Zeus, by the pride and power of the man, Xerxes ^^ ; or 

1 Cp. 7. 49 ; 8. 16. » 7. 286 ; 9. 2. » 7. 11 ; 8. 109 ; 9. 108-113. 

» 7. 10 ; 8. 26, 69 ; 9. 41, 68, 66, 107. " 7. 189 o5rot Ijaai^ cl . . . paaiKia 

* S. 10, 19, 22, 68, 90. furd yt $€ods drMoii^yoc 8. 18 IroUeH 

* 7. 211 ; 8. 86 ; 9. 62-8. re wSIp ^d roG $eoO 6K<at dy i^u^thf r^ 
« 7. 211, 228 ; 8. 86 ; 9. 62. 'BXXiyrur^ rh nepfftxip. 8. 109 r^e yiip 
7 8. 144 ; 9. 2. ofo iffuU Kartpyaadfueay 4XXa $wl n kuL 
» 7. 102, 104, 220 ; 8. 88 ; 9. 76, 78-9, li/mes ktX. 

82. " 7. 10 ; 8. 109. 



S 11 INTBODUCTION zd 

etMcally expressed, to the sue nemesis which lies in wait for the 
hi^ and mighty things of this world, to the certain if slow 
oonraption which is the lot of mortality, to the law that happiness 
18 not for man, and hnman life at best a sorrowful thing.^ 
IX>nbtIess this moral has led Herodotus to portray in Xerxes 
the character which deserves the judgement, to emphasize in the 
traditions those traits and anecdotes which accord with the 
foregone oonduaion; but even here his method, careless of 
inocmsistencies, has redeemed his work ; showing that the 
historic Xerxes was not the mere despot, proud and capricious, 
crodl and cowardly, vicious and well-nigh insane, as too much of 
the record implies, but that his actions were guided at least in ^ 
some degree by the intelligible motives of a politician, and the 
reascmable feelings of a man. 

Nor can it be said that Herodotus' empirical method of nar- 
rating stories, or his metempirical doctrines of Divine vengeance 
and of mortal doom, have much diminished his political sagacity 
and fSedmess, where there is a call for Uieir application. His view 
of the service of Athens, and of the importance of that service to 
the cause of Greece, though insufficiently qualified by any clear 
statement of the great interests Athens had at stake, is nevertheless *^ 
on its positive side a judgement in which the modem world must 
acquiesca His perception of the separatist feelings underljring ^^ 
the action and policy of the Peloponnesian states is clear enough. 
His problematical interpretation of the conduct of Sparta at a 
critical moment is ambiguous only in form ' ; and his explanation 
of the final determination to co-operate loyally with Athens is 
none the less his own for being put into dramatic form.* 
Unoughout^ Herodotus must have credit for reporting with 
imderstanding the political wisdom and sagacity of his heroes 
or irafMJtMftrmmat, even where he is not actually fathering on 
them his own reflexions ; and the application of this principle 
proves that, although his express judgements on political affidrs 
appear at times strangely superficial, yet this current superficiality 
is consistent with a high degree of political shrewdness upon 
occasion. Even his anecdotes, though doubtless often apocryphal, 
may be regarded as the deliberately chosen vehicles for a good 
deiJ of sound sense, and political or ethical philosophy. Such 

> 7. 46 ; 9. 16. » 9. 8. » 9. 9. 



xcu HERODOTUS § 11 

parables as the ' Crown of Virtue/ ^ the * Dinner d la Perse* * the 
' Answer of Kjros/ ^ have each as clear a moral as the fable of 
' Persuasion and Necessity ' * put into the mouth of Themistokles 
to adorn a solemn historic occasion. The reflective element in 
Herodotus' work is far larger than appears at first sight, owing 
to the skilful means which he has adopted to render it more 
easily digestible. It is the very dotage of criticism to suppose 
that Herodotus is unconscious of his own devices, or incapable of 
the wit and wisdom which he has made his own ; he himself 
must be credited with most of the reflexion which we find in his 
pages, whether it take the form of express judgements delivered 
ex cathedra by the historian himself, or be conveyed dramatically 
by speakers in the course of his narrative, or wear the still more 
lively and insidious guise of an anecdote en passant, or a ban mot^ 
recorded for what it is worth. It is perhaps not too much to say 
of these elements in the last three Books that they bear more 
directly on the general theme, and cohere more closely with the 
proper texture of the story, than do similar elements in other 
sections of the work; and this observation also tends to the 
general credit of this volume of Logoi, whether regarded as a 
permanent contribution to history, in the strictest sense of the 
term, or merely as a literary achievement calculated to give 
pleasure to readers, or listeners, in moments of leisura 

(x.) The geographical deposit is another element in which 
the last three Books of Herodotus approach more nearly to the 
standards of sound historiography than any other considerable 
section of the work. The comparative fulness and accuracy of the 
geography is partly incidental to the subject, like the advantage 
which the narrative of Thucydides gains from being concerned 
with relatively well-known landscapes, and scenes amenable 
to methods of simple inspection. Not that Herodotus even in 
these Books is a scientific geographer, or free from empirical 
errors ; but, defects and errors notwithstanding, the contribution 
which he makes incidentally to the cartography of the Aigaian 
area, of ancient Greece, of parts of Asia, especially minor Asia, is 
not inconsiderable — a positive contribution, as matters stand for 
us, quite independent of the question, how far the geographical 
data in his work are the result of his own researches, and how 

1 8. 26. » 9. 82. » 9. 122. * 8. 111. 



§11 INTRODUCTION xciii 

far the geography has come to him ready-made by bis predecessors, 
or involved in the narrative, as found in his Sources.^ 

(xi) The chronology of the war deserves appreciation on 
similar lines : scientific, or even approximately systematic, it is 
not ; yet nowhere in the work of Herodotus is the chronology so 
good as in the last three Books. Here too the advantage is 
inherent in the subject, the story of a short and recent war of 
invasion : but what of that ? The admission but emphasizes the 
historical quality of the record. The exact period of the war, the 
succession of the seasons, the temporal sequence of events, some 
well-remembered intervals, some approximate synchronisms, even 
the JEphemerides or diaries of important sections of the story, are 
presented for all time in the pages of Herodotus. Many weighty 
and interesting problems of chronology are indeed left doubtful ; 
some apparently precise indications prove, on closer scrutiny, 
ambiguous ; but still the narrative as a whole emerges, relatively 
speaking, a chronological triumph for the Father of History. His 
great disciple, and rival, Thucydides, seems to have done little 
new in this matter except to systematize and apply to a more 
extensive and amenable subject the method evolved by Herodotus 
in the stories of the Persian war.^ 

(xii.) Finally, the last three Books of Herodotus are not 
lacking in materials for students of Comparative Jurisprudence, 
of Ancient Law and Early Institutions, of Folk-lore, even if the 
deposit under this head be less rich than in the Books of foreign 
travel and research, notably the second and the fourth. A 
careful analysis of the Zogoi here in question will soon dis- 
cover a very considerable contribution to the institutional history 
not merely of the Greeks,' in particular of Sparta* and of 

^ For the geography and topography 9. 83, etc. ; ius feiiale {rpo^cpla 8. 136, 

see Appendices II. § 3, IV. §§ 3-6, V. airwSal 7. 149, ffv/ifuixia 7. 145, etc. 

S 1, yi. § 2, VIII. § 2, the Commentary etc, ASeia 7. 133, 149, vtKfMi^ dpaip€<ns 

pasrim, aud Indices III. and IV. 7. 238, 8. 114, kt\.) ; Oracles, poBsim ; 

> Cp. Appendix IX., and Index IV. Prayer, 7. 141, 8. 64, 9. 61 ; with 

tub ve. Chronology, Dates. many others, social aud political. 

' Sach institutions as the following * Spartan institutions are constantly 

are illustrated : dra^/iara, 8. 121-2, shown in operation, e.g. Kings, 7. 204, 

etc. ; the ArisUia, 8. 11, 93, 123 ; 9. 8. 131, etc. ; Regents, 8. 71, 9. 10 ; 

71. 81, 105 ; Cults, 7. 33, 117, 134, 153, Ephors, 9. 7, 76 ; Navarch, 8. 42, 131 ; 

197; 8. 41, 54, 64, 65, 98, 129; 9. 7, Polemarch, 7. 173; Lochagos, 9. 53; 

84, 81, 93, 101, etc. ; Divination, 7. 219 ; Citizens, 7. 134, 234, etc. ; Helots, 9. 

9. 19, 33, 36 f., 93; Festivals, 7. 206 ; 10, 80; Heralds, 7. 134; Cooks, 9. 82; 



xciv HERODOTUS §11 

Athens,^ but in a lesser degree of the Persians,^ and even of the 
outer * Barbarians/ ' Primitive Culture parades in many guises 
through the Army and Navy lists of the Empire ; systems of 
military tactics and command are seen on both sides in operation ; 
forms of government, monarchy, oligarchy, democracy, are put 
to the test; principles and practices of international custom 
are formulated, or illustrated; religious cults and ideas start 
from every page; ethical standards and sentiments abound in 
evidence; the condition of the arts and sciences is exhibited; 
the story of the war becomes a survey of mankind. All these 
items of anthropology are, indeed, no more immune to criticism 
than the express contributions of militaiy and political history ; 
but they gain in credit and in use by the very fact that their 
publication was not the main purpose of the argument The 
incidental fact, which occurs so to speak in an alien stratum, 
is historically all the more acceptable for being unnecessary to 
the object immediately in view. 

§ 12. In conclusion, there are two types, or tendencies, in 
the recent criticism of Herodotus and his work, which may here 
be expressly disavowed. They are alike inelastic and one* 
sided ; perfunctory and wanting in historical imagination ; critical, 
yet not half critical enough. While appearing to assign to the 
work of Herodotus a higher place than can be claimed for it by 
a more discriminative analysis, in reality they alike depreciate 
the combination of art and learning exhibited in the work, (a) 
On the one hand we see the revival of an apology for Herodotus, 
which finds little if anything to censure in his work from the 
historical point of view, and argues the case for the defence, as 

Honours, 8. 124, 9. 71 ; drifila, 7. Royal gifts, 7. 8, 105 ; 8. 120, 9. 109 ; 

231 f., 9. 71 ; Burial, 9. 85, etc. etc. King's Birthday feast, 9. 110 ; Harem- 

lox^nr J'* » ',Ae^ e^ »,r. lif^, aud Dositioii of woiueD, 7. 2 f., 8. 
> ^ovXi^, 9. 6; dnfjLos, 7. 142, 8. 79, ' 7I . «^„«fjf^r« a ak, 

144, 9. 117; a^Moc, 8. 84, 9. 73; T/ 7 i^'l o^'-^ --^^^ 

. ^ I Q ^fx M o r^ Judges, 7. 194; Scnbes, 7. 100, 8. 90; 

T"^' '' i'^""'- • Courie;8. 8. 98 ; S.tr»pi, 7. 38, 8. 186. 

pof^la, 7. 182,T^l7.T93./'6 ?' ^«; «^^- V!" I'^'T """VT ^t 

pdpaBpo., 7. 133, etc. etc. 'ffT.!^ 0%?"^^/*^ tf ^ 

f ^ ^ * 113, 114, 180 ; 8. 54 ; 9. 16 ; the Magoi, 

« The rafi^affiXela (Aristot. 1286 b, 7. 19, 38, 118, 191 ; Obsequies, 7. 117, 

FoL 3. 16. 1) is constantly shown in 9. 24; Chivalry, 9. 48; Apparatu$, 7. 

operation ; e.g. Succession, 7. 2 ; Vice- 119, 9. 70, etc. etc. 

gerent, 7. 62 ; Privy Council, 7. 8, 63, » 7. 117, 8. 11«, Army-list passim 

8. 101 ; vpwrK^vrjais, 7. 136, 8. 118 ; (9. 32, Egyptian caste). 



§12 INTRODUCTION xcv 

though under the circumstances, or under any circumstances, the 
work of ' the historian of the Medic wars ' could have been done 
no better. This apology involves too great a self-sacrifice to be 
acceptable. We are to admit the nuinbering of the Persian 
host at Doriskos, and its results, as historical ; we must exclude 
appeal to the permanent and verifiable conditions of strategy and 
tactics, and allow much for possible in antiquity which would be 
impossible to-day; we shall confess that fact is none the less 
tact though contaminated with fiction, and that a half-truth is as 
true as a whole. Such attempts to reduce to insignificance the 
exaggerations, the inconsistencies, the absurdities, the impossibilities 
in the Herodotean record, and to exalt the work as a whole into 
a world-history, or even a history of the Medic wars, can only 
depreciate its unconscious values as a mirror of the age and of 
the conditions under which it was produced, without procuring 
any credit to the actual story of the war, to the glimpses of 
policy, and the items of biography involved. To reconstruct, so 
far as possible, the true history of the Medic wars, it is not 
necessary to ignore the shortcomings of our chief authority, or to 
suppose that his reputation can be ' rescued ' by displaying the 
inconsistencies, or vagaries, of modem criticism : the pathetic 
apotheosis of Herodotus, as an historical authority, avenges itself 
doubly, in the inadequacy of the historical result, in the inconsist- 
ency of the literary critique. (6) On the other hand the advice to 
abandon all attempts at separating fact and fiction in the work of 
Herodotus, to treat it all as pure literature, to sandwich it in our 
libraries between the Homeric poems and the Waverley novels, 
is a mere counsel of indolence, or of despair. Even the earlier 
Books of Herodotus, not excepting the portions of them which 
deal with non-Hellenic affairs, deserve more respect than is 
implied in such an advice ; while the Books, or the Logoi, dealing 
with things Hellenic, acclaim an indefinitely liigher though 
critically varying appreciation in the Forum of History. The 
last three Books in especial, despite the elements of poetry, 
rhetoric, anecdote, moralizing, error, and sheer ignorance which 
they contain, will reward a searching examination at the bar of 
historical criticism. Only, one may not hope to pass a single 
and simple verdict upon each and every constituent in the 
story; one must be at some trouble to distinguish Logos from 
Logos and line from line in every Book; one must be pre- 



xcvi HERODOTUS § 12 

pared to find wares of widely diflferent values side by side 
in the Herodotean bazaar. The contribution which Herodotus 
makes to the actual history of his own times, of the 
Pentekontaeteris, is not inconsiderable, and ranks with the best 
materials of a Thucydides, a Xenophon, a Folybios : the only 
pity is, there does not happen to be more of it The records of 
the Medic war, in its two campaigns, its operations by sea and 
on land, its inception and antecedents, its character and course, 
are indeed inadequate and to some extent irrational : nevertheless, 
there is undoubtedly presented by the story a correct sequence of 
the major events, a not wholly misleading account of the relations 
between states, a fair outline of their respective policies and 
conduct, and many hints towards an estimate of the services 
rendered by the principals on both sides. This volume too, like 
the others, is a treasury of information upon a host of topics not 
directly connected with the bare story of the war, and sheds 
side-lights, in floods, upon the Hellenic and non-Hellenic worlds 
of the day. Ignorance and prejudice have deeply marred and 
stained the traditions, and authorities, upon which Herodotus, 
the rather as not strictly contemporary with his proper subject, 
had to rely ; and, though by no means helplessly at the mercy 
of the first comer, he had not the necessary degree of critical 
faculty to sift grain from chaff, and wheat from tares, in his 
harvest of hearsay ; -yet still, for all that, the story of the war 
stands for ever in his pages on its merits an indispensable chapter 
of Hellenic and of human history, to be the delight and vexation 
of men and critics from generation to generation. If there is 
still so little agreement, even in regard to the negative criticism 
of the records, it is perhaps due to the failure of our scholars at 
starting sufficiently to discriminate the various elements of the 
problem, sufficiently to analyse the component factors in the 
general result, so as to evolve the widely different values, which 
belong to different statements, occurring side by side in the 
historian's pages, and all by him presented bona fide as equally 
trustworthy. 

In fine, Herodotus w^ neither a mere story-telling prose- 
poet, nor a scientific historian, but a genial minister to both 
history and literature alike. The marvel is that, seeing how 
brilliant a raconteur he is, there should be so much history in his 
work ; or that, where there is so much history, the work should 



§ 12 INTRODUCTION xcvii 

rdad BO welL The final test of its utility is to consider the 
loss, not merely to literature but to learning, had the work of 
Herodotus perished, or never been written. Confining our 
attention here to the Persian war, what should we glean of 
it without him ? An aperfu from Aischylos, some epigrams by 
Simonides, a few references in the later literature, the gross 
errors of Ktesias, the rhetorical and systematic fiction of Ephoros 
(apud Diodorum), itself the child of a crude exploitation of 
Herodotus, a handful^»£j0§nettes. from Plutarch, a list of monu- 
ments in Pausanias. | For the full and real story Herodotus hplds 
tho. field. There is, indeed, no ancient historian, whether upon 
his< own ground or on general grounds, with whom Herodotus need 
fear comparison. He was more comprehensive than Thucydides ; 
he was more candid than Xenophon ; he was more brilliant 
tlian Polybios. As a military, or even as a political historian, 
he must yield the palm to the rivals named ; but, in the larger 
view of history, which embraces every experience of humanity, 
treats no aspect of .human life as common or unclean, 
r^ards man, under all conditions, and in all times and places, 
his fortunes and misfortimes, his adventures and achievements, 
as the most interesting topic in the world, and the portrayal 
and literary perpetuation of all that as the work best worth 
doing under the sun, Herodotus keeps his rank as the premier ^ 
historian of antiquity : *IaSo9 apj^aitf^ l<rropi7}^ irpyravi^. 



THE TEXT 

The Greek text in this edition has been printed, by permission, from the 
fifth issues of Heinrich Stein's annotated edition : Herodotos, Berlin, 
Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1893, with a few variations, duly noted 
€td IL The Apparatus Oriticus has been formed hj the collation of Stein's 
various editions, vrith the editions of Alfred Holder (Herodoti HiUoriaey 2 vv., 
Lipeiae 1886-8), and Henricus van Herwerden (Herodotus, Trajecti ad 
Rhenum <1888>), supplemented hj Gaisfonl's third edition (1840), Dietsch- 
Kallenberg (Teubner, Leipsiae 1885), Schweighaeuser, and others. Stein's 
own various readings are distinguished as Steiu^ ( = ed. mai. 187 IX Stein ^ 
(sed. min. 1884), Stein' (=sthe fifth edition of the annotated text above 
described) ; Stein ^, the annotations to the same ; Stein simplicUer denotes a 
reading common to the three. The two main families of MSS. are denoted 
by the symbols introduced by Holder, and now generally accepted, 
o representing the agreement between A and B, 6 representing the agreement 
))etween R and V and S. Of these two symbols o represents the older existing 
daas, A being a Medicean MS. of the tenth century, B a Roman (Passionean) 
of the eleventh, while R is a Roman (Vatican) of the fourteenth century, V a 
Viennese codex, and S the Sancroft MS., both of obviously inferior value, 
but belonging to the same family. An earlier Florentine MS. (C) agrees 
generally with the elder family. Other codd. to which express reference is 
occasionally made (chiefly after Stein ^'s apparatus) are one or other of two 
Paris MSS., viz. 1633, cited as P (an early MS. more akin to 6), and Paris. 
1635 ( = Stein's q, a later MS. in the same line) ; also the Venetian codex 
cited as Marc (Stein's b, probably a late MS. of the o kindred). The Aldine 
editio princeps is cited as z. Various emendations are certified by their 
authors' names. The Ionic of Herodotus remains a great difficulty in the way 
of constituting a definitive text : neither family of MSS. appears to offer a 
perfectly consistent dialectal norm, as variations noted in the Apparatus will 
show ; fixed rules hardly obtain in regard to such matters as elision (Sc, 6'), 
V and 9 suffixed (ovrco, ovt(i>9), i postscript, aspirates, accents, not to speak of 
diaeresis, punctuation, etc. The order of words sometimes varies. The 
same words occur in varying forms (Stein ^ writes o/sccov and bpiov in the 
same chapter, e.g. 9. 53). Otavfui (or even Otov/m) has disappeared, but Stein 
retains ovvofAo, and so forth. It is more than possible that the practice of 
Herodotus himself was far from uniform or precise in such matters. Papyrology 



c HERODOTUS 

has not yet thrown miich light upon the state of the text in the early 
centuries of our aera. The Oxyrhynchus fragments exhibit no important 
variations ; indeed, as it happens, no passage from Bks. 7, 8, 9 has so far 
emerged (cp. Oxyrh. Pap. i. 18, 19, iv. 695 ; also U. Wilchen in Archiv 
fur Papyrugforschung L 471-3 ; Amherst Pap. ii. 12 teste B. P. Qrenfell). 
MSS. of the Roman period might be expected to show some dialectal freaks, 
and also, perhaps, Atticiztng tendencies; but Herodotus himself, in cases 
where his materials were largely drawn from Attic sources, as in Bk. 9, may 
have led the way in that direction. The Index Ledionum contains references 
only to such passages in the text as are noticed in the Commentary'. 

The text is on the whole satisfactory to the mere historian : cases in 
which any point of material or historical importance turns upon the reading, 
are comparatively few in number. In the last three Books, apart from 
many lacunae, glosses, and doubtful proper names, the following x>as8age8 
afford textual problems of special interest, from the realist point of view : — 
Bk. 7 c 11 (the Achaimenid pedigree), c. 23 (the Athos Canal), c. 36 (the 
Bridges), c. 86. 8 (KoottioO, c 109. 9 (itov), c. 114. 7 (a Persian custom), 
c. 164. 5 (irapd or furdl), c. 191. 6 (yoT^i), c. 239 (Demaratos-auecdote) ; 
Bk. 8 c 20 (spurious?), c. 25. 5 (xat Beo^icas?), c. 35. 5 (AioAi^cov), 
c. 37. 7 {Ilpovalrjs\ c. 46. 2 (no. of Aiginetan ships), c. 76. 7 (Kcov), 
c. 85. 2 CEAcvo-tvos), c 104 (the bearded priestess), c. 115. 15 (transpositioii), 
c 120 (suspect), c 131 (Eurypontid pedigree), c 133. 3 (Ev/Muirca), c. 136. 7 
CAXdpavSa), c. 137. 10 (transposition), c. 142. 8 (dpxridfv) ; Bk. 9 c. 4. 6 
(ir/x)€X<«>v), c. 28. 2 (TlaAees), c 31. 3 {rhv ravrif pkovTa\ c 33. 7 (ydwv), 
c 35. 10 ('lo-^fup), c 55. 6 (AaKcSat/AOWcui'), c 70. 5 (AaKc8ac/Ju>Vicuv), 
c 85. 3 (i/)€vas), c. 93. 4 (Xwi'a), c. 96. 3 (KaAa/[u<ro«ri), c. 97. 2 (Troraftov), 
c 106. 14 (e/xTToAaia), c. 107. 16 (KtAiictiys)- 



HPOAOTOT 



nOATMNlA 



ISnrel Bi offfeXltf airUero rrepl rrj^ H^XV^ t^ iv MapaO&pi 1 
ytpofiihfi^ irapk fiaaCKta Aapelov rov ^Tarcunreo^, teal irpXv 
fAcydku^ iC€j(aparffJLhfov rotary ^AOrjvaioia'i Stk rifv e? SdpBi^ 
icfioXijp, /cal iff Kal rore ttoW^ re Seivorepa hroUe koX 

nOAYMNIA Z AB : i^poaorov Wropwv ^pB6fi,rj d 1. 1 circrrc 



1. 1. ^l M does not corrMpond with 
any antcoedent /Uv olaaae, m oi <^ (8. 1) 
and MopMrioff 94 (9. 1). There ie more 
of a hraak, or paaee, between Bki. 6 
and 7 than between 7 and 8, or 8 and 
9. The patronymic added to Aa/>eior juet 
below, and the absence of any reference 
to the preTioos description of erents 
here ennmersted, farther emphssize the 
original or potential independence of the 
present openinsr. It may eyen be that 
originally this Book opened with a short 
proem, transferred (not without some 
modification perhaps) to the opening, 
or preface, of the whole work, where it 
now stands (1. 1). On the whole argu- 
ment in regard to the genesis of the 
work see farther, Introdaction, S§ 7-10. 

4YViX£i| &«{icffTo, by the process 
described 8. 98 ; cp. note there. 

2. T^ 'Ya^T^raof. The nse of the 
patronymic may simply be for the sake 
of emphasis, or solemnity; cp. 1. 45 
for a oonspicnous example ; bat still it 
•erres, with other items, to mark the 
new beginning, which may hare been 
the old beginning, in the work of Hdt. 
See farther, Introdaction, § 7. 

3. 'HIv 4t 2dp8i« iofoX^v: perhaps 
an historic phrase, and not one coined 
by Hdt. for the occasion. The Lydian 
satrapy, as Stein (on 3. 120) points out, 
was known to the Persians as Q>arda= 
Zdpdw : cp. Thac. 1. 115. 4. The story 

VOL. I PT. I 



is told by Hdt 5. 89 ffl, but there is no 
express reference here to that passage. 
Cp. the mention of Ecjpt ii^fra, Tne 
absence of such cross rwerenoes in these 
Books supports the view that they are 
of earlier composition than Books 1-6. 
Cp. Introduction, § 7. 

4. T^TS, so. iwtl ij dyytXlfi dirktro, icrX. 
8f iv^npa IvoUf. There was really 
little left him to do, at least symbolically, 
to manifest his wrath, if the story of 
the Bow -shot, the Prayer, and the Mentor, 
connected in tradition with the news of 
the sack of Sardes in 498 B.o. (Hdt 
5. 105), is to be believed. That story 
could not well have been connected with 
the news of Marathon for two reasons : 
(1) it treated the Athenians as an un- 
known quantity toDareios ; (2) Marathon 
was not, except in the eyes of the 
Athenians, so very great or significant 
an achievement (cp. Appendix X. to 
my edition of Bks. IV.-VI. : 1895). 
Sml, the omission of any sjpecific action 
to set forth the wrath of Dareios upon 
this occasion leaves the Herodotean 

Shrase vague and unsatisfactory. This 
efect, however, does not justify the 
substitution of hroUero for the active 
form of the verb. It appears, however, 
plainly in the sequel tnat Dareios (ac- 
cording to Hdt) intended to conduct 
the reinvasion of Hellas in person (cp. 
Hdt 4. 1). 



HPOAOTOY 



Yn 



5 fiSXKov opfi/rfro arpareveaOa^ M r^v 'EXXoSa. xaX avrUa 
flip iirffyyeXXero wifiirmv 0776X01/9 /carit, rroXi^ eroifAo^eiP 
OTparii^v, TToXK^ TrXim hrtraaaoiv e/cdoTOia-^ fj irporepop 
['n'CLpij(€iv], KaX vea^ re koX imrov^ xal alrov koX irKoick. 
TovTtop Bi irepiayyeXXofiivav tf *Aaif) iSopiero iwl rpla Ihea^ 

10 MOToXeyofjUpap re r&p apUrrtop &^ hr\ rifp 'EXXiiSa [<rr/»aT€vo- 
fiepofp] /cal nrapcuTKeva^ofihtop. rerdpr^ Bi ireX Atyvimoi 
inro Kafifivcea SovkoDdipre^ airiimiaap airo Hepa-ie^p^ ip0avra 
Hf zeal fjLoXXop opfMrfro Koi iir afi^oripov^ arparemtrdfu. 

2 SreXXo/iii/ot; hi Aapeiov iw AXyvirrop koI *A0i^pa^, r&p 

6 ir6Xi$ '<r€ Kol €^v€a> Stein' 8 n-a/ocxciv Stein: n-o/Mi^^ov 

6 (RSV) : sed. van H. || r€ om. a (AB)C || koX o-irov koX irXouL om. id. 
9 i8ov€€TO waa-a z 10 oTparfvoyiviav secL Stein : frrpar^wroiuviAV B 

11 ifrci secL van H. '• 



6. 4vi|YY^^^«To. The Herodotean uses 
of thii word are observable ; op. c. 29 
infra, 8. 25 ; also 4. 119, 4. 200, 6. 9, 
5. 98, 6. 189 et cU, v^wmv Aty^Xovs ia 
pleonastic (Stein). dYV^Xos in Hdt = 
vp€ffP€irHit (or Tpi^pm^ an dira{ X. in 
8. 58). 

KttTd vdXit without iOvta betrays 
a too exclusively Hellenic preoccupation ; 
cp. c. 8 inffu. The phnuse in any case 
ia double-edged, qualifying iroifii^tip 
(at least inferentialfy) as weU as v4/iir(a¥ 
dyy4\ovt. 

7. ixAo^TOioa: each set of men, 'each 
nation ' ^hence the plural). 

vpOTipov. If iro^etr be retained 
the meaning may be (with Stein) that 
the demand to be made on this occasion 
was in excess of the normal or prescribed 
levy, the expression implying that there 
was a standard le^ for the militia (of 
which nothing is said in 3. 89 ff.). The 
reading is in doubt ; perhaps it is best to 
omit irap^eti' altogether (with van H.). 
Even if we read rap^x^^*^ (with Stein) 
we need not adopt Stein's interpreta- 
tion, wapix^^ being epexegetical merely. 
irp&rtpGv may cover not only the Mara- 
thonian campaign, but all others, the Scy- 
thian included, for which the levy had 
been (ez hypothesi) 700,000. Cp. 4. 87. 

8. Kal irXoCa is not quite a sound 
reading, but it is by no means super- 
fluous even after viat, as the irXota 
comprise the transports (cp. Inrayioyd. 
cc. 21 and 97 iirfra ; vvrayuayd cc. 186, 
191 iarfra), 

9. TO^rrnv %k irfpiaYytXXotiivMv does 
not form a strict antithesis to aubrUca fUw 



imiyyiKktro just above ; rerdfrtp W frti 
just below rather demands M rpla fUif 
^ca. The exact text is in some doubt 
(vide Apparatus above), but in any case 
the antitneses are not fully or correctly 
worked out. ro^rwp ia rather vague; 
veptayy, passive. 

ISoWero, though perhaps a poetic 
word, is used b^ Hdt 4. 2 in an absolutely 
prosaic connexion, 

TpCa Irwi* Ttr^L^-nf U. Strictly 
speaking, the three years should count 
from the despatch of the king's message. 
On the chronology cp. c 20 ifrfra, 

10. TAvdpConfv rather tends to qualify 
the maximum numbers; cp. 8. 118. ~ 
But is there some confusion underlying 
the term ! Cp. c 8 if^ra, 

&9, 'as it was against Hellas' 
(Bhikesley). 

12. M KofipiioiM 8. The omission 
of any reference to the story in 3. 1-88 
is no difEiculty, on the supposition that 
this passage was of earlier composition ; 
cp. Introduction, § 7. 

2. 1. oTiXXofUvov 8i A. The king 
was plainly going in person ; a anrAcrii 
occurred before he started. Stein favours 
the variant in Justin and Plutarch that 
the ffrdau took place after the death of 
Dareios ; but the versions are not mutu* 
ally exclusive. Hdt, however, in the 
anecdote which follows has not perhaps 
very clearly distinguished two ctifferent 
cases — (a) the appointment of a viceroy, 
for the king's absence ; (6) the ajmoint- 
ment of a successor, in case of the king's 
death. In Hdt. 1. 208 Kyros appointa 
Kambyses, his son, r$ rep Hfw dairiXift^r 



1-2 



nOAYMNIA 



waiS»v avTOV trrdai^ iyipero fieyoKtf irepl t^9 ^CfjLovivf^, 109 
Set fuv airoBi^vra fiaaiXia Karh rov Tlepaee^v vofiov ovra 
oTparev&rdai. fiaav yhp Aapclip teal irporepov fj fiaa-iXeva-cu 
yeyopirre^ rpeU iraiSe^ ix rrj^ irporipri^ ywtUKo^, To/Spveta 5 
ffvyarpo^, xal fieunXevaavri i^ 'Arocrcn^^ t% Kvpov Irepoi 
riccepe^. t&p fikv Btf irporiptov hrpiafieve ^Aprofia^dvff^, r&v 
a hnyepofUvtop Sip^^. i6vT€^ Sk p/rprpo^ ov rfj^ avrrj^ 
iirraaia^ov, 6 fiiv ^Aprofia^dptf^ /earon irpeafivraro^ re eltf 
ireurro^ rod yovov koI on vofu^ofievov eltf irpo^ Trdvrmv 10 
avOpmrmv rov irpcafivrarov rifv apx^iv ^€iv, H^pfi;? Si &^ 
*Ar6aafi^ re iraii ettf r^ Kvpov dvyarpo^ koX on Kvpo^ eltf 

2. 5 ToPpv€ta 8c ? Stein : ytaPpveta 0, Holder : Tw^pwa <a€> van H. 
7 dpraficL^dvrii fi 9 ^nwriaxrav a 



idlSoVf as Tieeroy before going against 
the Mimgetai ; Kambjsee, be&re going 
to ^Tpt, appointed a liagoe as rw 
9tKUm tutkOmfinf^ 8. 61, or irtrpowow, 8. 68 
— bat the liagos was not to snoceed in 
the eTent of the king's death. Ko 
■imilar provision is recorded in the case 
of the S^thian expedition of Dareios 
htmaelf (Bk. 4), but Xerxes in 480 b.g. 
evidently appoints his uncle Anabanos 
as Hi^r-domo and Viceroy, c 52 infra. 
Artaxerxee Mnemon appointed a successor 
(Dareios) simply in view of his own age, 
and to avoid a crd^is (Plutarch, Artax, 
26). Rawlinson oompares the case of 
the socoession of Kroisos, Hdt. 1. 92, 
which would perhaps carry the custom 
(ix6#ftof) beyona the Persian limit It 
msy fiurly be doubted whether there 
was any specifically Persian rule in the 
matter ; sunilar cases might arise in any 
monarchy. The Spartan rule that there 
ahooM always be at least one king at 
home stood on a different footing, and 
was, if we may trust Hdt 5. 75, oevised 
for the puipose of avoiding a kingly 
^rdnt on the campaign ; it was not, 
however, rigidly obeerved, cp. Xenophon, 
fftil. 5. 8. 10, but the Spartan sug- 
gestion in the context here is nevertheless 
noticeable. 

2. juY^il may be taken as predicate 
(cp. Luke 22. 24). 

8. oini, 'he should not start on an 
expedition until he had appointed a sue- 
eeaeor in aoooxdance with tne law of the 
Persians.' Cp. 4. 168 oOna ^wrti, 

5. F o B p^sM Ovyarp^. Stein wishes 
to rsad tofif6w M Bvyarpdty **as (}obryas 
has been mentioned before." But, in 



truth, had Grobryas been mentioned be- 
fore ? TMs text confirms the view that 
Bk. 7 is earlier in composition than the 
text of Bk. 8. Strange to sajr, there is 
nothing about this marriage in Bk. 8, 
not even in c. 88, where Dareios' wives 
are enumerated : a striking illustration 
of the independence of various passages 
in the work of Hdt even when dealuig 
with the same subject Here onlv two 
wives appear, (1) the daughter of Oobryas, 
and (2) Atossa, the daughter of K^ros. 
But Dareios had at least three other wives : 
(3) Artystone, daughter of Kyros, c. 69 
iu/ra ; (4) Parmys, daughter of Bardiya, 
c. 78 infra ; (5) Phaidyme, a daughter 
of OUnes, 8. 69, 88. 

6. Bao^ciw^vrv, 'after coming to 
the tnrone.' The birth of Xerxes can 
hardly have occurred before the year 
520 or 519 B.C. He would have been 
rather less than forty years of age in 
480 B.C., and barely thirty-five at the 
date of his accession. 

7. Ivp^Pcvc, ie. irpeff^&raTos 1^. 

9. Kai^ri=irard touto 6ti, propUrea 
quodf Kar* 6 rt, qua propter, 6. 8 (Stein). 

10. vdvT«*vdv6pMwv, not strictly true. 
The story of the rrdats apparently comes 
from a Spartan or quasi-Spartan source 
(cp. Introduction, § 10), and at Sparta 
the succession of the eldest was no doubt 
the rule ; cp. Hdt 5. 89, 42. 

12. Ki»pov. Rawlinson notices the im- 
portance of the Kyreian descent of Xerxes 
(cp. 0. 11 infra)f but can hardly be right 
in thinking that Dareios reigned in 
virtue of his marriage with Atossa, 
especially if Dareios on^ married Atossa 
after his accession. 



4 HPOAOTOY vn 

8 o iCTffa-dfievo^ rolcri Tlipajja-i rtjv ikevOeplvjv. ^pelov Bi ovk 
airoieitcwfUvov Km yvdfiffv, irirfyave xarh rmvro rovroun xai 
AfifAdfyrp-o^ 6 ^ApioTwvo^ avaffefirfKO)^ i^ 'Sicvo'a, iarepfffUvo^ 
re T^ iv ^irdfyrff jSaa-iXtflrf^ Kal <f>vy)fv iirifiaXa^v imvr^ 

^iK AuKeBaifiovo^. oSto9 d>vffp trvdofieva^ r&p Aapeiov iralBwp 
rifv Suul>opijv, ikffwv, m 17 <l>dTi^ fuv ix'^i, S^pfy cwefiovKeve 
\iy€iv irpb^ rota-^ Ikeye hreav, eo9 avro^ fikv yipoiro djipeUp 
ffifl fiaaCKeioim ical ij(pvri, to Hepaimp /epdro^, ^Aproffa^dpff^ 
Bi Sri iSuoTff iovri [Aapel^p]* ovKtov ovre oIko^ elrj oire BUaiop 

10 aXXov nvh ro yipa^ €j(€W irpo itovrov* hrei ye Kal ip 
^^irdpTQ lifyrf 6 Arjfidpfjro^ viroriOifiepo^ ovrcn vofd^eadai, ^p 
ot fiiv irpoyeyovore^ itoai irpXv fj rov iraripa <r<l>iafv ffaa-i- 
Xeva-eu, h Bk fiaa-iXevovri oy^iyovo^ iiriyivi^rah rov iinyepo- 
fjUvov rffv IkBc^iv rrj^ jSaaiKfjlrf^ yiveadeu. ^(priaafihfov H 

15 Siip^ea T^ Afffiapifrov vTroOrjKfj, yvoif^ Aapeto^ C09 Xiyoi SUeaia 
ficuTiKta fuv dwiBe^e. BoKieiv Be fioi, Kal avev ravrr^ rfj^ 
vTToOijKff^ fiaaiXeva-a* &v Bcpfiy?' ij yap "Aroaaa eVxe ro wav 

4 Kpdro^. diroBi^a^ Bi fiaatXia Heptrrjai [S4p^p\ ikapelo^ opfiaro 

8. 8 jScuriAcvovr* <r€> Stein 9 Aaf>€^ deL Sitzler, van H., Stein' 

17 €P(uriX,€va'€v t. Holder : iPaarCXevo't van H. 4. 1 Scfofi^v aeclofli 

8. 2. KttTd rAvrh ro^oto'i, of a syn- This w6/iot goes hr beyond the mere law 

ehroniem; cp. c 206 tfj/ro. How far the of primogenitare above noticed; Hdt. 

date is correct is another question ; but seems to nave some misgiving about it. 

Ktesias 23 is not to be followed as The supposed law looks rather like an 

against Hdt The flight of Demaratos inference from the case of Euiyanax, 9. 10 

fell apparently 491 B.a, some time after infra, Leonidas snooeeded his brother, 

his deposition (here mentioned ss equi- Kieomenes, and was succeeded by his 

valent). The absence of any reference son Pleiitarchos (in 480 11.0. )f although 

to the story told in Bk. 6, and the use there was a son of Dorieus in Soarta at 

of the natronvmio, are significant for the time, the said Euryanax, wno may 

the problem of composition : the latter hare been excluded from the succession 

indeed doubly significant, as Hdt. here on the ground that Dorieus, his father, 

specifies his paternity without a hint and elder brother to Leonidas, had never 

of suspicion. Otherwise the reference is actually been king at all. The 1 



not especially favourable to Demaratos ; of a cadet braneh does not well aoootd 

Hdt gives it as hii own opinion that the with the supposed rule (op. case of 

Spartan exile had not much in reality Leotychidas, 6. 65). Maspero, iiL (U^5 

to say to the accession of Xerxes. On (J?.7.), seemstoadmitthe lawasgoiuine 

the possible source of the anecdote cp. Persian— rather gratuitously. 

Introduction, §. 10. 14. IxScfif, apparently an Axo{ X., 

6. t^ ^ 4^rif luv lx<i>: Blakesley although ^ird^«rer^ai, * to succeed,' whether 
eps. 8. 94, 9. 84. The phrase is deprecia- in place (4. 89) or in time (1. 185), is not 
tory, and points to tne vox viva; cp. rare. 

Introduction, § 10. 4. 1. hp^ro, Stein's reading here ; 

7. wp^ Totori : subaud, rd (Ae7e). dpfiriro (bis\ c. 1 supra. The one is to 
10. wp^, 'before,' 'instead of; cp. be regarded as an imperfect, the other 

Index Verb. as a pluperfect form ; thou^ it is not 

h SvdpTQ . . otfrw vofiClcviai. obvious why Hdt timed the word hare 



3-5 



nOAYMNIA 



^rparevea-diu. dXXA yhp fierh ravrd re /eoL Avfinrrov airo^ 
trraa-ip r^ varipfp Srel irapaa-teeva^ofjtcvov avv^v€i/C€ axnhu ■ "' 
[6uipetov\, ffaa-iXevaavra rh irdvra !^ re teal rpiij/eovra Irea, 
imdavAft ovBi ol Jj^isyepero ovre rov9 aireare&ra^ [Atyirrrriov^l 5 
o0T€ *A0ffvaiov^ rtpMpTiaaa'Oai. 

- ^AvoOapovTO^ Be ^apelov 17 fiaaiXtfitf av€j((opff<r€ i^ rbv 6 
muSa TOP ixelpov Sip^p. o toLpvp Sip^^ iirl flip rrjp 
*EXX4£&» ovBapA^ irpoOvfio^ fip kot apyk^ {rrparevea'dai, iirl 
Si AJyvirrop hroUero arpariri^ Syepa-ip, irapemp Si koI 
SvpdiupQ^ irctp avT^ p^yurrop Hepaimp MapSopio^ 6 Tofipvea, 5 
^ j}y Sipfy flip jave^i09 ^peiov Si d&X^c^? 'rraU, toiovtov 
Xiyov etyero, Xiywp " Sitnrora, ovk ol/eo^ i<m ^ABripalov^ 



4 ^ap€iov McL Stein' 
P: cy^wtv 6 'Bip^jji 



5 AtyviTTiovs seclusij 



6. 4 cLyc/KTiV 



aod in the places above differently. 
Tha Tariation, howeyer, may be made to 
gire a neat difference. 

8. rf WrfpY Mky after the revolt of 
Igypt and the designation of Xerxes as 
suoeessor. As these events are not syn- 
ehronous the Irot may be the ofiQcial or 
calendarial year, presumably hj Persian 
reckoning; thongh iwuLvrln might, per- 
hapa, be Uie more techDical term therefor. 
r w p ^iu m i = tfw^^, without auy 
■Dggestioii of foul play. 

4. t4 vdrro, 4d all,' perhaps to 
mark the Uct that the IfUerregnum^ or 
Usoipation of the Magos, is ignored. 
Ktesias gives Dareios only thirty-one 
years ("with his usual incorrectness," 
kawlinson) and makes his age seventy- 
two; Blakesley calculates Dareios' age 
as aixty-fonr on the Herodotean data. 
8tein tries to reconcile the figures thirty- 
nx and thirty-one by remarking that 
Dareios was only established as king in 
516 B.O. Bnt (a) this date is too late (cp. 
BksL IV.-VI., voL iL p. 87 n.«); (h) neither 
Darsioa nor the Persian recordis would 
liave recognized any date for the establish- 
m«nt of Dareios but his * accession.' 

5. 9M o( l{ry<vflTO. Cjp. c. 8 infra, 

5. 61. The absence of all reference to 
the vow (5. 105) is here remarkable: 
was HdL acquainted with that anecdote 
when he first wrote this passage T The 
doubt fortifies the argument for the prior 
composition of Bks. 7-9. Cp. In trod. § 8. 

6. Tump^^oug^gi, with ace. of person, 
' to avenge one's self upon.* Cp. 3. 53, 

6. 188. 



8. 1. kn%4Mtfrt, of proper and normal 
succession. Cp. dw4piupe ^ paatKrilri a 
205 ii^fra; wtpiifKBt (^ ifyt/umlti), of a 
transition into alien hands, 1. 7. 

5. MopS^iot & Tofip/Ctm, here intro- 
duced as for the first time, 6. 48 not- 
withstanding (further evidence of the 
independence and prior composition of 
Bk. 7 ; cp. Introduction, § 7). The con- 
nexion of Mardonios with the royal 
house is not quite fully expounded here. 
Dareios had married a daughter of 
Gobryas, Le. a sister, or perhaps a half- 
sister to Mardonios (her son disputes the 
succession with Xerxes, c. 2 supra) ; and 
Mardonios had to wife a daughter of 
Dareios, perhsps a full sister to Xerxes ; 
Mardonios was thus nephew, brother-in- 
law, and son-in-law to Dareios, and also 
cousin and brother-in-law to Xerxes, but 
considerably the king's senior. Mar- 
donios now appears as the evil genius 
of the king (cp. AischyL Pers. 763-8 
on the evil counsellors). As Blakesley 
points out, Mardonios and Artaphrenes 
represented different plans: the policy 
of Artaphrenes had failed at Marathon ; 
Mardonios and the Thracian or over- 
land route come again to the front. 
There was also *the previous question,' 
represented by Artabanos. Cp. further. 
Introduction, § 11 ; Appendix II. § 2. 

7. SifTwora strikes tne note of oriental 
servility in Greek ears ; cp. c. 9 etc. 
Artabanos, the king's uncle, prefers & 
PaaiXeO c. 10 etc 

o^K oU^f . . |iii| oi 8. 8. tAv hr, 
A genuine instance of the reduplicated 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



ipyaaafUvov^ iroXKi, Btf xaxh nipa-a^ fjLtf ov Bovpfu SUrjv t&p 

iirohfaav, aXX* el to fikv vvp ravra irfyqaaoi,^ rd irep ev 

lo j(€pal ^€49* rffiepoHra^ Bi Alytnrrop r^v i^vfipUraaav <rrpaTfj' 

Xdree M rh^ ^AOi^va^, Xva \oyo^ ri ae i^V ^/>^ avOpmrc^v 

arfoOo^, KaL t*9 varepov ^vTsAaarfrai, hrX yrjv t^p a^v arpa- 

reveaOcu,^* ovro^ p4v ol 6 X0709 fiv ti/lu»/)09' tovSc H tov 

Xoyov irapevOTjKTiv Troieea/eero T'qvSe, C09 17 Ev/m&tti; irepiicaXK^ 

15 ^^V X^P^' ^^^ BivBpea iravrota <f>ip€i rh Hp^epa, aperrfp re 

6 uKpi], fiaaiXii re fiovvtp dvrfr&v a^ltf i/crrja-d<u» ravra Skeye 

ota vetariptov Ipye^v iwiOvfirfrfj^ imv xal OeKtov avro^ rtj^ 

'EXXaSo9 virapyp^ elva^. TCP^^V ^^ Karepydaaro re xal 

aviireiae &are iroUevv ravra Sip^v crwikafie yhp Kal SXXa 

5 ol (rvfifjLaj(a yevofieva [^9 to TrelOeaOai Sip^v]. rovro fiev 

OTTO T^9 ©6<ro*aXti79 'rraph r&v *A\€va£i<op airiyfUv oi ayyeXoi 

hreKcCKiovro fia^CKia ircUrav irpoOvfilrfv irapej(pp£vo^ iirl r^v 

'EXXaSa* ol Bk *A\evdBa4 oirroi fjaav 6e<r<raX/i;9 fiaaCKke^' 

9 aXX €t o : aWa 13 rovBt 8^ tov o : tovtov 8^ tov fi Holder : 

TOV Sc com. Stein^ 6. 4 ^ep^ea idque ante axrrc PRs : fuv Kallen- 

berg 6 cs rh w, B. secL van H., Stein* 8 ot 6^ . . jSao-iXccs * aecL 
Blakesley 



negative (cp. Madvig, Ok, Syntax, §211), 
exactly paimUeled in 8. 100 infra {oOdefda 
iKdvats fih 06 Btnrrat Xhyw ktK,), 

9. dXX d (cp. App. Crit), the reading 
of the better class, is defended by Stein 
as a mild iraperative, and Homeric. 
(Cp. Monro, Homeric Orammar, § 811.) 

IS. Tip»p^ Hicce aermo ad tUtionem 
(«. poenam) exigendam speetabaL Cp. 
ej&/ifJMxos 5. 65 (Baehr). The TapevBiiKin 
(cp. 6. 19), on the excellence of the 
European soil and products, in itself an 
economic or commercial motive, is also 

fiven a superb twist by reference to the 
ing. To the praise of Europe here may 
be set off the praise of Asia on the lips 
of Aristagoras, 5. 49, surely more justifi- 
able in itself. 

15. vavToCa covers more than the olive. 
dprHj, of the soil ; cp. 4. 198. 

16. dicp^, a eulogistic term ; cp. c. Ill 
infra ; 5. 112, 124 ; 6. 122. 

6. 2. ota ktX The first motive 
ascribed to Mardonios {v€urrifHav ipyup 
iwiBvfdri) might suit democratic leanings 
(cp. 6. 43) rather than military measures ; 
the second is presumably inferential, 
kis ambition to oe governor of Hellas, 
a rOle which would bulk more largely 
in the eyes of a Greek (cp. case of 



Pausanias, 5. 82) than in the eyes of a 
Persian, i^ymw here is not substantially 
different from Tptrtfid-naw, So often 
(i.) ipyw=Tpd^it (e.g. i, dirM^Bai a 
189 infra, et pamm). The word ia also 
used (ii) of material objects, or ' works ' 
(1. 51 Qeodtipov rod XafUov fpyoi^ €t al.; 
cp. 1. 86 rd Tww MvffQw i,), (iii) In 
some passages we get almost the mean- 
ing 'use' or 'function'; cp. 1. 17 and 
114. 

3. KarfffyAtrartf n Kal Mitnua^ 
Perhaps *ne succeeded in persuading' 
(a hendiadys) rather than either (a) 
Karepydffaro A i^^Xero or (6) Ka-npyi," 
aaro t6p lUp^a, koX i^hrtiat airim^ 
though the use of the word in 9. 108 
(oi>K ibiwaro Karepyaff&ifnu sc. ii^ 7vn^) 
supports interpretation (6). The Hero- 
dotean uses of this word are remarkable 
(cp. Index Verb.). In the next sentence 
&XXa is subject of omviXapi, and S4p(i|r 
of irf(9cor0au 

5. toOto |i^ . . toOto 8^ without 
specific reference to AXXa, 'in the first 
place, . . in the second.' 

6. dYyfXoi=irp^0^|3ect,cp.c.l,L6«tiiini. 
8. ol Si 'AXcvdSai . . painXlif . On 

the ' Aleuads ' cp. cc. 130, 172 tn/Vo, and 
9. 1, 58. Hdt. would hardly be right 



5-6 



nOAYMNIA 



TOUTo Sk HeKnarpaT^Simp oi avaffe/Sfj/eore^ €9 Sovaa, r&v re 
axn&v Tsjoytov ij(pfievoi, r&v icaL oi 'AXet/oSo^, ical S17 n irpo^ 10 
TouTOiai Sti rrXeop wpoa-top&yom-o oL €j(pvT€^ ^Ovofui/cpiTOv, 
dpSpa ^AOffvaSov j(pffafjL6k6yov re koI ButOerrjv j^afi&v r&v 
'MovaaioVf avafiefii^/ceaav, rifv ^Opv^ irpoKartiKvaafievo^' 
i^Xd0ff yhp inro ^Imrdpjfpv tov Tleiartarpdrov 6 ^OvopAxpiro^ 
i( *A0fjv4mv, hr avroifHop^ aXov^ xnro Adaov tov '^pfiiovio^ 15 
ifiTToUofv €9 r^ Movaalov x/:)i7<r/iOi/, (09 al errl Arffivip hnKei- 
fievai vrjaoi cuf>avi^olaTO /carh Tfj<; OaKcurai]^' Stb i^Xaai fiiv 

13 vpoKaTakva-dfj^voi 6: TrpoKaraXva-Ofuvoi ABCd 16 A'rjfivi^ 

Kraeger: Xrjfxvov 17 a^i^i^otaro : a^i^totaro Elmeger : d<f>avi€oiaTo 

Naber 



in dflseribing them here m ' kings ' ; but 
1 am half inclined to regard the phrase 
as a gloss (with Blakeslej), cp. 5. 68. 
If it stands, it will not faTOur the view 
that Hdt himself had visited Thessaly 
(ep. c. 129 i^ra), Hdt appears to m 
imaoqnainted with the government of 
Thosnly, and even with the title of raydt. 
The Alenads were evidently party- 
leaders ; cp. c. 172. 

9. IIcialo^rpaTiS^v ol &vaPcPi)Kdrt«. 
These anonymons * Peisistratids * are 
rather a mystery. Dikaios, 8. 65, may 
have been one ; cp. also 8. 54. But 
what of Hippias, whom Hdt at least 
has not expressly slain at Marathon 
(cp. Cioero, ad AU, 9. 10. 8)? The 
omission to acconnt for Hippias (after 
6. 107), and the whole tone and char- 
acter of this notice of the Peisistratidai 
(aftar the place occupied by their story 
in Bks. 5, 6), support the view that Bk. 
7 is of prior composition ; cp. Introduc- 
tion, S§ 7, 8. Hdt. gives no date for the 
'anabasis.' 

10. X^Y*'*' ^^|MKoi, as c. 5 supra, Cp. 
Index Verb. fx^aBtu. 

11. w ^ ov m ptyarr6 (rt iri vKiw ol) : 
an nnnraal word and expression ; cp. 
htoptywBai in 9. 84 (of something beyond 
rpordwwBeu) ; rendered '* plied him '* 
(Blakesley), '^worked upon him " (Bawlin- 
«m), ** instabant regi eumque urgebant " 
(Baahr). 

'Ovo|UucpiTOv . . Movoxiiov. The 
friendship of Hipparchos with the 
Athenian soothsayer and oracle-monger 
is characteristio and significant of the 
tyrannic &mily (cp. 5. 93, etc.). Lasos 
of Hermione, or Hermion (cp. 8. 78 
in/ra), a 'Dryopian,' with a special 



interest perhaps in Lemnos and the 
Lemnians (cp. 8. 73), may have been 
a rival professor at the Athenian court 
Pausan. 1. 22. 7 extends the forgeries 
of Onomakritos, and reduces the genuine 
remains of Musaios to one Hymn to 
Demeter for the Attic Lykomidai. 
Onomakritos may, perhaps, be connected 
with the spread of * the Orphic religion ' ; 
cp. Bury, Hist, of Greece, 1. (1902) 889. 
Lasos was '*a lyric and dithyrambic 
poet of the highest repute" (R.), of 
whom Aristophanes makes jocular men- 
tion as rival of Simonides ( fVasps, 1410 f.). 
A fragment of his Hymn to Demeter is 
preserved in Athenaeus ; cp. Bergk, Poetae 
Lyrici, iii.* (1882), pp. 876 f. 

15. Iv^ aiko^PY oXo^: a technical 
(Athenian) expression, here not quite 
accurately usea. (He was not filching 
but forging. Still, forgery is a kind of 
theft !) Cp. 6. 72 and 187. 

17. &^Vilo(aTo. Baehr disapproves 
of Naber s suggestion d^tavieolaro (future), 
the pres. opt. having a future significa- 
tion ; Stein observes that dipapii^om-ai 
may have stood oracularly in the actual 
verse, cp. cc. 140, 220 infra. Why 
Onomakritos should have foretold de- 
struction for the islands off Lemnos 
does not appear. Baehr observes that 

(1) the holy isle of Chryse is intended ; 

(2) the region is volcanic Perhaps the 
prophecy has some bearing on the 
Peisistratid policy in the HeTlespontine 
region (cp. Bury, Hist, of Oreece, 1. 208), 
whether as warning or encouragement 
PluUrch, de Pythiae (/roc. 11 {Mor, 899), 
preserves an oracle predicting the appear- 
ance of an island in the sea, and the 
victory of the inferior over the superior 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



6 "Imrapjd^f irpinepov 'xp^t^fuvo^ tA fioKurra. rare Bi 
awavafih^ 8k€^ airUovro h &^iv r^v fiacriKio^, Xeyovrwv 

2or&v TleunaTpariSitov irepl airrov aefivoif^ Xiyov^, scariKtye r&v 
j(pfj<rfi&v* el iiiv rt ivkov a^oKfUL ^pov r^ fiapfidp^, r&v 
lihf iKey€ ovhiv^ h Zk rk ebrvxi^'^orra iKkeyofievo^ ekeye, 
rov T€ 'EXXqawovTov cb? ^€ifj(j9fjv€U j(pe6v ettf inr avBpo^ 
Hipa-eoD n^v re iKaaip i^fffeofjuevo^. oiro^ re Bif j(pff<rfi^i€^p 

2$ vpoo-€<f>4p€r6 <ol> KoL ol re HeunarparlBai kcIX ol ^AXevc&u 

yVtOfJM^ diroB€lKVV/JL€VOU 

7 '£U Bk aveypaxrdff Sip^^ aTpareveadcu iirl r^v 'EXXdBa, 
hfOavra B€irripq> fikv Srel fi^erh rov Bdvarov rov ikopeiov 
irp&ra arpartflffv iroUercu iirl tou9 aireareArct^. rovrov^ fiiv 
vvv Karaarpe^dfievo^ koI Alyvwrov iraa-av iroXKov BovKoriprpf 

21 <C9> a-ifMkiiaL Stein 24 n^v re ^zakk-qv^ Stein* 86 

irpo€<l>ip€To ABC: <oi> add. Stein* || Kal ol 'AkiwxBai om. ABC 
7. 3 aTparriiqv Wesseling : oT/oari^v 4 irocrav om. B : approb. 

Holder 



power : a copjunotion interpreted to 
refer to the rieine of the islet between 
Thera and Therasia and the Roman vic- 
tory over Philip of Macedon in 197 b.o. 
Kcvrd rfts 0aXd(m|«. The accus- 
atiye might nave been expected, but 
cp. c. 235 infra, 

kiff^aai |uv h "ImropYot. The 
expulsion most be dated before mid- 
summer 514 B.O., cp. 5. 55. Hipparchos 
might perhaps be said to have effected 
it, even without being himself actually 
' tyrant ' ; but op. my note ad Le. 

19. 8k<*«, neither modal nor final, 
but simply temporal and iterative (opt.) ; 
a frequent use in Hdt {v. L. i S. 
sub V, A. I. 7). Cp. note to 8. 14 infra, 

21. cl |Uv . . tAv |Uv . . & 8^. The 
sequence and antithesis are not quite 
strict, but the subject of the sentence 
is expressed and emphasized by the 
particle, in accordance with a common 
device of Hdt.'s ; cp. Index Verb. s.v. ^. 
IWoi aemel : aliis locii fCi) (Baehr). 

24. 4£i|7f6|Mvoti '* expounding, in con- 
formity with his oracles " (Stein) ; cp. for 
an illustration Mardonios' exegesis, 9. 42. 
But the phrase is used in 8. 4 without 
any oracular suggestion : Kofipi^ . . 
dTopiomi riip (Xoffip, Sxiat rjjr (bfvdpop 
d(einrep$, iveXBCifP {6 <^di^t) ^pd^ei fih 
Kol rd SXKa rii *AfAdaiot Tf»^/taro^ 
i^iiyitrat d^ Kal riiw (\affip ktK 



(Stein would read Hfp re dXXip fXanw 
in this place). 

oMf Tf. It is remarkable that 
Demaratos plays no part in this anao- 
dote: was ne not in Susaf Cp. o. 8 
supra, irpoo^^4ptro does duty with the 
Peisistratids and Aleuads, as well as 
with Onomakritos. The defective style 
of Hdt in this snecdote has been the 
subject of remark (cp. Kaibel, SHI u. 
Text d. n. A. p. 29). Such defects may 
at times arise from ill-digested sources — 
here, for example — but hardly in the 
other case cited by Kaibel (c. 8 tn/nL 
q.v.) ; and these stylistic failures would 
be most natural in the portion of Hdt.'t 
work earliest composed. 

7. 1. Avcyv^krOn. What good evidence 
can Hdt. have had that, even before the 
reconquest of Egypt, Xerxes was resolved 
on the ultimate invasion of Hellas ? Or, 
conversely, that this resolution was sub- 
sequently abandoned f At any rate, the 
effect of the statement is to reduce the 
reconquest of Egypt to a mere episode, 
and to exalt the reinvasion of Hellas 
into the main object of Persian policy, 
and that rightly enough. DramatioiJly, 
psychologically, and for the sakt of the 
great historic argument, the decision 
ascribed to Xerxes is aooeptable. 

2. 8cur^ |Uv irci |fc.T.e.T.A. If the 
' years ' are calendar years, the invasion 



6-8 



nOAYMNIA 



it^VTov £kap€iov Bk vcuZL 'Ap^cu/t^ea fiev wv iinTpoTrevovTa 
Atyvirrov ypovip iieriirevTa i<f>6v€v<re ^Ivdpto^ 6 ^afifjurjri^ov 
apiip Aifiv^. Hip^^ Bk fuerh Avflnrrov akmaip m SfieXXe €98 
%e»pa9 a^€a0(u to arpdrevfia to iirl r^9 *A0i^va^, avKKoyov 
iwUcKffTov Hepaiav t&v dpioTtop irroUero, Xpa ypd^^ t€ 
wvOffTcu, <rtf>4ap koI airro^ ip iraa-i et'irp r^ OiKei. 109 Bi aupe- 
'kkyOtiaav^ tkefy Sip^^ ToSe. '* apBp€^ IHpaai, o{n avro9 5 



8. 2 TO poster. L om. ABOf 



of Vgypt might have taken place within 
twelve monuks of the death of Dareios ; 
othenriM, of ooone, the anniyeraarr of 
the death ocoon before the invasion. 
Corioualy little is here made of this 
rebellion in Bgypt and its redaction : 
waa it a trifling aflair f It appears from 
Sgyptaan soorces that Efi[Pt enjoyed a 
natiTe (or Libyan) king, Coabbuoh by 
DAma, a votary of the Memphite god, 
Ptah. The death of an Apis is reeoraed 
for the MOfmd year of his reign. The 
temples in Buto were enriched by grants 
of land. Some measures were taken to 
protect the months and marshes of the 
Mile from the Asiatic fleet (Cp. Wiede- 
mann, Aeg, Oeach. ii 685 ; Noldeke, 
At^tatzCy 41.) But all this leaves no 
impression upon the traditions in Hdt., 
whether here or elsewhere (not even in 
Bk. S). The middle verbs toc^ctcu, 
Kara/rrpe^fdfui'ot, sorest that Xerxes 
did not in person visit Egypt. 

5. *Axa4'^*<^ Aohaimenes, the fiill 
brother of Aerxes (cp. 0. 2 8upra\ appears 
below in command of the JB^yptian 
contingent; cp. c 97 infra. He may 
have effected the overthrow of Chabbasch. 
His snbseqnent death, at the hands of 
Inaros the Libyan, has been previously 
related by Hdt. 3. 12 — unless indeed 
thia passage was the earlier composed, 
a view supported by the complete absence 
of any cross reference. The rebellion of 
Inaros is to be dated 460 B.O. ; cp. Thuc. 
1. 104. On this passage cp. Introd. § 8. 

8. 1. I|mXXc * Xerxes' is generally 
taken as the subject ; but might not ro 
VTpdTtmMi be the subject, and d(co^i 
passive (rdde is x^'pc^f dyeaOcu in 1. 126 
notwithstanding) ? d^e<r^ac in pass, sense, 
AesehvL Agam. 1682, Plato Asp. 458 d, 
in both cases with personal subject ; but 
Thueyd. 4. 115. 2 has fitixojnjs fieXKw^s 



2. rh M TsLs 'AO^vas: narrowing 
the objective of the undertaking, cp. 
o. 5 supra, and 6. 44. The article (rdt) 
is notable. 

or^XXoyov MkXtitov lU^aimv rAr 
dpComtv: an important Persian insti- 
tution, and at least a potential check 
on the absolute monarcny. Cp. 8. 101 
i^ovkvOtro dfui Tlepaiiop rouri iiriKMJTounf 
and 9. 42, where a similar council 
surrounds Mardonios. (In c. 208 iirfra 
irUXrp-oi is merely predicative, as in 5. 
75.) The same councillors are summoned 
again, c. 13 infra; but the kin^ may 
have had considerable latitude m the 
choice of his council and the particular 
summons issued, cp. c 27 infra {UepaiiMf 
rods Taf>e6¥Tas)f c. 53 (II. rods 8oki- 
fuardTovs), c 119 {61 6fi6ffiToi\ c 147 
{oL Tdpe9poi). The (Council of War before 
Salamis is naturally more general, 8. 67, 
but the friJcXiTrol or ff6fjLpov\oi nepo-^oir 
reappear in 8. 101, and may to some 
extent be covered by the anecdote in 8. 
119 (liipaat koI Uepaiutw roi>f irpibrovs). 
On the celebrated 'Dareios' vase there 
are six councillors ; the figure behind 
the throne is plainly not one of the 
council, but a guard (cp. Baumeister, 
DenkmdUr, i. 408 ff. and Plate vi.). 
The heads of the six great Houses may 
have formed an inner ring (cp. 3. 84, 
118), but there was a wider Privy 
Council, as here implied, and the status 
and title of councillor was probably 
distinctly recognized (cp. Book of Daniel, 
3. 24 et oZ.), though the king might 
presumably summon whom he woiud, 
and on a campaign the councils of war 
would naturally be composed of military 
officers. For other parallel cases cp. 1. 
206 (Eyros), 3. 65 (Kambyses). 

5. IX<c The \byoi S^p^ov which 
follows is cited by Dionys. Halicar. de 
adm, vi dicendi in Demosth, 41 (not, as 



10 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



KarrffTiaoyjii vofiov rovhe iv vfuv riOek, vapaSe^ftepo^ re 
avT^ ypriaofuu. w ^hp iya> irwOdvofuu r&v irpeafivripaVf 
oifZa^ #ca> tirpe^dtrafiev, iireire irapeXafio^iev rr^v ffyefJLOvlriv 
nivBe iraph Mi7S(oi/» Kvpov Karekovro^ ^Aart/drfea' aXXA 0eo^ 

lo re ovTto arf^i koX avroio'i ripiv ttoXXA hreirovai, avfjuf>ip€Ta4 
iirl TO afieivov. r^ /jUv vw K8po9 re koX Ka/ifiwrtf^ iranip 
T€ ifio^ ^p€io^ Karepyda-avro koI irpoo-e/eri^a'avro edvca, 
hrKTrafUvoMTi, ev oxfK av rt9 Aiyot. iyo) Si hrelre irapiKafiop 
TOP Opovov TovTov, i^povTil^ov 6ko9^ fiif "Kely^Ofjuu r&v irporepov 

15 yepofUvwp iv ti/at} t^Sc fji/rfBe (Kdaam irpoatcTrjaofuu BvvafUP 
JIip<rtfa-i' if>povTl^G)V Si evpicKG) afia fJLkv icvho^ fnilv [tc] 

8 rJTp€fita'afi€v AB : rjrp€firja'afKV 9 Acrrvayca z : darvdyifv 

(-€iv B, 'ti'id) 12 <r€> Kal Naber 13 €d ^ziffjuvz*- Stein* || owe 

del. Toumier : an potius c^ vfitv av legendum ? 14 rovrov, R : 0p6voVf 

TovTo ceteri : 6p6vov tovtov vel Opovov^ rovrov testim. || kti^oiuu P : 
kirj^/jMi d : kit^taiuki ceteri et Dionyi. 16 17/iiv ft, Holder : ijfuv re 

(t€ ripXv Stein^, van H.) : re seel. Stein^ 



Blakesley vaguely says, '4n the treatise 
in which he compares the relative merits 
of Herodotus and Thucydides," viz. pre- 
sumably the Ep, ad Pomp,) as an example 
of the mean between the * austere' or 
dry and the ele^nt or 'sweet' styles, 
and converted into Attic (or /rocm^). 
The speech itself — with those which 
follow — is " Quite unhistorical" (Rawlin- 
son), and '' obviously of Hellenic manu- 
facture " (Blakesley). In short, we have 
here examples of Hdt.'s own creation 
(*Hp6dorof &p^ TepiriBels rbw \6yw, 
Dionvs. Z.c). Kaibel (Stil u. Text, p. 
80 n. ) points out that Thuc. 5. 105 has 
imitated and improved upon the opening 
passage ; Baehr, from the observed re- 
semblance, had argued that Hdt. was 
putting Greek formulae into the mouth 
of a foreign speaker (as often). 

6. v6^v 'TOvSc Xerxes specifies his 
relation to the law before specifying 
what the law is — a procedure stylistically 
defective (Kaibel, Le,). The 'law' in 
auestion is not, indeed, expressly speci- 
fied at all, but may be inferred to be 
the law of 'expansive empire' or of 
' imperial expansion ' (oi)da/id xut -firpefd- 
ffofuv), under divine leading {Beds tc 
oth-v dy€i), with excellent results {avfi^, 
ivl t6 d/ietyor). It is a Maw,' in fact, 
rather in the indicative than in the 
imperative form, and previously exem- 

Elified by the Median empire 1. 185, and 
y Kyros 1. 190. 



8. 4Tp€|iCo^4Uir. drptid^fiw 9, 7i €t 
al,=dTp4tM9 Ixety 8. 14, 16; 9. 52, 58. 
Both verbs, drpe/iita and drpefd^v, are 
found, usually with negative (as here) ; 
but cp. c. 18 ififira. Stein treats drptpdi^v 
as the Herodotean form. (Neither word 
is good Attic.) 

9. Kipov K. 'AffTvd7«L Cp. 1. 
127 ff. There could of course be no 
reference in this speech to that passage 
— even if the speech were of later com- 
position. 

10. voXXd MvoiNTi. Cp. T6Xe/Mr 
i^, Bimonid., reprctfXdt Kal OoKlat Archil., 
6ina KoX pofufiid Aristoph. Thesmoph. 
675 (L. & S. «u6 v.). o-v|j44pcrcu kt\ th 
dacivov, in melius cadufU, protpere eeduiU 
(Baehr). Cp. 4. 15, 156, and c. 88 
infra. 

12. KaT^ryda«rro = Kart^rpiffurro 
(Stein), cp. c. 6 supra, 

18. M 8^, not in strict apposition to 
rd flip aoove ; cp. c. 6 I. 21 suprcu 

14. T^v 6p4$vov. The Tragedians uae 
the plural also ; cp. ffKryrrpa c. 52 infra, 
and note ad I, 

8k<*« |i^Xc(i^|iai is correct (not 
Xe(^w/icu, cp. Ueili^nstadt, de fnalium 
enuntiatorum usu, li. (1892), p. 21). 

16. ftfia |jiv ktX. The text here is in 
trouble, from a superfluity of re. May 
it not have run originally : icCdof ii/jup 
TTpoayivbiupw (or yipbiiMPOp) Xiitpv ^^ 



nOAYMNIA 



11 



irpoayivofiafov X^PV^ *^^ ''^ ^^ iicnifieda ovk ikaatrova ovBk 
^Xavpcriprfv irap4f>opmTif)ffp B4, &fjLa ^ rifitopiffv re Kal riaiv 
ytvofthnjv. Bib vfUa^ vvv iym owiKe^a, Zva to voim irpqaaeiv 
inrepOifOfuu Vfjuv fiiXXm ^ev^a^ top 'EXKqtnrovrov ikav 20 
arparop BiA t§9 EvpcoTny? M rifv 'EXKdSa, Xva *Adffvaiov^ 
TifiMpiiaw/juu 6<ra Bff ireironiKoa-i IHpacL^ re koX iraripa rbv 
ifAcv. wpare fjUp vw Kal [warepa top ifiop^ ^pelop lOvopra 
arpareveo'deu iirl rov^ apBpa^ toutov^, a\X* h fikp rereXevTfjKe 
icaX oific i^eyipero avr^ TipjoprjaaaOai,* iya> Bk vwip re cKeipov 2$ 
seal r&p SKKmp Hepaicop ov wpirepop irava-o/iai • • vplp 'fj 
fKto T€ teal wvpdxrto rh^ ^AOijpa^, ol ye ifik Kal iraripa top 
ifiop inrfjp^ap oBiKa iroievpre^. irpSna fihf i^ XdpBc^ i^Oopre^, 
ifM Apiorayopfj r^ MiXtfal^ SovXtp Bk fifuriptp aviKop^epoi, 
hfinrpfiaap rd re oKcrea Kal rh ipd* Bevrepa Bk riiika^ ola 50 
ip^av €9 T^v a-<f>€Tipfjp dirofidpra^, Sre Aark re Kal ^Apra- 

17 x^P^ ABC IS 8i d, Stein': tc 23 trarepa rbv c/nov 

om. By Dionya. : seclusi || Aa/octov seel. Cobet 26 lacunam indie 

Stein', Ti/Juap€6fjL€yi>s vel aim. suppl. cena. 27 €/xc re Kal Dionys. 

88 €k06vT€s vapb, Dionya. 29 aTriKOfuvoi oin. Dionys. approb. Holder, 

8ed cf. Baehr 



^Xa^poW/»ip irafti^puT^pftiP re Tpofficrdlt- 
lupoij dfia S4 kt\. ? 
17. Tf|«, by Attraction. 

•Ac IXdovova. In Hdt's own 
geography Europe waa much larger than 
Asia ; cp. 4. 42 with note <id L 

21. 'A0i|v«i£ovt. It is observable that 
there is not a word against the Spartans 
and their treatment of the Persian heralds, 
aa described c. 186 iirfra: a carious 
omiaaion here, if Hdt had been ac- 
quainted with that anecdote when he 
first penned this passage. 

22. Ti|UifW^oiittiai : cp. c. 4 supra. 
28. «MaTf 18, of course, impen. 

IHcirra vrpart^cvOou, 1. 284, 8. 
S9. l$^uf, a poetical word (Homeric), 
with a purely pnysical significance in the 
Iliad, and a purely mental significance 
in the Odyssey (thua sheddiDg a ray 
upon the respective dates and authorship 
of those poema ; cp. Monro, Od. ziL-xxiv. 
App. II. § 4). Hdt. haa the word in 
the older sense 4. 122. 

25. o^ tt cY^ t TO air^ : cp. c. 4 supra, 

k^ Sk «irlp Tf IkcCvov. The vow 

of Xerxes is an act of filial piety ; upon 

the motivation in this whole passage see 

further L 82 ir^ra, 

27. tAs 'AOVaf, ot 7c. 'Athens, 
whose sons . .,' an obvious constr, ad 



sensum. Stein cpa. Od, ^ (21.) 818, and 
C. L O, 71 C iw r^ffi rdXcffW' ot tp XP^''^*' 
rf l€p<}* 

29. A|ui *ApiOTa<y^M. Aristagoras, 
according to 5. 99, had not accompanied 
the Atheniana up to Sardes. There 
could be little likelihood of such an 
inconsequence, if Hdt. had just written 
the story of the Ionian revolt before 
writing this passage. The better sup- 
position is that the speech of Xerxes is 
of older composition than the story of 
the revolt ; cp. Introduction, §§ 7, 8. 

&iriK^|fccvoi must be retained ; vide 
App. Grit, supra. 

80. rd TC aXow Kal rd Ipd. The 
king's concern is in part for the gods ; 
for the motivation cp. next note but 
two. 

81. Br€ Aarit ts Kal 'ApTCiAp^vi|s 
4<rTpartf|Ycov. The omission of nippias 
is observable, but not unnatural, in the 
king'a mouth, addressing an exclusively 
Persian meeting ; nor could any distinct 
reference to the story of the Marathonian 
campaign aa told in Bk. 6 be here ex- 
pected ; nevertheless the character of 
this reference, with ita air of ancient 
history about it, best accords with the 
supposition that Hdt. had not composed 
Bk. 6 when he wrote this speech. 



12 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



<l>pivrf^ ioTpaTiiyeov, rh hrUrrcurOi kov irdvre^. rovrmv fikp 
Toivvp etv€Ka avaprrffiai hr airroif^ aTparevea-Oai, a/>/aJdh Bk 
iv aifTolai roa-dBe avevpicKm Xoyi^ofievo^* et rovrov^ re teal 

35 Toif^ TovToia-i irXtfo-to^dpov^ Karaarpe^fieda, ot IHKotto^ tov 
^pvyo^ vifiovrai X^P^^» yv^ '''V^ HepaiSa airoSe^ofiev r^ 
Ai09 aldipi ofiovpeovaav oifSi yhp aXXffv x^P^^ 7^ ovSefuap 
KOToy^TOU fjkio^ SfjMvpov iovaav r^ ^fieriptf, aXXA a^ctq 
irdaa^ iya> ifia v/iip filav x^P^^ Oiia-o), BUi vdoff^ Bie^e\0oi>p 

40 r^ ^ifpfOTTfj^. irvpddpofuu 7^p &B€ ^6ti^» ovre rivii iroXuf 
apBp&p oifBefdap ovre S0po^ ovBkp dp0pa>7rmp inroKelireaOai^ to 
rifuv olop T€ ioTOi iXJBelp i^ fidxffv, roirap r&p KariKe^a 
inr€^ap€Uprf/jb€P<op, ovrta ot re fifup alrioi l^ovai BovXiop 
^vybp ot T€ apcUr^oi. vfieh S' &p fioi roBe iroiiopre^ x^OLfn>}^oiAT0€* 

32 rol om. Dionya. approb. Holder et Stein^ || /xcv rolvw Stein^: 
fiivToi : 'immo p^v 8^* Bekker 34 eifpCa-Kia avaXoyt^o/icvos 8 37 

ov yap Bri x^P^^ ^ approb. Holder Stein^ * || ovBepiav deL van H. 



82. rd: strongly demonstrative (cp. 
TUP c. 6 8upra) but omitted by Dionys. U. 
roirmv . • ^voco. At least seven 
cood reasons have been stated for the 
king's resolve: (1) filial piety, (2) 
reli^on, (3) revenge, (4) justioe, (5) 
proht, (6) honour, (7) ambition. 

33. &vdpTi||uu, 'I am ready/ 'fully 
prepared.' The later lexicographers 
(Veitch, Gk, Verbs, followed by L. & 
S.) have corrected the confusion in 
Sohweiph. between i.fn'dM and dpriofjuu 
(with Its compounds, as here), both 
words being frequently used by Hdt 
(e.g. dprdM, 1. 125 (dpr^ar<u), 8. 19 
(ijpTTiTo), 5. 31 {'/jprrifihai), 6. 109, 9. 68 ; 
df»Wo|Mm 5. 120 (dfrrioitTo), 8. 97 (dfnirro), 
c 143 infra (dprieaBai) ; dpriofiou does 
not as a rule take the augment, but cp. 
9. 29 (irapi/iprrfTo), 

34. kv airolaXf 'therein.' Cp. Index 
Verb. 9ub v. 

35. n^omx Toi) ^fnry^ in the mouth 
of Xerxes gives a further claim against 
the Peloponnesians — which a notice of 
the Spartan outrage on the heralds 
would have strengthened, had Xerxes 
(or Hdt.) but known it Cp. 1. 21 above. 

86. yijy ri\v Ilcpo-lSa. Certainly not 
Persis, or Persia proper, cp. 3. 97, but 
the whole empire (primarily a land, not 
a sea power). The earth is here (Stein 
observes) conceived as a plane with the 
heaven, a solid dome, above— Hdt. 's 
own view doubtless (cp. 4. 36, 5. 92), 
but also appropriate in the king's mouth ; 



cp. 1. 131, of the Persians : r^ k^kXop 
rdrra toO odpawoO Aia raX^orrvt. The 
Persian Zeus would be Ahnra-mazda. 
The sun may set on the Persian empire 
(it could not but do so with that geo- 
graphy), but it shall never, aooording to 
Xerxes (Hdt), rise on any other {06 yhp 
b^ X^P^ 7^ ktK). Xerxes anticipates 
Alexander ; Arrian, Anab, 5. 26. 

39. 8ia«d«n|s8v<^^ei^T<|tE«pdhnM: 
like the Danube, 4. 49 {fiw). Yet 
the statement is not really consistent, 
in either case, vrith Hdt's own concep- 
tion of Europe ; op. 4. 42. 

40. ii^Xiv &v8p6ir . . f^vot i,y^^Aww9 
marks exactly the Greek distinction be- 
tween civilized and nnciviUzedhumanity ; 
cp. c. 1 supra, 

42. tAv, by attraction. 

43. iir4apa^H^^v«v* Not ' put out of 
the land of the living' but *put out 
of the number of our enemies' (Stein). 
L. k S. reduce it to * these being ont of 
the question.' Is there any suggestion 
of physical removal by transportation, 
in accordance with Persian methods? 
The force of the inrb is not very dear 
( ' by degrees ' X) ; but the {nroKtlTt^BajL 
supra may have suggested its repeti- 
tion. 

SoifXiov \xy6y appears to be an 
Aischylean reminiscence, Pers, 50 ; cp. 
Introduction, § 10. 

44. rdSi iroUovrtt : i.e. ef vWocre 
tAB€ ('as follows ') ; a conditional parti- 
ciple. 



8-9 



nOAYMNIA 



13 



iwciip vfjup cfffii^vm Tov j(povov €9 rov fJKeip Bel^ wpoOvfiw^ 4$ 
wavra nvk vfUmv XP^^^ irapelvai. h^ &v Bi ^^v fj/cff 
7r€^>€a'K€vaafJLipop arparop KoXKunaf hoatrw oi h&pa rk TifiuoTara 
pofU^€T€U elpa^ iv fffieripov. iroiffrea fUp vvp ravra iarl 
OVTI0* tpa Bi fiif ihiofiovKeveiP vfup Boxia, rlOfffJU to irpfjypa 
fc fUaap, ypiofirp/ xeXevwp vfjUoip top fiovkofiepop airo^lp€a0(u^ 5a 
ravra ehra^ hravero. 

Mrr* ainop Bi MapBopio^ ikeye "& BiinroTa, ov fAovpop9 
€{9 tAp y€POfUpe^p Tlepaie^p apurro^ aXXA koI t&p iaofiipap, 
^9 rd re oXXa X&yc^p hrUeo dpurra koI dXriditrTaTa, koI 
"^wptK Toi^ ip T§ Ev/MOTTi; tcaTOi/erjfjUpov^ ovk idcei^ KaToye- 
Xcurai fillip iopTa^ dpa^lov^, koX yhp Beipop &p eltf irpijyfia, 5 
c» Sdxa^ fikp ical *IpBoif^ Koi AlBUma^ re ical ^Aaavplov^ 
SXKa re e^i^a woXXd teal /leydXa dBiK'/jaapTa TLipaa^ ovBhf, 
£XXk Bvpafup irpoaKTc^dcu, fiovKofievoi, KaToa-Tpe^dfiepoi 
Bovkov^ lj(Pfji£p, '^EXXi/i/a? Bi inrdp^apTa^ oBncirj^ ov Tifimptf- 
aofjLeda* tI BelaavTe^; Kolrfp TrXif^eo? trvcTpo^p; Koitfp Bk la 

49 IBioPovXUiv 6 Holder: tStov ^ovkmiv Lobeck 9. 8 

<ir/K»ycyo/Acv»v Stein^ 3 icat <ch'i> "Icovas id. 9 Tifitapnf- 

am/u6a Naber 



45. T^ xf6>9W looks here almost like 
a point of time : a very unusual meaning. 

47. Td: relative. The actual items 
aro set forth in Xen. Anab. 1. 2. 27. 
Cp. c 19 iirfra, 

48. h ^jiMT^pov looks anomalous, but 
is found 1. 86. Stein cps. it iifieripov in 
Horn. Hymn. Herm, 370, while Od. 2. 55 
has tit iifUr€pow, 

49. l8iopovXt4civ : an anomalous 
form for IdiofimiKinw (l^iifiovXot) or 181^1 
/tovXc^ur (Stein) ; cp. App. Grit 

50. It |«lvov : op. 6. 129. 

9. 2. ywo^ihmvt 'that have ever been' 
or ' come into the world.' Stein's emenda- 
tion wfioya^o/Upwf omits the living ! 5f, 
'inasmuch as thou.' 

8. Mkso : rem aeu tetigiali (Sohweigh.) ; 
ep. ^uiaBaif c 85 iijfra, 

4. Invot T. Iv rg £^. K. need not be 
restricted to the Athenians, but may be 
taken as eouivalent to'EXXipat just below, 
the triple oi vision, "Icor^t re koI AtoK4n koI 
AMpcM, a little lower, notwithstanding. 
The Jews knew the Greeks at large as 
Jaivanf Jawtnim (d*3^^) ; Dareios denotes 
*tho whole extent of his Greek dominions' 
as Tvma (BabyL Tavanu\ e.g. Behistun 
Inacrip. col. i § 6. Aischyl. Pen, 182 



makes Atossa speak of 'la^ycov yfi= 
Hellas; Aristoph. Aeham, 104 makes 
Pseudartabas aadress an Athenian Greek 
'laoraO, and so forth. Thus the phrase 
mav here be regarded as ' characteristi- 
cally Oriental,' and strictly appropriate. 

5. &vatCovs, sc iifup KaTaytkdaai. 
Schweigh. takes it abs., ' men of naught ' 
{Karay. iffiOt^ the usaal Attic). 

8civ^v &v 4i) . • fl • • oi n^mpir\- 
o^luOo. Stein explains the oi on the 
ground that the el=&rt (siquidem) and 
CDS. c. 46 infra el . . Tepleareu, etc. In 
tnis case the construction may be facili- 
tated by the coalescence of oi> — rifjuapri- 
^6/t«$a as a single idea {=idffo/iep), and 
also by the presence of o684p. Sitzler 
suggests that'EXXi^yaf d4 may beffin the 
fresh (interrogative) sentence. &XXd is 
rather anomalous. ixo|Mv is not a mere 
auxiliary (bis). 

10. ruvrpcM : the Herodotean use of 
the verb cvcrpe^iv (eonglobare), 9. 18 
infra, 1. 101, 6. 6, mav explain the 
substantive. y(jpni\^mv o^rvcuuv (as in 
Thuc. 1. 25. 4), rather spoilt by the 
occurrence of d^ajuut on each side of it in 
the immediate context. Unless Maxut 
do^fvla is taken with rf^r Mx^ ^ ^®U 



14 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



jfpfjfidTCDV Bvvafuv ; r&v eirurrdfueOa fiiv rifv fuayriVf iin- 
<rrdfjL€0a tk r^v Bvvafiip iovaav acdepia' eyp^v Sd avr&v 
iraiSa^ Karaa-rpe^dfiepoi, rovrov^ ot ip Tp '^fierepi^ Karoi/erj^ 
fUpoi "loii^e? T€ Kol AloXee^ xal AmpUe^ KoKioproLU iweipiiOffP 

15 Bk Kol avT09 ^v e/reXavpfop iirl rov^ apBpa^ tovtov^ inro 
irarpo^ rov aov KeXevadei^, kcU /jmi fiej^i MoKeBopiff^ ikda-carri 
Kol oXiyop airdkiiroPTi i^ aifrh^ ^ABrjpa^ dviK€<r0(u ovBel^ 
^pTUodff €9 fAci^Tjp. Kalroi ye iaidaxn ^EKXrjpe^f co9 wp0dpo/juu, 
dfiovXorara iroXifiov^ urrcurOai xnro re arfpwfioavpfi^ koX 

20 a-Ka^orvyro^. hrekp yhp aWf^Xoicrt iroKefiop irpoelirtoa-i, i^ev- 
popre^ TO KdyOsxarop ympiop Kal Xet^rarop, i^ tovto Kanopre^ 
fidj(ppTai, &aT€ axfp Kaxfp fieydX^ <Kal> oi piK&pre^ dvaX- 
Xdaaoprar irepl Bk t&p ka-aov^ptop ovBk Aiyo) dp^p^ i^tiikee^ 
yhp Bii yipopTcu* roim XPV^ iopra^ OfioyXaxra-ou^ Krjpv^l re 

25 Bia')(peiopipov^ Kal arfyeKoiai KaraXafifidpeip r^9 Suuf^opii^ koI 



18 €io6auri yc Cobet 



22 Kal supplev. Stein' 



as with T^v Si^afuVf IxiffrdfieBa ia not used 
in quite the same sense and construction 
eacn time. With the form of rhetoric 
in the passage Baehr ope. Aeschyl. Pers, 
240. Gp. Introduction, § 11. 

14. mif^^v, from the dep. xetpdofxtu 
(active T€ipw 6. 82, 84), retains a middle 
force ; cp. 4. 80 and 9. 46 (reirefoirrou), 

0. 125 infra (frexeip^aro). Mardonios, 
as one of the dramatis personaa, of course 
could not expressly refer to the story of 
his expedition as told Hdt 6. 48-45, 
but he certainly presents a view of the 
event amounting to a flat contradiction. 
This result might be put down to the 
historian's humour ; but it is more 
natural to see in it further eridence of 
the priority and independence of Bk. 7. 
Mardonios account of his own exploit 
is, indeed, not so far removed from the 
truth ; but had the adventure been the 
miserable fiasco described in Bk. 6, there 
would have been a difficulty, or absurdity, 
in the reference to it here. The state- 
ment (bis) of the failure of the Greeks 
to oppose his passage conveys a criticism 
implicitly on Hellenic policy (cp. Thuc 

1. 69. 5) ; but the criticism is (as Stein 
remarks) entirely beside the point, and 
undramatic. Mardonios is, in fact, merely 
the mouthpiece of Herodotus, who wishes 
to give his nation a lesson. Stein sug- 
gests a direct reference to the circum- 
stances of the Peloponnesian war ; but 
the description of Greek warfare in this 



passage (^redi' yiip — i$tStk€€S yiio dii 
yivom-ai) suits the antecedents and cir- 
cumstances of the ten years' war (481- 
421 B.C.) extremely ill, and moreover 
this passage belongs (I take it) to the 
earlier composition of Hdt. There is no 
apparent reference to tht destruction of 
Plataea. The wars here referred to are 
such as those between Argos and Sparta, 
Athens and Megara, Sybi^ and Croton, 
and so forth. Hdt. may have had in 
view also the war between Eretria and 
Chalkis, which was falsely regarded by 
the Greek tradition in the fouiui century 
as having been waged repl roO Affkiimv 
TeSLov (Strabo, 465, cp. 448). A well- 
known passage of Polybios puts a more 
generous construction upon the archaic 
Greek belli jura, as dictated by feelings 
of honour and a desire for a final de- 
cision : /A^iyr ^ ri)r ix X^<P^' 1^^ ovardiip^ 
yiyifOfUrriv fidxyiv dXriOuf^p i>ireX4^u/3ayoy 
clyai Kplouf TpayyATiav • j koX nxbt voki' 
fjLovt dXMiKoLt TpoCktyotr Kot rdt fidxott, 
dre TpoOdirro diaKw8vP€^i9, Kal ro^ rSwovtf 
elt oOt fUWoup i^tivai TOpara^dfUPOi 
<Taparoi{6/i€v(K> (18. 8. 3). With the 
potential elements of unity in Hellas 
here specified by Hdt. should be com- 
pared the fuller statement put into the 
mouth of the Athenian speaker 8. 144 
infra, 

25. KaToXaiftPdvnv r. 8., "to qnash 
their differences" (Blakesley), "to make 
up their differences " (Rawlinson), " diri- 



9-10 nOAYMNIA 16 

wayrl fiaXXop fj f^xv^^' ^^ ^ irdvrto^ IBee iroXe/jUeiv irpo^ 
aXXifXou9» i^evpicKeiv XP^^ ''V i/carepoi elal 8v(r;^€ipo>Toraroi, 
Kol ravTfj ireipav. rpoirtp rolvvv ov XPV^^V ''^^^V^^^ ^^^- 
;^pmfi€voi, ifiio iKdaam-o^ M'^XP^ ^aKcBovltf^ yrj^, oxfK 1j\0ov 
€9 Tovrov X6yov &aT€ fidx^a-Oai. col Bk S^ fiiXXei T19 & 50 
fiaa-iXev canmaeaOaA, iroKefMV 'n-po<f>ipa)v, aryoprt Kal irkijOo^ 
TO ix T^ *A<r/i79 teal via^ r^9 airda-a^ ; 109 fiev €70) BoKeta, 
ovK i^ Tovro 0pda€o^ api]K€i r^ ^EXXi^i^cdi/ irp'^^jfuiTa' el S^ 
apa eyoKye ^evadeCffP yptofitj koI iKeipoi hraepdivre^ dfiovkijj 
ikffoiep fipip €9 M^XV^* fiddoiep &p 109 elfiip apOpmirtop aptaroi 35 
rii woXifua. larta 8* &p firfB^p aireipffrop* avrofuiTOP yhp 
ovSep, dXX* awo ireiptj^ irdpra avOpanroKri if>i\i€i yipeo'dai,^* 

i/LapSopio^ fi€P Toa-avra iiriKeiipa^ t^p Sip^eto ypwfirjp 10 
hrivavTO' aimvafPTe^p Bk t&p SXKodp Hepaiwp Kal ov roX- 
fAwvTWP ypwfjurjp diroBeLtcwaOcu dprlrfp ry irpOKeifUpri, ^Aprdfiapo^ 
6 'Tcrra<r7r609, irdrpm^ ia>p Sepfy, Tp B)f Kal iriavpo^ imp 
eKeye rdBe. " & fiaaCKA, fiif 'KexO^iaiayp flip yptopAoip dprUtop 5 
aXKqkrfo-i oifK itm rifp dfielpo) aipeofiepop eXiaOai, dXXiL Bet 
r^ elprjfAihnf p^oir^ai, 'KexO^Lo-iwp Bi larc, &<nrep top xP^^^^ 
TOP oKTipaTOP avTOP fJL€P iiT eoDVTov ov BuvyipdxTKOfiep, iirectp 

29 yrjs om. 6 34 iyta 6 : eycj re Bekker || iiraepOevres Stein : 

iraptrapOivTiS R : hrapBkvr^ ceteri 36 voXjefirfCa 6 10. 8 

cravcro B 4 ^Ycrrocnrcio Thorn. M. p. 361 || ad f.v. ccuv : ^v Krueger 

6 kXJkirBtu : txerSai, Madvig : krrkrr^irOai. van H. 7 xpaa-dai. 6 : 

Xpfjo-Oai (cp. Weir Smyth § 167) 

mere" (Baehr), '^cohibere" (Stein), " to down [the objections to] the opinion of 

take up . . and settie " (Macaolay), "to Xerxes*' (Blakosley), understanding the 

pat an end to " (L. & S.) ; cp. 5. 21. metaphor as of a carpenter planins down 

27. JKdTfpoi : the plural of groups, cp. a rough piece of wooa ; " smoothed over " 

c 1 L 7 supra, (Macaulay) ; "after adding so much in 

31. vXl^iot • • &vdoxLf. Stein points recommendation" (Stein), connecting the 

<mt that dwoM must be supplied with word with 'chewiog' (Xen. Mem. 1. 4. 

w\^9s mad iK rijt 'Aalrit witn p4at, 6), and so metaph. ' mundgerecht, an- 

85. &vOp4«wv dfnaroKi difipQp would nehmlich machen.* Cp. 8. 142 infra, 

seem more natural, at least on the lips 3. 'Aprdpavof h 'Yorrdrafos. His 

of a Greek. opposition to the Sky thian expedition 

3d. ianlmw pass., 'untried,' 'uu- is described 4. 83 very shortly, in a 

attempted. Mardonios concludes with passage probably of later composition 

a jejone Greek proverb, without much than the one here. Cp. Introduction, 

relation to his previous remarks. Cp. §§ 7, 8. 

Thaog. 571, Theokr. 15. 62. The gnomic 4. rf . . I^v: ^ or ctrj dr? T<fi in 

umoh is quite Herodotean ; cp. Intro- relative. Not merely is there an ante- 

dnetion, § 11. cedent iiijv but three immediately to 

10. 1. Tovufku ^inXf^jvas t. ^ ^v. : come! {XexOeiaiufv , . yvtafidufp dyri^wy). 

*' when Mardonius had in this way {sic) 6. alpc^|uvov IXiv^at, rather pleon- 

softened the harsh speech of Xerxes" astic. 

(Bawlinson) ; " after so far smoothing 8. &K^|paTo«, prop, of liquids, but 



16 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



Bk iraparpiyp'tofiev a\\^ ypva^f BiarfiViia'KOfAep rov dfieiuio. 

lo eya> Bi xal irarpl r^ <r^> aZeK^^ Bk ip^» [Aapc/^] ijyopevov 
/lif oTparevea-dai iirl X/cvda^, avBpa^ ovBafiodi yij^ aarv 
vifiovra^* h Bk ikirl^mp [Xxvdct^ rov^ vofuiBa^'] Karcurrpi^aOai 
ifiol T€ ovK hreidero^ aTpareva-dfievo^ re iroXXou? Kal ayaOoif^ 
T^ arparifj^ ajro/SaXoifV avijXOe. ah Bk & fiaaiKev fUXXe^^ 

15 iir* avBpa^ aTparevea-dai woXXov afieivovct^ ij "SiKvOa^, ot Kark 
BaKjoaadv re apiaroi Kal Korh yrjv Xiyovrai elvai. to Bk 
avToiat Iveari Beipov, ifik a-ol BLkcuov iarl <j>pd^€iv» ^€v(a^ ^^ 
Tov 'EXXi^awovTov ikav arparov Bid rrj^ ^vpiiymf^ €9 Ti)p 
'EXXoSa. Kol Bif Kol awijveiKi <<r€> t^toi Kard yrjfp 4j /ud 

30 tcard ddXaaaav ea-awdrjpaL, ff Kal kwt dfi^orepa' oi ydp 
dvBpe^ Xiyovrai elvai aXKijioi, irdpecri tk Koi (rradfuoaaaOai, 
el aTpaTii]P ye roa-avrrfp axfp Adri Kal ^Kpra^pipel ikOovaap 
^ TffP ^ATTiKTfp x^P^^ fJLovpoi *A0ijpatoi Bii<j>0eipap. oUkc^p 

10 Aa/oc&iy Beclusi || dirvfy6p€ov Cobet 12 ^KvOas rovs vofAoSa^ 

secL Stein^ || Karaxrrpeipej-Oai B : Karfxrrp^tfrdai 6 : Karcurrph/HMO^ai A 
19 <r€ luppl. Stein 22 <r€>Ka& Naber 



cp. Plato, Hep, 503 a t6p d^ TorraxoO 
dic/jparw iK^aivoma dxnrep XP^^^^ ^ 
wvpl paff<ufil^6tupo¥ ktK.^ a more poetical 
word, perhap, than A/rparot, albeit Hdt. 
4. 152 uses it of an ifirSpiOP, 

9. irapOTpC4Mt|Uv, sc. els ftdffwop L. 
k S., and not 'on another gold/ an 
interpretation which led Wesseling to 
suspect the text. Stein gires several 
instances of the metaphor : Theog. 417 
is pdaopop 6' i\$^p Taparplfiofuu (S<rre 
fu>\ip8<p xp^^* ^^'' Pindar, Pyth, 10. 
67 TtLfHOPTi ^ KoX xp^^^ ^ paadptfi 
wp4w€t Kol p6os 6pd(»: Bakchyl. Frag, 
51 (Kenyon) Avd(a ftJkp y6,p \l$os fuwiLfti 
Xpwrdv, dp8p<ap d* dperiLP ao^op re ro^- 
Koar^s ^X^7X«* dXd^eia, and others. On 
tne touchstone, fferaclitu or Lydius 
lapis, cp. Pliny, Hist, NaL SS. 43. 
Tneophrastus [rept XlOup] had said it 
was only found in the river Tmolus ; 
in Pliny's day it was to be found passim, 
"His coticufis periti, quum e yena at 
lima rapueriut experimentum, protinus 
dicant quantum auri sit in ea, qnantum 
areenti Tel aeris, scripulari differentia, 
mirabili ratione, non fallente." 

15. woXX^ d|fccCvovaf i^ Sxiidat: a 
welcome testimonial to Greek ears, for 
which, however, from the military point 
of view, there was not much evidence. 



Artabanos (ie. Hdt) forgets that 
'Skyths' sre to be enumerated in the 
king's forces, op. c 64 ifi^m. Here 
they are spoken of merely as foee. 

ot refers to Ap9pas, airoto^ ia 
ragne, ' herein ' ; cp. 0. 8 I. 34 supra. 
19. KoX Sjj Ka( : conoeiBiTe. 

o-w^^VMcc: a rhetorical indicative. 

4|TOi • • 1^ • • 4|. The alternatives 
are placed in an ascending scale of im- 
probability, the greater the irony of the 
mstorian. 

22. Toou^rn|v, 'immense.' 

23. |io9vot ' A»r|v<tfoi SU^6 ti ftt v ; this 
is Attic exaggeration (op. 9. 27)1 ignoring 
the Plataians (as Artabanos very weU 
might do) and annihilating Datis and 
Artaphrenes (as he oould nardly have 
done). Hippias is of no account, cp. 
c 6 supra. 

o0K«v d|i^OT^ \Bn^ kxApn^: 
''still, success did not attend them in 
both arms" (Blakesley) ; "but grant, 
they are not successful on both elements" 
(Rawlinson). rf^x vifyoi may be instm- 
mental or objective dative. Blakesley 
seems to make Artabanos mean : "Mara- 
thon was only a land-victory." It is 
more natural to take the phrase as 
exactly parallel to the one above. 



10 nOAYMNIA 17 

aft/^aripri a'(f>i ijacoprfce. oXX* ^v r^ai vrfval ififidXoixrt koX 
vuerfaavre^ vavfia^itj irXimai i^ rbv 'EXKiitrrrovrop koX eireira 25 
Xuinnn rifv yS<j>vpap, tovto S^ fiaaiKev ylverai Seipov. eyo) 
Si ovB€fu$ a'0<l>i7j oi/crfltj avro9 ravra a-vfifiaXXo/iai, oXX* otov 
Kori ^fUa^ oXlyov iSerfae KaraXafietv irdOo^, ore irarrip 0-09 
^€v(a^ ^oawopov top SprilKtop, y€(f>vpa>a'€t^ Bk irorafiop '^arpop 
SUfiff iwl ^Kvda^. Tore iraprotoi iyepopro X/cvdai Seofiepoi 3«r 
*Imtn»p Xwreu top iropop, [tomt* iireTirpairro 1} <j>vXaKtf t&v 
ye^vpemp rov "T-trrpov], koX t6t€ ye 'lariaio^ 6 MtXi;TOt; 
Tvpappo^ el hreanreTO t&p aXXtop Tvpapvav t§ yv<ofJuri fAtjBk 
^yoPTuodfi, SUpycuTTO &p r^ JJepa-etop wp'^fuiTa. kuItoi koX 
Xo79» aKowTCLi Beipop, hr apBpC ye epl irdpTa rh fiaaiXio^ 35 
wpifffAaTa yeyeprjtrOcu. <rv &p fiif fiovKev i^ kIpSvpop p/qtepa 
Tounrrop airiKea-Oai p/qhefurj^ apdr/KTf^ €ov<rrj^, aXXA ifiol irelOeu* 
WW flip TOP avKkoyop topBc BiaKvaop, aSr*? Be, OTap toi 
Soxiff, irpoaK€^afjL€PO^ iirX aewvTOv irpoarfopeve tu tov Boxiei 
ehnu apiOTa. to ykp ei fiovXeveadat KepBo^ fieyitrrop evpCo-KO) 40 

24 €fifidXMa-i : <rvfiPdX.kw(ri Cobet : <rvfjLpdX.wri Stein^ 28 

<o> ins Bekker 29 ^cvAis <fi€v> Stein* 31 rtov y€<ftvp€Uiv 

del. Naber : twv yc^v/xcDv rov larpov eeiunx. Stein* : rov "larpov tantum 
delerem nisi rouri . . rov *I(rr/oov ut glossema interclusissem : kvirkrpairro a 
32, 33 yc om. R : ct ante 'Icrriaios ABC 34 rjVTuodri RP2, Holder 

et aHi 'discrimine vix ullo' Weseeling : cf. 9. 18 supra 36 y€V€a'6ai 

UPz II povktv P : Pov\€V€ R : jSovAcvco a 37 irct^co flP 38 

3c AB : re 6, Stein^ 

26. T^ W^vpav : here dramatically the problem of Hdt's composition ; bat 

oorreeti and without prejudice to a the fact that lus patronym is given in 

plurality of bridges hereafter ; but the 5. 80, not in 4. 138, supports the hypo- 

) conveys too good a criUcism and thesis of the original independence, if 



prophecy. It indicates what the Greeks not priority, of ' the Ionian Revolt ' to 

miatkt hays done, ought to have done, the *Skythian Logi* (Le. of Bk. 5 to 

and were urged to do ; cp. 8. 108. Bk. 4. 1-144). 

80. worr^oi k^orro . . Miuvoi . ., 83. r&v AXXmv Tvpdwwv. The special 

ep. 3. 124 wtun-olii iylwrro fi^ ktX. (per- service of Miltiades, as narrated 4. 137, 

haps a later use, stylistically ?). is here ignored — without any apparent 

31. tAv <ye^DlMV Toi) lerrpov. Stein dramatic advantage. Was Hdt ac- 

deletes the woros on the sround that the quainted with that anecdote when he 

bridge over the Danube ^ways occurs in composed this passage ? Op. Introduo- 

the singular ; Naber had previously de- tion, §§ 7-8. 

letad Twr y€^. But two bridges have 35. h^ with d^t, =:pene8, cp. 8. 29 

been mentioned above (^m^^at Bdinropop infra ; rd d* o^k hr* ivdfiiat Keirai Pindar, 

. . ye^vfHiffas "lirrpov), and perhaps Pyth. 8. 107 ; * one man, however good * 

<Mily rov Itrrpov should go, or perhaps (&v6pC), not as opposed to a god, but as 

the whole phrase roiai . . 'Icrpov. compared with * the king's interests.' 

82. 'lrnaio9 h MtX-^ov r^pavvos : 38. r&Kkoycv : cp. c. 8 supra, 

another Histiaios is mentioned c. 98 39. knif with gen. ; cp. iirl v4>i<av 

infra^ a third in 8. 86. The description aOrufp ^oXbtievw. 5. 73. The phrase here 

of this one here is without prejudice to seems hardly courteous. 

VOL. I PT. I C 



18 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



iop' el yhp Kal ivavritodrjpal ri iOiKei, fiefiovXevrai fiev ovSkp 
^a-a-op cS, ia-amrai hk viro rrj^ tv^V^ to fiovkevfia' 6 ik fiovXev- 
a-dfuepo^ {ua-^w, et ol tj tvj^ iirUnroiro, evfytffia evpffxe, ffaaov 
S^ ovhip oi KUKW fiefiovXevrat, opq,^ rh inrepixopra ^^ #&9 
45 Kepavpol 6 0€o^ oifSi if if>avTd^€(r0(u, rh Bk afUKpi, ovZkp fup 
Kpi^ei' opS^ tk i^ i^ oiicrifiaTa rh fiiyicTa aUl koX SipSpea 

* r^ Totavra avoo-KiprTec rh fiiKea* <f>iKi€i yhp 6 Oeo^ rh inrep- 
iyppra iropra KoKoieiP. ovrm Bk koX crparo^ ttoXXo? iriro 
oXiyov Bia<l>0€lp€Tai Korii rotopSe* iiredp a^i 6 Oeo^ <l>dopi^a^ 

50 <f>6fiop ififidXf} 17 fipopTqp, Bi &p i<j>0dprja-ap dpa^Ua^ emvr&p. 
ov yhp ia <f>popi€iP fieya o Oeo^ aXXop 17 etovrop, iTr€ij(0r)P(u 
fjUp pvp ir&p irpfjyfia rlxrei cr^dX/tara, ix t&p ^fffiUu fieydXcu 
(f>tXiov(n ylp€o-0ac' ip Bk r^ hna-^elp hfeari, ayaJOd^ ei fi)^ 
irapavTiKa SoKeopra elpai, dXX* dpct ^popop i^evpoi ta9 ap. col 

55 pip 8^ ravra & fidaiXev avfifiovXeuo^ ' tru S4, & irai Tofipu€i» 
\MapB6pL€]t iravacu Xeytop Xoyov^ fjLaraiov^ irepl 'EiXXi^pwp ovk 

• ioprmp d^itop <f>Xavp<o^ uKOvecp. ''RXXtfpa^ yhp BiafidXXiop 
iiraelpei^ avrop ficuriXia arparevea-Ocw airrov Bi toutov eipe/ca 
Boxiei^ /Ltot iraaap wpoOufurjp i/creipeip. /A17 pvp oiiro) yiptirar 



44 8c : re Bekker || ^<Sa RP(2s 
)3cAca om. R, Stob. flor. 42. 16 
Siesby ap. Madvigii Adven. I. iii. 
Stein : deL Naber 



46 Kvi^tiv 6 47 Tcl ante 

51 o Otbs del van H. || circix^^ 

54 €vpoi 6 56 MofMvu 



41. lvavrMiOf)vai, vrith middle force, 
from a deponent verb ; cp. -/jporruiBri 
supra, and dn oM«vdt iramtvfiihov c. 49 
tf^ro, and with MXct here, el $4\tt roc 
paiSip drrl^ooy KaraarTJiKU ibid, pcPo^- 
Xcvrat may be neuter, but ie found as 
a middle S. 134 (iyCt yh.p pepovXeuftat 
rrX.). The sentiment is 'gnomic,' popular 
or commonplace philosophy ; but not 
perhaps de trap, as addressed to a yonns 
monarch. The theology, however, which 
immediately follows, involving the 
doctrine of the divine 0^6rot in its 
characteristically Hellenic and Hero- 
dotean form (8«e Introduction, § 11) is 
hardly appropriate. 

43. cKpTiiui citpnicc : cp. 8. 107 {Themis- 
tode loquenU). Strictly speaking, per- 
haps, a eCfnjfM on^ht not to be a matter 
of T^xn : cp. c. 155 infra. 

45. ^vrdlco^i, c. 15 infra of the 
apparition in a dream ; 4. 124 of the 
(mysterious) disappearance of the Skyths 
IcdxHt 4^arrdi^oirr6 o^^i), here seems to 



be used with something more of a moral 
suggestion. 

rd 8i o^uKpd ottAr uw icrClfi: 
it is just the little ones whion prick «s ! 
Anthropomorphic as the Herodotean 
deity is, he has his advantages over man. 

50. 8i «v l<^edfn|(rav. N.B. (a) the 
tmesis, {b) the ' gnomic ' aorist (Sitzler). 

51 . lirnxOfh^oi v&v vpi)Y|ia, anarthrous 
subject of tIkt€i, The emendation iwet- 
X^^ is unnecessary. Below the contrasted 
infinitive (^ta^€&) has the article. 

53. ^iXlovTi with 'rear subject* cp. 2. 
27 : so too L 47 above, with the personal 
subject (6 9e6f ), but with little or no sug- 
gestion of subjective passion or affection. 
The grammatical sequence si |i^ 8u Kl u>»Ta 
ctvcu &XX* . . l(c6poi Ti« ov is not 
quite accurate : the transition is perhaps 
mediated by the words &vd XP^*'^* 
which are practically equivalent to a 
protasis (ef rit x^or hrlaxoi). 

58. oMv, in person, cp. 4. 1. 

59. |ifj . . yliniTai, prohibitive. 



10 nOAYMNIA 19 

SiafioKfi yitp iarl Seivorarov iv rfi Bvo fikv eld ol a&cKiopre^, 60 
€k Si oBiKeofAevo^. h fihf ykp Sui/3dXKMV aBixiei ov vapeovri 
Korrfyopi^Vf h ik aSiKi€i avaireiOofievo^ irplv fj arpeKca^ iKfJMdrf 
hi Hi airemv rov \6yov rdBe iv avToZai dSiKiercUf Bui- 
fiXffOek T€ inrb rov eripov teal vopMrOeU vpo^ rov eripov 
KOKo^ elviu, a\X* el S^ Bei ye irainfa^ hrX rob^ avSpa^Ss 
Tovrov^ arpareveadout ^epe^ fiaaiXeif^ pip avro^ iv fiOeai. rolai 
Uepaic^v p^vira, fip^etov Bi ap^^orepav irapafidXXop^vmv rii 
retcva, trrpaTrfkaTee auro^ ai^ hrCKe^dp^vo^ re avBpa^ rov^ 
iOeXei^ kcIX \afia>v arpart^v oKoa-rjv nvi, fiovXeai. koI fjv 
fjLiv T^ ai^ Xeyec^ ava/3alvfj fiaaihii, rk irp'^yp^ra, icreiveadfov 10 
oi ip>o\ vaXBe^^ irpo^ Bi avToi<n Kal iydn' ^v Bi t§ iya> irpo- 
XiyWf ol (Tol raura ira<rj(pvTa)v, aifv Bi <r^i Kal av, fjv 
a7rovo<mi<rf^. el §i ravra piv inroBvvecv ovk i0e\i]<r€c^, ch 
hi irdvTta^ arpdrevp^ avd^ei^ iwl rifv 'EXKdBa, aKOvaeaOai, 
r-ivii 4^p* T&v avTov rpBe vwoXeiiropAvtov MapBoviov, p^a ri 75 
tuucov i^pycurdp^vov Hepa-a^, vtto kvv&v re koI opvlOtov Bul- 

62 o S^ . . cZvat P longe aliter: 6 Sk StaPaXXS/uvos a^ Siirkiii 
45cjcciTai * BiapXridtis re xnrh rov mpov Kal a/ia vofua'6€ls vphs rov 
€T€pov ajcouravTos Kal ircur^evros c&ai KaK6s \\ oSiKcci deL van H. 
70 dva^vjf a : ava^SaiVciv R : aKajSaiVct C (SteinX S (Gaisf.X V (Holder) : 
dwofiaivg Cobet 74 dv c^ts R 76 l^pycurdpevov 6 : k^tpya- 

m^fuvov ABC, Stein^ 

60. SiO^oX^ Y^ '^^ ^^ passage 70. &vaPa{iq|. dTopcdveip more asual ; 

on slander shows clear traces of the op. c. 205 infra. [Xen.] Alh. Rep, 2. 17 

aspihistic methods of the time ; for tp fUv n kok^v dtta^Urg d<f> &p 6 Brj/wt 

althoaeh Persian, Jew, and Christian ifiodXevffev^ o/rtarou 6 drj/ios us 6\lyoi 

haTe all agreed to condemn slander, dp$p<airoi a^^ dpnTpdrrovrti dU^eipoP' 

the forensic aigament of this passage is idv 94 ri dyaB^p, v^oip ainois rijp cUtIop 

characteristically Greek: the slandered dvart^^cM'i (a sentencewhich might almost 

man ia doubly wronged, by the speaker have been modelled on this one). 
and the hearer of the lie ! (Stein quotes 73. cl . . o^k MfXVjo^it. odx coalesces 

Yendidad IS. 5, Baehr, Lucian, de with ^^eX. to form one idea ; cp. Madvig, 

atlumnia non Um. er, 6). Is this passage Syjitax § 202, R. 

anthentic? Was Hdt. young when he a^ hi: 94 with the iterated or 

wrote it ? It has the air of a juvenile emphasized subject 
acholastidsm, and there is a free para- 75. rtvd might stand for any one, the 

phrase in P of the last sentence, 6 84 , , speaker included ; e.g. for the Chorus in 

ircur^ eZroi. Cp. App. Crit. the Persai. 

68. kv a^roto-i looks here masculine adroit t^q8<, ' here, on the spot ' ; 

and personal, not as supra c. 8 1. 34. cp. c. 11 infra, a^oD d/xd r^<ri yvpat^l. 

66. ^(p% : the wager (wopaPaXXo- 76. imh kwmv r€ koX 6pv(Bmv 6. : this 

' risking ' or ' depositing ') which circumstance would not be, to a Persian, 



foUow 



follows would no donbt strike Hdt.'s any aggravation of death ; it seem.n here 

hearers as characteristically oriental. calculated for a Greek audience (1. 140 

The bet is not taken. notwithstanding— that not having been 

k r. n. : the same expression yet set down by Hdt. ; cp. Introduction, 



ia found in 1. 157. Cp. cc. 75, 125 § 8). Hdt is too good an artist to 
infru, et al, allow Artabanos to predict exactly the 



80 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



^pevfievov fj kov iv y^ r^ ^AOrfpaltov fj <ri ye iv t^ Aaxe- 
SaLfAovtmv, el fit) apa koI. irporepov kot oBov, yvovra hr otov^ 
apBpa^ avarfivaxTKec^ OTpareyeo-dai fiaaiKid.** 
11 *ApTd/3avo^ fiep ravra eKe^e, Sip^^ ^ Ovfia^deU afielfierai 
TOtalBe. " ^Aprdfiave, irarpo^ el^ rov ifiov aZelsj^o^* tovto ae 
pvaerai fjuqBiva a^iov fuadov Xafieiv hritov fiaraUov. Kai roi 
ravTffV rifp arifiirjv irpoarldrffii iovri kuk^ teal adv^, lurfre 
^ avaTpareveo-dat ifioirfe iirl rtfp 'EXXoSa aurov re fiAvew &fia 
rpai yi/pcu^i' eya> Bi xal avev aeo iaa irep ehra hnrekia 
'froiTjam. firf yhp elrjv ix Aapelov rov ^ToTcunreo^ rod ^Apa-dfieo^ 



11. 4 7rpiyrl$rjfAi ABC 



7 *Ap(rdfi€os : dpdfuos 6 



place of Mardonios* death (although rg 
^AdrpfoUop may be taken to cover the 
PlaUiia, op. Plut. Arist. 11) ; but the 
forebodings of Artabanos are neverthe- 
less obviously written in the light of the 
event. This dramatic prophecy suggests 
a stage device, perhaps a stage pre- 
cedent, and might be compounded of the 
Messenger and the Ghost in the Penai 
(249ff., cp. 805 ff.). 

77. o^ 7c : an emphatic repetition of 
the subject, as in Homer (6 yt Y 409, 
fi 826, op. Hdt 2. 173). Cp. Timokreon 
Fr, 1 (Bergk iiL* p. 637) dXV e/ H, ye 
Uavcaplcuf 1j koI t6 y€ ^dj^Biirrop eUvi€U \ 
1j r^ yt AevrvxiSfUff iyCit 8* ^kpurrti^op 
ixauf^ta «rrX. The emphasis on the prob- 
able doom of Mardonios by no means 
precludes a hint of danger to the kin^. 

78. Apa: the less probable alternative, 
which could only take place if the Greeks 
should attempt to keep the Persians from 
setting foot in the land, tv^vto, ' after 
you have learnt . .' The position of 
pao-iXIa is emphatic. 

11. 1. 6v|iMicC«. Xerxes is represented 
^by Hdt as a man of violent passions, 
'easily stirred ; cp. Introduction, § 11. 

8. Martrai |it|Mva : ^ik<r$at here has 
the force of a preventive, prohibitive ; 
hence fi'^y Madvig, Gr, Syntax, § 210. 

7. 11^^ Y^ ilijv Ik . . ywwvAt, *I 
would I were not (son) of.' The genea- 
logy which follows is remarkable. Since 
the discovery of the Behistun inscription 
(op. Sseorda of the Past, i. 107 ff.) it has 
been obvious that the list here corre- 
sponds with the genealogy of Dareios 
as there given (Achaimenes, Teispes, 
Ariaramnes, Arsames, Hystaspes, cp. 1. 
209), but is contaminated with two or 
three names (Kyros, Eambyses, Teispes), 
two of which could not belong to direct 
progenitors of Xerxes, except in so far as 



he was the son of Atossa, the daughter of 
Kyros the Great, here apparently described 
as 'Kyros son of Kambyses, as in 1. 
Ill, where Kyros appears as the son of 
Kambyses, and ^ndson of another 
Kyros. Nowhere in Hdt (except 7. 11) 
does Teispes appear in the Kyreian 
pedigree, but in 3. 75 the line is referred 
to Achaimenes (d^^icyof 9k dv^ 'Axoa- 
fUv€Ot iyeperfX&yriatHiP yoTptf^rrV Ktfpov). 
Since the discovery of the Babylonian 
cylinder of Kyros now in the British 
Museum (cp. O. E. Hagen, KeiUehriftwr' 
kwnden nvr Otkk, d. Konias Cyrus, 1891), 
it has become evident that Hdt. has, 
all places taken together, the official 
pedigree of Kyros as son of Kambyses, 
son of Kyros, son of Teispes, son of 
Achaimenes (though oddlv enough thia 
last name is omitted on tne Babylonian 
record). The interpretation of the 
present passage has now become obvions ; 
the words rod KApov have probably 
dropped out after Ko/i^o^w, and koX 
after the first Tet^veot, and Xerxes is re- 
presented as enumerating his Achaemenid 
descent, on both sides — thoogh appar- 
ently with omission of his mother's 
name. The accompanying table will 
make the point plain. 

Achaimenes 

I 



Teispes 



I 
Ariaramnes 

Arsames 

Hystaspes 

Dareios 



„ I 
Kyros 

Kambyses 

Kyros 

I 
(Atossa) 



Xerxes 



10-11 



nOAYMNIA 



21 



rot) Apiapdfivem roO Tettnreo^ rod Kvpov rov Kafi/Svaem rod 
Tet&ireo^ rov A^cufiiveo^ yeyqvto^, fiif ri/impffa'dfievo^ ^Adrjvatov^, 
ei iwurrdfiepo^ Srt el 'fjfiw rifrv^iqv a^ofiev, aXK* ovk iKecpoi, lo 
aXXJi teal /uiXa CTpareva-ovrai iirl rtjv ^fAerifyrfv, el j(p^ craOfMaa- 
<rOa$ Toiai inrapyfihfouri i( eKeivtov, ot XdpBi^ re iv&irpria'av 
KoX ^/jKiiaav 69 rriv ^Aalrfv. ovKtov i^ava'^wpieiv oifierepouri 
Bmarw ^€i, oXXA voUecp fj iraOelv irpoKeircu arfa>v, Xva fj 
Tc£e Travra inro "'EXXiycri ^ iKelva iraina inro Tlep<Tfi<ri, yepfjrof 15 
TO 7^^ fUaov oifSh r^ ^^p^9 ifrrL koKop &p irpOTreiropOora^ 
tjfUa^ Ti/impieiP i^Srf ylperai, tpa koX to Beipop * to ireia-ofuii 
TovTo fJuiOo, i\da-a^ hr dpSpa^ tovtov^, tov^ ye koI EE^Xo^ 
o ^pv^f imp variptop t&p ifjk&p SovXo^, /caTetrrph^aTO ovroi 

8 'ApuLpdfiv€to' apfiv€(a ABC || Tcunrcos' TMnrcos 6 post quod 
ezeidiOBe rov Ka/ijSva-cco snep. Stein^ : iinmo icat ante rov Kvpov et rov 
Kvjpov ante rov Tcunrcos (om. 6) secundo loco excidiase recte iudicayeria 
13 €v^€poiS Ucavtik €X<iv6 14 iraSitiv codd. : «ra(rx<iv van H. || irpo- 
jcccrac ABR 18 pdOia : vdOta vult Naber 19 ccov cfuav frarc/Mov B 

11. fi^dXa : '< one of the commoDest of 
Greek words" (L. k S.)i but not, for 
that reaeon, the easiest to render, 
whether with verb (as here, cp. 9. 40), 
a^jectiye, or even adrerb (c. 108 infra). 
Cp. c 186 infrcL The formula rdiai 
wapyfihotjffi VToBiubaoffdax is noticeable, 
and 'gnomic' The absence of the 
augment in inrafty, is an ' lonism.' 

14. vp^iiftu &Yi^v Xva ktX. The 
dear altematiye, and especially the 
possibility of a Greek conquest of Asia, 
can scarcely be hiatorioal, as put into 
the king's month, or ascribed to this 
date ; they belong to a period subsequent 
to the Greek successes against Xerxes, cp. 
6. 40 (with note ad L\ and could hardly 
have been formulated before the victories 
of the Enrymedon. This is a much more 
serious anachronism in the king's mouth 
than the hysUron nroUron just above 
i^dpBttTt . . itHiP Aalrip), Cp. Intro- 
duction, § 11. 

(1) Without the words rijs ix^(»is this 
sentence would have given a good sense : 
' between the two alternatives, just speci- 
fied, there is no mean' ; i.e. tnere is no 
thinl alternative. Perhaps this meaning 
might be substantially retained by taking 
rift (xOfnft as (a) causal, (6) predicative 
('that there is no alternative is due to 
the intensity of our quarrel '). (2) Sitzler 
apparently takes r6 fUcov rrjt (xBfnp to- 
geUier to signify "means of agreement, 



reconciliation " (does not exist) ; and so 
Stein renders: "between our hostile 
tempers {Cfetinnungen) there exists no 
mediation (FermiUlung)" In these 
renderinffs o684p (or oidhf icrl) is, of 
course, the predicate. (3) The simplest 
grammatical construction of the sentence 
would make t6 fUvw subject and oitikv 
"rvf fbc^PVf ^^^ predicate. The fUffow 
might be understood of what lies be- 
tween rdde Tdtrra and iKeiwa rdrra, and 
the meaning would be that 'the inter- 
vening parts have nothing to say to onr 
quarrel — which is absurd, and tne very 
ooposite of what Hdt would have been 
likely to make the king say. But the 
phrase is at best a confused one ; even 
Udt. is not always quite lucid ; cp. 
c. 152 infraf Introduction, § 11. 

17. th Snv^v rh wc{o-o|Uii: ironical 
(in Hdt), sarcastic (in Xerxes, with re- 
ference to c. 10 supra). t6, relative. 

19. warlpwv r&v fyAv. Xerxes is 
rhetorically antedating the supremacy 
of his fathers. (Stein takes it as a 
precise reference to the pedigree of Perses 
c. 190 infra ; Eepheus being son of 
Be]os (1. 7) the Persian power might be 
regarded as in hereditary succession to 
the Assyrian.) The Persian claim, or 
principle, formulated in 9. 116 r^ 'A<rli}r 
TToxrav . . rod de2 /3a<rtXei)orrof might in 
itself justify or explain the anachronism. 
On II^Xo«|r h ^pi^ vide c. 8 L 85 
supra. 



S8 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



ao 109 KoX i^ ToSe avroi re &v0pmiroi Kal fi yfj avr&v hrmwfioi 
rov KOTCurrpe^afiAvov KoKiovrcuT 

12 Tavra luv iirX toktovto iX^ero. iierk Bi eif^povfi re 
iylvero koI Sip^p CKvc^e 17 'Aprafidvov ypiofiff pvktI ^ 
fiovXi/v St£ov9 irarfyy evpio-Ki oi ov irprf>ffui elvcu arpareveaOai 
hrl rifv 'KWdBa, SeSoyfUvtov Si oi avri^ rovrmv kaTvrrv<t»a€, 

5 Kol S17 Kov iv Tff vvktI clBc B^^iv TOiiivS€, &^ Xiyerai virb 
Tlepa-ioDv iBoKee 6 Sip^^ avBpa oi iwurrdvra fiiyav re koI 
eveiBia eliretv '* fierh Bif /SovXeveai & Hipaa arpdrcvfia fjkif 
Srfeiv hrl rf)v 'EXXoSa, irpoelira^ aKl}^€i,v Ilipaa^ OTparop ; 
oUre &v fi€Tal3ov\ev6fi€vo^ iroUec^ ei, ovre 6 ai^yyvaa-op^evo^ 

lOTOi irdpa' aXX* &a-7rep rrj^ '^pAptj^ ifiovXeva-ao iroUeiv, rairnjp 

13 Idc T&p oB&p.^* TOP fikp ravra eiiropra iBoKee Bip^^ airo' 
irrdaOai, ^fiiptf^ Bi hrCkafi'^dtT'q^ opelpov phf tovtov Xoyop 
ovBipa ewotiero, h Bk Il€pa-e<op avpoXla-a^ roif^ koX irporcpop 
avpiX^^e, IXe^e c^i rdZe, " apBpe^ Hipaai, avyyptofiffp fioi 

20 (09 : wrT€ van H. 12. 6 6 Be/o^i^s seel, van H. 8 

Hkpcr^i, R, Holder : ' fortasae neutrum addidit H.' van H. 13. 1 

cfiravra R 4 ^Ac^ : cAey^ R, Holder, van H. et al. 



18. 1. firl Too-o<>To, ' no farther ' : 5. 
50. 

ci^p^vi) : a poetical word for 'night,' 
but whetner aa the period of kindly sleep 
{eO^ptop) or e cotUrario (op. eCfievlSeSf 
ei^^eiyot) is not quite clear. Hdt uses 
it frequently in these three books (cc. 
66, 188 infra ; 8. 6, 12, 14 ; 9. 37, 89), 
but not (so far as I have observed) else- 
where, i.e. afterwards; op. Introduction, 
§ 8. Tt . . Kof: a parataxis not un- 
common in Hdt 

2. IkviIc : c 10 1. 45 supra ; perhaps 
an unconscious reminiscence. 

3. irpfW|ui, as in 1. 79, 'worth 
while,' 'advisable,* 'advantageous.' Contr. 
00. 180, 150 if^frcL 

4. 8^07|iivMv: a rather strong form 
to express the king's change of mind. 
It mirks, perhaps, the autocratic power, 
not the constancy, of the king ; cp. 
c 13 1. 11 and d€d6Krrrai c 16 infra. 

KarvwywoTf, *fell fast asleep': the 
verb is re^ieated cc. 14, 15, 16, 17, 
infra, 

5. A9 Xlytrai ^nh IIcpfrlMV with the 
preceding kov seems to disclaim responsi- 
oility for the story which follows ; yet 
the vision is * Homeric ' (Stein), and the 
formula for ita appearance Herodotean 
(cp. 6. 117). The analogy with the 



dream of Agamemnon, 11.2 ad tntt, has 
been often pointed out ; Stein cites the 
figure of AIIATH on the Dareioa vase 
(cp. o. 8 supra) as a parallel. It would 
have been a dangerous device to have 
identified the figure with Dareioa, for 
example, as the shade of Dareioa had 
already done duty otherwise in the Peraai 
(cp. c. 11 supra) ; but the dream of 
Xerxes larks concrete personalitv (contr. 
dream of Kyros, 1. 209). For the story, 
if authentic, only a Persian 'provenience' 
was possible; but Hdt's formula may 
be no more than a literary device, and 
the dream his own invention. 

9. oih'c h <ruyYV»a'6|ftcv^ tot w6pa: 
the argument seems to demand rather 
oOre 6 xapeujp avyyi^iiaerai roi, a senae 
which may be got out of the words by 
taking xdpa=Tdpeifu (with Stein) rather 
than = TdpeffTi {neque adesl qui am- 
sUium quod nunc iniisti sit pribaturus, 
Sch weigh.). 

13. 1. Air o irT d o- O tti ; no mere meta- 
phor ; the figure had wings, by no means 
an exclusively oriental note, cp. IL 2. 70. 

3. 8 8^, resumed subject; cp. c. 1(^ 
supra adf 

o^fvaX£<rat : iMi^ip just above ; the 
reference is to 0. 8 supra, but is made to 
the act, not to the record. 



11-15 nOAYMNIA 23 

ix^re Srt ayj(laTpo<f>a fiovXevop^u* <^p€v&v re yhp i^ rh $ 
€fjL€€i>vTov irp&ra ovko9 avriKm, koX ol irapffyopeofievoi ixeiya 
TToUeiv ovSipa j(p6pop p^v aireyovrtu. aKOvaaim p^vroi fiot 
rfj^ *ApTafidvov yinofitf^ irapavrLKa phf ^ veorrf^ hre^eae, &<rr€ 
aeuciarepa airopply^at hrea 69 avZpa irpeafivrepop [^ %/>c^v]' 
miv fjUvTot aifyyvov^ j(pijao fMi r^ ixelvov yvtofxtj. d^ &v lo 
fAcraSeBoyfAePov fiot fiif arpareveaOcu hrX r^v 'EXXoSa, 1javj(pi 
€<rr€. 

Hipa-tu pip m fiKOvaav ravra, xexaprfKore^ irpoaeicvveop. 14 
WKTo^ ik y€Pop4pff^ airt^ r&vro Spetpop r^S Sep^ Karvtrpto- 
fUpfp tkey€ iiTiordp ** & irdi ^upeiov, koI S^ ^Ipeai ip 
TUpoffO'l T€ air€iirdfi€PO^ rijp OTparrfKao'lr^p Koi rh iph hrea 
hf oihepX irottfadp^epo^ Xoy<p a>9 Trap' ovBepo^ aKOvaa^ ; €i $ 
vvp t68* ladv ffp irep pjf avrlxa aTpaTrfKareQ^t rdZe rot 
i^ avT&p dpaa'y(i4a€f 109 Kal psya^ koX iroXKit^ iyipeo ip 
okSy^ XP^^V» oSt€o Kol Taweipo^ oiria<a Kork rd'yp^ laeai. 
^piv^ f^ frep^Betf*; yepofiepo^ t$ &^i apd re ehpap^ ix 16 
T^9 Koirt)^ Kal irip^iret ayyekop hrl ^Aprdfiapop [KaXiopra]' 
dirucofi€Vfp Bi oi ekeye S6/9^9 rdSe. " ^Aprdfiape, iyi) to 
irapavrlKa pip ovk i(f>p6p€0P etira^ €9 cr^ pAraut hrea ^(prjaTTJ^ 

7 fuvToi : fuv Srf Bekker, van H. 9 17 Xf^^^ ^^^* ^^^^^ 

11 /icraScSoyficFov Pcorr., R: fKroScSoyfKvaiv ceteri : furahthoyiuvi^ % 
14. 3 lAe/c poet 6v€ipov fi, Holder, van H. 6 iroievfKvo? B || aKoww: ; 

Stein : aKovcras 15. 2 icaAiovra secL Valckenaer, Stein^ : ciri 

cm. R 4 €(f>p6v€ov ABC, Stein^ (*recte si td addideris* van H.): 

carii»^/>^v€ov fi, Stein^ ', Holder, van H. || €9 om. ABC 

5. iijxirrpo^ : cp. Thnc. 2. 53. 1 a nobody, ' one of naught ' ; so c 20 
^yX^P^^ ''^ fJ^trafioK^ bpdyrtt, infra, 9. 58. The aorists diretir. dicodtrat 

4fMvAir Tf Tdp . . o^« dv^KM : contrast with Toi€6fievoi. 
a sudden access of modesty on the king's 7. iC afrAv : cp. itf a&rdio'i c 8 svpra. 

part ! T& 4|UMVToO vpAra, ' the best of P^Y^ ^al voXX^. Stein sees a 

which I am capable.' reference to this passage in Aristoph. 

6. 'vopniYopitrOai, 5. 104, 9. 54 Birds 488, adding four other references 
(perhaps active in sense). to Hdt. from the same play, 552, 1127, 

8. Ik vf^TV|t MCco-c, 'my youthful 1130, 1145, on which, as evidence of 

spirit iM>iled up' ; iu 9. 12 weirrjs concrete composition and publication, cp. Intro- 

(juventus). On the actual age of Xerxes duction, § 9. 
vide c. 5 supra, hrt^itiv, efferveseere. 10. 1. dvd tc l8pa|M : tmesis ; op. 1. 

14. 1. vpoo-fltfivtov. For the rpwrK^- 66, where dyiSpofioy has a somewhat 

Fiftf-it cp. c IZa infra. different meaning. If KoMovra (fut.) 

4. d'mird|icvos. In a different sense, stands, it is of course to be taken as 
6.56; here 'reject,' 'abandon'; cp. 1. epexegetical. 

69, 6. 100, 'refuse' ; 4. 120, 125 ; c. 205 4. iau4>p6yeoy is not the reading of 

«f0na, 9. 7. the better class, but gives the better 

5. A% wop' oMcv^ dKo^oias. oMelt, sense (not but that cta^poa^ and 



24 HPOAOTOY vn 

5 elveKa avfifiovXirj^' /ter^ fUvroi ov irciXXov j(p6vop fierSyvav, 
iyvtov hk ravrd fioi Trotfyria iqvra rk aif inrediiieao. oiKwv 
Bvvaro^ rot elfil raura fiov\6/i€PO^ iroUetv* rerpafufiiytp yhp 
S^ KoX fAereyvtoKOTi iiri^oi^r&v Sveipov ffMprd^erai fioi oviafiw 
awivcuvov iov iroUeiv fA€ ravra* vvp Sk Kal ButireiXfja'asf 

lo oij^^erai. el &v 0eo^ iari o iirtirifiirtov Koi oi Trdvrw^ iw 
^Sop^ iari yeviaOai arpaTrjXaa'lrfv iwl rifv 'EXXa£a» iiri- 
Trrqaerai teal aol t&vto tovto Sveipov, ofioUo^ Kal ifiol 
ivT€\X6fi€P0v. evpUrKO} Bk £Se &v yivofieva raura, ei Xdfioi^ 
rriv ifA^v cr/ret/^i/ Traarav, Koi ivBif^ fierii rovro t^oio i^ 

15 rop ifiop Opopop KoX hreira ip Kolrr^ rij ifjL'§ KanrnvaHreui^*^ 

16 S^p^9 fihf ravrd oi ikeye' ^Aprdfiapo^ Sc oif rrporrtp 

KeXevafiart ireiOofiepo^, ota ovk d^tevfiepo^ i^ rop ficuriKi^iop 

Opopop t^eaOai, riko^ a>9 tjpa/yKd^ero eiTra^ rdSe iiroUe ro 

K€\ev6fi€P0P, " laop ixelpo & fiao-iXev rrap ifiol KCKpirai, 

5 i^popieip re ei koI t{5 TJyopri j(pff<Trh iOiXeip irelOecrBcu* 
rd ae icaX dfjL<f>6repa wepti^KOPra dpQpamtop Kax&p ofukiai 
a'(t>dWova'i, xard irep rr)p irdproDP '^(prfa'ifuordrfjp apOptairouri 
OdXaaaap TTPevfutra (f>aal dpifjuop ipmiirropra oi irepiopav 

6 (TVfjLpovkrjs B» Holder, van H. 6 h/vtov Bk deL Mehler approb. 

▼an H. II ovS' &v Krueger 7 iroicctv povkofuvoi 6 8 5^ om. 

ABC II circ^oirctfv a : ktrlfftoirov 6 : cirt^trcov Stein^ ^, van H. 9 

frweiraivov cov fi, Holder, van H. : o^vcirawkov ABC, Stein^ ^ ^ II ^ 
airctX^aF fi, Holder, van H. 11 (rrparriXarUiv ABC 13 

dvayiv6fuva fi 16. 2 iccXcv/Aart ABC, van H. : ov t<^ wptanp oi 

KcXcvcTfiari fi || Tri06/jL€vos van H. 8 ^curi deL Naber || ir^pvop^ Naber 

^p6niffit might be interohangeable with also Thuc. 2. 92. 1, where the H must 

Hdt), nor does ^pwieiw e9, c. 16 infra, have been the TpGn-w KiKtveiui. 

govern the reading here. Cp. App. Grit. 2. ola o^k d|tff6|Mvo9 ktX. To sit 

6. rd: relative. on the king's throne was treason, and 

7. PovX^cvos : adversative, ' though punishable with death ; Q. Curtius 8. 
I wish,' 'much as I wish.' 4. 17 and ttfL ap, Rawlinson. The 

8. 4MtVTdlcTai : cp. 0. 10 1. 45 supra, anecdote of the man who sat upon 
10. 4 oSv M% km, ktX. The test, or Alexander's throne is told by Aman, 

canon, seems valid, and more convincing Anah. 7. 24. 3 : roi>f 9^ o6k ivairijaai /Uw 

than the one set up by Artabanos (that aOrbw ix roO Opitfov xarit tHj rtwa wSfuit 

the repeated visitation of the king would lUpatKdv • repippii^fihovs ii r6irTea0ai 

establish the divinity of the vision) c. rd re a-HjBri xal rd irpbawra in iwl 

16 infra. The divine driving of Xerxes fieydXt^ xaxf. 

is established accordingly in the sequel, 8. dvas . . t6 KcXfv6|Mvoir, ' before 

somewhat to the detriment, perhaps, of obeying the order spake as follows.' 

the human motivation. Cp. Introdnc- 6. dvOp^MVKOKdv&iiiXCai: cp. Plato, 

tion, § 11. Hep, 8. 550 ; 1 Cor. 15. 83 iiflfwuau^ 

14. (Mrd ToiHro is pleonastic. 1^ XPV^* 6fxikUu kokoI (an iambic tri- 

16. 1. fFpAnf KcXcvo^Tb has almost meter, quoted from Menander's Thais: 

a technical, or proverbial, sound, like Fr. 211, ed. Meineke). Gnomic wisdom, 

our 'first bid,' 'first time of asking,' 8. ^aoi. Whose theory was this, 

etc.; cp. 4. 141 (where the article occurs) ; that if only the wicked winds would 



lft-16 nOAYMNIA 26 

^ucTi tQ etovTTJ^ j^paa-Oat. ifii Bk aKovcavra irpb^ aev KaK&^ 
ov ToaovTO ISaxe XuTrq, oaov yvfOfUcov Svo irpoK€ifi€vi(ov lo 
TUpajjah 7% pip vfipw aif^apovai]^, rrj^ Bk Karairavoifni^ 
KoX Xeyovcrtf^ C09 xokov elfj BiBdcKeiv t^p '^vjfifp irXiop rt 
SC^ff<r0€u aUl €j(€iv Tov irapeopro^, roiovritap irpoKcip^pitav 
^fiHopifov OTi riip a<l>aXepoyr€pr)P aetovr^ re Kal TUpa^a-i 
avcupio. pvp &p, iiretBif rirpay^at iwl rifp ap^ipta, ^9 15 
TOi p^tUpti top hr* "EXXiyvav arokop i'in<f>otrap Speipop 0€ov 
T4yo9 wopiTff, oifK i&prd ae KaraXveip top otoXop. aXX* ovBi 
Tavra iarl & iral Beta. ipuirput yiip r^ 69 apOptowov^ 
rrevXaPffpipa ToiavTa iarl old ae iya> SiBd^o), eTeai aev 
jToWjoia-i irpeafivTcpo^ itop* TreirXaprjaOod, aihrav paXiara 20 
iMaai ai Sy^te^ t&p opeipdTtop, t<£ ti^ ^p4prf^ <f>popTi^€i. 
i7/A€i9 a T^9 vpo TOV rjp4pa^ TavrriP TtfP arpaTrfKaalffP /cal 
TO icdpra elj^ppep perk ')((upa^. el hi apa p^q i<m tovto 
TOAOVTO oloi' ^a> BtatpioD, dTsXd Tt tov Oeiov peT^'XpPt ah 
v&p airro a'vWafii>p elprfxa^* ^i/i^to) 7^/9 Brj xal ipol, c&9 25 

11 ai^wrtis 6 13 rovrccok 6 15 alp€o Cobet, van H. 

17 wv Oobet : An ecaKros cam Aldo ? van H. 20 a^ai Beiske : avral 

<irc/M> rci Reiake 24 dctov Schweighaeuser : 0€ov 25 avrh 

a : avT^ fi, van H. 

leave the good sea to itself, it would 6weipot and 6vetpWt the abrupt ohanse of 

be man's best friend 1 Stein understands gender here is rery harsh. Cp. App. 

Gobryas to be speaking as a landsman, Grit aujnu. 

unacquainted with the sea (and the 18. d vat. Artabanos grows a trifle 

winds T) ; but the passage is hardly so familiar ; he had begun & ^aoCKtVy en. 1. 

dramatic as that : rather is it quite 4 supra. The rationale of dreams nere 

ondramaticandHerodotean. The theory giren is refuted by the sequel, which 

is eminently Greek (not par exempU ) troves the supernatural character of the 

Phoenician!) and is found — as Stein visitation, at least in this instance : how 

points out — ^in Solon Fr, 12 far there is conscious purpose in all this 

^ M^ » 0d\curaa rapAaaerai' 1^ 84 "i^ *^«. historian's part can scarcely be 

TtsaMm determined ; perhaps Hdt s own view on 

^il «rS, rd^«r iffTl at/rotordn,, J^® qn^Uon was indeterminate, td. 

*' * the relative, can hardly refer strictly to 

a proof, in Plutarch's eyes {SoUm, 8), dvctpdrwy (heteroclite pi. from 6peipotf) 

that Solon was, in natural philosophy, but more vaguely 'regarding thinss 

4rXovf X(ar koL dfixo-tos. Up. further which . .' Valckenaer appropriately 

parallels (quoted Bergk, P. L. li.^ p. 41), oites the poet Attins apud Ciceron. De 

esp. Polyb. 9. 29, Dionys. 17. 12, of divin, 1. 22 res, quae in vita usurpant 

the analogy between the People and the homines, cogitant curant vident, | quae- 

aniet steady sea, the Demagogues and que agunt vigilantes agitantque, ea si 

tie Wind (perhaps this was Solon's cui in somno accidunt, | minus minim 

original point ; op. Paaim 65. 7). est, sed di rem tantam baud temere 

12. A% Koxlnf ni) SiSdo-Kciv . . 8C(i)<r0ai improvise ofierunt. 

. • Cx**^' Another 'gnome,' rather 23. th Kdpro, vel maxime: 1. 71, 3. 

elnmsuy expressed. The three consecu- 104, 4. 181. 

live infinitives may be paralleled 5. 12 : cl 8i df>a |i^ 4<rTi shows the normal 

ivi0v/it^nu . . irrei\aff0ai . . iroc^oxu. syntax ; op. e^ 01; below. Apa marks the 

17. lAvro. Though Hdt uses both less probable alternative ; cp. 8. 109. 



26 HPOAOTOY TO 

KoX aol, Suue€Xev6fJL€P0v. ^canjva^ tk ovBhf fiSXKov fioi 
6it>€tKet iy(pvTi rifv aijv iaOrjra ij ov xal rifv ifii^v, ovSe rt 
fiaXXov iv KoCrji t§ <rp avawavofkhftp fj ov teal hf r^ ifip, 
el w4p ye koI aXXck>9 iBiKev if^v^pai, ov yhp S^ i^ roaovro 

3076 exrqOelri^ api^Kei tovto, o n hrj Kore iari, to hn,^cuv6^vov 
rot iv T{S iwpq), SxTre Bo^et ifik op&v ak elvai, rp ay iaOfjm 
T€KfAatp6fLepov, el Bk ipk fikv iv ovSevl \6yq> iroiriaeTai ovSe 
a^idxrei iwtifHivrjvai, ovre fjv t^p ifitjp iadtfra ij(fo oire fjp 
riip a-i^v, oifBi i7rKf>otTiia'et, tovto HSff fJM0ifriop larai, et 

35 y^P ^h i^i'4>oiTriaet ye awe')(i^o^9 <f>alfjv &p teal avro9 Oeiop 
elpoi, el Bi Toi, o{jto9 BeBoterfTtu ylveaOai koI ovte old re 
avTo irapaTpiy^cu, aXX* rjBi] Bel ifie iv koLtq t^ o^ tcaTV- 
TTP&aat, (f>€pe, TovTtov i^ ifuv iiriTeXevfiivtav <f>apifrc» koX ifioL 

17 M'^XP^ ^^ TOVTOv T^ irapeovarj yvtofAtf j(fiiia'Ofjui^.** Tocavra 
etira^ ^ApTcifiapo^, eKirl^top Biip^p diroBi^etv XiyoPTa ovBip, 
erroiee to xeXevop^epop. ivBif^ Bk TtfP Sep^eta iaOrjjTa teal 
i^o/jLepo^ 69 TOP fiaatXi^top Opopop C09 fieTk Taxha koItov 
5 iiroteeTo, fjKOe oi KOTinrptofjiAptp twvto Speipop to koI irapk 
Sep^p i<l>oiTa, {nrepaThp Bi tow ^ApTa/Sdpov elire apa " <ri> 

27 ov KOi Schaefer : ovkI AB : ovk C : ovx^ 6 35 €iri<^in70-ci€ z : 

€ir€<f>oCTrfa'€ ? van H. 36 ScSoKrai Fz 37 rj&rf Set €pk Schaefer : 

•n&rj rj ipJk ABC : ^ irffii (rifii Stein^ B: rj Set kftk Bekker : ci ^ B€l €fik 
Eltz. 17. 6 €lir€ apa Stein^ : crirc. ^pa ABC : cfirc rdSe. Ipa, R, 

Stein^ (8C ro^c fi : 2pa aR onL VS) 

26. o^Xkv iftoXXov . . i^ oi {his)', 17. 1. Toot&Ora fCvas . . liroUfr^K., 

a superfluous but idiomatic negative ; * without further speech did what was 

op. 4. 118, 5. 94. Artabanos is sound ordered'; cp. c. X^adinU. 

on the clothes -philosophy: 'cuouUus 3. kv^ . . -^XW ol: there is an in- 

non facit monachum.' consequence of construction, or Anauh 

29. h TocroOr^ -yi c^Ocdis dv^Kci, luthon ; for reff. cp. Index, 

'has reached such a pitch of simplicity,' « . / xi. j • v 

innocence. For e^eta cp. 1. 60, 3. ^JV^y' S^"" t"*^ ".^,"°^ 

140, Thuc. 3. 45. 7, Plato, Rep, 348 c stantial reality, though only visible in 

(in the mouth of Thrasymlchw Jticato. "i^^R ' /' '**''^" ' T' ^^^,^ Hj^^ 

tr(^p::^y^palap €Oite€iap), For dp^K€tp *^ over against Xerxes (/rurrdF); 

cp. cc. 9, 10 supra, 134, 287 infra ; and Sf/^ ^^1"^*^ iV^^. '^""T k^**** '"^ 

in a literal or material flense c. 60 infra. "^f^" ^^^«) '^•^ " "^^ ^««^*- 

32. cl 8i i|U, after frndirriop (crai: ctin Apa. Stein's emendation is 

'whether it will hold me of no account,' convincing, for several reasons: (a) the 

naturally followed by 0^ : but just best class omit rdde ; (6) &pa 0*^ ^ is 

below, i . . c^K old tc, as odx did re su|>erfluous1y strong and over-excited for 

coalesce to form a single idea {dSupara) ; the supernatural vision : tr^ difjia simpler 

cp. c. 10 1. 73 supra. and gi-ander ; (c) the parallels (4. 184 dn 

36. 8^Ki|Tai. The form occurs in d/w, 9. 9 fXeye dpa, 1. 141 elwtuf dfio) 

Pindar, Aristophanes, Euripides, and is clinch it ; (d) moreover, the form dpa it 

of course more regular (as from doKiu) questionable for Hdt. Would it not be 

than the commoner SiSoyfjuu, c. 12 ^ ^t Smyth § 716 p. 612, however, 

supra, dotdjati 4. 74 ; but cp. App. Crit. allows it here. 



ie-18 



nOAYMNIA 



27 



S^ K€Ufa^ eU o airo<nr€vB<av Sip^p a-Tparevea-Oai hrl rifv 
'EXXaSa cb9 Si) KfjBofievo^ avrov ; aXX* oure €9 to fierhreira 
avT€ i^ TO irapauTUa vvv Karairpot^eai airorpdirtav to j^eop 
yepiaOtu. Siip^ffv Si r^ Sel avrjKOvariovra iraOelv, airr^ lo 
itceivfp iehrlXMntu^ Tovrd t€ ihoKee ^ApTafiapo^ to Speipop 18 
iftreikietp xal Oepfiourt <n,Zriploun iKKcUetp airrov fiiXXeip rot^v 
Oi^aXfAOV^. Kal b^ dfi^aa^ pJ^a apaOpdcKei, Kal irap" 
i^6fA€PO^ Sipfy, C09 TifP S-^iP oi Tov ipviTpiov Sie^\0€ 
amfyeofiepo^, Sevrepd oi \iyei rdSe. " iya> fiip^ & paaCKeVt 5 
ola SvOpfairo^ iZoi>p ^ht) iroKKd re Kal fieydka ireaipra 
irprj^lJUiTa inro ^aaopfop, ovk €09p ae rh irdpra t§ rfXiKiff 
elxeiv, iirurrdfiepo^ (09 KaKOP eXri to iroKK&p iviOvfAeeip, 
fitefiPfffUvo^ fjL€P TOP errl TAcuracpyira^ Kvpov aTokop C09 

9 vvv del Cobet || diror/xiirwv Stein^ Holder, van H. Sed cL Smjth 
§ 188 p. 133 : dworphnav 10 ira^cik fi: ira^cciv a 18. 1 

Tc 6 : St) a: re cum 6^ saperacripto P : re 6^ e, Qaisford, Tan H. || to a : 
Toy 6 2 frtZ^p^iouri a 9 fiifjLvria'KOfuvos a 



9. (o4) KaTairpdt£«u dmrrpdirMV, *thoa 
•hAlt not with impunity attempt to divert.' 
MnwyM^eo-^cu (the pres. KaTaTrpdtj^tcOai 
only foand in Byzant. Gk. is some- 
what anomalous, cp. t/>o^, wpoUa) is 
used absolutely in 3. 36, ' to get off scot 
free,' but not there, nor anywhere in 
Hdt, without a negative ; usually with 
a participle also, as here. Cp. 5. 105, 
3. 156. 

T^ XP*^ 7fWor0ai. No wonder 
the attempt was bound to fail ; cp. 9. 
16 6 n 6ei yewicdoL ix roO BeoO d/Ai^ayoy 

10. ayijK ewW o v T tt : 6. 14 (with dat.) 
and 1. 115 (absolutely, as here). 

18w 2. viBf\pCoii9\: triSi/piop, a tool of 
iroii» cp. 9. 37 tn/ro, 3. 29, Thuc. 4. 4. 2. 
The order of words is very effective {0, 
c. i, ojbr, fA. r. 6.). On putting out 
the eyes as an Oriental punishment 
Tide Rawlinson iv.* 20, ana especially 
Xen. Anab. 1. 9. 18. Grote iv. 110 
r^ards the story here as a product of 
**religious imagination." Thirlwall ii. 279 
aaspeets "the influence and arts of the 
Magian priesthood" ; Rawlinson endorses 
the latter suspicion, and suggests ''a 
skilfully devised fraud on the ^rt of 
the friends of Mardonios," by which ''a 
pretended spectre" subdued "the weak 
mind of Xerxes," and "threats" the 
stronger mind of Artabanos. This exe- 
gesis is bat misplaced ingenuity. Arta- 



banos would, in such circumstances, have 
been shrewd enough to discover the plot. 
Dreams, apparitions, and the super- 
natural are a part of Hdt*8 stock in 
trade. One might almost as well suspect 
the Ghost in HamUt as a contrivance 
of Bernardo and Marcellus. The real 
motivation of the expedition does not 
require either the human or the super- 
human device ; cp. Introduction, § 11. 

3. wapi(^ucvos g4p£ti : the king must 
be conceivea as passing the night in the 
chamber with Artabanos. 

4. ck . . 8c^Tlpo^ * first he gave him^ 
a full account of the dream, and then . .' 
speaks to him just in the sense of Hdt. ; 
cp. 1. 5 rd ykp rh irdXcu luy^a Ijp kt\, 
Artabano& however, has no occasion to 
specify t|p rise of the lesser powers, 
tliough he ascribes the fall of the greater 
to their agency. 

7. TQ ^ucCxi ctKCiv: cp. we&nft c. 13 
8Upra, and 3. 36 fi^ irdpra ^Xiir% koI $v/itfi 
irirpeirt: in 5. 19 eljce t^ ^Xt«c% (age). 
Blakesley's censure on Baehr's comment 
here is overdone ; the actual meaning 
of ^'KiKiti varies with the context, or cir- 
cumstances. Cp. for a difference 6. 71. 

9. MaooxiY^^ • • AlOCoirot . . 
Sx^as : the stock examples of disaster 
on a large scale. The first story is related 
1. 201-216, the second 3. 17-25, the third 
4. 1-144, more or less ; and the problem 
of the order of composition presents 



4 



28 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



lo €irf>rf^€, fJuefivfiiUvo^ hk koX tov iir AlOioira^ rov Kafifiwr^^, 
cva-TpaTevadfiepo^ Bk koX Aapel^ M ^KvOa^, iirtoTafieva^ 
ravra ypdfji/rfv el^ov arpefu^ovrd ae fM/eapurrov elvcu irpo^ 
irdvTfov avOpdwoov, iwel Si iaifiovlrj ri^ ylverai opfii^, koX 
''EXXffva^, C09 ohc€, if>0op'q n^ icarcCKafifiave^ OerjKaro^t lyw 

15 iJLkv KoX avT09 Tpdirofutt koX rijv yvdp/rfp fjLerarlffefuu, ai^ 
Bk arjp/qvov fiev TUpariat rh iK rod 0€ov irepfrrSfMepa, j^paaOai 
Sk K€\€U€ Toia-i i/e aeo irpdroKri irpoeipfjfiipota't h rifp 
7rapao-K€vi^v, iroUe Bk ovrto Bk^o^ rov Oeov irapoBiBopro^ r&v 
a&v ivBeiiaei p/rfBip,*^ rovrtov Bk \ej(0ivrt»v, ivOavra hr» 

20 aepOivre^ rf 6y^i, 109 VH^PV i^ivero rd'^^urra, Sip^^ T€ 
inreperldero ravra TUpaj^a-c, koI *Aprd/3avo^, 5? irporepov 
d7ro<nr€vB(ap fiovvo^ iifMlvero, rore hriawevBtov ^vepo^ ijv. 

19 'OpfifjfUv^ Bk Sipfy arparrikareeiv fierh ravra rplnj i^i9 
ei' T{S V7rv<p iyivero, rriv oi Mdfyoi iKpivav atcova-avre^ ^pew 

1 1 (rvaTpaT€v(rdfjL€vos Stein^ : (nxrrpartvSfuvos 1 2 ^v ravra z^ 

Weaseling, Bekker, van H. 19 ci'Sei^ct fi recte cp. Banian JcMk 

86. 67 : €vS€rj<rQ \\ €ira€p$€vr€s Stein^ : hrapOivr€s 



itself. There is nothing in the reif. 
here to show whether Hdt. had or 
had not already written his accounts of 
these three expeditions. The phrase 
pats the presence of Artabanos in the 
' Skythian ' campaign more clearly than 
c. 10 supra, or 4. 83, 148. Gp. Intro- 
duction, § 7. o-vo*TpaTfvo*ii|uvos : ffv- 
ffrpaTtvd/juewot I the imperfect describes 
{schUderi), the aorist narrates {^rzahU), 
Sitzler. 

12. drpc|iClovTd (rt : in opposition to 
the 'law of empire/ c. 8 supra; the 
participle here equals a conditional. 

irp6«, * in tne eyes of . . * ; a prox- 
imity still closer might be expressed by 
the dative {= coram). The tlement of 
opinion is also conveyed by the pre- 
dicative |iAKapio-T^ (as distinct from 
fxdKop, fuucdptin). 

13. 8ai|iovCT| Tit YCverai &p|&^: the 
6pfi^ might be that experienced by Aerxes 
(cp. c. 19 infra ad itiU.), or might be 
more general and objective : ' the powers 
above are on the move ' ; in either case 
the Scufi6piop is not here precisely con- 
trasted with the Btiotf. Thrice at least 
Artabanos is made to confess the divine 
{diUfSMflff dpfiii . . fpBop^ Bei/fXaros . . rd 
iK ToO 0€ov TCfiirdfieva), yea, a fourth time 
recognises the god's lead {rod deoO Trapa- 
did^irrot). All this is doubtless the 



author's device to emphasize his own 
point. 

18. woCm . . Skms . . Mc4«m |M|8^: 
cp. 0. 8 supra i^pbtfn^w 6Ktn m^ Xef- 

t(fO>iCU. 

19. kwo/tfAhrn: an ominous or dnistflr 
word ; cp. c. 9 supra iw. ifimikl'g, 9. 
49 i^vxpv •'f'T?' 

21. «iripr(et(rea4, <to lay before' for 
the purpose of consultation ; cp. 1. 107, 
5. 24 et al. 

19. 1. &p|LT|)i4vY: cp. ^fti|T« ^rparcde- 
ffdoL c. 1 supra, ' put himself in motion," 
the motion being mental. Op. iZ. 21. 
571-2 iv d4 ol fjfrop S>ju.iu» dfp/jLm wmXe- 
fxi^eip -/fdi fUxwOai, The unaiigmented 
form is admitted in Hdt. 

rplrri : the first in c. 12 wupra, 
the second in a 14 ; the apparition to 
Artabanos in c. 17 is not counted. 
2. 'rt\v: relative. 

ol Mdvob are here, and elsewhere 
in the Bk. (cc. 87, 43, 118, 191 tn/hs), 
taken for granted, as though their post- 
^ tion and functions were notorious. The 
^reif. to the Magi in Bk. 1 are more 
intelligible and explicatory ; but even 
there it cannot be said that any *yste* 
matic account of them is given. Tliey 
figure also largely in Bk. 8. These oV- 
servations are not jmma/iae favourable 
to the hypothesis of the prior composition 



la-so 



nOAYMNIA 



89 



re iiri irSurav yrjv SovXevaeiv re ol ttovto^ avOpiinrov^. ^ 
a Syfti^ f^v f|Se* iBoKce o Bip^^ iare^avSHrOcu iKoLi}^ OaXK^, 
«iro Si T^ 6X0/179 T0V9 KkaZov^ yrjv iraaav iirKr^ew, fierh 5 
Si a^vurdrjvai irepl r^ K€<f>aX'ff iceifievov rhv cri^avov. xpi- 
vmrmv ti raOra r&v Marftov, Tlepa-etov re r&v avXKjexjBhn^v 
airiica ira^ avtfp ^9 rtfv apj^v rifv ieovrov aireXdaaf; et;^e 
wpodvfdffv wSUrav iirX rolai elptffUvotai, OiXxov airo^ lieaaro^ 
rk wpoKeliLeva B&pa \afieiv, xal 8^/9(179 rov arparov oira 10 
iwd^paiv iroiAerai^ X&pov iravra ipevp&v r^ fiirelpov. airo 20 
jhp Alyihrrov aXuMrio^ iirl phf riaaepa ft-ea irXripea irapap^ 
ritro arparii^v re koI rh 7rp6aif>opa Tp arpari^, wifAimp Se 
jFre* avopAptp itTrpaTrfKaree X^^P^ psrfoKtf irXrjOeo^. aroXtop 

19. 6 ircpi r^ kc^X^ Ktifuvov deL Sitzler 7 ravra : ravrg fi, 

Hcddery yan H. 20. 2 riaxr^pa RS : rkraupa dV 4 (rrSkt^ a 



of Bki. 7, 8, 9, bat it must be admitted 
thmt Hdt nowhere gives a diatinot 
deaeription of the Magi and their ftinc- 
timuu They were ' Medea,* not * Persiana,' 
L 101, a statement folly accented by 
James Danneateter, and made tne baaia 
of the best aooonnt of the origin of the 
ATesta and Zoroastrianiam (cp. Saered 
Books qf the Easl, IT.; Introduction, §14). 
The aooonnt of the Persian Religion in 
Bk. 1. 181-40 certainly appears later 
than theae Bka. (cp. c. 10 ntpra ad/,), 
and it ia eaay to nnderstand the reff. 
to tha Magi in these Bka. aa independent 
aad of aarlior compoaition than Bk. 1. 
The abaenoe of any reference back is in- 
deed significant. Cp. Introduction, § 7. 
Blakesley infers an Athenian origin for 
the anecdote, from the mention of the 
olive, and even Bawlinson regards the 
oliTo-crown aa raoTing a Greek origin 
for the ator^. The olive might be taken 
aa aymbcdinng Athena, or Hellas, or even 
Inrope genenlly. What is the exact 
intarpreUtion {xptwdprtop) given by the 
Magi, Hdt doea not atate; the dis- 
appearanoe of the crown Greeka could 
eanly interpret of a nemeais on Xerxes 
after hia destruction of Athens (cp. 8. 
54 ti^). 

8. It T^v ^ifxAy * ^^^ Council then 
had been oompoaed of satraps, governors, 
ata Cp. c 8 oupra, 

10. Hi wBOKc^Mva 8Apa : c 8 mpra. 
RawHnson naa a good note with reff. 
Xen. Anah, 1. 2. 29, 1. 8. 29, Kyrop, 
7. 2. 8; Ktesiaa 22. Also Esther 6. 
9, 1 Eadr. 8. 6, Plutarch Artax. 15, 



Procop. de bell. Pen. 1. 17. The gifta 
enumerated by Xenophon (perhaps the 
best authority) comprised a horse with 
a golden bridle, a golden aword, a gold 
chain, golden armlets, and a robe. 

11. Mytpvw : cp. dytpatp c 5 iupra, 
Tfjt VjircCpov : sc 'Atrliit ; cp. c. 11 
supra. 

20. 2. rlo'O'cpa Irta irX^ipm seem to 
be not calendar years, bat full years 
(of 360 days T) meaaured from the event 
specified (Aly&rrov iXwois) ; cp. c 1 
supra. The event itself, however, is 
not accurately dated, the duration of 
the revolt not having been specified, 0. 
7 supra. On the chronology cp. Intro- 
duction, § 11, Appendix II. § 8. 

3. w^iiirrv 8i M dvoiUvy. Blakesley 
remarks that dpofUpcp has been rendered 
both 'ending' and 'commencing* to 
aquare with particular theories of the 
chronology, but it simply meana 'ad- 
vancing, Le. 'in the course of the fifth 
year * ; so iiyero rh tpyow 8. 71 infra, cp. 
1. 189. 

4. XiiU: cp. 0. 157 infra, 4. 155. 
ordXitv ydip tAv 4|UCt ISusv . . |U- 

'yiO'ros : a mere formula for a Heighten^ 
superlative, cp. Bka. IV.-VI., Introduc- 
tion, § 22. Four great expeditions are 
mentioned, none of which could compare 
in magnitude with the invasion of Greece 
by Xerxes ; in chronological sequence 
reversed they are : — L t^ AopcCov r^ 
MSx^Oaa (this is at least the tnird time 
the subject of the ' Skythian Logi * haa 
been mentioned in this Bk., cp. c 10 
{bis), but even here there is nothing to 



30 



HPOAOTOY 



m 



5 ykp T&v fiful^ tBfiep iroW^ Btf fiiyurro^ o£ro9 iyiuero, &ar€ 
/Lii/re Tov Aapelov top cttI TiKvOa^ iraph tovtov fiffSiva ^hU- 
vea-dai, fiiire top ^kvOikop, St€ XxvOai KifApsplov^ SidicovTe^ 
€9 T^v MfjS^Krip x^PV^ iafiaXopre^ <rj(€Bop irdvTa r^ &pw t^ 
^Aalfj^ KaToarpeyp'dfiepoi ipifioPTo, t&p eXpexev vaTtpov tkapeio^ 
lo iT^fjuopiero, fitfTe KaTh Tk Xeyo/iepa top ^ArpeiZitop €9 ''IXioi^, 
fji»rp'€ TOP Mva&p T€ Kol TevKp&p TOP irpo t&p Tpe»iK&p yepo- 



6 firfi€va : fii/Scv z, van H. 
approb. van H., Holder 



10 Karol tol Xcyd/icva deL Knieger 



suggest that Bk. 4 was in existence when 
this passage was first composed, in spite 
of the rwr ctyeirey rrX.). 

iL T^v SkvOuc^: the repeated in- 
vasion of Media and Upper Asia by the 
Skyths in pursuit of the Kimmerians. 
The Kimmerian invasion of Asia Minor 
is undoubtedly historical ; cp. 1. 6, 15, 
108, 4. 11-18. Historical also is the 
invasion, probably the repeated invasions, 
of Upper Asia by 'Sxyths,' nomads 
from the Oxos and Jazartes region. 
But the pursuit of the Kimmerians by 
the (European) Skyths via Caucasus is 
perhaps only a theory, a combination, 
due to the ingenuity of Hdt or of his 
authorities; cp. Bks. IV.-VI., notes to 
Lc Hdt speaking here propria penona 
might well have referred back to the 
Lydian or Skythian Logit had they been 
originally composed prior to this passage. 

uL T^v 'ArpiiS^v h "IXiov. The 
Trojan expedition does duty in another 
connexion 1. 8-4, there too as a 0T6Xot 
fUyat, and indeed the first from Europe 
to Asia. Kard t& Xcy^fifva, referred 
by Stein definitely to the Homeric 
Catalogue, may surely be taken with a 
more general reference, but in any case 
connotes written sources, not mere oral 
tradition, and seems to suggest a doubt 
as to their trustworthiness ; Hdt (like 
Thuo. 1. 9 etc) suspects Homer (cp. 2. 
116). 

iv. T^ Mvo-fiv Tf Kal TcvKodv . . 
Hdt is our oldest authority for this 
supposed movement; other or later 
authorities differ considerably from his 
presentation of the matter (and to some 
extent from each other). Six points in 
the Herodotean account call for observa- 
tion : (i.) Mysians and Teukrians are 
combined in the movement, which (ii.) 
passes from Asia into Europe (iii.) via 
the Boaporos, and (iv.) reaches the 
Adriatic and the Peneioe (v.) in a 



more or less organized conquest (vL) 
dated before the Trojan war. It it 
difficult to determine on what avidenoa 
this theory was based : a clear and in- 
dependent tradition for it can hardly 
have existed, but there were evidenoea, 
still recoverable, of real oonnexiona be- 
tween Asia Minor and Thrace, of which 
this theory is one possible solution, and 
the Homeric poems played their part, 
easily understood, in the argnment 
Stein' ad L (following Abel, apparently) 
adduces five proofs in support of m 
Herodotean theory, which no aooepts ; 
they suggest the evidenoeu or a part of 
the evidence, upon which the theoir 
may have been rounded, but are not aU 
indisputably matters of iaot, and ao far 
as true are equally or even more com- 
patible with the tneory (found in later 
writers, e.ff. Strabo, but not therefore of 
necessity based upon later or inferior 
evidenccji) which represented the Mysian 
(or Mysio-Teukrian) movement, if snch 
it was, as au invasion of Asia from 
European Thrace. Those proofs are : — 
(1) The Trojan or *Teukrian orisin of the 
Paionians on the Strymon, Hdt 6. 18 
(highly disputable, see tn/^). (2) The 
presence of Paionian and kindred (Thra- 
cian) stocks over the whole district from 
the Adriatic to the Propontis (a feet 
pointing to the European side aa thair 
original or earlier habitat!). (8) The 
expulsion of the Bithynians from the 
Strymon into Asia by Teukriana and 
Mysians, c. 75 infra (almost an abeordify 
if Teukrians and Mvsians are ooming 
from Asia !). (4) The existence of a 
number of identical namee (race- and 
place-names) on both sides the Helles- 
pont: Strabo, p. 590 (<iuite compatible 
with the European origin of the namea). 
(5) The fact that Priam ap, Homeram 
heads a confederation, which incladea 
the tribes of Thrace as far as the Axioa 



20 nOAYMNIA 81 

fM€vov, ot Suiffdpre^ k rifv TStifpmmfp xarh 36<nropov rov^ re 



(no proof of a Teakiian 'conquest/ 
much leM immigntion in Thraoe). 
Stain's (Abel't) proofs for Hdt's theory 
are unconvincing : a closer examination 
of Hdt.'8 six points will farther discredit 
the ai^nment. (L) Hdt plainly regards 
the Toukrians as primitive Trojans (cp. 
2. 118, 6. 18, 122), and the M^rsians, 
their allies, an primitive or earl^ inhabi- 
tants of the Troad, or of historic Mysia. 
Bat Teukrians are absolutely unknown 
to Homer, and the only M^sians known 
to the Jliod are at home in Europe (N 
5, ete., except in the Catalogue, B 858 
— of course late ; cp. Thraemer, op, cil, 
imfra p. 837). Kallinos of Ephesos is 
oor oldest authority for 'Teukrians,' 
end he T^;arded them ss immigrants, 
Lc imfirtu Blakesley, from the silence 
of Homer, rashly infers that " the name 
vfms certainly more recent than the 
Iliad " ; Kretschmer (op. cU. infra p. 
191), more judiciously, that the Epw 
says nothing of Teukrians in the Troad, 
becaoss its design is to represent an 
heroic period, prior to their immigration. 
If immigrants, whence did they come ? 
KalHnos apparently brought them from 
Krete (Straoo, p. 604) ; others brought 
them from Attica {jJbid,), Each alterna- 
tive may be accounted for (though not 
shortly enough for thin note) and neither 
is convincing. The latest modem ten- 
dency is to connect the Teukrians of the 
Troed with Kyproe, either in virtue of 
a common wide-spread stratum in the 
Anatolian populations from the Helles- 
pont to Kyproe, or it may be in virtue 
of actual immigration from Kypros into 
'Mysia.' Archaeological evidence, especi- 
ally the pottery, points to a connexion, 
and that older than the Ewa^ between 
the Troad and Kypros ; and TeOir/Mt, the 
TewM(8at, and the FepYcroc ( = r^o7t0et) 
are found in Kypros and the neighbour- 
hood (Kilikia) ; cp. further c. 48 imfra, 
Trinrpot the Eponym appears in the 
Riad among the Acnaian heroes fighting 

r'nst Troy, a mighty bowman, bastard 
Tekmon, 6 284, and brother of 
Alas, of Salamis. Pindar has the easily 
understood legend of his colonizing 
Kypros, Ntm, 4. 46. There is also the 
poasibiUty that the ' Teukrians' of Mysia 
were from Thrace — if the Mysians were. 
In some ways this theory is attractive, 
as it recognizes the supposed Teukro- 
Mysian invasion of Europe (from which 
the whole discussion starts), only invert- 



ing it into a Teukro-Mysian invasion of 
the Troad. In this case the 'Teukri' 
might have passed from the Troad to 
Kypros, etc. But it is on the whole 
more probable (hm ivdiu) that the 
'Teukrians,' coming from Kypros, first 
met and became associated with the 
Mysians, coming from Thrace, in the 
Troad, and have thus been made to 
share the Mysian adventure. The 
European and Thraciau character of the 
Mysians may be taken as proved by the 
Homeric ethnography, even if the express 
assertions of the later writers cannot be 
cited as independent evidence (being 
perhaps inference from the Homeric 
uicte) ; nor need we hesitate (if Kretsch- 
mer op. ciL p. 211 etc. is to be trusted) 
to see in the Moesi of the Roman empire 
the same name and tribe in their original 
habitet Hdt obviously treate the 
' M vsians ' as indigenous to Asia. Their 
real or supposed affinity with the Lydians 
and Karians (the strongest proof of which 
is to be found in Hdt. 1. 171) is in 
favour of this view ; but if this affinity 
is anything more than inferential and 
factitious, it would point not to the 
indigenous origin of the Mysians, but 
to an external origin for iLarians and 
Lydians : Hdt. himself indeed brings 
the Karians to Asia from outeide (wrongly 
in my opinion), and some of the modems 
would recognize a Thracian origin, or 
element, in the 'Lydians' (cp. Radet, 
La Lydie, pp. 63, 67 ; Forbiger, ap. 
Pauly, Keal-EncycL iv. 1279). The 
doctrine of the autochthonous character 
of the Lydians was, of course, a 'Lydian' 
dogma, found in Hdt. and in Xanthos 
Lydos ; cp. c. 74 tw/ro, Xanth. Frag, 
1. The remaining five pointe in Hdt. 'a 
theory quickly arrange themselves, once 
the Teukrians and the Mysians have 
been accounted for. (ii.) The Mysian 
movement must be corrected into a 
migration from Thrace into NW. Asia, 
not conceived as an invasion of Thrace 
by Asianics. It falls into place with 
the series of such movemente, the 
greatest of which flooded Asia with 
' Phrygians ' ; cp. c. 73 infra, (iii.) The 
tradition that tne point of crossing was 
the ' Bosporos ' squares very ill with 
Hdt. 's own conception of the source and 
direction of the invasion, but agrees 
extremely well with (a) the Asiatic 
position of the Mysians in the Homeric 
Catelogue {l,c, aupra)^ also with (6) the 



32 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



Spi]iKa^ KaT€<rrpiy^avTO irdvra^ Kal iirX rov *l6viov irovrov 
/earefirfa-av fi^xpt' t€ Tlrjveiov Trorafiov ro irpo^ fiea-afifipiff^ 
21 i]\aa'av> aSrai al ircUrai ovS* el Irepat irpo^ ravTya't yepo- 
fievai CTpaTffKaa'iat fiirj^ rrjaBe ovk a^iui, rl ykp ovk ffiotfe 
Ik T179 ^Aalrj^ eOvo^ iirl rijv 'EXXoSa S6/>^9 ; Kotov Bi 
invofievov fuv vStop ovk iireXcire, irXiiv t&v fieydXav worafi&v; 

14 TO Bekker : rov 21. 1 ai : ov fi, Tan H. || ycvo/icvac 6 : 

Trpoay€v6fX€vai a, Stein^ : Trpoy€v6fuvai Y Stein^ 2 ov«c deL Cobet, 

van H., Holder 4 fiiv om. ABC, van H., Holder 



historic position of the Moesians on the 
Danube, and (e) is confirmed by the 
entirely acceptable tradition that the 
Bosporos was named of old ' the Mysian 
Botporos' (Strabo, p. 666), and fnrther {d) 
by Hdt's own record that the Mysian 
movement drove the Bithynians from 
the European side into historic Bithvnia. 
(iv.) The extension of the Mysio-Teukrian 
occupation in Hdt. to the shore of the 
Adriatic and (the outlet of) the Peneios 
might be explained by reference to the 
homogeneity of the pojiulations in the 
northern Balkans (cp. Stein's second proof 
supra), but is rendered more easily in- 
telligible by reference to the tradition 
preserved in Hellanikos, Frag. 46, that 
once on a time the ' Makedones ' dwelt 
amonf^ the Mysians, Le. the Mysians 
occupied what was afterwards known as 
liakedonia ; and also to Hdt's own 
record connecting the Phrygians with 
Mt. Bermios, cp. 8. 138 irrfra. (v.) That 
Hdt. makes the movement an organized 
invasion and conquest may be dismissed 
as obviously a 'pragmatic' notion, de- 
manded by the occasion and comparison ; 
neither he nor any one else furnishes a 
story for the action ; and if the previous 
argument is correct, any such story could 
only have been fabulous. ( vi. ) Last, and 
not least curious, Hdt. dates the event 
Tp6 ruv TpoucCjp, The rival view re- 
presented by Strabo and his authorities, 
and adoptea above, that the Mysian 
migration was from Europe into Asia, 
naturally dated the movement after the 
Trojan war, as Mysians (and Teukrians) 
are unknown in the Troad of Homer. 
Hdt is led to the earlier date by a 
need to account for (a) the presence of 
Mysians in Homeric Thrace, and (6) the 
absence of Mysians and 'Teukrians' in 
Homeric Troy. But thereby his own 
theory breaks down as not affording any 
explanation for the presence of Mysians 



and Teukrians in historic Mysia. Ed. 
Thraemer's Pergamos (1888), ch. ii., 
contains an admirable discussion of the 
'Mysian' problem, and P. Kretschmer'a 
EinleUung tn die OesehidUe d, gr, 
Sprache (1896) corrects and supplements 
the same, and deals admirably with the 
question of the Teukrians. Without 
these works, which entirely supersede 
the lucubrations of Abel, Giseke, Stein, 
Rawlinson, etc., on these points, the 
above note could not have b^sn com- 
posed. 

13. T^ 'I^iov wtfrrov : the Adriatio, 
cp. 6. 127, 9. 92 if^r€L 

It is curious to find the Peneioe 
(Tempe ?), not Olympos, apparently as tiie 
Macedonian frontier ; op. c. 128 vrfru, 

81. 1. oiST instead 01 mi owing to the 
impending negation {o6k iifyai) of the 
mam proposition (cp. 4. 28 ^atimw. 9i 
o68i 6woi o6k dWxorrcu), Stein, di, ac. 

2. t{ . . Kotov . . The two questions 
are extremely rhetorical, and to some 
extent 'five Hdt away.' The first 
betrays tne reason for tne subsequent 
List, or Catalogue of the Forces (co. 61- 
99). The point of the second is rather 
blunted by the addition of the words 
rX^r rwy fuydXuw worofu^, but it is 
possible to compile from the ensuing 
narrative (1) a list of the rivers that 
failed, or are expressly reoorded to have 
failed (Skamandros c. 48, Melos, Lisos 
c. 108, Gheidoros a 127, Onochonos o. 
196). On the other hand, between the 
Hebros, c. 59, and the Spercheios, c 198 
inclusive, fifteen rivers are named, not 
one of which is recorded to have failed 
(Hebros c. 59, Travus c. 109, Kompsantoe 
ib,, Nestos ib., Auffites a 118, Strymon 
t6., Axios c. 128, Lyaias e. 127, Haliakmon 
ib.f Peneios, Apidanos, Enipeos, Pamisos 
c 196, Epidanos t^., Spercheios e. 
198). 



sa-28 



nOAYMNIA 



38 



ct fAf ycLp via^ irapelxovro, ot Bi i^ ire^ov irerdjaaro, rotai $ 
Si imro^ TTpoa-ereratero, rolai Bk iinray<oyii irXota ifia (Trpa- 
T€vofUvoiah Toiai Bk i^ r^9 y€if>vpa^ fiaicph^ via^ 'n'apij(€tv, 
Tolai Bk aird re teal via^. 

Kol TOUTO fUv, 109 wrcuadvTwv r&v irpwttov wepiTrKeovrtov 22 
W€pi rhv "AO^iv, irpo€Totfid^€TO ix rpt&v iritov kov fidXiOTa 
ri €9 rov "Mfav. iv yhp iSKatovvrv rrj^ yLepaovrjcov SpfjLeov 
Tpi^pee^' ivOevrev Bk oppMfAevot Apwraov inrh pMorl^tov iravrO" 
hairoi rff^ oTpartr]^, BmBoj^ol S* if^oirtap' Apvaaov Bk koX ot 5 

6 apa OHL ABC, nncis intercL Holder : rouri pro a/m coni Madyig : 
apa . . Kol rcas at depravata obelis notat van H. 22. 1 irpommu- 

aurrmy PES, Stein' : ir/MMrraunivTCiiv V : wraurdyTiov ABG(a), Stein^ • || 
wpurm¥ : wpArtpov Melder : irp<yr€piav Naber, van H. 2 c«c : wpo 6 

3 T& snppL Schweighaeoser 5 Iffiomov Stein^ ' (c libros) 



ft. I fa yiyi L wkeXa : if the cavalry 
all eroned Dy the Hellespontine bridges, 
where was the need of horse-transports ? 
for eonv y ance of re-mounts ? or for ser- 
Tiee dvring the campaign? or was any 
Dortion of the forces conveyed in the 
mat instance by sea ? Op. c. 69 

Afia 9TpaTi«e|Aifvoio% appears to 
mean not that their wXdid were com- 
mandeered for service on the expedition, 
but that the vXoid did not excuse them 
from personal service (a precedent for 
Athens !). Bat cp. App. Crit 

8. v4n% seems a little pozzlinff after 
w4a9 vapHxorrOf or even /uucpiLs ptas just 
above. A third distinct service is per- 
haps here specified, 'convoy' vessels (to 
proteot the ffira), though it does not 
appear why those who supplied cira 
anoold be m a position to furnish v4at 
for convoy -service ; nor why, if Wat 
merely means that 'food-supply' did 
not exempt from 'ship -service/ the 
land-aervioe is not mentioned too. 

tS. 1. ToiHro yJ», without a 9^ to 
pond strictly : the phrase is re- 
le, 26 ad iniL, and then proceeds 
^tically, Tap€ffK€vdf€To o4 rrX., 
at scarcely logically. 
^ wraMdmtv ktX. Even if we read 
Tporrraiiffdrnap (en. Apn. Crit.)i irtpl rhv 
'Atfur may more elegantly be taken with 
it. There is allusion to the expedition 
of Mardonioe in 492 B.O. which might 
very well have been accompanied by an 
expfoss reference to the story of the 
disaster (6. 48-46), the rather on account 
of the tupprettio veri and rnggestio faltit 

VOL. I PT. I 



from HdL's point of view, in the speech 
of Mardonios above, had that story 
alreadv formed part of his work when 
Hdt first indited this passage ; cp. In- 
troduction, § 7. 

wfpiwXfdvTflfv, imperfect : they did 
not succeed. 

2. 4k TpUhr Mmf KOV i&dXioTa: the 
chronological indication is not quite 
precise, for (a) the exact term is not 
stated (is it the king's departure from 
Susa, or from Sardes, or is it the actual 
use of the canal by the fleet on its 
arrival ?) ; (6) kov fidXiffra further general- 
izes the reference, even if ix should be 
taken of a precise point of departure. 
Above, c. 20, it is in the course of the 
fifth year from the beginning of the 
preparations that the actual start takes 
place, but there again it is not ouite 
clear whether the ' start ' is from ousa 
or from Sardes. Cp. c. 20 supra, 

8. 'EXcuoOm, cp. 6. 140, the nearest 
point on a straight line between Athos 
and the Hellespont. The exact con- 
nexion of the moorings at Elaifis with 
the work proceeding at Sane is not very 
clearly put by Hdt, but Elai^ appears 
to have been the chief naval station for 
the time being, and droves of workers 
were conveyed thence, by sea, to Sane ; 
while other gangs were requisitioned 
from the immc^diate neighbourhood. The 
eorv^ was, perhaps, in operation. Corv^ 
end the lash were horrors from which 
the Hellenes had been delivered, or 
saved, by Salamis and Plataea ! On the 
use of the ^'ambok, knout, or fidari^, cp. 
cc. 66, 103, 228 ir^a; Xen. Anab, 3. 

D 



34 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



irepl Tov "KOwv KaroiKtffievot. Bovfidpi]^ Sk o M^^afid^ov xal 
* A.pra'yaLfi^ 6 ^Apraiov avBpe^ TUpaai en-ioToarap tov Ipyov, 

*0 7^/? "Ado? icrrl 8po^ fiiya re zeal ovofuurrov, i^ OaXaa-aav 

iearrJKOP, oUeo/Juevov inro avdponrmv. t§ ii reXeuTf i^ rifv 

10 ffireipov TO 6po^, ^epaovrfaoeiZi^ re iarl xaX laOph^ &^ Swoiexa 

CToZUov* ireBiov Bi tovto koI ko\(ovoI ov fieyoKot i/e OaXdaarj^ 



7 apraxaiov fi || kirirraa'av : circarciTCOK fi, van H., Holder 9 

oiKtjiuvov Stein^ ^, vulg. || vtr6 aydpummv deL van H. Nonne snppleveris 
pappdptav vel Biykwa-o'iav'i vid. Thuc 4. 109 



4. 25. Blakeslejr has a rather cheap (or 
perhapa soholastio) remark on flogging 
at the eacpense of Laroher as a 'closet 
critic.' So Hdt censures the eMfBeta of 
the Athenians (1. 60). 

7. Mmurav roQ 4fY^ 'were over- 
seers of the work.' The dative would 
be more usual ; cp. tup iTrerreiiiTuw r£ 
^ed^ei a 35 infra. On Bubares and his 
father Meffabaxos cp. 5. 21, which sup- 
plies, in Uie marriage of Bubares with 
a Makedonian princess, Gjgaia, one 
reason, perhaps, for his present appoint- 
ment The omission of the fact here, 
and of any reference to the former pass- 
age, indicates the independence of the 
JSourees, and supports the priority of this. 
Op. Introduction, § 7; on Artachaies, 
son of Artaios, c 117 infra. Why were 
there two EpisUUiu^ Did the one 
specially superintend the relays from 
EUidB, and the other the local press- 
^nffs ? Or did they relieve each other 
m the local work ? 

8. 6 ydip "AOc^ <o^ ktX. The topo- 
graphy of Athos which follows challenges 
comparison with Thuc. 4. 109, and does 
not emerge altogether with credit (1) 
Hdt gives no general name for the 
}»eninsula (except Athos 1) ; Thuc. sup- 
plies the name Akte. Haack's idea that 
'AOufs is the mountain and ij 'AOus 
the peninsula need not be maintained 
in view of the emended text of Thuc. 

5. 35 (cp. Stuart Jones's edition) ; but 
Thuc 5. 82. 1 seems to use 'A$tn of 
the peninsula ; cp. the 4»6pot inscripp. 
{Ates 4k to "ABo). (2) Hdt. distinguishes 
on the peninsula the mountain Athos 
rising out of the sea, and the low-lying 
isthmos, correctly ; he also gives the 
breadth of the isthmos (which Thucydides 
has no occasion to do) sufficiently cor- 
rectly at twelve stades ; but the seas on 
either side are described as the Akanthian 
jMa, and the sea * opposite Torone ' : this 



latter designation is a very strange one, 
considering the site of Torone, eemdally 
in relation to the 'isthmus,' and raiaae 
a doubt whether Hdt had visited these 
parts before writing his description of 
them. Thuc also nas a sea {iriXayot) 
on either side of the mounUUn, and 
names the one the 'Aegean,' and the 
other the 'Euboean,' more correctly. 
(8) Hdt. and Thuc. each name six and 
the same six cities, or townships, on the 
peninsula, but in somewhat different 
order. Thuc. appears to enumerate the 
six starting from Sane, and going round 
in order from W. to E. side Hdt has 
enumerated the six in the reverse order, 
but has apparently transposed the posi- 
tions of Thyssos and Kleonai. (If this 
observation is correct Dion ought, upon 
the maps, to be placed S£. of Sane) 
With the exception of Akrothoon all the 
names appear upon the Attic tribute- 
lists, but the list of neither historian is 
taken direct from the tribute-lists, on 
which the order is not fleographioal. 
(4) Thuc.'s ethnology of tne renon is 
much fuller and more precise than Udt's. 
Hdt indeed calls Sane a r6\it *BXX4s, 
which may be taken to imply the pre- 
sence of non-Hellenic elements in the 
neighbourhood. Thuc goes further; Sane 
he describes as a colony from Andros, 
and the rest he peoples with ^vfi/ielierctt 
(0P€fft pappdptav Biykfbaffw Chalkidic, 
Pelasgo-Tyrsenian,Bi8altian,Krestonaean, 
Edonian I The comparison siu^gests the 
conclusion that in nis own <UNicription 
of Akte Thuc. had this passage of Hdt 
in view. Strabo 331 {Frag, 85) gives 
the five 'Pelasgian' townships as Kleonai, 
Olophyxos, Akrothooi, Dion, Thvsaos. 
Hdt.'s oUrifi, ifr6 i^dpiinnap is almost 
impossible ( ' not by wild beasts, as von 
might expect from my description, to 
say nothing of the sea there being ^pto- 
SerrdTTi 6. 44) ; cp. App. Crit 



28-23 



nOAYMNIA 



35 



T^ ^AxavdiMV hrl OaKaaaav rifv avriov To/m»i^9. iv Bi t^ 
iaO^ Tovry, i^ rov rekevr^ 6 "AOco^, Xdinj itoXa^ *£XX^ 
<HXfjTai, ai Si i/crb^ Xavr^^, iato Bk rov "KOta oUfjfAivai, rA? 
Tore 6 nipirrf^ vriauiynha^ avrX fpreiptarlhtov SpfMjro woUeiv 15 
el^rl Bi aXSe, Aiop 'OXo^vfo^ ^AjcpoOtpov Svaa-o^ KTutoval, 
iroXie^ phf ainu at rov "AOt^v vifiovrav, &pvaaov Sk &ie7Z 
SacrdfAevoi rov x^P^^ ^^ fidpfiapoi Korh eOvea* icarh ^dvrjv 
jTokiv axoivorev^ irotffo'dfiepoi, hrelre iylvero fiaOea 17 Si&pv^, 
<tt fAf KaTwrrara eoTe&re^ &pvaaov, irepoi S^ irapehlhoaav rov 
aUl i^pvaa-OfAevov x^^^ aXKoiai KarvirepOe eare&o'i hrX 5 
fiddpfov, ot S* ai i/eBcKOfievoi eripourt, lfl»9 dirUoiTO i^ rov9 
dptordrto* oiroi Bk i(€if>6p€6v re xal i^ifiaXKov. rouri fih 
vw SXkouri irkiiv ^oivucmv iearapptfyvvp^poi oi ieprffivol rod 

14 crros R, Stein, extra Valla : cvros 16 Bk om. 9 approb. van H. 

]| Slov ABP II dKp6ewtov AB, Oobet : oKpoOoMv fi, Stein^ || Svinros 6 : 
Ownroy a 23. 1 ^5&. Baa-dp^voi corr. Stein 3 ir6kiv secL van H. 

II cvccrc Stein^ : circtS^ Reiz : circt 3c || kyivero aV : cycVcro BS 4 

«caroin£rc0 Cobet approb. yan H. 6 dwCKoiro Stein^ : dviKviovro ? 

Btein^ ' approb. yan H^ Holder : dirUovro 



18. liT^TiXcvrf &'AOc*s. As Hdt. 
«i3fs ' Athot enda in the iithmos/ he is 
plainly looking as it were northwards, 
or from the sea : this observation favours 
the reading irrln (cp. App. Crit ), ' this 
side oil' low, 'on the land side of 
AthosL 

14. at 84 : reading this Stein supplies 
€Uu tAs will then be demonstrative. 

15. in|oi^Ti8at Ayr* 4^«fif«T<8«v 
goifar : a somewhat impious prooDeding ; 
ep. 1. 87, and Introduction, § 11. 

88. 1. 4p«ovoif . . Kara lOyto. The 
labour of digging was divided on a double 
ajstem : (a) wMcxoi i^rtaw 0. 22 tuprcLy 
e.ff. the same Phoenicians were not there 
all the while ; (6) daa-dftevoi Kark iOwea, 
the Phoenicians had to do one section, 
other 'nations' other sections, perhaps 
apportioned by lot (diroXax^rrtt infra 
need not, however, be pressed so far). 
^ PdppofOi may include ol xepl rdr 
Atfwr KaroucfifUwoi c. 22 supra ; cp. App. 
Crit. But did the men of Sane take no 
part in the work 1 Perhaps they ' drew 
the line' at Sane in more senses than 
one: ^ooforewh iroti^d/iefoi (cp. trxoitfo- 
rtwiat ^od^t dci^pux^t 1. 189, and still 
more concretely ^oiP0Ttv4€s dii^oSoi 1. 
199). 

8. AvCaoiTo: sa o xo^ ^ ^^^ i^opvc- 



8. wX^ ^ovy{Kfl*v: there are appar- 
ently no Greek engineers or navvies at 
work, but, even so, it ia hardly credible 
that any of the canal-diggers were so 
utterly devoid of intelligence as to 
proceed in the way attributed to them 
all ' except the Phoenicians ' ; or that, 
had they done so, they would have been 
allowed to proceed very far by the over- 
seers of the work. The anecdote, based 
perhaps upon some hearsay evidence, 
not fiuly understood, turns rather to the 
historian's discredit. But the root of 
the evil may go somewhat deeper. The 
engineering works on the Canal are not 
here fully described ; an important addi- 
tion is made in c 87 in/ra, viz. ol x^^ 
T€pl rd irrdfiaTa rift Sttipvxoi, moles, 
dams, breakwaters, which were (Hdt. 
says) intended to prevent rd ardfiara rod 
dpOyfiarot from nlling up under the 
action of the ^x^^* ^^y ere these 
X»Tol not mentioned here? Was the 
need for them only discovered after 
aMi ii diCjpv^ had been nearly, or parti- 
ally, made ? Were they no part of the 
original plan 1 What then of Phoenician 
science and art {ffo^plri) ? And of what 
material were the dams or breakwaters 
ix^o^) made 1 Was not the xoOf utilized 
in the construction of the dams ? Has 
Hdt. been guilty here of some confusion T 



36 



HPOAOTOY 



yn 



opvyfMTO^ TTovop SiirXi^aiop 7rap€tj(pv' ire yhp rov re avto 

cr^t TOiovTO airopTia€<r0a4,. oi Sk ^oIvvkc^ aoifilvfv iv re roUn 
S^CKouri ipyourv airoheiicvwTtu koX S^ koX iv iKeivfp. airO' 
Xa'xpvre^ yhp fiopiov o<rov avrota-i iirifiaXKe, Apvaaov to piv 
Svto OTopa r^9 SMopt^o? TroieSvre^ SiirXiia'iov fj Saiffv IBee 
j^ avrijv rifv iitopvya yeviaOat, wpo/Salvovro^ Bk rov Ipyov 
awfjyov aUi* Korta re S^ iylvero koI i^icovro rotai aKKouri 
rh Ipyov. ivOavra XetpMV iari, Xva a^t arfopt) re iylvero 
teal irprfrripiov alro^ Bi a^i iroXKjo^ i<f>oiTa i^ t^ ^Aa-iff^ 
2^ okffKeo'pAvo^. CD9 p>h ipi avpfiaXKofievov evplcKeiv, fieyoKo- 

10 arofmros sed. Stein^' approb. van H., Holder 14 oto/jul 

secL Stein^ ^, avw van H., neutrum Holder || wrrjv coir, van H. : Strov oodd. 
Stein^*, Holder 16 k^urwro Naber appr. van H. 17 tvOavra 

^ fi, Holder || Xifi^F Jacobite 19 akrikfxrpJkvo^ i dktfkipivoi debet 

appr. van H. 



Has he not confounded some statement 
about the ffrbfuvra of the canal, in the 
sense of the upper edge, or edges of the 
trench, with some statement about the 
ffrSfULTa of the canal in the sense of the 
outlet and the inlet T The skill of the 
Phoenicians was (we may suspect) chiefly 
displayed in the construction of the 
dams, designed to nrevent the arbfuira 
roO 6p&YfMTot from being choked up by 
the action of tide or waves, as in c 
87 ir^rctf where nothing is said of 
Phoenician or other ffo^if, while here 
co^il is asserted to have been shown by 
the Phoenicians in digging their part of 
the Oanal in the only way in which any 
sane men could attempt to dig it. (No 
wonder Stein, not observing the beanne 
of c 87 on the point, wishes to get rid 
of ffrbfjuLTa here !) Thia Herodotean 
praise of Phoenician science might well 
be an earlier and more innocent point of 
view with the historian before ne was 
acquainted with the great feats of Greek 
engineers, cp. 8. 60, 4. 88. 

16. onnrfWov : sc. a&rd or t^p duStpvxa, 
'drew together,' 'narrowed'; cp. Tpffprp^ 
ewdywret, 1. 194. 

Kdn* Tf 8^ fyCvcTo xal IfuroOro 
TotcTi AXXoio-i th Ipyov. The construc- 
tion is a partUcucit (op. Index «.v.). 
rourt dXXoM'i is a brachylogy for r j» tQp 
SXXufp, cp. 2. 183, where Mykerinos 
leaves benind him a pyramid iroXX^y 
i\dffffu ToO warpdi, 

18. virot . . &Xi)XMr|Uyos, 'flour.' 



<poirajf, dyopif, vfnrHjpiw as 'eoonomie' 
terms are obeervable, and likewise the 
forethought and skill of the GommiB- 
sariat department 

84. 1. ^ |i^ l|U . . . lifyaXo^poainit 
^voccv, cp. a 186 ififra, Hdt. moraliaee 
upon the aim and object of the Canal. 
It was to serve (aooordiDg to him) merelj 
as an exhibition of power and as a 
memorial; otherwise, he thinks, the 
Persian fleet might have been dragged 
across the isthmoe. His reasoning is 
not very profound. 

On his own showing the Persian fleet 
consisted of 1207 ships of war, not t» 
speak of transports, etc (8000) ; the 
time and labour of moving sueh a fleet 
from sea to sea on rollers, or a dUkntg 
would have been immense (fOfMr* v4psr 
XajSdrrat!) Greek diip in smsll nnmbers 
were from time to tune transported in 
this way over rather smaller distuioea 
(cp. Thuc 8. 81, 4. 8) ; but the applica- 
tion of such methods to the king^ fleet, 
even if practicable, would have involved 
a great loss of time. (Those who stody 
to reduce the fleet of Xerxes to the 
smallest dimensions are entitled to cite 
this passage in support of their conten- 
tion Tor what it is worth ; the altema- 
tive must be to see in it an illustratioa 
of superficiality and inconsequence in 
Hdt.'8 philosophy — ^no new thins.) Hdt. 
and the popular traditions he hers 
follows made too much of the Oanal as a 
wonder-work. It was really a sim]^ 



83-85 



nOAYMNIA 



37 



^poavwi^ etvexev avro Sip^^ opvaaeiv i/eikeve, iOiKnv re 
Swofup mroBeUwa-Ooi Koi fjonffioavpa XnriaOai' irapebv ^hp 
IMifihfa irovov Xafiovra^ rov iaOpjov rk^ via^ Ste^pvaai, opwraeiP 
imikeve Simpvj^a t§ OaXcura^ etpo^ 109 Svo rpiripea^ irXAeiv i^ 
i§iav iKaarpeofiiva^, roiai Se airroia^ rovrouri, roial irep 
icaX TO Spvjfia, wpoaerircucro koX rov Xrpvfiova irorapJov 
(f€i;{airra9 ^^vp&acu. 

TiavTa fUp vw oirw hrolee, irapea-Kevd^ero Sk koI jrrXaSS 



84. 6 cXcurr/xvoficvas C : 
25. 1 xaf>«rKcv(£(ovro ABC 



cXooT/xv/Acvas Eustath. IL |k 1161 



lut of engineering ("it might withoat 
mneh labmir be renewed," Leake, North. 
Ormee, iiL 145), not as difficult of 
exeeotion, in the soft soil of the isthmos, 
M the projected canal at Knidos (1. 174), 
or the canal recently cat throoffh the 
rocky irthmos of Korinth (and often 
TOOjected in antiqoity, from the days of 
Periander, Di<w. L. 1. 99, to those of 
Kero, op. B. W. Henderson, L\ff ond 
^ ' of the Bmperor Nero, 1908, 



pu 886), or the canals in Egypt (especially 
that carried by Dareios from the Nile 
into tiie Bed Sea (2. 158, 4. 89)— to say 
nothing of modem instances. The 
Greeks who controlled but small supplies 
of labour Tiewed such works with 
exaggwated astonishment, and saw a 
hint of impiety (0j9/Mt) in them. C^, 
c 28siqmi. 

It it not necessary to rush to the other 
extreme and see in the Athos, or Akte- 
Oanal, an CTidenoe of a far-seeing com- 
mercial policy, determined to improve 
the trade-routes of the empire. The 
aimpler, indeed, and easier the work, the 
more adequate is the immediate strategic 
purpose, suggested in the narratiye of 
HdL beside ms own theory and motiva- 
tion. In that case the Oanal served its 
poipoee, and afterwards fell into disuse 
with the retirement of the Persian from 
l^nope ; there was no adec^uate motive, 
either strategic or commercial, for main- 
taining it, and no doubt it would have 
required constant dredging and repairs. 
The existence of the Canal need never 
haTe been doubted (as by Juvenal, 10. 
174) ; not only is its reality gnaranteed 
hyThnc 4. 109 as well as by Hdt., but 
actual traces of the course of the Canal 
are still visible in loco; cp. Leake, 
^orC^ Gfreeee, iii. 144. Whether the 
Canal, however, was actually used by 



the fleet of Xerxes has been doubted. 
Demetrios of Skepsis, op. Strabon. 6. 
381, Fr. 85, asserted that though the 
Canal was begun it was never finished, 
as a ledge of rock existed a stade wide 
apparency near the sea at the 8. (SW.) 
end, "which it would be impossible to 
quarry right across to the sea, or at any 
rate to cut into deep enough to render 
it navigable." Stein regarcb this as the 
testimonv of an eyewitness, and accepts 
it as final (like Jitvenal), but it was not 
for the eyewitness to say what was 
possible or impossible, but to depose to 
the facts : was there a outtine through 
the rocky ledge (if it exists) or not? 
Unfortunately the political condition of 
the locality at present renders archaeo- 
logical or topographical inquiries a 
matter of great difficulty ; but Leake 
does not notice any such obstacle, and 
treats the Canal as a simple feat of 
engineering. 

5. c^pos ktX. : apparently the normal 
width of such works ; cp. 2. 158. Deme- 
trios of Skepsis (Strabo, Ic) gave the 
actual width as a pUthron (100 Greek 
feet), which would not be wide enough 
for two triremes to row abreast (Stein). 
But perhaps the two triremes might be 
lashed together on their inner sides ; or 
perhaps Demetrios under-estimated the 
width. 

7. T^v 2rpii|i^va vorafi^ . . Yt^v- 
oAaxu : that the same men should nave 
had this work to execute suggests that 
they had time to spare. Was there no 
bridge already on the Strymon ? c. 114 
infra without this passage would leave 
it an open question. 

86. 1. wopcoiccvdtrro . . 8irXa, 'he 
caused ropes to be prepared . .* The 
bridges (rdt yetp^pas) would presumably 
include the one over the Strymon, men- 



38 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



^9 tA? y€<f>vpa^ fivpKivd re icaX XevKoXlvov, hnrd^ci^ ^olv^^ 
T€ teal Atytnrrioicri, Kal criria rp OTpan^ KorafiaXKetv, Xva 
fiif \ifjLi^v€i€ ^ oTparii) firjBe rit inro^vyia iKavpofieva iiri Ttjp 
5 *EX\aSa* dvaTrvOofjLcvo^ Sk roif^ j(wpoi/^ Kara/SaKXeLP iiceXeve 
Xva hnTT^heoTarov elq, SXKa aXKri a/^Lviovra^ oTsjcdai re koX 
iropBii'qioLcri, eK ri}^ ^Aarit)^ iravrajfoOev. rov hi &v drov 

3 o-trta : o-trov Cobet 6 akXov RSy(6) appr. Cobet 7 Ik 

•ecL van H. || alrov Stein* (fortaase rov 5^ &v irXcMrrov a-lrov Stein^ : rbv 
^ &v o-trov ol p^ cs 1 Stein^ : ^rAcurrov codd. Holder : rov Sk &y 
vXeujTov a-lrov van H. 



tioned just aboye, though there were to 
be two bridges over the Hellespont. 
Bat probably the other larger rivers in 
Thrace were bridged too (Hebros aod 
Nestos, and probably the Axios in 
Macedonia), so that at least half a dozen 
large bridges are here in question ; and 
they may all have been 'pontoons ' rather 
than such bridges as Caesar threw 
across the Rhine (op. B.O, 4. 17). As to 
the materials of which the ropes were com- 
posed, it would be natural to assign the 
papjrros {pCpXiya) to the E^ptian and 
the hemp {\evK6\ufOp) to the Phoenician, 
as is in fact done o. 34 infra ; but O. 
Wilkinson (ap, Rawlinson ad I,) asserts 
the Egyptians to haye used both materials 
for cables. Perhaps that depends upon 
the exact material denoted by \€VK6\ufO¥, 
which Stein (following Hehn, KtUtur- 
pflanaen,^ p. 144) takes to be identical 
with the \wK4a of Spain, employed by 
Hiero II. for the ropes of his ship of state 
(Athenaeus, 206), and that ag^in with 
the Esparto-erass, stipa tenacissima, long 
known to the Phoenicians of Xerxes' 
days. And was not palm-fibre invari- 
ably used in Effypt for ropes? Cp. 
F. LI. Griffith, *The Egypt of Herodotus' 
in NaL Home-IUading union Mag, zv. 
(1904) 267. 

6. tve^ 'where,' as c 23 supra, though 
jost before used with its telic force. cCt| 
is optative, not because of the conjunction 
but because of the indirect oration, or 
dependence of the phrase. 

&Xic^l8ct would be used at sea ; 
vop6|ft^ia in rivers, or sheltered places. 

7. o-Ctov must in any case oe sup- 
plied for the MS. reading T\€i<rrov, but 
the distinction drawn, by Stein, between 
orrof here and atria above (grain : pro- 
visions) is perhaps overdone ; cp. 5. 34 
fftra Kol Tord, Ck>bet would read aiTOf 
above also ; cp. App. Grit. 



The list of the dendts, or magazines, 
comprises or implies nve chief depdta on 
the European side, but may not be quite 
complete. 1. Acvk^ her% situated, as 
appears from Skylax, 67, on the Pro- 

gDUtis, just beyond the limit of the 
hersonese : /Aerd di r^r XeppAinio'6^ ion 
Bpqiicia T€lxi'l rdde* TptoTOif AeviH^ 'Aim^, 
Tetplmou xrX. Forbiger {AUe Oto- 
graphie, iii. 1081) would identify it with 
point 'St. George.' Stein identifies it 
(for reasons not given) with Alkibiades' 
castle in this district 2. TvpA^a, 
placed by Stephanos B. near Serrhion 
(cp. c 59 ir^ra)t i.e. near the mouth of 
the Hebros (cp. Forbiger, AlU Otogr, 
iii. 1074), a position which (a) cooies 
too near Doriskos. the next depdt men- 
tioned, and ih) lies too far from Perinthoa 
for the qualification rV UepiwBUnp. A 
Tvp68ifa appears in the Helleepontine 
region, among the tributaries of Athens, 
on the Quota-Lists (five times), paying 
from 1000 to 500 Dr. The order of 
names within the region not being geo- 
graphical, we cannot fix precisely the 
site of lyrodiza from these lists, but it 
cannot have been within the ' Thrtdan ' 
region. Eiepert's map places it close to 
Perinthos, perhapNS on the strensth of 
this passage. Stein proposes to identify 
it with TeiplffTOffit {leg, Tvp6rraatt), whion 
brings it close to Leuke Akte, and con- 
nects the name with ' Tyre ' (Phoenieian) 
and Thraoian dixo^m-iffn, (The Phoe- 
nician reference is rather far-fetched.) 
Perhaps the depdt at Leuke Akte was the 
same under another name (cp. the con- 
fusion in the text here, App. Grit). In 
any case these depdts on the Piopontia, 
especially if there was one as far east 
as Perinthos, suggest the Pontos as the 
source of the corn supply (cp. the absurd 
anecdote c. 147 infra). 8. AofiCoicot, 
fully identified and located, c. 69 in^ra. 



85-26 



nOAYMNIA 



39 



<oi fkh> i^ Aev/cifv a/crrjp tcaXeofiivfiv rfj^ BptfUf)^ d/flveov, 
&t Si i^ Tvp6Si,^av T^p HepivOioDP, at Si i^ AopCarxov, ot Si h 
^Hiiva rifv iiri ^rpVfLOvi, ot Si h McuceSovlriv SuLrera^pAvoi. lo 
'Ei^ fS Si oiroi rov irpoKelfievov irovov ipyd^ovro, iv rovrip 26 
o W€fo9 5wa9 <rvXKeXeyfAevo^ &fia Bipfy hropevero k ^dpSi^, 
itc KpirdXXwv opp^rjdeU r&v iv KamraSoKirj' ivOavra yitp 
ttpfrro avXKiyearOai iravra rov tear fjireipop iiiKKopra &fia 
avT^ Sipfy TTOpeveardai crrparop. h^ flip pup t&p inrapj((OP 5 
OTparop KoKKurra iirraXfiepOP 07070)1/ ra nrpoxelfiepa irapk 
ffaaiXio^ iKafie S&pa, ovk l^a> ^pdaa** ovSi yhp apx^fv i^ 

8 Oi /icv Stein^ || BfnjUrjs: Opr/iKiris a: OprJKrjs 6 26. 1 

v6vov : wopov RSV(B) prob. Cobet, Holder 3 yap om. ABC 



4. 'Hi^Mi T^ fcrl Sr|ni|t^i : cp. 8. 118, 
Thoc 1. 98. 1, in dUtmctioii from *Hi^a 
rV 'irl Op4'nif McydcUwr dxouctap Thnc. 
4. 7. 1, and seTeral other places of the 
•una name, the Strymonian Eion here 
mentioned being the only one, perhaps, 
the position of which can be exactly 
llzed (cp. Arnold's note to Thnc. 4. 7). 
6. It Mam8ov{t|v is onriously vague ; the 
•abaeqnent narratiye su^^gests Therme (c 
127 ti|^) as the precise spot Lei^e 
Akte, or l^rodiza, Doriskos, Eion and 
Therme do in fact mark four important 
stations on the subsequent advance of 
tba Ptonians ; bnt it is possible that the 
list here given is by no means exhaustive 
ereoi for the European side (e.g. were no 
stores aoenmulated at SestosT), though 
the diapter is imfwrtant as confirming 
the scale upon which the king's opera- 
tions were undertaken ; cp. further. 
Appendix II. § 4. 

se. 3. Ik KfiT^AX«v . . vAv Ik Kaw- 
vbSokCq. The identification of Kritalla 
is still a problem in Anatolian geography. 
It is generally assumed (e.g. by Baehr, 
Bawlinson, Stein) that (1) Xerxes ad- 
vanced by the Royal Road (6. 62 f., 
cp. Hdt. IV.-VI. Appendix XIII.) and 
(2) that the Ro^l Road did not pass 
through the Kilikian Gates. On these 
principles Rennel's proposed identifica- 
tion of Kritalla with Archelais (Erekli) 
fidls to the ground ; but cp. Appendix 
II. I 8. Blakesley suggested that the 
name contains the eert- or erit- (seen in 
l^grano e»rfa)= castra and Halys (-alia), 
note to 5. 52, but supposed that the 
^lys in question is not the well-known 
Halys, but another rirer of the same 
Kritalla must represent some 



important station and junction (' Knoten- 
punkt ') between the EuphratM and the 
Halys, bnt it is possible that Hdt is 
mistaken in thinJong that the king 
actually crossed the Halys on his march 
westwards. Cp. Appenoix II. S 3. ^ 

4. wdvra t^v k. Ij. |fc. &|Ui airf ^ 
w. 9T. Hdt has said just before that 
6 irefdf Axat (including presumably ij 
tmrof) was under march with the king. 
It is only much later (c. 121 irrfra) that 
Hdt. distinguishes a column of the army 
especially attached to the king. The 
words, however, above cited involve an 
important (though perhaps not fully 
designed) limitation, and confine the 
muster at Kritalla (as indeed common 
sense requires) to the eastern contingents 
from beyond Euphrates, or to a part of 
them. Cp. Appendix II. § 5. The 
Anatolian levies presumablv mustered at 
Sardes, or at Abydos, and only in the 
next spring. 

5. mrdpx<*v: lieutenant-governors, or 
satraps (cp. c. 19 supra), though here 
commanders, lieuteuant- generals seem 
rather required by the sense. The two 
offices were not identical in Persian 
organization ; cp. 0. 135 infra. 

6. id . . 8Apa : co. 8, 19 supra, 

7. oiSk . . otSa. This admission 
tends to discredit the record above of 
the king's promise and speech. It 
would, indeea, have been no easy matter 
to adjudicate such a prize among com- 
petitors of such vanous and motley 
arraj ; nor can we well imagine its 
having been given save to some governor 
or leader of the 'home provinces (Persis, 
Kissia, Media), or to Hydames for his 
Immortals (cc. 40, 83 infra). If gifts. 



40 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



KpUrtp rovTov iripi iXBovra^ otBa. ot Se iw^lre BtajScarre^ 

Tov "AKvp irorap^v wfiCkfjarav t§ ^pvylff, Be atnrj^ vopevofAevoe 

10 aTrUoPTO €9 KeKat^vd^, Xva mffoi avaZiZovai McudvBpov irorra§iov 



8 vtpukSovTQi 6 : irepicA^i^vTas Ps 
6^ van H., Holder 



10 d^riicovro a : Topeykvovro 



rewards, and so forth, were given on 
this occasion, were they not more widely 
distribated? 

8. Siopdrrtt t^v "AXw voTa|i<^. 
Hdt. apparently oonceiyed the Halys as 
flowing, in a straight line N., across 
Asia Minor, cp. 1. 72 ; on that plan 
yon oonld hardly come westward at all 
withont crossing it. If the king really 
crossed the Halys (here as elMwhere 
plainly the bonndary between 'Phrygia* 
and 'Kappadokia') it would no ooubt 
haye been by the bridge on the Royal 
Road near PterU (cp. Hdt IV.-Yl. 
Appendix XIII.) ; but as we next find 
the king far to the south at Kelainai it 
is permissible to doubt whether his route 
lay across the true Halys at all. «^|iJU 
XT|9iav, c. 214. oS 8^ just before shows 
^ with the resumed subject, though 
the subject, strictly speaking, is in this 
case a fresh one. 

10. KfXoivds. Ofthe practical identity 
of Kelainai with Apameia {Dineir) there 
is no doubt (Hamilton, Asia Minora 
i. 498 ff. ; Hirsohfeld, Abh, d. Akad. 
BerL 1876; HogMih in Xff.S, ix. 
(1888) pp. 848 ff.) ; Murray's ffandbook 
for Aria Minor (1895), p. 106 ; Ramsay, 
Aria Mi. (1890), p. 41. 

The position has been (and might per- 
haps again be) one of great commercial 
and strategic importance, *' commanding 
the (preat road from the Lycus Talley to 
the interior." The natural features of 
the landscape haye also made the spot 
a centre of romance and history. Xerxes 
built a palace there on his return 
journey, if we may trust Xen. Andb, 1. 2. 
9. Eyros the younger also had a palace 
and a paradise there, Xen. 1. 2. 7. Alex- 
ander yisited and reduced the strong- 
hold in 334-8, Arrian, Anab, 1. 29. 1. 
It was also an important centre in 
Roman times. "Tne most striking 
feature of Dineir is the group of 
springs that form the headwaters of 
tne Maeander." A famous coin of 
Apameia shows the local goddess sur- 
rounded by four riyer-gods with the 
legend MAI : MAP : GBR : OR : that is, 
"McUcufdpoSf Mapa6as, Oipfia^ 'Opyds. The 



third can only mean the modem Ilidja, 
the single hot spring of Dineir (wrongly 
identified by Hirschfeld with the Marsyas), 
Hogarth, Le, p. 348, identifying it with 
** the lost Obrimas of Pliny '^ {NaL HuL 
5. 29), who does not mention a Therma. 
The Orgas is found in the Sheikh Arab 
Chai (Murray, <^. c p. 106), which rises 
in the S. and winds round a hill to join 
the *Maeander* or the 'Marsyas,' ac- 
cording to the identification of those 
names with the two remaining streams 
of the locality. On this point Hogarth 
is at issue with Hirschfeld, a differenos 
arising from the fact that HirschfBld 
has followed Strabo 886 in the identifica- 
tion of the Maeander with *' the central and 
most striking source," the Hudayordy, 
while Hogarth shows that Xenophon 
identified that stream with the Marsyas, 
and giyes some reason to think that 
the name of the Maeander might haye 
shifted from the one source to the other 
between the time of Xenophon and 
Strabo. This hypothesis seems prefer- 
able to the sltematiye supposition, that 
there haye been yiolent natural oon- 
yulsions in the landscape, in order to 
exphdn the failure of any other stream 
but ths Hudayerdy, or Maeander, of 
Strabo and Hirschfeld, to oorrespond 
with the ancient descriptions of the 
Marsyas. Mr. Hogarth's solution of the 
whole difficulty is that *'the Maeander 
had . . no distinct source . . but was 
simply the united riyer formed by the 
junction of the Marsyas, Obrimas (or 
Therma), and Orffas." 

Hdt's description of the place makes 
it pretty certain that he is not writing 
from autopsy. He mentions only two 
streams, and, though he refers to the 
legend of Marsyas, he names the second 
stream, '*as big as the Maiandros," the 
Ka.rapfHiKT7is — rather a descriptiye epithet 
than a proper name ; nor did the stream 
rise in the market-place (probably), 
though the Agora may haye oeen just 
under the Auropolis, from a caye on 
which the Marsyas apparently flowed 
(Xenophon Lc), Moreover Hdt. makes 
no mention of the palace built by Xerxes. 



86-87 



nOAYMNIA 



41 



ical krepov ovk iKcuraopo^ ^ MaidvSpov, r^ ovvofia rvy)(dv€i 
4op Karappi^tCTfi^, ft? i^ aurrj^ rrj^ a/foprj^ rrj^ KeXavveoDV dpa- 
T€XX»p i^ Toi/ MalapSpov ixBi^Sot* iv rp Kal 6 rod ^iXrjvov 
lAapavea ocko^ [iv vp ttoXi] avoKpifuiTcu, top inro ^pvy&p 
X0709 l^e* VTTO ^AiroWoDPo^ ixBapipra apaKpefuurOrjpcu, ipQfl 
ravTff T§ nr&Ki {nroxariifiepo^ HvOlo^ 6 "Art/o? apifp AvBh^ 
i^lpure rifp fiaaCKio^ oTpar^^p ircLaav (evptoun fAeyUrroicri, koI 



11 ir€pov irorofAovf van H. || ^ MaidvSpov deL van H. 18 

«ara/>^im^ ABC 13 crctAi^vov 6: aikrjvov *confirmatur titolis' 

van H. 14 €v T^ iroAi deL Yalck^naer 27. 2. wroKaOrjfuvos 

ABB 3 rrjv <t€> 1 Stein^ * approb. van H. 



(Blaketlej'a idea that the palace, though 
aaeribed to Xerxes, was poet-Herodotean 
is the more violent hypothesis.) 

18. h To9 2iXt|voI^ Mapa^m &oic^ 
Xenophon {Andb. 1. 2. 8) also tells the 
story : Imv&a X^enu 'Air6XXMr Udtipou 
M c^MntfoF, runl^at ipl^orrd ol w€pl ao^s, 
mal rd 84pfta Kpe/tdffM iw rf Arrptf 6$€ir 
ml wiffal' &d M ToOro 6 wvraitht JtoXernu 
M o^^^. Diodor. 3. 68 and Apollodoros 
1. 4. 2 ffive the mjrth in more elaborate 
fonna, bat perhaps Solon was already 
acquainted therewith (dirxdf Stddpeeu 
Fiug. 33. 7; Bergk, iL* p. 54, apparently 
aa a proverbial expression). The motif 
was fnqaently used for the plot of satyr- 
dramas (Jeasen in Bosohw's Lexikon, 
8440). That the actual story is of 
'Phiygian' origin (as Hdt asserts) 
appears veiy improbable ; it is thoroughly 
Gnak in tendencv, and signifies the 
yietoiy of the Hellenic ffc^l and his 
instnunent or his art over the barbarian 
and his blow-pipes. The formula inrb 
^pvyfir X^Tot Ixet shows, indeed, how 
little weight can be attached to such 
'QueUen-citate'; cp. Introduction, § 10. 
The 'flaying' mav be 'Phrygian' (a 
'barbarous' punishment, cp. Hastings, 
DieL €fBaU, L (1898) 625), as the figure 
of Mvsyas himself, 'the spring-demon 
and piper,' is originally, cut perhaps 
the AffK^t in the Snt instance was only 
the bellows of the bag-pipes? Stein 
seas in it a symbol of the Source. The 
native name of the river at Kelainai was 
Maanes or Maaies {F, H. G, iv. 629) : 
whoi the ICasnes was converted into the 
Marayaa (cp. Hdt 5. 118) the symbol 
was converted into the piper's own skin. 
But this exegesis presupposes the myth. 
It is more natural to think of the iurnbt 
as a wine-skin and to connect it with the 



'Silenos.' In regard to 'Silence' Stein 
notes that others made him a ' Satyr ' ; 
Kawlinson shows that 'Silence' was 
originally the chief Satyr. Marsyas, in 
opposition to Apollo and Athene, is 
associated with Dionysos (Silenos) and 
with Kvbele (flute-music). The contest 
was a ubvourite subiect in Greek litera- 
ture and art, of which one classic example 
is to be seen on the celebrated Mantineian 
frieze (now in Athens), another on one 
of the Sidonian sarcophagi (now in 
O>nstantinople) ; see further on the 
myth and its representations Jessen in 
Roscher's Lexikon. sub v. 

27. 2. n^iot 6 "Arvot Av^p AvM. 
Urlichs {Hh, Mw. N. F. x. 26) firet 
suggested that this man was a son of 
Atys, son of Kroisos, cp. 1. 84. The 
anecdote that follows is a tale often 
repeated, with additions or variants. 
Plutaroh Le, infra gives the name as 
TIv^i^ (cp. Steph. Byz. mb v. UvBlnroKii) ; 
a scholiast on Aristeid. UvBiat. Pliny 
(33. 10) made the man a 'Bithynian'; 
Basil Mag. calls him a 'Mysian' (cp. 
Baehr's note ad /.); Grote, by an 
obvious slip, a 'Phrygian' — perhaps 
as he awaited the king at KelainaL 
(firoKarijiuvot, not "lived in," Rawlin- 
aon ; cp. 8. 40 infra of a hostile position, 
at a distance from home.) The name is 
suggestive of the Delphic relations of the 
Mermnad house (ana doubly suggestive 
in the city of Marsyas !). Stein regards 
Plutarch, Mor, 263 f., as only "a moral- 
izing novelette," but the representation 
of Pythios as (1) governor of a city, 
and (2) owner of gold mines^ should 
not be dismissed as unhistorical (cp. 
Geltzer, "Zeitolter d. Gyges," 2 Bh, Mus. 
XXXV. (1880); Radet, Lydie (1893), 
p. 82). 



42 



HPOAOTOY 



TII 



avTOV Sip^v, j(priiiard re eTToyyiWero fiovkofiepo^ ^ rbv 

5 iroXefMV irapij(€iv> hra/yycWofiivov Bk j^i^pura llv0lov, elpero 

S^p^9 TleparioDv roif^ irapeovra^ rk re ia>v avSp&v Hvdio^ 

KoX Koara 'xprjfiara i/mjfiivo^ hrcvyyiKKjovro ravra, ot Sk 

elirav ** & ^aaCKeVt OVT09 i<rr\ 8^ roi rov iraripa /^peiov 

ihtopricraro t^ TrKaravLartp t§ XP^^^ '^^^ '^ a^urikqi* 69 fcid 

10 vvv i<m irp&TO^ avOpdiroDP irXovr^ r&v ^fieU ISfJtep fierh aL** 

28 OtopAaa^ hk r&v hretov to rehjemaiov B^/o^9 avrov Sevrcpa 

etpero HvOiop OKoaa oi eXri ypripLaTa, h hk elire " & fiaaCKm, 

ovre ae airoicpin^to ovre a-Kijy^ofiai, to fitf eihhfai rifv ifietovrov 

4 Pov\6fi€vos . . Trapcxciv secL van H. dubitans tamen utrum verba 
€S rhv iroXc/iov seryanda fuerint 6 [xp^fuxra Ilvdiov] ? van H. 

8 Aapcibv secL van H. 9 t^ <t€> irkaravUm^^ Stein^* approb. 

van H. 28. 1 avrhv Toumier : avrbs codd. Stein^ ^ : a$ris E^raeger 

3 TO firi <ovK>- ct8evai van H. 



4. firafy^XXero (mid.), 'offered,' 'pro- 
mised.' Cp. c 1 supra, 

6. Ilcpaiwv T. w,f his immediate suite. 
Blakesley's note on Xerxes' question (the 
king knowingnothing of the donor's name, 
but familiar with his gifts), " beantifallv 
characteristic of courtly selfishness, ' 
hardly requires refutation ; apart from 
all other arguments, is the question 
really authentic? is it more than a 
literary^ device or formula? (op. 5. 106).^ 

9. TQ wkaxavCmf tq XP^**^ *^^^ 'HO 
&|iir^X^: the gifts had been presented, 
perhaps, on the occasion of Dareios' visit 
to Sardes in 512 B.O. (cp. Hdt. IV. -VI. 
App. IV. § 8). These objects must have 
been famous to pass into anecdote in 
this fashion, though but few Greeks in 
the time of Hdt. can have seen them. 
Urlichs (he, supra) supposes them to 
have been among the treasures of Kroisos; 
they were works of one or other Samian 
Theodoros, or at least the golden vine 
apparently was {AfiTreXot 'ApTa^ip^ (sic) 
"Xfivarj, Oeoddbpov Za/bUou TrotijfAOf &xPV<^o^ 
ipyov rpvifMvrot M^dou /card Trp ^aeuttf 
Photius, BiMioth, 612 H after Himerios). 
Athenaeus 12. 514 f. ^v S* iv rf koitQpi 

KOl \l0OK6\KriTOS &flT€\0S xpw^ ^^P ''^^ 

KXitnjs (so far Chares of Mitylene). rV 
di AfixeKop ra&rrjv 'AjiOyras ^<riy iv rdis 
^aJBtioh KoX p&rpvas ix^^ ^'^ '''^^ to\vt€' 
XeffTdrunf yfrfi^iau avvredei/iiyovt (not far 
off was a golden kraUr, a work of 
Theodoros the Samian). The vine was 
apparently a large object if it over- 
shadowed the couoh on which (Phylarohos 



said) the kings held audience {ixpnt*^- 
Ti^w : which Bawlinson humoroualy (?) 
translates 'slept,' Athenaeus, 12. 689). 
The bunches of grapes were represented 
bv emeralds and carbuncles (ibid.). The 
plane-tree, on the other hand, was amall 
(so Antioohos of Arcadia speaking sar- 
castically apud Xenoph. BiU, 7. 1. 88 
rV iffjwovfjJinjv &r xp*f<'^ rXdrorer a^ 
licoj^y eZvcu t^ rirnyi axiiuf vapix^tp). 
The vine is last heard of anthentioally 
in possession of Antigonos in 816 B.C. 
(a^df Si xapoKap^ rV ^ Sodtf-otf Axpar 
KariXa^ep iv airi Hpf re XJP*^^^ ^^" 
devdpdia Kol xXfjOot dXXcor fcaroo-ircva- 
fffidTfop Diodor. 19. 48). Perhaps it 
went into the melting-pot then, with 
the plane-tree to boot. 

10. tAv ^fUtt C8|uv: mere oonven- 
tionalism, whether uttered by Hdt. 
himself, or, as here, by the mouth of 
one of his dramatis personae ; cp. c 20. 

28. 1. Scirrfpo, 'in the second place.' 
The king's previous question had not 
been addressed to Pvthios himself (a^dr), 
or t6 de&repw mignt have stood here ; 
cp. 5. 28. 

8. o^rf a% LmKpv^m : no. H^ oMip 
(cp. 1. 92, 6. 86, etc., the piimaxyi 



of oio-Ca, 'substance's property). 

oitrc oic^p|ro|MU t^ |ji^ dScvoi: the 
negative is here ouite reffular and in- 
evitable, but would no ooubt equally 
have stood idiomatically after dTOKp&^tt, 
(dTTOKp&irreeOal rufd ri is the more uanal 
idiom, here perhaps avoided on aooonnt 
of the coming atc^yf^ofuu, ) 



87-89 



nOAYMNIA 



43 



ovaifflf, dXX' iirurrdfievo^ rot, arpeKeto^ tcardki^. inrelre yiip 
Tdj^urrd ae im/Oofirjv iirl ddXaaa-av /carafiaivovra rifv 5 
^EKKfjviBa, fiovX6/jL€v6^ rot Sovpoi 69 top irokefiov '^(pfiiuiTa 
ifefMvOavov, xal eipov Xoyc^ofievo^ apyvplov fikp Bvo j^iKuiSa^ 
iovaa^ fioi rdKdvTmv, ypwrov hi rerpcucoo'la^ fivpUiZa^ {rranjpmv 
^Mpeuc&p hriZeovaa^ eirrk jfCkxdZtov. koX rovToial ae iyw 
Swpeofuu* airr^ Bi fioi, diro avSpairoBrnv re xal yeanriBmv 10 
dptUfov icrrl fiio^."* h fiev ravra ikeye, Bip^ Bk 'nadeUSli 
Touri elptffUpoun ehre " (eive AifSi, iyoi> iireire i^XBop rrjv 
TlcpclSa X^PV^» ovBevl dpBpl awifu^a i^ roBe 2oTt9 ^OiX/rfare 
{cftvia wpoOeZvai arpar^ r^ i/i^, ovBi oan^ i^ Sy^iv rijv ifiifv 
Maraark^ avren-dr/yeXro^ i^ rbv irokefiov ifiol ^0ikf)a-€ avfi- 5 
fioKia-Oai XPVM^'''^> ^^^ ^^* ^^ ^ ^^ i^eiviaa^ fieydXM^ 
irrparov top ifLov koI j^pijfiara fieydXa hra/yyiWeau aol &v 

5 iwvOofjeqv Td\taTd crc 6 approb. Holder, van H. 7 c^fuiv^avov 

Stein': cf^/iia^ov 8 xpwov ABC: xP^-^^v fl, Stein', Holder, 

Tan H. 9 x^^Btav fi, Eustath. II. 339, 366 : x^^^^B€ia^ a || o-c A : 

yt Bfl 10 ycftwrc&uif PS ( = 6: ycoirc&uv R) : ycowrcSMuv ABC: 

yHtm^Bw¥ z 11 dpK€iav om. z 29. 6 /ucyaXcDs: /ucyaAoKrrt 1 

▼mn H. 7 /itydXa om. ABC 



4. Arpacl m xaraX^: an 'Homeric 
raminiacenoe,' cp. c 159 infra; hardly 
appropriate in the month of Pythios ad- 
dreeaing Xerxes ; nor wonld the oonrtier 
have denominated the sea between Asia 
and Boiope $dXaeaaif rV 'EXXiyWda in 
addreenng the king. Cp. the use of 
pd p ptfot infra. 

7. AOY^^IMi^ot : this Lydian Roth- 
schild was not apparently in the habit 
of striking a balance periodically ! His 
wealth oonaiited in silver, gold, slaves 
and 'realty ' (if his land incladed mines 
ha might soon renew his specie). The 
ail?er and gold he offers (not on loan) to 
the king. Assuming that the computa- 
tion was made in Babylonian talents 
(BabjL : Snboio : : 7 : 6, Hdt 8. 89), 
tlie ailyer (2000 T.) would amount to 
£584yS25 of our money (taking B. talent 
=£892 : 8 : 8). 2000 £uboic=£500,841 : 
18:4, 2000 AtUc = £600,000 (drca), 
while the 8,998,000 gold Darios (taking 
the Dario = £1:1: 10^) may be ex- 
prfeert roughly as so many guineas. 
Bawlinaon defends the derivation of the 
name Daric from Dareios (op. louia and 
napoUan), but the later evidence re- 
ftired to by Head, Bistaria Nwnorum 



(1887) p. 698, seems to show that Dariku 
is an old Babylonian measure or weight, 
possibly connected with the Assvrian 
dartig manu, 'decree (i.e. tV) of the 
mine,' an expression with which the 
Greek dpaxM-^ has been connected. That 
the Greeks should find native or less 
remote derivations for these words was 
inevitable (e.g. ipdaaofiai for dpax^i/i), 
but does any extant Greek authori^ 
derive the 'Dareik' from Dareios t 
Harpokration says aub v. iKMfiyi<rw ^ 

dxb Aap€lov roO ^ipi^ov xarpbt dXV d0' 
iripov fioffiKiuts, This negation is of 
some value in support of the Babylonian 
origin of the term, especially since the 
old Persian dard = king has been given 
up. The term dap€tK&s is properly ad- 
jectival, as here, and in Thuc. 8. 28. 4. 

29. 2. T^v IlfpoiSa X^P^ ' ^^ Persis 
proper as in 3. 97, not like 7^ H^ 
Utfxrlda c. 8 7 supra ; with the accus. 
after 4^4pxf<r0ai cp. 5. 108, 104. 

5. aihrfird'yyfXTOt : a strong term 
{ultro offerena\ passive in form, active 
in force, rather weakened by the recur- 
rence of ^o77AXeoi just below. (Cp. 
vMt (kyy^Kot 1. 79.) 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



iyii> amy ain&v yipea rouiSe SiSa»/u* ^tvov ri a€ 'iroievfUM 
ifjL^v ical r^9 rerpatcoa-ia^ fivpiaZa^ rot r&v crran^pwv airo- 

lOTrXi^a-co irap ifieaxnov 8ov9 rh^ eirrh '/CKxaia^, ipa firi roi 
iiriBeie^ itoai al rerpoKOO'uu fivpuiZe^ [kirrii ')(CKxiZwv\ aXXA 
^ Toi anraprrCKo^h] xm ipio ir€irKripw[ihni. H/crffao re avro^ 
rd irep axno^ iKTiia-cu), hrlaraao re elvai, aUX rotoCro^' ov 
yap TOL ravra jroiahrn oirre i^ to irapeov ovre i^ ^(povov 

15 fAerafAeXi^a-ei.^ 

SO Tavra Bk etira^ xaX hnreKka woiiiaa^ erropevero to irpocm 
aUL "Avava hi KoKeopAviiv <Ppvy&v ttoKip wapafieyfiofievo^ 
ical \lp,vf)v ix rfj^ Ske^ yipovrai^ dirlKcro i^ KoXoaa-d^ irokiv 
fieydXffv ^pvylri^* iv r^ Avko^ Trora/AO^ €9 ydayM, 7^ 

11 ciriScecsoBS: cirt^cvcesY: ciriaecs Holder post Merzdorf: ciriSces ^iv 
Bekker Anecd. p. 416 : eirtSevcts J^tv Suidas Lc. (eiri^ccis ed. Bemhardy 
corr. cn-iSffes) || glofisema del. van H., Stein' 18 €KTrfa'6 corr. Stein^ : 

KiKTryro 13 avrh^ om. 6 || iicrrja-ao: pasiidM VaUa ( = licn}0-(u) 

14 Toiavra 6 30. 1 6^ : re Kallenberg 2 9ra/9a/A€i^fKvo9 

van H. 4 fuydkrjv onL 6 



8. &rrl aMhr, 'in return for your 
offer * ; with this vagae aiVnSr cp. c 8 
1. 84 st^fra. 

iroicO|uu: middle, as in woieiaBal 
nwa vIAp {OvyaHpa 4. 180), d\ox<w» Mu/wr, 
and so forth. 

11. I«\8t <t i ; a specially interesting 
retding, as the famihes are divided npon 
it ; cp. App. Crit. In 4. 180 we have 
Iwidevht, snidas Z.e. infra has /nSrea. 

12. d,vapr»Xo7(t| : Lvripriaiihot koX 
wMifuni dpiOfi^ KoX \6yot, Suidas tub «. 
'Awaprtop. Gf. Bekker, Aneed, 416; 
Cramer, Aneod, ii. 490. 4 (oOrvt Attalas 
Kol 'Hp6doTos. Did Lysias get the word 
from his fellow- Thurian f). 

14. It XP^'^^^f *^^ ti™o to come,' cp. 
9. 89 infr€L Hdt. is of course preparing 
a tragic *peripetjr.' The first relations 
of Xerxes ana Pythios are a pleasing 
contrast to the normal relations between 
kings and capitalists, but a terrible scene 
is in store, cc. 88, 89 infra, 

80. 1. hnft^Ja iroi^j«rot=:(#/>Yy) /**(• 
r€\ieatt i.e. no doubt caused the money 
to be paid over to Pythios. So dirireXJeuf 
is used of the fulfilment of oracles, the 
performance of vows, ei aim. ; cp. 1. 13, 
90, 116, etc Thuo. 1. 70. 2 ^cro^ot 

2. "Avava (predicate to KoXeotUrriv) : 
from this passage evidently (1) in Phrygia, 
(2) S. of Maiandros, (8) on N. l)ank of 



a salt-lake, identified by W. M. Ramsay 
with Sarioe (Sari'kaiwak), American 
Jawmal, 4. 275. Kiepert's map of 1894, 
Aria Prxmncia (Fomuu Orb. Ant. ix.), 
distinguishes clearly the salt-lake Anava 
from Askania (wrongly identified by 
Abicht» Arrian, Anab, 1. 29. 1). 

8. AXtt vCvovTOk, ' salt is produced * ; 
for the plural cp. 4. 68, 6. 119; the 
singular in 4. 181 fid 

KoXoovdf, *a great oil^ of Phiygia,' 
with something of a history, w6XtF 
oUwftdnfv €68alfuma koI fuydXtfP (Xen. 
Anab. 1. 2. 6), was declining in the 
days of Strabo (a mere irdXitf-fia com- 
pared with Apameia and Laodikeia, 676), 
out still makinff a living from a dye- 
stuff {dxb rod 6/juaw6/iov xpc^Ma^*^) "^ 
rrit Kopa^ijt xp^s, 678), usually identified 
with Khon£ (anc Xwrcu), but located 
by Hamilton 8 miles away. (Gp. Murray's 
Asia Minor, p. 104 f.) The existenco 
of a PaiUine Epistle addressed to the 
Colossian Ghurcn has given the name 
a vogue in Christendom. 

4. Iv T^ A^ot voTOiidt ktX. 
Hamilton and others had Questioned 
the accuracy of Hdt's assertion in re- 
gard to the temporary disappearanoa of 
the Lykos, and roduoed the ' chasm ' to 
a natural bridge, or vaulting, caused fay 
the deposit of lime from the water. G. 
Weber, M. D. A. L zvL (1891), pp. 194 fiL 



S9-31 



nOAYMNIA 



46 



ia-fidXXMV a^avl^erait eweira tiii oToSimp <09 irevre fidXKrrd 5 
K^ avcul>aiv6fA€vo^ CKSiBoi Kol oiro^ i^ rhv MaiavSpov. etc Be 
KoXoa-a-ecDv 6 arparo^ opfjuofievo^ iirl roif^ ovpov^ r&v ^pvy&p Kal 
AvB&v airUeTO i^ KvSpapa iroXiv, ip0a OT17X17 KaraTremfyvuij 
OToOelaa Bk vwo KpoCaov, Karafjuripvec Sih ypafifuircDv roif^ 
ovpov^. C09 Sk iK 1% ^pvylff^ ia4/3a\€ i^ rifv AvBI/qv, 81 
trj^i^OfAevfj^ T79 6S0V Kal rrj^ phf h apurrep^v hrl Kapltf^ 
^poiari^ T79 a i^ Be^iifv i^ ^dpBi^, r^ koI iropevopAvtp 
Butfirjpai TOP MalavSpov irorapi^v iraaa avd^Ktj ylvertu Kal 
Uvai Traph KaXKdri^fiov ttoXiv, iv vp dvSpe^ Bfffuoepyol fjiiki 5 

6 c/«^8aXct»v 6 7 Ta>v Av^i^ icai ^pvycSv 6: <t€> icaif Stein^ 

appiob. yan H. 31. 4 irorafjubv 8ecL van H. 6 KaXkd- 

rrjPov a : KoAAarijSov R, Steph. B. appr. van H : KoXXdriov SY 



arraes, from obsenratioiis rendered poe- 
able by the railway work between 
Sarakoi and Dineir, that Hdt, though 
not quite acoarate, is not guilty of 
•erious error; this defence may super- 
aede W. M. Bamsay's idea that Hdt. 
confused the narrow gor^, at the head 
of which Coloesae was situate, with the 
connexion between the Lykos and Lake 
Anava (cp. Murray's Asia Minor, p. 105). 
8. Kwpofa: yariously identined (L) 
with HierapollB (cp. Steph. Byz.) ; (ii.) 
with Laodikeia, which, according to 
Pliny 17. 88. 2, Xerxes yisited (Laodiceae, 
Xerxis ad ventn, platano in oleam mutata) : 
the town necessarily bore some other name 
in 481 : Baehr follows Schoell in accept- 
ing this alternative ; (iii.) with Karura 
of Strabo, 578 (Leake), which Blakesley 
denies, on the ground that Strabo makes 
it the frontier of Phrygia and Karia ; 
but the three regions (Phrygia, Lydia, 
Karia) came to a point here ; and (iv. ) 
G. Badet (Lydie, pp. 82, 84 f.) identifies 
Kydrara wiUi Karura, and both with 
Swa-Keui, a small town at the junction 
of two great roads (a) up and down the 
Maeander valley, between the sea and the 
plateau, (b) through valleys of Kogamos 
and Lykos to the gulf of Adalia. * ' The 
road to Sardes undoubtedly passed 
through the opening in Mount Messogis 
where Tripolis stands (sic), and then 
stmok into the valley of the Gogamus " 
(Bawlinson), Le. 'stood,' for '*most of 
the buildings have disappeared " (Murray, 
Asia Minor, p. 107). Tripolis was a 
Pergamene foundation " to counterbalance 
the Seleudd proclivities of Laodicea" 



(i6.). Perhaps Karura was only a small 
place even in antiouity {K<if/iJi . . irofdo- 
XM ix^vca, Straix)), but nevertheless 
important as a frontier station (where 
custom -dues were collected, Blakesley). 
If Kydrara was a frontier station in the 
time of Kroisos, it follows that (1) Lydia 
did not extond to the Halys, or at least 
to the Halys-meridian throughout; (2) 
there was a great trade-route already 
running £. (SB.) from Sardes other 
than the Boyal Boad. In other words, 
the Kotw-fi described by Strabo is as 
ancient as the days of Kroisos at least. 
It was this route which the younger 
Kyros took in 401 : why not Xerxes in 
481 B.O. f Cp. Appendix II. § 8. 

vrtfjXtl . . KpoCo^ov. This terminus 
or boundary stone was stendins in Hdt.'8 
time, but there is no proof that he 
had seen it. The inscription (perhaps 
simply 'Phrygia* one side, 'Lydia' the 
other) was not in Greek anyway. 

SI. 2. oxitofUviif T^ &80O mtX. : the 
particularity and precision of this de- 
scription might su^^ the historian's 
autopsy ; but the Halikamassian must 
have conversed with many travellers b^ 
these roads, and more probably their 
autopsy shines through his language, 
whicn indeed immediately becomes a 
little involved, as though he were re- 
porting (rS KoX — iroiev0't). 

4. 810^^1 T^ MaCav8pov w. There 
was probably a bridge, though Hdt. 
does not say so. 

5. KoXXdnipov w€kxv, Bawlinson 
would place on the site of the subse- 
quent Philadelphia (Alashehr), no doubt 



46 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



ix fivpLicri^ T€ Kol TTvpov troievai, ravTqv linv o Sip^^ rrjv 
oSov eS/96 irkaroofurrov, rifv tcaXXeo^ etvexa SoDprfordfAevo^ Kocrfitp 
j^pvcitp Kol fieXeBcDP^ aJOavdrfp avSpl hnrpk^^ Sexrripr} 
32 'fipipxi airifcero i^ r&v AifS&v to aarv, aiTLfeofievo^ Sk 69 
XdpBi^ irp&ra piv diriirep^ire icrjpvica^ i^ rr)V *E\Xa£a airri' 
aovra^ 7^1; re xal vSaop koI irpoepiovra^ Selirva fiaaCKiv 
trapao'tcevd^eLV' irXtfv ovre i^ ^AOijva^ ovre €9 AaxeBal/jLova 
5 aTreirep/ire hrl 7^9 atrrjcrLv, t§ Bk aWrj vdvrp, r&pSe Bk elvexa 
[to h€VT€pov\ air^epnre hrl yrjv re koX vSwp* ScroL irporepop 
ovK SSoa-av Aapeltp iripAfravri, tovtov^ ''^oriyy iBotcee rore 

8 /bKAcdoiv^ dOavamp dvSpl : dvSpl ante /acA^^cdv^ ? Stein^ : ddavdn^ 
8ecL Stein* ' : dvhpl sect Cobet appr. van H., Holder. 32. 6 r8 

dcvrcpov Stein : om. 6 approb. van H. 



an important position ; bat Radet (/.«. 
avpra) confirms Hamilton's identification 
of Eallataboi (epigraphic) with Aineh- 
Ghenl, higher up the Eogamos valley 
thui Philiuielphia. : 

yikx . . Ik |Lvp(iCT|f Tf koI irupoO, 
that 18, in combination ; on. 4. 194, 1. 
198. Stein and Abicht take this lUKi. 
for a kind of spup : was it not rather 
a sweetmeat, like the Bahal Lakum^ 
Gould not the women and children be 
trusted to make it, that it was manu- 
factured by men, dv^pct 9ri/uo€pyoll 
Athenaeus 4. 172 states that pastry-cooks 
were called of yore Hiifuovpyol, 

7. wXaTdviVTov. Plane-trees and 
tamarisk are still characteristio of the 
Kogamos-yalley (Hamilton). The anec- 
dote of Xerxes gives a curious illustra- 
tion of Bawn-aUlus, Rawlinson and 
Blakesley understand the oustos (fuXi- 
hmv^ CD. c 88 infra) to hare been one 
of the ' Immortals'; Abicht explains the 
term by the analogy : there was always 
a man to be in charee of this plane-tree. 
That seems to be Schweighaeuser's idea, 
which Baehr condemned as far-fetched : 
why ? Stein brackets i$avdr(p, regarding 
it as inserted from 0. 88 infra, and so 
cuts the knot Cobet's emendation gires 
Abicht's interpretation. 

Xksxbs in Sardbs. 

Sa. 2. vpAro i&ly answered by furii 
9^ raCra, c. 88. W. M. Ramsay {SL 
Paul the Traveller and the R, Citizen, 
p. 27) maintains that irpwrot is a strict 
superlative, and implies three degrees. 
TrfHSn-urrot (Homeric) is not necessarily 
fatal to that; but it helps to explain 



the fact that wpura is practically a 
positive, or at most a comparative 
('prior,' not 'prime') in Hdt., and has 
ceased to imply more than duali^. 

K^iMcat (not dyyi\ovt). (The first 
mission, by Dareios, in 491 B.O., 6. 48.) 
The mission of these heralds at this 
point to demand 'earth and water' is 
a little puzzling, and seems the more 
confused by the secondary purpose of 
commandeering dinners for the king. 
The motivation for this second mission 
(Xerxes wished to find out exactly how 
little resistance he had to expect) is 
quaintly, not to say awkwardly put : a 
symptom of some unsoundness in the 
passage. That these heralds were sent 
everywhere (rg re dXX^ rdrrg) in Hellas 
but to Athens and Lakedaimon is vague, 
to say the least of it ; a list of cities or 
tribes here would have been more con- 
vincing. Finally, the absence of any 
reason for the exceptions here is doubly 
remarkable, in view of cc 183-187 ir\fra. 
As the king wished to punish Athens 
for Marathon (c. 8 1. 80 supra) there is 
no need to explain why Athens was not 
included in tne scope of the heralds' 
instructions ; but the omission of Sparta 
is not so easy to account for if Hdt was 
acquainted with the story, co. 188 ff. 
infra, when he first wrote this passage. 
Perhaps this text belongs to the earliest 
draft of the seventh book, and the chief 
problem is to explain the insertion of 
that story below rather than in this 
place ; cp notes ad L, and Introduction, 
§ 9. The return of these 'heralds' is 
recorded c. 181 if^ra. 



31-33 



nOAYMNIA 



47 



<Sif> Seiaavra^ Sdxreiv fiovXo/ievo^ &v avro rouro iKfiadeZv 
arpe/eita^ errefiTre, 

Merit Be ravra irapearKevd^ero C09 eX&p i^ "A^vSoi/. ot33 
Bk iv TOVT<p TOP *EXXi;cr7roin-oi/ i^evyvvarav iic rrfi *Acrfi;9 i^ 
rifv ^vpdmrjv. i<m hk T1J9 ^eparovi^arov T79 ev 'EXXiycrTToi/T^, 
'ZffOTov re TToXio^ fjLera^i> koI MaSvrov, atcrif '!rw)(ka €9 
Q&KoLaiTav Kari^KOvcra *AfivS^ icaravrlov iv6a f^erk ravra, 5 
Xpovfp iarepov ov iroW^, hrl HavOtmrov rod *Apl(l>povo^ 
irrparrfyov ^A0i]va2oc ^Aprav/crffv avBpa Hipa-ffv XajSovre^ 

8 Bri sappL Stein': yc Naber appr. van H. 9 dr/ociccctfs 

van H., Stein' : aic^jSccos Stein^ ^ : oicpijSois a : om. 6 approb. Holder 
33. 1 ravra seel, van H. 4 paSvTov a: dpvBov 6 || iraxea a: 

rpa\ka R : re rpa^ea YS : rpq\ka Abicht appr. Holder, van H. 
An irXarcat Stein 5 'A)8v8ov Emeger 7 'A^vatoi Stein: 

a^vauuv 



SS. 1. furd 8i raihxi answers wp&ra 
fihiao. Z2, One could hardly discover 
from this passage that Xerxes spent the 
whole winter 481-80 b.o. in Sardes, much 
less restore the various transactions of 
the time ; op. Appendix II. § 8. 

ot 8i <v rovry : sc. xP^v^i (en. iv 
f c 26), taking us back to c. 25 ana the 
preparation of the cables for the bridges, 
coyers presumably the whole time from 
the muster at Kntalla (or earlier) down 
to Xerxes' arriyal at Sardes (or a little 
later). <rf 84 may refer to ^olvi^i re koI 
Alyvrrloun c 26, or anticipates rouri -wpoc- 
4k€i.to c. 34, from which, perhaps, it was 
not originally separated. 

2. TOv 'EX X /iuno y iovr here used in 
the narrower sense, as distinguished from 
Propontis and Bosporos ; cp. 4. 85, 5. 
122 ; Aeschyl. Pera, 875 ; W. Sieglin, 
FettachH/t fUr H, KUpert, 1898, pp. 
328 ff. 

8. ItTTi M r^ X€p<rov^<nMi 
' ApiiSf KaTavrCov : Sestos was as nearly 
as possible due north of Abydos, across 
the straits, the Asiatic coast at this 
point forming a salient right angle 
(pointing NW.), and the European a 
retiring angle very nearly on parallel 
lines. Madytos (now Maito) is on 
the European side about due W. of 
Abydos, and consequently SW. of Sestos. 
(Madytos appears on the Athenian Lists 
as paying 500 Dr. tribute previous to 
438 B. a ; thereafter, 2000.) The distance 
between Sestos and Madytos may be 



about 5 R. miles. The mention of 
Madytos here at all favours the yiew 
that the heads of the bridges did not 
debouch immediately upon Sestoa, and 
this again favours Stein's emendation 
irXar^a. Cp. Appendix II. § 4. 

4. &KT^ as Grote iv. 121 n. remarks, 
means here not ' promontory' but stretch 
of coast ; cp. Yerg. Aen. 5. 613. 

5. 'ApiiS^ KaTavrCov: the genitive 
would be more in accordance with usage ; 
but cp. 2. 34. 

I&rrd ra^ra is decidedly yague. 
The incident referred to took place in 
the winter 479-8 B.O. {xp^V ^fpop 0^ 
iroXXfp) and is recounted 9. 116-20, in 
a doublette of this passage, without 
cross reference, which makes this passage 
read like a gloss, or an oyersight But 
see below. 

6. hrl with genitiye, 'in the time 
of,* common ; but here perhaps 'in the 
command of,' or, under the command of 
Xanthippos. ' AOi|vaCoi, Stein's emenda- 
tion, which supphes, what is otherwise 
to seek, a subject for the verb, refers not 
to the * state (ir6Xct) but merely to the 
men senring on the spot. 

7. 'Apra^rrpn his patroujrmic is 
supplied c. 78 infrat and these three 
separate and unconnected references to 
one notorious Persian are significant of 
Hdt.'s method of composition and re- 
lation to his sources ; cp. Introduction, 
§10. 



48 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



%rf(rTov virapypv ^Sivra irpb^ aaviBa hierraaaoKjevfrav, h^ koX i^ 
Tov npaoTealXeoD to ipov 69 'EXotoSi/ra a/^iveofievo^ ywauea^ 

S^aOifJuara IpBeaKe. i^ ravrqv &p ri^v aterriv if ^AfivSou 

opfuofievoi, €y€<l>vpow roiav TrpoaitceLTo, rrjv piv XevKoXivov 

^oIpik€^, ttjv 8' eriprfv [rifp] fiv/SXivrjv Alyvwriot, Iotc Bk 

iirriL ardSioi, i^ ^AjSvBov i^ rrjv diravriov. /cal Bif i^evypAvov 

5 TOV iropov hrifyevop^vo^ j(€ipMV p4yaf; awi/coy^i re i/celva 

35 irdina icaX BiiXvae. w 8' hrvOero Sip^^, Beivh iroievp^evo^ 
TOV *EK\i]<rn'ovTov iKiKevae Tpirjicoala^ hriKiadcu pAaTifyv 

8 irpocrSicirounraXcwrav 6 : SicTrarraXcwrav Eustatli. Od. p. 1923 
9 Ip^v B6: i€f>6v A 10 d^c/ura A, Holder 34. 3 t^v 

5* mprjv TTjv PvPkivriv a : t^v secL Gbmperz, Stein' : t^v 8^ )8v)8Xtio;v ft 
appr. Holder, van H. || curt ft 4 ^ c^cvy^icvov a : dicj^cvy/Acvov ft 

35. 2 iwiKkrdai ' corruptum videtur' Ejillenberg 



8. StiotoO Ihropx^ : ^<^ ^^ ^ satrap 
(in Thrace), or merely a fortress com- 
mandant f (op. supra). 

8uira9xrdXiVff«,v : they ' spread- 
eagled and oruoified him.' The storr of 
this barbarous vengeance made a deep 
impression upon Hat. (and his sources) 
or ne would hardly have introduced it 
here, simply dpropos of the topography. 
Possibly this topographical note was 
introduced after nis own visit to the 
Hellespont, and did not belong to the 
first draft of Bk. 7. Cp. Introduction, 
19. 

St, <for he.' Koi, *even.' On 
Elaiiis, 0. 22 supra; Protesilaos, 9. 
116. IpSicncc has here the iterative 
foroe. (The profanity of Artayktes re- 
calls that of Eli's sons, 1 Sam. 2. 22.) 

S4. 1. IE 'Ap^i6o« &p|&4|Mvoi seems 
to make Abvdos the headquarters of the 
bridge-building: were the bridges not 
constructed simultaneously from each 
end ? Bridges (not a bridge merely, pace 
r^p y4<f>vp(U' o. 10 1. 26 supra) there were 
already ; with 'rijv |&ly and with r^v 84, 
y4^vpw must oe understood, though 
stnctly speaking 'the bridge* was not 
of sparto or of byblos but only a part of 
it, to wit, the cables, (y^upoy is ap- 
proved by Schweighaeuser, Kuehner, 
Baehr, Rawlinson, Blakesley, and Stein 
in his later editions ; Kruse started the 
unfortunate notion of a single bridge, 
and supplied fupLia r^ y€4>0pfiis, which 
Stein followed in his first annotated ed. ) 
The first pair of bridges too were pre- 
atunably bridges of boats, but are not 
described in view of the full description 



of the second pair which follows ; only 
the one respect in which the first struc- 
tures dififered from the second is here 
specified : whether correctly or not is 
another question, cp. o. 86 it^ra, 

8. lo*Ti for eftri : cp. 1. 26 (of the same 
measure I) ; less violent in construction 
than in Plato, iSsp. 468 A (ri oSr; itnri 
iUp irou ircU iv rtut dXXaif ir6Xc(rty Apxoprit 
re Kal irjfiot, tffri 8^ jtcU ip roArn; i<rri). 
The structure used to be called schema 
Pindarieum {Pyth. 10. 72 jceirai . . 
Kvp€ppdai€t v,L KtipToi. 'de Pindaricis 
ezemplis vix satis constat '). 

4. cirrd vrdSiOi : the same estimate is 
given 4. 85 ; so too Strabo, 126, 591 t6 
iwraardiiop (obviously conventional). 
Xen. ffell. 4. 8. 5 gives 8 stades as 
the measurement. It is now consider- 
ably wider (by some 8 stades) or about 
H E. mile in all. The loss (or gain) has 
been apparently at the expense of the 
European shore, and will have reduced 
the oimensions of the dicHi wXaria above 
mentioned, and made the exact location 
of the bridges difficult, if not impossible, 
to identifv. 

S6. 1. OAvd woif^iuvot : aegre ferens. 

•. c. 1 supra. There are four measures 
of revenge taken — (1) Flo^ng, (2) 
Fettering, (8) Branding, (4) Taunting ; 
the first three sensiblv weaken the efifect 
of the fourth. The most effective 
measure on the Hellespont (as on the 
Tay) was the restoration of the struc- 
ture in a more durable form. 

2. T^ 'EXX^^onrovrov . . wXirydt: 
Baehr and Blakesley (without acknow- 
ledgement) follow valckenaer in taking 



^ 



33-36 



nOAYMNlA 



49 



nrXffjh^ ical Karelvai 69 to iriXar/o^ irehetov l^arfo^. ffifi ik 
fJKOvaa (09 Kal arriyia^ afia tovtoutl atrhre/JLylre OTi^ovra^ rov 
*lSi\kii<nrovTov. iveriXKero Bk &v pairi^ovra^ Xiyeiv fidpfiapd re 5 
xal ardadaTia' *' & TTiKpov vBap, Seairorrf^ roc Bltcrjv hnriOel 
TqvSe, in, fuv ^Bitcrjara^ ovBep irpo^ ifceivov aBiKOV iradov. kcH 
fiaaiXev^ fiev Hip^9 Btafiijaerai ce, ^v re av ye fiovXtf ijv 



4 /xooTiycas a, vulg. 



5 pdpPapd : fiepfupd vult Naber 



this to be oonatracted : iirl rdv 'EXX. 
M\€va€ TpujKmrlas iKiffOai fidarvyi irXijyds. 
Stein {et al.) anderstanda iiriKicOai fi. 
=ftaaTiy(oaait with doable acous. : sc. 
rurd wXrryds. So too L. & S., obyioosly 
right (But whj just 800 lashes ? Even 
more severe penalties were apparently 
prescribed in ' the law of the Friests ' ; 
cp. Doncker, E,T. t. 237.) 

ivuclHdi (IwlKto) in somewhat 
different sense, c. 9 iupra ad inU, 

8. wlXayoit : Stein understands of 
the open sea below the Hellespont, i.e. 
the Aegean, or Thraoian. It would have 
been more logical to fetter the Pontes, 
or Propontis, out of which the Helles- 
pont oame. Probably s-Aayot is loosely 
used of the Hellespont itself, as quite 
clearly in c 54 infra, 

w«8l«tv (dhyof, ' a yoke of fetters/ 
AisohyL Pertai 746 flf. uses the 'fettering' 
simply as a metaphor: 6<m% 'EXXi^- 
irorror Ipinf iovkov Cat 8€fffjuitfiaatp ffXirto'er 
ffX^eu' ^orra, B6afropo¥ ^v OeoO' xal 

T€pipQXu}v ToXXV iciXtvOow fjvvcwp iroXXji 
rrparf. The bridge itself, the pair of 
bridges, would be fetters. Stein re- 
gards the Herodotean story as having 
(possibly) arisen from a misunderstanding 
of the (Aischylean) metaphor. Hdt 
is deeply committed : thrice he records 
it— here, c 54 infra (only the flogging), 8. 
109 (flogging and fettering, TKemisUfcle 
loquenU /). The flogging and the brand- 
ing might be natural extensions of the 
fetters: the Hellespont was to be not 
merely a slave in fetters, but a whipped 
and branded runaway ! Rawlinson (after 
Grote) defends *'the several points of 
this narrative" from "the sceptical (!) 
doubts" of Larcher, Miiller, Thirlwall, 
and othera ; but the citation by Rawlin- 
son of the bombastic *' letter to Mount 
Athos'* in Plutarch, Mor, 455 E, and 
the apocryphal '* message of insult to 
Apollo" recorded by Ktesias, Pers, 27, 
is very unfortunate for the authority of 
Hdt. Hdt 1. 202 (vengeance exercised 

VOL. I PT. I 



by Cyrus on the river Qjrnges) cited 
by Grote as a parallel case, being itself 
even more obviously apocryphal, cannot 
save this anecdote. The brandinff, in- 
deed, is too much for Hdt. himself {Ifiii 
ik IJKovaa xrX. and ^ (&r). (How, in- 
deed, the Hellespontine water was to be 
'branded' unless it was tirst bottled is 
not very obvious.) No doubt the items 
are "in keeping with the character of 
an Oriental aespot," Le. the conventional 
character, a point which explains the 
ease with which the story was in rented, 
or developed, but is little guarantee for 
the truth of the items narrated. Duneker 
(iv. 726 ap. Stein) has indeed remarked 
upon the truly Iranian character of the 
address to the Hellespont ; but such 
orientalisms are not beyond the resources 
of Hdt. and his authorities. 

4. vr\ykak% (cp. App. Grit). Baehr 
nndentands of the 'instruments' quo 
gtignuUa inuruntwr s. punguntur ; cp. 
Suidas. L. & S. render it 'tattooen' 
with no ref. but this passage. To 
tattoo the sea would indeied be a feat 
Were not ' hot irons ' rather in question 
(cp. c. 18 supra)! Xerxes had the 
necessary operatora and instruments in 
his train, according to the anecdote c 
288 infra, 

Toirrouri is vague. 

5. ^irCtovTOi, generally to strike 
with a rod, or stick ; so contrasted with 
itoXa^f^ety Matth. 26. 67. Grote (iv. 
118) by the way seems to think that 
Arrian (7. 14) credits the story of the 
scourging ; Arrian does not mention this 
item, but mentions the fettering to 
discredit it 

fidpBopo, 'nnhellenio.' The speech, 
translated m>m the Peraian {pdp^pa !), 
seems to have reminiscences of an iambic 
rhythm about it. Perhaps Aeschylos 
hsid been already plagiarized and exagger- 
ated by another poet, from whom Hdt 
took the story : or was Phrynichos the 
source ? Plutarch, Them, 5. 

E 



50 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



T€ /A97' col Si Kark BUrfv dpa oifSeU avOpmrwv Bvet, w iovri 
loKal OoKep^ koI akfivp^ irorapj^n* n^p re Bif daXaaaav 
iveriXXero rovroiai ^rffuovv koX t&v hreareorrtov Tp fevf* rov 
36 'EXXi7<77roin'ov airorafieiv rh^ K€if>a\d^, koI ot fih ravra 
iiroleoVf rolai irpoaiKei/ro avrtf 17 ax<Btp^^ ^tf^i;, t^9 Bk aXKoi 
apj^iriicTOPe^ i^evywaav. i^evywaav Bk ABe, irevn^KOvrepov^ 
ical Tpii^pea^ awOivre^, inro piv rifv irpo^ rov ^v^eivov irovrov 

10 Soktpi^ Markland ad Eurip. Suppl 222 : SoXc/d^ codd. 



9. AfM& in Homer often expresses dis- 
illusionment (Abicht). Monro, Homeric 
Orammar, 847, gives the meaning as 
fiUingly^ euoordingly^ corueqtienUy, 

10. ioX^ (op. App. Crit ) mil &X|fc«pf 
voTBfif : a great contrast to Bor jsthenes 
tuidapbt va^ $o\epdiffi 4. 58, or to the 
Strymon, to which the Magi did sacrifice, 
c 118 infra, dXfirf, salt, 2. 12, 77. 
Tvroft^ ^ bitter sarcasm here, eyen if 
(as Baehr points oat) irXart^, dyd^>poos 
in Homer, of the Hellespont, imply a 
fluvial character. 

11. tAv h n rr t Armw : hardly Persians, 
though beheading was an nonourable 
mode of execution ; op. 8. 90 if^frct. 
Plutarch Mor. 470 cuts off their noses 
and ears. 

86. 2. rota%, relative. Tdt 8^, so. 
Tc^pat. There were plainly (in Hdt.'s 
conception) two bridges of unequal length, 
the one (or northern bridge) the loneer 
(860 vessels) nearer the Pontos, the 
other (H^ irifniPt or southern bridge) 
the shorter (814 vessels) on the side 
of the Aegean. He conceives them 
apparently as parallel to each other, but 
not as bound together so as to form a 
single structure. 

AXXoi. Thirlwall, Grote, and others 
suggest that Greeks were employed this 
time. Why did not Hdt name Harpalos 
the architect? Cp. Diels, L<Uerculi 
AUxandrinif Berlin, 1904, pp. 8, 9. 

3. 4ciryvvQ«v Zk c(8c : instead of de- 
scribing the bridges as they might 
have appeared, when complete, to the 
eye, Hdt., who, of course, could no 
more have seen them than we ourselves^ 
follows the Homeric method of record- 
ing the process of their manufacture. 
He appears to distinguish four main 
stages in the process : — I. The synthesii 
of ships. 11. The discharge of the 
anchors. III. The placing of the cables 
(raOra 6^ woi'fyrarret «crX.). IV. The 
formation of the roadway (irttSii 9i iyt' 



^vpibOfi rrX.). It is not easy, however, 
to understand how the 'synthesis' of 
the ships could have been accomplished 
without the employment of anchors 
and of cables from the first, and the 
whole description bristles with problems, 
larger or smaller, too complicated to 
be adequately discussed here; but cp. 
Appenaiz II. | 4. 

4. w f^hr n . How this 'synthesis' 
of pentekonters and triremes was ac- 
complished is not clear. Each vessel 
mignt have been moored independently, 
in line with the rest, but the anchors 
to be next mentioned are not (according 
to Hdt.) to prevent the vessels from 
being swept away by the current, but 
for a different purpose. Or the vessels 
might have been attached to each other 
by ropes, or cables; but if so, Hdt. 
should have made that clear: and, 
moreover, what are the ehrXa there for 
finally? The words 6ird fih r^ xrX. 
(sc yi^vpop) can hardly be taken to 
prove that the bridges, and therefore 
the cables, were already in place across 
the strait, but are obviously used, so to 
speak, proleptically. It is a ftirther 
defect that Ildt. does not specify whether 
the vessels touched each other, thwart 
to thwart, or whether there was an 
interval, and if so, how much of an 
interval, between ship and ship. There 
is no difficulty in understanaiug why 
the two bridges had a different number 
of boats in them, for even if parallel to 
each other, they need not nave been 
the same length. (Grote remarks that 
taking the breadth to be one mile or 
5280 ft, 860 vessels of an average 
breadth of 14} ft. would exactly fill 
the space.) Nor does Hdt. specify the 
respective numbers of triremes and of 
pentekonters employed ; but he plainly 
conceivM of both classes of vessels as 
employed in each bridge, though Eraz 
{Aohandlung, 1851) assigns all the 



36-36 



nOAYMNIA 



51 



i^Kovrd [t€] Koi rpirjtcoaici^, xnro Bk rrfv eriprfv < rifv nrpo^ 5 
rod 'EXXr)(nr6vT0v> rearaepeaKalSeKa koI rpiri/coaia^, rod fsiv 
Tlovrov hriKapala^ rod Bk ^EKXtfoiroprov Kork poop, Xva 

36. 6 T€ Stein : del van H. || t^v tt/j^s tov 'EAAiyoTrovrov Buppl. 
Stein^ 7 IIoktov: iropov Schweighaeuser (iv. 198 a) 



triremes to the one bridge, and all the 
peDtekonters to the other. Grote speaks 
(It. 118) of "triremes and pentekontera 
blended together" in each bridge, and 
"moored across the strait breastwise 
with their stems towards the Euzine 
and their headsi towards the Aegean " : 
what a blend ! what a maddle ) 

6. ToO |Uv n^vTov IwiKafMKas, 'at 
right angles to the Pontes.' ^irc/cd/xriof 
means not merely irXd7cot 'sohrag' (as 
Stein takes it) but at right angles (as 
Grote rightly). There is nothing in 1. 
180, 4. 101 against this, bat the rererse, 
and Hdt. could have expressed the 
oblique angle, if that had been his 
intention. Moreover, i-wucapalat must 
refer to all the ships, of both bridges, 
alike, and shows that in relation to 
«ach other the ships are all conceived as 
in parallels. There is nothing to justify 
our understanding rov fjukv Ubrrov iiri- 
Kapfflas only of the vessels of the longer 
(or northern) bridge, and rov 9i 'EXXi/tr- 
•rSirrov irard ^601* only of the vessels of 
the shorter (or southern) bridge ; nor 
again to justify us in restricting the 
whole phrase to the shorter bridge. 
Taking Udrrou to be the true text, the 
passage would prove Hdt. aware that 
the Hellespont forms an angle, and 
indeed a right angle with the Pontes — 
a conception by no means applicable 
to the general lie of the Hellespont, 
but precisely accurate of the portion 
of the Hellespont lying between Abydos 
and Madytos, though not of the portion 
lying between Abydos and Sestos. But 
(i.) so precise an orientation, and with 
reference to the remote Pontes, is neither 
after Hdt.'s way nor specially applicable 
to his proper audience ; (ii.) the oridges 
cross, according to him, not from Abydos 
to Madytos, much less S. of Madytos, 
as this orientation might suggest, but 
distinctly N. of Madytos ana towards 
Sestos. There is, then, something to 
be said for Schweighaeuser's conjecture 
7r6pov for ir6trrovj the r6pos being under- 
stood of the 'passage' to be formed 
across the Hellespont by the bridge, or 



bridges, when completed. The chanoe 
of leading makes no difference to the 
actual orientation of either bridge, or of 
the boats forming it, but delivers the 
text from an almost inexplicably remote 
reference. Nor is the statement that 
the boats are at right angles to the 
passa^ across tkem quite mane, as is 
proved by the theory of some coomien- 
tators that tlie boats were, and were by 
Hdt conceived as, at an oblique angle 
to the parallel cables drawn across them 
from snore to shore. 

7. TOV 6c £iAA1|0*irOVTOV KQrTOk pOOV, 

that is, 'parallel to the stream of the 
Hellespont' The question arises, whether 
Hdt. conceived the stream, or current, 
setting down the Hellespont as parallel 
to the coast lines, which, of coarse, are 
not precisely parallel to each other, or 
whether he was aware, as was Strabo, 
that the current in the Heptastadion 
sets from the European to the Asiatic 
side, so that in order to cross from Asia 
to Europe the ferry started 8 stades 
above Abydos, ^iretra 9ialpeiv irXdyiof ical 
fi^ T€\iun ivdyriov ^ouo'i rAy ^vv (Strabo 
591). But had Hdt been acquainted 
with this remarkable fact, would he 
not have stated it clearly ? Hdt. prob- 
ably conceives the current as generally 
garallel to the coast, and the boats as 
eading directly up stream, likewise 
parallel to the coasts, or, more strictly, 
to the current, and traversed at right 
angles by the dxXa, the yi^vpa, the 
irbftoi (there is absolutely no justification 
for saddling Hdt. with Grote's idea that 
the boats * had their heads towards the 
Aegean '). 

tva dvcucMX^ i^v r6v9¥ tAv 
ftirXttv. The subject, the sense, and 
even, perhaps, the reading, are in doubt. 
The most obvious subject is 6 ^ot under- 
stood out of the foregoing, or more 
generally rd tSSe aw0ei¥(u (so Sitzler) ; 
and even if Reiske's or Stein's possible 
plural for the verb were adopted the 
sense would not be substantially altered 
(whether a personal subject or al r^er 
were suppliea) ; iwaxofxt^ti seems impos- 



5S 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



avaKoyxeup rov rovov r&v oirXtov awdhne^ Sk aryKvpa^ Karrjtcap 
ir€pifii]K€a^, tA9 /a^ 7rp09 rov Hovtov rij^ eriprf^ r&v avifioDv 

8 dvaKiax€vr)i a : ava#c(i>xevet R : dvaKtoxevri YS : dvaic(i>xcv<iKri Beiake : 
avoKtoxevwri van H. 9 r^s krkprq^ del van H. 



able, though Ua might be taken with 
it 18 locative. The phrase, however, 
is capable of contrary interpretations. 
6;ifaKiax^cjn-es r&t vias 6. 116 'stayed 
their ships ' ; iiPtKiixtvt 9. 13 infni^ 
absolutely 'stayed,' 'waited'; but here, 
with tAf Tb»w r. dlirX., *to stay the 
stretch of the ropes,' may mean (i.) 'to 
prevent the ropes being oyer-stretohed,' 
or (ii.) 'to support the ropes when 
stretched,' or even (iii.) 'to maintain or 
kee^ up the stretch of the ropes,' the 
strain on the ropes, i.e. to keep them 
taut. By rh, dlirXa the cables stretched 
from shore to shore are generally under- 
stood : very naturally, vt r(a¥ 5irXwr ro^ 
t6¥ou is to be read 1. 21 infra. The 
method of mooring the boats could 
hardly affect the strain on these cables, 
or keep them taut ; and indeed the 
stretohmg and tightening of these great 
cables is subseouently accounted for by 
windlasses on snore : this interpretation 
therefore must be dismissed. If the 
meaning be ' to support the cables when 
stretched across from shore to shore,' 
then t6p tApop tCjp drXuy for r& dirXa 
irrerofitUpa is rather a poetical curiosity, 
and the sense, though unimpeachable, is 
insignificant. The same remark applies 
to interpreUtion (L). If by rwr 6ir\tav^ 
however, be understood (with Baehr) 
the ropes, or cables, securing the anchors 
just aoout to be mentioned, then the 
phrase, though still wanting in lucidity, 

Slves a good sense : mooriuff the vessels 
own stream kept the cables taut, by 
which they were moored. 

8. orwMrrtt 8i &7ic6paf KwH^Kav, 
That the 'synthesis' of the ships was 
complete before (II.) the anchors were let 
ffo seems an inconsequence that arises 
from Hdt.'s bavins attempted to 
enarrate the process of building instead 
of describing the bridges as finished 
structures. Otherwise, we should have 
to suppose that the bridges were con- 
structed on shore, floated out into mid- 
stream, and anchored, not necessarily 
complete, but it might be in leneths — 
a process which would ill accord with 
the rest of Hdt's narrative descrip- 
tion, thoueh it is a conceivable way of 
making a bridge, and would accord witii 



this curious separation of the 'synthesis' 
of ships and the anchoring. 

9. Tdt la^, sc. dyK^pat, The passage 
in the vulgate, even as amended oy the 
anonymous but indispensable (le^pov for 
eUpov, involves Hdt. (a) in the slight 
stylistic inconsequence of r&t fi^y answered 
bv r^ ^ Mpr/t, (b) in the serious material 
absurdity that one bridge had all its 
anchors on the up side, and the other 
bridge had all its anchors on the down 
side: how the lower bridee, or rather 
the vessels of the lower bridge, could 
remain in their places, at least at this 
stage of the proceedings, and before the 
caUes from shore to shore have been 
stretched across them, and attached to 
them, does not appear. If the boats 
of the upper briage had anchors let 
down from the bows, then the ships of 
the lower bridge must have had anchors 
from the bows ; and if the lower bridge 
had anchors from the stems of its 
vessels, then the vessels of the unper 
bridge likewise, no doubt, had ancnors 
from the sterns. This sense, or descrip- 
tion, would be obtained by deleting r^ 
^^^t and substituting r&t ii for rfjt S^ 
Mpftit. (Grote obtains the same result 
by understanding **/iipiSot, reXetrr^f, or 
some word indicating direction " : which 
was rather too muon for Hdt. to expect 
in this passage.) Even as so amended 
the text leaves Hdt. responsible for the 
apparent absurdity that the purpose of 
the anchors, even those from the prows 
of the vessels, was not to counteract the 
natural pressure of the stream, or current, 
but to counteract the effects of the winds. 
This implies, if it has any sense at all, 
that the boats were to be kept in their 
places by the great cables stretched 
across them : to which, however, Hdt. 
assigns no such purpose below. What- 
ever the intention of the builders, the 
certain effect of the stem-anchors would 
have been to lighten the strain of the 
current upon the whole structure of the 
bridge— and one is almost tempted to 
transfer the words Ira dtnuctaxf^ (or 
•oMTt) so as to follow dyx^pas KariJKap 
vtpifA'flKtat (the vessels were anchored, 
to as to relieve the strain on the great 
cables — whether from winds or stream). 



36 



nOAYMNIA 



58 



etve/eev r&v iataOev itcwveovrtavt 7^9 Si eripff^ irpo^ itnriprf^ lo 
T€ zeal Tov Aiyaiov ^€if>vpov t€ zeal vorov etvexa. BU/nr\oop 
Si inr6<f>av(rtv /earikiirov r&v Trevrrj/eovripav zeal rptrjpio^v, tva 
KaX i^ TOP IIovTov exji 6 fiov\6fi€vo^ irXietv ifKolouri, Xenrour^ 
ical i/e TOV Hovtov Ifw. Tavra Si Tronja-airre^ /eaTiretvov i/e 
yij^ aTp€/3\ovvT€^ Svoiat ^v\lvo&(n tA SirKa, ov/eiTi %a>/)l9 15 
€/edT€pa Ta^airre^, dWit Svo fihf XevKoXtvov Saaojieuoi, i^ 



10 ras Sk vphs €(nr€pris re van H. : eadem mihi occorrerant 11 

(€4>vpov 'incognituB quidam' Allgem. Litteratorz. it (1802) p. 226: evpov 
12 ra)v <r€> v€VTrjKOVT€p<av 1 van H. || Koi rpvqpitav idem ille incog- 
nitoa : koX rpvqpkiav rpixov Petayius : koX rpi\ov codd. 



10. irp6s knri^et}ii rt koI toO AlyaCov. 
These words are adverse to the view 
that Hdt. conceived the bridges as 
ninniDg £. and W. or the Hellespont as 
flowing S. through the Heptastadion ; 
west and south-west sufficiently well 
describe the general direction, and the 
more precise orientation would probably 
have been beyond Hdt.'s resources, even 
after a personal visit to the spot (cp. c. 
176 ififra). 

11. SUkwXoov 8i inMavaxy KaT^iirov 
t6v irtvn|KOvWpwv Kai Tpitipl«v. The 
last word is an emendation, but a fairly 
certain one ; cp. App. Crit. It is not 
likely that three different openings were 
provided in each bridge for the passage 
of smaller crafts. The text will mean 
that where the pentekonters and the 
triremes joined, an opening was pro- 
vided. ( If the pentekonters had been all 
in one bridge, and the triremes all in 
the other, we should expect r(av rptJi- 
piup,) The remark throws some light 
on the structure of the bridges, but 
the respective positions of pentekonters 
and triremes remain unfortunately un- 
determined. Were the pentekonters all 
together in one place in each bridge, or 
distributed ? If together, were they in 
the middle, or at one side? and so forth. 
If, as is possible, the pentekonters formed 
movable blocks in the bridges which could 
be slung out, in order to allow of the 
navigation continuing, powerful cables 
and capstans might have been employed 
for performing that operation. (On 
Grote's 'blend' see above.) 1nr6^va^.v 
appears to be a &ira^ X., and SUkwXoos 
is used in a sense differing from the 
technical (later?) sense in 6. 12, and 
more resembling the use in 4. 179. 

18. wVoCoioa Xcirroto'i, but hardly 



for such larger craft as the com shipa 
mentioned c. 147 infra, 

14. ra^ra 8i voi^jouvrts. Hdt 
distinguishes (III.) the slinging of the 
cables from land across the l»oats, which 
he treats as the veritable ye^pwris, 
from (I.) the 'synthesiB' of the boats 
and (II.) the anohorinff of the boats in 
line across the ohanneL Whether the 
cables were fastened to the boats and 
the boats to the cables, or whether the 
cables simply rested upon the boats; 
whether the cables were each in one 
length, or whether there were in each 
several lengths, and so on, are questions 
which he neither resolves nor even raises. 
The stage in the process of construction 
which he is now describing savours more 
of a suspension bridge than of a pontoon, 
or bridge of boats. Grote, who seems 
to think Hdt. shows neither 'ignorance' 
nor ' incorrectness ' in his description of 
the bridges, observes that " the essential 
portion of the bridge is the continuous 
way across from bank to bank, which, 
in the case of a narrow stream, may 
exist without any supports at all." But 
the parallel cables laid over the vessels, 
'resting upon them, and stretching 
across from bank to bank ' (sic) do not 
by themselves constitute such a way, 
without the further treatment described 
by Hdt below (IV.). 

15. 6yom: capstans, windlasses 
(though * ass ' in windlass is but a chance 
coincidence) ; the use of the word re- 
calls our ' donkey-engines,' or still more 
exactly the * mule ' in a cotton mill. 

16. 4KdTCpc^ 'each set,' or 'sort' 
(force of the plural). There were six 
cables in all used for each bridge, two 
of 'sparto' and four of 'papyros,' the 
size and finish of each kina being alike. 



HPOAOTOY 



54 nruauTui VII 

iteariprjv, ria-aepa Bi r&v fiv/3\lvav, 7raj(yT7j^ fiiv fjv ij aini^ 

teal /eaXKovij, /earh Xoyov Bk ififiptOiarepa Ijv rit Xivea, roO 

rdXavTOv 6 'rrfj^v^ eZXice. eTreiBi} Bi iy€<f>vpw0ff 6 iropo^p 

i/eopfioif^ ^vXmv KarairpUravre^ koI iroirjiravre^ ttrov^ rrj^ a^eBlrj^ 

17 ijv 17 avrq A* marg. (Stein^), B* marg. (Stein^): ijv avrrj ceteri : 
(phi) ^ avT^ Beiske, Stein^, Kallenberg IB ^v damn. Eallenberg 



the specific gravity of B^rto or grass- 
rope oeing greater, for it weighed *a 
talent per cabit' How much the papyros 
weighed Hdt. does not say, nor does he 
specify how these cables were arranged ; 
whether e.g. the sparto-cables were ex- 
terior, and the papyros-cables within, 
or otherwise. Kor does Hdt. specify 
exactly what 'talent' he had in view. 
Gould this be determined we might 
calculate 11) the weight of the cubit of 
esparto-cable; (2) uie weight of the 
whole cable, approximately 8 stades, or 
about a mile long ; (8) the approximate 
size or thickness (irax(^ri7t=:irdxot) of 
each cable. As the cables were subse- 
quently captured and taken to Athens 
(9. 121 ir^ra) they may have been 
weighed there, and Hdt may be draw- 
ing on an Attic source ; the Phoenician 
makers would have reckoned by their 
own weights and measures. (Similarly 
the cubit here woidd be the mean Greek 
cubit =1^ feet, not the 'Samian' or 
'E^tian,' for example, 2. 168.) If 
Attic weight is here used the ' emporic ' 
talent is presumably intended, weighing 
82 lbs. avoirdupois — a truly stupen- 
dous weight of rope, 54} lbs. per foot ! 
(Stein gives the Taxpnit as abdut 38*8 
inches {2fOll) : '* the stoutest modern 
cable is only 24.") The cables which 
Hdt has here in view would have suited 
a sQSj^nsion bridge. The anchors above 
mentioned also require cables. If any 
section, or sections, of the bridges were 
capable of being slipped back and for- 
ward into place, cables would be rec^uired 
for such an operation. Finally, if the 
bridges were made in lengths and floated 
out into position, or even put in posi- 
tion, ship by ship, cables woula be 
uaed to control the movement. Hdt.'s 
account of the ^Xa leaves much to be 
desired, in form as in substance ; cp. 
o. 25 ntpra, 

18. ToO, as relative, refers loosely to 
XivKoKUfov implied in rd Tdvea, 

19. hni^ ^ ^V*^nMfi 6 inSpot. 
There follows (IV.) the fourth stace in 
the process as apparently conceived by 



Hdt, viz. the formation of the actual 
roadway. ir6pot is a little ambiguous, 
and might mean the passage or waterway 
across which the bndge was stretched, 
or the passage or roadwav formed by 
the construction of the bridge itself. 
It has the former meaning in 0. 183 
w^fraf 8. 76 ; and the latter conspicu- 
ously in c. 10 8upra (irayroioc iyivorro 
ZxCitu dtbfUiKH ^IdfPWP XOffcu. T^ ir6pop), 
here, and elsewhere, including 1. 7 supra, 
if T6pov is read for J16rrou, 

20. KOpi&o^ (vXmv KarairpCouvTts. 
KopfuU are *logs,' which, when *sawn 
up ' (as we say), would make * planks ' ; 
these were as Mong' as the 'frame' 
or 'pontoon* (crxeWiy: sc. of each bridge) 
was ' wide ' (the exact measurement un- 
fortunately not given). These planks 
had no doubt been got ready before the 
y€^^fMCi% was accomplished ; they were 
laid in order above the cables ((UU rod 
rbvov RWM), and bound down upon 
them (a&rit Hr(l;€^vw\ either by 
separate ties, or possibly by some of the 
great cables (perhaps the 'papyros') 
being put down along them. It is but a 
further stage of the same process of 
road-making that brushwood (0X17) was 
then laid down evenly upon the planks, 
and earth spread and stamped or rammed 
tight {Kara»6^arr€t) on the top of the 
brushwood. The bridge is completed 
hj a bulwark (0pa7ju6s) of planks, on 
either side, to prevent the sumpter-beasts 
being scared bv sight of the water. This 
remark should apply to the bridge on 
the Aegean side for the commissariat 
(cp. c. 55 infra) ; presumably there was 
a railing, or some protection, along the 
other one too, although Hdt does not 
say 80. 

There are two systems of building 
pontoons, as distinguished from 'sus- 
pension' and from 'snblician' bridges, 
on one or other of which the bridges over 
the Hellespont must have been con- 
structed. A. The one of these is virtu- 
ally described by Arrian, in a well-known 
passage of the Anabasis Alexaiidri, 5. 7, 
as the Roman method employed on the 



36 



nOAYMNIA 



55 



T^ eUpei KocfUfi irideaav /earxhrepOe r&v ottXmv rov rovov, 
6ivT€^ hk iir€^^ ivdavra airi^ iire^evywov. irovqo'avre^ ik 
ravra vXrjv i7r€<f>6pria'av, /eoafitp Bi 0ivT€^ teal r^v i!kf)v yrjv 
iir€if>6pffa'av, tcaravd^avrc^ Bi xal rifv yrjv if>payfiov wapelpvaav 
Svdev /cal iv0€v, Xva fiif ^ofiiffrai rh {nro^vyia rifp ddXaaa-av 25 
inrepop&vra [koI oi tmroi,]. 

21 hrmOetrav &Pz \\ Karxnrtpdt B : «cai vw^pOt o || rov Tt^vov deleyerim 
22 circ^cvy wov : circ^cvy wcrav van H. 24 tf^paypjov : i^apyyij^v t 

van H. 25 t^jS^rai oRS : ^mP^Itqa V 26 koL oi Tinroi seel. 

Stein^ 



Danab«, Rhine, Eaph rates, and Tigris. 
Ships are allowed to drift down the 
enrrent, stem foremost, to the given 
spot, where they are stayed by a galley 
with oars, to which they are attached 
(presumably each ship to a separate 
galley?), and which rows or paddles 
against the stream while the next opera- 
tion is accomplished. While this galley 
is rowing or paddling against the stream, 
laige baskets of pick^l stones are dropped 
from the stem of each ship, forming the 
pontoon, and serve as anchors. The 
ships are thus arranged at intervals from 
each other all across the stream, with 
their stems to the current; and from 
ship to ship beams ((i/Xa) are laid 
lengthwise, and planks (<ray/det) at riffht 
angles (^cdpo'icu) to bind them together 
(this work beginning as soon as two 
ships have been successfully moored near 
enough to each other, and proceeding on 
both sides, every ship having a working 
party on board) until the whole passage 
IS bridged by the requisite number of 
ships [6ffai iKaval yt^vpCkrcu rhv ir6f>w). 
At each end fixed gangways (icXZ/taicet) 
project from the bank to the bridge, 
which serve as a safe approach for horses 
and beasts, and also keep the pontoon 
in its place. 

With this kind of bridge and bridge- 
building Arrian contrasts the method 
here reported by Hdt. (d>t X^i *Hp6dorot 

rov\ by which iiw^dtwai. aX r^ <rxo<KOif 
KoX card arciixoi^ 6pfu<r0€Taai it rd t^vy/ia 
i,iriflpK€ffav. But Arrian has apparently 
a little forgotten his Herodotus ! One 
great difference be does indeed rightly 
signalise between the Roman methoa 
and that here described. There is 
nothing in the Roman bridge corre- 
sponding to the colossal 5xXa, which 
give the bridge of Xerxes somewhat the 



air of a suspension-bridge. For the rest, 
the floating of the shifM stem foremost 
down stream, and their mooring, jnst 
on the Roman system, teems to be in- 
volved in Hdt.'8 account, though he 
does not specify the kmM^iow iw^pts 
which is necessary to this operation, 
unless indeed the pentekonters men- 
tioned by him should be taken out of 
the bridge, and definitely assigned to 
this service. The place of the nuffwajrs 
(K\l/i(ucn) too on the Roman oridge is 
taken by the shore ends of the cables 
with Hat. ; bat this is a mere detail of 
difference. 

B. The substantial alternative to the 
Roman method of throwing a bridge 
across a stream, and to the method 
described b^ Hdt. which appears to 
correspond in essentials to the Roman 
methoa, is not specified by Arrian, and 
would be to form pontoons on shore, 
or close to shore, of vessels bound or 
fastened together, and then float these 
pontoons, with the shore ends securely 
fastened, out into the stream, and either 
moor them or bind them together, or 
both moor them independently and 
attach them to each other at their 
juncture. Such a method would give 
a less stable result than the method 
described by Arrian ; but some hints of 
such a process seem to shimmer through 
the description of the bridge-building 
in Hdt. (e.g. the separation of the 
' synthesis ' of the ships from the anchor- 
ing ; the descriptions of the cables and 
windlasses, which seem quite de trap for 
the formation of the roadway, in any- 
thing but a suspension-bridge — of which 
there may have been examjues, of coarse 
on a smaller scale, in Asia, which have 
affected the Herodotean account of the 
Hellespontine stracture). The real use 
of the great cables and windlasses may 



56 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



37 *il^ Bk rd T€ T&v y€<f>vpio9v /caTea/eevcurro xal tA 
irepl Tov "AOo^v, oi re ;fin-ol irepl tA arofioTa rrj^ StoJ- 
pvj(p^, ot Tfj^ ^^^^^ eXveKcv iiroiiiOfja'av, Xva firj irLpnrXrfrai, ra 
oTOfLara tov opvyfbaro^, /eed airrif 17 Si&pv^ iravreXio)^ 
5 ireiroifipAvq arfyiXXero, ivOaura ')(€i,p^pliTa^ afia r^ eapt 
trapea/eevao'fiivo^ 6 arparb^ ck t&v SapBiwv opfiaro ik&v €9 

37. 1 ToL om. o 3 ifivCirkrp-ai PR 'contra usum Hdt' van H. 

5 ayycXro B 6 opfi/Siro oV : ^ppJaro R, Stein^ 



have been (1) to control the great 
pontoons when being floated out into 
position, and perhaps to help to moor 
them there ; (2) to control the opening 
and closing of the iUmrKoot inrh^vait, 
which mast have been effected by slipping 
one or more ships out of position in the 
bridge, and replacing the same after the 
passage of the craft (unless, indeed, a gap 
or qussi-archway was left somewhere, or 
in more than one place in the bridge). 
Possibly the two pairs of bridges, suc- 
cessively thrown across the Hellespont, 
were not made on the same methods. 

It is conceivable that the first pair of 
bridges, which were destroyed by a 
storm, had been made upon the latter 
principle, and that the cables really 
played a more important r6le in relation 
to the first than in relation to the second 

Gof bridges. The second pair of 
ges ma^ have been constructed more 
upon the lues of the ' Roman ' method 
(which may have been 'Greek' before 
it was Roman), and the cables used 
simply or mainly to form the basis, or 
to bind together the roadway ; the 
change in method being underestimated 
and misconceived by Hdt., who makes 
it merely a matter of a different dis- 
tribution and perhaps number of sparto 
and byblos ropes. Hdt., who gives no 
precise account of the structure or 
appearance of the first pair of bridges, 
had to rely upon mere nearsay for his 
account, and might easily have got 
details of the last bridges mixed up 
with details from earlier structures, not 
merely on the Hellespont, but on 
Bosporos and Istros ; cp. Introduction, 
§ 10. The fact that he describes the 
bridees of Xerxes but not the bridges 
of I^ELreioB supports the theory of the 

rrior composition of Bks. 7-9, ibid, 
8. 

87. 1. TO. . . tAv Tf^vp^MV might 
have included the irpo^bpni \l0ov XtvKoO 



described in c. 44 ir^fra as especially 
constructed by the Abydenes irrt^fUpov 
irp^repoK fiaaikiot, Karsoicc^iaonTo is here 
a full pluperfect, temporally. 

2. ol . . X^'^^^ ''^H^ ''^ <rrtf|Mira r^t 
Su&pvYOS. These x^^ <^re here men- 
tionea for the first time, a remarkable 
addendum to the description of the Canal 
(rd T€pl T^ 'KOiav^ confirming the con- 
jecture in note c. 28 supra. It might 
further be coxgectured that the Canal 
was at first, like the bridges, a failure, 
and that the 'moles' or 'dams' were 
additions made during the winter 481-80 
B.O. x*'^^^ properly an adjective (x^<^)i 
here=x(^A'ATa. Cp. the Samion x^M^ 
8.60. 

3. /^x^^ ' opposed to AfiTtaris c 198 
tn/m, coupled with TXrifjL/ivpls 8. 129. 

tva |i^ vC|MrXf|Tai vd OT^iMira . . 
Stein suggests that \f/d/ifjLov is wanting. » 
Abicht interprets ' that the canal might 
not be flooded,' or overflow (taking 
ffrd/tara^X*^^^)* The object of these 
moles or dams was evidentiy to protect 
the entrance to the canal from being 
choked, or even storm-lashed. Cp. note 
on c. 23 supra. 

5. Ivdafku as it stands can hardly 
be other than temporal ; but it comes 
in rather awkwardly, and strengthens 
the suspicion that the description of the 
bridges (co. 38-86) was not in the first 
draft of the work. ^pfitf/Ut^tfi 64 ol here 
might have followed iXtaw is "Afivdoif c. 33. 

X<HMpCaras : the winter 481-80 b.c. 

d|Mi T4p lopi suggests an early 
start: Duncker {Q. <L AUerthums vii.' 
(1882) 201) delays it until mid-April 
(mainly on the ground that Xerxes was 
only seven mon&s absent from Sardes : 
Nepos (=£phoro6) Themist, 5.), and 
places the storm which destroyed the 
bridges in the eaily spring. The eclipse 
which follows, and ought to throw 
a flood of light upon the chronology, 
unfortunately fails us. 



37-38 



nOAYMNIA 



67 



"AfivBov opfifffiivtp Bi ol 6 ^Xto9 iKXiTTwv rtfv i/e rod oupavov 
eSfnjv a<t>ap^^ ^i/, oir iiri,v€^iKav iovrtov alOplrf^ re rh 
fiaKca-ra, ami rjfUpff^ T€ i/uf iyivero. IBovrt Sk zeal ^jloOovti 

TOVTO T^ 'Siipfy 67rt/lA€X€9 €y€V€TO, Kot elpcTo TOU? Mdr/ov^ TO lO 

0i\£i trpoifxUveip to <l>dafia. of Bi Sif>pa^ov (09 "EKXtjci 
wpoBevKvvev 6 ^€09 iKKeiy^iv r&v iroXitov^ Xiyovre^ ijiktov 
elvai 'EKXijvav TrpoBitcropa, aeKrjvqv ik a^itov. ravra 
TTvdofievo^ 6 SipSv^ ir€pL')(ap^^ imp iwoUero rifv tkaaiv. (o^SS 
S' i^Xavve r^v OTpariijv, HvOio^ 6 AvBb^ KarapptoBriaa^ ro 
iie Tov ovpavov if>da-fia iiraepOek re roZai Btoprniaai,, ikOcbv 
TToph Bip^v Skeye rdBe. " & Bitnrora, j^prfia-a^ av t& aev 
fiovXoififfv TV^eiv, rb col pkv i\a(f>pov Tvyj(av€i> iov inrovpyrja-cu, $ 
ifAol Bi fjUya yevofievov*^ Sip^rj^ Be irav fioKKov BoKitav fuv 

11 dcAoi o 38. 3 cirap^eis codd. 4 oLv ri (rev B: 3lv ri 

r€v Cx: av Ti t€v AB : av rev Sneyem appr. Holder, van H. 



7. & ^*^ licXiira^ -Hw Ik toO 
o^^voO lopiiv . . dvrl 4|fc^pv|t rt v^ 
fytvcTo, 'night substituted for day,' 
si^ests a total eclipse (cp. 1. 74, 108). 
' The disappearance of the sun from his 
•eat in heaven ' is apparently conceived 
in terms of motion. Hdt. is of course 
aware of the (apparent) motions of the 
sun, diurnal and annual (cp. 2. 24-25) ; 
it is not to be supposed that the motion 
here posited is in a visible direction 
analogous to either of those : it is appar- 
ently a direct retreat, or evanishment, 
from a cloudless and clear sky. There 
was no eclipse of the sun visible in Sardes 
in the spring of 480 B.O., and this re- 
ported eclipse not only conflicts with the 
general chronology of the war, but with 
the verifiable eclipse, Oct. 2, 480 B.O., 9. 
10 if^ra. It is therefore a fiction, not 
merely generally discreditable to the 
traditions of the war, but specifically 
ominous to the anecdote of Pythios, his 
fright, and its consequences. There 
was, indeed, a total eclipse of the sun 
on April 18, 481 visible in the Indian 
Ocean, but not apparently on the main- 
land, or we mignt (with Bawlinson) 
associate with an eclipse the departure 
of Xerxes from Susa (which would not 
help us out here). An annular eclipse 
on Feb. 16, 478 was visible in Sardes, 
and might be associated with the king's 
presence there, but only after his return 
from Greece : this eclipse has perhaps 
been transposed by tradition to do duty 
at a point where it is most effective. 
(That there had been any development 



of such feeling since the celebrated 
eclipse of Thales and its notorious 
results, 1. 74 (Stein), is surely more than 
we need suppose.) 

8. al6p<i) is probably a subetantiTe : 
cp. c 188 infra, ^Aayjo. : cp. 8. 87, and 
c. 88 iiyVYS. h M9 : cp. 2. 24. 

12. ijIkMv ctvoi 'EXX^VMV wpoSlicTopa, 
o^^vi|V 8^ a^imv has much more the 
ring of a Greek than of a Persian or 
Magian interpretation ; the Persians were 
nothing if not sun - worshippers, cp. c 
54 iirfra, 1. 181. Blakesley has a suff- 
gestive note on this passage, but should 
not have treated it so seriously as in- 
dicating "a great change in the religion 
of the Persian court as compared with 
the time of Cambyses." (If there had 
been any change under Dareios it was, 
as we now know, in the direction of a 
purer Masdeism.) As the eclipse is a 
fiction the interpretation can hardly be 
quoted for a fact 

According to c. 57 infra another ripas 
occurred at Sardes, the birth of a bi- 
sexual mule. The fatal accident to 
Phamouches, the Hipparch, might also 
be added, c. 88 infra, Hdt is probably 
following various sources without com- 
bining tnem, or he would have massed 
the portents. TpoSiKTcap (ir/K>de(rrb)p), 
apparentlyan Hapaxlegomenon, 

88. 2. IliiOios d Avo6s re-enters from 
cc 27-29 supra, with an implicit refer- 
ence back (roCo-i 8.). fircMptcCt, always 
with a disparaging sense : cp. 9. 49. 

6. Tiy^fuvov : participle conditional 
= €l yivoiTOf cp. Index for reff. 



«--^-; 



68 HPOAOTOY VII 

yjfyqUrettf fj to <ir€p> iSeijOtf, Sifyrj re inrovf}yi]a'€&v xal B)f ayo- 
pevetv iKiKeve St€V Bioiro, h Bk iweire ravra ^iKovae, SXeye 
OapaTjaa^ roBe, " & Bitnrora, Tvyj^^dvovcl fAOi TraiBe^ iovre^ 

io7rivT€, /cai <r^ea^ KoraXafifidvet^ iravra^ ifia col {rrpareveaBai, 
iirX Tr)v 'ElXXoSa. (rv Bi, & fiaaiXev, ip>k €9 roBe 'qKcxitj^ 
ff/eovra ol/erlpa^ r&v fiot iraiBwv iva irapaXvaov t^9 oTpanrjiff^ 
rbv vpea-fivrarov, Xva avrov re i/jb€v Kai r&v yjpvjiiaTfav 17 
pi^KeBmvo^' tov9 Bk ria-irepa^ ayev fi/ui aeavr^, koI irpri^a^ 
89 rh voiei^ votrrqaeui^ 07r/o'a>.*' Kapra re iOvficoOff 6 Sip^^ 
leal dp^lfiero rota-lBe. " & leaKk avOpcrrre, av irokp/rja-a^, ip^ 
OTparevopivov avrov iirl rifv *E\XdBa koI ar/ovro^ iratBa^; 
ipaif^ Kol dBe\<f>€ov^ koI olKtjiov^ Kal <f>tKov^, p.vrjO'aa'Ocu, irepl 
5 aio iraiZo^p iwv ipit^ Sot}Xo9» rov XPV^ iravoiKlji \avr^ rfj 
ywaiKll awiweaOai ; ei vw t6B* i^ewlaraao, w iv rolai, owrl 
r&v avOptimtov oIkUi, o dvp^^, 89 'Xjyqark pkv aKOva-af; 
rip^to^ ipm'virKjel ro a&p>a, inrevavrla S^ rovrouri, aKovaa^ 
avoiBiei, ore piv vw ypvicrh iroLTjira^ irepa roiavra hnjy 

10 7^X60, eifepyeaifjo't fiaaiXia ov xavjf^i^a'eai v7r€pfiaX4a'0af 

7 t6 <irep> ? Stein 12 oiKripas van H^ Stein*: oiKTCt/xis codcL, 

Stein^* II oT/wTiyiiys Valckenaer, Stein^ : oT/xiri^s codd., Stein^ 14 

r«nr€pas B : reavapas ACfl 39. 2 d/AcijScrai AB || TowrtSc : rourSe 

codd. : roMTiSc Stein 5 a-ov Krueger || r^ om. As: nonne gloseema 

totum avry t. y. deleverist 7 oKova-acri van H. 8 IfivifivX^ 

Dindorf, appr. van H. || aicotxras deL van H. 9 cirayyeAAco ? idem 

7. r6 <ir^> I8c^ : t6 relative. ptro : a weak |M(ratoa»s as the subjeot of 

84o/uu is constnicted with doable geni- the verbs is not changed, d/ielperai, 

tive, of thing and person as in 3. 157, the reading of AB(o), is perhaps pre- 

or as here with accos. of thing (gen. of ferable, as rather stronger, 

person), though this accns. looks like a 2. dv6p«*irf, not dycp. 

case of attraction ; cp. Srtv Siotro im- 3. amO, * in person ' ; cp. 4. 1. 

mediately following. 4. |iH^9w6ai wfpl oio woiS^, 

10. KaroXouBdvci : neut. ' about a son of thine (thee), aio irepi 

11. Is t^8< ^ucCois. If Fythios was t. would have been coniiised after /ufij- 
grandson of Kroisoi, cp. c. 27 8upra, he ackaOai : Ttpl w, aio would have been less 
would be in 480 B.o. (as Stein calculates) emphatic The mid. aor. {ifApytrdfirip) is 
some 80 yean old. All his five sons rare in prose (Stein). Cp. Veitch svi v, 
were of ace for military service : he asks fUfjorfyrKcj. 

for the elaest — who would be no chicken. 5. a^h-g rg ywtuKl : would that have 

Stein compares the request of Chryses added to the sacrifice ? Is not iropotKlff 

/Z. A 18 (Baehr records this as Larcher's enough ? The words look almost like a 

istion). The Homeric reminiscence comic gloss. 



affects the form of the request, not the 6. <v roto'i ^k«ri tAv &v9p^wMV oUifk 

substance of the story : the parallel with 6 Ovii^ has the air of a gnome ; the 

4. 84 is even more suspicious. psychological terminology of the passage, 

14. |uXi8«v6t : cp. c. 31 ntprcL Homeric or popular as it is, is interesting : 

wp^fot . . AiKo-M. Ironical in 6 Ovfids' t6 ffQ/ia- t^ }/^vxi (rov iv At), t6 

effect, ana probably in Hdt.'s intention. eQ/uL is the seat of pleasure {rfyrj/is) : 

89. 1. KOfTti Tt Mv|U&Oi| . . Kal&|M(- }ffvxii=vita c. 209 ii^/Va, 8. 118. 



3a-40 



nOAYMNIA 



69 



iirelre 8k i^ to avaiBiarepov erpdirev, rifv fiev a^irjv ov Xdfi- 
^^{u [iX.daa'a Bi rij^ af/179]' 0*^ fihf yhp koI tou9 reaa-epa^ 
r&v iralSav pverai rit ^elvuf rov Sk evo^, rov irepi^iyeai, 
fioKiOTa, ry '^vj(jg (?7/*«»<r€at." c»9 Bk ravra inreKpiparo, 
aM/ea i/cikeve rouri irpoaereraKTO ravra irprjarew, r&v 15 
TivOlov iraLhiov e^evpovra^ rov wpecfivrarov pitrov Buirap^iv, 
Biarapjovra^ tk rh rfpirop^i Sutdeivai ro fikv iirl Se^ih rr}^ 
6B0V ro B* iir apiarepd, koL ravrt) Bie^iivai rov arparov. 

Tioiriaavrmv Bk rovrtov rovro, psrh ravra Bu^ie 6 arparo^. 40 
fffiovro hk irp&rroi, pJkv oi aK€voif>6poi re koX rh viro^vyui, 

12 gloasema del. Stein' || r&ra-tpas B: rtaxrapas AB 



14. ti)|iU&o-tai : fat pass. (Stein) ; 
middle in passive sense (L. k S.). 

18. ra^rqi 8if{Uvai 'rov arpar^v. If 
the army of Xerxes was to pass along 
the road between the haWes of the 
bisected corpse, the army cannot have 
been a large one, or the feat would have 
been practically impossible ; even if 
limited to rdy irar' l^rtipop /ifKKopra &fui 
avT^ &f^ TOf>€6€(r0ai <rrpdrop (c. 26 
supra) the performance is a difficulty. 
Behind the physic difficulty lies the 
obviously fabulous moral of the story, 
as an exhibition of the unbounded cruelty 
and caprice of the oriental despot, from 
whose rule Hellas had been saved at 
Salamis. Beyond that comes the dra- 
matic or literary interest of the contrast 
between the beginning and the end of 
Pythios' dealing with Xerxes. The 
form and expression of the whole story 
are essentially Greek, and the parallel 
in 4. 84 (Dareios and Oiobazos) discounts 
it. Yet we may reasonably hesitate to 
dismiss the story of Pythios as a pure 
fabrication. The apparently unconscious 
precision of some of the details ; Pythios' 
name and antecedents ; Kritalla the place 
of meeting, as Sardes of parting, convey 
touches of verisimilitude to a story, or 
pair of stories, which has assuredly 
Most nothing in the telling.* We may 
discount but we cannot deny the evi- 
dences of autocratic caprice, cruelty 
and folly, recorded of Xerxes, as of 
Kambyses, of the Greek tyrants,' of 
the 'Roman Caesars* — not to speak of 
modem examples from further east or 
nearer home. The possession of auto- 
cratic or almost autocratic powers over 
fellowmen is more than any human 
being can stand without disaster ; and 
when those powers have been acquired, 



not by ability and service (as in the 
case of Dareios), but by way of inherit- 
ance and traditional right (as bv Xerxes, 
or Kambyses), the prospects of disaster 
are increased. Suoh is the unanimous 
testimony of Greek tradition in regard 
to the seoond generation of 'tyrants' 
as compared with the first, or founders ; 
and whatever the exaggerations of tradi- 
tion and the prejudices of republicans, 
the general conscience of numanity 
justifies in its own forum the ' tendency ' 
or moral of the too dramatic or too 
edifying natural history of the tyrant. 

40. 1. & grpttT^. The description 
which follows is &r from being adequate 
to cover the tribes and nations enumer- 
ated in the Army-list afterwards (cc. 
61-88), or even those which crossed the 
bridge, and one may suspect that in 
this place Hdt. has in view (though 
perhaps not quite consciously) only the 
troops who marched A/ta ain-ifi Z^dvt i^ 
fact mainly the levies of Upper Asia, 
which had mustered at Kritalla in the 
previous year (cp. c 26 supra). That 
the column is aescribed in marching 
order as it left Sardes merely shows 
that Hdt.'s sources did not date or hail 
from Upper Asia. (Cp. Introduction, § 
10.) This observation does not preclude 
some of the Anatolian levies having 
mustered at Sardes ; but the bulk prob- 
ably made their way direct to Abydos ; 
cp. c. 44 infra, 

2. ol o-Kffvo^^i Tt Kal rd. imt^ia. 
That the baggage-train marches nrst 
shows that the column is still in 
thoroughly ifriendly country. Moreover 
it was to cross by the Upper Bridge, 
and had therefore to arrive first at 
Abydos. Cp. tA viroi>^ta koI ij 6€painilii, 
c. 55 infra. 



60 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



fierii S^ rovrot;9 avfifiiKTO^ trrparo^ iravroUov iOvimv avafil^, 
ov BuLKe/eptfUvoi* ry Be inreprffiUree^ fjaav, ivOavra BieKiKeiirro, 

5 Kol ov <rvvifJU<ryov oiroi fiaaiXit. TrporfyeOvro pJkv Bri imrorai 
j(l\&oh i/c TLepaitov irdvrtov airoKeXeyp^oi' fierh Bi aijQJM^poi, 
')(fXu}i, KoX oiroi iK Hepaiav aTToXeXey/iivoi, rh^ ^-oy^a^ /edrto 
i^ T^v yrjv rph^avre^* fierh Bk ipoX Hrjaalot KoKeopsvoi, twrrot 
Bixa K€Koa'firjfjLivo& (U9 ' KdWiora. Hrfcaioi \Bk tcdKeovrai 

lo ^TTTTo* iiri TovBe* i<m ireSiov p4ya t^9 MtfBucrj^ t^ ovvoiia 
iarl Niyiratov tov9 &v Btf tinrov^ tov9 fieydXov^ <f>ip€i to 
ireBlov roSro. STrtaOe Bi rovrav r&v BcKa Xinnav ipfia Ato9 
Ipov hrereTaKTO, to tTnroi pJkv ^IKkov T^vkoX otcrd, Sirurde Bk 
avTov etirero ire^y ^vlo^o^ ij(^6fi€V0^ r&v p^aXti/a>i^* oitBel^ yhp 

15 Bff iirl rovrov rov Opovov dvBpmrwv iirificUvet. rovrov Bk 

40. 3 orv/i/iiKTos om. o 4 ov StaK€KpifjL€voi del Valckenaer 5 

0^01 : avr<^ 1 || Pouriku del. Erueger || piv om. R || ^ o : yolp B 7 

ne/xrcttfv Stein' : vdvnav 8 cs Ttfv yrjv deL Eallenberg || rpdrrovTes t 

Stein^ II Ni;<raibi Stein passim : v.l. vuraioi B^ : ' fortasse verior ' van H. 
10 /icya om. C 14 avrov Stein' : a? rtov tinrayv : a^ om. Pits 

15 6^ om. SV II dval3aiv€i fi, Holder 



3. Qrv|i|MICTOf (TTpATOt iraVTOUtV iVKCWV 

dvoffcCf, 06 SuuccKpiulvoi seems vidoosly 
redundant even for Hdt. Cp. App. Grit. 
The first four words recur c. 55 tt|/ra, 
and may be taken to cover the various 
tribes and nations of the eastern half of 
the empire, subsequently enumerated 
and described 00. 68-71. They formed 
the larger half {inrepiifilfftts) of the 
column that left Sardes. 

4. SifXAiiVTo is in neuter construc- 
tion. The exact force of the pluperfect 
is not apparent, but it may be taken to 
emphasize the moment of the interval. 

5. Itrr^rai x^^*^^ '^ chiliad of 
cavalry ' : the total number of Persian 
cafalry here, with that given in the 
next chapter, amounts to 12,000, cp. c. 
84 infra. 

6. alxi&o^poi x^*^^ • • "^ ^^YX^'^ 
KdTM Is T^ ytjpf rpt^vrn: rpdworrtt 
{rpiTotrret) m c 41 infra ; the word here 
seems to describe the corps as it marched 
out of Sardes or its Laager. The normal 
way of carrying the spear was point 
upwards ; cp. next chapter. 

8. NT|oxitoi KoXf^fuvoi tmrok S^kcl 
The reason given for the name ' Nesaean ' 
does not quite clearly show whether 
there were some large horses called 



'Nesaean' without being of the true 
stock, or at least raised in the actual 
spot (even as ' Limerick hams * have 
been known to hail from Chicago) ; but 
the passage has the appearance of having 
been composed not merely before 9. 20, 
but before 8. 106, where t&v Miydtictor, 
'Sriaalvy Si KoXtviUvunf twinav are men- 
tion^ without any explanation of the 
name. Hdt seems to make a poor jest 
in tUya and AtrydXovt. Greek horses were 
of course smialL But cp. App. Grit. 

12. ApfMi Atbs Ipdv : the cnariot or car 
of Aharamasda, no doubt ; upon which 
not the king himself dared set foot. 
Xen. Kyrop. 8. 3. 12 (^(i^yrro ApfAa Xevirdv 
Xpwr6^\jyw i<rrtiiiJuhov Acdt UpbWf yurrh, 
si TovTO 'HX/ov Apfia \€vk6p, xal rovro 
iffT€fifUpov dairtp rb irpdcOcp' lurh, Sk 
rovro d\ko rplrov &p/Aa i^ijytrOf 0(Hviff/<rc 
jcaraireirTa/i^KOi ol tmroc, ircU irOp 6irt<r$€v 
a&roO ^' itrxdpat fuydXift Ai^Spet ctiropro 
^popres) describes a procession with 
three sacred cars, one of Zeus, one of 
Mithra, and one of the sacred Fire. But 
that was a pacific, this a warlike occasion. 
(Rawlinson suspects in that a corruption 
of the Persian religion between the days 
of Hdt. and Xenophon !) This sacred 
chariot was left in Thrace and not re- 
covered, 8. 115. 



40-41 



nOAYMNIA 



61 



8i oi fjvUy)(p^ r^ ovpofia f^v Haripdfi^yri^, 'Orai/eoi avBpo^ 
Hepa-eto irah. i^Xcure fihf oUtcd ix %aphUov Hep^, 41 
fAereKfiaiveaKe Bi, o/icqd? fuv X0709 alpioh ix rod ipfiaro^ i^ 
dpfjbdfia^av, avrov hk STTtaOe al')(jio^poi liepaimv oi apiaroi 
T€ teal yevvaioraroi, ypuoi^ Kark vo^jmv tA? Xoy^*^ ij(pVT€^, 
fierk hk Xmro^ aXXi; X^^ ifc Tlepaiwv aTroXeXeyfUvff, fierh 5 
Sk T^v Xmrov ix r&v \onr&v Tiepa-io^v a7ro\eKeyfjUvo& fivpioi. 
oSto9 7re2fo9 l^v koI tovtwv xf^^^ f^^ ^^ rota-i Sopcurt avrl 

16 irapaP€PrJK€€ angmentum restit passim vanH. 17 wais dvSpos 

Xlc/xreo) B 



16. iropaPcP^KM. Homeric Tapatfid- 
rat are the warriors, not the charioteers 
(dv S* tpop h Sl4>poi<n wapeupdrat ^hxol 
re II. 23. 132), and so generally. The 
verb is here used in a less technical 
sense, as in iZ. 11. 522 of Hektor's 
driver, Eebriones. 

17. 'OrdvM dv6p^t II^paM* iraCt. 
Who the mother of Patiramphes was 
does not seem to matter. The father 
Otanes could hardly be the son of 
Phamaspes, cp. 6. 43, but might very 
well be the son of Sisamnes, cp. 5. 25, 
and identical with the father of Amestris, 
c 61 infra, 

41. 2. 6k«s ^v X^TOtatp^oi, *'when 
the fancy took him " (Rawlinson), "when- 
ever he was so disposed" (Macaulay). 
Cp. 1. 182, 4. 127. 

8. &p|&d|Aa{a, a covered carriage, 
used especially by women ; cp. c 88 
infra ; Aen. Kyrop, 8. 1. 40, 6. 4. 11 ; 
Aristoph. Aeh. 70 i^* dpfiafxa^Qv fjiaKda- 
kQs KaroKelftevoi ; Diodor. 18. 26. 1 (the 
dead body of Alexander conveyed on a 
dpfid/jM^Of perhaps described 20. 25. 4 
ipfta rerpdKVKkw vKip^^v ^o¥) ; Plutarch 
Themist. 26, Artax. 5, Alexand, 48, 
Mor, 173 F ; Athenaeus 206 E, etc. 

alxi^o^poi n. ol ApivToC Ti koI 
Ycwou^raroi x^^^ '''^ KoX^id est. 
This chiliad has its spears point up- 
wards. 

5. ttnros . • X^^^* X^^ ^^ ^^® 
singular, with a collective noun. 

AXXt|, in distinction from the 
chiliad mentioned in c. 40 ; it is perhaps 
identical with ol lirir&reu ol x^'ot of c. 
55 tn/ra, unless, indeed, there is some 
omission and confusion in that account. 

6. lAvoioi, presumably the * Im- 
mortals, cp. 0. 88, though why not so 
named here already is a mystery. The 



myriad of ' Immortals ' forms an excep- 
tion apparently to the other myriads, 
chiliads, and so forth, in that it is 
alwajrs maintained at its full strength. 
But it is natural to suspect that the 
chiliad of spearmen which preceded the 
king, and also the chiliad of the 'best 
and noblest bom' who succeeded him 
in the procession, were * Immortals' 
also, that is, drawn from the myriad: 
in which case the corps in this place 
would have numbered only 8000. Cp. 
also oc. 55, 211 infra. 

7. Kol ro^rmv xCkio^ piv ktX. There 
are three curious chiliads in this passage : 
(L) a chiliad of the ten thousand (Im- 
mortals ?) which has golden pomegranates 
i^dt) on the butt end of its spears, 
and forms the outside rank of the 
ten thousand, the nine thousand within 
having pomegranates of silver, (ii.) A 
chiliad, likewise with eolden pome- 
mnates, which they held upwards 
(turning the spear points to the ground) 
as they marcned m the procession in 
front of the king. (iiL) A chiliad of 
the noblest and best, who have 'apples ' 
(fi^Xa) — presumably of gold — and march 
immediately in the rear of the king. 
Whether the difference in this case 
between 'apples' and 'pomegranates' 
is one of kind or of degree, who shall 
say ! But it is diiScmt to avoid a 
suspicion (a) that there is one chiliad 
too many, (b) that the two chiliads, 
the one before and the one after the 
king, were really divisions of the ten 
thousand Immortala The one thousand 
61ite {fATiXo^poi) are, however, mentioned 
by Athenaeus 12. 514 B, and in connexion 
with the ten thousand: XPWo* ^ 
aOrdis (sc. ract ywai^l, a body-guard of 
300) Kol ToXKdKis 6 /9a^i\ei>t Sii. rijt tQp 



62 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



T&v aavptOTTiptov f^out^ ^t^ov j(pvaia9 tcaX irip&^ oweKkruov 
T0U9 aXKov^it ol hk €lvaKi,aj(lXuii, ivro^ rovrfov iovre^ apyvpia^ 
lo /D0i^9 el^ov €l)(pv Bk j^pva-ea^ poiii^ ical ol e? rifv yrjv 
rpdirovre^ tA? X^x*9, /cal p/fjXa oi S/fXjLfrra kirofuvoi, Sipfy* 
ToitTi Bk fivpiourt hrereraicTO Xinro^ Hepcitop fivpitf. psra Se 
T^v Xmrov hik\enr€ Koi 8vo oraBiov^, koI hr^tra 6 Xoitto^ 
ofn\o^ ^te avapi^. 
42 *E7roiiero hi rifv oBov i/e rij^ AvBlrj^ 6 arparo^ iirl 

41. 10 rYjv om. ABC (a) 11 rpdvovre^: rpeirovre^ cp. Weir 

Smyth § 128 p. 133 13 auXeiirc As: BuX^ivi re o: SuXcurcro 

Schaefer: StcXcXctirro Schweighaenser appiob. Holder, van H. et aL 
14 ava/x€ii^t van H. 



/ii7Xo06p(tfr aiiXrjs, Ifirav S^ o^oi rCiv 
iopv^ptaw Kal T<f Ti^ec wdirm U^po-eu, 
irl Ttay orvpdKtav fiijXa "XP^^^ ^orref 

4k rQi¥ fivplvp tltpaCjy rCw 'AOavdnav 
KoKovfUpwy. L. & S. attb v, seem to 
treat fifi\o^6poi as an inTontion of 
Weaseling's. The ten thousand foot, 
and similarly the ten thousand horse, 
formed, probably, the full Persian Guard, 
the two chiliads of oavalry above 
specified, one in the van, the other in 
tne rear, of the marching column, being 
similarly covered by the twins TLtpaiiav 
iwfiri which follows. 

13. 8U\ci/vf : for the pluperfect (dccX- 
AcivTo) and aorist (rp^^oyrcf) in c. 40 
before the king passes, are substituted 
the present and imperfect, after mention 
of the king, and thus an air of motion 
is imparted to the passage. But cp. 
App. Orit. 

h Xoiir^ 6iuXo« might conceivably 
stand here for the Anatolian levies that 
may have joined at Sardes, unless they 
were covered by the vvfiiwcrbt arparis 
TOMToLtav iByitav in c. 41, in which case 
6 Xoiir6t 5/buXof may simply stand for 
the host of sutlers and non-combatants, 
other than the organized bag(;age-train, 
in the train of the army. 

42. 1. ^iroUcTO . . T^voS^v, 'marohed,' 
or, as we might say, *made (or was 
making) its way.' Three sta^^es, of 
widely varying length, are specified in 
this chapter. I. Out of Lydia into 
Mysia, or from Sardes to the Kaikos. 
The route is but vaguely indicated : did 
the forces go from Sardes to Smyrna? 
or by a more northerly road, down the 
Hermos valley t or by a still more 
northerly route such as afterwards led 



from Pergamum to Sardes? or a part 
by one, a part by another way T What- 
ever the route, this stage would have 
occupied not less than five to six days. 
II. From the Eukos, through Atarneus, 
to the city of Karene, leaving Mount 
Kane on the left hand. The route is 
here clearly given ; the distance would 
only be some twenty R. miles, perhaps 
a maroh of two days. III. From Earene 
into the Troad, and Ilion, a march of 
several days. The route is indicated, 
but is not free from obscurity ; there is 
difficulty, for example, in undentanding 
how the column could leave Ida on the 
left hand if it marohed via Antandros. 
Is 'left' a slip for 'right'? Or is the 
point of view not that of the column 
en route but of a reporter farther north, 
e.g. at Abydos ? Or did a part of the 
force really out across inland, while the 
main part took the coast route (as 
Blakesley suggested)? Anywav, from 
Earene to Adramyttion woula be a 
long day's mareh ; from Adramyttion 
to Antandros another ; Arom Antandros 
to Ilion would take at least three days 
more. Xenophon and his remnant maae 
this very maroh in the opposite direction : 
Anab, 7. 8. 7 irreOBof iwopeOotnro Sii. r^ 
TptfidSos, Kal ^ep^drm r^F 'I^ els 
"AmufBpop d^tJcyoGrroi scfHorw, etra irapd 
OdXarray sropev6fuwoi rrfs Mvalas [M88. 
'A<r/af' AvIUas] ^s 8^t ired^. 8. 
imevBtp 8i* 'Arpa/ivrreiov koI Kwtat^iov 
[KepriJ^ov ?] d^etJo-arref wap' *Arap»ia els 
KatKov mdlop A^drrcf Hipyafwif Kara- 
\a/ifidpown Tffs Mvatas. Also Thuc. 8. 
108. 4 shows that hoplites could maroh 
from Abydos to Antandros weti ^^ ^< 
'ISris ToG 6povs. It appears then that 
there was a route from tlion to Antandros 



41-42 



nOAYMNIA 



68 



re irorafJLOV KcUkop koI yrjv rrfv Mvalr^Vf airb Bk Kat/eov 
6p/ia>fi€vo^, Kdvff^ Spo^ iX^v iv apiorep^, Bth rov ^Arapvio^ 
€9 KapTjvriv iroXtv airo Si ravrr)^ StA ^fiv^ ireBlov 
eiropevero, ^ABpafivrreiov re iroKiv icaX "AuravSpov rifv $ 



42. 3 opfiMfi^vos ABBS : 6pfi€fa/A€vos Oz : opp^ofi^vos P, Stein^ 4 

Kapqvriv Steph. Byz. : Kaplvriv B : KapvY^v a 5 dBpapvrrtiov o : 

dSpapvT€i6v Vpr^ Holder : arpapxrr€i6v BSVcorr. : *ArpapvTT€i6v Vallfty 
QaiB£, Palm et aL 



crossing Ida ; this would probably follow 
the line of the Skamandros {Afendere 
Chat) to Eebrene, on past the modem 
Turkish village of Evjilar^ and thence 
"across the spurs of the Kaz Dagh 
(Mount Ida) to Narli (eight hours) and 
Edremit (seven hours) '* (Marray's Aria 
Minor, p. 69, 1895). This route, how- 
ever, from Edremit (Adramyttion) would 
leave the bulk of Ida on the right, not 
on the left. A road passing east of Ida, 
from Zeitunlii, apparently exists (Sitzler 
in Bursian's Jahresb. 86. 67 f.). It is 
possible that all three routes were used 
by the king's forces ; the coast road, 
however, must have been taken by the 
ffK€WHf>6poi. It seems that Hdt himself 
had not been over the ground. Holder 
apparently solves the difficulty by re- 
punctuation : "ISrjif di Xa/3(^, ^f dptarepiip 
Xeipa Ijic kt\. The form of the expres- 
sion is harsh ; and why should the King 
have had to ' take ' Ida ? 

hri Tf voToiJi^ Kducov K.y,r, 
Mvo-Cnv. The valley of the Kaikos and 
the plain of Thebe were reckoned to 
* Mysia * even after the Lydian conquest 
of the district. Atameus is expressly 
described by Hdt (1. 160, 8. 106) as a 
Mysian city. The people of Ajstyra 
C Airrvpri¥ol)f between Admmyttion and 
Antandros, are described in the Attic 
tribute-lists as Mwrol (cp. Hill's Sources^ 
sub nom.). Earene was a x6\is Mwrlat 
according to Steph. 6., and unfortun- 
ately Adramyttion too (cp. infra), 
Thraemer, Fergamos, p. 279. Op. also 
6. 28. 

3. KdvT)S 6pos. The construction is 
unusual. Stem cps. Thuc. 4. 46. I ir rf 
Bpei r^f *\cTijjtnit. There was a town 
hard by named Kdreu : cp. Forbiger, iL 
152-3. 

SiA Tov 'Aropvlos: perhaps the 
district, not the city, both bearing the 
same name ; a rich grain-growing neigh- 
bourhood, yet * a field of blood,' or at 
least * the price of iniquity * ; cp. 1. 160, 



6. 29, 8. 106 iiifra, Xen. HdL 8. 2. 
11 describes the city of Atameus as a 
Xvpiov laxvp6v, which it took Derkylidas 
eight months to reduce (898-7 B.C.). 

4. Kap^vi)v, mentioned by Pliny 
(5. 82) and Steph. B. (ir6Xit Uvalas) ; 
but perhaps only from this passage. 
(Should we have read Kap^ in 6. 29 
for MaXi^ ?) 

8^P^ iri8(ov, "plaine extreme- 
roent fertile qui va d Antandros jus- 
qu'au delk d Adramytte," Radet, La 
Lydie, p. 176. It seems hypercritical 
to object to Hdt. 'a narrative nere that 
if Xerxes had gone by the coast route 
the order should have been (1) Adra- 
myttion, (2) Theban plain, (8) Antandros. 
R. Virchow, SUzb, Berl, Akad, (1892), 
978 ff. The plain extends from Adra- 
myttion to Antandros ; the former is 
now its principal place. Hdt names 
first the larger space, and then its 
terminals. 

5. 'A8pa|ivTTfi^v Tf w^Xiv. The 
form in Thucydides (and others) appears 
as *ATpa/x&mot>, There was considerable 
variety in speUing the name (cp. Steph. 
B. s,v,, and App. Crit. above). The posi- 
tion of the ancient Adramytteion is no 
longer identified with the modem Adra- 
mytif the name having been transferred 
about 1100 A.D. to the town on the site 
of Thebe (Hirschfeld in Pauly-Wissowa, 
i. 404) ; * the ancient Adramyttion lay 
on a hill by the sea, S. of the Euenos.' 
Hdt. is the first extant author to name 
the city. Thuc. 5. 1 mentions it as a 
place of refuge offered by the Persian 
Pharaakes for some of the Delians ex- 
pelled by the Athenians in 422 B.C., and 
later (8. 108. 4) records the treacherous 
butchery of the refugees by the Persian 
Arsakes. Xenophon touched the place 
{Anab, 7. 8. 8 quoted above). The city 
had a harbour (Paul sailed in a ship of 
Adramyttion, Acts 27. 2) ; and not- 
withstanding its sufferings in the Asiatic 
wars retained its importance in the times 



64 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



TleXaaylBa irapafuifiofievo^, rffv ^'IStfP Bi Xafimv £9 apicrep^v 
X^lpa fiie i^ Ttfv 'iXtaSa yrjv. Kal irpSna fUv oi xnro tq 
ISiy vv/era avafieivavrt fipovral re Kal wpfiarrjpe^ hreairt- 
iTTOva-i Kal Tiva airov ravrrj avj(y6v OfuXov Biiif>0€i,pav, 
43 airiKOfievov Bk rov arparov iirl TrorafMV %KdfiavBpov, S9 
TTp&To^ TTora/i&v, iirelre iK XapBUov opfirfOevre^ hrc'^jsipfia'av 
ry 6B^, iirikiire to pieOpov ouS' airej^a-e ry arpari'j re 
Kal Totat Kn^veai 7nv6fi€Po^, iirl tovtov Bii rov irorafiov m 
5 airlKCTO Siip^<s, i^ to Tlpuifiov iripya/jLov avefitf tfiepov e^'^v 

6 rriv l&rjv 8k Xapwvy cs Holder || Bk : Byj Matzat 7 x«</^ seel, 

van H. 8 dvafi^ivainri : fxCav fuivavri ? Stein^ 43. 1 eiri 

rhv 'ZKapavSpov fi, Holder, van H. et alii : iirl rov irora/ibv ^Kdpa.vBpov d 
3 l^iOpov ? van H. 



of Cicero, Strabo, and Plinj (Cic. pro 
Flace. 68, BnU. 816 ; Strabo 614, 660 ; 
Pliny 6. 128). According to the 
foundation-legend, ap, Steph. B., it was 
named from Adramytes (Adramys), 
brother of Eroiaos (wf 'ApiffrvriXtis ip 
xoXirelcut ircU dXXoc) ; bat Xanthos (f) 
made Sadyattes his father (NicoL Damas. 
Fr, 61), and seems to have recognized 
a king of Lydia of the name {F, H, O, 
L p. 40). DikaiarchoB (Fr, 11, F,H. G. 
iL n. 238) made him a 'Pelasgian' 
(perhaps in the interests of the 'Athenian 
colony ?) in a distinctly Hellenising 
version. Radet (La Ljfdie^ p. 199) treato 
Adramys as an historical person, and 
dates the foundation 684 b.o. ('Adramys,' 
like Attalos, Atys, Adrastos, has a sus- 
picionsly ' divine ' air about it ; but 
where tne etymology, 'court of death,' 
' mansion of death,' comes from, Oruden's 
Concordance^ tub v., is not stated). 

"AKiuvSpov T^v ncXoo^yCSo, op. 
6. 26. Strabo, 606 (or rather Alkaios, 
our oldest authority), describes it as 
* Lelegian.' Thuc 8. 108. 4 makes the 
Antaudrians A/oX^. Its name appears 
on the rd^ct 06^i; of 425 B.c. (Hicks' 
Manual^ (1901), p. 119). It was seized 
by the Lesbian exiles in 424 b.o. (Thuc. 
4. 62. 8), but recovered by the Athenians 
in the same summer (c. 75). Loat 
apparently by the Athenians to the 
Persians after the Sicilian disaster, it 
was liberated by a body of Lakedaimoniaii 
hoplites in 411 B.C. (Thuc. 8. 108), but 
was apparently subject to Phamabazos 
a little later (Xen. Hell 1. 1. 25), when 
the Syracusaus not onlv build ships, but 
help to rebuild the walls of Antandros, 
receiving 'citizenship' in return for 



their services. The control of the woods 
of Ida was a considerable source of profit 
to the Autandrians; Thuc. 4. 62, Xen. 
/.c, Strabo 606. 

7. wpdra |aiv is not clearly answered 
by a corresponding clause with Bi, 
Abicht takes the failure of the Skaiiian- 
dros as the intended complement ; but 
the panic afterwards makes a better 
parallel to the storm. (So too Stein.) 

48. 1. 2Kd|tav8poir, 'the fabled stream, 
Scamander's holy flood,' first of the 
rivers that failed ; op. c. 21 aupra, 

8. t6 ^^>%mv is apparently an ace. 
' of reference.' Op. c. 90 infra. 

5. t6 npidfiov wifrfa;^M¥ {TUpyafjMf) : 
in the Hiad ^ Ilipyafiot {Ilepydfuf elv 
lepi 6. 446, Jlepydfup dxpff 6. 460) ; later 
writers use rd UipyofM (e.g. Sophokl. 
PhU, 868, etc ) ; seems here to be used 
for akropolis, or citadel (etymology con- 
nected with burg, bourg, Uipyrif v^pyot, 
L. & S.). Not to be confounded locally 
with Pergamon (Xen. Hell, 3. 1. 6), but 
no doubt identical with the spot visited 
by Alexander, Arrian, Anab, 1. 11. 7, 8 
(884 B.O.), and identified as the modem 
Hissarlik, the now indubitable site of 
Homeric Troy ; cp. W. Doerpfeld, Trqja 
und Jlion, 2 Bde, Athens, 1902. Stein 
observes that Hdt's expression implies 
that the place was uninnabited and un- 
occupied ; if so, it would go to prove 
Hdt. personally unacquainted with the 
locality. Hellanikos knew better : 'EXXd- 
viKos ii x^P^^^M^os Tois 'Duevaiy, oTot 
6 ixtlvov fiOBos evrifyopei rfp t^ mdriir 
eireu w6\tp Hiv pw rj r&rt (Strabo 602 = 
Hellan. Fr. 145). 

Xujt^ov lx«*v 6t4<r a g4 tt i. Xerxes, 
son or Dareios, may nave had a special 



48-43 



nOAYMNIA 



65 



Tolai Upo^ai i^iavTo. ravra Bk iro^tiaafUvotai, wkto^ ^fio^ 
i^ TO arparoirehov ivhreae, ifia VfjUpy Se ivopevero ivOevrev, 
ev aptarepy p^v airip^tav *VoItlov iroTav KCki ^Oif>pvv€iov leal 10 
AdpBavov, fj ir€p St) ^AfivBtp 8p,ovpo^ iarl, iv Be^i'j Bi 
Tepy^da^ Tev/cpov^. 



9 6o-€irc<re ABC (a) : circirco-e d 
12 ykpyiOaJi re #cai r€VKpovs PRa 



10 /^iTCiov Fdz appr. van H. 



reason for his interest in Troy ; cp. 
Henych. Aapetof * iurb QtpaCii^ 6 ^p6vifi9t, 
{rwh di ^pvyuv "Errwp. The fame of the 
Trojan war was not unknown at the 
Persian coart. 

6. wO^fuvos kcCvttv licavTa, rather 
from the Greeks in his train than from 
the local gaides. ixtlvtav is used vaguely 
for * the story of Troy * ; rCtv ixei ytpo- 
lUvunf (Stein). 

TQ *AOT|VflU|^ TQ 'IXi^k Iliads 
6. 269, 297, mentions a viihs 'A^i^f ^^ 
x6Xe( HKpniiy cp. also Xen. Hell, 1. 1. 4 
(where Mindaros, the Spartan navarch, 
is iv *YKlif Biiioif rj 'Adrifq,). Was Apollo, 
so intimately associated with the spot hy 
'Homer/ ignored by Xerxes? Rawlin- 
son's notion (so too Duncker's: JS, T. 
V. 175) that the king and the Magi 
would not have been at all likely to 
worship foreign deities is refated by 
what we know of the Persian policy in 
Babylon, in Egypt, and even, from 
Hdt's testimony, in Greece; cp. Persian 
indignation for the destruction of Kybele's 
temple, 5. 102 ; Datis' offerings at Delos, 
6. 97 ; Xerxes' own subsequent action 
in Athens, 8. 54 ; and the attitude of 
Mardonios towards the Greek oracles, 
8. 133, 9. 42, to say nothing of the 
cylinder of Cyrus, and the Egyptian 
evidences {Iteeorda of the Past^ x. pp. 
45 ff., etc.). How far such acts may 
have been the expression of policy, how 
far of personal piety, need hardly be 
diitcussed ; the two are not mutually 
exclusive. It is undoubtedly remarkable 
that the Magi should have propitiated 
the 'Heroes,' 'hero-worship' being a 
characteristically Hellenic office. Hdt. 
may have gone rather far in this item. 
(Alexander specially averted the fiifnv 
Hpidfjuov, Aman, Anah. 1. 11. 8.) On 
the Magi cp. cc. 19, 37 supra, 

8. ^Pos, curiously separated from 
the thunderstorm and its dire effects, 

VOL. I PT. I 



0. 42 sifpra. 'Panics' do happen; cp. 

4. 208, 6. 105, 8. 37. Could this one 
have been due to the neglected majesty 
of Apollon f 

10. hf &|HO*rfpn : the march from Ilion 
to Abydos might have been accomplished 
in a (iay, but may have occupied longer. 
It is observable that Hdt. omits tdl 
mention of Sigeion and the Achilleion 
(op 5. 94). 

'Po(riov, captured by the Myti- 
lenean exiles in 424 B.C. but immediately 
restored for a ^yment of 2000 Phokaian 
staters (gold), Thuc 4. 52. 2. Elsewhere 
Thuc. (8. 101) incidentally supplies the 
names of several towns between Lekton, 
the southern promontory of the Tread, 
and Rhoiteion or 'Rhoition.' (Eustath. 
ad Hom. 11. 2. 648 condemns the form 
of the word here adopted, but cp. App. 
Crit) 

'O^p^nov mentioned by Xen. 
Anah, 7. 8. 5 on his march from Lam- 
psakos to Antandros, and apparently a 
day's journey from the former. 

11. AdpSavw. Cp. 5. 117. In the 
sea-fight off Eynossema in 411 B.G. the 
Pelo^nnesian fleet (of 86 vessels) had 
its nght wing off Abydos and its left 
wing off Dardanos (Thuc. 8. 104. 2). 
Daraanos was 70 stades from Rhoeteum 
[tic Pliny, 5. 33), and exactly the same 
distance from Abydos (Strabo 595). It 
occupied, presumably, the site of that 
Aapdaylri, founded by Dardanos, son of 
Zeus, before the foundation of holy Ilios 
itself (Iliad, 20. 215 f.). In later times 
it was celebrated as the spot where Sulla 
met Mithradates in 84 B.O. and con- 
cluded peace. (Strabo l.c ; Plutarch, 
Sulla 2A.) 

12. T4oy\Jkut TcMcpo^. By Hdt 
identifiea apparently with the Trojans 
proper, or at least a portion of them (cp. 

5. 122 elXe fjLkv Alo\4as Tdrras 8<roi rifr 
'IXidda r^/Aorrai, cZXc di TipyiOat rodr 



66 



HPOAOTOY 



rt 



44 *E7r€l S* iyipero iv ^AfivBtp [fieay], '^OiXfjo'e 3ip^^ 
iSiadiu iravra rov arparov koX irpoeireiroiqro yhp iwl 
koKmvov errlrfjSe^ airr^ ravrrj irpoe^iSpfj \l0ov Xev/cov, 
hrolrjaav ik ^AfivSriPol ivreiXafiivov irporepov ficuriXio^, 
5 ivdavra m t^ero, Karop&v iirl rrj^ ^tovo^ iOrjetro teal rov 
Tre^op Kot tA? via^, 0fj€Vfi€vo': Bi IpApOrj r&v ve&p &p,iXKap 
ytpo/jbipTiP iSia-Oai. irrel Si iyipero re kclL ipUoup ^olpt/ce^ 

46 %iS<opioi, fjadtf T€ r^ apXKKff koI t^ crpaTif}. w Bk &pa 
irdpra phf top ^EKXijaTroprop viro r&p pe&p airoKCKpyfifiipop, 
TToaa^ Bk T^9 oKTh^ koI r^ ^AfivBfjp&p ireBta iiriirXjea apOpd- 
7rci>p, ipOavra 6 Scp^^ ktovrop ifuiKapia-e, fierit Bk tovto 

44. I cVcirc vel hrtiBrj S' ? van H. || /AC077 Stein^^: om. B etiam 
Stob. 98. 73 3 avrov Abresch approb. Holder, van H.: nisi ravry 

deleveris || t^^prq B 7 re del. van H. || #otviK€s del. idem 8 

TQ re idem 45. 2 viroK€KpvfifjL€vov StoK l.c. 4 rovro del. 

van H. 



inroKei^hrat rOv d/nralMr TevKpwf), On 
his theoiy of the Teukrian, or Myso- 
Teakrian invasion, the 'Gergithes' are in 
&ot those Teukri who had not migrated 
into Europe. The theory is, probably, 
a complete inversion of the facts: the 
Teukri, the Gergithii, were foreign 
settlers in the Troad (like the Mysians 
themselves) ; ' Gersithes * was perha^je 
the wider term of the two ; but Hdt. is 
not wrong in associating the two terms 
together: the original home of the 
Gergithians is probably to be sought in 
Kyproa (Cp. note to c 20 supra and 
reflL there.) Xen. Hdl, 8. 1. 15 mentions 
Gergisasafortifiedoity ; op. Steph. B. 9tt5 v. 

44. 2. wdKiu T^ OTpaT^v seems to 
imply that all the forces were there to 
review. The Anatolian levies may have 
been given Abydos as the rendezvous. 
The £et appears just below ; but is it 
very likely that the whole fleet of 1207 
vessels (more or less) was conveyed into 
and out of the Hellespont, and apparently 
for nothing but this review t If so, the 
fleet will have been numbered by tens, 
not by hundreds, and those who desire 
to diminish the scale of the expedition 
as much as possible should take note of 
this i*eview. 

irpo<wtvo£i|To : how weak the mere 
temporal force of the pluperfect is with 
Hdt. is shown by the GomporUum xpo-, 
Gp. Index 9uh v. * Pluperfect' 

8. irpoiE48(n| : the word is found else- 
where only in Pollux, 9. 46 (not 49 as 



in L. & S. and Didot's Stephanus), itUer 
partes urhis, wpo- has here the same force 
as in Tpoedpla, a seat 'in front,' i.e. of 
honour. This white marble seat, or 
platform (as Rawlinson suggests), had 
been commandeered some time before, 
and was probably a substantial stnicture. 

6. KavopAv nrl rijju ^\i6vo% 46v|cCto, 
** razing thence upon the shore below, 
beheld ' (Rawlinson) ; " looking down 
upon the shore he gazed" (Macaulay). 
Tne ships apparently were drawn up on 
the shore : another indication that tnere 
were not so many of them at Abydos. 
The next chapter, however, has them all 
afloat. 

6. t6v vfAv &|ftiXXav: perhaps the 
earliest international Regatta on record ; 
the Sidonians were victorious, and 
Xerxes' joys were multiplied (f|<r^i7, cp. 
c. 29 supra). It was, perhaps, the 
vessel victorious on this occasion that 
he afterwards employed as his yacht, 
c. 128 infra ; the captain, according to 
one story, though a good seaman, came 
to a sad end, S. 118. 

46. 4. &Blpfv|t . . ISdKpvtrc. Xerxes 
at the Hellespont affords an interesting 
contrast to Dareios on the Bosporos, 4. 
85-88. He too does his sight-seeinff, 
and has his pleasure, but dry-eyed. It 
was not possible to improve that occasion, 
once the moral had been exploited in 
this passage, any more than to reproduce 
the Army-list, though Dareios had all 
the forces of the empire with him : ^tc 



44-46 



nOAYMNIA 



67 



iBaKpuae. ftaOwv Si fuv ^Afyrdfiavo*; [o irdrpw^], i^ ro 46 
irp&rov yvwfi/rjv aTreSe^aro ikevOipo}^ ov (rvfifiovXewov Eiipfy 
arparevea'dat iirl rifv 'EXXdBa, oJrro^ &v^p if>paa'0€U Sip^v 
SaKpycavra elpero roBe. *' & fiaatXev, w ttoXKov aXXi^Xoov 
KexwpiATfiiva ipycurao vvv re Kal oklytp irporepov' fiaxapUra^ $ 
yhp aemvTOV BaKpvei^.^' h Bk elire " i<nfK0€ yap fie Xoyi- 
(rdfievov KaroiKTlptu &<i fipo^X^^ ^^''7 ^ ^^^ avOpwirtPo^ fiio^f 
el TOVTtav ye eovrmv roa-ovrcav ovSel? 69 i/caroarov ^09 
irepteoTat.^* h Bk dfietfiero X&yav ** irepa rovrov irapk rifv 
^orjv treTTovdafiev olxTporepa, ev yhp ovrto fipayki fii<p ovBeX^ 10 
ovTw avOptoiro^ ioDv evBcU/AODV ire^VKe, ovre rovrav ovre r&v 

46. 1 6 Trarpcos seel, van H.^ Stein^: 6 irdrpnts avrov coni. Stein^ 

2 cXcv^cptcus B 4 voXXJbv Stein^ : vokv codd., Stob. 7 Karoi^ 

KT€ipai Stein^^, cp. c 38. 12 sup. || dv6p<airrjios Bredow 'ex xusa HdtL' 
van H. 10 (iotfv B 



W irdyra rOv Ijpxt, 4. 87. Op. Intro- 
duction, § 10. One may easilv re- 
concile this observation with the nypo- 
thesis of the prior composition of dkb, 
7, 8, 9. It is difficult to discover a rale 
for Hdt.'s use of the article with K^p^Vh 
but its effect is to give the name addi- 
tional prominence for the moment. 
46. 1. 'Aprdpavos : 0. 10 supnt, 
th irpdrov : for he subsequently 
altered his opinion. There follows here 
an elaborate Dialogue, with five speeches 
assigned to each interlocutor (cc. 46-52). 
Little or no degree of authenticity can 
be claimed for the passage as a record 
of an actual conversation between the 
king and his uncle, (a) The conversa- 
tion is ex hypothesi a private one ; (6) 
surely not conducted, although reported, 
in Greek ; (c) marked by Ore^ sentiment 
rather than Persian, or Oriental ; {d) 
affording an artificial antithesis, or 
series of antitheses, between the cheery 
optimism of the king and the sober 
pessimism of the counsellor ; (e) in regard 
to human life generally and the jealousy 
of the gods ; (/) in regard to the natural 
difficulties encompassing the expedition ; 
(g) in regard to the danger to be appre- 
hended from the lonians, a human 
element of weakness. The passage 
suggests to some extent a rationale for 
the cominff failure of the undertaking, 
in * the jealousy ' of heaven, the physical 
obstacles on land and sea, the human 
elements of weakness in the composition 
of the forces, all points which are sub- 



sequently worked out more fcdly, and 
to a great extent in similar dramatic 
form. (Op. CO. 101 ff.) It cannot be 
said that Xerxes has tiie worst of the 
argument upon this occasion ; he con- 
trasts fiftvourably with the blatant egotism 
of a Kroisos in his interview with Solon 
(1. 80), and Hdt. has nowhere shown 
himself a finer literary artist than in 
his management of this matter, and of 
the subsequent dialogues which are the 
vehicles for his own philosophy of 
history, with especial reference to the 
great expedition. A modem historian, 
dealing with a similar problem, must 
speak in propria persona, and dare not 
invoke Hdt's stage-devices (cp. H. B. 
Greorge, Napoleon* 8 Invasion of Huana, 
1899, poMim). But Hermogenes went 
too far in his commendation of Hdt. as 
a master in the representation of ^ 
and wddri Tpoffi!nr<ap, -in this passage 
especially, where the treatment la de- 
ciaedly conventional : wept ISeup /9 396 
(Spengel, Ithet, Or. ii. 421). 

2. o^ ovpiPovXciMiv : dissiuxdens, ie. 

6. lo^Oc Ydp |u Xo^M^Liuvov Karoi- 
KTbpoi «s . ., 'yes, for pity came over 
(into) me, when I thought how . .' 

8. Is Uwrovrhv fros, 'a hundredth 
year,* from now? or of agef The 
former seems the more forcible : ' a 
hundred years hence they will all be 
gone.' 

9. 'vopd T^ tdi|v, ' during life . .' 



68 HPOAOTOY vii 

oKKiDV, T^ oif irapaarrjaerai 9roXXa#c£9 icaX ovkX &7ra^ reOvdvai 
/SovXeaOai fiAWov ^ ^a>€iv» ai re ffhp a-vfLffwpal irpoa- 
triirrovaiu koX ai vovaot awrapdaaovai zeal fipaj(yv iovra 
i^fAOKpov Sok4€iv elpoi iroteva-t rov fiiov. ovrto 6 fikv Odvaro^ 
fioj(0fip^^ iovcrt)^ T^9 ^0179 KOTOAfivrpi aipeTfOTOTfi T^ avOpdytrtp 
yiyove' 6 Sk Oeb^ yXv/dnf yevaa^ rov al&va <f>0ov€pb^ iv 
avT^ evpiaKercu id>vJ** 

47 B^/3^9 Sk dfieifiero Xiyoiv "^Aprdfiave, fitOTtj^ fiiv vw 
avdpomrflfi^ iripi, iovarrj^ roiavn^^ otffv irep av Suttpiac elvai, 
iravo'dfAeOa, fi/r^Se kuk&v /lefivd^ieOa jfpritrrh €j(pvT€^ irp/f^iiaTa 
kv p^epo-/* if^pdcov Bi fioi roSe* el rot '^ Sy^i^ rov ivimviov 

^fi^ ivapy^^ ouT(o iif^avrj, 6Z;^€9 &p rifv apj(alffv ypwfjiofv, ovk 
i&v /X6 aTparevea-Oac iirl rifv *EK\dSa, ^ fxerioTrf^ av ; if^epe 
tovt6 fioi arpexito^ eliri*^ h 8k afielfiero Xeyo^v "& fiao'iXev, 
^19 /A^ V i^i^avelaa rov ovelpov 109 fiovXofieOa dp^orepoi 
rekevniaeie, iyoD 8* irt teal ^9 roSe Belfiaro^ elfuL inroTrkeo^ 

10 ovS' ivTO^ ifiefovrov, oKKa re iroKKiL hrCKeyofievo^ Koi ti) koI 

48 op&v TO* hio rk /Jbeytara iravrc^v iovra TroXefiurrara.^^ B^/3^9 
Si irph^ ravra dfielfiero roialBe, *' Baifiovie avSp&v, Kota 
ravra \^ei^ elvat Svo pLOi iroXefiuorara ; Korepd rot, 6 ire^o^ 

13 (Uiv Cd: ^v PRs 14 (rwrapdmrovarat Stein^^ 17 

rcvAiS Stob. 98. 62 : ro^as idem 73 47. 2 8tatp€€ai CFz, Stein^ : 

8taip€ai B || [cfvail ? 3 fi€fiv<ap^6a z, Eustath. IL p. 767 : fitfivtiafuda 

9 wtottXcos R: wtottXcws oSV : wc/mtXcos van H. 11 iovrtav B 

48w 2 TOuriSe : rouriSe Stein : roio-Sc 

12. Tt0vdvai po^XtT^oi |mXXov 4^ life that is sweet (or, of the sweetness of 

ti&nv : the same pessimistic sentiment life), ffires it, one finds, with a jealous 

IS pat into the lips of Solon, 1. 81 8ii8e^ hand. This thorooghly Greek form of 

re ip To&rotfft 6 Btbt (Sn dfietMOP ttri dp- the doctrine of Divine ^6yot is oat of 

$pfbTip TtBpdwai /ioXKop Ij ^tbeip. Arta- place on the lips of a worshipper of 

banos of coarse could not cite the stor^ Ahuramazda. On the doctrine cp. 0. 

of Kleobis and Biton as proof of his 10 11. 45 ff. wpra, and Introduction, § 

contention. Side by side with the child- 11. ip airtp is vague : ' therein,' cp. ip 

like and the cheery view of life there a&rot&t, c. 8 L 84 supra, 
runs through Greek literature, from 47, 3, ^iM kokAv lui&W&ucOa ktX. 

Homer to Plutarch, the sadder note of Xerxes had no exception to take to 

pessimism, as perhaps through every ArUbanos* pessimism, unless that it is 

great Uterature (though * prosperity is mal dpropos, fie/ipit^^0a : Od. 14. 168 

the blessing of the Old Testament, axXa xa/i^ ntfiPibfieSa, iiifii fu to6tup 

Ecclenastea, or even Job, is not exactly MlfxpriaK*, The perf. pass, is used as a 

cheerful reading). Cp. note to 6. 4 middle ; 6. 196 /Ufipw tQp *k$fipcd»p 

(Hdt IV.-VI. i. 166»). But the senti- („ if from /ifdoMoi). The woid Bior^ is 

ment here is Hellenic rather than Persian ^^^ ^q prose. 

(Omar Khayyam notwithstanding). ,. ._. \ ^ ,, , --rt'-_ 

17. i » «it vXvicihr Tciknit TiS aUva ,, ^^'}^ 4|i««rr»9. Cte. 1. 119 otfrc 

^liw^ h a^ cipOnccrat klv, ' while ^i^^'^im ^'^^ re ^un/roO ylptrai. 
our God, after giving us a taste of the 48. 2. 8ai|&^vu &v8pAr, 4. 126. 



46-49 



nOAYMNIA 



69 



/i€/Li7rro9 Karh irKrjdo^ €crrl koX to 'EXXi^i/t/eoy OTpdrevfia 
ffxiiverai, iroWairX.i^a'iov laeaOac rod ^fieripov, ij to vatmKOV 5 
TO ^fiirepov Xely^eaOai rod ixelvfap, fj zeal awaft^orepa ravra; 
el ydp TOA TavTTf ^Ivera^ ivSeiarepa elvcu rk ^fiirepa 
irprjypMTa, a-rparov &v oKXov n^ rrfv raj^larrfv aryepa^v 
iroUoi^TO^ )( h S* a/ielfiero Xeyoiv " & ffaa-iXev, ovre arparhv 49 
TOVTOv, ooTi^ y€ ovpeaiv ^X^*» fUp^oiT &v otire r&v ve&v to 
7r\rj0o^* i^v re irTievva^ avXkify^, tA Svo roi rh \iyo» iroXK^ 
€Ti TroXefiuarepa yiverai, rib 8k Svo ravra iarX yrj re xal 
OaXaaaa. ovre yhp t^9 OaXdaar)^ earl \ifi^v roaovro^ ovSa- 5 
fjLoOi, 009 iyoD elfcd^oD, o<m^ iyei,pop4vov yeipAvo^ he^dfievo^ cev 
rovro ro vavriKov <f>€piyyvo^ earcu Suur&a-ac t^9 v4a^, KoLro^ 
ovkI Iva avrov Set elvat [rov Xt/ieva], aXXit <7ro\\oif^> irapk 
irdaav ri)v Tjireipov irap fyf S^ KOfii^eai, ovkcdv S)f iovrtov 
rot Xi/jUvcov vTToSe^lav, fidOe on ai avfi^opaX r&v avOpanrtov 10 

4 Kara rh irkijOos CP appr. van H. 8 oLy^xriv rrfv raxumiv B 

9 iroiotro codd., Holder 49. 1 arparov rovrovf Stein^, van H. 

2 Ixoi fi, Holder, van H. 8 rhv Xt/xcva del Eraeger, Stein^ || iroXkovi 

coni. Stein^ 9 Svf KOfii^erat Cd : M KOfiurai B || cdvruiv : eourcoiK 

Toumier 10 Xt/uvuiv del idem || viro3c^i/Ao>v ? Valckenaer 



6. (rvva|A^<ST«pa, 'both at once.' 
Three alternatiyes are put : (1) the Greek 
land army outnambers the Persian ; (2) 
the king's fleet outnumbered by the 
enemv; (3) both these conditions realized 
together. 

8. T^v TaxtoTTjV, not with dyepffiw 
but adverbially (sc. 6ddy) ; cp. c 162. 
Notwithstanding the expressed condition 
d ^aCvnui ktX., the apodosis vrparoO 
dv . . iroiiobTO comes very near to the 
optativus potentialis, dubUativus, *'u8ed 
to denote something as what is conceiv- 
able, and, under certain circumstances 
{sic), could and might easily occur, or 
to which some person might be inclined, " 
Madvig, Greek Syntax, § 136. 

49. 1. o^c . . i&^ii^obT' dv . . T^ 
irXi)Oo$. Artabanos does, however, 
delicately hint that the army is too 
large and the ships too numerous. 

4. Yfj re Kal OaXao-<ra. The formula 
is good but its development disappoint- 
ing : ' the further you go the harder it 
wUl be to find food, and there are no 
harbours.' In the sequel the many 
advantages the Greeks enjoyed in their 
land and waters for purposes of defensive 
warfare are illustrated and set forth, 
more or less consciously, by the historian. 



Perhaps Artabanos says as much as he 
could say, being a straneer to Greece : 
but his bare remarks woma have applied 
equally well to Skythia. If they are 
not introduced in the story of the 
Skythian campaign it is perhaps because 
they had already done duty here, that 
story being ^f later composition than 
this ; op. 4. 83. 

7. ^cp^YYvot, a more strongly coloured 
word than IxaifSt or iwar^, cp. 5. 80. 

10. ^iroSifCMV, inro^^xt^Boi dwafUtnaif, 
a curious word, Ara^ X. Valckenaer 
proposed to read (nrode^lfuaif, but Stein 
points out that the word is guaranteed 
oy Photius and Suidas, and compares 
dairdffiot, ^6^iof, davfidatot, KaSdpffiot, 
jt(fffL9t, 4t^iot, &Ki9iot, taking bxoM^un 
from i^irdde^ir. The ambiguitv of this 
word is, of course, enhanced by the 
alternatives, df((6t, Uxoimi {ii^ofuu), 

l&dOi, 'let me remind thee.' The 
imperative seems a little abrupt, but is 
merely conventional. 

oX (rv|ji^opal . . tAv o-vfi^op^Wy 
an obvious 'Gnome.' Cp. 1. 32 irar 
4ffTi Avdpwirot ffvttAftoprfi, and Sallnst, Jv^, 
1 ad f. neque regerentur magis quam 
regerent casus. 



70 HPOAOTOY VII 

dpj(pva^ KoX ovkI &vdpfoirot r&v avfjjfiopifov. KCii Si) r&v 8vo 
TOi Tov Mpov eiptiiihfov ro irepov ?pj(p/uu epioav, yrj [Sd] 
woXefilfj tSBc Toi KarlaraTar el OiXet rot p/qhkv avrifoov 
KaraoTTJvai, roaovrtp rot ylverat iroTi^fucyriptj oatp &v irpo- 

isfiaivjj^ iKaaripa), to Trpoato alel KKenrrofiepo^' evTrpfj^lr)^ Sk 
ov/e ?<m avOpanroun ovBcfila 7r\r)0cipTi. Kal S^ roi, C09 
oifSepo^ hfavTieviikvoVf Xeya> rifv x^PV^ irXevpa iv irTUovi ypovtp 
yivofihnjv Xifiov ri^eaOai, avtfp Sk oinro) &v etn^ apicTo^, el 
fiovXevofievo^ fiev appaySioc, irav iiriKeyofieva^ irela-eaOai XPVM^> 

tOiv Sk r^ ipy<p 0pa<rif^ eirj.^* afiel/Serat Bip^9 rouriSe. 

"^Aprdfiave, ol/eoroi^ fiev av ye rovTfov ixaaTa iiatpiav arhp 

fii^re irdvra ^ofieo fitfre irav ofioloD^ iinXiyeo. el yhp hrj 

fiovKoio errl r^ alel irpoa^popAvtp wpifyfiaTi to tt&v ofioia^ 

5 iwi\Jyea-0ai, 'iroirjaeui^ &v ovSapA ovSiv xpiao'ov Bk irdvra 

12 3^ codd., Stein^ : 5^ coni. Wesseling et sic S (Gaisf.) : yap Schweigh.: 
del. Herold, Stein^ 13 ek\€i AGd: OkXoi'B: c^cAct Pits: kOkXoi 

SV II ai^tfoov A : avrifoov BRV 16 8c fl : yap a 17 cVavrtov- 

pAvov 6 50. 1 roKTiSc : roUnZ€ Stein : rola-ht 2 hiaipkai RS, 

Gaist, Stein^ : 8iai/>€€ai Stein^ 4 rrpo(r<f>€pofi€Vi^ Stein* : hrea-^po- 

/A€Vif a, Stein^ ^ : €7r€ur<l>€popj€vif fl, Holder : €Tri<f>€popj€Vi^ van H. : nonne 

pOtiuS VpOWit>€pOpj€V(f \ 

12. (fpy 0|uu hpim¥t ' I am going to say ' ; 6 ixpoim/is ( ' is cijoled '). Xenoph. An, 5. 

je vais Sre ; eo dictum ; what may be 6. 9 e< ^ koX dwriden-t rd re Sptf icX^at 

called a material fatore, enhanced in Ij ^daai \ap6rret ktX,: ib. 4. 6. 11 iroXi/ 

this instance by the fnturity inherent oSi^ Kpelrrop toO ifr/j/iov 6povs koI irX^^cu 

in 4p4ta itself. rt irecpoo'^ai XaOd^rat koI dprdo-cu ^0d- 

18. ivrifpw, an Ionic word, Hdt. o'arrer, el 8upcUfie0a /iSXKw 1j xpbt Icx^pd 

passim, used by Herakleitos ap, Aristot. x<^P^ f^o^ dt^Spat vapevKtvaafUvoxn /udx€- 

Eth, N. 8. 1. 6 = 1155 B* (rd dirrl^ow ffvfi- 9601, In the present case irXerr. r. rp, 

^pop), may best be taken = irtipii/jLepot del 

15. T^irp^M&cl icXff«T^|icvot/ '/itrtim kkiif/ai ri Xa^cbr r. wp. For the last 

prqfieiseens" (Wesseling); **vmprudens two words cp. c. 57 i7|/rfl^ 
semper dbreptus" (Schweighaeuser) ; is. M^ » . . <i|, another senten- 

*'inscius tu semper ultenus protractua" tious * gnome * ; cp. HamUt i. iii. 65 ff. 

(Baehr); '*jederFortsehriUer8ehleichend, << Beware Of entrance to a quarrel, but 

dieh vtnmer toeiier ste?Uend" (Stein); being in, Bear 't that th* opposed may 

"indem du das Varriicken dir immer beware of thee " (Polonius). 

^I^^f^^y.^^^'^'A^'Ji'^ ^""^ Pm' 20. -np IpYv, contrasted with XAyo,, 

oeedest further and further, msensibly ^ ^,^ {^^ ^^^ /JotJXev/ua : cp. 9 92. 

allured onwards" (Rawlmson) ; "bemg ' s^«i^ ««,•„« 17 «.^ 

cheated as you go of [real] advance^ ^^\\ BuupAu, as m c. 47 supra. 

(sic: Blakesley); "ever stealing on further A*^. » »re word in prose, intro- 

and further* (Macaulay) ; °* going on duces a marked alternative; cp. 6. 188, 

blindfold" (L. k S.). The versions answering /Up more emphatically than 

differ according as xXeirrd/iepot is Uken ^- Xerxes repays his uncle in his 

to be passive (Schweighaeuser, Baehr, own sententious coin : * nothing venture, 

Eawlinson, Blakesley, L. k S.) or middle nothing have.* 

(Wesseling, Stein, Abicht, Macaulay). 8. cl . . &iro8^. Stein cps. 4. 172 

Aristot JRhet, 8. 7 = 1408 B* has cX^irrercu for subjunctive with e/. 



49-50 nOAYMNIA 71 

Oapa-eovra fffnav r&v Seiv&v ird<r)(€ttf fi£KKov fj irav XPVf^'^ 
irpoSeifiaivopTa firjSa/ji^ fivfSh iraOelv. cl Si ipl^cDV irpo^ irav 
TO Xeyofievov p,i) to ffifiaiov airoSify^, aif^aXKea-Ocu o^tXet? 
iv ainouri 6fiol(o^ KciX 6 xnrevavrla TOUToun \i^^. touto 
fiep vvv iir tarj^ <^X^^' elSepcu 8k avOpfoirov iovTa k&^ xph "^o lo 
fiefiatov ; Sokco) /ikv ovBafiA^, Toiat toIwv fiovXofikuour^ 
TToUeiv €09 TO hrlirav tf^iXeei ylveaOai r^ xipBca, Toiai, 8k 
hrCKeyopAvourl re iravra kclL OKviovat oxt fjLoKa iOiKei. opq,^ 
Tct Ilepaicov TrpTjyfiaTa €9 h Svud/juo^ 7rpoKej(iu>pffK€. ct toIpw 
ixeivoi oi irpo ifiev yevofievoi ficurikie^ yvwfirja-i ij(pi(ovTo 15 
ofjLolrja-i zeal av, fj firf ^eco/tei/ot yvtofirja-c Touivrpa-i aXKov^ 
avfifiovKov^ el'^ov toi^utov^, ovk av kotc elSe^ airrii e9 tovto 
irpoeXBovTa' vvv Si KtvSvvov^ avappiTrriovTe^ €9 tovto a^ia 
irporjyarfovTO. fi^oKa ykp irptfyfiaTa yye>icLKoiai KivSvvoun 
iOiXet KaTaipeeaOai. ^fiei^ Toivw 6fAOi€Vfi€voi eKeivoun Aprfv 20 
T€ Tov lreo9 KaWiarrfv iropevofieda, xal KaTcurTpeyfrdfievoi 
iraaav ttjv ^vpannrfv vo<rniaop,€V oiriaoi, oirre \ifi^ ivTvjfpvTe^ 
ovBafioOc ovT€ aWo a')(api ovSkv iraOovTc^, tovto fikv yhp 
ainoX iroXKr^v <f)opfirfv <f>€p6fi€voi iropevo/ieOa, tovto Be, t&v av 
Kov iiri^ecofiev yrjv /cal edvo^, tovt<ov tov (tItov l^ofiev' hr 2$ 

7 iraOilv : irouiv Krueger % pit] rh 6 : /ai/tc a || avoBk^jn^ fi, 

Stein^ s . ajrohk^ti^ a, Stein^ || o<^ciAi/o-€is (post airoSc^cis) Naber appr. 

van H. 10 /ca/ctos 6 18 (r<^a 6 : (r<^as a 19 w/ooijyayov 

Krueger 

9. iv a^TToCo-i, 'thereby' ; cp. c. 8 1. 84. d d' iKtivok iwirHiftji t/hn^ouo-i, KaOaiper^ 

12. iroUibv, ' to be doing . .' iifuy i^rl fUkhji : Earip. Supp, 749 ^ptf 

16. 6|JiolD<ri koC : cp. dfuUui koU just KaBaxptiaO* o^ \i^y rd TpAyfiara. 

above. 20. Api|v . . KaXXC^TV|v, from a 

18. KivSirvovs dvappbirWovrct : cp. military point of view. Aoc of 'dura- 
Thuc. 4. 85. 4 «c£vduvd»' [re] roadyde tion ' or ' date ' jpomm. 

dfeppt^j/afiev dtd ttjs dWorpiai toXKuv 22. voirav ri[¥ E^^p^&in|V, a large 

ijfjL€fHip 696v I6irr€s kt\. : ib. 95. 2 trapaari order ! Artabanos disapproved even of 

8i fi7j5€vl i/fxuv (US iy ri dXXorplg, o6 the attempt to conquer 'Hellas/ c. 47 

irpoaijKov roadvde KiySwoy dyappiiTTovfiep : supra. Tne objective of the expedition 

and 6. 13. 1 vwip r^s iraTpLdos Cjt fjJyurrov fluctuates |NM»m ; cp. c. 54. 

8ij tQ)v irplv KUfdwoy i.vappiTrro(>fnfi dyrc- oikf Xifup . . oikf AXXo &X^^ • • 

xei-poTov€i¥. Thuc. 5. 103. 1 suggests in view of the sequel, these words may 

the ori^n of the metaphor: roif d' it be regarded as 'ironical.' 

Hirav rb inrdpxor dyappiirrown {Sdiropos 24. ^pp^ : cp. CO. 107, 119 infra. 

ydp (f>v<T€i) dfjM T€ yiyy d)ffK€T<u ff<^\iPT(ay In Homer only of fodder, but in Hdt. 

ktX. (dice- throwing, gambling : dvoppc^ai of food for men, 1. 202, 4. 121. 

t6v T€pl TTJs TarplSot K^^op Plutarch, 25. hf dpori^pat . . &v8pc&t: an 

Brutus 40). obvious reference, from Xerxes' point of 

19. fMydXa ydp . . KaraiplMrOab, view, to the Skvthian expedition ; his 
more ' gnomic ' wisdom. The sense of uncle had used the same fact to enhance 
KaT(up4€<r0ai here is perhaps unusual ; the dread of attacking Greeks &p8pat 
* to be won,' 'achieved : Thuc. 1. 121. 4 iroXXdf^ dfieUfwas 1j 2if«>^of c 10 supra. 



72 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



61 aporrjpas Sk xal ov vofidBa^ arparevofuOa avSpa^.^^ Xiyet 
^Afyrdfiavo^ fierii ravra "& ficurtXev, hrelre appcDBieiv ovSkv 
ifS 'trpriyiia, aif Si fiev aufifiovKirjv IvSe^ctt* avarf/ecUcD^ yhp 
iXl^i, irepX nroXK&v irpriyfidTODV irXevpa \oyov i/creiviu. Kvpo^ 
5 o Kafifivccoi ^Ic^pivjv iraaav irK^iv ^AOrfvalmv Karearpiy^aTo 
Saa'fioif>6pov elvat, Tliparjai. roirov^ &v roif^ ivBpa^ avp,- 
fiovXewo TO* fjbtjBefwp MX"'^ ar/eiv M Toi>^ iraripa^* xal 
ykp avev rovrmv otoi re el/ikv r&v i')(0p&v KarvTriprepoc 
ylveaOiu. tj ykp a<f>ia^, fjv iiroavrai, hei aSiKcordrov^ ylveaOat 

10 KaraZovKoviiAvov^ rifv fd/rfTpoirdkLV, ^ Suea^ordrov^ aweXev- 
depovvra^. aSiKdraroi pMif vw yiPOfievoi ovShf KipSo^ fiiya 
flpZv TTpoa-fidWova^, Sueaioraroi Sk yipofievoi otol re 8f)\i^aaa'0at 



51. 5 'A&7jv€ii}v 
12 7rpopdX.Xov(ri a 
fuydXtas B 



post Vail. corr. Scbaefer approb. Holder, van H. 
II [yiv6fuvoi,] ? van H. || t^v <r^v OT/oari^v Si/X^ai 



61. 8. ri 8^ |uv orvapotiX£i|v Iv8€{ai, 
'do thoa withal accept (tnia) advice of me.' 
The 94 in apodosi, especially remarkable 
here as (a) the subject is the same as 
that of the pratatia, (6) the phrase is 
imperative. The constraction, rare in 
Attic prose, is very common in Hdt. 
Sitsler (in I.) formulates the rule: "Hdt. 
nses the pronouns of the first and second 
person, and for the third person 6 and 
o9rot in conjunction with 84 at the open- 
ing of the apodosis (Naohsatz), after a 
temporal, conditional, or relative iTrotatis 
(Yordersatz), in order to emphasize an 
idea of the prUtuis (rie : Yordersatz) ; 
only, however, in cases where the 94 in 
apddosi repeats a ^ in the protasis 
epanaleptically, or (as in this place) an 
opposition of ideas (ein begrifflioher 
Gregensatz) is present." Stein (note to 1. 
112) ezraesses the rule more happily : 
"Like Homer, Hdt. is apt after condi- 
tional, tempoial, and relative protaseis 
(Yordersatze) to impart an emphasis to 
the apodosis, and to contrast it with 
the protaais^ even in oases of an impera- 
tive, by putting its subject forward with 
94 even when ooth sentences have the 
same subject.' A cognate idiom obtains 
when Hdt, in antithetical sentences 
introduced by fUv and 94^ in order to 
emphasize further the contrast, intro- 
duces the pronoun or grammatical 
subject of the second clause, even where 
there is no change of subject, or where 



the contrast does not lie between the 
subjects of the two sentences. Cp. Stein, 
1. 17 note. 

4. K^Mt & Ka|&piwrM», no doubt ' son 
of Eambyses.* Cp. c. 11 supra, 

5. "iMvLvpf vnau¥ vX^v 'A9r\valmv. 
'Ionia' here is an ethnical not a geo- 
graphical term : cp. 1. 146 roiai *l<i»lrit 
fUra o094 toO oM/iarot ol94¥, Artabanos 
betrays a degree of research into Hellenic 
ethnology perhaps remarkable and un- 
dramatic for a Persian : cp. c. 9 tupra. 
The remainder of his speech certainly 
smells pure Attic. The Eyreian conquest 
of Ionia (effected bv deputy) is described 
1. 161 ff., to which passage a reference 
here would be, of course, dramatically 
impossible ; hence no argument a nUnUo 
can be drawn as to the order of composi- 
tion. With jr. 9aff /Ao4t9p09 eZrai cp. 1. 6 
jrareoTp^aro ^r ^6pav dwaywyfy'. 

7. To^ vtvr^Hit . . T^ |ii|Tp^iroXiv. 
Artabanos anticipates tne appeals of 
Themistooles, 8. 22 ir^fra, ana might 
have learnt his political philosophy 
from the loyal Phoenicians, 8. 19 {vice 
versa). It is hardly conceivable that 
any Persian should have admitted the 
'justice ' of the lonians in joining the 
CTreeks ; but it is, of course, more than 
possible that the loyalty of his Greek 
subjects was not above suspicion, and was 
suspected by Xerxes or his councillors ; 
cp. 8. 90. 



51-52 



nOAYMNIA 



73 



fjL€yd\o>^ ri^v a^v arpaTiffv yivovrtu, 69 dvfiov &v fidXev xal 
TO iraXaiov erro^ &^ ei elprjTCU, to /i^ &fia dpj(^ irav ri\o^ 
/eaTa<f>aip€a-0cu,*^ dfieifierac irpb^ ravra B^p^9 ** ^Aprdfiave, 62 
Twp dire^rfvao yvtofUtov a-<f>d\\6ai xard ravrrjv Stf fuiXLOTa, 
89 "Iwi'a? ifwfiiat fiif /lerafidXtoa-t, r&v ?x^/4€y yp&fia fjUyurrov, 
T^ <TV T€ /idfyrv^ ylveai zeal oi a-vaTpaTeva-dfjLevoL iiapelip 
aXKoi eirl 'S,Kv0a^, Sri iirl rovrouri, fj iraaa TlepatKrf (rrpart^ 5 
iyepero Suul>0€lpai koX Trepcwoi^acu, cS Sk SiKoioavvrfv koX 
TriaTOTTfra ipiSe^av, dyapi, Zi oiSep. irdpe^ 8k tovtov, cp t§ 
iJ/Lter^pi; KaraXnTOpra^ rixpa xal yvpoixa^ koX j^i^fiara oifS* 
iwiXAyeaOcu j^ pednepop ri irod^a-eLP. ovt(o fitfSk rovro 

IZ &v /3dk€v Ccorr. BH : &v )8aXev AP : &v jSoo-tXcv Bh : & jSoo-tXcv 
Cpr. 6 : &v /Sdkkeo van H. 14 iraKrcXa)? 6 52. 1 vplbs 6 : 

icat a : fortasse icai irphs Stein^ 3 4>opUai Ps, Stein^ 4 r{> 

Reiske : rtav codd., Stein^ 2 6 #cat : ^ Naber appr. van H. 7 

lvkh€^av Stein^ : cvcSio/cav codd., Stein^ * : kv^hk^vro van H. 



18. 4t 0v|fc^v p., cp. 1. 84 : here of the 
intelligence, not as in c. 160 ii^ra. 

14. T^ iraXai&v Iros. Hat. has a 
penchant for hrri td elprj/xipaf irta 
irrtpoipTa. Artabanos concludes his 
appeal with the notorious Solonian bon- 
mot, in a variant. 1. 32 gives it: 

TeXewnJv, k^ dwo^-^erau Aristotle, Eth, 
N. 1. 10, 1 = 1100 a" has it in the 
Delphic form : WXor 6pap, This is not 
the first instance in which Artabanos 
derives his philosophy from Solonian 
wells : cp. c. 16 supra. It may be 
doubted whether Hdt would have com- 
mitted himself to such doublettes, or 
made Artabanos plagiarize Solon, had 
Book 1 been in existence when Book 7 
was being composed. But granted that 
Bouk 1 was of later composition, it 
was natural that the historian should 
render to Solon what belonged to Solon, 
when he got the chance. Op. Introduc- 
tion, § 7. 

52. 3. lUTapdVwo-b, " umschwenken, 
abfallen" (Stein); "anderer Meinung 
werden" (Abicht). The question is 
whether the word indicates the material 
act or the mental antecedent. The 
active (used intransitively) certainly 
refers to a material act, as in 1. 65 
fteripaXov Si <bd€ is eCvofdiji'f and 
absolutely c. 170 infra z turaPaXbtrras 
dvrl fUv KprtrCjv yeyiffOou 'lijw^yas 
M.€ff{rairiovs cUr2 di eirou i^ri<ruJlrras "fyireipdf- 
rai. 8. 22 illustrates this passage fully : 



tva 1j \a06rra rd ypd/ifJMra jScurtX^a 'Iwi'at 
iroci^p fierajSaXetr koX yepiffOat xpbt 
iuvrOi^ ij ktX, Cp. (8. 109), 9. 6. The 
middle fiertpdWom-S (re xal diraXXdo-- 
0-orro), 5. 75, may be tAken in a strictly 
physical sense: 'wheeled them round 
and marched off,' or (with L. & S.) 
' changed their minds.' 

tAv, relative, attracted ; cp. c. 8 
1. 17. The word is twice repeated, as a 
relative, just below, rather inelegantly. 
fts = SUrri 9<i . . 

<yv6|ia, ' token ' ; not common. 
Soph. Track, 598. The faithful loyalty 
of the lonians in the Skythic expedition 
is adduced by Xerxes as a precedent ; 
but (a) an invasion of 'Skythia' was 
one thing, an invasion of Hellas another ; 
(6) Artaoanos had already discredited, 
or heavily discounted, this argument, 
0. 10 fupra, Hdt could not have 
made Xerxes refer to the story in Bk. 
4, but it is curious that he should 
represent him as ignoring the story of 
Histiaios as told by Artabanos above. 
Is that passage part of the additions to 
the first draft of this Book ? 

5. AXXoi, ' besides you.' M roirroio^, 
cp. ^' ijfhfL yt ^<, c 10 1. 35 supm. 

6. KcU, 'and '= ' or ' : a discretive con- 
junction. 

7. vdpi( 8i Toirrov : the second argu- 
ment for the loyalty of the lonians, that 
the Persians had. their families and pro- 
perties as security, is more convincing. 



74 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



lo <f>ofiio, aXXh dvfiov ij(fov arfoObv a^^e ohcov re rbv ifibv zeal 
TVpawlSa TTiv ifirfv trol yiip iyi> fiovvfp ix iravrfov aicrjirrpa 
rh ifik emrpdiroD.^^ 
63 Tavra etwa^ koI ^Aprdficww airoaTctKa^ h %ov(ra Sevrepa 
fiererrefi'^TO Hep^^ Tlepa-eo^v rov^ SoKifuordroi/^' cttcI &' oi 
iraprjaav, eXeyi a-<l>i rdSe, "& Tlipaai, t&pS^ ^m vpicav 
j(prji^a)v a-vv€7i£^, avSpa^ re yeviaOai arfadoif^ Ktii fit) /carai- 

5 ayypeiv rk irpoade ipyacfieva Tlepatja-i, iovra fieydXa re koX 
TToXXoO i^ta, aSX eh t€ Ikooto^ koL oi avfiiravre^ TrpoOvfUrjv 
1^09 fiev ^vvov yhp iraai tovto arfaOov aireuieraL. r&vte ik 
eXv€Ka irpoarfopevm dvriyea-Oat rov iroKkfiov hneraiiivfo^' i^ 
yiip iyoD TrwOdvofjuii, iir avSpa^ arparevofieOa ar^aJBov^, r&v 

lofjv /epaTi]a(o/i€V, ov fitf t*9 ripSv oKKo'i OTparo^ dimar^ Kore 
dvOpooirtov. vvv hi Siafialvo^fiev iirevfdfievoc rolai deoiac ot 
Tlipca^ XeXoT^OiTt." 

10 €xc dyaOov a 11 €k iravrtav om. 6 12 eirirparto a 

53. 1 diroXva-as 6 2 cTrctVc vel circtSi) 8c ? van H. 4 yiv&rOai 

6, van H. 7 ixofuv 6 || (nrcvScrco a || rCivht ^ 1 Stein^ 8 

cvrcrayficvcDS R: ivrtraxryAvio^ SV 12 irepcriSa yrjv fie, Holder, 

van H. 



10. oticov* TvpawCSa* <rKi)irTpa. 

ArtabanoB no donbt was Migor-domo 
and Viceroy daring the king's absence ; 
cp. c 2 8upra. This fact may help to 
aeconnt for his person being used by 
Hdt to represent the stay-at-homes, 
and opposition to the war (though he 
gains by it personally), rvpawvit is 
hardlv appropriate in the king's own 
mouth ; ffxifirrpa (pi.) is poetical : cp. 
Aesch. Pr. 761, Soph. 0,0, 425. The 
whole interview suggests a theatrical 
scene, and may be taken as illustrating 
the influence of the stage upon Hdt. 

68. 1. Siirripa, 'next' tlcponlwvTO^ 
SokiimtAtovs, cp. c. 8 supra. There is 
an anecdote of Aerxes at Abydos related, 
c. 147 infra, in which ol TdpeSpoi figure. 

8. rM>' . . ifyAMV xp^4«v <ruv&4>^ 
{{tfUat) : ;o^f^etr takes here a double 
genitive, like S^eadcu, 

7. Ix^H^^ • ^^® ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ person 
is tactful, and altogether Xerxes comes 
out well in this speech, or 'General 
Order,' which comprises an appeal to his 
lords and officers to be good men and 
true, worthy of their ancestors, in view 
of a common object and a common good, 
and concludes with a compliment to the 
enemy, and a call to divine worship. 



Xerxes here shows himself brave, cour- 
teous, pious, not immodest, not insolent, 
not egotistic. Hdt. is ^nerously in- 
consistent ; cp. Introduction, § 11. 

8. lvTflTapiv«*Si the participial adverb ; 
cp. 8. 128. 

10. oi |fci| . . AvTUTTJ, the double 
negative witn the subjunctive = a future 
with strong negation : Madvig, Syntax, 
§ 124, R. 3. Xerxes is made to pay the 
Greeks a high compliment incidentidly ; 
but he does not aflect to despise his 
enemy. (Cp. drdpaf . . dyBpiifwvy.) 

11. vOv M 8iapa£vi*|Acv ^irtu(d|Mvoi 
Toia% OcotiTi ot n^>o-af XiXd^xc^S 
'but now, before crossing, let us make 
supplication to the gods, who have us 
Persians in their charge.' There is no 
monotheism here (nor were the Persians 
of that age monotheists), nor even quite 
' Katheno • theism ' or ' Heno - theism ' 
(to use F. Max Miiller's term, ffibbert 
Lectures, 1878, 260). "It is question- 
able whether the Persians had the notion 
ascribed to the^i in this place of a special 
superintendence of different countries 
< nations ? > by distinct deities" (Rawlin- 
son). The verb no doubt implies a 
whUome partition ; and the idea is un- 
doubtedly Greek ; so Homeric Poseidon 



5S-54 



nOAYMNIA 



76 



Tavrrjv fikv Tr)v ^fjUptfv irapeaKevd^ovTO €9 rifv Sidfiaa-iv 6ft 
T^ Si va-TepaCrj av€fi€vov top fjXiov iOiKovre^ ISeaOai avlaj(pvTa, 
dv/u^fjMTa T€ iravToui eirl t&p y€<f>vpi(»v Kararfi^ovre^ /cat 
fivpalprjai OTopvvvTC^ rifv oSov. c»9 S* eiravireXXe 6 fjXio^, 
airhhmv iie j^iVfrivi^ <f>iii\rj^ Hip^^ €9 rifv doKaaaav ev^ero 5 
wpo9 rov fjKiov fiffSe/iiav ol <rwT\r)(lfiv roiavTrfv yeviaOcu, fj 
fuv irawrei KaTaoTpey^curOai rifv ^vpJnrqv irporepov ij iirl 
ripfjbaa-t rolai iKclvrj^ yivrjTac, ev^dfieva^ Bk iaifiaXe rifv 



54. 1 irap€(rK€vd(€To a 2 c^cAoktcs seel, van H. : c^cAovrcs 

IZkcrOai susp. Krueger 8 ycvecr^at ? van H. || rfiv<r^> idem coni. 



describes the triple division of the uni- 
verse between Zeus, Hades, and himself : 
n. 16. 187 ff. rpixOh, di irdwra Maerai, 
hwrrot d* ipLfMpe Tifiijf rrX., the division 
here, however, holds not of nations, bat 
of natural realms — Sky, Sea, and Under- 
world, Earth being common property. 
But the struggle of Poseidon and Athene 
Tepl TTjit X^P^ ^<^ the fundamental 
myth of Athens (cp. 8. 55), and the 
localization of deities was everywhere 
in order in Hellas (cp. Thuc. 2. 74. 2 
deol 6coi yijv -Hip UXaraUda l^ere), and 
local titles amon^ the commonest The 
tribal and the national godsare thoroughly 
Hellenic institutions (cp. 1. 143, 144, 
147, 148, 5. 49, etc.). 

It is hardly reasonable to deny similar 
institutions and ideas to the other 
peoples and nations of antiquity ; rather 
may it be said that the appropriation 
of gods to the nations, and of the nations 
to gods, is characteristic of antiquity 
(4. 59, 79, 94 oC94va AXXoy Otby void- 
^OKTCS elvai cl fiij rbv <f<piT€pov^ 5. 7, etc. ). 
In the time of Hdt. this exclusiveness 
had been breaking down for a lon^ time, 
and Greeks tended to identify their own 
deities with the gods of the surround- 
ing nations, while foreign potentates and 
others, from policy or from piety, re- 
cognised and worshipped Greek deities. 
These phenomena were parts of the 
development of monotheism, a process 
the consummation of which was then 
still in a remote future ; while, con- 
versely, the essence of polytheism is 
involved in the local and tnbal appro- 
priation of deities (deity). The Persians 
were apparently quite ready to recognize 
the gods of the nations (K3rros in Babylon, 
Kambyses in £gypt, Dareios and Xerxes ; 
cp. c. 43 supra), out they still had their 
own especial gods (1. 131, 3. 76), and 



even the ruling house, or horde, its 
special patron deities (8. 65, 5. 106). 
The supposed iconoclastic monotheism 
of the Behistun Inscription is refuted, 
not merely by other Achaimenid in- 
scriptions, but by the very context of 
Behistun. 

54. 1. Ta^m^v ykv r^v 4|Ufn)v. Much 
more than a day must nave passed sinoe 
the arrival at Abydos, c 44 tupra ; the 
expression is little more than a device 
to emphasize the morrow. 

2. dv^i&cvov: they must have been 
early astir to await the sunrise. The 
importance of the sun and the sunrise 
for the Persians (cp. 3. 84-87, the acces- 
sion legend of Dareios) seems to square 
very ill with the mantic principle laid 
down by the Magi, c 87 supra, 

6. irp^ t6v fjXiov, 'with his face 
towards the sun,' facing the sun ; an 
orientalism which, as Canon Blakeslev 
observes, has passed into Christian ritual, 
probably as a direct bequest of snn- 
worship ; see his interesting note 174 
ad I. (Sitzler takes ct^eo-^cu irp6t to- 
gether : not so well). Oviib'^ucm iravrota 
would also have been used in Hellenic 
worship ; Stein cpe. Aristoph. Wasps 
860 ff., but the v^rovSaC of Xerxes would 
have been Ha^jma, not wine ; so 1. 132 
o^ ffTOPSy xP^toPTai (Stein). On spread- 
ing 'myrtle' in the road cp. 8. 99 and 
S. Matt. xxi. 8. 

7. waiNTf b KaTxurTp^i|raur0eu : ** iraveir 
with infin. = xuXOtiv with mid. and pass. 
Hdt. (like the Attic writers) uses parti- 
ciple " (Sitzler). Cp. 5. 67. 

8. 'Y^vtirai, with negative oi vp&rtpop 
{irply) 1}. Hdt. uses the subjunctive 
without dp (e.g. 9. 86, 87, 93) ; as there 
is here no negative ytvicBai would be 
correct, but is diverted in order to avoid 
clashing with KaTajrrphl/aoBai (Stein) 



76 



HPOAOTOY 



vu 



t^idXrip €s TOP *KXki]<T7roirrop koX j(pv<r€OP tcptirripa icaX 
lo il€p<nKop ^L<f>o^t TOP oKtpaKTjp KoKiovm, ravra ovk ej(m 

arpeteew^ Siatcpipai ovre el t<^ tjXlm apariSel^ xar^Ke €? to 

wikepyoffp ovT€ ei fieTCfiiX-qae oi top 'EXXiJ<r7rain'0i' fiatmym- 
55 (rapTt^ xal avri rovrmp rr^p 0dXaa-a-ap eSoi^pcero* w Bi ravra 

oi hr€7roii)ro, Siiffaipov tcara ^v rffp iriprjp rmp ye^vpia^p 



4 



10 T^ 2 : nonne glossema ruv . * KoXiovo-t toliendum ? 



And also, prMumablj, with yewi^Bai just 
before. Sitxler says there ia a negative 
present in fnjii€fjda9 d trvrrvxlriP — is 
not the ue^tivd which affect'* 7^1*17x04 
reallj implied ta iraiVci F As Xcrzea 
cmiiot be suppoaed to place Hellas Hrl 
rippan rt^t K^pmn/ft^ * Kurope ' ia here 
giFen AS the objective of the expedition ; 
not iti«t6ed tha 'Europe* of Hdt*H geo- 
graphy, or later geography, but a more 
conreutiond (and Persian) Europe. 
Cp. note to c, 60 supra, 

10, IlffKrucitv m»ot rh¥ dicivdin|V 
KoX^vQ^ taken for a 'soimitar* {Krumfn^ 
Sahel) m O. Sohraderi Jteallexikon d, 
imfog. AUeH, (190l|, p, 761, but 
erroneoutljr ; op. my note to 4. 62, and 
Rawlinsoii*s here ; nor is the etymolo;;y 
of the word attempted by Schradcr. The 
'Persian {^^t' u not, however, a long 
sword, but a dagger (cp. 3. 78). Pollux, 
1. 158, gives a deaoriptiou ((i^iflt^f rt t^ 
/jtTjTPV ^po<fyipTt\pJvov) cmite in accordance 
with the nionumenUl representations ; 
cp. c. 61 infra. The I'crsian word 
ctkhhokes 1% her*j explaine^i^ and then 
naturally tak^n a« underatood in 8. 120, 
9. 80, and equally m in 3. 118, 128, and 
4. 02^ — an observation which anpports 
the hypothcBLH that Bk>i. 7-9 are the 
earlieat oomposition of Hdt» Gp. Introd. 
§§ 7-8, and App. Crit. 

What Hdt. cannot decije is whether the 
gold cup, the Persian akiimkcji, and the 
gold bowl were olFerings to the Sun or 
atonementa to the Se^i. The v*?ry Rimilar 
oiferings of Alexander at the mouth of 
the Indus were distinctly to propitiate 
Powtdon : Arrian Atuil, 6, 19. T* tPTovda. 
ro,^pott% re (r<p6^ai t(} no«r<'t5uji't dfp7JK€> 
it r7\p B6,\airffav koH «nre/(rar ivi t% Bwriq. 
n^p T€ ^dXrjif^ XP^^^^ ohca.Vy K^i Kpar^pas 
Xpv<roOt ^v^/SoXX^ ^f rbv -irhvTov X^f^' 
er^pia, tvx^i^f^t tfwAK ol ^^apawi^t^pai t6v 
ffTparbp rbv »u.vTiKbt icrX., but there was 
A lonej voyage then in view, Alexander 
had, however, apparently offered similar 



sacrifice on crossing the HelleBpont ; 
Arrian, Anab. 1. IL 6. 

IL o^c it : how throwing things into 
the sea conld be taken as oUerittg them 
to the sun is not clear. Both 'rAa7<»f 
and BAXoff^Pi. {bit) are here used of the 
Hellespont. There is an implicit refer- 
ence back to c 85 aupra in the second 
alternative liere pro [mounded (in whieh 
the second ft = ^), 

66. 2. Kar^ pH r^ Mp^ . , KardL 
U. The duality of the bridged aa 
conceived by Hdt, is here put beyond 
controversy. The passage of the combat- 
ants (o wf^ot T€ KOii ij Tnrof dracra) by 
the long bridge on the side of the 
Euxine {itpiys rau llbfTov), and of the 
army train, of non-combatants, by the 
short bridge, facinz the Aegean {irpbt rb 
Atydloif), reverses the order of march from 
Sardes to Abydos, cp. c. 40 mipra. The 
itotna of the marching column which 
succeed oU);ht to be identiiiable with the 
items in tliti column iia it left Sardes in 
cc, 40j 41, and are so identifiable, with 
one rather important exception : a body 
of ten thousand Persian horse, which in 
c. 41 follows the ten thousand elite 
Pentian infantry (the Immortals), has 
here disappeared^ and must be re- 
diecovered among d IwwbTut^ or under 
h dXXof ffTparbf, or boldly inserted 
immediately after ot fi6piat R4p<rat which 
head the marching column. These 
fi^fpLoi must be the ten thousand Persian 
infantry, which in c. 41 follow after the 
king, but are here sfut forwani (perhaps 
attended by a myriad of Persian eavulry, 
as in 0. 41, hero omitted). The next 
item here (0 ^v^puKTm ffrparbi vayrdtaif 
idviiav) conTsponds plainly to the <riJ^ 
pxKTOi (TTparbs iravroiuty i0vifjiw dva^, 0^ 
hinKtKpipUvm^ which aptiarently headed 
the column from Sardes (c. 40) and 
arrived first at Abydos^ — perhaps because 
that was their rendezvous, and they 
never went to Sardes at all. If ten 
thousand Persian infantry, ten thousand 



78 



HPOAOTOY 



Ttr 



aifTov] iv kwrk ^fUprja-i Kal iv efrra €V(f>p6tfr}a-i, iXipvaaf; 
ovBeva ^ovop, ivffavra Xcyerat^ E^pfew 17 Si; KLajSefffjKOTo^ 
5 Tov 'EXXi^a-TToin'OP, avSpa etVet^ ^EWTjtrTroifTiop " & Zcv, ri 
Si} dvSpt €tS6pt.€vo^ XliptTT} teal oiJi/o/^a avrl Ato? Sepf^i' Bep^evo^ 
avatTTaroif rrjv EXkdSa BiXec^ iroiijaai, aya>v Travrm dvffpto- 
frov^ ; Kal yap avev tovtq^p i^p tol iroiiciv Taura.*^ 
57 'fi? 8e Bti07j(rap Traj/re^, 6? oSop opp.ijp.ivoio-L repas <T<f>t 

€ff>di/ri fi'eya, to Hip^^ iv oifS€pl X079J hroi'^aaTO fcaiirep 
evavp^ffXrjTov 46p' iTrwof^ yap ere^e Xayop. evo^ifi^Xtfrov &¥ 
T^Be TOVTO €y€P€TO, OTi €fjt^XX€ fi€P iXdv (^Tpartrjp iwl rfjv 
5 'EXXdSa W(ip^i]^ wyavpoTard re Kal p.eyaXoTrpeTriiTTaTa, oirLaw 
hk irepl emvTov rpejfmv f^^eip i^ top avrop '^(i^pov, eyivero 
Be Kal ?T€pov avTw ripa^ eovn, ip SapSLCi* ripLiopo^ yap 
€T€K€ rffjLiopop St^d €'^ovaap alhola, rd ptev epaevo^ rd &k 
difXerj^' KaTvw€p0€ Se f^p rd tov epaevo^, t&v dp^oripmv 

3 eirra <tc^ -tip^ipjp-t van H- 6 rlv ' E A A^Jo-ttovtov seel, van H, 

57. 4 TouTo om. S, Holder, van H. 6 yavporara Co bet || tc koX 

Naber, van H^ Stein^ : koX 8 ex*^*^*^ ^ "^^^ H' 



Httle H^lt. recks of the coiitrftdktiana 
and iucoasMuenceB in his variousi 
Buuroea : he does Dot really kno^ (or 
much care) whether Xcrxea crossed IspsI, 
or midst, or, as this piwsage irajilies, 
amotig the first ; nor whether the crasa- 
ing took two day§, or *'»aircn days and 
aoven nights without pause " 1 

3. iXivitraf : 8. 71 infra, 

4. X^^CTfu , . dvSpa «l-R-«Cv : the con- 
8 traction (ace. w- infiu.) lays stress on 
what waa said rather than on the man 
who said it (Abioht). 6rvbpoL has a point 
against apd^tinroiff followttig. The Hellcs- 
pontine bon-mot ia adopted Mirioualy by 
the Delphic oracle, c 220 tn/Vrt (cp. the 
case 4, 144), but eitplieitly rffoted by 
the laoonic apophthegm, c. 203 infra 
(ot/ ykp Bthy elj'ai rhv iinhvra iwi riiv 

fit, ]. rlpas . . liiyftJ aatho thing 16 
a physical! impoasibility the story in an 
obFioua tictiou, iind Xerxes etaode ac- 

?uitted of Uiiiglecting the iliviue warning. 
t; is not cl&ar how far Hdt. draigned a 
contrast betweeu this ancicdoie and the 
one immeJiat<dy preo^dmg ; but he 
seeniinfily regards this as the more 
authuotic of the two (X^7fTai rupra), 

2. Iv oiiScvL X, i^o^^lc^aTo, c. 14 
supra, 

3. c^irvjtpXiiTOV, Aischyl. From, 
776, who also nses t'uaijfi^oXot in the 



same senae (easy of interpretatioa) ; cp. 
triffx^dWu Ell. 2L. A:S. 

5. d-yavpikiaTa, a noticeable word 
— yaBpoi with a- euphon. (L, & S,) or 
rather in tens. (Stein) : fi'om the root 
yaF or 7a u- ; cp. L. & S. tiib t?. yaiuj. The 
verb yavpiaif ia used of a horse prancing, 
Xenonh. de re Eq. 10, 16 ; dyavpin of 
a bull bellowing, Heftiod, Theog, 832 ; 
yadpa% in Attic, but rarely if ever in a 
good sense. 

6. ircpl luvTO-Q Tpk%viv^ like th« harej 
tmming for his life : the metaphor more 
explicitly put 8. 102 infra : iroXXoi)* 

airrQv orEWrfyeu and 8. 74, 140, 9, 37. 
h rhv avrhv x&pov, * to the place 
from which he had set out * (not merely 
the place where the portent oocnrred ?) 
But ouf::ht not the portent to have oc- 
curred, tike the next reported, at Sardea f 

7. frripov . . ripest, not quite ao clear 
either m statement or in juterprotation : 
the arrangement described by Hdt« (ufanS- 
wtpde Bi ^v TO. TQv ipff^yot) h not easy to 
risuali^e ; and though the portent might 
indicate th© inferiority of the weaker, 
who wai to decide beforehand which aide 
that waa! Cp» 8. 136, where Mardomos 
still expected xarihrep&i ol t4 irp^^ara 
fireffSai rOiv 'EXXt^h^iacu^v. Thia portent, 
toO| looks like an ex cveniu. 



80 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



69X//Lii^i/ irape^uav, i^ h airi/eero i^ Aopiaxov, 6 Sk ^opUrKo^ 
iarl rf}^ Sfyrji/ctf^ alyuiXo^ re koX irehLov fi^a, hik hk avrov 

\i^iov TOVTO TO B)f ^oplcKO^ KixXi^Tcu, Kol Tlcpaitov ^povpi) 
5 hf ain^ KareaTrj/eee inro ^peiov i( ixelvov rov 'Xpovov hrelre 
iirl %KV0a^ ioTparevero. iSo^e &v r^ Sep^ o x^P^^ elvai 
iirin^Seo^ ivStardfat re KaX i^apidfirja-ai rov arparov, xal 
hroUe raura. tA^ p^v Sif via^ rh^ irdaa^ diriKop^pa^ €9 



14 kifieva^ Baehr 59. 4 rb om. a 7 i^pidpTJa-an 

dvapiSprja-ai B : ivapidprjcai SV, Holder, van H. 



57. 4. At this time it was probably occu- 
pied by a Persian garrison (Blakesley), 
aud afterwards was a not unimportant 
strouffhold in the Athenian Empire, pay- 
ing a nigh tribute, 12 T., previous to the 
thirty years* truce (afterwards reduced), 
and a good centre for recruiting (Thuc. 
4. 28. 4). In 200 B.O. it was captured by 
Philip of Macedon : *' Maroneam quidem 
primo impetu expiignavit ; Aenum inde 
cum magno labore, postremo per pro- 
ditionem Oallimedis, praefecti Ptolemaei, 
cepit ; deinoeps alia castelia, Cypsela «t 
Doriscon et Serrheum occupat, livy 
81. 16. 

SnrropCSa X(|ivi|v : Pliny 4. 11. 
18 speaks of a portiu SteiUoris ; hence 
Baehr's coigecture ; cp. Appar. Grit 
Stentor, Iliad 5. 785, a Thracian accord- 
ing to the Scholiast 

69. 1. & 8^ Aop(o^ot 49tC ktX. De- 
$eriptum of Dcritkoa : a plain on the sea 
coast, and in a narrower sense, a fort, 
{rtixott castellum, pcuaim ; cp. livy 81. 
16). In view of the assertion here made, 
that Doriskos had been garrisoned by 
Dareios i^ ixelvov toO xp^o^ ixtir€ irl 
Z/rt^ar iffTparti^Of it is remarkable that 
nothing is said of the event in Bk. 4. 
Seeing that Dareios entered Thrace by 
the Bosporos, Stein infers that Dareios 
earrisoned Doriskos on the return march 
(when he reorossed at the Hellespont). 
But had Dareios in person an3rthing to 
say to it? Doriskos may have been 
occupied by Megabazos, in connexion 
with the first conquest of Thrace ; though 
even this modification is hardly con- 
sistent with the notice of Doriskos, 5. 
98, as the place where the fugitive 
Paionians were landed by the Lesbians 
after the outbreak of the Ionian revolt. 
Doriskos is not altogether a suitable 
landing-plaoe for the Paionians on that 



occasion (cp. my note to 5. 98) ; but in 
any case it can hardly have remained 
in the hands of the Persians throughout 
the Ionian revolt, but may have been 
one of the places occupied, or recovered, 
by Mardonios in 492 B.O., though nothing 
is said of that in 6. 48-47. Only at 
that date, perhaps, was the spot definitely 
garrisoned by tne Persians. Mardonios 
would know it welL The bearing of this 
passage upon the problem of composition 
IS important. It is prima facte older 
than 5. 98 (where the site of Doriskos 
is taken for granted), and it is easier to 
explain the record here and the silence 
in Bk. 4 unon the h^^thesis that 
this is the earner passM^e, in composition, 
than viee vena. Cp. Introduction, § 7. 

2. Sid 8i aiTo9 . . 'EPpot : through 
the plain, not through the town, which 
was not astride the river but on the 
west side opposite Ainos. The Hebros 
{Maritza) was and is the principal river 
of Thrace. 

6. i¥ : not so much on account of the 
fortifications, as because it was a large 
plain on the sea shore. 

8. hnlm raOra: a more superfluous 
and senseless proceeding could hardly 
be conceived upon the supposition that 
the whole land-army haa accompanied 
the king from Sardes, and the whole 
fleet had been present in the Hellespont. 
Nor could the army have really advanced 
so far without order or organization (as a 
ffif/ifUKTOs OTparbt TurrolufP i0p4iav dvo/t/^, 
od SioKtKpifiiifOi c. 40). The numbering, 
review and reorganization of the forces 
at Doriskos, involving, as it does, a 
desperate delay (contradicted, however, 
hj the traditional chronology of the 
kinff's march, cp. 8. 51 ii\fra\ can 
hardly have any nistorical justification 
except upon the hypothesis that a con- 



69-60 



nOAYMNIA 



81 



^opia/eov oi vavap')(pi KeXevaavro^ Hepfeo) i^ rbv alyiaXov 
Tov irpoaexj^a ^oplaKtp iKOfuaav, hf r^ XaKrj re XafLoOpffiKtrf lo 
7r€7r6\i(rrai iroKi^ Koi Zcovrj, reXeuTf Si avrov Xippeiov axprf 
ovofiaoTi]. 6 Si X^P^^ o5to9 to irdKaiov ijv Kikovcov. i^ 
rovTov TOV aiyiaXov KaToar^ovre^ t^9 via^ avi^xrxpv dvcKKv- 
a-avre^. h Si iv r^ ^opiaKtp tovtov tov j^ovov ttj^ oTpaTiij^ 
apiOfiov hroUeTo. oaov fUv vw S/eaoToi 7rap€ij(pv '/rkfjdo^ I9 60 
dpiOfiov, oif/e iytD eliretv to aTpexi^' ov ydp XiycTai irph^ 
ovSafi&v dvOptoirtov avfiiravTo^ Si tov trrpaTou tov ire^ov 



10 €KOfiicravTo 6 
12 ^v 001. 6 



1 1 TcA^vr^ Stein^ : rcAcvrata || Si kpp€iov B* 
60. 1 irap€ixovTo vXrjOtos ? van H. : w\rj$os U a : 
irXi^dcos fi, Holder : irkrjdos, cs dpiSpJbv ovk €)(<i» Schweighaeuser 



siderable portion of the terrestrial aud 
maritime forces had Doriskos as rendez- 
Yous in the first instance (op. Diodor. 
11. 8. 6). It is impossible to take the 
whole fleet of Xerxes into the Helles- 
pont : it is unnecessary to take the 
whole army across the bridge : (were the 
missing ten thousand Persian cayaliy 
shipped direct to Doriskos? cp. c. 54). 
If, nowever, Doriskos was the first place 
at which the entire forces for the in- 
vasion of Hellas were concentrated, then 
a review, an organization, becomes 
both natural and necessary. Mardonios, 
among others, might have devised this 
plan : perhaps he only joined the king 
Ht Donskos. 

10. 2dXi| : a Samothracian fenced 
* city,' but without a history : the name 
recurs in Pliny and Mela. The Samo- 
thracians had several such places on the 
mainland. Cp. c. 108 infra, 

11. Z^vi) : of more frequent occur- 
rence in the texts: e.g. T6Xtt Kixdytm^. 
^ExaTaloi Ei/pc^i;, Steph. B., a gloss 
suggesting the source, at least in part, 
of Hdt.'s Thracian geography. 

TcXcvr^ 8i airrofi SUppftov &Kfn) 
6vo^uairH\. Cp. 2. 82 fUxpi ZoX6errof 
AKpySf 4) Te\€VTg. rijt Ac^i^i^s, a passage 
which justifies the construction, and the 
emendation (cp. App. Oit). But is 
the promontoiy here the sea-limit, or 
is it the western frontier? The latter 
&pves a better sense : (the two coincide 
in the other case). Serrheion coupled 
with Doriskos by Demosth. Phil, 8. 16, 
as a recxot, cp. ps. -Demosth. Phil. 4. 8, 
and altogether more celebrated than 
Sale or Zone : 6¥0iixurrfi in the Orpheus 
legend, for example, though not actually 
named in that connexion in extant 

VOL. I PT. I 



literature (Verg. O, 4. 520 is the nearest 
reference). 

12. KuctfvMV : 00. 108, 110 infra, 

18. Kwnkoryu&v : 6. 101. 

Tdt Wot d,Wi|nixov AviXicWavTit : 
as though the vessels had been some 
time in the water : for the operation cp. 
Xenoph. Hell, 1. 6. 10. 

15. dpiOu^v iiroiifTO : op. ^irofee rairra 
1. »upra, Hdt by the middle voioe here 
puts the agency one step further off. 

60. 1. iKeunroi, *each set, nation'; on 
tliis force of the plural cp. c. 1 1. 7. 

2. o^K Km cUmCv t6 drpCK^: a 
candid, if damning admission, for only 
by the addition of the items could any 
trustworthy total have been consum- 
mated. The added justification : oi y^ 
Xfytrai irp^t o^SofiAv dv6p4ir«tv is still 
more damning, for it betrays the fact 
that for his figures, aud inferentially 
for his method of arriving at (a) the 
totals of the forces, (6) the descriptions 
of the several contingents, or items, 
Hdt. has not had the official army-lists 
of Xerxes to fall back upon, or any 
similar documents, but has compiled 
the army-list, and perhaps the navy- 
list to boot, on a ^priori principles, or 
data: or taken them over at second 
hand. 

8. oi8a)t6v: oi^aijMt { = om dftAs *not 
even one * L. & S.), a stronger form than 
oCSeltt frequent in Hdt but only in the 
plural (odhafii adverbial), and twice at 
least (4. 114, 6. 108) in the feminine. 

ToO rrparo^ toO irctof) here plainly 
excludes the cavalry, in Hdt's con- 
ception, the numbers of which are given 
subsequently, as a separate figure. Cp. 
contr. c. 26. 



82 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



TO 9r\^09 iil>dinf ifiSofii^KovTa zeal ixarbv fivpidBe^. i^pid- 
$fjiafaav Bi rovSe rbv rpoirov cxnnj^ar^dv re €9 fra x^P^^ 

5 <rwriyay6v tc AB : ^vvriydyovro C : €rwayay6vr€^ fi, Holder, van H. : 
€^riydyovTO d 



'The euumeratioii was aooomplisaed by 
the following method.* Ten thocwaDd 
human beings were squeezed into one 
spot as tightiy as possible: a line was 
toen drawn round them, and they were 
allowed to disperse : a wall, some 8-4 
ft. high was then built all round upon 
the line: the enclosure, or sheep-fold, 
thus constructed, was then fillea and 
emptied, by successive batches of fight- 
ing-men, one hundred and seventy times : 
this was the means bv which it was 
ascertained that the Infantry in the 
army amounted to 1,700,000 (or 10,000 
X 170). 

This story is incredible, and even 
absurd, for the following reasons : — 

(i.) The method of numbering as 
described would have taken a very long 
time ; weeks or months would have 
•lapsed before 1,700,000 men could have 
been marched up, passed through the 
enclosure, and marched away again. 
Hdt desis with myriads of men as if 
they were handfuls, and ignores condi- 
tions of time and space. 

(ii) The numbers of the cavalry 
(80,000) are afterwards given c 87. 
How were these numbers ascertained, 
for they are not included by Hdt in 
the 170 myriads ? 

(iiL) The numbers of the Persian forces 
are already known, and have been stated 
twice, both for infanti^ and cavalry, 
00. 40, 54 f. : yet the infantry is here 
included in the 170 myriads, and sub- 
jected to the process of enumeration 
described ! 

(iv.) The process described is not 
merely on the face of it childish but 
was doubtless superfluous : the numbers 
of each contingent were no doubt 
nominally and approximately known to 
the captains, divisional officers, and 
commanders : reports furnished by them 
would have supplied data for a computa- 
tion. 

(v.) Elsewhere Hdt gives the sum 
total of large Persian armies, notably 
4. 87 (forces of Dareios in the Skythic 
campaign), without any explanation of 
how the figures had been ascertained in 
the first instance. 



(vL) The oredibilitT of Hdt's account 
here is not enhancea by the fact that 
the worthless Curtius (8. 2. 2) makes 
'Dareus' (Codomannus) employ a similar 
device for ascertaining the number of 
his host. Whatever the exaggerations 
of the Sack-kritik^ or 'real' criticism, 
there are cases where its verdict is final, 
and this is one of them ; the historian 
or critic who maintains the literal credi- 
bility of this Herodotean absurdity is 
past praying for. Nor will any reduc- 
tion of the figures save the method of 
numbering as described: the smaller 
the sum the less need for such clumsy 
methods: moreover the 170 must l)e 
regarded as the most certain item in 
the story. An orlnn and a rationale 
the story must, of course, have had, 
however difficult to discover. The 
figures 100, 1000, 10,000 were doubtless 
real units of organization in the land 
forces of the great king: if Doriskos 
was the rendezvous of a great part of 
the forces, and the first place where 
the whole army and navy were con- 
centrated, it is probable enough that 
there was some need for organization 
or reorganization here: for one thing, 
the three army corps, the three march- 
ing columns were doubtless here formed : 
for another, it is possible that at 
Doriskos Persian commanders (dpxo^^^) 
were introduced throughout the whole 
array, and the grouping of various 
contingents under these ipfxwm carried 
into effect. See further. Appendix II. 
§6. 

One important inference remains to 
be drawn from this passage, and the 
army-list which follows, as compared 
with the data for the armv of Dareios 
as described in 4. 87, in relation to the 
problem of composition. Considering 
the materials which Hdt had at his 
disposal for a description of the Host 
of Dareios, the sUlai^ the picture of 
Mandrokles, and so on, is it likely that 
he would have forgone the opportunity 
there presented for a pictorial description 
of the Persian forces, unless either tiiis 
whole passage had been, so to speak, 
alreadv in type, or unless he had a 
very clear plan and intention to do for 



60-61 



nOAYMNIA 



83 



fivpidBa avBpdiirtov, koL <rvwa(avT€^ ravn^v (&9 fAdXiara €lj(pv 
irepUypay^ap l(o>0€v kvkKov* irepirfpa^vre^ Zk KaX airhne^ 
Toxf^ fjtvpiov^ aifuunifv vepUfidKov xarh rov kvkXop, v^i^ 
ianiKovaav avSpl €9 top 6fuf>a\6p' ravrffp Sk woii^avTe^ 
aXXov^ iaefiifia^op i^ to irepioitcoBopoffiipop, p^xp^ oi iraina^ lo 
Toxntp T^ Tpoir<p i^piOpofaap, api0fi,i]<ravT€^ 8i Karh eOvea 
BUraaaov. 

Ol Sk <rrpaT€v6fi6POi otSe litrav, Hipirai pkv SSe ia-Keva- 61 
a-fjUpof vepl fikp T^ai K€<l>a\§<ri €l)(pp ridpa^ xaXcofUpot^ 

6 crvKvafavTcs Reiske : crvvof avrcs ABRSV ( » oB) : (wdipavres Cd : 
avvdtf/avT€^ Fz 7 hnaStv z 61. 2 ridpas fcaXcoficvovs fortasse 

delenda? cp. 8. 120 rirjpQ 



Xerxes what he woald not do for Dareio« t 
The latter alternative is improbable. 
The occurrence of this passage in Bk. 
7 must be reckoned to the proofs, 
none of which by itself ii conolusiYe 
but the cumulatiye effect of which is 
very heavy, of the earlier composition 
of this section of Hdt's work. Cp. 
Introduction, § 8. 

6. o-wvd{avTCs: cp. KaTwdffffeuf c 
36 supra : but the reading ii doubtful : 
cp. App. Crit. 

Tairn|v, sc Hir futpidia. 

Tpd^avTcs ti : as easily as Perdikkas tne 
circle of tlie snn 8. 137 irrfra : wepiypd^i 
T^ fULxa^PV ^f '''^ #da0os rov oXkov rbw 
ffXior, T€piypd\f^as S4 ktX, 

8. alfiaflri^, a low wall of loose 
stones, such as the garden -walls in 
Ionia, the haunt of the lizard 2. 69, the 
low wall round the precinct of Demeter 
at Paros 6. 134 (op. 2. 138) : in Thuc. 
4. 43. 3 a low wall of loose stones. 
Abicht is not far wrong in saying alftaalri 
is in all places to be understood of a 
stone-enclosure, as Hdt. 1. 180 cdfuurLri 
TXlvBufy irritaw implies as much by the 
express mention of the bricks in that case. 

11. Kard lOvn, the national divisions 
remained visible in the reorganization 
icard WXca. 

Army-Lirt 61-80 (88). "The de- 
scription of Hdt does not show any great 
correspondence with the Persepolitan 
representations," Rawlinson iv. 65 n. 
The spears are not short but long ; the 
bows are not long but short ; coats {sic) 
of scale armour are nowhere found ; there 
ia no shield corresponding to the yippov. 
But the * coat ' is a cuirass, worn under 



the tunic, and therefore invisible ; the 
gerrun must be authentic, and if the 
monuments do not show it, so much the 
worse for them ; the figures (at Susa, at 
Persepolis) parade the corps cTaite, not 
the common infantry, and 'Ions,' ' short,' 
are in any case relative ana indeter- 
minate. Cp. Perrot and Chipiez, Hiitary 
of Art in Persia, E.T. 420-6. 

61. 1. n^M^u |Uv, answered by M^^ 
d^ in c 62. 

Mc loictveur|Uvoi : there follows a 
description of the Persian, or rather 
Median, dress and equipments, which 
had once been such a fearsome sight for 
Greek eyes (6. 112), more fnlly and 
systematically (head, body, lejgs) de- 
scribed here than in 5. 49 : a difference 
which ii at least consistent with the 
earlier composition of thii passage. 

2. TidfMit KaX«o|iivovt T^Xovt amtykit. 
The tirst two words look rather like a 

floss: Kvppaalas is the word in 6. 49, 
ut r^ rtdpatf occurs 1. 132, irCKovt 
Tidpat 3. 12, and nijpy XP^^^^^^^V S* 
120 infra, ndpa, ridpas {riijpTis), ap- 
parently a Persian (Median?) word for 
a Persian (Median) thing, but can 
hardly have been a 'turban' (L. k S. 
sub V, TiXos) as we understand the word. 
TiKos is ' felt ' in name and nature, d- 
wayifs (xi/iywv/u) ' not fixed, not stiflened,' 
i.e. *sott,' or perhaps * hanging,' in 
contrast to Kvppaalai is 6^d iiwrryfiipai 
dpOal Tcmryvcou o. 64 infra, the king 
alone wearing the point of his Fez 
upright, Xen. Anab, 2. 5. 23 ; Arrian, 
Anad, 3. 25. 3 (liyytWow) Bfjaffow rijw re 
TidpoM 6p6^v 6c^^ f^^ "^ TLtpvuc^ 
<rro\^v ^povrra ApT€i^4p^ re KoKeiffOeu. 
drri Bifjffffw ical fiaei\4a ^dffK€Uf drcu 



84 HPOAOTOY vii 

irtKov^ am-a^ea^, irepX hk to a&fia KiO&va^ j(€ipiSo>Toif^ 
iroiietKov^, . • . XeiriBo^ aiBrfpit)^ &^iv lj(j9vo€iBeo^9 irepX he rk 

5 axeKea ava^vplSa^, dvrl Si aairitfov yippa* inro Sk i^ape- 
Tp€&v€^ ixpifAavTO' al'xjik^ Se I3paj(ia^ ^I'x^ov, ro^a Bi fieyaXa, 
6i<rroif^ Bi xaXapipov^, irpb^ Si iyj(€iplSia irapk top Se^iov 
li/qpov irapaiwpevfieva iie T79 ^dvff^. teal apypma irapeijfpvTo 
*OTiip€a TOP *Afii]aTpio^ iraTipa t^9 Hip^to yvpaiico^, 

10 iicaXeoPTO Si vaKai xnro pJkp 'EXXi^i/o)!/ Ki7^i/€9» inro phnoi, 

3 cvm/ycas ? Larcher || Ki^cSvas z : \€iriavas C : \ir(ava^ ceteri 
4 Kol d(oprfKas ina. Biel (cp. Weaseling) : Sv virc/oavo) k^peov SiLpriKa^ airh 
Reiske : vvh ^ duipqKa^ ireiroirffUvovs Stein || Ix^voeiSias de Pauw 9 

ordvriv ihv d/iaoTpios B 



r^ *Afflas. Cp. the mosaic in Naples 
Museum of the so-called ' Battle of Issus ' 
(Baumeister, Denkmaeler, iL 878, Tafel 

xxi.). 

8. KiOAvat x^H^^^*'^^ iroiKCXovt, 

'embroidered tunics with sleeves' just 
such as represented on the frieze from 
Susa, now in the Louyre. 

4. Some words must have fallen out 
from the description which follows : cp. 
App. Grit. In 9. 22 iirfra Masistios wears 
^rrdt BiipfiKa xp^^ow Xeridurr&w and over 
that KiOQwa <t>owlixw, (In 2. 68 the 
crocodile is \twi6tarln,) 

5. &va£up(8at. The Median 'trews' 
(cp. 6. 49), Baehr states (note to 1. 70), 
were wider, ampler, those worn by 
Skyths and other nomads of tighter 
make, and the Persians (he adds) pre- 
ferred the latter. They were wide 
enoughabove to have pockets apparently ; 
cp. 8. 87 rV X'cipa icpdyffas 4w ri<n dfa- 
^vpUri. 

&vtI 8i 6xrMm¥ Y^ppa : the word 
y4ppa IB freely used by Hat (throughout 
Bk. 9, as here) without explanation. 
The 'wickers,' 'hurdles,' or 'basket- 
work' shields were in fact familiar to 
Greeks ; and the word was current in 
Athens (at least in the time of Demo- 
sthenes) for hurdles used in the market- 
place ; cp. the celebrated description de 
Car. 169. (L. k 8. appear to regard 
the word as pure Oreek, connecting it 
with ttpw,) 

^wh hi Blakesley thinks the 
quiver {^aperpeiiw =s ^ph-ptj) was hung 
to the interior of the slueld itself ; Stein 
that as the y^pftw was carried slung at 
the back it generally covered the quiver. 



This view is borne out by the Susan 
frieze (Maspero iiL 516). 

6. alxpat Bpax^t, presumably for 
throwing t The spears or the Guard (as 
represented l.e,) are somewhat higher 
than the bearers (7. 6), but they perhaps 
were not meant to be thrown away ; 
the bow and arrow was doubtless the 
characteristio weapon of the bulk of the 
army of further Asia. Cp. Appendix 
II. § 5. 

7. fyx<ip£8u^ the before -mentioned 
Tc/KTCffdr (£0ot rhtf dKUf^Mi/p KoXiovai c. 
54 supra. Greeks carried such wea^ns 
on the left side (slung from right 
shoulder : so on relied, etc). 

8. irapauipci»|fc€ra, an uncommon 
word, perhaps from Hdt's source. The 
simple verb oocnrs c. 92 infra, 8. 100. 

9. 'Ordvia rbv 'Aii^orpiot miTlpa. 
It is curious that no patronymic ii 
given ; cp. c. 40 supm ; out from the 
fact that his daughter is principal wife 
of the king, it may be argued that he is 
identical with Otanes son of Phamaspes, 
one of the Seven, 8. 68-72. Ktesias 
Fers. 20 gives the name of the father 
of ' Amistris ' as Onophas. Of this lady 
such things are related c 114 ir^ra 
and 9. 108-112 as place her in no very 
amiable light. She was the mother of 
Artaxerxes, Ktes. Pers. 20. Ktesias 
relates other brutality of her, §§ 42, 48, 
and her death xdpra ypavt ywoiukni. Cp. 
c. 114 ii^ra. 

10. Kr^vn : Strabo 42 ol di tUt- 
Totrres 'E/>6/z^oi>t t8i6p n ($wot AlOunriKbw 
Kal AXKo Kii4>^nav ircU rplrw Uvy fioltaw 
xal AXKa /tvpla ^frrow &y Turret^oirro, Tpdt 
tQ /i^ d^iowlffTtfi Kal v&YXy^^ ''■«•'« ifi^l' 
worm ToO /iv$ucw koI iaropiKoO ox^Marot. 



61-62 



nOAYMNIA 



85 



a^tav avT&v KoX r&v vepiot/ewp ^Apraloi, iirel Bk Tlepcei^ 
6 iiavdvi^ re icaX At09 awUero iraph 'Kjqi^ia rov ^rjkov Koi 
Icrj^c axnov rifv Ovyaripa ^ AvipopAhviv, ylverai avr^ irak rp 
ovvofia idero Il4p<njv, toutov Si avrov KaraXel'trei' irvy^ave 
yiip airai^ ia)p 6 Ki7^€U9 Ipaevo^ yovov, iirl tovtov Stf rifv 15 
iirtovvfUTiv i<r')(pv. M^Soi hk rifv avrifv ravrrfp ioTaXfUvoi 02 
ioTparevovTo* MrfSiK^ yhp avrrj 17 aKew^ icri xal ov Hepaneii, 
ol hk M^Soi apxovra fikv irapelxpvro Tiypdinjv avSpa *A^iu- 
fieviSffv, iKaXiovro hk 'jrdXcu irpb^ irdvrtov "Kpioi, ajriKOfUinf^ 



15 8rl Stein : 8k 



62. 3 avSpa om. B 



The 'Kephenes' are here not in very 
ffood company. Andromeda Ib the 
daughter of Kepheus (c. 150 infra)^ and 
the 'Kephenes are no doubt (as with 
Ovid, Mettmorph. 5. 1, 97) the followers 
of Kepheus (or Kepheus is eponym of 
the Kephenes, irregularly, for why not 
Kepheioi, or Kephen?). Further items 
in the mythical pedigree are set forth 
c. 150 infra^ 6. 53, 54 (cp. my notes 
ad IL) and 1. 7. The pedigree here 
assumed does not, however, expressly 
contradict that in 1. 7 (as Stein su^ests) 
but rather that in 6. 58. RawUnson 
can discern "no ray of truth in the 
fables respectinff Perseus " ; Blakesley 
obserres that Hat is here drawing "not 
from Persian but from Greek sources" 
(Hekataios? cp. Introduction, § 10). 
Stein well explains all Hdt. means as 
being that the Kephenes known to old 
Greek story are to be identified with the 
people now known as Persians. Kepheus, 
however, certainly does not represent 
' Assyria ' (Ninos) any more than Baby- 
lonia (Belos) : but why not the primitive, 
pre-Phoenician inhabitants of Canaan ? 
(or Elam ?) Steph. B. avh v, 'I6«^ has 
ol 'EXXiji'es Jcafcu^Y ^curiw • 6.4>* o9 Kij^^ret 
oi A/d^oires (i.e. 'eastern Aethiopians ') : 
again, auh v. XaXdaioi* ol rp&repow Kij- 
ip7jv€s. The authority for this was 
Hellanikos, in the first Book of his 
Persica^ who thus differed from Hdt on 
the point. 

11. 'Apratoi has a genuine ring about 
it, from its obvious connexion with arta 
— which appears in many Persian names : 
Artaios itself as a proper name cc. 22 
supra f 66, 117 in/raf and in the Ktesian 
li.<rt of Median kings (cp. Gilmore, KtesiaSf 
p. 92). The most valuable gloss on the 
name is in Steph. Byz. 'A/>raia* Ile/xruH) 
X(<&/>a, T^)v 4T6\i<r€ Ilepae{>s (sic), 6 Uepaius 



Ktti *ApdpofUdat' 'EXXdrurot iw Ile/Krurair 
Tpiirrif, ol oUowT€S 'Aprcubi. 'AprcUovf 
di Uipaai Cxnrep ol*EXXipct to^ ToXoiodf 
dvOpJfwovt Ijpiaas KoKoOfft, xrX. This 
article shows a source common to Hdt 
and Hellanikos. Rawlinson's "most 
probable account" of the word, con- 
necting it with J/arti, "which is not 
an Arian name at dil," seems far-fetched. 
£d. Meyer {ap, Paul^-Wissowa n. 1808) 
sees in it a distortion of the 'Arian' 
name itself. 

13. I«rx<, *hadtowife.' 

a^ToO, ' on the spot ' : but where 
was it f The Perseus- Andromeda myth 
laid the scene in Phoenicia (Steph. B. 
aitb V. *l&rn), or perhaps in Mbylon 
(Hellanikos?). The vagueness here is 
necessary, Hdt not having courage to 
lay tiie scene actually in Persia. 

62. 1. Mf|8oi U answers Uipaai /ih, 
c. 61. 

2. Mt|8uc^ y&p : cp. 6. 112. 

3. TiYpdvi|V dvSpa ' AxaL|UvCSi|v : son 
of Artabanos, 8. 26 infra, commanded 
and fell at Mykale, 9. 96, 102. 

4. "ApiOi : the title not of * Modes ' 
alone, but of all the Aryan, or Iranian 
conquering stocks ; so Strabo 724 iT€K- 
reirerat roCwofia Trjs *Apiaifrjs /UxP^ fUpovt 
Tiw6t Kcd Uepffuw kcU M^wr icoi fri rQnf 
wpbt ApKTOw BaxTpltaw koI ^cryduu^Qw. 
Sanskr. drya, old Persian ariya. Dareios, 
on his tomb at Naksh-i-Rustam, describes 
himself as " Achaimenid, Persian, son of 
a Persian, Arian, of Arian seed," so Stein : 
only the first three designations appear 
in H. F. Talbot*s translation. Records of 
the Past J V. 151. It seems a paradox to 
say that the title has nothing to do with 
'Apecoc, c. 66 tn/Va, a. v. 

&iruco|Uini|t 8i MTi8ffCi|f ktX. : the 
story is given more fully in Pausanias, 
2. 3, 8 ; the connexion of Medeia with 



86 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



rovrou^ fj^ri^oKop koX ovrot to ovvofjui. avrol vepl atpicop 
iBSc Xeyouo'i MijSo*. Klccriot St tTTparcvofiepot ra fxhf aXXa 
Kara iT€p Hiptrai iaKevuBaro, dpri Be rmp irikmp fiirpfjiftopot 

o KOTii wep Uepaat icrcad^aTOt r)j€^Qpa wape^opL€POi 'iAe^dtrq.pQV 

van H* II ai'Toc Bi 6, Holder, van H. 9 dva<{ydv7j^ B 



Aigeus ia ^^old-Attio prae-Eunpiilean" 
anga: HiUig^ Hluemnerf attor W ilatiiQwitZY 
ffermeSf iv, 481 ff. Tlie fttitement that 
the Arians cliauged their narne to Medea 
ia CDiiBdcjuenGe of the adYetit of Medeia 
among thorn is here <!xpreiJi1y assigned 
by Hdt* to MBtlian authority ; avrol 
^c€fX o-^mv i&Sf X^ovo-b MfjSoL, a truly 
incredible aasertioUp bearing the impresa 
of an Hellenic fabrication, and irrecon- 
cilable witli the fact that tbo rval name 
of tb«i Medcs waa Mada, A helleuized 
Mede or Pertian, now and thon^ may 
have been persuaded to accept such 
Greek fictiona ; but this conBdent liRser- 
tion of Hdt*fl is a good illustration of 
the illusory character of hiti Quellen- 
angabtn, Cp« lutroduGtioii, $ 10. 

7. K£o^Mi : undoubtedly tbf; in- 
habitants of Suaiana, or Kbaia^ that is 
£lam, forming with the Persians and 
Medes the dUe of the imperial amiy, 
cp. c. 210 infra \ 5, 49, 62, 6. !!& (with 
my notes ad il,) ; cp. also 3. 01 dird 

ktX. Kissia formed a separate satrapy « 
perhaps embarrassed by t!ontaining one 
of the royal resiJences (its acqtiifiition 
for the Persian dynasty dated probably 
from the days of Tekpcs ; cp. c 11 
supra). 

The equipment of the Elaiiiites dilfcred 
from tnat of the Medes and Persians in 
but one respect ; instead of the (Metlian T) 
fez they wore a (Babylonian ?) ' fillet ' or 
bead'huiif. Is not this the head-dreaa 
of the guards upon the Susan frieze, 
Tcrily, A bit of local colour ! (Cp. 
Maspero, nt 513.) A fdrpa ia worn by 
thd Cypriote princes, c 90 infra, as by 
the Babylonians, 1, 19&. It was some- 
thing more than a fillet* and less than 
a turban^ hut was to a Greek the mark 
of effeminacy ; cp. Aristoph. Thesvu 898, 
Bat the word ia good Greek apnarently, 
known to Homer as the warrior a girdl», 
i?. 4. 137, distinct from the ^ffrffp. 



9. *Avd^f i 'OrdvM* is unknown to 
fame ; bnt he was presumably the king's 
brother-in-law, cp. cc, 4{}^ €1 9Upra, 
When Hdt wrote Bk. 7 he knew per- 
haps of only one Otanes, the greatest 
of the name, though wicliout knowing 
his patronymic. When he carac to write 
Bks, 1-6 he learnt the existence of 
a second Otanea, and the i>atronymica 
of both. The u on* occurrence of the 
patronymic of Otanes in this book is 
at least as significant, for the problem 
of compoaition, aa the occurrence of 
patronymics in other cases; cp. cc. 1, 
3p 5» etc. supra, and Introduction, § 7. 

*YpKdvioi: not enumerated in the 
list of satrapies (in Bk. 3), and only 
once elsewhere mentioned in HdL (3» 
117). Hvrcania was better known in 
Roman than in Greek times^ probably 
because it was of more account in the 
Parthian than in the Persian empire ; 
its position is indicated tn Hdt. Le,^ and 
more exactly by Striibo» 507 ff., et aL^ 
as lying between the Kaspian Sea and 
Parthia, to the enst of Media. Th* 
K^pian was also known as the Hyrcanian 
soa (Proiiert. 2. 30, 20). Strabo deficribea 
Hyrkaina as atphtpa. tvBaifiutp . . xal rd 
irX^or rediitt irdXffff re d^ioX 67011 JiciXij^t- 
fUwT} — but a great part of the country 
must bare been mountainoua and nmght 
and the Hyrcani are still a ^ffii valiaa 
in the days of Nero (cp. Tac. Ann, 
15. 1, etc.). Abicht says that Vehrkana 
is the Zend form, O.P, Varkuna, and 
that it means Wolfs- land (Hyrcanae 
tigrea, Verg. Mji. 4. 367). The form 
'TpKOPot ap. Steph, B. 

10. iowp^xaro: the pluperfect appears 
to have little special foroe ; the word, or 
formula, recurs cc. 70, 73, 86 infra ; 
otherwise the word ffdrrw habet sua 
fata apud Hdt. Cp. 5, 34 (with my 
note) and 3. 7, where ed^met is a 
coigecture. 

M«Ydirai«v : as satrap {iwlrpoirot) 



4 



62-63 



nOAYMNIA 



87 



Tov IRafivX&vo^ varepov rovrmv iwiTpoirevaavra, ^Acavpioitli 
Sk OTparevofiepoi irepX fikv rgcri K€^\^a^ elx^v ;^<£XiC€a re 
Kpdvea Kol ireirXeyfiiva rpoirov TUfh fidp/Sapop ovk ev- 
ainjyrfTOv, cunriia^ hk KaX alj^fii,^ koX iy)(€ipiSut irapairXriaui 
T^ai AtytrnTlrfai < fia^aipri<Ti> el'^pv, irpo^ Si fwiroKa (vXmvS 
T€Tv\Mfi4va aiZrjptp, koX Xiveov^ OdpffKa^. oiroi Si inr6 fikv 
'E\Xi7i/a>i/ KoXeovTeu Xvpioi, inro Si r&v /Sapfidpmv ^Aaavpioi 

63. 3 K/oavca om. a 5 rouri aiyxnrriouri a, anus ParudnuB (2933), 

van H. : rrja-i aiyvTrriourt d : '</jMx<0LifyQa't> Stein || cfxov deL Dobree appr. 
van H. 7 cKaAiovro B, Holder * fortaase neutrum genuinum ' van H. 



of Babylon, a great man ; did he pre- 
cede, or aacoeed, Tritantaichmes t Cp. 
e. 82 infra. 

11. Hdt's {{oTtpov Toimv is rather in- 
definite ; the raura might refer to the 
Hyrkanian command, or more vaipely 
to the Persian war ; the length of the 
interval is not specified, nor whether 
his promotion was connected with his 
services in the war. 

63. 1. 'Aov^piot: nnder this term 
Hdt. may here intend to include (a) 
Assyrians properly so called, (6) Baby- 
lonians, and dwellers in Mesopotamia 
generally, (c) Syrians (Aramaeans) pro- 
perly so called, as none of these peoples 
18 separately accounted for in the fist. 
HIh use of *A<rffvpLri^ *Aaajipioi in Bks. 
1-3 (e.g. 3. 92 drb Bafivkuwos M kcU r^ 
Xo«ir^i *A<r<rvplris) will justify (a), (6), 
and the remark here below (e). 

2. oTparcv^iMvoi, i.e. mUxtiae ; for 
domi they were fUTfyti^poit 1. 195. 

apparently two distinct kinds of helmet, 
the latter kind perhaps of leather. 
Assyrian helmets are of various types 
(Rawlinson's illustrations cui I. present 
five). Hdt/s confession of inability to 
describe their outlandish (pdppapow) form 
is curious ; he has not seen them, and 
cannot understand his 'source.' Had 
Hdt. been in Babylon before writing 
this passage it would hardly have been 
thus obscure ; had he ever been in 
Babylonia he might have revised it. 
The obscurity has its bearing upon the 
problems of Hdt's Travels, Sources, 
Composition ; cp. next note. 

4. wapawX^ia rjo-i AlYyirT(<Qo% is 
somewhat of a crux. Are shield, spear, 
and dagger (poignard) all in the Egyptian 
style ? or onlv the poignard ? What 
word is to be supplied with A/7, t 
Probably the Egyptian type applies to 



all three weapons ; on the latter point 
cp. App. Crit. Hdt will hardly have 
been m Egypt before writing in thia 
manner ; cp. c 89 infra, and next note 
but one. « 

5. A^voXa (6X«iy TtTvXiHUva o-i8^Spf : 
' wooaen clubs studded with iron knoba ' 
sound h«urbarou8 indeed, but something 
of the kind had been known, perhaps, 
even in Athens (cp. 1. 69); cp. c. 69 
if^ra. The genitive (i^Xciv, especially in 
the plural, is observable ; cp. 1. 59, 2. 
68 ^iXior KopAwat (xorrtt xrX. followed 
immediately by Ifxorret ^<iKa ; cp. 4. 180 
fidxomu . . \l0oial re koI ((^Xoco-i. Is 
i^Xtar merely a 'material' genitive, or 
is each ^aXw, each Kop6tni, equivalent 
to one ^i\w t 

6. XiWovt 6^Kai look eminentlv 
Egyptian, cp. 2. 182, 3. 47, although 
not described as such here. Has Hdft 
correctly identified the 'Egyptian* 
analogies, or elements, in the * Assyrian ' 
armature ? 

7. KoX^ovrat 2i»p«oi . . 'Aw^ioi 
licX^j6i|<rav. The variation in tense 
seems mainly for the ear, rhetorical (to 
avoid a flat repetition), and somewhat 
pointless ('descriptive' present, 'narra- 
tive ' aorist, Sitzler). The sutement in 
any case involves a considerable in- 
aoouracy, though Rawlinson's assertion 
that "Syrian" and "Assyrian " are en- 
tirely different words (Syrian, Tyrian, 
Tsyrian, from Tsur, -w^ a rock ; Assyrian, 
from Asshur, "^^9) is apparently now 
out of date ; cp. Bneye, Bibl. iv. 4845. 
'Syria,' unknown to Hebr., possibly 
identical with BabvL Suri, a N. 
Euphratean district of uncertain bound- 
aries ; but possibly a corruption of 
*kffff6pwi, op, eU, 1. 849. Asshur as a 
land is named from a dty, and the city 
from a god, Aftur ih. The 'Syrians' 
called themselves Aram (cp. op. eii. 



88 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



affjfOTaTa t&p MtjSi/c&p ejfpvre^ iarparevovro, ro^a Bk xaXdfupa 

eirijdcopia koX alxH^ fipaj^ias^ XcLkoi Sk [oi XxvOai] irepX fikp 

5 r^crt KefJMXQo'i KvpfiaaLa^ €9 o^v avrfyfiipa^ opdh^ €l')(pp 

8 rovrctfv . . XaX&iioi secL Stein 64. 2 *KpTa\auiv codd. : 

'A/oraxoicctf Stein : * num 'A/M-ax<u<tf 1 ' van H. 3 <TMJ/»as> ^x^^kt** 

van H. : ^x^''^^^ <rvripas> Sitzler 4 ol Y,Kv6at, Stein : deL Blakedey 

5 airiy/icvas B : avt/yfievas Valckenaer appr. van H. 

Baktria was indeed the cradle of the 
Zarathrustrian religion ; cp. Maspero, 
HiUovre ancunne iiL (1899) 578 ; Toma- 
schek ap. Panly-WiMowa ii. 2807. 

8. Ayx^rara : a rather vague neuter 
plural ; the reading it not quite cer- 
tain (cp. ADp. Crit.)i but the meaning 
dearly is that the Baktrians wore on 
their heads felt caps, like the Median 
fez. (It was, perhaps, originally Bak- 
trian, and of black colour. ) 

Ttf{a icaXd|uva twix^ui: the 
distinctive weapon, a bow of reed 
(bamboo), perhaps of Indian origin. 
Unless iwixupUu is to be supplied with 
alxM^Sf the only difference between 
Median and Baktrian equipment would 
be that the Median bow was not of 
bamboo ; moreover, how could the'Aptoc, 
who have Median bows, be in other 
respects like the Baktrians, if the bow is 
the only point of difference between 
Baktrian and Mede? Bat perhaps to 
question thus, is to take Hdt. too 
seriously. 

4. 2dKai U ol Sk^Ocu: the last 
two words look like a gloss. The 
' Sakai,' or ' Skyths ' in this passage are 
doubtless the tribes, more or less nomad, 
of the NE. frontier of the empire 
( Jaxartes), or between Oxus and Jaxartes 
(cp. Hdt IV.-VI. ii. p. 11). Their 
habitat miffht seem to fall into the 
Europe of Hdt. {op. eU. i. 28), but it 
would be rash to assume that his (perhaps 
later) geographical scheme was present 
to his mind in writing this passage. 
Hdt is dealing with Asia here. 

5. Kvppaoiat h 6f^ &«i|YiUvat 6p0d« 
ctxov imrtiYvCof. These 'Skyths,' or 
'Sakai,' with upright pointed caps, 
have been identiiiM with the Qakd 
tigrakhavda of the Behistun inscription : 
who are these distinct from Qakd Hau- 
mavargd or ^AfiOpytoi^ Hdt. (or his 
authority) has perhaps confounded two 
hordes, or breeds of Saka distinguiihed 



aub v., recognized in the "A/u/mk, iZ. 2. 
788, op, eU. 4845, and the *Ep€fjifiol, Od. 
4. 84, op. cU. 276). The 'Assyria' of 
the Achaimenid inscriptions, though 
distinct from ' Babylon,' seems to corre- 
spond rather to Syria than to Northern 
Mesopotamia. 

8. ToirrMV 84 fierafi XoXSoSot has 
very much the air of a gloss, not so 
much because it is inconsistent with 
1. 181 (for there might be ' Chaldaians ' 
and 'Chaldaians,' and Hdt is not 
self-consistent), nor because fura^d is 
anomalous, but because there appears 
no narticuiar ground for special notice 
of tne XaX3fluoc among[ all the number 
of ' Syrians ' and * Assyrians ' here massed 
together. If authentic, the observation 
could hardly hava been written after 
1. 181, and thus would support the 
belief in the earlier composition of Bks. 
7-9 ; the statement, or implication, 
that the Chaldaeans {KtUdu) were a 
nation, or people (not merely a caste 
or priestly order) is, however, correct; 
cp. JSncye, Bibl, L 720. 

64. 2. 'O i A u - a i if h 'AprraxaJUm : the 
son is not named elsewhere, but the 
faUier is presumably the Artachaies, son 
of Artaios, who was superintending the 
Athos-canal (c. 22 supra), a man of the 
Achaimenid stock, whose apotheosis Hdt 
commemorates, c 117 ir^ra. 

Bdicrpioi: the inhabitants of 
a satrapy in the NE. of the Persian 
empire, named from the chief town, 
(rd) BdtcTpa {ZapUurxa, Arrian), or river 
(Bdrrpcof). In 3. 98 the Batcrpitufol {He) 
appear in the twelfth satrapy. Baktria 
was one of the most important of the 
eastern provinces in the Persian empire 
(cp. 9. 113 infra), its name cropping up 
in the Greek literature of the fifth 
century (Aisohyl. Persai 306, 318, 732), 
and destined in the time of Alexander 
and his successors to still greater im- 
portance ; according to some traditions 



64-66 



nOAYMNIA 



89 



Tremfyvia^, ava^vpiBa^ B^ ivetehvKeaaVt ro^a Be iinjdiput 
leal iyj(€ipiSui, irpo^ Bh xal a^lva^ a-ofydpi^ ^^X^^' tovtov^ 
Bi iovTOf; SievOa^ *A/ivpyiov^ Scuea^ i/cdXeov oi yhp Tlipa-iu 
'irdtrra^ tov9 Xxvffa^ xaXeovai Xd/ca^, 3aKTplmv Bk koX 
XaK€wv fipx^ 'ToTacnriy? 6 Aapeiov re leal ^Aroa-arj^ rfj^ lo 
Kvpov. *lvBol Bk etfuiTa fikv ivBeBvKore^ awo ^vKcap iraroirf' 66 
fiiva, To^a Bk icaXdfAiva el^op koX oiaroif^ Koka/iipov^' €7rl 
Bk ciBrfpo^ ^p, ioToXfiipo^ phf Bii ^aap ovrw ^IvBoi, irpoc- 
€T€Tdj(aro Bk avoTparevofiepoi ^appa^dOpt) r^ ^Apra/Sdrem. 
"Aptot S^ ro^ouri fikp iaKevaapApoi ^aap MrfBucoia-i, r^ S^ 66 

7 of tvas del. Naber appr. van H., Holder || caydpts C : o-ayopcts ABPd : 
o-ayya/xis B : Kal auydp€is z 8 evfJLvpyiovs B 65. 1 <.€ipLtav> 

dirh van H. : ^vAov ? idem 2 6c del Krueger appr. yan H. 3 

a-i&rjpov a II ccrraXaro malit van H. 4 <fMpva(d6riv a 66. 1 

ccriccva&iro malit van H. 



by Dareios. Cp. J. Oppert in lUeords of 
the Past, ix. 76, also Tomaschok ap. 
Pauly-Wissowa L 2010 f. 2. 28 d6o 6pea 
is 6^d rdt Kopv^s dmjy/Uwa decides the 
reading. Cf. App. Crit 

6. dvatvp(8ae : c. 61 tupra, 

lvc8fS«Ki8rav : the pluperfect seems 
to have no reference to a remoter past, 
but if they 'had put on/ they 'were 
wearing* trousers, the tense becomes 
materially almost ' descriptive.' 

8. ' AffcUfryCovt Sdxat : Steph. B. aub 
V. *A/i6pyi<» " vidow <TeSlov X> Zaxuv ' 'EX- 
XdviKot Zfft^oif <.Zkv0ikous t> rd iOviKbur 
*Afi6pyioSf (Uf ai>r6$ ^nfffiw, Coolev (op. 
Blakesley) identified them with the in- 
habitants of the valley of the '* Moorg " : 
this is better than von Hammer's idea (op. 
Baehr) that the *A/i6pytoi were the Turks, 
Toijpyioi. J. Oppert, I.e., apparently 
renders Hauraavarga, "who drink Haoma 
leaves." 

ot -ydp n^oxu wdvrat rovt SK^Oof 
KoXiovoa ISdKos. This is an amusing 
instance of Hellenic insolence, and onlv 
means that the * Skyths * of the Greek 
are identical with the 'Saka' of the 
Persians, a statement undoubtedly 
correct even a point beyond what Hdt. 
intends. S<ika was applied to the 
nomad tribes all along the northern 
frontier of the Persian empire, from the 
Danube to the Oxus and Jaxartes, and 
the Greek used ' Sky th ' with a similar 
extension. Moreover, the two words 
are apparently identical. Cp. my note 
to 4. 6. 4. 



10. 'Y u ' i A o wi | t. His name and par- 
entaffe are remarkable, and evidence of 
the importance of this command. He 
is the king's full brother ; cp. c. 2 supra, 

66. 1. n!v8oC : the total absence of any 
reference to Bk. 8 is especially ob- 
servable in regard to this most remote of 
peoples, BO large a portion of that Bk. 
(cc 94, 98-106) being eiven to the 
description of the ' Hindu. 

dCf&ara . . dir6 (iiXwv iraroiT||Uya : 
i.e. cotton garments; cp. 3. 47, 106 
(clothes of bark, or plfikot, will hardly 
do: vide h, k S.). A verb must M 
supplied with iwMvK&ret, or the co- 
ordination of /ih and 84 breaks down. 
To repeat €Xx<» (Sitzler), in advance and 
with a somewhat varied sense, is harsh, 
though c. 91 i^fra might almost seem 
to justify it. Stein suggests irrfMrtComo 
(cp. c. 67), or Ijicw (c. 71), or f^aw 
(cc. 69, 89) ; but why not allow Hdt. 
the trifling aaakoluthon t 

2. M: adverbially, * thereon.' Hdt. 
might seem to think that the iron arrow- 
he«l was remarkable. It. occurs in 
Homer, aI. 4. 128. 

4. ^opvatAOpu T» 'AfiraPdriM. 
Phamazathres, son of Artabates, had 
apparently others in his command beside 
the Indians. How many Indians, in- 
deed, ever saw the shores of Greece? 
Neither sire nor son is elsewhere men- 
tioned, but the compounds. Aria and 
Phama, are frequent in the Persian 
proper names. Op. Index Nominum. 

66. 1. "Apcoi. It is rather difficult 



90 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



a\\a /card irep Bd/erpioi. *ApUov Be ^px^ Xurdfivfi^ o 
'TSdpveo^, HdpOoi Bi xal T^opdafuoi koX %o^Boi re Koi Tav- 
Sdpioi /cal AaSUai rifp avr^v aKevriv ixovre^ rifv leal Bd/crpioi 
5 ioTparevovTo. tovtodv Sk ^px^^ ^^» HdpOwp phf xal yiopa- 
apAODP ^Aprdfia^o^ 6 ^apvdxeo^, XoySoDV Bi ^A^dvff^ o *Apraiov, 

6 a^ai^s a : dprdvrjs fi 

ffraphers on the Ozns. Tha name wai 
known to Hokataios : Steph. B. s. voc. 
Xop€kfffdfi' t6\is {iic) Tp6s ita UdpOw, 
'Enrarcubt 'Afflat Tepaiy^et . . . a^d di 
Xopdfffuoi itft oMt 01^ri* TldpSunr Tpds 
IjjKioif dwlax'in'^f^ Xopdff/uoi olKwiai. icai 
*Hp6dorot Tpfru xrX. The Ghorasmians 
were ' pare Arians/ and followers of the 
'Zend-relijrion' until oYerwhelmed hy 
Hans and Turks (Tomaschek ap. Pauly- 
Wiasowa iiL 2407). Alexander made 
friends with them (Arrian, Anab. 4. 
16. 4). 

S^^6oi. Sogdiana, between the 
Ozns ana Jazartes, a district well known 
to the geographers of post-Alexandrian 
times (Strabo, Arrian, Pliny). The 
name still lives in that of the province 
'Sofrhd.' Strabo uses the form Ziydioi, 
^eyiuufol (e.g. 517). Several important 
towns existed in Sof^diana when Alex- 
ander visited it Marakanda= Samar- 
kand, Arrian, Anab. 8. 80. 6 ; Oaza and 
six other towns, 4. 2. 2 ; Kyropolis, 
ibid. ; NauUka, 8. 28. 9, etc. 

FavSdpiOL Steph. B3rz. aub v, 
TdpSapax' 'Ifduw (Owot. *EjcarcuoY *Aal^, 
X^yorrat di Twddpioi wop* ai^ koI Top- 
dapiK^ if X^' Strabo, 697, has Twda- 
pint. It is natnral to connect the name 
with Candahar. 

4. AoSUat: similarly coupled with 
Te»ddpi<H in 8. 91. Steph. B. quotes 
only this passage for the name. Did it 
not stand in his Hekataiost Cooley 
connected AaSU with Tadjek, and v. 
Hammer Tadjek with Deutsch, a fear- 
some etymologitis. 

tAv aWjv oicflv^v : the prevalence 
of the Bactrian type is noticeable : cp. 
Appendix II. § 5. 

6. 'Af»r&patos b ^opvdicfOf : accord- 
ing to 8. 126 ff., 9. 41, 66, 89 etc. 
among the most eminent of the Persian 
commanders, and the rival of Mardonios. 
He was subsequently satrap of Dasky- 
leion, and negotiated with Pausanias, 
the victor of Plataia, Thuc. 1. 129. He 
mav have been commander of ' Parthians 
and Chorasmians' before his promotion in 



to separate these 'Arians,' with their 
Medo- Bactrian equipment, from the 
Arian- Modes of c 62, and no less from 
the "Apecoc of 8. 93. ^Apla, or 'Apcia 
(Ariana) was a definite province of the 
eastern portion of the Persian empire, 
named apparently from a river "Apetot 
(Strabo 616, etc., Arrian 4. 6. 6), with 
the later capital Alexandria. It must 
be the inhabitants of this satrapy that 
are here intended. As Stein remarks, 
'A^oc is constant in Strabo, 'Apeiot in 
Arrian. 

2. 2iad|ivi|t b 'YSdpvtot. Of the 
son nothing more is known. An Hv- 
dames, son of Hydames, figures largely 
in the record, cp. c. 88 infra, and 
Sisamnes was perhaps his brother. An- 
other Sisamnes is mentioned, 5. 26. 

8. ndp9oi ktX. This passage misht 
suggest that we have less an army ust 
than an ethnological catalogue at the 
base of Hdt.*s numeration. It is even 
like the catalo^e of a museum, for its 
' motive ' is neither (a) the political or- 
ganisation of the empire, nor (6) the 
military organization of the commands, 
but a^parentl^ (c) the morphological 
similarity or differenoes of equipment. 

' Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, 
Arians,' are formed into one voftbt in 
8. 98. On the Achaimenid inscription, 
Parthia appears as a distinct province 
(satrapy), and likewise Sogdiana, Chor- 
asmia, and Gandaria, each as separate 
provinces. If Parthians and Chor- 
asmians were united under one command, 
the inference might be that these 
provinces were each weakly represented 
m the army. 

The form UdpOoi is common to Hdt 
and Hekataios {Frtig, 179> etc.) and 
others. UdpOioi was used by Etesias 
{Pen, 8), napdvcuot in Diod. Sic. (17. 
106. 7 UapSvala), Strabo (514), Arrian 
Anab, (8. 11. 4, etc. ). Of all the Iranian 
peoples named in this catalogue they 
iiad, so to speak, the greatest future 
before them. 

Xop4r|uoi : located by the geo- 



66-68 



nOAYMNIA 



91 



TavhapUov Sk teal £kaBiK€ODv 'Aprv^io? o ^Apra/Sdpov, Kdawu>i 87 
Sk a-iovpva^ T€ ivSeSvKore^ teal ro^a iirijddpui KoXdfuva 
e)(pvT€^ Koi aKivcuea^ ioTparevovro. oZroi phf oirto iaxevaBaro, 
rnefiova irapeypp^voi *Api6fiapBov rov ^Aprwplov aSeX^oi;, 
Xapwyycu Si etfiara fikv fiefiafi/iipa eveirpeirov l^oin-e9« iriSiXa $ 
8k i^ yovv avareivovra €lj(pv, ro^a Sk koX aly^fjLit^ MrfSacd^. 
Xapoffyiwp Sk ^pxe ^epevBdrrj^ 6 Meyafid^ov. TldiCTV€^ Si 
<ri(rvpvo<l>6poi re l^aav /cat ro^a ivi)((opia €ly(pv ical iy^eiplSia* 
TldKTve^ Si apjfpvra irapeix^vro ^AprauPTrjp top ^lOafUrpem. 
Ovrioi Si KoX yivKoi re koX Hapi/edvu>i iaxevaa-fiivoi ^aavCB 

7 dprvPios B 67. 3 aKivaxcas B 4 dprvpiov B 9 

dpravvTTjv R : dpravnjv V : drpavTrjv S : dprrvvnqv a || *10afiCTp€(ji> Schweig- 
haeuser : i6apjd.rp€ia a : irpaiurtia B 68. 1 ka-KtvdSaro malit Yan H. 



480 B.O. The patronymic is added in 
all the references above given, not 
because Phamakes, but because hii son, 
was so illustrious. 

'A{dvi|t h 'ApToCov may have 
been a brother of Artachaies (c. 22 
9upra) : the father's name is noticeable ; 
cp. c. 61 mivra, 

7. 'Api^iot &'Aprafidvov, as a son of 
Artabanos, is the king s cousin in the 
first degree. 

67. 1. KdffiTiOi : plainly men of the 
Kaspian Sea, or region : but how they 
should differ from the *TpKdpioi of c 62 
does not clearly appear. Cp. c. 86 infra, 

2. o-io^pvos : 4. 109. Tzetzes (schol. 
ad Lye. 634) distinguishes ffia^pa (a 
favourite word with Aristoph. ) as made 
iK S^pfiaros im-plxov ^m ffia^fo^a, irpixw 
depfjArioWf cp. L. k S. sub w, Hesych. 
also has ffUrvs. 

firtx^pia KoXdi&iva: do bamboos 
grow in Kaspia? or should these 'Raspii' 
be * Kaspein ' ? (Kdaireipot ' ir6\it Udpiuw 
rpoaixvf "fi 'IvSucy Steph. B. who refers 
to Hdt 3 where only K(i<rTcoi is to be 
found, cc. 92, 93, unless Kdaireipot lurk 
in Katnrdrvpot c. 102). Cp. c. 86 infra, 

3. dKivdKat: c. 54 supra. 

4. 'Aot^|iaf8ov rhv ^Aprv^ov &8cX. 
^c^v : therefore son of Artabanos, cousin 
of the king, and an Achaimenid. 

5. SopaYyai: Zarangia is one of the 
twenty -two provinces of the empire 
enumerated on the Behistun inscription 
to be identified with the Apdyyai of 
Arrian's Anabasis (cp. Sintenii' ed.) and 
located in Seistan : the origin of the 
name perhaps traceable in the great lake 
Zarah (Hamun). Cp. also Bevan, House 



(if Seleueus i, 270. This folk appears 
distinguished by its gay clothing (et/iara 
pep, ivHptrw ix' )* while its shoes recall 
and exaggerate the peculiarity of the 
' Hittite^ boot, or at least the Paphla- 
gonian, c. 72 if^ra; yet the weapons 
are 'Median' (i.e. Baktrian ?). Cp. 
Appendix II. {5. Is ZapayWwr 3. 98, 
117 the gen. of this word, or of Zapayy^^ 
which would give a discrepant form? 
The 'Scythian' Sarancae in Trogus 
Pomp. Prolog. 41, 42 are now written 
Sarancae. 

7. #cp€v8dTi|f h Mryapdlov would 
seem to be a brother of Boubares, c. 22 
supra, 

ndicTVflt : important and typical 
people, with a axevij (cp. c 85 infra) as well 
as a country (cp. 8. 102) of their own. The 
voyage of Skylax of Karvanda (4. 44) 
serves to identify their ha'bitat with the 
upper Indus, or rather the Kabul region, 
i.e. £. Afghanistan (* Pathans ' ?). (The 
Ilairruin^ of 3. 93 can have nothing to say 
to India.) Their equipment includes 
(1) sisyma, (2) bow, (3) dagger; but 
they presumably had at least boots, hats, 
and some underclothing as well. 

9. 'A^Ta^hrrt|v rbv 'lAa^r^m : to be 
distinguished from Artayntas son of 
Artachaies, one of the admirals next 
year (cp. 8. 130), who associated hii own 
nephew (ddeX0cd^o$), Ithafnitres, in the 
command : unless by chance Hdt has 
mixed the pedigree (he oertainly has 
not given it clearly). 

68. 1. O^TiOi* Mi>KOi' napucdvuM: 
the first two are found in similar juxta- 
position 8. 93 (xiv. satrapy), but with 
some other strange company ; while 



92 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



Kdrd ir€p YlcueTve^. rovrtov Sk fffy/P^ ^®^» Ovritov flh xal 

Mv/c(ov ^Apcafihnf^ 6 Aapeiov, HapiKavUov Bh Xipofilrpf)^ 6 

I Olofid^ov. ^Apdfiioi Sc ^eipii^ inre^tofUpoi ^cav, ro^a Bk 



4 oipd(ov B 



69. 1 virc^tMr/Acvoi As 



UapiKdifiot are there found in two different 
satrapies (x. xir.) as well as c. 86 infira, 
in connexion with the tKd<nriot u.v. 
The three names are in fact among the 
most nuzzling in the whole list 

Oihxov. Yutiya appears on the 
Behistun inscription as *'a district of 
Persia ** (col. iii. 6,), and this is the only 
known parallel, outside Hdt., to the 
name. The fact that islanders of the 
Erythraean Sea are placed hy Hdt in 
the same wofidt (8. 98) suggests locatine 
the Utii on the coast of the Persian Gnl^ 
or Indian Ocean. Bennel (it* 384), 
followed hy many since, identifies the 
Utii with the Uxii {OH^ot) of Straho and 
Arrian, a sufficiently heroic expedient, 
approved by Baehr, Rawlinson, and 
others. The Herodotean form of the 
name would in that case seem more 
correct 

M^KOi. Steph. B. »u6 v, (Owos, T€pL 
o9 'Bicarcubt 4if *kffl^y ix MvkCjw (aic) e/t 
*Ap6^w iroTafidp, Hekataios was perhaps 
giving a measure of distance, which 
might have been helpful had it survived. 
The 'Araxes' would be somewhere in 
the north, and the Mykoi conseauently 
in the south, which agrees with tne em- 
placement of the Utii. Baehr (note 8. 98) 
identifies them with the Mdirou of Steph. 
B. (Ovot fiero^d Kapfutwlas koX *Apaplas — 
again a bold proceeding, but agreeing 
with (1) the position assigned to the Utii, 
(2) the apparent position of the province 
Mecia (Behistun) and perhaps Maka 
(Persepolis), which disappear at Naksh- 
i-Rostam, (8) the identification with the 
modem Maicran, favoured by Baehr, 
Rawlinson, and others. 

napMcdviOfc. Steph. B. T6\it 
Uepcriicif * 'Ejcaraiof 'Acri^, iv 8* atrrolai 
T^Xit UofMciivti odpofjM, (But was Heka- 
taios versified I) rd iSviKhw Ilapiirdviot 
Xfyorrat koI IlaplKtLwot. The Parikanians 
then were in the Asia of Hekataios ; 
but were they in * Persia ' ? The * Pari- 
kanians' of satrapy x. (3. 92) nre in 
Media ; these here can hardly be in 
either Media or Persia. The Parikanians 
of satrapy xviL (8. 94) may correspond 
with these, especially if the ' Ethiopians' 
(or negrito population), with whom thoy 



are associated, be placed (with Rawlinson) 
in Beluchistan. Pliny (6. 16, 18) places 
'Paricani' apparently in the region of 
the Sarangii, Chorasmii, etc. These con- 
fusions may arise from Paricani not 
being an ethnical term, but an epithet, 
meaning 'devils* (O.P. parikd, a peri, 
or fairy : Lassen) or ** mountaineers " 
(Rawlinson). Bey9Hf Souse of Seleucus, 
1. 272 (following whom t) regards the 
Parikanii of Hdt. as the inhabitants of 
Gfedrosia, worshippers of the Pairiki, 
unolean snirits of the desert. (The 
name Gearosi is post- Alexandrine.) 
They nowhere appear in Alexander's 
historians. 

8. 'Apox4Uvi)t h AapcCov : a son of 
Dareios, not to be confounded with the 
Arsames mentioned in the next chapter, 
and of course an Achaimenid. 

2ipo|fcCrpiM h Olopdtov: perhaps 
the father of Masistios (c. 79 ir^ra q,v,), 
and still more probably of that Oiobazos, 
of whom the gruesome anecdote (4. 84) 
is related, and thus the more discredited. 
Gp. c. 89 tupra (Pythios-anecdote). 

69. 1. 'ApdBiOi. One of the standing 
provinces of tne empire on the Achai- 
menid inscriptions, and habitually 
grouped with Babylon, Assyria, ana 
Egypt, but assuredly not including the 
whole peninsula (cp. 8. 91, 97). Ethno- 
logically, we have here the purest 
Semitic stock of the empire, unless, in- 
deed, these ' Arabians ' are to be sought 
(with Rawlinson) in Africa, between the 
Nile valley and the Red Sea (2. 8). The 
Arabs of Asia were not vassals of Persia 
(8. 88). 

l^pdt : " probably a Semitic word " 
(Stein), yet Hdt also uses it of a 
Thracian garment, etc. (c. 76 infra), 
Schweighaeuser, Baehr translate t^lpa by 
aagum { = adyott Polyb. 2. 28. 7, 80. 1, 
apparently a Keltic garment and perhaps 
word), generally interpreted 'a long 
flowing cloak.* G. W. op. Rawlinson 
makes it ** a flowing dress, or petticoat 
{sic), very similar to their present 
costume." 

iirft«»)Uvoi seems to mean * under- 
girt,' * girt in,' perhaps between the legs, 
to facilitate movement ; hence the curious 



68-69 



nOAYMNIA 



9a 



iraXLvTOva el^ov irpo^ Be^iA, fAa/epd, AWUrrre^ Bi irapSaXia^ 
T€ Koi Xeovria^ iva/ifUvo^, ro^a Bi eZ^oy ix ^olvuco^ 
fnrddff^ 'treiroifffUva, fiaxpa, Terpamfximv ovie ikdaato, iirl 
B^ KcCKafuvov^ OKTToif^ fiiicpov^* ami Bk tnBi^pov iTrfjp \i0o^ $ 
a^if^ 7r€7roti7/i€i/09> r^ teal t^9 a-^prjyiBti^ ^Xv^vai* wpo^ 

2 irpo(rS€^ia codd. : irpos ^&a z || vpbs . . r6^ 8i c^xov om. B || 
pjoLKpa mihi suspectam || 8^ deL Krueger appr. van H. 6 cfiiKpovs 

Stein^ (' fiiKpovs ABR, fuiKpovi reliqai ' Stein^) : fitucpov^ PR (ap. Stein^ : 
fiucpovs S (Qaisf.): /juucpovs z, quod accipi debuerat 

(2. 29, 30, 8. 97 ato.) ; (6) ol /juucpSBuH, 
8. 17 f., who dwelt 'on the soathera 
sea' ; (c) ol rptayXod^ai (4. 188). Plainly 
the first alone are here in question, and 
they famish a distinct type of armstnre 
(tj AlOiowucii ffKevij, op. 2. 106), which is 
next described. 

8. Iva|iulif0i : Ionic for imj/AfUyot ; 
op. iwafjLfUvovs, 8. 105 i9|/Va(with genit.). 
Here dopdt must be supplied ; cp. 6. 25 
(df tfponr^). ivfififiipos frequent m Aris- 
tophanes (di^Z/wy, Clouds 72 ; £kkl, 80 
Tap9a\at, Birds 1250 \eorrijp. Frogs 480 
jcdXXt^a, Peace 1225, etc.). 

Ik ^Cvmcos <nrd6v|t, 'of the stem 
of the palm (-leaf).* ow, 'the spathe of 
the flower of many plants, especially of 
the palm -kind,' L k S. Q. W. ap. 
Rawlmson obseryes that such bows can 
only have been used by inferior tribes. 

4. |icucpd* fUKpo^ How the arrows 
were small if the bows were large is not 
clear. Stein's remark that the larger 
the bow the smaller the pull does not 
seem helpful. Perhaps the arrows were 
short, not as compared with other arrows, 
but as oompared with the bow. The 
reading is supported by Photius 728 
(Agatharchides). The stone-tips were 
rather primitive, but still more paltry 
the horn-tipped lances. 

6. r^ Kol T^ ai^pip|€8at ^X^f^ovoa: 
sc ol SaKTvXioyX^^ (Stein) ; r^} relative, 
instrumental. 6. W. ap. Rawlinson thinks 
the stone in question ' an agate or some 
other of the silicious stones so common 
in Ethiopia.* Is an agate hard enough 
to cut gems? — perhaps the soap-stone 
order. Theophrastus lap. 41 moi 8^ 
\lOoi Kol rdt Toia&ras ix"*^^^ dwdfieis els 
rh fiii rdffx^^t ^^ ^^ f-^ y\^i>eoO«u 
otiflplois dXXd Xi^oct Mpois tb. 48 ; A^coc 
di MOots dXXoit yX^iporrai, ffid^poit 9* oO 
duiKurnu (quot. ap. H. Bliimner, Tech' 
nologie iii. (1884) 295 n. ). It is not clear 
whether Hdt is thinking of powdered 
stone, or of direct use of the point, in 



synonyms in Gloss. Herod, fdrpa . . . 
^iimj. Cp. c. 62 supra. 

rdfa woXCvTovo. The epithet is 
Homeric, but of doubtful interpretation 
there (cp. llonro's Odyss. 21. 11). Here 
it plainly has a technical significance, 
and applies to a small strong bow, with 
a curve, or double curve, when unstrung, 
which has to be overcome and reversed 
when the bow is strung. Ammianus 
Maroellinus, in comparing the shores of 
the Euxine to a bew (22. 8), seems to 
have a bow of this kind in view : own 
arcus omnium gentium flexis eurventur 
hasiilibust Sq/thici soli vel Parthiei eir- 
eumductis utrimque. introrsus pandis et 
peUuIis comiJbus ejfigiem lunae deerescentis 
ostenduni, medieUUem recta et rotunda 
regula dimdente. What Marcellinus 
predicates of the Scythian or Parthian, 
Hdt predicates of the Arabian : that 
such a bow should have been 'long' 
(jMKfid) seems very unlikely. Agathon 
the poet seems to hsve compared the 
letter Z to a Skythian bow (Athenaeus 
454). 

2. vp^ 8iE^ 'carried on the right 
side,' as for example by the fiffure of the 
' Hittite' in the Pass of Karabel, which 
Hdt. (2. 106) erroneously describes as 
carrying the bow in the left hand (as is 
usual). 

Al9Coint: as appears in the next 
chapter, the Ethiopians inrip klyihrrov 
are here intended. With them Hdt 
passes from Asia to Libya, though by 
something of an inconsequence the same 
name in the next chapter leads him back 
to the confines of India. The frontiers 
of Asia and of Libya were, however, 
perhaps ill defined in his authority (op. 
4. 36 ff.). The 'Ethiopians' represent 
for Hdt an indigenous African stock 
(4. 197), undoubtedly the negro, or 
nevoid, among whom he came to distin- 
guish two or three groups or sections, (a) 
the Ethiopians of Meroe, or next Egypt 



94 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



Bi alj(fjLit^ (ly^^ov, iirl Bi xipa^ SopKoBo^ hrrjv o^if irerroirf' 
fih/ov Tpoirov XoY^9* ^1%^^ ^ ^^^ poiraKa rvXoyra. rov Bk 
adfuiTO^ TO pJkv i^fiia-v i^f)\€l<f>ovro yvy^tp lovre^ i^ A^X^^' 

lo TO Bk aXXo fifuav fuKrq), *KpafiUov Bk xal AWcovwv r&v 
vTrkp AiyuTTTov olKfffiivtDP ^px^ ^Apadfikrf^ 6 £^apeiov <t€> /cal 
^ApTVOTcovrf^ Ti;9 Kvpov Ovyarpo^, r^v fjLd\i<rra arip^a^ ratv 

lOywaiK&v Lap€lo^ eUo) xpvairfp a^vprfXaTov i7roii]aaTo, r&v 
fikv Bif inrip AiyuTrrou AiOioirtov /cal ^ApajSta^v ^pX^ ^Apadfirj^, 
oi Bk airo fjidov avaroXitov AWioire^ (Bi^ol 7A/0 Bif iarpa- 
revovTo) Trpoa-ererdxaTo Totai ^IvBoich BiaWda-a-ovre^ elBo^ 
5 fihf ovBkp Touri eripoiai, ^fovriv Bk koI Tplx(OfAa fiovvov* oi 
phf yitp diro fjXiov AiOloire^ Wirpix^^ **^^» oi S' iK t^9 

10 rh 6c Irc/aov (8' V) fl 11 <t€> ical ? Stein appr. van H. 13 

XpvtrjQv ? van H. 70. 4 8uiAAao'ox>KTcs A : Siakdarrovre^ Bfi 



engraving. Perhaps he hardly meana 
that the Ethiopian arrow-head is actually 
used in gem-cutting, but merely that the 
arrow-head was 'a« hard aa diamonds.' 
Cp. 2. 86 (with Wiedemann's note). 

8. j^^iroAa TvXarrd : Of). c. 63 supra ; 
but these are not armed with irou. Such 
dubs are still in use, ** made of auada or 
of ebonv, and called /ttsan, from the 
supposed resemblance to a tongue,*' 
G. W. op. Rawlinson. 

9. rb |Uv ^F^io^, 'upper and lower,' 
or ' back and front,' or ' left and right ' ? 
T^ifrat (^), evidently white ; cp. 8. 27 
(white chalk). |fc£XTot (1^), vermilion ; 
cp. 4. 191, 194. 

11. ' Apord|M|f & AapcCov <tO koX ' Aprv- 
cirAmfii Tfts K^ipov Ovyarp^t: this 
Achaimenid rejoices in the name of his 
great-grandfather (cp. ell supra) ; his 
brother is mentioned below (c. 72). 
Aiscliylus makes 'great Arsames' 
governor of Egypt {Pers, 87), one of the 
few nominal agreements of Aeschylus 
with Hdt's list, and afterwards kills 
him at Salamis (Pers, 808). Artystone, 
the sister of Atossa, evidently younger 
and much more attractive (cp. 8. 88). 
Was her image a Greek work ? r^v 
(rel.) VT^){eit, dici^ froi'/joxiTo : i.q. r^y 
vrif^s, tUCf a&rijt ir<H'fi<raTo or rijt eUdt 
^Tottjo-aro ffrip^s aMp^, Cp. c. 146 infra ; 
ixikevt ff^m Toift 8opv^povt wepidywras 
iriMKPVffOai Tdpra, cU^: an Ionic form. 
Hdt. has €lK^a 2. 143, e//rdret 2. 180. 
Cp. Weir Smyth, § 528. 

70. 8. AlO(ovcs*8CEoi: is this genuine 
ethnology, or a reminiscence of the 



Odyssey^ a 28 f. AlOlowas, roi dtx^d 
deSeUarot, iirxo-foi ipdpQp\ol flip dvffOfUpov 
'TTep^orot, ol 9* djfi6trros. The alter- 
natives are not quite mutually exclusive. 
Hdt and even the Homeric poet may 
have had word of the existence of a 
dark, negroid people, beyond the 
Euphrates and Tigris. The reality of 
this race is fully recognized now by 
ethnologists (cp. Dieulafoy, VAeropoU 
de SusCf 1890 ; Keane, op, eU. infra), 
Rennell (L 401) regards these Ethiopians 
of Asia as * the people of Makran, Haur, 
and other provinces in that quarter,' Le. 
the south-east of the empire ; and this 
view is endorsed by Kawlinson and 
others. The term *Bumt-faoes,' Brun- 
etti, or * Blacks' is of course a mere 
epitliet, and Hdt. distinguishes the 
Ethiopians of Asia and of Africa ethno- 
logically. This distinction reappears 
nowadays in the division of Juomo 
Aethiopicus into * African ' and * Indo- 
Oceanic ' and modern ethnology reaflSrms 
their ultimate and fundamental identity 
(cp. Keane, A. H., Ethnology (1896) 
ch. ri.J. 

4. ctSof * 6»vi\iv * Tp(x»|>A. Hdt 
has here as elsewhere (notably 2. 104) 
apprehended the chief ethnological tests. 
But a great extension, or rather an 
intense specification, would have to be 
given to the term elSot before it could 
caiTy all that was requisite (e.g. not 
merely general shape and appearance, 
but size, measurements, craniology). 

6. I96rpixis. *'Owinf; to the absence 
of distinctly woolly hair, marked pro- 



69-72 



nOAYMNIA 



95 



At^i^9 ovkorarov rpix^ofia ij(pv<n irdvrwv avOpmrwv. otrro^ 
8i oi ix T^ 'Acrti79 AlOUnre^ tA fihf irXiw Kara irep *lvho\ 
iaeaajfaro, irpofiermna hk Xmrtov el^ov itrl ryai te€<f>a\§<Ti 
avv re rouri omtI ixSeBapfiiva xal ry \o<f>i§' /cal avrl fiev lo 
'K6<f>ov 17 'Koil>iif tcarixpa, rh Sk &Ta r&v tmrav opOh ireirq- 
yora elxpv irpopkripATa S^ avr aairit^v hroievvro yepavtov 
Bopd^, Alfiv€^ Sk aKevriv fJbkv CKvrlvffv fiiaav ij(pvT^, axov- 71 
riouri Be iiri^Kavroiat j(ped>fi€voi, ap^ovra Be TrapeLjfpvro 
TAcLaaarfqv rov ^Oapi^ou. ll<uf>\a^6pe^ Bk iarparevovro i'/rl 72 
fikv T^ai /ceil>a\fja^ tcpdpea ireirKeyfieva Sj(pPT€^, aairlZa^ hk 

\ 9 TTpofjLeriatria a : TrpofierdnriBa B : wpoiienairCSia P, Stein^ ^, Holder, 
▼an H., etc. || hrl : irepl yan H. 10 ryai Xo^i^i B, Holder 71. 2 

irap€L\pvro a : cf^ov B 3 naa-a-dyrfv B || dopi(ov PB : dpi(ov C 

72. 1 €(rrpar€voirro om. B : post Kp, ircvrX. Ixoktcs ponit E^allenberg 



guathism and brachycephaly amongst 
the low -caste abori^nes of the Deocan 
many ethnologists still deny the presence 
of true Negritoes in the peninsula '* 
(Keane, op. eU. p. 254). Tne remark 
might apply to the region between the 
Persian Gulf and the Indus, muUUia 
miUandis, 

8. Kard vfp 'IvSol iofo-dxaTO. On 
the verb, and the tense o]). c. 62 supra. 
Two differences between the 'Indiau' 
and the * East- Ethiopian' equipment 
{<TK€irfi) are specified, sufficient, one would 
think, to constitute distinct types : (1) 
the head-dress; formed of tne skin 
of the upper part of a horse's head, 
with the ears and mane left on ; (2) as 
shields : the skins of cranes, presumably 
stretched on frames. So the Nasa- 
monians, trrpovdup Karayaltai^ dopdf 
<pop4own Tpo^ii^fiarot 4. 175. {dopd in 
both places of bird-skins. ) The name of 
the commander has already been given 
in c. 65 supra. 

11. Kar^^m. xaraxpoy with a subject 
expressed is unusual ; it is generally 
neuter, 1. 164, 4. 118. 

71. 1. ACpvcs. With their leathern 
dress (cp. 4. 168, 189 and my notes) are 
quite true to the 'Libyan Logi,' but the 
total abnenceof any reference here to that 
extensive treatise bears out the hypo- 
thesis that this passage is of earlier 
composition ; cp. Introduction, §§ 7, 8. 

2, ^KavTOio>k. Cp. c. 74 infra; 
otherwise a Ato^ X. (praeustus). These 
throwing sticks are poor weapons against 
hofilites ! And where are the ostrich- 
shields (4. 175)? The war-chariots (4. 



170, 188) of the Libyan Logi reappear 
indeed in c. 86 infra ; but the shields 
were apparently unknown to Hdt when 
he wrote this passage. Cp. preceding 
note. 

8. Mtto- yA 'Yt | » rbv 'OapHoiv, Neither 
father nor son is otherwise of fame, but 
the names are a little curious. Mdssa- 
has a somewhat Libyan ring in it, 
but mieht better be referred (as the 
name of a Persian) to the same group 
as Maffffay^rai, Mdffffayaf Mdvaapoi^ 
(Mtiffffdyris) : while the father's name 
recalls the river "Oapos (4. 123 f.) which 
at any rate was within range of the 
^tassagetai. The form *Odparfs is given 
as a name for Artaxerxes Mnemon (Dinon 
ap. Plutarch, Artax. 1). 

78. 1. IIcb^XaT^vts bring us back to 
Asia, and moreover to 'Hither Asia.* 
Their geographical position, imbs" AXvot 
rorofiw indicated in 1. 6, 72, and less 
exactly 8. 90 (iii satrapy). The 
Greek name (Ta^Xd^eiy) must have been 
bestowed by the early navigators, or 
colonists, in the Euxine, and is well 
known to Homer, //. 2. 851, 5. 577. 
To the early Hellene those 'Blusterers' 
or 'Sputterers' were the 'Barbarians' 
Kar ikox^if (<M to Aristophanes Kleou 
was the ]«erfect Paphlagonian, KniglUs, 
passim) ; but even to ' Homer ' the name 
has become a purely geographical or 
ethnical term. Hekataios had made 
mention of the Paphlagonian 4ad^s, had 
perhaps described it. Cp. Fr. 189 
( = 8teph. B.'Tilnrri). 

2. Kpdvca weirXcYfiiiva : cj). c. 68 
supra, Xenoph. Anab. 5. 4. 13 Kpdpti 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



fLiKftafi al^d^ T€ oif fjLeydXa^, wpo^ Be atcotnia teal iy^^etpiBta, 

TTfpl Bi Toi? TToSa? 'jriBiXa €in)(U}pui ey pA<n^v Kvi^firfu 

5 avarelvopra^ Xiyve^ Bk icaX yianyivol tcaX M.apiavBvpoi t€ 

teal %vpioi rr}v aifTfjp €')(Ovt€^ UacpXaffoai i<rTpaT€vovTO. ot 

3 fmxpk^ C : trpkiKpos^ Stein^ 6, 7 l,vptoi (bis) Etiatath. Dion. 77S : 

o^pot \\ Tf^v avntfv <:(rK€v^u>- van H* 



They supply u diatiuct tyjie of amiuture, 
i} Ho.^\q,'^q*h>ct] (f«:fti5, c. 73 ivfra, 

do^CSas 81 picpdf : in the Iliad 
(5, 577) they are aflTrt<rral» rather 
sajj^geating large fihitild.^, probuhljr a 

Soetic liceoce : small speara, javellDs, 
aggera auit the lighter snield. 
4. ir48bXa . . . 4viiiTi(vovTa : uot quito 
ao high ftB those ascribwi to the Saranga^ 
c. 67 sujfra. 

6. ACywts : hardly to be confounded 
with Ligyes of the wi^atem Mediterranean 
(o. 166 %n/ra}, tliough Euatathiuaaaaerted 
that tbere were in Kolcbis Alyve% AroiKoi 
tQ* 'R'i^piairattav, k propoa the verse : dr tls 
Kwofav Ty}» At^u<miciiv fJuoXtlnf. Cp. 
Berkeliufi, Steplj* B. aub v. K&ra (also 
Rawlinson tr.* 233). Theae eastern 
* Ligyes ' ar«; unknown to hiatorr, but 
HawUnson Buds a link betwaen £. and 
W. in the Thraoiau * Ligyaei * of Arii- 
totle, Fr. 284 (KHM. ii. = MacroK 
Saturn. I, IB, now athetiaed by V. Eoar), 
and a point tTappui in the Caticasiati 
'Iberians.' Strabo (503} has Afjyai on 
the Caucasus, and tbies imxne survivea in 
the modern Lesgbi (V, de St. Martin). 

MtiTifrvoi: a term known to all 
the geograplierit yet unknown to history* 
Some great con fusion underlies ita em- 
ploynient. which covers a district includ- 
ing Media, or ]^art of Media^ Assyria, 
and the coiintrv up to the Hal vs. (Cp, 
Edt IV.-VL/Appendii Xlli:) Siiwe 
writing i. eiL it has occurred to me that 
io the word we have a sobriquet of the 
MedeSt Mada^ whose empire had extended 
mainly over the parts in connexion with 
which the term is used. The name has 
come to Hilt, fnim liekataioB ; cp. 
St^ph. B, MAcrxot' K^Xxti*** ^Bvos Tpotrex^s 
TiHs MaTti7foIf. 'EitararoT *Aai^ i=Fr, 
188). Steph. B. *Tdtin}- ir6\ts MaTtffpQv 
wpoctx^ Tott Vopditur 'Ek, *Aff. { = Fr. 
189 ; cp. note 1. 1 supra). There may, 
howev*?r,, have been aonie folk in eastern 
Anatolia whose name wa^ confused with 
Mada r the Matieni of Hdt., ao far «s 



tbej atftod for a real people, must be 
located in that qnarter. As Rawlinson 
(iv.^ 228 n.) well oboerTes, the '' Matieni '* 
of the later Mograpbera are mi^rely 
** book-knowleoge ' not " real geography 
of their day." Steph. B. mentionn 
'Sinope' (i propoa of tlje €OtfiK&¥), which 
tempts conjecture in regard to *Ryope,* 
the unknown city oftLio Matieni I 

Mapu&vSvvo^ Tff Kal £vpvoc. The 
Blarinndyni (Mariindeni : Mapia¥$T^voi 
Skymn. Fr. line 199) were known to 
Ht)kataio» (Steph. B. mib v, Zrnf^a^lt 
= E, Fr, 201), and their habiut, Man- 
andynia to Eupolia (Bothe, Fr. 18, 10 
6pQ, $fw ¥V¥ Ti)y Mapiav^wiav but Ma/MOi'- 
jUvfou Aiachyl. Frrs, 937), located by 
Xenophou {Anab, 6. 2. 1) pretty exactly 
west of the rivers Halys and I'arthenioa, 
and about the Mpgarian colony Herakleia 
{o^craK ^' iv r^ yiapiavhwiav x^P9^i Atid 
■pecified {Cyro]K 1, 1, 4) among the fol- 
lowera of Kyros i-trr^aro M?|lw»' . . 
KatfffTpi^aTo 5^ 2rCpovt^ 'Aatrvploui , . 
lif^t d^ . . Ha^XayhtKiif xal Mapiap- 
&tma» jcrX. ). Strabo (295) aanigns them a 
Tbracian origin, with the ^wd and 
BiBifvoi, Ildt. seenia to class them with 
the Paphlagonians and Syrians (cp. 3. 90, 
satrapy lii.). The irax:o^AcTOf fd Ma/>ta#* 
^v¥Qv BpfffinjT^por was yearly sounded 
in honour of a lovely youth yclept Bori- 
mos (Pollux), slain at the hunting 
(Athen. 14. 11. p. 619; cp. Pollux 4. 
55 rifAarai di BpTjvufSei wtpi ri}M y«utpyt<ii^ 
4ffpMTi) ; MariindynoH, his brother, was 
said to have tauf:^'ht Hyagnia, father of 
Alarsyas. Kal <lvXoI 5i <3^> rufh tUn 
lAapiavivvol iVinj^f t6n7ra <-6Tara> f x*"'''*' 
e/f rh% dfnjy(p5iat (schol, Aischyh L(,)* 

6. el ti £iipLOi o^oi . . . KawiraStSicab 
It. : 80 again very clearly, but inverted, 
1, 72 oi M KaLTita66Kat uir6 'EWifwwv 
Z^ptoi 6po^d^owTai, Cp. 5. 49. In the 
Achaimenid inacriptiona they appear as 
the * Kattipatuka,* always next after the 
Armenians (Bebiatun, Perse pol is, Kukah* 
i-RuNtani) : in Hdt/a tnap of the * Royal 
Road ' between Phrygiaoa and Kilikiana, 
5. 49, 52. By Strabo (735) they are 



4 
I 



7i-73 



nOAYMNIA 



97 



Si Xvpioi oiroi inrb Hepcimv KamraSoKai leaXeovrai. Ila^Xa- 
yovtov fUv vw Kal MartvfV&v ASro? o MeyaalSpov lipx^f 
MapuivSvv&v Sk leaX Xvfutov koX Xvpimv Tofipvtf^ 6 Aapeiov 
T€ Koi ^AprvcTwvf)^, ^pvye^ Sk arf^fprraTto rr^^ noffiikayovncfi^ 73 
a/C€v^v €ly(pv, oKijov irapaWd<raovT€^. ol Sk ^pvye^, m 
Ma/ceSoi/69 Xiyovai, iKoXiovro Bpiye^ j(p6vov 6<tov Ev/M»7n$ioi 

7 oSroi om. a 8 /Aavrii/vcov R || pjtyaxriZov B 9 fropw>v 

codd. WPpxnfia^ 73. 3 /Sptycsfl: ^ptytsAiB: PpCx€sC: Ppvx^ 

A^d II cKTov XP^^^^ ^^^ ^ II Svponr^ibi CPdz : cv/MtfircMi a : cv/Mtfirtoi fi 



called Aevirdo'v/KK in distinction from the 
Syrians * beyond Tauros* KawirddoKts 
dfi^drtpoif (A re vpht r$ T€i6p<fi koI A Tpiit 
Tffi IKHtrtpf M^XP* ^^^ AevKdffvpoi KoXoOyroi, 
on Ar 6rrwf rufiow "Zifitop kcU lieXdroir* 
o^roc d' e/crlr oi /crdt roC Ta<^pov. Kappa- 
dokia and the Kappadokians are well 
known to Xenophon and the historiant 
of Alexander (e.g. Arrian) : in Soman 
times the name was restricted to the 
southern portion of what had once been 
known as Kappadokia, the northern part 
having passed under the kingdom and 
proTinoe of Pontos. The ethnological 
character of the Kappadokians is doubt- 
ful : were they "Iranian" (Ed. Meyer), 
or * * Semitic '* ( Duucker), or " Anatolian " 
(Kretschmer) for which the religion (at 
Komana) is a strong argument {EinUU 
iung, p. 399) ; or was not the population 
mightily mixed? (The *Hittite' not 
forgotten !) 

8. AArot h Mflvoo-CSpov : neither 
name recurs except that Steph 6. tub v. 
A(6rcor preserves riyal riews which traced 
that Thessalian town to Dotos, a son of 
Felasgos, or as others had it, a grandson 
of Hellen. 

9. roppvT|f h AapcCov Tf Kal 'Aprv- 
rr^mfi, an Achaimenid, full brother 
of Arsames, c. 69 supra, 

73. 1. ^p^yet: the position of this 
celebrated folk in the Asia Minor of Hdt. 
is not seriously in doubt ; the position of 
<Ppuylrf between Kappadokia to the east, 
and Lydia west, is marked oc. 26, 80 f. 
supra; similarly on the 'Royal Road,' 
5. 49, 52. Hdt. does not specify the 
difference between the Phrygian and 
Paphlagonian equipment : was it in the 
matter of boots f 

2. Mt MAKiS^vfs Xlyova^: not much 
perhaps can he made of this 'Make- 
donian * authority, except negatively 
(op. Introd. § 10) ; but Makedonians may 
have claimed to have driven out the 

VOL. I PT. I 



Phrygians. In Asia Minor the Phry- 
gians may hare been regarded in tome 
quartern as * autochthouous,* and perhaps 
made the daim themselves (cp. 2. 2), 
but Hdt and Xanthus knew better: 6 
fiip ydp Sdrtfot 6 Av86f /x«rd rd TpwckA 
^iflffbf iXOeiif roOt ^pOyas 4k r^ E^/Nihnft 
Kcd tQp dpirrepQp roO Edrrov (Strabo 680 
s^Fr, 5). (Tne date must be explained 
away : if the Phrygians come from 
Europe they came 'before the Trojan 
war ' ; if they came ' after the Trojan 
war,' they were only shifting from one 
place to another in Asia, but might still 
be ultimately Euro^an.) Hdt 8. 188 
finds Midas at home in Makedonia, which 
SQuares perfectly with his view of 'the 
Pnrygisn migration.' The older com- 
mentators and historians, howerer, 
(Blakesley, Rawlinson, Stein), partly 
under the influence of 'the oriental 
mirage ' have followed Oiseke, Thrakiack- 
Pdasg, StdmrnSf and reversed the direc- 
tion of the migration so far as they 
recognized it at all. Baehr (with his 
great respect for Hdt) struck a middle 
course ; the ' Phrygians ' were at home in 
Asia, but Europeans may have come and 
coalesced with native Phrygians. That 
there were 'Thraoians' in Asia (cp. c. 
75 infra) has always been admitted, and 
that Hdt is right in representing the 
Phrygians as Thracians, or at least as 
immigrants from Thrace, is now the 
better established view, supported (i.) 
by the earlier tradition; (li.) by geo- 
graphical considerations (e.g. relation of 
Europe and Asia : wedge-like appearance 
of historic Phrygia) ; (iii.) by archaeo- 
logical evidence (similarity of Phrygian 
and later Trojan pottery, 'Thrncian 
tumuli ' in the Troad and Phrygia), and 
to some extent (iv.) by linguistic ; cp. 
Kretschmer, EiiiUiiung c vlL Hd[t 
himself has, however, in regard to the 
inhabitants of the Troad, reyersed the 



98 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



iovre^ avvoi/coi ^aav MateeBoa-i, fierafidvre^ Sk i^ rifv ^Aa-itfv 
5 afia rp X^PV ^^^ '^^ ovvofia fierifioKov i^ ^pvya^. *ApfUvioi 
Si teard irep ^pvye^ iaea-dxaTO, iovre^ ^pvy&v airoiKOi. 
TOVT09V o-wafufxyripfDV ^px^ ^Aprox/Ji'V^ ^peiov ix^^ Ovyarepa. 
74 At/Sol Si afyxordrm r&v *EK\ffviK&v etx^v S7rXa. oi Sk AvSol 
Mffiove^ iteoKevvTo to iroKai, hrl Si AvSov rov "Arvo^ etrxov 



4 irvvoiicrfrav a : crvvoiKow z 
van H. 7 ex^av Sap€[ov a 



6 €s #pvyas del. Gomperz, Holder, 
74. 2 fjLTfi6v€s 6 II r6 om. a 



historic prooesi of migration in KW. 
Alia Minor, op. c. 20 tupra; for the 
Myso-Teukrian invasion of Enrope in 
that passage must be substituted a 
Phryffo-Mysian invasion of Asia Minor 
and the Troad. The Mysian invasion of 
Bnrope is indeed hardly consistent with 
the Phrygian invasion of Asia ; Hdt. is 
best reconciled with himself by the 
hypothesis above stated. 

5. 'Af|i4vtoi . . kSrm ^pvyAy Awot- 
Kov. Bawlinson, under the influence of 
the oriental mirage ("the stream of 
Indo-European colonization (sic) having 
set westwards"), prefers to derive the 
Phrygians from the Armenians. So too 
Stein. No special stress need be laid on 
the term droucoc (which is too much for 
Baehr) beyond Uie idea that the two 
nations are related, and that the Phrygian 
is the elder, more primary, and histori- 
cally more important. Eudoxos {ap. 
Steph. B. 9ub V, 'Apfiepla) supports the 
Herodotean opinion : 'ApfUpioi Si t6 fih 
yiwot iK ^pvylaf Kcd rf ^iayy roXXd ^vyl- 
iwai, "This statement agrees so well 
witii the linguistic facts, that there is not 
the slightest reason to doubt it " (Kret- 
Hchmer, op, e, p. 209), going even so far 
as to endorse tne connexion between the 
Armenians aiid Theesaly, discovered by 
Alexander's Thessalian vassals (Stral>o 
503. 580). If the Armenians were of 
European and Phrrgian origin, the 
question would still remain whether 
they were sent forth by the ' Phrygians ' 
before or after the settlement in Asia — 
whether they were in fact a swarm, or 
colony from historic Phrygia, or from 
prehistoric Thrace? The language of 
Hdt. and Eudoxos seems to favour the 
former alternative ; the historic situation 
and probabilities point rather to the 
latter. Some have referred the ' Aryan ' 
character of Armenia to Iranian, not to 
European, antecedents (cp. Baumgartner 
ap, Pauly-Wissowa 2. 1182), and the 



meeting of Phrygians and Armenians 
might be the meeting of two long 
separated columns of ' Aryans.' But the 
assumption of ethnological purity, corre- 
sponding to language, in a region which 
has always been a 'buffer -state,' is 
perhaps rash. In regard to the name, 
there is a diflScult^ arising from the fact 
that the 'Armenians' themselves have 
never used it It is some other's name 
for them, ffaikh is the native name of 
land, people, and eponymous ancestor. 

7. 'ApraxiMif AapcCov Iymv Ovyat^: 
nothing more is known of husband or 
of wife. He may have been an Achai- 
menid. On the first part of the name 
Arta- cp. c. 65 iupra, 

74. 1. Av8o( : equipped like Greeks, 
the *EXXi7yi«r^ CKevfi oeinff taken for 
granted, and nowhere exacUy described. 
Op. Appendix II. § 5. 

2. Mi|(ovcs IkoXsOvto t^ vdXoi, Ivl 
8i Av8o{) ToO "Arvot : exactly agreeing 
with 1. 7 driyovoi AvSoD rod 'Arvot dr 
0rev o diifiot A6dios ^«rXi^ o tSLs o5rot 
Tp&r€pw MijJctfT KoMfiepos. That there 
is no reference here to the ' Lydian Logi ' 
(as, for example, in 5. 86) is a problem 
easily solved on the supposition that 
the Lydian Logi were not in existence 
when this passage was first written. Op. 
c 27 supra. After all the wealth of in- 
formation in Bk. 1 about Lydia and the 
Lydians, this snippet in the army-list 
would cut but a poor figure ! 

'Lydians' are unknown to 'Homer,' 
'Maionians' known, e.g. Miotfts (H. 2. 
864, 10. 481), Kvcwls (4. 142), Uywlv 
(8. 401). In historic times the name 
'Maionia' still was attached to the 
eastern part of Lydia (Ptolemy, Pliny), 
or to a town in that district (Hierocl. p. 
670). The Lydian appellation only 
came up with toe rise of the Mermnad 
dynasty (unknown before that to the 
Assyrians, par exempU), The Lydians 
of history were a mixed population, in 



73-76 



nOAYMNIA 



90 



rffv hr(»vvfdriVt fi€Tafia\6vT€^ to ouvofui, Mva-ol Bk iirl fikv 
T^ai KeffHiKyai el^ov xpavea hn'^ipuL^ cunriSa^ Sk futcpd^, 
oKovrioitn hi ij^itovro iiriKavroiai, oiroi Si elal AvB&v^ 
airoiKoi, air* *0\v/jt7rov Si Speo^ teaKeopreu ^OXvfiirvrivoL 
Avh&v Se Koi Mva-Av fjpx^ * Kpra^pivri^ o ^Kpra^piveo^ &9 
69 MapaO&pa iaefioKe afia Adri. Spi^ixe^ Bi hrl fiiv rytrilS 
Ke^cCK'^iTi, aKtoireKia^ ej(pvTe^ ioTparevovro, irepl Si to trA/Aa 
KiO&va^, iirl Si ^etpii^ TrepifiefikrffUvoc itoikCKo^, irepl Si roi^ 

3 TovvofjuoL 0, cp. c. 62. 6 75. 1 6prJK€s 6 3 xirtavas 6 



which European (Phrygian, Maionian) 
and autochthonous (Lydian) elements 
are distiuguishable. Cp. o. 27 supra and 
Rretscbmer, EinUUung 384 ff. ; Radet, 
La Lydie pp. 50 ff. 

XtfvTts T^ o1fvo|ia reads like a false 
antithesis, and is at best a clumsy 
diffusion. 

3. Mvo^C: cp. c. 20 supra. The 
Mysians seem marvellously ill -armed, 
with no offensive weapon but a throw- 
ing stick ! Op. c. 71 supra, 

5. AvSmv awoucoi. If the Lydians 
represented the indigenous Anatolian 
element, the Mysians, those of Mt 
Olympos included, Europeans as they 
were, could hardly be kinsmen I Perhaps, 
however, underlying the immigrant 
'Mysians,' there might be men, and 
mountaineers, in Mysia, descended of 
the original stock, and as such * brothers ' 
(1. 171), and 'colonists,* or 'settlers,' 
from * Lydia.' There was perhaps a 
differeuce between those dwelling round 
Olympos (Mysia) and the mountaineers 
{*6\vfi.iri.yivoly 'OXvfiTtiPoi, Strabo). Op. 
Strabo 574 f<m toIpvp 6 "OXvfXTot xvKXifi 
flip ed ffvpoiKo6fA€Potf ip S^ rdis (h/^eai 
Zpvftabi 4(aifflout ^ctfr xal Xjjffn^pia 
dvpafjJpow iKrp44>eiP rdirouf e^piceif, ip cXs 
Kal rApdPPoi <rvplffTaPT(u iroWdKis dvpdfiepoi 
ffvfipLeipai TToXi^p xP^^^^t KoSdxtp KXiup 6 
Ka$* iifiCLi r(ap Xycrriplfap ifytfjuifp. (Eleon, 
however, sounds like a Greek.) The 
Mysians figure in the AncUxisis of Xeno- 
phon as a troublesome and liberty-loving 
folk, and it is likely enough that there 
were not many of them in the army of 
Xerxes. (The * Mysians ' whom Agesilaua 
cut up in his attack on Phamabazos, 
395 B.C. (Xenoph. Hist. 4. 1. 24) were 
probably mercenaries.) 

7. *Afrra^p^vT|t 6 'Apra^p^vfot : 
Achaitnenids, the father being a son of 
Hystaspes (5. 25), and therefore the 



king's uncle. The younger Artaphrenes 
has been mentioned supra (cc. 8, 10) 
without the patronymic, but it seems 
impossible to mention him without a 
reference to Marathon I There is no 
reference, however, to the previous com- 
position of the Marathonian story. 

76. 1. 6fW)iKcs : as immediately ap- 
pears, these are ' Asianic ' Thracians, alias 
BtBvpol, Of the European origin of the 
' Bithynians,' ie. of the real presence 
of ' Thrakians ' in NW. Asia Minor, there 
can be no doubt. Whether the name 
Bithynian was first acquired in Asia, 
and that moreover in lieu of Zrpu/i^coi, 
seems more open to doubt. The QvpU 
of Xenophon (Anab, 7. 2. 22) are a war- 
like tribe in European Thrace, unknown 
to Hdt. (for 1. 28 is a gloss). It may 
be that the Qvpol mix^rated from the 
Strymon to Asia, and there acquired 
the handle to their name. The identity 
of the 'Thracians' in Europe and in 
Asia, subject, of course, to the recogni- 
tion of (a) sub-divisions, (b) intermixture 
with 'non-Thracian' elements, is in- 
dubitable, and the invasion post- 
Homeric, i.e. almost historical. Kaw- 
linson cites Xenophon (Anab, 7. 4. 4) to 
show that the Thracians in Thrace wore 
exactly the same costume as that here 
assigned to the Thracians in Asia ; and 
the linguistic argument, as far as it goes, 
fully bears out the ethnical identity (cp. 
Kretschmer, EinUitung, p. 211). 

2. dXanruclot : se. dopit. Op. c. 69 
supra. Their 'fox' skins no doubt 
had the hair, and perhaps the heads, on. 
Op. Xenoph. Lc rdf dXanrejcCdaf ^2 reut 
Ke^paXait ipopodffi Kal rcis &r(. 

8. Kitovat, ' undei^rments,' perhaps 
of Thracian KdppafitSt 4. 74, cp. Xenopn. 
l.e, x^^^<^f <>^ ftipop frtpl rots ffrippoit 
dXXii KoX T€pX Toit Mpoit. 

tcipdt . . voucCXat: c. 69 supra \ 
cp. Xenoph. /.& ^tipdt lUxjn tQp wodQp 



100 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



iroSa^ re koX t^9 icvrjiia^ iritCKa vefip&v, irpo^ Be axovrid 
5 T€ teal irikra^ xal ij)(€ip^Sut fiiicpd. oiroi, Si Siafidvre^ 
fiiv i^ rijv ^Aaiffv eKkriOriaav IBiOvvoi, to Sk irporepov 
i/caXiovTO, m avrol TUyova-i, Xrpvfiovioi, oUiovre^ iirl 
Xrpvfiovr i^avofrrrjvai, Zi ^>€ba\ i^ fjditov inrb Tevxp&v re 
Kal MvaHv. Spr}iK09V Si r&v iv ry ^Aa-lrj ^/9%€ Ba<T(ra^9 

76 o ^Kprafiavov cunrlha^ Si iifiofiotpa^ el^ov <rfLnepd^, 

Kol irpo/SoXov^ Svo XvKioepyea^ iKoaro^ ^^X^' ^^ ^^ T^ai 
fee<l>a\'p<rt Kpdvea j^dXxea* irpo^ Si roltn xpdvea-c Ard re xal 

4 ras om. a 9 BpqKlav 6 || PaaxrdKi]s oR : )3a<raici;s Cd : payaxr- 

aoKrjs PSV : Bayocram/s z 76. 1 lacunam aDimadvertit de Pauw : 

UuriSat 6c supplebat Stein^^, vel 'Yrcwecs 8i <k€u. A€ur6vioi> (cp. c. 77) 
Stein' : <:Kavvioi 6c KiBtavas fiiv €f6c8vic^€s iroiiciAovs> Sitzler || a-fiiKpa^ 
a : /uKpds 6 2 Avictoc^cas ex Athenaei coniectura, p. 486* : Xvico- 

€py€as fi, Athen. : Avicc^cas a || cf^c secL van H. 3 irp^s a : ciri 6 



Hrl Tunf trwup Ix^'^^^* ^^' ^^ ^Xafju^iat. 
Hdt is describing footmen. 

4. vISiXa V€pfihf, 'fawn -skin boots 
reaching half up the leg/ not nnlike the 
' Paphlagonian ; c. 72 tupra. 

6. viXrot: the most characteristio 
item of Thracian equipment, and destined 
to a great future, was the small shield, 
or target (round, square, or various f 
cp. Pauly i.^ 1721), probably of wood, 
covered with leather; cp. c 89 injra, 
Thucyd. 2. 29. 5, 4. 111. 1, 7. 27. 1, 
Xenoph. ffOl. 2. 4. 12 etc. 

7. At airol Xfyovo-i . . ^aoi. These 
assertions in regard to his sources or 
authorities are vague and unconvincing: 
that the 'Bithynians' had come from 
the Strymon is likely enough, but that 
their proper or original name was 
'Strymonii' is doubtful, while their 
reported assertion that they were driven 
to migrate by the Teukro-Mvsian invasion 
is (a) demonstrably a fake tradition ; 
cp. note to c 20 supra: rather they 
had invaded the 'Mysians'; and (b) 
singularly ill-placed in their own mouth. 

9. BaovdKt|f h 'Afrvipdvov: an 
Aohaimenid, brother of Artvphios (c 66) 
and of Ariomardos (c 67), but otherwise 
unknown to fame. His name resembles 
Ha^o'dyTitf c. 71 supra. 

76. 1. iliffldai 94 is a conjecture of 
Stein's, who offers 'Trery^ef as an alterna- 
tive, perhaps preferable, as Hdt. no- 
where else mentions ' Pisidians ' as such. 
Xenophon is the first to use the name, 
but it can hardly have been new in his 
time. Wesseling conjectured XdXv^ : 



the oracle of Ares favours this, and 
Baehr approves, but (1) the armature of 
the eastern XdXvfiet, as described Xen. 
AncUf, 4. 7. 15, does not agree ; (2) the 
Aaadpioi just below (c. 77) are apparently 
a division of Pisidians or associated with 
"trtvpits : cp. 8. 90 ; (8) the Pisidians, 
a notoriously warlike stock (Xen. Anab. ; 
Arrian, Anab. 1. 26-28 ; cp. dpSpdc^i 
in/ra)t are otherwise badly wanting in 
the Ust; (4) XdXvpes are 'Uowhere 
named by Hdt. (for 1. 28 is spurious) : 
and would destroy the geographical 
order of the names. 

A|M>Potvat: of raw, or undressed 
oz-hide, presumably with the hair left 
on. Xenophon used the word Soo-etwr 
p<MP d)/iop6€UL Anab. 4. 7. 22. The 
earlier form seems to be diMfiUwt^ Ion. 
ihfiop6eot, and should probably be read 
here, as in 8. 9, 4. 65. 

2. vpopAovt: a spear, or dart: in 
this sense Awa^ X.=ir/>o/36Xioy : cp. rbf 
Tpop6\aiop c 148 iyhb 

XvKioffryte IS an emendation 
for XvKoepy^at (" wolf-spears," Blakesley, 
**such as used in wolf-hunting," Bawlin- 
son), and means "of Lykian workman- 
ship" (L. & S.), for which there is the 
autnority of Athenaens p. 486 and the 
analogy of /MXija-iovpyj^ {dl^pot) etc. 
(Stein). Cp. r6^a A^km next o. 

8. Ard Tf KoX K^pA : cp. the helmets 
of the Cimbri, whom Plutarch {Marius 
25) describes as Kpdimi tlKOffft/ipa ^pitar 
^optpQp xdtf-Aiatf-i Kol wporofuut IdiOfUp^t 
ixoPTts df iToipdfxtwoi \6^t WT€pwroit 



75-77 



nOAYMNIA 



101 



Kepea irpocrjv fioo^ j^oKteea, hrrjaav Se koX Xo^i* rh^ Si 
KvrjfjLOf; poKeari <l>oivuc€oi<n KareiXlxaro. iv rovroiai, rourt 5 
apSpdari "Apeo^ iarl XPV<^VP'^^' ^afitfXee^ Sk oi Mtfiove^, 77 
Aeurovioi Sk KoXevfievoi, rtjp airrifv Ktki^t el^ov a-xew^v, rip^ 
iym, hrekv Kork rrfv KiKIkwv rd^iv Sie^cwv yiva>fuu, rore 
tnjfiavea}, MiXvai Sk al)(jid^ re I3pa)(^ea^ c^xoi/ koI eiftara 

6 ''A/ocos €<m Stein^ : a/ocos ccrrt P, Stein^^ 77. 1 ica/Eii;Xccs 6 || 

/irf6v€i 6 2 kacrovioi Tz : Xxuroveioi a : Xaa-ivioi 6 4 fiivvat 6 



5. KaTitXCxttTo: {KoruXlffatip c. 181 
infra, 2. 86) the pluperfect had no 
ipecUl temporal force. These Pisidians 
wore ' puttees ' of scarlet cloth. 

6. 'Apfot • • xpiTfrHfpiO¥ : the right 
oracle for bra?e men. Could the oracle 
have been at Sagalassos? the inhabi- 
tants of which iddxovp wdtrrcap UundCjp 
ItAX^IJMv tfrruyr airrol eZyai ol fiax^JuiraToi 
Arrian, Anab, 1. 28. 2. The Telmesdani 
of 1. 78, 84 are not Pisidians but 
inhabitants of a town in Karia near 
Halikamassos. 

77. 1. KaPijXift 8i ot Mi|Covtt, Aaortf. 
ViOi 8i KoXciriicvoi. In 8. 90 Ao^^toi 
and Ka/idXioi {sic) appear with 'Trery^ct 
OS forming, together with ' Mysians and 
Lydians/ one pofidt (satrapy ii.). The 
variations in the text suggest complete 
independence in the sources, and also 
extreme obscurity in the subject *Trcv- 
v^uv is indeed an emendation in 3. 90 
but a tolerably certain one (cp. Rawlin- 
son iv.' 233), but they are omitted here 
altogether, unless, indeed, to be re- 
placed in c. 76 supra. The *' Cabalians " 
are (as Rawlinson observes) "identified 
by Hdt. with the Lasonians in one 
place, and distinguished from them in 
another" — unless, indeed, the koX in 3. 
90 be deleted. Moreover, the form of the 
name Ka/Si/X^cf varies in the two places. 
Stein alters Ka/SoXJoii' into Ka^X^ci»', 
which is going too far, or not far enough. 
Hdt. here must be supposed to mean 
by ol Mrjlopei that the ' Kabalians ' or 
'Kabaleea' were of the old Lydian or 
* Maioniau ' stock ; cp. c. 74 supra, 
Ka/3aX/s as the name of a district 
comurised in KipOpa is well known to 
Strabo (630 f.), who adds: X^yomai di 
dw&yopoi Avdiop ol Ki^vparai tCjp Kara- 
axoyrunf r^ Ka^aXlda, In Roman times 
'Oibyra' was the chief town. The 
district supplied wild beasts for the 
Roman games (cp. Cicero, Epp, ad F, 
8. 4. 5) and suits for the Roman 



governor's adjudication (i&. A, 5. 21. 9). 
The population of 'Kabalis' and the 
other 'Pisidian* communes was probably 
of the native Anatolian stock, with 
some miscegenation. That one particular 
diyision of them had * Kilikian ' armour 
sounds a little improbable: but the 
reference forward, from the army-list to 
the navy -list (c. 91 infra), is remarkable. 
'Lasonians' Rawlinson connects with 
the name of the town Lysinia in Livy 
88. 15. 

4. MiX^oi: Strabo 631 McXi^ d' 4<rr\p 
il dird tQv jcard Tepfifi^a^ vraf&v kuX 
T^t e^f t6 i¥Th/t roO Taipov {nrtpdifftiot 
di aih-Qv irl 'Ifftpda raparelfovaa dpetp^i 
fUxP*' ^yoXoffaoO Kol T^ 'Ara/i^car 
Xf^pat, and this may correspond to the 
use of the name here. Time was when 
the name, according to Hdt., had had 
a wider extension : 1. 173 liip ydp vQr 
Ai^icioc itifiotrrai alhri rb toXoc^ ^ MiXudt, 
ol di MiXt^oi t6t€ Z6\vfioi iKaXiotfTO. 
Strabo (Ic) renorts that the * Kabaleis ' 
were considered * Solymi ' and Steph. B. 
says that the Pisidians were formerly 
Solymi (sub v, Uurtdia), The 'Solymi' 
in that region are Homeric {II. 6. 184, 
204), and it may be from Mount *Solyma' 
in Lykia (Strabo 666) that Poseidon saw 
Odysseus faring to the land of the 
Phaiakians {Od. 5. 283). ifHpKeirat d' 
airntt (sc. ^(M'l^Xidof) rd ZdXv/ia Spot koX 
Ttp/ififfffbt UuridiK^ T6\it, iTucti/Utni roit 
CTCPcSt di* &p inrippaait itrrvp tit r^ 
MiXvdda. 

dtfiaralvffwtwofMrlaTo. Stein thinks 
an adjective wanting {ToiidXa), but the 
use of the fibula (T6pini=r€p6p7i) is in 
itself sufficiently remarkable to be speci- 
fied. Aischyl. From, 61 has xdpwaactf 
(not rdpmjaop) from the simple verb^ 
but in the compound ifiTexopwij/juipot is 
found even in Attic (L. k S.). The 
construction is as iu the notorious 
'suspensi loculos.' Cp. c. 90. 



102 



HPOAOTOY 



5 iveirewopiriaro' dl^ov hk axn&v ro^a fiere^irepoi AvKut, irepl 

W T^ai Ke^aX^ai, ix Si<f>0€p€a>v Trewoirjfihfa^ Kwia^. rovrmv 

TSirdvTO^v ^px^ BaS/M79 o *T<rrdv€o<:. Mocrj^ot Sk wepl fiiv 

CfUKpd^' Xijxai^ ^^ hrrfaav fieyaKai. Tifiaprjvol Be teal 
McucpoDve^ icaX MoaravvoiKOi, Kara wep Mocrp^ot ia/cevaarfiivoi 



6 cvciro/Mrearo 6 78. 3 pxKpas 6 

fuxrvvoiKoi SV reliqni, Gaisf., van H. 



4 fioaxrvvoiKoi ABR : 



5. T^ A^ia : cp. c. 76 supra. 
The exact form of the ' LykUn ' dow 
would presumably appear in that of 
Pkndaros the Ljkian as described Jl, 
4. 105 ff. r6^op it^oo^ ^d\ov alybs 'Ayplov 
• . ToD K4pa iK irc^aX^ iKKOi^KiZtapa 
w€^K€i, the horns beins smoothed and 
dressed, tipped with ^old-points {xpv<r^ 
Koptimii), ana fitted with an ox -sinew, to 
string which it was necessary to rest 
the bow on the ground ; but that this 
(Lykian) bow was toKIptwos is not 
expressly asserted. The arrow used by 
Pandaros was tipped with iron. The 
two horns of the oow must have been 
connected and fastened together by a 
bar or handle (rd fUp d^-n^at «re/»ao^6ot 
1ipap€ Wrrctfr). Only some of the Milyai 
had bows. 

6. KV¥ku9 : the head-dress is generally 
mentioned first ; these are hide-helmets. 

7. B6Spffi h 'Y<prdvtot: aBadres *of 
Pasargadae ' was admiral in the expedi- 
tion against Barke, 4. 167, 203, but this 
can hardly be the same man. The 
name looks like ' Bardes ' = Smerdis. 
Suidos, 9ttb V. 'IrwoKpdrritt gives a letter 
written by Artaxerxes to Hystanes, satrap 
of Daskyleion ('EKKrfffTdtrrov inrdpx(fih 
directing him to send the Asklepiad 
up to court. The letter does not look 
authentic, but the satrap's name is re- 
markable, though apparently ignored 
by Erumbholz, de Asitu mtn. satrapis, 
Ijie Hystanes here mentioned might be 
the satrap's grandfather. 

78. 1. Moo^oi were in the map of 
Hekataios, Steph. B. 9ub v. (=Fr, 188), 
' a division of the Kolchi on the bounds 
of Matiene.' Strabo 497 agrees, and the 
other names here associated (q.v.) confirm 
the position. A SW. branch of the 
Bjiukasos bore apparently the name (rd 
Mmrxurd Bpti, Strabo 61. 492 etc., Pint- 
arch, JPmnp, 84), but of the people little 
is known. Pliiiy 6. 10. 8 mentions 
JioteherU as proximi Armeniae, and 



Armenoehalybes as occupying ifoac^iortem 
tractuB ad Iberum amneyn. Their land is 
perhaps first mentioned in the Assyrian 
records of Tiglathpileser I. (1100 b.c.) 
as Meahech; Delitzsch, JFo lag da$ 
Parodies t The army -list here shifts 
the scene from the 8 W. to the NE. of 
Asia Minor. Their armature (wooden- 
hats, shields, and small spears with large 
heads) supplies a type. Cp. Appendix 
II. § 5. 

8. TipflipT|vo( were in Hekataios 
under the name T^/Sapoc, cp. Moschi and 
Moscheni in Pliny Lc, It has been 
proposed to identify them with the 
Tabali, Tubal, of the Semitic records, 
cp. Delitzsch, op, cU, Hekataios placed 
tnem west of the Mossynoiki, and in 
that position they were found by Xeno- 
phon, Anab, 5. 6. 2, in a more accessible 
country. Eotyora, a Greek colony from 
Sinope, was in the said country. 

4. MdKpwvcs had also been known to 
Hekataios (Steph. B. sub v,=Fr, 191). 
The Greeks with Xenophon reached the 
Makrones immediately after first sight- 
ing the sea, east of Trapezes and the 
Mosynoiki, AtvoJ), 4. 8. The name 
sounds like Greek ; the Feriplus of the 
Euxine identifies them with the Makro- 
kephali (G, Or. m. i. 410), while Strabo 
548 gives their name, in his time, as 
ZoMPol : yet the conversation reported by 
Xenophon (4. 8. 5) implies a native name 
within reach of Makro. Hdt. 2. 104 
ascribes to them the rite of circumcision. 
Mocrorirvoucoi : also from Hekataios 
(Steph. B. sub v, Xoipd8€t=Fr. 193). 
Xenophon passed through their country 
before reaching the TiWeni : Anab. 5. 

4. The name is obviously a Greek 
compound, fibaffw being presumably 
the native word for the wooden house 
characteristic of the locality, op. Anab. 

5. 4. 26, Strabo 549. The name appears 
in some of the late writers as Moacwol, 
Mossyni (Pliny). Xenophon depicts 



77-79 



nOAYMNIA 



108 



ioTparevovTo. tovtov^ Si trwircuraov apj(pvT€^ oTSe, Moa^ot^ S 
fih Kal Tifiafyrjvoif^ *Api6fuip8o^ 6 Aapelov re iraZ^ /cal 
TldpfjLvo^ T^9 ^p^pBio^ Tov Kvpov, Mdxptova^ a Kal Moo*. 
a-vpoUov^ ^ApravKTTj^ 6 Xepdafiio^, 89 Sff<rrhv rifv iv 
'EXXiyoTTOvry iirerpoireve. Mape^ Sk iirl phf T^<n /C€<l>a\^<n 79 
tcpdvea iirix^P^^ 7r\e/criL eljaov, cunrCSa^ Si Zepparlva^ fUKpk^ 
Kal oKovTia, KoX^^ot Si irepX phf rya-i Ke^ak^tri fcpdvea 
^vXiva, aairiSa^ S^ iip^fiotpa^ p^^/cph^ cdyjiA^ re fipa^io^p 



5 (rvvcrouro-ovTo 6 6 dpio/SapSoi 6 || xais seel, van H. 7 

pMTvvoiKov^ 6 8 avrdpKrjs 6 || xopdfr/uos B^ Valla, Holder 79. 1 

€jrl : v€pi van H. 2, 4 a-fiiKp^s (bia) C, Stein^ 



them as interesting savages: living 
under a chieftain, practising mutilation 
in war, tattooing their children, and 
feeding tbtm up, 'till thej were as 
broad as they were long ' ; very free are 
their domestic relations, and far from 
agreeable to strangers ; in fact, Xen. de- 
scribes the men, though 'whites,' as fiap- 
Papundrovt Kal tXcuttw tuv *'ESXriPuc(aw 
p6fjLu>p Kexdfptfffiipovs, 

The Moschi, Tibareni, Makrones, 
Mossynoiki and Mares (cp. next c.) 
make up, according to Hdt. 3. 94, one 
satrapy (xix. ). They are not, either here 
or there, presented by Hdt. in strict 
geographical order, as Xenophon's narra- 
tive may be taken to show. Kawlinson 
observes that the Makrones, Mossynoiki 
and Tibareni had become independent of 
Persia by the time of Xenophon, as 
Armb. 7. 8. 25 suggests, also tnat they 
were better armed {Anab, 4. 8. 8, 5. 4. 
12-13) : the two poiuts miffht be effect 
and cause, but a simpler alternative is 
possible : the Perttiau suzerainty was 
merely nominal throughout, and Xeno- 
phon's description of the armature is 
more correct than Hdt.'s. Xenophon 
was an eye-witness. 

6. 'Api^|U4>8ot & AofMCov m waCt 
Kal ndpjivos ri\(g 2I|a^u>s roO K^pov: 
an Achaimenid like his namesake, the 
son of Artabanos, c. 67. Parmys appears 
in the Harem of Dareios, 8. 88. Cp. 0. 
2 supra, 

8. ' ApravKnis & Xcpdcruios : cp.cc.83 
supra, 9. 116 ff. infra. The patronymic 
must have occurrea in the list of Apxoi^tt 
upon which Hdt. has embroidered his 
army-list. Cp. Introduction, S§ 7, 10. 



79. 1. Mopti: Staph. B. 8ubv., fSww 
wpoff€xh rocf MoaawoUoit. 'EcaroMt 
'A0-f{u But no other ancient writer 
appears to have mentioned them : Hdt 
8. 94 puts them in satrapy xix. Their 
helmets are taken from the Paphla- 
gonians, c. 72. 

8. K^Xvoi seem to have been men- 
tioned by Uekataios, op. Staph. Ktubv, 
K6pa^oi=Fr, 185. Their dark skin 
shines on Pindar's page (Pyih, 212): 
their warrior • virgins are known of 
Aischylos (From, 422). Hdt makes 
frequent mention of them : in 1. 104 and 
4. 37 locates them, but does not enrol 
them in any satrapy : they bring gifts 
at intervals to the king, 8. 97. Hdt 
has described the Armenians as drocjcoc 
of the Phrygians, c. 78 supra : would he 
not here have made the Kolchi drocjcoi 
of the E^ptians, if the remarkable 
theory, propounded in his 'Egyptian 
Logi ^ 2. 104 f. with an amplitude of 
anthropological method which leaves 
nothing but Uie facts in doubt, had 
been familiar to him, when he was com- 
posing this army-list? Cp. Intro- 
duction, §§ 7, 8. Xenophon encountered 
Kolchi after passing through the country 
of the Makrones, Anab, 4. 8. 8, Le. the 
Kolchi were nearer the sea, and extended 
round from the Phasis westwards a good 
way. Kolchia is well known, of course, 
to Strabo (497-499) and Arrian {Periphu) 
though the Kolchi only rank as one of 
a number of folks occupying the whole 
territory. 

icpdvta {. : cp. c 72 supra. 

4. A|iopotyot : cp. c 76 sifpm. 



104 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



5 irpo^ Sk fuij(alpa^ €lj(pv, Map&v Be koX KoX;^o>i^ ^PX^ 

^apavBdrtf^ 6 Tedairio^. *AXapoSiot Si koX ^cunreipe^ Kara 

irep KoXxpi &nr>uaiihoi iarparevovro. rovratv Sk Maaitmo^ 

80 X^pofiirpem ^px^' '''^ ^ pi^auoriici^ €0v€a rii i/c rrj^ 

^E^pvdprj^ OcbKaacrri^ iwofieva, vriamv Sk iv rpai to^9 ava- 

6 etxov seel, van H. 6 ^/>cv5an;s 6 : cf. c. 67 supra et 9. 76 || 

dkXA piBioi C : *AXX<ip68toi e 7 ovkur/ievot a 

to figure largely in the Plataean cam- 
paign bat ill quite a different ca[>acity : 
cp. 9. 20 etc That there is here no 
forward reference is the more curious 
in Tiew of the note to the name of 
the next dfix<>»» ^ Siromitres, son of 
Oiobasos, has been already named among 
these * myriarohs * : c 68 supra. 

80. 1. T& Ik rf|t 'EftvOoAi 0aXd4rvt|f. 
The * Erythraean sea' witn Hdt. includes 
all the southern waters, our Red Sea, 
Persian Gulf, and Indian Ocean: e.g. 
Hiv porlrfp BdXoffffOP t^p *Epv$p^ iraXco- 
fiiprfPf 4. 87 etc. Here the islands in- 
tended may be those in the Persian Gulf, 
a koXtos $a\d(T<niif the distinct existence 
of which Hdt nowhere recognizes. The 
same title occurs in 3. 98, where the 
islands in question are reckoned, with 
several other tribes, including the Utians 
and Mykians (cp. c. 68 supra) to one 



6. |&ax*^4^<* swords, or daggers: 
their armature is typical : cp. Appendix 
II. g 5. 

6. #apav8dnM h Tsdoviot: fought 
and probably fell at the battle of Platua, 
9. 76 ir^fra, but hardly his Kolobians 
with him I Cp. the next &px<>fp. The 
Teaspes here mentioned is father of 
Sataspes, 4. 43, atid an Achaimeuid. 

AXof^ioi: mentioned by Steph. 
B. sub V, only on the authority of 
Herodotus, who combines them into one 
satrapy (xvii.) with the Matieni and 
Saspeires (8. 94). Sir Henry Rawlinson 
proposed to identify them with the 
urarda or '* people of Ararat " (see essay 
in Bawlinson's HdL iv.* 245 ff.). They 
would then be much the same as 
' Armenians '—otherwise accounted for 
bjr Hdt. The 'Armenians' of Hdt. 
might inde^ be a small off-shoot of the 



' PErygUns,' cu. & 78 supra, whUe the 
ffreat bulk of the population of Armenia 
belonged to an entirely different stock. 



But whence has Hdt obtained the name ? 
SdflTViiMs : a more or less constant 
quantity with Hdt but unknown under 
exactly this name to any other writer 
(Stej^h. B. has ZdT€ip€t without any 
citation, a form found in ApolL Rh. 2. 
897, 1242). Also Ammianus Marc 22. 
8. 21 has a list of Pontine tribes, which 
includes ' Sapires et Tibareni et Mosey- 
noeci et Maorones' 1 op. App. Crit Hdt 
4. 37, 40, and 1. 104, 110 places the 
Saspeires between the Medes and the 
Kolchians, and in 3. 94 unites them 
with Matieni and Alarodians to form 
one satrapy (xvii.). Their geographical 
position is therefore indicated as in 
'Armenia': their ethnoloffioal identity 
U more doubtful, but the nappiest sug- 
gestion is Bawlinson's, iv.* 223, who 
identifies them with the Iberes (through 
the Abeiris found in Menander: cp. 
Etym, Mag. sub v. Bdx«tp : "Areip, I) . . 
Zdfnip. If the Sapeires=: Iberes they 
have a long history in later times. 
7. Mootonos h SipotUrpsM : destined 



satrapy (xiv.). 

2. Hjow M : an attributive genitive 
extracted out of prfffuariKd supra. 

Tovs avfXQwcL^TOvs K0iXfO|Myovs : 
cp. 3. 93, where, however, the term in 
as little explained as here : it evidently 
represents a technical term in Persian 
for * exiles ' or * transported,' * deported ' 
persons. Whether tney are to be con- 
ceived as persons individually sentenced 
to exile, or as whole tribes and popula- 
tions, torn up and transplanted whole- 
sale, is not quite clear. The word 
dpaunraffT6t is used by Hdt in the latter 
connexion : e.g. 4. 204 of the Barkaians, 
5. 12 of the Paionians (cp. 6. 9, more 
vaguely): but in no such case is the 
destination the islands here in question, 
nor does it seem likely that the specific 
title was given to various tribes planted 
in various parts of the empire. It re- 
mains to take the term here and in 8. 
93 of individuals undergoing a definite 
sentence of exile, or insular internment 
(such as was not uncommon under the 
Roman Caesars). Ktesias § 40 supplies 
an illustration in the case of Megabyzos, 
who dfd^xaoTOf di ylyercu c/t rijp dpvOpdof 



79-82 



nOAYMNIA 



106 



airdarov^ KaXeo/jUuov^ Karoixi^ei fiaaiXev^, arfj(prdT(» r&p 
MffSiK&v elxpv iaOrJTd re teal OTrXa. tovtodv Sk r&v vrfauo- 
retov VPX^ MapSovrtf^ 6 BaycUov, 69 iv MvKdXt^ arparrffixov 5 
Seuripq^ erel rovrtov ireKevrricre iv ry fta;^. 

Tavra ^v tA xar Hveipov OTparevofievd re edvea teal 81 
rerarfpAva i^ top we^ov. tovtov &p tov trrparov ^px^^ M^ 
ovToi oi etpeara^, koI 61 Stard^avre^ teal i^apiOfuja-avre^ 
oJfTOC i^a-av Kal j^iKidpj(a^ re teal fivpidpj(a^ diroSi^ame^t 
kieaTOVTdpj(a^ tk koX Be/edpj(a^ oi fivpcdpjfai, reXimv Sk teal 5 
i0v€<av f^aav aXKoi, <oi> aripAvrope;. f^aav pAv Stf ovroiSi 

81. 1 T€ om. a 2 rhv B: 7h a\\ pJ^v om. 0, Holder 3 dia- 

ra^i/Tcs <Te> icai ? Stein^ appr. van H. 5 6c : tc B 6 04 

suppL censeo 



Ir Tipi T6Xe( MfULTt KOprai, rAt the 
same time one of the eunuiuu was 
banished to Armenia.) 

4. ctxov: the plural verb with the 
neuter plural subject (i&wta) is unnsnal 
in Hdt, but is here softened by the 
personal nature of the subject Cp. 
Thuc. 4. 88. 1 tA tAij , . . adrbi^ 

5. Mof^ v r m h BaycUov, 6t Iv 
MiNcdXi] ktX. reappears in 8. 180 with 
his fiatronymio as one of the admirals 
for 479 B.C. : he fell at Mykale, as re- 
ported here, and again in 9. 102. It is 
curious, perha{)8, that these islanders 
should be reckoued here in the army- 
list, while their commander reappears 
in the next year {dtvriptp Irec ro&rtaif) 
after, as an admiral of the fleet. A 
Bagaios, son of Artontes, appears (8. 128) 
as one of the inost faithnil servants of 
Dareios, in the suppression of the rebel 
Oroites, and may no doubt be here 
recognised. The names MardonteSi 
Mardonios, Madres, Badres, Bardes, 
Bardyia (Smerdis) appear to be con- 
nected with one another and with 
Mdpdof, one of the Persian clans, 1. 125. 

81. 1. 9TpaTffv^|fccva, 'on this oc- 
casion/ or * as a general rule ' f It might 
be either, and Hat. has perhaps converted 
the ideal or potential muster into the 
actual army of Xerxes at Doriskoe. 

2. T^ wcl^v seems here to exclude 
the cavalry, which is separately enumer- 
ated, cc. 84 fif. 

^PXov |Uv. Hdt draws a clear 
distinction between (a) the Apxotn-n, 
twenty -nine in number, just enumerated, 
and two other categories of officers ; (b) 



Myriarchs, Chiliarohs, Hekatontarchi, 
Dekarohs; and (e) the StraUgi, or 
Generals, six in number. He also seems 
to distinguish these three classes of 
(Persian) officers from the native com- 
manders. For reasons fully set forth in 
Appendix II. § 5 I beUeve that Hdt. 
has here fallen into an error. The 
twenty -nine d^m^et just enumerated 
are 'Myriarchs/ i.e. commanders of 
nominal regiments of 10,000 men, which 
together with the 10,000 under Hydarues 
imply a nominal force of 800,000. Tliia 
force is divided into three columns of 
100,000 men, each under two ' Strate^ ' 
(each commanding 50,000). The Chili- 
archs, Hekatontarchs, and Dekarohs are 
all presumably native to the countries, 
of which they are leading the contingents. 
This conception underlies the statement 
next annotated. 

5. TfXIw » KoX kMm¥ ^ow aXXoi 
<ol> o^|ftdvToptt. The rAof may be 
token to be the body of 10,000 men ; the 
iSni are the ethnic units comprised in 
it, under their own native commanders, 
Chiliarchs, Centurions or Hekatontarchs, 
and Dekarchs. The Chiliads, etc., may 
have been in many cases merely of 
nominal strength, and the other sub- 
divisions likewise. 

There is a curiously rhythmical ring 
about the words : iOvitaw koX t€\4wp dXXoc 
ffnifidjn'opes V<w- The word ffji/idrrwp is 
poetical: II. 4. 481. Had Hdt. poetic 
sources in part for his army-list ? That 
might account for the shortcoming of 
his phrase. He says: 'Of battolions 
and of nations there were other com- 
manders.' He must have meant: the 



106 



HPOAOTOY 



Tn 



oX irep elpiarai apj(pvr€(:, ioTpar^eov Sk rovrtov re xal rov 
av/j/iravTo^ OTparov rov ire^ov MapSovi^ re o Tofipveo) Koi 
TpLTavraljQM)^ o ^Aprafidpov rod yvdfjuqv OepAvov fiif arpa- 
5 revea-Oat iirl rifp *EXKaBa teal XfiepBopjivrf^ 6 ^Ordvcfo, Aapelov 
dfjL^repoc oSroi dS€\tf>€&v iraiSc^, 'Stip^ Bk [ijivovro] dve^ioi, 
teal MctaloTt)^ 6 Aapelov re xal ^Xroa-a-rf^ ircu^ Kal Tipyi^ 6 

82. 3 ya>j3pvco> AA, Holder, van H., Eallenberg, etc 6 (epSofi^vrjs 

a II oravco) Pcorr. z : oravcois d : oravcos reliqui || Aapctbv . . dvc^ioi deL 
Sitzler : iyivovro secL Stein' 7 drootn/s r< icai 8a/ociov a || vaU del. 

van H. II y€pyrji 6 

commADden of rAea were not the same 
as the commanders of ^yea. I have 
ventured to read dXXoc <oi>. 

82. 2. ItTTpa'HJYfov. The commanders 
or generals of the whole army, or 
infantry, ooUeotively were six in numher. 
They are plainly in pairs, each pair in 
charge of one great army-oorps, or 
column, perhaps divided between them. 
Their exact relation to the cavalry and 
its commanders is not clearly envisaged 
by Hdt, op. c. 88 infra. It might 
be argued from c. 146 infra that these 
commanders were already in commission 
at Sardes. Their appointment, indeed, 
probably dates long before the army 
reached Doriskos, but Tritantaichmes 
and Qeigis are perhaps the only ones 
actually covered by the title in c. 146. 

TOV (rV|fc1PAVT0f (TTpOTOv TOv ITC^Ow. 

The a4j. wej^oO (agreeing with arpaTov) 
may include cava^, or may exclude it. 
Hdt. here seems to take it as excluding 
the cavalry, but it may fairly be doubted 
whether he has not mistaken it. 

3. MopS^i^ Tf h FoPpimt. Mar- 
donios is already well known, and has 
been fully described, c. 5 supra; but 
the repetition of the patronymic here, in 
this solemn connexion would be natural 
enough, even if the list of Strategi had 
been first compiled by Hdt , which is a 
thing not very likely. Probably Hdt. 
here follows his source, in which such 
particulars were given. W ith M ardon ios 
was associated the fourth name, 
Mardonios having perhaps the ijyefioplrif 
cp. c. 121. 

4. TpiTavTti(xi'^T|f 6 'Aprapdvov is 
mentioned again, c. 121, as commander 
(with Gergis) of one of the army- 
columns. A Tritantaichmes, son of 
'Artabazos,' is mentioned in 1. 192 
as a satrap of Babylonia ; that he was 
•o 'at the time of Hdt's visit to 



Babylon ' (if Hdt. ever did visit Babylon) 
is not asserted or implied in the text, 
and perhaps 'Aprafidpov should be re- 
stored in 1. 192. 

fo4cu M T^v 'EXX^lSa. ArUbanos has 
(apparently) been mentioned, cc 66 
(67), 75, without such an addition, and 
Tritantaichmes is the fourth son of his 
named among the commanders. Perhaps 
the importance of his command may 
explain the addition, or perhaps it is 
due to the complexion of^the sources. 
Such a title might have suggested to 
Hdt. the developments which he has 
given to ' the opposition ' of Artabanos, 
cc. 10-18 supra. 

5. 2|Mf8o|Uinr|t h 'OrdvfM appears 
below, c. 121, in conjunction with 
Megabyzos as commander of one of the 
three army -corps. 

The Otanes here mentioned is presum- 
ably Otanes, son of Phamaspes, cp. c. 40 
Mpra. 

AapcCov dp^^Tipoi o^roi dBcX^efiy 
waS8«s. Tritantaichmes was a son of 
Dareios' brother, Artabanos ; butOobryas, 
the father of Mardonios, was not a 
brother of Dareios. He had, however, 
married a sister of Dareios, and Mardonios 
was thus dv€\/fi6t to Xerxes. The word 
ddeX^up might be taken to cover brother 
(d^eX^df ) and sister (ddeX^ei)), cp. Weir 
Smyth, § 263 p. 235. If the old order 
of the words be preserved we must 
suppose that Otanes, the father of 
Smerdomenes, had, like Oobryas, a 
sister of Dareios to wife, and ddeX^w 
must be * sisters.' 

7. Moo-Co^Tfis h AapiCov m kqX 'A- 
T6vrq8 vofit : consequently full brother 
to Xerxes, cp. c 2 supra. He appears, 
c. 121, below in association with 
Mardonios, but it is not with their 
column that the king himself marches. 



82-83 



nOAYMNIA 



107 



^Apid^ov Kal Meydfiv^o^ 6 Ztowvpov. oirroi fjaav arparfffol rov 83 
avfiiraPTO^ a-rparov <tov> ire^ov xo>pl9 r&v fivpimv r&v Zk 
fivpUov TovTtov TJepaitov r&v airoXeXeyfUvoDv iarpaniyee fiev 
'T&dpvfi^ i *TSa/)y€09, iKoKeovro Bk dddvaroi ot tlipa-ai oiroi 
iirl TovSe • et Tt9 avr&v i^ikeiire rov dpiOfiov fj Oavdrtp $ 
fiitfOeh fi vovatp, aXKo^ dv^p apaiprjro, koI iylvovro ovSofi^ 

8 dpi(ov a II ficyaj3vA>s A 88. 1 rov crv/iiraKros irc^ov Stein^ ', 

Holder, van H. : arparov irc^ov a : irc j6v 6 6 Bik raSc ciri rov8c a || 

c^cAciirc B, Stein^ : cf cAixc AA, SteinS Holder : cicXuroi Stein^ van H. 
6 jSiv^ciS AB: /Sia^cis R: /Sica^cis SV : PiMrSth QVz 



He was afterwards 'present' at the 
battle of Myksle (as one of the Strategi), 
9. 107, and nearly lost his life in a 
quarrel with Artayntes, one of the 
admirals. He was thereafter satrap of 
Baktria (9. 113) and one of the victims 
of that atrocious domestic tragedv, in 
which the foul Inst of Xerxes and the 
cruel revenge of Amestris are the leading 
dramatic motifs (9. 108-118). 

r4p7i« h 'Aptd^ov: mentioned 
afterwards (c. 121) in association with 
Tritantaichmes as commander of the 
army -division with which the kin^ 
himself marched. Otherwise neither 
he, nor his father, is known to fame, 
notwithstanding the exalted position he 
occupies on this occasion. 

8. Mrydpv{ot & Z«rirvpov. It would 
have been strange for Hdt. to pass over 
this name without comment in this 
place, or reference, had he been ac- 
quainted with the reputed feat of this 
Zopyros, and the fate of the younger 
Zopyros, as narrated (afterwards) 3. 
1.50-160. One might even suspect that 
this passage had been originally composed 
before the date of Megabyzos' command 
in Egypt 456 b.c. (Busolt iii. 828). In 
any case it supports the hypothesis of 
the prior composition of Boou 7-9 ; cp. 
Introduction § 8. 

83. 2. t6v |i,vpC«v: cp. c. 55 .nfora, 
where 6i fiOpioi lUpffat cross the bridge 
before all the rest of the host. 

3. Ivrpa'HJTff |Uv 'Y8dpvt|s & 'Y8dp- 
Vfo<. Hydames, the commander (Myri- 
arch) of the Ten Thousand Immortals, 
is here given a place co-ordinate with 
the six Strategi, rov ffdfiircurros W^v 
numbering (accord, to Hdt), without 
the Immortals, 1,690,000, or 281,666} 
per Strategos. This co-ordination is 
absurd. If Hydames and the six 
Strategi were on a level, then each of 



them commanded 10,000 men, and the 
total foot amounted to some 70,000. If 
the total army, or infantry, amoonted 
to 800,000, then Hydames* proper place 
is witii the twenty -nine Apx^i^nt or 
Myriarchs already named, though as 
Myriarch of 'The Immortals' he may 
verv well have had a higher brevet 
rank. He figures largely in the sub- 
sequent campaign (cp. c. 215 it^ra). 
He belongs to the very highest nobility. 
His father, Hydames, was one of the 
Immortal Seven, 8. 70 (op. 6. 188), his 
brother is presumably Sisanmes, the 
commander (Myriarch) of the Arians, 
c. 66 supra ; op. also c. 185 infm. 

4. fooXlovro . . ^vovTo. The past 
tense is a little curious, as Hdt might 
surely have predicated this immortality of 
the Guards m his own day. It seems to 
show that he is not here writing from 
his own knowledge or observation, but 
reproducing his authoritv (source), 
probably a written one. This observa- 
tion leads to the further remark that 
this passage is presumably of early 
composition. 

dOdvavoi: Hdt is following his 
sources rather closely, or he might have 
been expected to have used this term for 
the Ten Thousand at the crossing of the 
bridge, c. 55 supra, 

5. M, 'in consequence (honour) of; 
cp. cc. 40 atipra, 193 infra, 

4E^wf T^v dpi6|&ov, 'left the 
number incomplete' (L. k S.), 'made 
the number incomplete' (Macaulay), but 
no parallel is ouoted. Is it not rather 
' left (quitted) the number,' ApiBfios being 
used somewhat concretely, and almost 
as=r(M>f dpi0fiovfUpovt ^ The indicative 
mood is forcible. 

6. dpcUpirro : the pluperfect has per- 
haps no particular temponl force, though 
here it might mean that the successor 



108 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



ovT€ TrXevve^ fivpltov oUre iKaatrove^. Koafiov Sk irXelcrrov 
irapel'XpvTO Zik iravrtov Tlipa-cu, Kal airrol apiaroi ^arav, 
(TKev^v fi€v TOtavrrfv €tj(pv H irep elpfjrai, ;^a>/>l9 Si ^(pvaov 

to a^Oovov ^ovT€^ ivkirpeirovt apfuifid^a^ re &fia Hyovro, iv Sk 
TraWaxa^ teal Oepairqlriv iroXKriv re Kal ei iaKevaa-fjkivrjv 
atra Si c^ii X^P^^ '^^^ aXXcoi/ aTparuaritav, KdfirjkoL re Kal 
inro^vyut ffyov. 

84 *\wir€vei, hk ravra tA SOvea' irXifv ov irama Trapeiyfjero 

8 Ilc/xrai secL Dobree appr. van H. 9 ravrrjv vel olqKtp malit 

van H. II xprxrov re iroXA^v icai 6, Stein^ ^ Holder : re voXkhv koX om. 
Stein^ : iroXXbv xpxxrov koX a : yp-wrbv iroXX6v r€ koX van H. 84. 1 

finrcve ? Stein^, van H. || Nonne iravra post I6v€a sappleveris ? 

Xerxes, some camels which he had cap- 
tured at the battle on the Paktolos, and 
which eridentljr made some sensation at 
home. Cp. Xenoph. HeU. 8. 4. 24, 4. 2. 8. 

84. 1. InnnbvL 84 raf^m rd lOvta. 
Stein takes ravra.— r&i^ to refer to the 
coming list, on the ground that some of 
the previously-nam^ nations could not 
furnish cavalry : (which f ) : he also notes 
the stylistic inconsequence of the tenses, 
and once proposed (cp. App. Grit) to 
change inrci^i into tnreue to harmonise 
with Tapeixfro, A better alternative 
might be to insert wijrra after ^^ea. 

The Cavalry list which follows (cc 
84-36) is somewhat suapicioos. Eleven 
names of nations supplying cavalry are 
ffiven, but three of these, Arabians 
(camels), Libyans (chariots), Indians 
(chariots and jcAirret) may be removed, 
leaving eiglit nations to furnish 80,000 
cavalry. As 12,000 Persians and 8000 
Sagartians may be subtracted, six 
myriads are left to be supplied by six 
nations. One of the names of the six is 
doubtful. If Stein's Ildicrvef be adopted, 
then the Sagartians are the onlv folk 
supplying cavalrv who have not already 
been named and described in the in- 
fantry-list. If there were forty -six 
nations represented in the infantry, it 
seems unlikely that only eight were 
represented in the cavalry ; and vice 
vena if the cavalry-list is good, and eight 
to twelve nations furnished that, were 
there forty - six supplying infantry T 
Stein understands Inret^c ravra to be 
introducing an ideal or potential list, 
reduced in waptlxtro to the actual 
dimensions on the given occasion. It is 
likely enough that both infantry- and 
cavalry- lists are rather ideals of the 



' had been ' already appointed or desig- 
nated, during the man's life. 

7. K6vyjoi¥ is military discipline, or 
rather its result ; cp. c. 36 aupra^ 8. 60, 
86, 9. 69, etc The concrete meaning 
of ' ornaments,' as in 3. 123, is rare in 
Hdt He is here, indeed, comparing 
the Persians with other 'barbarians, 
not with Greeks. But he allows them 
dpcn^ (dpcoToc) even in the latter com- 
parison. Gp. 9. 62. 

8. 8vd my r w ¥ : is it masculine 
('among all the barbarians'), or neater 
('in all respects')? The former is 
borne out by the locus daasicus^ II, 12. 
103-4 ot ydp 61 etaamo diaxpidbp elyot 
Apiffroi Twr AWmp /lerd y* aMr* 6 3' 
hrpem xal 3c& rdjrruw, Baehr and 
others give the force of wp6 {prae) to did 
in this phrase. 

9. 4| wtp dfnfraik: so. in c 61 supra, 
the first reference by the writer back- 
wards in this Book. 

10. Iv^vpcvov : cp. c. 67 supra ; 
rather a poetical wora. 

apua|&d{a« : o. 41 supra, 

11. vuXXoicdt: cp. the anecdote of 
the Koan, 9. 76. 

12. x**P^ • ^be word is used three 
times in this c, twice with the genitive, 
once absolutely : such iteration is rather 
thin in style. Hdt. does not seem 
quite at his ease in reviewing these 



cp. a 86 infra. This 
' the hrst occasion on which 



'Immortals.' 

Kd|fcnXoi: 
was probably the 
the camel made his ap|)earance in Greece 
(though Mr. Evans has found something 
like a camel on an early Kretan seal, cp. 
J.H,S, xiv. 1894, p. 341). Asresilaos, 
on his return from Asia in 894 ac, 
brought with him, by the same route as 



83-86 



nOAYMNIA 



109 



Zmrov, aXKci roa-dBe fiovva, Uep<rai fikv r^p aMfv iaKeiHt- 
a-fievoi Kal o Tre^o^; avr&v irXifv iirl rya-i Kc^oK^ai et^ov 
eviOL avT&v xal j^oKxea leal aiSi^pea i^eKfjkapMva iroiijfiaTa. 
eiai &k rivh vofidBe^ avOptoiroi, ^Itorfaprioi, KaXeofievoi, SOvo^ 86 
phf UepaiKov koI if><»v^, a-KevifV Se fiera^v Sjfpvin trerroirf' 
fjUvffv T§9 re Tlepa-ucTJ^ koI rrj^ TJatcrvl/ev}^' ot wapeixovro 
fikv twrrov OKTOKLa-^iXirjv, O'rrXa Bk ov vopifyvcri ej(€iv ovre 
jf^aXxea ovre triZripea l^o> iyj(€ipiSimp, ypimvrcu hi treip^ai $ 
ireirXeyfiivyo'i i^ Ifidvrmv ravrpari irUrwoi epj^pvrat 69 iroXefiov. 
17 5^ A^X^ rovTfov T&v avSp&v ^Se* hrekv avfifiitryma-i roia-i 
iroXefiioKri, fidWovtn t^9 treiph^ iir OKptp fipoy^ov^ i'xpvaa^' 
OT€v 8' &v TvxtJf ^v T€ XiTirov i^v T€ CLvOptlyirov, hr itovrov 
iXjcei' ot Si <<o9> iv fpKeai ifLwaXaa'a-Ofievoi Suuf>0€ipovTai. 10 
TOVTWV fihf avTTf ij p^XV> '^^^ hrererd'xaTO i^ roif^ TUpa-a^. 86 

3 hrl : ir€pl van H. 4 cvtoi a : ftcrc^erc/xii cviot 6 : /ucrc^crc/ooi 

Weaseling, Holder, van H. 85. 1 a-apydrioi fi, VaUa 2 koX 

^v^ deL Sitzler: tlnavg <.\p€6yi€vov Il€p(riKy>' Stein : <y€ve4 T€> koi 
^(ov^ van H. 4 ov vofii^ovfrt a : ovvo/jui^owri 6 || ixttv deL Naber, 

van H. 5 c^oi iyx'^^p^if^v a : cicr^s €yx€ipiSiov 6 6 r^<ri 6 

10 (OS Bupp. Stein^ || cv om. 6 86. 1 crcraxaro Naber, van H. 

nations in the Persian empire who might 
famish soldiers than an authentic list of 
the actual contingents famished in the 
expedition of 480 B.C. 

2. Il^wui : the number of Persian 
horse accounted for in c 65 is 12,000 ; 
but CD. notes ad L 

4. IviOi : were there any but the 
officers thus protected? (cp. 9. 22), or 
was there also a corps d^HiU of cavalry ? 
4(cXi|Xa|jiva woi^para, ' helmets 
of wrought bronze and iron.' ron^/Aara, 
cp. 4. 5. 

85. 1. Saydpnoi: here introduced and 
described as hitherto unknown, are in- 
cluded in one satrapy (ziv.) with 
Sarangians, Tharaanaians, Utians, My- 
kians, and the Islanders from the 
Persian Gulf, 8. 98, while in 1. 125 they 
are enumerated as one of the four 
* nomad' clans (T^^ea) of Persians. 
Those passages look like later informa- 
tion, and support the idea that this 
Book is of earlier composition. The 
Samrtians appear to be a y4vos or iBvo% 
of Persians, nomad and wandering over 
the south - Iranian reeion. Yet one of 
the rebellions quelled by Dareios was 
headed by a Sagartian named Sitra- 
tachmes, who set up as "the King of 



Sagartia," and claimed descent from 
Kyaxares (Behistun Inscrip. iiL 14), 
which would rather suggest a Median, or 
perhaps a ' Sky thian ' connexion (if the 
last kings of Media were 'Skyths'). 

5. o'Cipjo^ wtwXiy|Aivno^ if l|&aim»y. 
The use of the lasso, which we are apt 
to associate with the N.A. Indians and 
the cow-boys of the West, is ascribed to 
the Persians in the Shahnahmeh, to the 
Parthians by Suidas, sub v. ctipA. to the 
Sauromatae by Pausanias, 1. 21. 8, and 
is even found represented on the Assyrian 
monuments in the B. M. (cp. Rawlinson). 
The lasso was not then a peculiarity of the 
* Sagartians,' nor is it likely that their 
lasso was peculiar as formed of plaited 
thongs. The description given by Hdt. 
in the present of the manner in which 
the lasso was used is clear enough, but 
it is remarkable that no instance of its 
emplojrment is recorded daring the cam- 
paign. The description, in fact, is not 
based upon memories of the actual fifo^ht- 
ing, much less upon official Persian bsts. 

10. Iv IpKtoa lu!vaXaov^iMifOi, 'en- 
tangled in the coils.* ifiT, in Thuc. 7. 
84. 8 absolutely. 

88. 1. IvercrdxckTo It to^ TUpv9%i 
at Doriskos f For they do not figure at 



110 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



MrjSoi Se Tqv irep iv r^ ire^^ €ty(pv a-KewiVf teal KJaa-ioi 
oxravrm^, ^IvSol &k a-Kev^ fiev ia-ea-d)(aTo rp airy teal iv 
TfS 7r€(f(jS, i^Xavvov Sk KiXtfra^ teal ipfiara' inro Si roUri 
5 opfAoai xnrfjaav XmroL koX ovoi d/ypioi, Bdterpioi Sk iaKevaZaro 
dxravrto^ leaX iv r^ Tre^f^, teal Kcurmoi ofioCon^, Aifive^ &k Kal 
airrol Kara irep iv r^ TTcfcS* ifX/iiwov Sk teal oirot iravre^ 
apfiara. &9 fi* atrra>9 t Kd<rmoi Kal UapiKavioi i<re(rd')(aTO 
oiioUo^ KoX iv T^S ire^^. ^Apdfiioi Sk aieet/tfv fjiiv elypv rtjv 

10 avrrjv koX iv r^ Trefw, ijXavvov Sk irdvre^ Kafirp^jov^ <€9> 
Tayyrrfra ov Xeiiropiva^ Xmrtov. 

87 Tavra rk Wvea fiovva iinrevei. dpiOfio^ Sk rrj^ tmrov 
iyivero oterm fivpuiBe^, irdpe^ r&v leafiijXav teal r&v appArtov. 

8 Kcunrci/xii Reiz : Kourtoi Larcher : Ilaicrvcs Stein : Kounrtoi codcL, del. 
Sitzler (Ka<nrt04S<-(r4?> Laird) 10 €s coni. Stein* 11 raxyrijfTi 6, 

Holder, van H. 87. 1 Tinrevev fi, Schaefer, Gaisford, Holder, van H. 



the bridge ! Had they reached Doriikos 
by sea f Cp. c. 59 tfupra. 

2. Mf|8oi : c. 62 tupm, 
KCotTiOi: ibid, 

8. 'Iv6o€ : a 65 auprcu 

4. KiXi|Ta« KoX dpiu&TO. KiKtft may 
mean a iwift charger, suitable for light 
caTalry, or perhaps simply 'a riding 
horse ' in distinction to the chariot-horse. 
It may also mean, as in 8. 94 irrfrat 
a light, swift vessel That Indians 
broueht chariots overland from the 
Pun^jab to Greece is hardly credible. 
Even the Kypriotes hare left theirs at 
home (cp. 5. 118). Nothing, indeed, is 
heard of chariots in the actual cam- 

Saigning. The chariots here are intro- 
uced, perhaps, to please the poets f 
Cp. Aesch. Penai 84, and c. 140 vt^ra, 

5. BdirrpiOi : a 64 aupira, 

6. Eldinrioi: o. 67 suprcu If the 
name stands here, it must not stand jnst 
below, and so vice vena. 

&|M>Ut. Not *like the Haktrians,' 
but Ci)aa(ma% koX iv rtp ire^jy (cp. 67). 

ACpvct: c. 81 supra. Their 
chariots would not have been much use, 
and what a way to take them (via 
Egypt, Abydos, to DoriskosT or direct 
by sea ?). 

8. t Kdo^wioi : read UdKrvts, an 
emendation by Stein for the hss. Kd- 
0VIOC, which is impossible in view of the 
occurrence of the word just above ; cp. 
App. Crit Stein's suggestion is the 
best, because, of the 8 (llj ethnic names 



in the cavalry -list, Zaydpnoi is the 
only one which has not occurred in the 
infantry-list, and the only one which 
has here a description of the armature 
appended. UdicTvtt also occurs there 
(c 67), and ^ Uaxrvucii CKtvfi is referred 
to just above (c. 85), but neither of the 
other two suggested names has oeonrred 
before ; one or other would therefore 
have had something more of a descrip- 
tive note here. Laird's emendation 
destroys one of the eight names, and 
makes the sentence objectionable. 
nopucdvioi : c. 68 aupra, 

9. 'AfdPioi : c 69 tupra, 

10. KOfi^^Xovt: cp. a 88 supra. These 
are not sumpter beasts but war animals. 
They are not mentioned at Plataia. But 
cp. c. 125 ifrfra. 

87. 1. twviifi preserves the same tone 
as the first word of c. 84. 

2. 6kti^ |fcvpiA8«t: the figure is in- 
credibly large for the actual campaign, 
but not so gross an exaggeration as the 
figures for the foot; ttie method of 
numbering is not specified (cp. c. 60 
8upra\ nor are the items specified, ex- 
cept for the Sagartii, c 85 tujnts, and 
in quite a different connexion for the 
' Persians ' (cp. oc. 40, 55 supra). The 
way in which eight myriads were reached 
is obvious, viz. by allowing a myriad 
for each of the eight nations furnishing 
cavalry. The actual numbers were per- 
haps 80,000. Cp. next c and Appendix 
II. § 5. 



86-89 nOAYMNIA 111 

oi fjUv vvv a>CKjoi imrle^ irerajfaro tcark riKea, ^Apdfiioi Be 
Sajfaroi cVercTa^^aTO' ire yhp r&v Xmrtov oSri av^ofihmv 
T^9 Kafjufpsjov^, virrepoi irerdyfaro, Xva fiif ^ofilovro to hrirtKOV. 5 
Xmrap^oi Sk ^aav * KpfiafilOpri^ re koX TlOaio^ Aarto^ iraiSe^. 88 
o Sk rpiro^ a^i, axwimrap^o^ ^appov^V^ KareXiKeiTrro iv 
XapSiai votretov, a>9 7^p opfi&vTO ix SapSU^v, hrl av/i^pifv 
wepUveo'e dveOiKtfTov ikavvovri yap oi tnro tov9 iroSa^ rov 
Xmrov inriSpafie tcvfop, Kal 6 tmro^ ov wpoiBwy i^ofirjdfi re 5 
icaX 0TA9 opOo^ dircaeiaaro rov ^apvovj(ea, irtamv hi atfid 
T€ i^/iee Kal €9 ^dUrw irepi^XBe ij vova-o^, rov Bi Xmrov 
avrUa Kar dpj(k^ iwoirfo-av q>9 ixiXeue* dirayayopre^ oi 
oiKira^ €9 rov x^P^^ ^ """P '"'^P t^fifioKe rov SeairoTTjv, iv 
Totai, yovvaci airerafiov rd atciKea. ^apvovj(fj^ phf oira 10 
irapeXvOri t§9 ^yefiovii^^. 

T&v Bk rpiffpimp dpcOfio^ flip iyipero hrrct /cal Btrf/coa-uu 80 

4 cTcraxaro 6 5 wrraroi malit van H. || Tva . . iinriicov eidem 

suspecta 88. 1 Tt^atos Lehrs 2 icarcAiActirro BAcorr. R : 

xaraXcXctiTTO Apr. SV 3 SapSicav art <tov 'EAA^ctttoktov, ivOavra 

€S> Sitzler : XapSUav, (rvp^p^ ircpicirco-c avc^cXi^r^ van H. 4 ircpc- 

€ir€o-€ a : cvarco-c 6, Sitzler, Holder 8 01 oiicrrai a»9 ckcAcvc* €9 r^v 

\(apov kv ry ircp xare^SaXc t5v SeJirorrjv dyayovrts <rvv fi 

3. WXta, i.e. myriads, cp. c. 81 . whioh occurred to him was not reported 

4. &Tf Y^ ktX. : cp. 1. 80. The re- there, or in c. 57. Op. note to c. 87 
mark might perhaps apply to the baggage- supra. 

train, and also help to explain why no 8. lvl(rvti4of»f)vtrtpc^inar«dvtOIXi|Tor: 

one in Greece erer saw these camels. the construction is unusual ; but cp. 

88. 1. tinrapxoi: three apparently in App. Crit. For dre^^Arrrof, c. 138 in/ht ; 

number, each commanding a myriad the word of positive mischief is avoided, 

(nominal strength) and attached to one cp. use of Axapis, c. 36 supm. This is 

of the three army-corps, and presumably euphemism. 

subordinated to the erparyrtoL (cp. cc. 7. h ^OCoav vipif|XOf i\ vofio^t : per- 
81, 82). As the 'Persians' supplied one haps the earliest example of ^$iffi% for 
(probably commanded by Phamouches, a disease ; cp. Aristot. mh. N. 7. 8. 1 — 
to whom Masiatios succeeded, see below), 1150b ioiKt yh.p if ftip fiox^vp^ '''^ 
the two sons of Datis, the Mede, divided PwrnfAdrup ttop vB4fHp koX ^iirei ^ d' 
the command of the two myriads sup- dKpoffla roit iTikriTrriKoit. The more 
plied by the rest of the nations. (If usual Attic term was ^^^, vid. L. & S. 
there were finally only two ' Hipparchs ' thv 8i tvwov icrX. Was the treat- 
in all, there were probably only 20,000 ment of the horse an act of stupid 
cavalry in all. ) revenge, or of superstitious sacrifice ? 
* Ap|Mi|ji(9fn|S Tc KoX T(9au>s Adnot The horse as a sacrificial animal, c. 118 
wat8«s : nothing more is known of them ; if^fra. 

for the father cp. c. 74 supra. Hdt. 11. Tf)s ^iiiovCi|f. Presumably Masis- 

does not repeat the note upon his name. tios succeeded him (9. 20), though Hdt ' 

2. ^apvoirxt|« : probably a Persian, does not expressly say so. 

but not elsewhere mentioned. He was 89. 1. tmv 8i rpinp^ifv. Hdt. passes 

presumably in command of the Persian to the Navy-list, ana at once gives the 

horse, as it left Sardes, cc 40, 41 supra ; total of ships — 1207. This total was 

it in curious that the ominous disaster in itself the easiest to ascertain ; it has 



112 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



Toici hf T§ TlaXcuo'Tlvif rpif^Koa-ia^, c&Se iaxevaa-fUvoi' irepl 
fikv Tycri KetfioXfjari Kwia^ el^ov arfj(pTaTm irewot'qfUpa^ rpoirov 
5 Tov ^^XKriviKOVf ivSeSvKore^ Sk OmprjKa^ Xiviov^, aairlBa^ Sk 
trv^ ovK ij^ovaa^ ct^ov koX ukovtui. otnoi Sk oi ^olvixe^ to 
iraXcuov otxeov, (09 airrol Xeyovtn, iiri r^ *^pv0p^ OaXdao'fff 

89. 2 '2vpouri Stein : (rvpiouri 4 rpoirov rov *£AAi;viicov van H. 

5 (unri&xs re SV 6 ro a : ra B^ van H. 



a plausible air ; it corresponds to the 
items given for the several contingents ; 
and it is apparently confirms by 
Aischylos, Penai 341. It has, therefore, 
been generally accepted ; but there are 
some reasons against its acceptance : 
(L) Other ancient authorities give dif- 
ferent totals, cp. Appendix II. § 5. (iL) 
The fleet was prooabl;^ commandeered 
in round numbers, m *decads/ in 
hundreds — perhaps a 'chiliad' was the 
regulative total ; no other Persian fleet 
ever appears with a nominal total ez- 
pressed by an uneven figure, (iii.) 
Aischylos, far from supporting Hdt's 
total, destroys it ; for (1) Aischylos* 
figure is for Salamis, Hdt's for Doriskos, 
and (2) Hdt's figure may have been 
reached by misunderstanding Aischylos, 
with whom the total is the (ideal) 
chiliad, and the 207 inr^pKofiToi rdx^i 
are included, not additional ships. See 
Appendix II. Le. 

2. ^oCvMccs: the description and 
particulars regarding the Pnoenicians. 
who have figured laigely in each and 
every book from A to Z, are rather 
belated and out of place, on the sup- 
position that Bks. 1-6 were written 
oefore Bk. 7. It might be said, indeed, 
that Hdt. is clinging to his sources for 
the army- and navy -list, and thus 
comes to introduce an account of the 
Phoenicians, including their origin ; but 
(L) the army- and navy-lists are highly 
composite structures, apparently com- 
piled from a variety of sources by Hdt. 
himself; cp. Introduction, § 10. 

(ii) The absence of a more detailed 
account of the Phoenicians at some 
previous sta^ of the work, as we now 
nave it, is best explained on the sup- 
position that this passage was, so to 
speak, 'already in type' when the 
introductory Loffi came to be written. 
Cp. Introduction, §§ 7, 8.^ 

Stiipouri ToSoi Iv rfl noXavarCim 
would cover Canaanites, Jews, ana 



Philistines, and any other elements in 
'Palestine.' Bawlinson {ad l.) doubts 
whether any Jews served in the forces 
of Xerxes, least of all in the fleet: 
"in the time between Ztrubbabel and 
Ezra they were too weak to be of any 
account.' The Philistines were them- 
selves of Greek, or at least of Aegean, 
origin, but were hardly of much account 
compared with the ' Phoenicians ' : 
Askalon, Ashdod, and Gaza were their 
chief coast towns. UaXeuarbfTi is etymo- 
logioally as well as historically the 
country of the ' Philistines ' ; but the 
geograohical note with which this chapter 
conduaes is hardly necessary after Bks. 
1-3 ; cp. especially 8. 5. 

8. TpiiiKooiat : the 800 may be, like 
the similar round numbers for other 
items, and for totals, a nominal or 
regulative number; but estimates of 
fleets are constantly given in tens and 
hundreds, and are apparently to be taken 
as substantially exact. 

i^ iaiccvao^Uvoi. The 'Phoenician' 
armature, like Phoenician civilisation 
generally, is of eclectic character ; quasi- 
Hellenic helmets, ELprptian corslets, 
targets without metal Ktmgs, Anatolian 
lavelins. But perhaps the Phoenician 
helmet was rather Assyrian or Egyptian 
than Hellenic 

5. O^pnmut XtWovt : cp. c. 68 supra, 
dtnriSot . . Crv« owe lx<>^o^t« : cp. 
c. 75 supra. 

7. otKiov, A% airol Xiyovox, ^l rg 
'£fni9p^ doXdovQ, i.e. in the south of 
Arabia, the true home of the Semite, 
cp. cc. 80 and 69 supra. The statement 
is in a sense true, and the ' Phoenicians' 
(whose connexion whether with Punt or 
with Fench is doubtful) may have remem- 
bered their own origin, though Hdt's 
reference to source and authority in such 
cases is rarely convincing (cp. Introduc- 
tion, § 10). In 1. 2 the same origin is 
predicated of the Phoenicians without a 
reference, or perhaps on the authority of 



89-90 



nOAYMNIA 



113 



ivOevrep ii vwepfidpre^ r^9 ^vpitf^ olxiovai to waph OaKaaaav 
T179 Se %vpifi^ TOVTo TO y^mplov xai to fJti^t Alyvirrov wm 
UaXcua-Tivrf KoXAerai, AlyvwrMt Si via^ irapelxovro SitiKoaia^. 10 
oiroi Si €lj(pv wepl flip T^ai K€^xiK§ai, Kpdvea j^tiXeurd, 
cunrlSa^ Si xotKa^, r^9 Itv^ fieydXa^ i^fovaa^, Kai SopaTd T€ 
pavfiay^a koX tu^^ov? fieydXov^, to Si Trkfjdo^ airr&p OaprfKO- 
if>6poi, ^aap, fiayaipa^ Si fieyoKa^ el^op. ovrot flip o£t«»90 
iardXaro, Kihrpioi Si irapel'XppTO pia^ irePTijKOPTa fcal exaTOPf 
ia-KevcuTfUpo^ &S€' r^9 flip K€<l>a\iL^ eiKlyaTo fUTpriai oi 



1 1 x^Xcvra B : irA^icra xqXtvra Apr. B : irXcicra Rupenc. verbo eraso 
A^: ^xoXfvrb. ex Hdto citat Pollux 7. 83 et interpr. ra ir^irra' Qaiafl 
1 3 poet vavijua.\a gloesema add. AA^ opv^. XiOo^'iKhv ipyakdov : idem pott 
Tvxovs P" a, cp. Stein^y Gaisf. 90. 2 coraXaTo Dobree : cotoAo- 

6aro B : e(rrcXa3aro a : co-KcvoSaro Farisinus 2933 : coroXiiSaro Naber 



'PersiaD writers,* a further hint of the 
priority of this passage. 

10. AlYvvTiOi. It is a wonder to find 
Egyptians at sea, or supplying a fleet, of 
206 ships ; it is also a wonder that no 
Egyptians have appeared in the land 
army. Hdt assigns the aristeia on the 
Persian side to the Egyptian Tessels in 
the second engagement off Artemision 8. 
1 7, and the satrap of Egypt, the king's 
brother, Achaimenes, is one of the chief 
admirals, c. 97 infra. (Diodorus 11. 17. 
2, incidentally mentions them at Salamis.) 
Aischylos seems to recognize Egyptian 
forces both by land and by sea, the latter 
drawn from "the marshes" (cp. 2. 94 
and Thnc. 1. 110), Baehr. On the other 
hand the Egyptians, after Salamis, are 
landed and joined to the infantry, 9. 82, 
q.v. It would be convenient to get rid 
of these Egyptian ships altogether ; the 
'Aristeia' might be put down to the 
credit of Egyptian Epibaiai, and Dio- 
dorus would not bind us ; the position 
of the Egyptian satrap is harder to 
explain. Blakesley suggests that the 
rnioers were Egyptians, and that the 
ships, though paid for by Egypt, were 
* navigated ' by Phoenicians ; but he 
ignores the ' Epibatai ' and the * Nav- 
arch.* 

11. o^rM: the description of the 
armour could, of course, only apply to 
the Epibatai, who, on Hdt.'s calculation, 
woula amount to 6000 men : cp. c. 184 
infrti, 

Kpdvfa x'H^'^'^ X^^ means, 
VOL. I PT. I 



among other things, a knitting-needle ; 
and x^^^v^ bere may mean 'plaited' 
or 'knitted.' The material was appar- 
ently ' reeds ' : vXerri U vxoh>ov (Hesy- 
chius) ; cp. Pollaz 7. 83 id>jLrra Si 
o0rwt Civbfui^oiif rd rOv vxoLpwt irXeir6r- 
rtaVf Cn koX Kpdpri xiyXevri rd rXeirrd 
'RpidoTOp X^if Ktd EiHroXif "•"mJTtra 
XiyXft^t": bat the lant words sagseat 
that the term might have been appUed 
to helmets plaited of leather (of. c. 68 
supra). 

12. Ko(Xot, ' capacioas ' ; cp. 4. 2. 
h6panu yawaxa. (vori r. H. 15. 

889, 677 ; "boarding-pikes," Kawlinson. 

13. rirxovt, pole-axes; "from its re- 
semblance to a mason's pick," L, kS, 
sub V, r^Kot. 

90. 2. lorrdXaTO : i.e. irroKurfUpw, 
Ijffttp. " Schweighaeuseriana lectio ^ora- 
\ddaTo duabus scripturis orta vide- 
batar: iffrdXaro et iffKtvddarOf illud a 
verbo ariXXtip hoc a verbo trxevd^eip," 
Baehr. Cp. Hesiod, Scut 288. 

K^vpioi are subsequently sub- 
divided into five ' nations ' (^^ca), which 
might perhaps have supplied each thirty 
ships (5x80 = 150). 

8. 4oiccvaor|Uvoi «(8i. It is only the 
head-dress of the Kyprians which betravs 
the oriental element or influence ; the 
rest of their ffxetHj is Hellenic. The 
kings have ' turbans ' wound round their 
heads (ftXCxATo iiXrpQo-i, cp. c 62 supra), 
the commons wear a kind of fez (Ktrdpiar 
Ktrapit). Kfd^oXAt is the so-called 
' accusative ot reference.' Cp. c. 77. 

I 



114 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



fiaa$Xie^ aur&v, ol hi oXXoi elypv fCiO&va^, rit Bk aXXa Kord 

Sirep ^EXXi^ye?. toutwv hi roaaZe eOvea eurl, ci fihf airo 

XaXafuvo^ koI ^AOrivimv, ot Si air ^ApKoBltj^, ot Si avo 

KvOvov, ot Si awo ^oivlxtf^, ot Si diro AiOioTrlri^, a>9 avrol 

4 YiTcSvas B : Kcrapis (KirapCas) de Pauw propt. Polluc. 10. 163, van H. 
6 i$v€a coTi {-iv V) B 6 d$rjv€iav Acorr., P, dcon : dOrfvaltav 



4. ol » AXXoi . . <rd» AXXa. .: 
there is a slight inconsequence or 
obscurity in the passage, but ol di (LKKoi 
may be taken as a parenthetical auti* 
theaiB to ol poffCKitt^ while rd ik dXXa 
furnishes the regular antithesis to rdr 
liJh ire^Xdr. 

6. ot|jiv&ir6ZaXa|iCirotKaL'A$ip4wv: 
these are presumably the Teukri : op. c. 
20 mpra. That there were actually 
settlements from Athens in Kypros 
dating from Mykenaian times is not 
impossible, but less probable than the 
alternative hypothesis, that we hare 
here a false inference from the * Teukrian ' 
element, or name, found in Kypros and 
in Salamis, and from the name Salamis 
itself. Salamis and Soli (cp. 5. 113) 
were the headquarters of the Hellenic 
influence, as their conduct during the 
Ionian revolt attested. 

6. <^ » dV 'ApKa8(i|t. The reality 
of a connexion between ' Arkadia ' and 
* Kypros ' is now assured by the similarity 
of the Arkadian and Kypriote dialects. 
The connexion may indeed date back to 
Mykenaian or Minoan times, and does 
not, of course, imply more than that 
Peloponnesian settlements in Kypros 
took place at a time when the settlers 
spoke a dialect, which in historic Greece 
was best represented in Arcadia. It 
must have been the observation of resem- 
blances between Kypriote and Arcadian 
dialects, and possibly other analogies 
(cult of Amyklaian Apollo), similarly 
explicable, that suggested to the Logo- 
graphi a direct connexion between Kypros 
and * Arkadia.* Cp. Busolt Ghr, O. i.« 
(1893) 318 ff. ; E. Meyer, G. d. AU, il 
(1898) 222 f. ; Bury, i. (1902) 60 ff. 

ot 8i dir^ K<p6vov. Kythnos is 
one of the Kyklades, lying between Keos 
and Seriphos : the inhabitants luissed as 
'Dryopes' (8. 46 infra), Sucn a con- 
nexion would point to the antiquity of 
the ' Greek ' settlements in the island of 
Kypros. 

7. <^ 8i &ir6 #oivCicii«. The reality 
of the Phoenician element in Kypros is 
beyond dispute, but it is not necessarily 



older than the 'Greek' or so-called 
Greek, nor perhaps originally were the 
two elements hostile. Kition and Ama- 
thiis (5. 105) were the Phoenician head- 
quarters. The different attitude of 
the Persians towards Phoenicians and 
lonians, and the results of the Ionian 
revolt (498-494 B.O.), especially in Kypros, 
had accentuated the difference between 
the Greek and the Semitic elements in 
the island at the time when Hdt. was 
writing. The Homeric poems show no 
special hostility to the Phoenician, and 
were the Kypria forthcoming the early 
friendship of Phoenician and 'Greek' 
might be further apparent ; but cp. 2. 
117. 

ot 8i &ir6 Aieto«(T|t. Beside the 
Phoenician and the Greek elements there 
was a third and perhaps a fourth in the 
island. The ' Etniopian ' must refer to 
a negro, or negrito stratum — whether 
'Libyan' or 'Asiatic' Hdt. does not 
indicate, and such an element there 
probably was in the island (cp. case of 
Kolchis c. 79 supra) ; but the really 
primitive stock, belonging to the ' Ana- 
tolian' race, is completely ignored by 
Hdt., unless we are to suppose that it is 
here misrepresented. 

«tf airol KWpuH Xfyovoa: the 
citation of the authority, or source 
(authority rather than source), conveys 
an indication of doubt The doubt is 
presumably limited to the last item, the 
existence of an ' Ethiopian ' element in 
the population. By airrdi K&irpioi we 
cannot here understand the primitive or 
autochthonous stratum, as distinguished 
from Hellenic, Phoenician, or Ethiopian 
elements, but simply ' dwellers in 
Kypros' — without etnnic distinction — 
' Kyprian authorities.' 

In 6. 118 Hdt. implies a similar 
doubt as to the ' Argive * origin of the 
inhabitants of Kurion (ol di Kovpc^r oiroi 
\iyorrat cZrcu *Kpytitav dvoc/roc) ; a tradi- 
tion which fits in well enouffh with 
* Arkadian ' descent, properly understood. 
Hence, too, 'Axa«of in Kypros (E. Meyer, 
ii 78). The bearing of Uiis c as a whole 



90-91 



nOAYMNIA 



116 



KvTTpio^ X^ot/crt. Ktkitee^ Bk ixarov irapelyovro vi(K. oSrot91 
£* aS TTepl fikv r^ai K€<l>a\ya'i xpavea hrix^P^f Xaur^ui Bi 
el^op avT dawiSwp wfiofioirf^ irerroitjfUpa, xal KiO&va^ elp^piov^ 
ivBeSvKore^' Svo ik okovtul Skooto^ /cat ft0o9 €l)(pv, afyjfOTdm 
Tpai AlyvTrrlrjai /iaj(jaip7jai ireiroirffi/iva. ovro^ Bi to TraXaiov 5 
^Tirajdaiol ixaXiovTo, iirl Si KtkiKO^ rod ^Affqvopo^ avSpo^ 
^oLviKO^ €(rj(pv rifv hrfow/urjv. Ild/uf}v\oi Si rpiijfcovTa 



91. 2 8' a^ a : 3c B 3 dtfioPo€rfs : ctf/iojSocii/s d : (j/iojSoti/s, 

dtfioPoirjs ceteri : a>/ioj3octbis EustatlL 11. 670 || koi deL Valckenaer 6 

T^i Aiyvirriourt V : roun Atyvrrtbto-i S || paxaipTfa-i om. R (B) || 0^01 
pkv a, Stein^ : o^oi B : o^ot & Stein^ 7, 9 ^a/x^vXiot (bis) fi 



upon the problem of compontion is not, 
perhaps, very obvious or important; 
but at least it is observable that there is 
no referenoe back to the story of the part 
played by the Kyprians in the Ionian 
revolt, nor to any other previous mention 
of Kypros. The Kypnans, like all the 
other peoples namea throughout the 
lists, are introduced as an unknown 
quantity. The presumption is in favour 
of the hypothesis of the prior composition 
of Bks. 7-9. Cp. Introduction, §§ 7, 8. 
91. 1. KlXucft furnish 100 ships. 
Kilikia in 3. 90 forms a whole satrapy (iv.) 
to itself, and pays besides its tribute of 
500 T. (only 36u of which actually reach 
the king) 360 horses, ' one for each day 
in the year.' A description of the 
Kilikian ffK€v/i has already been promised 
(c. 77 supra), and the promise is now 
redeemed. 

2. Kpdvta hnxj&pia. Either Hdt. 
treats * Kilikian helmets as too well 
known for description, or more probably 
is not in a position to describe tnem. 

Xaur^ia . . . ^^10^0^. The Iliad 
knows ^otlas *Affirl8at ei^/riz/rXovr XauHftd 
re xrep6eyra, 5. 453 (of Achaians and 
Trojans), 12. 426 (of *Danai* and 
Lykiaus). There is nothing ' Kilikian ' 
in the word ; L. & S. connect it with 
Xdffioi (shaggy), others (better) follow 
Eiistathios and connect it with Xou6t 
(laevus) ; thus Hesychios has XoU/3a, 
Kretan for derls. Xatra, vAny. XoT^a, 

AffXlS, 

3. M|iopo^ : cp. c 76 supra, 
clptWovf , ' woollen ' ; the wprd 

occurs 1. 195, 2. 81, 4. 78. The Attic 
word (Plato) is ip€oOt, There does not 
appear anything very distinctive in the 
equipment of the ' Kilikes/ unless it is 
that they are swordsmen. 



4. iKOo^rot . . . ctxov . . . |^of 
irewoi^|Uva carries the ecmstrueiio ad sen- 
sum to a point only permissible in a 
classical writer. 

6. *Yirax<uoC: it may not be unsafe 
to see in these Hypaohaians a remnant 
of the Aquaiascha of the Egyptian monu- 
ments, and of the * Achaians of Kypros ; 
op. previous c 

hri : op. c. 88 supra. 

KCkiKot ToO 'AY^^vopot &v8p6t 
#o(iaico«: 'Kiliz' is presumably the 
eponym of the people (EL^Xucet X who may 
have had some admiztui-e of Semitic or 
of Syrian (Aramaian) blood. Agenor 
has a thoroughly Greek name, but he 
appears in 4. 147 as the father of ' Kad- 
mos,' who is a thorough Phoenician to 
Hdt. The only man of the name known 
to Homer is a Troian, II. 11. 60, who 
must be dismissed in this case, for 
he has no connexion with the KiXt/rer, 
who, in Iliad 6. 397, 415, dwell in 'Thebe ' 
and the Theban plain (cp. c 42 supra) ; 
but Hesiod had made Agenor father 
of Phoinix and grandfather of Phineus, 
Fr. 56. Agenor, whether in Greece or in 
Phoenicia, is onl^ a genealogical name ; 
he plays no part in the myths or legends, 
but is the father of mythical and legend- 
ary heroes — Kadmos, Phineus, Phoiniz. 
It may be that behind his name lurks 
a oonsciousness that old ' Greek ' heroes 
had gone east, before the Phoenician 
came west. 'Agenor' was nothing if 
not a ' man ' (here dt^dp^ 4>.)> 

7. nd|&^«Xoi supply thirty ships. 
The name is pure Greek (cp. 5. 68) 
and its bearers are armed in Greek 
fashion. They are included (8. 90) by 
Hdt. in satrapy i. Pamphylia lay on 
the coast between Kilikia and Lykia, 
nor is it likely that the population was 



116 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



Udfjuf>v\oi ovTot eial r&v ix Tpoltf^ airoaKehcurOhnmv ifia 
92 * Kfi^CKoyff /col ISjoX'xP'Vti,. Avkioi Si irapeiyovro via^ wevni- 
Kovra d(oprfKo<l>6poi re iovre^ xai /cvfjfuSoil>6poh elypv hk ro^a 
Kpavhva koI ourroif^ /eaXa^ivov^ airripov^ KaX clkovtul, hrX 
hi euyo^ Sipfia irepX roif^ &fiov^ cu&pevfievov, wept Si r^a-i 
5 Ke^dK^ai irCkov^ irrepotai irepieareifuivoDfievoi/^' irf)(€ip(ZuL tk 
teal Sphrava elxov. Av/eioi Bi TepfitKai eKoKeovro etc Kpi^rq^ 

10 <rc> icai Kallenberg, van H. 92. 4 Stpfuira et aUapev/uva 6, 

Holder, van H. 6 cotc^voi/acvovs B 



pure Greek, bat there were doabtless 
Greek colonies (Olbia, Side) and more 
or less Hellenized cities (Aspendos, 
Perge, Svlleion) in the re{[ion. It is 
this Greek element, the origin of which 
is here traced to a portion of the post- 
Trojan Diaspora, though in this, as in 
other cases, the relations of Aegean 
tribes with the Levant may be safely 
taken back before the Trojan epoch. 

10. 'A|i^bX6xv Kal KAXxarrt : 
Kalchas QeffroplSrit ottaPordXwp 6x' dpiffrot 
is well known to the Iliad : (1. 69 if., 2. 
800, 18. 45). Amphilochos is named 
in the Odyssey (15. 248), as son of 
Amnhiaraos. The Nostoi enlarged and 
oombined their adventares after the fall 
of Troy, and rariants existed in regard 
to detaila Thos, according to one story, 
Kalchas fared no further than Kolophon, 
where he met his superior in Mopeos, who 
then joined Amphilochos, and with him 
founded Hallos m Kilikia ; while aocord- 
ing to another story, which Sophokles 
apparently followed (Strabo 675), and 
Hat. in this passage, Uie scene of the ipit 
wtpl Tijt fMrrucrlt between Kalchas and 
Mopsos was placed further east, in 
PamphyluL (meaning, as Strabo thinks, 
Kilikia). Amphilochos' career as founder 
was not cut snort : Hdt. reports him to 
have established Posideion, 'on the 
borders of Kilikia and Syria* (3. 91), 
and his achievements in the east were 
apparently succeeded by a similar set of 
adventures in the wes^ the greatest of 
his foundations being Argos Amphi- 
lochioum : Thucyd. 2. 68. 8. 

ta. 1. A^ioi supplied fifty ships. The 
Lykian equipment is among the most 
remarkable : it is in stroujo; contrast with 
the Lykian dress as shown on monu- 
ments, from which Rawlinson draws an 
argument for the lata date of the monu- 



ments (so as to give the Lyldans time to 
change their dress): an alternative, 
however, is possible— the inaccuracy, or 
inapplicability of Hdt's description. 

The Lykians wear breastplates and 
ereaves (of metal presumably) : their 
bows are of comel-wobd (op. c 77 supra) : 
they use unfeathered reira -arrows : they 
carry javelins: they wear the aegis: 
they have the most remarkable head- 
dress in the whole army : they carry 
also daggers and sickles (Karian ? op. c. 
93 infra. 6. 112). 

6. vCkwt «i^poto-i wipiivn^vii- 
(Uvovt : on the importance of this nead- 
dress op. W. Max Mueller, Asien u, 
Europa 862. Also H. R. Hall, Oldssi 
Civilisatian p. 180 (1901): "examples 
of this feather headdress worn by tnbes 
of the Aegean and southern coast of 
Asia Minor in the xii. viiL viL v. 
centuries B.C." 

6. A^Kioi Si...!^ hew¥v^f(i^. This 
passage is enlarged and rewritten in 1. 
178, or else that passage is here repro- 
duced in a compressed form : there is 
not much to show which passage is of 
earlier composition, except the omission 
here of all reference to the longer 
passage, in which the supposed facts 
are more fully set out, which, so far as it 
goea^ supports the hypothesis of the 
earlier composition of tnis passage : cp. 
Introduction, § 8. 

TipfiOUu . . Ik K^i(nfg. The 
Kretan origin of the Termilai, or Tramilai, 
seems less probable than the hypothesis 
that they represented the inoigenoas 
population of the Anatolian main, and 
were in so far allied to the Karians, 
Lydians and other native stocka Yet 
it would be bold to denv a connexion 
between early Krete ana the Asianic 
side: and the 'Eteokretet' themselves 



91-94 



nOAYMNIA 



117 



yeyovore^, hrl Si Avkov tov UavSiopo^ avBpo^ *A0Tfvalov ia^oy 
T^v iTrmvvfur)v. AtopUe^ Si oi ix rrj^ *Aahf^ rpnixovra Trap* 9S 
eixovTO via^, iypvre^ re ^^XKrivtKh iirXa fcal yeyovore^ arro 
Ilekowovvija-ov. Kap€^ Si kfiSofiriKovTa vapelxovro via^, r^ 
fAiv oKKa Kara irep "lEtWfjve^ iaraX^oi, etxop Si xal 
Sphrava xal iyyeiplSui. [oiro^ Si ompe^ wporepop ixaXiopTOg 5 
iv Tolai TTpan-oiai r&v Xoyatv elptfTcu.] ^Impe^ Si ifcarbv via^ M 



93. 3 ircXoTTovi/o-ov B (sic ubique) 
seclusi 



6 0^01 . . . €ifyrfTai gloasema 



may perhaps have been akin to the 
fundamental or indigenoos population of 
Asia Minor. In 1. 171 the KarianSi too, 
are derived by Hdt. from Krete in the 
teeth of their own belief, duly reported, 
that made them a^6x^orat i^eip<6rar. 
The decipherment of the Lykian inacrij^- 
tiona (TittUi Asiae MinorUi vol. 1. 
TUuli Lyciae, ed. K Kalinka, Vienna, 
1901) may throw li^ht upon the ethno- 
logical problem : it is at least clear 
that the Tramilai were not Greeks. 
The poet of the Hiad is acquainted with 
Lykia and the Lykians though not with 
Tramilai: (notably 6. 168 ff. story of 
Bellerophontes, cp. aUo stoiy of Pan- 
daros: 4. 86 ff.); and long before the 
days of Homer the LykiaDS (Lukki, 
Luka) figure in the Tel-el-Amama 
letters and on Egyptian monuments of 
the Ramessid period : op. Hall, OkUat 
CivUiscUiony p. 88. 'Lykians' and 
' Termilai ' might be two names (Greek 
and Native) for one and the same people, 
or more probably (as * Termilai' figures in 
Greek) represent two elements in the 
population of historic Lykia, the native 
and the foreign (Hellenic, or Hellenized). 
The presence of an Hellenic element is 
asserted in the eponymous hero's deriva- 
tion from Athens. It is by no means 
impossible that the primitive, or 
' Mykenaian ' inhabitants of Attika had 
relations with Lykia as with Ionia and 
Eypros ; but * Lykos son of Pandion ' 
(a) is scarcely an historical person, (6) 
owes his position in the legend of 
' Lykia ' to the nominal correspondence. 
Pausan. 1. 19. 4 connects the name with 
the Lukeion (Lycaeum) in Athens, which 
may have been in fact the temenos of 
the wolf-god (ApoUon ?). 

98. 1. A«pUff from Asia, thirty ships : 
the first pure Greeks named in the whole 
list Their contingent and origin is 
more fully bespoken c. 99 infra : there 



is, of course, no item in the list on 
which Hdt. should be a better authority 
at first hand than the Dorians in Asia, 
yet he packs them curiously away in a 
parenthesis (cp. 1. 144). As Halikar- 
nassos appears to be included here (cp. 
c. 99), notwithstanding the excommunica- 
tion recorded in 1. 144, perhaps each dty 
in the Hezapolis supplied uyb vesselsl 
(Was that ezcommumcation subsequent 
to this service ? At least this passage is 
probably of earlier composition.) 

8. Kopit furnish seventy ships nomin- 
ally (perhaps one per oitf ?), making 
with the Dorian colonies in Earia an 
hundred. The Karians had Greek 
weapons, partly because the Greeks had 
Karian (op. 1. 171) : the dp4vww was 
a characteristically Karian weapon, op. 
previous 0. 

6. Iv Toto-i vpArwjT% tAv kSyttv : the 
reference is clearly to Bk. 1 c. 171, 
where two views in regard to the origin of 
the Karians are reported (cp. c 92 stfpm). 
The reference ana the form of reference 
here are most remarkable. This is 
absolutely the first reference to an earlier 
Book which occurs in this section of the 
work, notwithstanding the frequent 
occasions for such references hitherto. 
To the form of reference there is but one 
precise iiarallel in the whole work, vii. 
5. 86 Cft 8€di/i\faTal iuh, ip ri} wfHimp rioif 
X&Yw, i.e. 1. 92. C^. my note adl. The 
reference there is to the first half of the 
first Book (as we have it) : the reference 
here is to the second half of the first Book 
(hence, perhaps, the use of the plural). 
Nowhere else does Hdt refer back in 
this fashion either to the 'first' or to 
any other set of 'Logi*' The Question 
obviously presents itoelf, whether the 
reference is a gloss, or whether it is 
from the author's hand, and if so, 
whether it is an addition or belongs to 
the first draft of his work. Tlie problem 



118 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



irapei^ovTO, iafcevaafiipoi w ^EXKrive^. *'Ia>i/€9 Bi oaov iikv 
j(jp6vov iv HeXoTTOvviia-tp oikcov rifp vvv KoXeoftevrfP ^Ayfuiffv, 
seal irpXv fj Aavaov re koX SovOov airtKiaBai i^ UeXoiroinnja-ov, 
5 (09 '^EXXi^ve^ Xiyovai, ixaXiovTO Hekaayol AlyubXie^, iirl Be 
W^Icoi'o? Tov SfOvOov ^'Itovc^, vriaiArai, hk hrra/ecUSe/ea Trapei^ovro 
pia^, dnrXiafiepoi «9 ''EWiyyc?, /cal rovro TLeXaayiKov eOvo^, 



here is far more aoate than in 5. 86, for 
aereral reaaona. (a) The < fifth' Book 
may very well have been composed, or 
redacted, after the 'first' on any 
theory of composition, but this reference 
here seems to destroy the hypothesis 
that Bks. 7-9 were the 'first' Lo^ 
compiled by Hdt (6) The reference in 
the fifth Bk. is more easily acoonnted 
for, whether as a gloss, or as an inser- 
tion by the author's hand, than the 
reference here: because throughout the 
(army- and) navy-list so far notes on 
the Origints or provenience of peoples 
mnd nations have occurred, and one 
might be expected in the case of the 
Karians, while in the passage of Bk. 5 
the reference is, so to speak, purely 
fortuitons, and not required by the 
context If now the reference here is to 
be regarded as authentic and of the first 
draft, it will follow almost of a certainty 
that Bk. 1, much as we have it, was in 
existence when Hdt. wrote this passage : 
was Bk. 1 then the first portion of the 
work composed by Hdt. and if so, how 
much more of the work had he composed 
before coming to Bk. 7 ? The hypothesis 
of the priority in a first draft of Bks. 7, 
8, 9 — for which there is so much to be 
said — need not, however, be surrendered 
if this reference, or the whole context in 
which it occurs (army- and navy-lists), 
can be regarded as belonging to the 
second or third draft of this Book, or 
even as considerably touched up and 
revised by the author in successive 
drafts. As Bks. 7, 8, 9, even if the 
earliest section of the work projected and 
more or less accomplished, have certainly 
received additions down to the date of 
the Archidamian War, it is not obliga- 
tory to athetize this passa^ : but there 
does remain the possibility that the 
words o9rM...eI'^i7reu are a gloss modelled, 
perhaps, on the genuine reference in 5. 
i^^ and occasioned by the glossators 
missing a note on the origin of the 
Karians : or the gloss might M contained 
simply in the words ip roTai wptSrrowi rQw 



X^Twr. The absence of b /aoI here (op. 
ctft StdijiKural fUH 5. 36) rather strengthens 
the gloss impression. 
M. 1. "liVKCf supply 100 ships : the 

girticular contingents are not given, 
ip^ht Ionian cities had contributMl 283 
ships to the fleet at Lade in 494 B.a, 
if Hdt. is to be trusted, 5. 8 ; cp. my 
note ad l. (Chios 100, Miletos 80, 
Samoa 60). That the lonians are de- 
scribed as iffKtvofffUtfoi u)t 'EXXijrf r, the 
Dorians as (fxoprtt *EXXipt/rd tfirXa, need 
not be taken as a jibe at the expense 
of the lonians compared with Dorians 
and Aiolians. The * Hellenes ' here are 
the national forces arrayed against the 
'Barbarian.' 

5. At 'EXXiiirtt Xtycvax i a very clear 
reflexion on nis literary sources (cp. 
Introduction, § 10), here perhaps the 
reyeaXoY^at of Hekataios. There is, 
however, no reference to the excursus on 
the lonians and their antecedents in 1. 
143-146, a passage hardly reconcilable 
with this, as Blakesley pointed out, for 
the genealogical purity of the lonians 
is here recognized and there disputed. 
Blakesley accordingly suggests that the 

S resent passage belong to the ori^al 
raft of the work, while the other is an 
addition of a later period. 

It may be noted that Danaos and 
Xouthos in this {jassage apparently 
arrive in the Peloponnesos at the same 
time, while in 2. 98 Danaos ia two 
generations later than Xouthos. 

ncXoo^ol AlyuJU«: cp. 5. 68 
(and my note ad I.), The 'Pelasgian' 
character of the lonians Is most clearly 
asserted in I. 56-58, serious as are the 
difficulties in which that assertion in- 
volves Hdt, especially with regard to the 
Athenians ; cp. 6. 187 ff. (and notes). 

96. 1. viio-iATai : the term is ambigu- 
ous and oDscure. Baehr refers it to 
the Eyklades on the strength of Hdt's 
usage, cp. 5. 80, 6. 49 ; Laroher speci- 
fies Keos, Naxos, Siphnos, Seriphos, 
Andros, Tenos. Stein, noticing the 
absence of the article, interprets '* most 



94-96 



nOAYMNIA 



119 



iarepov Sk *Ioi)v$kov iKKrjOri imstA tov ainov Xiyov seal ot 
£uo>S€#ca7roX^9 ''I^ve^ oi utt ^Adffvi&v, AloXie^ Bi i^KOvra 
vias; wapeixovro, iaKevcuTfUvoi, re cd9 ''EXXi^ve^ teal to ttoKcu $ 
ie(iK€6fi€voi HeXaayol, <&9 *EK\i^vmv Xoyo^. 'EiXXfiairovno^ Bi 
irkffv *Al3vBrjv&p {^ AfiiiSrjvoiat yhp irpoaerkroKTo iic fiaaikio^ 
icarh x^PV^ fiivovai <l>vX(Uca^ elvai r&v ye^vpic^p) oi Si 
XoiTTol oi €K TOV HovTOV aTpaT€v6fi€vo$ irap€l\pvTo piv ixarhp 
vea^, iaicevaapAvoi, S^ fjaav <09 "KXKfive^, oiroi 8i 'Icoyoii/ lo 
Kol A&pUwv airoiKOh. 

*Fnr€J3dT€iM)v Sk iirl iraaitov r&v ve&v TUpaai xal Mrjioi 96 

95. 3 Kara . . 'ASriviiDV deL Qompen || ol 8iNi>8cKa9r<SA4€9 a : ai BwaB€Ka 
iroXus B 4 *I(i>vcs ol air' 'A^i/ccov seel. Valckenaer, van H. : ddrivaCtav B 
8 ^vAa#cov9 van H. 9 <oi> c#c Wesseling 10 ccnccvaSaro Sk 

<us volt van H. 



of the Aegean islands, especially the 
Kyklades.*' But the contingents from the 
Kyklades onl^ joined the kinff's fleet 
after ArtemLtion, probably at Phaleron, 
cp. 8. 66 tn/ra ; and five Nesiote states 
sent their shifts to the national fleet, 
8. 46. Leake {Athens and the Demi, 
Appendix ii. p. 237) suggested Lemnos 
and Imbros, but they hardly corre- 
siK>nd to the requirement of ex-Pelasgian 
luuians /rard rdy tUrrbp \6yoif koI ol 
dvio5€Ka'r6\i€t "Iwi^er ol dw* 'A^r^cur. 
Cp., however, App. Crit. The Samo- 
thrakians are spoken of as lonians in 
8. 9(), but perhaps 'without prejudice.' 
On the whole Hdt. here probaDlv means 
the lonians of the Kyklades, but has 
thereby involved himself in an inconse- 
quence, valuable to us as betraying his 
methods. His navy -list is pro^bly 
valid, so far as authentic at all, not for 
Doriskos, but for Salamis (up. c 89 
aiipra), and it is a tour de farce on his 
, part to have shifted the scene. 

4. AloXics supply sixty ships. At 
Lade Lesbos alone (if Hdt. 6. 8 is to be 
trusted) had supplied seventy. ' Aiolis ' 
was a * Dodekapolis ' (1. 149): it is 
noticeable that there is no reference 
back to that passage which might 
interpret the vague title here used. 

6. <&t 'EXX^Mv X4yo«: cp. c. 94 
supra. 

'£XXi|airdvTioi . . d Ik toO 
n^rrov crrparcv^tuvoi supply 100 ships. 
A curious title : Stein explains II^i^ 
here as used in a narrower sense of 



Bosporos, Propontis, Hellespont, and 
refers to c 86 supra where he takes 
n^rrof (toD fih Ildrrov IriKapfflas) as 
the Propontis (cp. notes ad /.). This 
interpretation may stand ; but would 
Hdt have used n6rrot in this loose 
fashion after writing 4. 86, 86? This 
passage appears of earlier composition, 
and written previously to his own visit 
to that region ; cp. Introduction, § 8. 

10. 'Id&vMV Kal AtipUafv Avoticoi. 
Ionian : (Abydos), Lampsakos, Kyzikos, 
Prokonnesos, Perinthos, etc Dorian : 
Kalohedon, Byzantion, Selymbria, As- 
takos. Sostos was Aiolian (9. 115), and 
possibly helped the Abydeni to guard 
the bridge, of course under Persian 
superintendence. 

96. 1. kwtl^TWw Zk M wao^in^ 
tAv vsAv n^MTOi Kal Mf)8oi Kal Sdxoi : 
a startling statement : to what purpose 
then the description of the armed men 
of the fleet if the Epibatae were Persians, 
Modes, and Skythians (Sakai)t In c. 
184 ir^fira the 'Persians, Medes, and 
Skythians' are reckoned thirty men to 
each ship in addition to the irix^pioi 
irifidrcuy but this does not solve the 
difficulties of the statement, for if there 
were thirty 'Persians, Medes, and 
Skyths' upon each vessel as Enibatai, 
what room was left for native Epioatai in 
the strict sense of the word ? Moreover, 
why Persians, Medes, ' and Sakai ' ? Is 
ScUta used here for any 'archer' ? Has 
Hdt. committed the absurdity of describ- 
ing the equipment of the various nations 



120 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



teal ^odccu. rovrmv ik apitrra Trkeovaa^ Trapeijfpvro via^ 

^olpuce^ KoX ^otviKmv %iZmnoi,. rovroiai waai koI rotai i^ 

Tov we^bv Terarffiivoia-t [avr&v] iirrjaav iKaxrroiai hn/xi^pio^ 

5 ifyefjLOve^, t&v ^w, ov yitp avarfKairi i^fyyofuu €9 Urropit)^ 



96. 2 TovTiav : iravratv t Stein^, van H. 
II ivija'av a : kiroLrp'av R : kwrfurav SV 
codd. (i^pxofJLai Paris. 2933) 



4 avTwv seel. Stein' 
6 c^cf>yo/Aai : €^ipyopai 



which sapplied ships when the Epibatsi 
were all drawn from Persians, Modes, 
and Sakai? or rather is not the state- 
ment that ' Persians, Modes, and Sakai * 
seryod on all the ships as Epibatai 
(whether 'in addition to or * instead of 
native Epibatai) a very doubtful asser- 
tion? Were there Persians and Modes 
and Sakai on each ship as Epibatai? 
or had some ships only Persiaus, others 
only Modes, and so forth ? Again, were 
those EpiJbcUai on the ships all along? 
or did tney go on board (at Artemision, 
at Salamis) for battle ? Lastly, are not 
the JBpibataiy wherever they joined the 
fleet, to be deducted from the land 
forces, not reckoned in addition thereto ? 
And if fighting men were shipped at 
Doriskos, did they not constitute one of 
the corps (Carmie ? Cp. c 121 in/ru. 

2. To^rrwv . . Wot: as ro&rwf must 
refer to iraujitap rQ» vitop the phrase is 
clumsy. (It can hardly be referred, 
with Sitzler, to " the nations furnishing 
ships.") Stein suggests w^Lm-tav instead 
of ro&rwf, I thiuK rotf'^wr and ro^naw 
might well change places. 

8. #o(iriictt Kal #0ivCK«v 2i8^iOi. 
The Phoenicians excelled all the other 
ships, and the Sidonian ships all the 
other Phoenician : cp. cc. 44, 100. The 
vripKOfixoi r&x^i in Aischyl. Pers. 842 
are 207 in number: the nationality Ib 
not specified, but as that figure was 
probably associated with the Ionian 
contingent the suggestion there is more 
favourable to Greek mariners. Hdt 
in this Bk. shows himself no great 
admirer of the lonians on the Persian 
side. It may be that Ionian shipping 
had not reooverod the disasters of the 
Ionian revolt : on Phoenician skill cp. c. 
23 9upra. 

TofroMTi «aa% certainly seems 
vaguely put for rowri h rh wavriKbw 
rerayfjijipoifft. Even vaguer is the use 
of aMhr just below, which could bo 
very well dispensed with, but is quite 
Herodotean : cp. c. 14 supra. It might 



suggest referring roOrouri wa^i to Persians, 
Modes, and Sa^i. 

4. CKdoTOMTi imx^piOi ^^y^dvft, 
'each set, nation, had leaders from its 
own home. ' Whether these * epichorian 
leaders' are limited to the Epibatai or 
command the ships severally and in 
squadrons ; or, what the relation between 
the epichorian A«^6m(m and the 'Persians, 
Modes, and Sakai' on board, does not 
appear. For the case of the vfj'^t 
0Tpar6t op. c 81. The matter is further 
ezplainea in the immediate context here. 

5. oi ydp . . Tapa|i4|ivi)|jiai : cp. c. 
99 infra tup fUp pup diKktap oj> vapa' 
^fiprffuu To^iapx^tap un odx dpayxa^dfupot 
and c. 189 infra ipayKcUif i^pyofxai (I 
am compelled by necessity). The neces- 
sity lies in the argument or plan : it 
is a logical not a physical compulsion. 
i{^ciir, literally 'to shut out,' 'exclude* 
(riyd Tipot), may come to mean ' to shut 
in,' on the principle that exclusio tlHua 
is incluno hujus, or perhaps may more 
simply be taken as a strengthened fonii 
of ifyyeip (erpyeti') moaning 'to compel.' 
««paffci|iiW|o^tar^ai, 'to mention (one 
thing) besides (another),' i.e. *I have 
not mentioned the leaders beside their 
respective contingents.' Sophokles uses 
the word {wape/jiiffirta) Track, 1125, but 
no one else apparently. 

It UrTopiT|t \AyfCf¥. Baehr quotes 
with approval Schwoighaeuser's quod ad 
hujua narrationis rationem aUinet. 
Rawlinson has "for the course of my 
History " ; Stein, in RUcksicht auf die 
Erzahlung^ and remarks : " this is the 
only place in which Hdt uses the 
wora ivropiri in the later signification." 
Macaulay has : " I am not compelled by 
the course of the inquiry," which hardly 
gives more than the sense of the words 
01^ ykp dpayKoixi i^pyofuu, but the note 
which he adds "with regard to the 
inquiry," i.e. "by the plan of the 
history," leaves no doubt that he agrees 
with Stein and the others. 
But are we compelled to adopt this 



96-97 



nOAYMNIA 



121 



\6^ov, ov TrapafUfJbPTjfjuu' ovre yiip Wveo^ ifcdoTov iird^toi 
^a-av oi fjyefiive^t ev re SOpel efcdartp oaai wep woKie^ TO(TavTO$ 
Kol 1776/^01/69 fja-av, ehrovTo hk a>9 ov OTpanjyol aXX' aawep 
ol aXKoi oTparevofievoi SovXoi' iirel arparriyol re oi to irav 
iypvre^ Kpdro^ koI ap^ovre^ r&v iOvemv ixdoTrnv, Saoi avr&v 10 
^(rav nipaai,, elpiarai fjLOi. tov Sk va\m,KOv ioTpanfyeov VI 

6 ciro^ioi Portus : dvd^ioi 9 SovXot damn. Valckenaer || re a, 

Stein^*: yc B, Stem«, Holder, van H. : 04 tc t6 ? Stein^ 10 Koi 

apxovTts del van H. 97. 1 €(rrparqy€ov oiSc 6, Stein^, Holder, 
van H. 



interpretation of Iffrophi in a sense for 
whicn a parallel can hardly be produced 
before the days of Aristotle? Even if 
is Xdyoi' might meau quod aUinet ad 
rationem^ must Irropltf mean haee narraiio, 
die Erzahlung, my ' History ' ? Iffroplri 
with Hdt. (even 1. 1) means a process 
of inqairy, not the result, either as bare 
knowledge or as literary record. So 
here i 1 am not campdUd by the necessity 
of my argum^jU to give any account ^ 
my inquiries on that head: Le. 1 am 
not bound to tell all I know. I could 
say much in regard to the various native 
leaders, for I have inquired in regard to 
them, but I am not under any necessity 
to make known the results of my 
inquiries. Cp. c 224 infra rCiv iyd lar 
cwdpup d^liav ytvofUvtav iTvBdfirip rd oM- 
/iara, iwvdbfuiv di koI Axdimap riav 
rpiriKOfflup. He does not give the names, 
and might have added : tup 06 ydip 
dyayKol'o 4^4pyofuu is Iffropltp \lrfw iKCm 
inXi^dofuu. 

6. oirn ydp: Hdt gives three or 
four reasons for suppressing the names 
and achievements of the ethnic ^/A^ret. 
(i.) As individuals they were not men 
of mark (^rd^toc, mentionable), even 
when in command of a whole i$pos, (ii. ) 
They were too numerous, quot eivitates 
tot duces, (iiL) They had no indepen- 
dent command, they were in a servile 
])Osition, oO (TTparrfyol dXXd doDXoc. (iv.) 
The names of the real Strategi and 
Archontes, so far as Persian, have already 
been given. 

In this passage the Historian, me- 
thinks, 'doth protest too much.' Who 
will believe that Hdt. could have sup- 
plied the names of all the Chiliarchs, 
Hekatontarchs and Dekadarchs in the 
Persian forces ? The extent to which he 
gives the names for the fleet (c. 98 
infra) does not confirm his extravagant 



claim. Hdt. is not quite free from the 
scholar's foible, omniscience. 
8. crrpaTT|vo£ : c. 82 supra, 

10. 60m airAv ^o^v it^Mrai : the 29 
Apxopres named in the armv-list, cc 61- 
89, to which are to be added Hydamea 
c. 88, Pharnuches c. 88, and the two 
sons of Datis, Harmamithras and Tithaios 
ib,f who were Medes. 

11. dpkurtd |fcOi. A reference back, 
but merely to the context. 

97. 1. TOV M vcivruco9 wTTpttT ^ yio V. 
There follow the names of the four 
Persian admirals of the fleet, and some 
hints, which if developed, might have 
rendered this chapter normative for the 
organization of the fleet, as cc. 81, 82, 
88 are for the organization of the army. 
Unfortimately, Hdt. himself has not 
envisaged this problem, nor supplied 
incidentally, whether here or in the 
actual narrative of the campaign, data 
for a decisive reconstruction, nor can 
it be confidentlv assumed that even the 
items in this chapter are complete and 
accurate. The names of four admirals 
are given, but it is not clear whether 
the fleet under their command consisted 
of four district s()uadrons, or divisions, 
or of three such divisions, or even per- 
haps only of two. The doubt may also 
arise whether the arrangements for the 
command of the Fleet were not more 
analogous to those for the armv : were 
there perhaps six admirals, divided into 
three pairs, and commanding on the 
analogy of the Strategi, three columns, 
or divisions? In that case Hdt's list 
of the admirals is incomplete, though 
his sources for the nava! department 
are generally superior to his sources for 
the army. Or were there only three 
admirals, on the analogy of the Hip- 
parchs c 88, and have we in the four 
names the name of a successor included. 



122 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



*Apuifiiyvff^ re 6 Aapelov zeal Ilfnj^cunrrj^ o ^AawaOivea seal 
Meydfia^o^ o Meyafidrec^ xal *A^atfi€i^9 o Lapelov^ rrj^ fjikv 
'IciSo9 re KoX Ka/t)t/c^9 crparirj^ ^Apuifiiyvrf^ o Aapelov re 
5 wdi^ fcal T179 Toj3pV€& dvyarpo^' AlyvTrrUov Si ia-Tpanjyee 
*Aj(aifUvrf^ B^pfeo) ii>v air afiifxyreprnv a£6X^eo9> t^9 Bi 

2 axnra&ivtin a : aira^vco) R : ounra^i/cco S : dairadivtw cum irj 
supersc. V 4 Kapirfs B 6 irats deL van H. || yiajSpveia B, 

Holder || krrparrjy€€ et €aTparrjy€ov del van H. 6 irp^s a/i^oTcpcov 

Gobet 



M we should there have hftd, had the 
suocesaor of Pharnnches been named on 
the spot I In the following year, when 
the whole command of the fleet is 
changed, there are three admirals 8. 180, 
of course over a fleet much reduced in 
numbers. On these and other cognate 
questions cp. Appendix II. § 5. 

2. 'ApianCyvf^ . . h Aap^ov: an 
Achaimenia ; immediately below * the 
daughter of Oobryas' is given as his 
mother. She was the first wife Dareios 
married (cp. 0. 2 supra)^ and had tliree 
sons, ArtotMizanes, Ariabignes, and one 
anonymous. Ariabignes, here mentioned 
first among the admirals, fell at Salamis 
8. 89. 

UpiTjj^l&innft h *Ao*ira9Cvfc» : this 
Aspathines is presumably the Persian 
noble of the Seven 3. 70, who was 
wounded in the struggle with the Magi 
3. 78. His is the one name of the Seven 
which does not appear on the Behistun 
Inscription iv. 18. Whether the Pre- 
zaspes who figures largely in the con- 
text of Bk. 8 is any relation to his 
younger hamesake caunot be determined. 

8. MrydPalot & Mr^fiA.'nM. Slakes- 
ley suggests his identity with the con- 
queror of Thrace (4. 143 f. 5 jMunm, 6. 
83, and cc 22, 67 tupra), who is de- 
scribed simply as dt^iip flipcnit, and with- 
out his patronymic. Hdt. shows no 
sense of any such identity. An over- 
sight in so frappant an instance were 
almost inconceivable, though fitting in 
well enough with the early priority of 
composition to be assigned to Bks. 7-9* 
Anyway, the Megabates of this passage 
may well be identical with the Megabates 
described in 5. 32 as di>dpa lUpariv rdv 
*Ax€UfiePi84uif and a cousin of Dareios. 
According to the story there told it would 
then be a sister of this Megabazos for 
whom Pausanias proposed, when " in love 
with the tyranny or Hellas " : but vide 
my note ad Le. Megabates must have 



been a young man in 498 B.O. if he was 
satrap of Pluygia in 476 B.O. (Thuo. 1. 
129), and his naval services against 
Naxos, if correctly reported by Hdt 5. 
83, were hardly of good angury for his 
son's appointment 

'Av auUviit h AopeCov : an Aohai- 
menid of tne Achaimenids, full brother 
of Xerxes, satrap of E^pt c 7 tupra, 
q.v. His plan ot campaign is expounded 
m c. 236 infra. 

rf|f |Uv 'IdSot Tf KoL KapiKi|t 
(TTpaTi^: the words if interpreted 
stnctly and referred to the navy -list 
would give a squadron ((rrparti^) of 100 
-H 70 =170 vesseU. If the Dorians (80) 
in Karia were added the number would 
be raised to 200 ; but if one item may 
thus be added, why not others, till we 
raise the total to 800, or 400, more or 
less: and so likewise with the other 
divisions. Cp. Appendix II. § 6. 

5. Aiyvwrtmv oil : the number for 
the * Egyptian ' fleet is given as 200, the 
addition of the Kilikians (for example) 
would raise it to 800, or a different 
distribution (Egyptian + Kyprian 160 
-l-Lykian 50) might give a nominal 
strength of 400, the fleet being named 
simply by the contingent, or ship, which 
flew the admiral's flag. 

6. T^^S Be &AAT|t €rTpOiTif|S «F-| ^MkT^yiOV 

ol 8^. These words at first seem to 
mass all the rest of the fleet in one 
squadron or division, under two admirals, 
a curious inconseouence : or, if the two 
had synchronously independent com- 
mands, still leaving each with a much 
larger number of ships than the two 
admirals first named, and Achaimenids, 
also an improbable arrangement It 
might be suspected that by ^ dXXij 
crpoLTv/i is really to be understood the 
8000 trans|»orta and service -vessels of 
various sorts immediately to be men- 
tioned, and that the fighting fleet was 
really only in two divisions under the 



97-98 



nOAYMNU 



123 



aXXi79 irrpariij^ iarpaTqyeop oi Bvo. rpiffKovrepoi Si teal 
irevTff/covTepoi fcal Kiptcovpot koX Imra^toyii irXota fuiKpii 
a-weXdovra i^ t6p apiOfiov i<l>dvff rpurj^tkut, r&v Bi hrt,- 98 
TrXcoiH-Qiy fjLerd ye tov9 crparrffoh^ oZSc fjcav opofLaaToraroi, 
'ZiB(ov$o^ TerpdfjLiniaTO^ ^Apvaov, teal Tvpio^ Marrifv %ipii>fAOV, 

8 fiOKpa a : a-fiiKpa B : del. Eallenberg 98. 3 dkXiqa'ov B || 

fmrrrfv BCd : /Ltary^v A : pavrfv B || <rcpci>/iov a : tripdvov B : Eipio/icv 
Duncker vii ^ 205 



two Achaimenid admirals, each division 
being named from its head or leading con- 
tingent, A. lonio-Karian, B. E^ptian: 
the confusion in the text miffht faToor 
this hypothesis, but the weight of argu- 
ment is agaiust it. 1. orparti} should 
mean rather a fighting unit than trans- 
ports. 2. It is not likely that the 
Fhoenicians, who Aimish 300 ships, 
were simply grouped under either the 
Egyptian or the lonio-Karian division. 
3. The general analogiesand probabilities, 
and to some extent tne subsequent narra- 
tive of the naval operations, favour the 
view that the principle of tripartition 
underlay the naval organization in the 
campaigrn. The other ffrparvfi here then 
is probably the Phoenician (800), with 
which, if the whole fleet amounted to 
1207, the Kilikian (100) may have 
been combined, under the command of 
Prexaspes and Megabazos, either as 
coUea^es, or in succession. The 
Egyptian ( + Kypros + Lykia) would 
furnish a nominal 400, and the lonio- 
Karian with all the rest would account 
for 407. If each squadron amounted, 
even nominally, to 400, it seems prob- 
able that there would be two admirals 
in command of each (commanding 200 
apiece) ; in which case the (subordinate) 
colleagues of Achaimenes and Ariabignes 
have been forgotten. 

7. rpiT|K^vTtpoi 8i . . Tpio^CXia: 
either some words have fallen out after 
ol di^ or (as Stein sug^ts) this sentence 
is not here in its original context. This 
huge fleet, including horse -transports, 
was used presumablv for the transport 
of horses, men, and supplies, and for 
despatch purposes and communications 
(xipKovpoi can hardly be derived from 
KSpKupa). Possibly one of the three 
army corps was brought to Doriskos by 
sea : and if so, prolMibly the one com- 
prising the forces of Upper Asia, so far 
as they had not met at Kritalla, and 



marched A/jl a^ Sip^. Cp. Appendix 
II. § 8. 
§8. 1. tAv 8i hnrnXtArrmw : cp. 5. 86 

roi)f irl rCw vtC^ hrvrKiorras crparifyoOt, 
8. 67 Koripri odrdt Zip^s ivl r&s r^ar 
iOiKw . . wvdiaOai rOif ivitrXtdrriop rdr 
ypthfjMs. Onoe in Thucyd. (2. 66. 2) 
irirXtow ^ AaKedai/u»lta¥ X^^^ irXiTat 
Kol Kpiinot XrapTtdnit vadapxn, Oener- 
ally iriTKeip (with dative, or with irl 
and accns., or absolutely) means ' to sail 
against,' in hostile sense. 

2. otS< i\va¥ 6vo^jaurr&raT0^ : there 
follow ten names of native leaders (three 
Phoenicians, one Kilikian ; one Lykian, 
two Kyprian ; three Karian), at first 
sight chosen at random : the omission 
of Greek names is observable, but not 
inexplicable: jealousy, or patriotism, 
might suppress them ; Artemisia reigns 
alone (cp. c. 99). The omission of 
Egyptians is more striking, and con- 
firms the suspicion that the so-called 
'EfT^ptian' contingent was not navigated 
by £;gyptians. If the Egyptian formed 
one sGuadron (rrpariiff) with the Lykians 
and Kyprians, the whole fleet (ravrurdt 
drpar^t) was divided into three squadrons 
(cp. 0. 97) ; we have then in the names 
preserved in this chapter memorials of 
the principal native commanders on 
board each of the three squadrons : the 
first four names (Phoenician and Kilikian) 
may be taken from Squadron A, the next 
three names (Kynrian and Lykian) from 
Squadron B, ana the last three names 
(ail 'Karian') from Squadron C (the 
Karians being the only non-Hellenic 
factor in that division). This observa- 
tion may be taken to confirm the hypo- 
thetical distribution of the naval forces 
finally proposed above. 

8. 2i8^irio« TrrpdiiVi|OT0t 'Aviio-ov. 
Sidon recovers with Hdt. to some extent 
its Homeric prominence, cp. cc. 44, 96 
supra, c 128 tn/ra. Yet Tyre was in 
his own time, as in Alexander's, the 



KCU 



184 HPOAOTOY vii 

MipfiaKo^ *Ayfid\ov, fcal KtKi^ 'Zveweai^ 
teal AvKio^ Kufiepvlaxo^ 'ZUa, tcaX KvirpMi 

4 dpiSios B : dXapoSios d \\ vcp/SaXos CP || dpPdXov B : corrig. 'Ao-jSaXov 
sive *A(PdX,ov van H. 



'Apa£t09 
5 ^ilpofUBovTO^, 



loading city-state of Phoenicia (cp. 2. 
44). The Kinff of Sidon sits next the 
king in coanoii, 8. 67 in/m. (Diodor. 
14. 79 gi^es the Sidonian dynast the 
precedence in the days of Ronon, and 
possibly the Sidonian took precedence in 
virtue of the early primacy of Sidon, 
even when Tyre had eclipsed the elder 
state.) 

* Tetramnestos ' has a cariously Greek 
sound. Baehr deprecates a Semitic 
etymology, but the Greek sound might 
be due to mere assimilation. The same 
remark applies to the father's name, 
Anysos. (Cp. "Apvats as the name of an 
Egyptian king, 2. 137, 140 ; and of a 
dty in Egypt, 2. 187, 160, 166.) 

T^ios MamTlv Sipd^iJiov. *Matten' 
is presumably the same name as 'Mattan ' 
(the priest of Baal, 2 Kings iL 18). 
*Siromis' may well be the same as 
'Hiram,' Hirom (Cheiram in lxx., 
Heiramos and Heiromos ap, Josephum ; 
Dunoker, yii. 205, would read mputfiot 
here). 

4. 'ApdSios M^ppoXof 'AyP^IXov. 
Arados, like Tyre and Sidon situate on 
an island strongly fortified, was accounted 
an independent colony from Sidon (Strabo 
753, the locus claasicut) and next thereto 
in importance, under the Persians, but 
destined in later times to eclipse Tyre 
itself (cp. Strabo Lc) Merbalos re- 
sembles the Oarthaffinian Maharbal 
(Merbal) and presumably contains, like 
the father's name, Agbalos {v,l. Arbalos) 
the name of the Phoeoician deity. 

(Besides Tyre, Sidon, and Arados, the 
only important seaports in Phoenicia 
would be Byb)os and Berytos, cp. 
Kiepert, Manual, § 97.) 

KCXi( SWwM-is 'OpoiUSoirrot. A 
Syennesis of Kilikia anpears in the year 
585 B.O. mediating between Lydlans 
and Medea (1. 74); another, and it 
might be the one here mentioned, as 
about contemporary with the Ionian 
revolt (5. 118). Xenophon reports the 
dealings of Kyros, the younger, with a 
Syennesiti of Kilikia in 401 B.C. {HelL 
8. 1. 1, cf. Anah, 1. 2. 12-27). The 
word is either a frequently recurrine 
name for the kings of Kilikia, or a royal 
title {tffiot ffrifUTuc^ X^^tt schda nasi= 



f iVfyj 'irpLyKiylf. Wecklein-Zomariades). 
Aischylos {Persai 829-381) devotes three 
lines to the gallant death of this Syennesis 
at Salamis. Herodotoe (9. 107) provides 
a Greek, and indeed an Halikamassian 
successor. 

Oromedon appears as a name or epithet 
in some mss. of Theokritos 7. 46 {v.l, 
for €^pvfAi8oirros)t and is interpreted by 
the scholiast as (1) a title of Pan, (2) 
the name of a mountain in Kos. But 
these are probably only scholiastic 
sophisms. 

5. AiiKios KvpcpvCmcot Stxa. Ky- 
bemiskos has a Greek sound («n;/3€/»vi^f, 
gubemare, govern), or at least an 
Hellenized appearance. A Ki?/3e/»vit, son 
of Kydias, ot Athens, appears on an 
inscription not earlier than 277/6 b.g. 
Dittenberger, 149 (i.^ p. 232, l.« 880). 

Sikas may perhaps be a shorter form 
of Sikinnos (8. 75 ti/ra), and likewise 
has a Greek tone, possibly deceptive. 
But Lykians might very well have 
Hellenic, or Hellenistic names. XUtai^ 
is a not uncommon name in Athens. 

KtlnrpiOi : it is remarkable that Hdt. 
does not here specify the Kyprian states 
to which T6pyo9 h X^m^ and TifiAvof 
& Tiiia^^pcM res()ectively belonged. 
Timonax and Timagoraa are thorough 
Greeks, and must have ruled one of 
the Greek states other than Salamis 
(perhaps Kurion or Soli? But Aristo- 
kypros, son of Philokypros, was king of 
Soli in 496 B.C., 5. 118). Gorges, the son 
of Ghersis, is incidentally established as 
king of the Salaminians in 8. 11 ; but 
the absence here of any reference back 
to the notices of this Hellenized House 
given in 4. 163, 5. 104, 118, etc., is srill 
more remarkable, except on the supposi- 
tion that this passage is of earlier 
composition, or that Hdt. follows in 
various places various sources so slavishly 
as to surrender his righta of combination, 
and cross-reference I Cp. Introduction, 
§§ 7, 8, 10. Tdpym is good Greek, not 
to say Arkadiau (Leake, Inser, 1, Pape- 
Benseler). Ghersis also may pass for 
Greek. He had at least three sons 
(Onesilos, 5. 104, Gorges, Philaon, 8. 11), 
and was himself the son of a Siromos 
(cp. 1. 3 supra) and grandson of Evelthon 



98-99 



nOAYMNIA 



185 



ro/9709 re Xepa-M^ koI Tifi&va^ 6 Ttfuvyope^, teal Kap&v 
*I<rTMU09 re Tvfjofe^ koX Hiyfyrf^ o *TaaeKZdi>fjLOV koX Aafiaal- 
Ovfio^ 6 KavSavKe€». r&v fUp vvp aXKwv ov irapafUfivrffuu W 
ra^idfyxtov w ovk avar/Ka^ofievo^, ^Xprefuaiq^ hi [rri^;'] /laXurra 
d&fjLa iroievfMu eirl rifv 'EXXaSa arparewTafUvr}^ yvpaiKO^' 
^A9 airoOavovTo^ rod avBpo^ ainrj re ij(pvaa rifv rvpawlBa 

6 Tifuui/as B 7 viy prpxro^ <rcX5(tf/iov B : Hiyptj^ 6 ScX&o/iov P, 

van H. 99. 1 rlav fi€v . . dvayKa(6fjL€vos damn. Stein : nonne 

legenda potius rtav /xcv ictA., tiJs S€ pakurra ktA., 'AprtpuriTjs deleto? 
II B€j T^s Stein^, Holder, van H. 2 ra^iap\€iav B, Stein^, Holder, 

van H. II r^ del Stein 

(5. 104). The pedigree may be < 
hibited as follows : 



Evelthon 

Siromos 

Gbersis 



Onesilos Gorgoe PhiUon 

6. Ka(>Av. The Karians ei^'oy a 
disproportionate notice from the Hali- 
kamassian, as, besides the three leaders 
here specified, Queen Artemisia is coming 
in for a chapter to herself (99). 

7. 'IvTiotot & l\r|ivt« is surely the 
tyrant of Termera, or Termeron, cp. 6. 
87 (and my note ad I.), nCypiit & 
"Yo-o^XBdliiov has a proper name shared 
by many persons more or less known to 
fame: (1) the Halikamassian, brother 
or accord, to Plutarch dt MaZig. 48, 
son of Artemisia, and no mean poet; 
(2) a Pigres who acted as interpreter 
for Eyros (Anab, 1. 2. 17, etc.) may 
very well have been a Earian ; (8) the 
Paionian mentioned 5. 12 supra and 
others. The patronymic forbids the 
identification of the first, and other 
obvious considerations, the identification 
of either the other two, with the son 
of Hysseldomos, or Seldomos (cp. App. 
Grit.). Thia last name, in either form, 
is scarcely of Greek origin ; but the root 
of vLypmis is perhaps to be found in 

Aa|MurC6v|tof & KavSa^Xsit may 

fairly be identified with the Ein^ of 
the Kalyndians, run down by Artemisia, 
and presumably drowned, at Salamis, 8. 
87. His own name is transparent Greek. 
Hii) father's name, Eandaulee, originally 
at least a nr.tiye God's, 'the nound- 



(wolf ?) strangler' Hermes : *EpAt^ Kvw^yx^ 
JA-Jnovirrl KardavVo, Hipponaz, fr. 1, 
Bergk ii.^ 460 : a title easily explicable 
from Indogerm. roots, and presumably 
of Phrygian extraction, see Kretschmer, 
EinleUung, p. 888 f. 

9f. 1. tAv |Uv AXXmv oi vopa|U- 
|ivi||iai: cp. 0. 96 9upra. TofCo^ot: 
of naval commanders, unusual, cp. 8. 67 
To^lapxoi drb tQp rcAr. The contingent led 
by Artemina forms a rd^u. Stein suspects 
the phrase Ttatf fih . . . dtfayKa{6fAMwos and 
braoxets r^t j ust after. My doubt would 
be confined to the words c^t o^r 
dpayxa^b/ieyot in the one case, but would 
extend to the proper name * kprtiuffirit in 
the other, as its occurrenoe here dis- 
counts its solemn introduction five lines 
lower. 

8. ^waixtft. The position is emphatic 
This new Amazon fills the soul of Hdt. 
with wonder {dQfiA vocrO/uu). "With 
Hdt (says Rawlinson) patriotism [civic f] 
triumphs over every other motive [I], and 
he does ample justice [!] to the character 
of one who, he felt, had conferred 
honour upon his birthplace." Was 
this testimonial to Artemisia written 
before, or after, Hdt's own expulsion 
from Halikamassos ? He seems nere to 
bear the tyranny in his native city little 
malice. 

4. ToO dvSo^ Suidas {8ub v. Ulypnift) 
gives the husoand's name as ' Mauaolos,' 
a nomination obviously open to the 
suspicion of an exchange wiUi the 
devoted Earian queen and author of the 
' Mausoleum ' in the fourth century, B.O. 
It may be observed that the name 
Mansolos occurs in Hdt 6. 118, as the 
father of Pixodaros, one of the wisest 
leaders (according to Hdt ) in the Earian 
revolt of 497 B.C., and though that 
Mansolos cannot have been the nusband 



186 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



5 KoX ircuho^ inrdp^ovTo^ veqvU^ inro Xrffuiro^ re fcal avBpfflri^ 
iarparevero, oifBefurj^ ol ioiari^ ava^fcairj^. ovpofia fihf iii 
fjv avT§ ^Aprefiiaifj, OvyoTTjp Sk fjv AvySdfuo^, yipo^ Sk i( 
' AXiKappffa-aov rit irpo^ irarpo^, rit p/rjrpoOev tk K^njaaa. 
'^€fi6v€V€ Se * AXucapvqtraetov re koX K^i/ icaX ^lavplMv re 

10 icaX ^ckKvhvmVf Trivre via^ irapeypfiivri, koX owaTrdafj^ 
rrj^ crpartrj^t fierd ye tA? XcBa)vUov, v4a^ evBo^ordra^ Trapel- 
XSTO, irdvTfov T€ T&v avfiiidyfov yvdfia^ apUrra^ fiaaiXii 
direSe^aro, r&v Sk xariXe^a iroKitov 'qyefAOveveiv aim^p, to 

6 <rvv€(rrpar€V€ro Cobet appr. van H. || ol om. a || ovopa van H. 
7 cf om. a 9 #c(o(oi/ B 11 ivSo^oTaras Weaseling 13 ^c- 

fiov€V€iv avrriv seel, van H. 

of Artemisia, under whom Herodotos 
was expelled from Halikarnassos, Suidas 
l.c; Hicks, Manual^ No. 27. The 
Greek origin of this name XMof, 
'white/ or \&ydrip (M^ta), is anything 
but certain. The name occurs on Cariau 
tituli ; cp. Radet, Lydie, p. 180. 

8. Kf»fjova leaves her exact ethnikon 
uncertain, whether Dorian, or 'Bteo- 
kretan,' or what not ! 

9. VjYOi^vcvc Hdt. does not expressly 
locate the 'tyrannis' of Artemisia in 
Halikarnassos. She led 'the men of 
Halikamassos and Kos, of NisTTos and 
Kalydna.' Four names suiiplied five 
ships ; of the five, perhaps Halikamassos 
(rather than the 'Kalydnai') supplied 
two. These five ships must aU be 
included in the Dorian contingent, c. 
98 supra, Nisyros, Kos, and Kalydna 
are three islands (in order from S. to N.) 
off the promontory of Halikamassos. 
'Slavpbv T tlxoif • . KoX Kfa)r . . rf^aovt 
T€ KaXiJ^irof, //. 2. 676 f. The form' 
KdXvfjufa is also found (e.g. coins, inscrip. 
CLO. 2671), and better distinguished 
the island (still named 'Kalymnos') from 
the Earian town KdXvpda, cp. 8. 87. 

11. iterd y rds 'LSmvimv : op. c. 96 
supra. Her exploit recorded in 8. 87 
is hardly sufficient to justify this ex- 
travagant praise ; the excellence of her 
counsel is exhibited 8. 68 and 102, 
passages perhaps composed to illustrate 
this text. 

IS. tAv U KaWX^a voXCw. r&f M 
ToKlat rQy /rarAf^ ^ytfiopeCetP aMjy, 
i.e. an attraction of wiKltop, not of the 
relative rQp, This seems preferable to 
taking xoX/car as genitive after t6 i$wos 
('the nationality ). In any case the 
compound icaTA^o* which suggests rather 



of this Artemisia, I venture to suggest 
that Pixodaros was (cp. my note to 5. 
118). 

5. vai8^ iwdpxovTot vft)victf. Stein 
takes peripleta to mean that the son was 
old enough to lead the forces : Suidas 
{sub V. 'Hp6SoTOs) gives TlicLpdriXis as his 
name. (The word may be connected 
vrith Uiffidla, llto-tdcU, the termination 
-inda, -anda being locally characteristic. ) 

X^liartft Tf Kal dvSpT|(T|s: cp. 9. 
62, 5. 72, 111 for Xrjfm, a poetical word ; 
and cp. Sophokl. El, 983 for dt^Spela of 
women. 

6. dvaYKoUtit would here be physical 
compulsion ; cpi c. 96 supra, 

7. *Aprf|uo-iT| : the goddess of whom 
she has her name is of course the 
'Ephesian* Artemis, i.e. a form of the 
Great Asianic Mother. It is perhaps 
only her name which leads the scholiast 
to Aristoph. Lysistr, 676 to make her 
t6 yhoi *E<t>€aia, Her mother is a 
'Cretan/ her father a Halikaraassian. 

AvySdfuot. This Lygdamis, her 
father, was presumably dynast of Hali- 
kamassos, and if Artemisia married 
Pixodaros, sod of Mausolos, from Kindys, 
she may have brought him into the 
dynasty, on the pnncinles of female 
succession, which were characteristic of 
the region (cp. Radet, Lydie 121, Gelzer, 
Bh, Mtis. XXXV. 1880, 516 f. ). The name 
Lygdamis occurs previously as that of the 
tyrant of Naxos, supported by Peisistratos 
(Hdt. 1. 61, 64), and earlier still as the 
name of a chieftain of the Kimmerii, or 
Treres (if late authorities can be trusted ; 
e. g. Strabo 61 A&ydafus di rods airrov Aytap 
pJxfi'' Au^^f Kol Itoplaf 1i\aff€ Kal 2)<lpde<r 
efXcr, ip KiXoci^ di dic^d/n?). It was 
borne by the grandson and successor 



99-100 



nOAYMNIA 



127 



€^1^09 a7ro<f>alva> irav iov ikmpucov, 'AXiKOpvffO'a'ia^ /ih Tpoi- 
^fjpiovs, Toif^ Si aWov^ ^ErmSavplov^. i^ fihf roaopBe o 15 
vavTiKo^ OTparo^ etptirai. 

Sf€p^^ Si, ivel fipiOfiriOri re fcal Sterajfiri irrparo^, 100 
iweOvfifjo'e avro^ a<l>€a^ Sie^eXdaa^ Oeiia-aa-dai' [jLcrh S^ iwoUe 
ravra, koX Ste^eKavpmv iirl ipfjuiro^ irapii iOvo^ hf Ikootov 
iirup0dv€To, teal airiypa^ov oi ypafiftaT^areU, &19 i^ kcyaruiv 

14 T/x>(i7vtbv9 f idem 15 cs . . tLprjfra^ gloasema videtor 

100. 1 cTTccrc t van H. II 4ip\Bp.-rfiy\ Schaefer : •tipiBp.tfrk Stein^ codd. jj re 

om. B 2 Sic^cAocras secL van H. : ' reqoireretur saltern 8ief cAavvcdv ' 

idem 3 Num Wvo% irap* c0vos scribendum ? vap B || Sv om. B 



the list (jcardXoTot) of cities than the 
simple predication of leadership, is not 
quite strictly used. The reference back 
(only the tnird so far in the Bk., cp. 
c. 98 tupra) is to the list in the last 
sentence but oue. Rawlinson remarks 
that Halikamatisos had been excluded 
from the Dorian amphiktiony, 1. 144, 
yet ' Kos is subject to the excommuni- 
cated city.* This would be an interesting 
example of the separation of Church 
and State in early times ; but is it 
certain that the episode in 1. 144 is 
prior to 480 b.c. ? 

14. diroi^VM, *I (as bom Halikar- 
nassian) do declare' ; cp. 2. 16 (Stein). 

mv i^v AwpiKdv. Hdt. will not 
allow any impurity or miscegenation in 
the population of the Dorian Jiexapolis ; 
it all goes back to the Dorians of the 
Argolid, the Halikarnassians to Dorian 
Troizen, the rest (Le. Eos, Nisyros, 
Kalymnos, or Kalymna, or Kalyinnai) 
to Dorian Epidauros. 

The doctrine of the purely Dorian 
character of these settlements — as indeed 
of the remaining Dorians both within 
and without the Hexapolis (cp. c. 98 
supra and 1. 144) — is anything but in- 
disputable. ( 1 ) that the Dorian invaders 
of the Peloponnesos could have spared 
sufficient drafts to colonize SW. Asia 
Minor is on the face of it improbable. 
(2) Nor is the purely Dorian character 
of the Peloponnesian Dorians itself to 
be admitted: apart from the miestion 
of interfnarriage, many passed for Dorians, 
as others for Achaeans, who had little 
right to the name. (8) The Homeric 
cattilogue makes Kos (//. 2. 677) Hellenic 
before the Trojan War, as also Lindos 
(656), Karpathos (676), Syme (671), etc. 
Rawlinson regardsall thatasanaohronism. 



so likewise the prae-Dorian date assigned 
by some authorities to the colonisation 
of Halikarnassos (cp. Strabo 643, 989, 
Steph. B. mih v. ) ; but we must now be 
prepared to recognize that 'Pelopon- 
nesians ' and others passed freely across 
the Aegean long before the days of the 
Return of the Herakleids. There are 
two possibilities to be reckoned with : 
(a) The 'Dorians* were a much earlier 
and more primitive element in the 
Aegean population than the legend of 
the ' Return ' reeognizes ; or (6), as is 
more probable, the 'Dorian* coloniza- 
tion in Asia was merely an Epaikism, 
the Dorian element ftmall and nominal, 
confined at first perhaps to the leaders, 
or new oikists; cp. story of Dorieus, 
5. 42 ff. That it was, however, a real 
presence is proved by the appearance 
of the Dorian tribes in Halikarnassos, 
Kalymna, Kos (though latet); cp. 
Hermann-Thumser, i 110. How fac- 
titious, 'pragmatic,* or Undenziiis such 
legends may be is illustrated by the 
stories of Thcra and Kyrene ; see Hdt. 
IV.-VI. vol. ii. pp. '264 ff. 

100. 1. i crrpartft : here 6 xeiiit { = if 
Imrot Kol 6 T€l^is). 

2. firoCcf ravra, sc. a^6r o-^ear di€^- 

8. lOvot: were the ethnic divisions, 
then, still visible under the arrangement 
icard rikta, in myriads (c. 82 mpra)^ 
If so, each of the forty-six nations mnst 
have had a frontal formation ! 

4. &vfypa^ov ol ^fpa|&|&aTiarTaC Heeren 
first suggested that Hdt had personal 
access to the documents drawn up on 
this occasion {Asiatic Nations, L 441, 
E.T.): Heeren 's idea was approved by 
Thirl wall Rawlinson sees, in "the 
minuteness of description** a "proof 



128 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



5 i^ eajdOLTa airlKero koI rrj^ tmrov koI tov ire^ov. w Bi 
ravrd oi hreirolriTOt r&v ve&v KarekKvaOeurinv i^ OdXouraaVt 
ivOavra 6 Bep^^ fierex^ct^ ix tov ipfiaro^ €9 via HiBtoptrfv 
t^ero inro (r/crjv^ XP^^^V ^^^ irapiirKee irapk rk^ irp(j^a>^ r&v 
ve&v, iireipoyr&v re i/cdara^ ofioia^ Kal tov ire^ov /cal aaro- 

lo yp€uf>6fjL€vo^. r^9 Bi vea^ oi vavap^oi dvaryarfovTe^ oaov re 
Tiaaepa irXidpa diro tov alyiaXov dv€tca>)(€vov, r^9 irp^pa^ 
i^ yrjv Tpk^avTe^ irdvTc^ fieranrrfBov teal i^oirXUravTe^ Toh^ 
imfidTa^ c»9 €9 iroKcfiov. h B* hno^ <t€> t&v irptppiwv 
irXAfov idfjeiTO ical tov alyiaXov, 

8 xpv(ry'i van H. 9 o/aouds u>i koX rhv B, Holder: ofwCtoi m 

rbv van H. 10 dvdyovrts 6 || t€ om. R 12 crrpc^aKTcs Naber 

13 <r€> Stein || wptapttav Stein^^ (corr. van H.) 



positive that the foundation of the whole 
18 not deaaltory inquiry but a document." 
(There is a mean between 'desultory 
inquiry * and ' a document ' ; also, there 
are documents and documents.) Grote 
(against Heeren and Thirlwall) put 
aown Hdt.'s information to *'the Greeks 
who accompanied the expedition." 
Trautwein has combined this view with 
the documental idea in his discovery of 
'The Memoirs of Dikaios.' That royal 
army- and navy-lists, and of these forces, 
existed, or had existed in Hdt's time, 
we may well believe ; but that they 
were first drawn up at Doriskos, or in 
the manner descriMd, is not probable ; 
they may, however, have been in use 
there, for purposes of review, muster, 
and verification. They are not likely to 
have contained the multifarious know- 
ledge exhibited in the Herodotean lists ; 
and as they would presumably have 
been written in Persian, Hdt. could 
hardly have made use of them at first 
hand. Upon the whole subject see 
further Introduction, § 10, Appendix 
II. § 6. 

6. hmroifiro : the pluperfect has here 
its temporal force ; cp. oc. 62, 64, etc. 

KaTfXKvo^M-lMV : they had been 
drawn up on shore, c. 59 mpra. 

7. & H^p&is: the effect of this rare 
article is no doubt to emphasize the 
subject : but is the occasion tanti ? 

2U8wv(ipr : cp. cc. 44, 96, 128, etc. 

8. ^nh o^npfj XP^o^ : hardly the 
same as the one used by the king on 
shore, left to Mardonios (9. 70, 82), looted 
by the Atiienians, and finally used as 
model for the Odeion (Plutarch, Per. 18, 



Pausan. 1. 20. 4) ; but rather such an 
one as Cleopatra used in her galley on 
the river Kyduos when she went to meet 
Mark Antony (Plutarch, ArU. 26), a vKiiis 

trp^ppas : on^ the correct form op. 
L. k S. tntb V, rpfpa. 

9. 4KdoTas: each set of ships, each 
division (force of pL, cp. cc. 1, 86, etc.), 

10. ol va^Nipx®^ * uominated c. 97 as 
OTpaniyol, but the word pw^pxoi has 
beisn used c. 59. Miyw^i a nautical 
term, as in 6. 12, with the object ex- 
pressed, while 8. 76 it is used absolutely 

11. T4otnpa wX40pa : | of a stade, or 
not much more than 180 yards (184 yds. 
2 ft. ). Hdt. does not suggest that there 
was more than one line of vessels. 1207 
triremes in one line with their oars out 
would have occupied at least 14-15 miles. 
Off the Magnesian coast, however, they 
were anchored eight deep. If that plan 
had been followed here it would reduce 
the line to a couple of miles. What 
meanwhile became of the "8000 " trans- 
ports, etc. T 

AviK^Xtvov : as in 6. 116. 

12. uMrwtnfi6y, Baehrapprovesyim«^ 
froniiousy eine geachlosaens t^hmU hildend ; 

but the ships all had their oars out, and 
must have had full water-way. In Thnc 
2. 90. 4 the term is opposed to hrl Kipm, 
and means 'in line. It certainly here 
does not surai^est the formation irl 6im&, 
IfoirManavTflt : here no doubt #(• 
mrXlj^eiPt * to arm fnllv ' ; it is found in 
the contrary sense: Appian, JB,C, 2. 28 
i^orXlj^etp KeUaapa rQf tfT/wrtat, appar- 
ently a late use. 



100-102 nOAYMNIA 129 

ft€T€7rifjLylraTo ^'qfiaprp-ov rov ^Aplaravo^ avarparevofievop avr^ 
hrl Ttjv 'EXXaSa, KcCKiaa^ S' axnov eipero rdSe. " Afj/idfytire, 
vvv fioi ak i^Si; ri earl elpiaOai r^ OiKeo. ov eU ^EXXi/y 
T€, Kal d>^ iyo) irvvOdvofiai aev re koX t&p £KKmp 'EXXi^vwy 5 
T&v ifiol i^ Xiyov^ ain,Kveop>ivfov, 7roXi09 o6t {)ui')(Urni^ oir 
aa-deveaTarrf^. vvv &v fioi roBe if>pdaoVt el *'EXXi;i'€9 vwo- 
fAeveovai ;^6t/xi9 ifiol avraeipofievo^. ov yap, &^ ^a> BoKic^, 
ovS' el iravre^ ''EkXrjve^ /caX oi XotTTol oi irpo^ kairipfi^ 
olxiovre^ avOpwiroi av7JK€j($elrf<rav, ovk d^UifUL')(pi elal ifii 10 
hriovra inrofieivaiy fitf iovre^ apOfiioi. Oikco fihroi koX to 
airo aev, okoIov n Xiyei^ irepl aifr&v, irv0i<r0ai,y h fiiv 
ravra elpana, h Be inro\afia)v Sifyq " fieurikev, xorepa aXffdelj^ 
j(pij(ra)fjuu Trpo^ <rk ^ V^ovrj ;^* h Bi fuv ak'qOelfj j^<raaO{U 
exikeve, ^^9 ovBiv ol affBiarepov iaeaOcu fj irpirepov fiv. &^ 102 

101. 1 vccus ti Z & ^rjfidprfT€ 8z 4 ri om. B \\ ra <irvdc- 

o-^ao dcXta van H. 6 dirqKOfieviav R: dirucofuviavBY 'fbnan recte' 

van H. II ovr' : ovk B \\ ovr da'$€V€aTdrri^ om. B 9 Xoiirol oi a : 

01 om. B 10 d^i6fmxoi titri Stein^, Holder, van H. 11 </[a^ 

Ti yo fxri Toumier 12 6koi6v . . airQv del. Cobet: ir^i avrolv 

Acycis a 14 x/^ofiai B (Stein^ app. cr. xprja-tavrai AB : xp^o*'^^^ 

id.2 Xprffo-viiMn. AB: xprja-ofiai) \\ x/>^^a^ B 16 ^s cm. fi || ^ 

wpoTtpov ijv del van H., Holder 

101. 2. iMmr^^To . . KoXlvut . . past 1 The king tays nothing of the 

cCpcro TdSc, * 86ut for him (to come into his f hamefol barbarity of the Spartans ; op. 

presence), (when he was come) called him c. 138 if\fra. 

to him, an d qnes tioned him^ as follows.' 7. *wop«4ovoa : cp. it^ra ifik irtArra 

AT||iapT|TOV TOV ApUTTMVOS t VTO/JMPCU, 

Xerxe, and Demaratos {ec. 101-104). „ j^ „„,^ 4^^ .„„i^ they 

•the SOD of Aneton, alre«iy one of the ^^j^, ^^„ , (."r^^pie oonditionaC 

drawuKa p«r«m«, op. 0. 3 «.i>ra. But cp. c. 88 «.pr»). ^ th«t cue the king 

the patronymic u not .heer proof of .S^jt, t^^f the united Oreekt («lrT« 

obliviscenoe, or of .ndependent soorce., .exXv.«), with all their fellow-creature, 

but may be used deliberately for effect ^ the west (ol X<Kirri A wp. to. ok. 

The bare name here would, indeed have 4,, ) i„ ^^ , (^xXo^.)), might 

been ineffechve. nor would the patoony- ^^ , 'chance of rieUtonee (xe^ 

mic by Itself have been oofficient intro- i„„i^e^^ «. 44, c. 209 ivfm). BfakM- 

duction. Seneja, de Berufic^ 6^1. rmn. 1 ^^^ place k ii,nt,\af^ after 

the stoiy by transferring to Demaratos iira,i,i,JL For «<>«M<ot cp!, 9. 9, 87, 

the sentiment, of Artahanos. Seneca. ,„j ^ ^ („„t^ S). Even i^vr^ 

lapse does not discredit Hdt., but neither .^XX™, eanViot be ^tended to include 

does It enhance hu authority, or ^e j^, ^,u,^„ ^yect. of hi. Majeaty. 

authenticity of this interview. On the *' '' ^ 

sources cp. Introduction, § 10. ^ 14. xf>4o^n«»* s cp. App. Crit. Baehr 

4. vOv, *now that we have reviewed defends x/)1^0Ma^ as x/wkeroi for xM«'<wto 

all the forces of the empire,' in 6. 12, where the mhs. show both 

6. inSXios o^t' 4Xaxt<rTt|«: Xerxes forms. The subjunctive here seems 

enlarges his view of Sparta c. 136 tVro. more courteous. 

The days of crass ignorance (1. 153) are 15. ixjUimfnwi so. fUr. 

VOL. I PT. I K 



130 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



8k ravra Uxovae ^fffidpfiro^, fkeye roBe. " fiaaiXev, iTreiBif 
a\r)0€Lrf huv)(pTiacur0ai iravrw^ iteXeuei? ravra Xiyovra tA fiif 
'^p'evBofievo^ ta9 varepov inro aev oKdxrerai, ry 'EXXoSt ireviff 

SfJi^ aUl icore <rvprpoif>o^ iarl, aper^ Bi hraicro^ iarl, airo re 
aoif>Crf^ Karepyaafiivrf /caX vofiov laj(ypov' r§ BuixpemfjUptf rj 
'EXXA? rrjv re irevlrfv arrafivverat Kal rifv Beawoavvrfv, alveto 
fUv vvv irdvra^ "^EXKqva^ tou9 irepl ixelvov^ rov^ AoDpitcoif^ 
y^pov^ ol/crjfji^ov^, Ip^ofiai Bk Xi^mv ov irepl irdvrtav rovaBe 

lo T0V9 \oyov^ dXXA Trepl AaKeBaifiovUov ^vvtov, irp&ra fiiv iri 
ovK iari 5#ca)9 Kore <rou9 Bi^ovrai Xoyov^ Bov\o(rvv7fv <f>€povra^ 
r^ 'EXXaSi, airi^ Bk co? avruixrovrai rot 69 p^XV^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ 
iWoi "'EXXi7i;€9 wai/T€9 rh ah ^povinoai* apiOfiov Bk iripi, 

102. 3 Siaxprja-axrdai a : xppff(rtuTBai t^, Holder, van H. : fi^ xpn/ja-atrOai 
Stob. flor. 7. 68 || iraKra>9 /xc 0, Holder : fie om. a, Stob., van H. 5 

atci a : a€i kot€ 0, Holder || <rvv€<mv (sic) B, Stob^ Holder || iari aec. 1. 
del van H. 6 17 'EAXas seel idem 8 wdvra^ revs B \\ iccivovs 0!Pz || 
A(tf/9iicov9 secL van H. 11 ^^tavrai a 13 irdvres post <t>pov€wri B 

been when the wealth of * gold Mykenai ' 
attracted the poor bat well-armed in- 
vaders. That IS a point Hdt forsets. 
But there was something paradozioal, no 
doubt, in the wealthy and ill -armed 
Asiatics swarming to the invasion of 
hanl- headed, hard-handed Hellas (for 
which moral cp. further 9. 80>82). The 
bearing of the Hykenaian finds on the 
poverty of Hellas is noticed in Tsountaa- 
Manatt, Mykenean Age, p. 217. 

7. alf4i* |iiv. Demaratos talks like 
a sage and a patriot, not like a king in 
exile scheming for his restoration. Hdt. 
drops the mask. The 'Dorian' also 
moves in him, and he proceeds to 
write the eulogy of Lakedaimon in 
terms which no Greek could ever have 
addressed to the Great Eidg. It is the 
preparation for the legend of Thermo- 
pylai, to the glory of the Acucedflu/A^rtot 
/ioOyoi. Hdt. had probably not yet 
written the story of Athens, which with 
less gross injustice glorified the * KBrpfaUn, 
ftovwoi : cp. 9. 27 ; c. 10 aupra. (If the 
story c. 289 infra could be trusted, 
Demaratos had recently been in com- 
munication with Sparta. ) 

11. o^l(rTiSK»s=o6daAM^(Sitzler). 

13. rd <rd ^poWa»o^ : cp. 5. 8, 00. 
146, 172 infra, 9. 99. 

&pv9|Lod 81 wipi. Xerxes has not 
manifested any intention of asking about 
the number. The time, however, will 
come for that ; c. 234 it^ra. 



102. 8. rd |fc^ . . iXAa^rai : i.e. roiavra 
&are fi^ iiKi&irfaOai, the relative sentence 
having the value of a final (Stein). Cp. 
4. 166 iviOvfUomu fj»ri/i6<rvww havrov 
\i.v4ff$at TWTO t6 fi^ &\Ktp €trf fioffiXii xar- 
tpyaafUpw kt\, 

4. Tj 'EXXA8i ktX, grammatically 
speaking, forms the ap<^osis to the 
sentence introduced bv iireiSi/j supra. 
Logically, a colon should intervene, as 
4f£9, or ipxofuu X^^, or such like {^p* 
cfrw). Rhetorically, the inconsequence 
is efieotive. 

'Hellas' is here used in a narrowed 
sense of the peninsula. 

The sentiment which follows is of the 
' gnomic ' order : vaOijfAaTa /laOiifMra : 
cp. Thuc. 1. 128. 1 ix TUP rdtfuw rAt 
dperdt KTOffOoi : Eurip. Fr, 641 ir€wLcL bi 
eo^Uw (Xaxe 9iA t6 (nryyeyif : Theocr. 
21. 1 d xewlaf A(60ayTtf, fi6pa rdt r^yat 
dytlpei Airrd rw fi^xOoio diddffKoKos. 
Hdt however (for it is, of course, Hdt. 
speaking), rather mixes his metaphors, 
and obscures his argument, as in other 
cases (cp. cc. 162, 162 if^ra). If poverty 
is indigenous (aOrrc^oi), how is it to 
be 'wurded off,' like the outlandish 
* tjh^anny ' {deffwoff^ii) ? To cease to be 
poor is to invite attack. This was the 
moral of the Lykurgean institutions 
{ffOif>lri, p6fiot iaxvp6s), which no doubt 
produced manly valour {dpeHij fxaicTos), 
but aimed not at banishing but at 
nursing its elementary conditions. His- 
torically, indeed {altl Kvrt), the time had 



102-103 



nOAYMNIA 



131 



^ irvOri 8aoc nvk^ iovre^ raura iroUeiv olol re eial* f/v re 
yhp Tvxaac i^eoTparev/jbipoc y^Ckioi, ovroi fuij(^<rovral to$, ijv 15 
re iKaaaove^ rovmv, t^v re ical Trkevve^,*^ ravra atcovaa^ 108 
Sep^ yeXda-a^ Sifyq " Arjfuipi^Te, olov i^Oiy^tM liro^, ivBpm 
;^iXtoi/9 arpari^ roa^Be fULyrjaeaOai. cu>f€ eliri fioi* av ^9 
TOVTv^v T&v avSp&v fiaai\eif^ avT09 yeviadai* trv &v ideXiitrei^ 
avrlxa fidXa irpo<: avBpa^ BeKa fidj(€(r0ac ; Kairoi el rh 5 
TTokcT^Kov vfiiv irav iari roiovrov otov av Buupiei^, ai ye 
TOP Kelvwv fiaaiXia irpiirei irpo^ to Bi,7r\ii<ru)v avTiTaaaeaOtu 
Korh vofiov^ T0V9 vfierepov^, el yctp Kelvfov ttcaaro^ Shea 
dvSp&v T^9 OTpariri^ rrj^ ifirj^ avrd^io^ iarl, trk ii ye Bl^fjfuu 
eiKoa-c elvcu avrd^iov, /cal o\n€0 phf opdoir &v 6 X0709 o 10 
irapet do Xeyofievo^' el Bk rotovrol re iovre^ /caX fieyaJBea 

103. 3 fmxqo-ao'dai fi || crv : ov fi 4 avrhs deL Ck)bet : post <rv 

&v transp. van H. || ^cAcig R 5 imx^a-Oai a: fiaxjo-aurdai, R: 

frnx^a-aa-dai S : /taxqa-wSai V 6 Sup€€is B 9 fie a : om. R : 

cp. Sitzler ap. Bursian J,-B, 86. 69 10 dvrd^iov a : SUatov fi, Holder 

II opdotro 6 B 11 a-€v tlfyqiuvo^ fi, Holder, van H. 



15. x^^^: this figure was destined 
to play a fatal part in the story of 
Thermopylai ; cp. oc. 202, 228 infra. 

108. 5. rb iroXiruc^v : Stein under- 
stands, " your whole institutions " ; 
Sitzler, * ' the citizen-body. " Cp. Aristot. 
Eth. N, 3. 8. 9 = 1116 b rd 8^ troXirurd 
fUporra diro$ir/f<rK€i (there contrasted 
with ol arparuarcu). kcCvwv seems to 
support the latter, and the apodosis as 
a whole the former interpretation. 

6. otov vv SiOipltit : c. 17 supra. 

8. Kard v^vs to^ i|ifT<povt. Baw- 
linson sees an allusion to the ** double 
portion," 6. 57, and perhaps to the 
''supposed double yote, ib. Blakesley 
and Stein refer to the former, and Stein 
remarks that Xerxes shows himself here 
better informed than afterwards, in c. 
234 irifra; almost too well informed, 
for the argument is at best obscure. 
Hdt. could hardly expect his readers, or 
hearers, to have the passage on the y^pta 
of the Spartan kings in mind so vividly 
as to take up this obscuru allusion, even 
if that passage were of earlier composi- 
tion than this ; while, if the ' double 
portion' of the Spartan king was so 
notorious, it need not have been elabor- 
ately reported at all. Perhaps the 
reference here must be admitted as 
something of an artistic flaw, it being 
what Xerxes could hardly under any 



ciroumstances have made, and what Hdt. 
himself should not have made. To 
account for it is difficult, except on the 
supposition that the passage on the 
yjpea of the Spartan kings was already 
*in type.' If so, the conversation with 
Demaratos must be of later compositional 
date, or must have been considerably 
retouched, in the retractation of these 
Books (7-9) ; op. Introduction, § 9. 

9. o^ 84 Y<: a strict 84 in apodon, 
op. Index ; ci Tt, 0. 10 supra, 

8(lT||kai, ' require,' ' look for,' 
rather than * inquire ' ; cp. 4. 80 irpo0-- 
BiflKas y6,p 8ii /un 6 X&yot ^ ^fOC^ 

10. ^Pfoty av h \A^^=6p$6f dir efif 
6 X. The construction, but not the 
sense, is parallel to Aischyl. Choiph, 
773 ip dyyiXip y6.p Kpvwr^ dpOoGrai 

& Xtf^os h irapd vio XfY^iuvot: 

here strictly of oral communication with- 
out prejudice to the constant use of the 
terms by Hdt of written sources ; cp. 
Introduction, § 10. 

11. <l Si ktX. ' But if your Lakedai- 
monians are no better and no bigger 
than you yourself, and the other Greeks, 
who frequent my audience, yet use this 
proud boasting, look to it, if the word 
you have spoken be not mere idle brag. 



132 HPOAOTOY vn 

TOiTovTOi, iaoi av re koX ot irap ifie (l}otT&a'$ ^EXXi^vwv €9 
X6yov^9 avj(i€T€ roaovro, Spa fiif fidrfjv KOfiiro^ o Xoyo^ o5to9 
elpfffiivo^ y, iirel <f>ip€ tBcD iravrl r^ oitcorr tc&^ &v Bwalaro 

15 X^[^^^ ^ teal liMptoi, ^ icaX TrevTaK^a-^vpiot,, iovre^ ye ikevOcpoi 
wdvre^ ofuUa^ koI fiij im €1/09 apj(^ofA€Po$, arpar^ roa^Be 
avTurrrjvai; iirel rot irKevve^ irepX Iva Ixiurrov ycvo/jLeda ^ 
j^tKioi, iovrav iKclvap irivre ^(CKiaZfov. inrh fihf yi^p €Vo^ 
ap^ofievoi Kark rpoirov rov rjpArepov yevoUiT av, ieifialvovre^ 

aoTovTOv, Kal irapi^ ri^v i<ovT&v ^vaiv afieivove^, /caX loiev 
dpciyKa^ofievoi fmcTiyi i^ irXevva^ iKouraove^ iovre^' aveifiivoi 
8k i^ TO iKevOepov ovk &v iroUotep tovtwv ovhirepcL. 8oK€a> 
Sk ^cnye Kal ca/iamOivTas TrXi^Oei j(a\e7r&^ &v "EWriva^ 
TUpofjai fiovvoKn, pA')(e(r6aA, oKKh irap fifiXv fikv {jiovvoiCi] 

25 TOVTO iarl to <rv \^€t9, lort, ye fikv ov iroXKov aXXh 

4nrdpMv* eltrl ykp \Ilep<ri<ov\ t&v i/i&p aljQAOif>6p€»v ot 

iOekrjaovai ^^XKrfvtav avBpdcc Tptal ofiov p>dj(ea0ai* t&v av 

104 iiov aireipo^ iroWh il>\vr}p4ei^.^ irpo^ TavTa ArffidptfTO^ \^€i 

12 &roi a : olos R \\ t€ om. a || ipm R 14 cii; a || dv SwaCaro B : 

Swiaro a 15 17 #cai vevraKurfivpioi om. B 17 irapa Valckenaer : 

irap van H. 21 fiacm^i van H. : /iooTiyccs irAcvvcs B 22 cAcv- 

Okptav a II TTOtcoicv A : iroiccui' B : Trotcctv B 23 avunadkvras B : av 

unadkvras a : av urtiiOkvrws P, van H. 24 /xovvovs fiovvouri conL 

Stein^, appr. van H. || ficv fwvvouri om. a : fjMvvouri del. Stein' 25 

pivroi fi, Holder, van H. 26 Ilc/xrccov deL Stein' 28 ^Xv^pci^ 

B^ van H. 

Since, oome now, let me pat the matter this place, who thus anticipates the 

from a oommoD -sense point of view.' elaborate calculations which Hdt. in- 

15. IXtifOfpoi vdvrtt &|m>C«s Kal u.^ W stitutes upon his own account, cc. 184 fL 
hf^ df>x^|Mvoi : presently shall Xerxes infrc^ ana commits the further absurdity 
be 'hoist with his own petar.' Mean- of including the non-combatants. The 
while he puts his finger on one of the oration of Aerzes appears to carry re- 
weak points of Hellas, oIk dya06p woKv- miniscencesof the speech of Agamemnon, 
Kotpawltf eft Kolpawot (<ma (11, 2. 204), a 77. 2. 123 ff. 

stock diagnosis ! The despot Gelon 21. dvaTKa^^iMvoi lidon^i : on this 

sings the same tune to the Athenian, c. libel cp. 0. 56 iupra, 

162, with a slight variation, to(H fUp 23. LvvrtMnn vkifi^l, 'put on a par 

ApX^f^rat (x^ip ToSs di df^ofUpovs o6k (^tw, in respect of numbers,' here, 'levelled 

Hdt himself thought it a very good up': so, in respect of strength, Xenoph. 

counsel — for Thracians, cp. 5. 3 (with Oyrop. 7. 5. 65 6 fflSti^ ^laoi rodt 

my note ad I.), Xerxes has also the dicrOepets rdit lax^po^^ ^^ fV^o^^fufi, But 

(apocryphal) yptanai of Dareios and his Plato, Polit. 289 E ipya itaicofU^mmf iw* 

fhends, 8. 80-82, to support him, could dXXi^Xovv Kal d^itf'oOrret, simply ' putting 

he but have known it ! on the same level,' or 'reducing to the 

17. wXiOvft . . {^ xC^wif Uvrmv Uiivwy same level ' of commercial values. 

wfrrt YiXiASMV. ' Five thousand ' is the 25. rb cri Xfyttt: i.e. I^v rt rix^itvt 

figure tor the Spartiatai at Plataiai, 9. ... rXtCvet c. 102 ad fin, 

78 vnfra, : upwards of five million for his 28. ^^ynpltit : a word which Hdt. 

own men is the estimate of Xerxes in shares with Attic comedy and prose. 



103-104 



nOAYMNIA 



133 



" & ffaaiXev, apyfjOev rfiriardfji/rfp Sri akriOelff jj>e<ifi€vo^ ov 
<f>LKa TOL ipeco, aif S' iwel rfvaryKaaa^ \iyeiv r&v \6y<op roif^ 
aXrfdeardTov^, IXjeyop rk Kanixoirra %irapTtrirrf<Ti. Kalrot, m^ 
^o) Tvyj^dvto T€t vvv rdSe iarofy/w i/celvov^ . . ., airri^ 5 
fidTua-ra i^eirLareai, ot /xe Ti/iti^i' re koX yipea aireXofievoi 
Trarpdia oTrdkLv re koX if>vydBa TreTroii^Kaait irarifp 8k <r^ 
inroSe^dfiepo^ /3lov ri fioi, Koi oIkov SBodkc. oljKtov oIko^ 
iari avBpa rov <T(Oif>pova evvolrfv if>aivofihn]v Su^OieaOtu, aXX^ 
aripyeiv fjMKiara, iyit Si ovre Sexa avSpdai inrlaxofuu 10 
olo^ re elvai fid)(€<rd(u ovre Bvoici, ixoiv re elveu ovS' &v 
fiowofiaxioi/ii. €1 Bi dvarfKairi etrj 'fj fiiya^ n^ 6 hrorpvvtov 
ar/(i>v, fiaj^olfiffv &v irdvrtov fiBtara hii rovrmv r&v dvBp&v 

104. 3 6€ A II To\n X&yovi ti 4 ra om. a 5 roSe deL 

Kraeger (Mniuiia' van EL) || lacunam indie Stein^, Bl ikurktav yel 6i 
avwrrvyktuv propoe. : redarg. Cobet : cf. comment, infra 7 6 cr^s 

Bekker 8 ^iov t^ 10 vn-oo-xo/iai B 11 oi^couri A^ : 

ov Tcotcrt B : ovtcomti C : ou rcourtv d : ovrc Bwr\ A* 



Cp. 2. 131 radro, di \iyovffi ^Xvfipi- 
orret. 

104. 2. dpx4^» ' from the start ' ; cp. 
8. 142. 

4. rd Ktt'HJKOVTa SvapTi^jrpo^, "de 
lis quae pertineDt ad Spartanos (Baehr), 
concerning which Demaratos woald be 
a good authority, and be able \4yeiw tCjp 
\6y(aw roM dXtideffrdrovt. 

5. rvyxfii^^m rd vOv TdSt krrofrya^ 
4K<lvovt : the Tuleate text, if left as it 
stood, most be taken as ironical: "for 
none knows better than thou what my 
love towards them is [likely to be] at 
the present time," Rawlinson: so too 
l)aehr, Blakesley, Ck>bet {Mn. 12. 256) 
et al. rddc is rather de trap in this case. 
Stein ^ marks a lacuna after ^cefrovf, and 
would read iKelvovs di fuffitay, but still 
appears to take rd pvp rdie as one 
phrase ("mit meiner ietzifen Lage hier 
zufrieden *') ; it would be better to 
separate rd pOv (or rd pGv) from rdde in 
either case and refer it rather to rvyxdpta. 
Even so rddt ivropyCn ^xelpovt di fuffiup 
is not a very happy or adequate anti- 
thesis: rdSc fUp iffTopyun ixeU^vt 8i 
fuffiiop would mend the antithesis, but 
still, why should the one verb be in the 
perfect, the other in the present! The 
recurrence of the verb o-r^pTetr iust below, 
where the meaning is hardly disputable, 
favours Stein's suggestion : at the same 
time words recur sometimes, in all but 
the most careful compositions, with 



different senses at no great intervals (cp. 
A. B. Cook, *' Unconscious Iterations" 
in Class. Bev. zvi 1902, pp. 158, 256). 
Could rdSt iaropyCn iicttpovt give a simple 
sense bv itself? cripyttp means variona 
things besides 'loving' : 9. 119 oCru d^ 
iffr€pyw rd irao^orra, 'they endured, 
put up with, tne situation.' AeschyL 
Agam, 1670 rdde fihf cHpytiWt J d«>rrX^nl 
rep 6p0*, So TdS€ ieropyiin might mean 
' having endured these things (at their 
hands) ; though intUfovt in this case 
must be corrupt, and iKelpwp or a more 
extensive emendation might be requisite : 
possibly a line has dropped out. 

6. nuAp^i sc fia^iKriiipf, y^P^' cp. 6. 
57. d^ipiCo^i takes double aco. riwd 
ri, &woXit (cp 8. 61) might have a 
special meaning for one who had fled ^r 
/SopjSdjDovf. But cp. next note. 
. 8. pCov Tt . . Kol oIkov, and yrjiP rw 
Koi iroXtat to boot, cp. 6. 70. 

10. <pr^»Yfiv : as the antithesis to Su^ 
BieeSoi must mean * to accept ' : the 
sentence is 'gnomic,' as any abstraot 
sentence about aut^poai^pri and cifroca is 
apt to be. 

11. Ik4v Tt ^voi : as in c 164 ir^rn, but 
not very elegant just after ofdt re e&eu. 

12. fl . . dCi| : a purely hypothetical 
condition. The offer was rather risky : 
Xerxes, who had 'compelled* him to 
speak {■ffPayKdo'at \iy€tp supra), might 
have 'compelled' him to fight, et . . 
f KO^TOt ^v^ ia a little abrupt. 



134 HPOAOTOY vn 

ot *EXXi7i/a>i/ iKcurro^ ffyqtrl rpi&v a^io^ elvcu, w hk koX 

15 AatceSaifAovioi Korh fihf Iva fjLaj(pfi€POi ovhafu&v elai xaxtove^ 

apSp&v, dXie^ Sk apiaroi, avZp&v airavrtov. iKevOepoi ykp 

iovre^ ov irdvra ikevOepoi etal' hretm yap a^i Betrrrorff^ 

pofJLO^, TOP vTrepSeifuuvova-i iroKK^ en fiaXKop fj oi aoi ai, 

iroi^vai y&p rk &v ixeipo^ apwyrj* avdayei H t&vto aUl, ovk 

20 i&P <l>€vy€ip ovBhf irkfjOo^ apOpayjrtop ix fid^V^p aXKh pMpopra^ 

ip T§ rafi iTTiKpareeip 'fj a7r6XKv<r0ai, trol Bk el <f>alpofuii 

raura \iymp tfiKvrjpeeiP, riXKa aiyap OiKo} to Xoittop' pvp re 

apoy/caaBeU ike^a. yipoiTO fUpTot Kork poop to^, fiaaiKev.*^ 

106 ^O fjbkp Sif Taxna dfiel^jraTO, Sip^^ Bi i^ yiko^Ta T€ 

€Tpe^ KaX OVK hroLrjaaTO opyffp ovhepiap, aXX' riirUo^ ainop 

direrripA^aTO. TOVTfp ik k X070V9 iXfia>p Sip^ri^, xal virapypp 

ip T^S AopL(rtc<p TovTfp KaTOOTTjaa^ Maa/cdfirfp top MeyaSoaireo^, 

5 TOP Se vTTo ^apeiov (rradipTa KaTairava-a^, i^i^[KavP€ top 

14 (JKuri Valckenaer || avra^tos Naber 15 /Aaxeo/xcvot a || curiv 

ante dvSpQv B 18 wc/iScifuxiVoixrt coni van H., Stein*: viro&t- 

fiaivoxxn codd. Stein^ ^ : oh-oi ^ifmlvowri conL Naber 21 ro^i codd. 

22 rUkka Stein : r aAAa B : a/jM a : dAAd Wesseling : <f>Xvr)p€€iv TroAAot, 
o-ty^v cdcAci) Reiske : [rJAAa] 1 van H. 23 vofiov om. ro4 B 

105. 2 ovBefAirjv B 4 rovrtf deL Erueger || fLcyaAdcrrcci) B 5 

araOivra : raxOtvra Naber 

16. ikMtpoi -ydp . . &irtfXXv9^ai. No ravra d/te/^aro. The sentence seems 

finer eulogy on Spartan discipline exists : designed by Hdt. to illustrate the king's 

'freedom under the law' and * loyalty occasional bonhomie and good humour 

to death ' for its watchwords. Dramati- i^py^y oMefdop * i^Uas), and not to pre- 

cally the panegyric is ill placed in the pare the revenge, when the laugh shidl 

mouth of Demaratos addressing Xerxes, oe at the king's own expense. But there 

and at this point, where it anticipates is at least an ironical intention in the 

the story of Thermopylai, to which, no oonyersation. 

doubt, it rightly belongs. The principle 3. ihrof vov : perhaps more than com- 

of the absolute supremacy of tue p6fjtos mandant of the fortress ; for many years 

or roOt &P€v 6pi^e<at as the secret of the there was a European satrapy in the 

best State is more elaborately, but not Persian empire. Cp. c. 59 supra. 
more clearly, formulated in Aristotle, 4. iv ry AopCo^^ roirnfi the lart 

Polit, 8. 16 = 1287 a; but as a moral mention of Doriskos is up in c 59. How 

maxim ' the categorical imperative ' still much of the intervening matter is addi- 

falls short of the Platonic ideal. tion, at first or second revision, by the 

20. fUvovras h r^ rdfv firucpaWcvv ^ author ? Cp. Introduction, § 9. 
dwtfXXv76ai. This is the maxim : od/r McurKd)fcT|v rbv MryaMomc*. The 

iCifp . , , iK fidx'P ^^^ the speaker's gloss, father's name is interpreted in Rawlinson 

which a little confuses the statement: (iii.'547) as=0tX6^eof, from baga'Qod,* 

K€\e6wf must be supplied out of oitK iG>¥ : and daushta * friend.' On the son see 

cp. 6. 97 o6k (a rds I'^aj rpds t^p AijXop further below. 

jrpoaopfdj;^eff$ai dXXd Hpijp ip rj yyjpcUxi. 5. rbv 8i ivh AopcCov onroMrra: Hdt. 

liie anecdote of Amompharetos 9. 53 ff. evidently does not know his name ; it 

shows a misapplication of the maxim. was not of moment in this oounexion, 

106. 2. Irp«^< requires an object, sc. and in Bks. 4-6 Doriskos is only once 

•Hfp 4fioi/3^ (cp. c. 160 infra), out of mentioned in connexion with the fugitive 



104-106 



nOAYMNIA 



136 



oTparov Bih rrjs SpijlKtf^ iirl rffv *K\\dSa. Kar&aire tk 106 
avBpa TOiovBe 'MaaKafirjv yevofievov, r^ fiovv^ Sip^rj^ 8&pa 
irifATTea-tce ci? api,aT€vouri Trdvrtov 8<rov^ avro^ Kariarffac i^ 
Aa/>€i09 inrdp^ov^, irifiirea-Ke 8k avk ttov Ito^* &9 8i koI 
'ApTof €/>fi;9 o Sip^eto rolai, Mao'Kafieioia'C ixyovourt. Kori- 5 
(rraa-av yctp en irporepov ravrrj^ Trj^ iKaa-io^ ihrapj(pi hf r^ 
Sprji/crj Kol Tov *EKKfj<nr6pTov iravray^^. oiroi &v ircarrc^ 
ol T€ Ik SprfLKTf^ ical tov *EXXrfair6vrov, irk^v tov iv 
AoploTKip, inro ^EWijvoDv voTcpov ravny? rrj^ OTpaTrfXcurlff^ 
i^aipidfjaav * top Bk iv AopUric^ McurKafiffp ovSafiol kw 10 
iBwdaOrja-av i^eTieiv, iroW&v ireiprfaafUvo^v. Siit tovto S17 ol 

106. 2 fwvvifi om. o, Stein^ ' 3 dpUmf ovrl a 5 Mcurica- 

fjL€(a conL vanH. ^ VO' ^^^ Stein* 7 iraKxax^ . . 'EAAi^cnr^vrov 

om. BC 8 TOV om. a 10 Maa-Kdfirjv del. van H. 11 ^ 

Stein : &€ 



Paioniaus, in a way which suggests that 
there was no Persian there at the time. 
Cp. 5. 98, and notes below, 0. 106. 

106. 1. KaWXiWf 8i &v8pa rovMs 
MairKd|iT|v yt¥6\ui¥civ. * He left Mas- 
kames behind him as governor, who 
(afterwards) proved himself a man of 
sucli qaality that . . ' Maskames' heroism 
was exhibited subsequent to his appoint- 
ment. This chapter introduces us deep 
into the PentekonUUtta^ and generates 
some serious difficulties both iu recrard 
to the history of that period and in 
regard to the composition of Hdt's 
Logi^ which can hardly be resolved 
except on the supposition that we have 
in this chapter strata deposited at various 
times, or else glosses inserted by a later 
hand. Cp. Introduction, § 9. 

3. wdvraiv: the commentators (Wes- 
seling, Baehr, Blakesley, Stein, etc.) 
would restrict this to governors in 
Thraoe and Hellespont, as 1. 135, 8. 160 
show that annual gifts were received 
by others. But Hdt. here makes no 
such exception. To bracket iJuaOpti^ does 
not (luite avoid the contradiction : but 
is H<lt. incapable of inconsistency ? Or 
must he have had in mind, or even have 
composed the passages conflicting with 
this statement, when this passage was 
first penned ? Cp. Introduction, § 8. 

4. c^ 8i . . . Ix'ytfvoio'i breaks the con- 
nexion, and is in any case ver^ like a 
gloss, but might be a late addition from 
the author's hand: late, for though 
Artaxerxes came to the throne in 465 B.O., 



the statement presupposes not merely 
the death of Xerxes, out the death of 
Maskames, and the maintenance of the 
custom for some time. 

5. ToCoTi Maoica|M(oio^ ^cydvoioa: is 
this patronymic adjective an * Aiolism ' t 
Is it Herodotean f 

6. ihroAxoi . . vavraxv- They can 
hardly all have been 'satraps,' nor, if 
the Persian suzerainty was so wide- 
spread, can there well have been no 
satrap among theuL Doriskos may have 
been the Daskyleion of Thrace. 

7. vdvTflt • . . 4£aip^6T|ouv. At the 
time of writing all the Persian garrisons 
had been cleared out of Thraoe by the 
Athenians and their allies fEXX^rwr), 
with the exception of the governor in 
Doriskos. Was there still then a Persian 
governor in Doriskos when this passage 
was written t or had he too cleared out, 
or been cleared out though not inrh 
'BXXi^wr t No set (o^aafio^) of Greeks 
(or men ?) had as yet (kw) succeeded in 
tnming out Maskames, the governor in 
Doriskos, though many made tne attempt 
This Kta suggests that Maskames is there 
in Doriskos still, so far as the writer 
knows. If he had evacuated it, under 
pressure from Thrakians (as has been 
suggested), why does not Hdt say so t 

11. 81a TO»TO 84 ol . . . cOcl Iv 

JUpvjjox looks as though Maskames 
were alive, and still in Doriskos, though 
Xerxes is apparently dead, d ^a^iki6w 
d«(, ' the king for the time being,' in any 
case can only cover Artaxerxes — if the 



136 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



T^ B&pa irifiTTereu irapk rov fiaatXevovro^ aiel iv Hipa'ffa'i. 

107 T&p Bk i^(up€0€vrmp inro *EKXi^vmv ovSeva PeuriXeif^ H^/>^9 

ivofutre elveu avSpa ar/a$ov el fi^ Boytfv fiovvov rbv i^ 

'Hioi/o9« Tourov S^ cdvifav ovk iwaveTO, xal rou9 Trepuopra^ 

aifTov iv Uipa-rfci iralBa^ Mfut fioKurra, iirel teal a^io^ aXvov 

S fuydXov iyipcTO BSyrf^* 89 iireiBif hrdkLopKiero inro ^Adrjvauov 

Kol Klfu»vo^ Tov MikTidSeto, irapeov avr^ inrotnrovSov i^XBeiv 

ical voarrjatu i^ r^v ^Aa-ltfv, ovk i^OiKrjae, fitf SeiXlrf Bo^ete 

irepieivai fieuriXei, aWh Sietcaprepce i^ to eaj^arov, w S' 

oifBhf Ihi if>op^rj^ hnjv iv r^ rel'^ei, avvvrja'a^ irvpriv fierfoKqv 

10 la-ifM^e TcL riicva xal rrjv yvvaiKa Koi t^9 irdXXaicii^ xai 

T0U9 olxira^ Kal hreira itrifiaXe i^ to irvp, fierk Si ravra 

TOV <T€> ')(pv(rov airavra tov ix tov aareo^ /cal tov 

^ 12 at€i /Joo-iAcvovTos ? van H. : at^v B 107. 1 vjt' fi 3 8* a 

4 fiaXurra om. B 6 <rc>icai? Stein* 9 luyaktiv om. B 

10 ra ret van H. 11 lirctrcv van H. || ^ om. a 'recte si servato 

ravra pro lirarcv legimus eircirc' van H. : ravra del van H. 18 

t6v <r€> xpvahv van H., Stein^ 



passage is from the hand of Hdt. If 
not, then indeed Maskames may be 
dead, or live only in his children, or 
descendants {ixywot) ; and the passage 
might be from the same hand as the 
sentence At ^ . . . iKybvouri above. In any 
case there is an awkward inconsequence 
between iKy6ifouri there and ol here — 
which supports the view that this 
chapter was not oriffinally, written once 
for all as it now stands ; see Introduction, 
§9. 

107. 1. tAv 8i ifyupMrrmy inrh 
'JSkXipmv : cp. Thuc 1. 75. 2 r& ^oXocira 
TcO pappdpov. It would include the 
capture of Byzantion by Pausanias, 
Thuc. 1. 94. 2. 

2. B^v , . . rh¥ ^ 'Hi^vot: cp. 
Thuc. 1. 98 TpQrov fUw 'Hidi'a rV ^rl 

KtU ijv9paT6diffaw Klfuaifot rod MiXriddov 
ffrparrfyovrrot, Thucydides gives no hint 
of the devotion of Boges (he will not 
repeat Hdt). Aischines, c. KteaipK p. 
80, recites the three epigrams recording 
the heroism of the Athenians ot iroXi>y 
inrofielp<urr€t irbvw koX luyiXat KipdOwovt 
iwl T^ Ifrpv/i^i Tora/ifp iyUtav fjuix^fupoi 
Ui/jdmn (op. Hill, Sources, iii. 20, p. 87), 
but no mention was made of Boges. 
Pausanias 8. 8. 9 mentions a *8trate- 
gema ' of Miltiades in diverting the river, 
and has the name ■ of the Persian 



commandant as Boi^, perhaps a cor- 
ruption. Plutarch, Kimon 7, reports (1) 
a battle and defeat of the Persians outside 
the walls, (2) op«rations against the 
Thracians, by which supplies were cut 
otf from the garrison, (S) the firing and 
destruction of the place, property, his 
friends (^Xuir) and himself hy Boi^n^f, 
the king's general. The 'E/>/Aai at Athens, 
on which the epigrams were inscribed, 
kept the Athenian side of the story 
green. It was in Asia that the devotion 
of Boges was remembered, and it was 
not from Athenian sources Hdt. drew 
this record ; cp. Introduction, § 10. 

3. To^ . . . Iv n^o-mrt vatSat : 
presumably grown up, and not with 
their father and the riiofa, in Eion. 

8. Pao^X^v of course with dd^(«, and 
8iiXC|| with Teptetrcu: an interesting 
juxtaposition of datives, (1) referentuU 
or objective, (2) instrumental or causal, 
cp. 1. 121. The objective case with 
TipUivai would be the genitive, op. 8. 
146, for 8. 119 s-eptetrcU rot gives a 
daiivua commodif which would here be 
absurd. 

9. ^opPf|t : c. 50 supra, 

12. rhv xpvcr^v . . . koI t^ Afryvpov 
— great attractions of Thrace ! 5. 7, 6. 
46, 7. 112, 9. 75 (Stein). Such acts of 
desperate devotion were not so rare. 
' Sardanapalos ' Diodor. 2. 27, Kroiso0 



106-108 



nOAYMNIA 



137 



Apyvpop €<T7reip€ airo rov reix^o^ €9 rov "ZrpvfiSva, iroiri(ra^ 
ik ravra envrov ia-iffaXe i<: to wvp. oire^ piv oJno^ Bitcaie^ 
aipierai in koX i^ roSe inro TJepaiav, 15 

&6/>^9 Si i/c Tov ^opiaKov iiropevero iirl rifv *EXKdBa, 108 
Toif^ Bi cUel yiVop,ivov^ ifiiroBo^v avoTparevetrOtu rjvdfYKa^e* 
eSeBovkmro yap, 009 /cat irporepov p^i SeBi^korrai, 17 P'^XP^ 
SeaaaXifi^ iraaa koI i^v \nro fiaciXia haafio^opo^, Meyafid^ov 
T€ Karaarpey^apAvov koX varepov 'MapBovlov, irapap^ifiero Bk 5 
iropevopLevo^ ix AopicKov irpSna p^v ra XapodprjiKui relx^a, 
r&v eaxoTTf ireiroXiOTcu irpo^ iawiptf^ iroXi^ ry ovvop/i iari 
'Mlea-ap^ffplfj. e^^rcu hi ravrrf^ Saaimv 7roXt9 Xrpvp^ff, SiA 

14 cVcjSaAc C: cir«r€j3aAc? van H. 108. 4 p^ya^vipv 6 

6 TTp&Tov B 7 &nrkpris Stein : \xnckpriv dz : lairkprj B : knrkpqt. a 



Hdt 1. 86, Bakchyl. 3. 28 ff., Hamilkar 
cf. o. 167 infra^ and doabtless others not 
a few supplied precedents and parallels. 

15. m Kal nr^: annat Gould we 
supply the year we should have a light 
on the comi>osition. Xerxes apparently 
is dead (465 B.C.), and that some time. 
Op. Introduction, § 9. 

108. 1. IwofM^ero. Hdt. makes no 
attempt to estimate the length of the 
pause at Doriskos, which must have 
lasted weeks, or months, if the manoeuvres 
described by him actually took place 
there, cp. c. 59 iuprct, 

3. 48ttoiiX«rro: with temporal force, 
op. c. 119. 

c^ Kol trp^Tfp^ |iOi ScS^iXtrrai. 
A curious jingle-jauffle with iMixSKwro 
just before ! The reference is, of course, 
to Bk. 5 and 6. 43, and is probably the 
first genuine reference to any part of the 
work * previous * to this Book, cp. c. 98 
supra. The mere formula of reference 
might easily have been inserted in a 
final revise. The words Mryo^dtov rt 
KaTciVTpci|ra4iivov Kcd Ikmpov Map- 
SovCov may still belong to the first draft, 
and even render the formula of reference 
more suspicious or gloss-like. The last 
three words are, indeed, somewhat 
awkward, as the interval of revolt is 
thus taken for granted. But the con- 
quest by Mardonios (here, too, treated 
as a 8ucce5is) has been referred to earlier 
in the Book, c. 9 supra. And the bald 
fact of the conauest by Megabazos ' and 
afterwards Mardonios ' (presented as one 
continuous act re . . . jcaO might have 
been known to Hdt. long before he 
could have written out the stories in 



Books 6 and 6, the latter of which 
represents the expedition of Mardonios 
as a failure. Still less is there here any 
record of the conquest of Thasos (and 
the Peraea), whioh in Book 6 is treated 
as completely independent of, and sob- 
sequent to» the operations of Mardonios. 
This passage, then, rather confirms than 
disturbs the hypothesis of the earlier 
date for the composition of this section 
of the work ; cp. Introduction, f% 7, 8. 
6. trpAra |iiv is weakly answered by 



8iapdf 84 ixeira 94 or de&repa 94 might 
be expected, cp. c. 42 supra. 

Tsl 2a|ioOpi|CKia TtCYio. Samo- 
thrake had a tract on the mainland 
extending from near Doriskos to the 
lissos, op. c. 59 supra. Mesambria is 
the most westerly (not to be oonfubed 
with the city on the Euxine 4. 98, 6. 
38). The re^x^a were fortified emporia 
or depdts, necessary in Thrace, for oom- 
munication with the 'RandL' (The 
2a/M>^p$/ret paid 6 T. tribute to Athens 
pretty regularly, which was probably 
not all raised in the island itself.) 
Steph. B. cites Hdt as authority for 
'Mesambria/ which does not prove it 
unknown to Hekataios. 

8. ix*^^<^ ii^ geographical sense, 
'suoceeds.' 

Baaimv w^it ZTpii|fci|. The 
Thasian * Peraea' was of more import- 
ance than the Samothrakian (cp. 6. 46). 
After the thirty years' peace Bdffiot pay 
80 T. tribute to Athens. The Peraea 
must have been again in their hands. 
At a later time there seems to have 
been a dispute between Thasos and 
Maroneia over the possession, determined 



138 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



Si a^eav rov lUaov Aiao^ irora^^ Suippeei, 69 Tore ovk 
10 dvTiaj((E TO t;So»/> irapijffov r^S 'Btip^eto arpar^ aXX eirikiire, 
'fl hk x^P^ avrrj iroKat, piv eKoKiero TaWal'/ci^, vvv ik 
3piavTiKi]* SoTC p4vTOC T^ B^tcaKnaTq) r&v \oyav icaX avrrj 
109 Kmcoihov. Bui/3it^ Bk rov Aitrov irorap^v to pieOpov aire^- 
pacfiivov 7roXia9 'EXXf^i/tSa? rdaSe wapafielfiero, Mapdveuip 
AIkomv *'AfiSi]pa, ravra^ re 8^ irapc^ijie /cal Karh ravra^ 



9 Siappi€i B : Sijaip€€i a 
irap€\iav sed. van H. 
109. 1 p€iOpov ? van H. 



; 8tap€€t Holder : Stapp€i van H. 10 

1 1 yaWaucrf B : yaXSai'tcri a : x^^Baucri C 
2 7roAci9 1^ II irapi^/AcijScro a 3 ravrd a 



by an arbitration imposed by Athens, 
p8.-Phil. ap, Demosth. Or. 12. 17. 
XTp6nfi is known to Steph. Byz., who 
quotes not Hdt. bat Androtion as his 
authority. The name seems to have the 
same root as the river 2rpvfu6y, which 
was not in the neighbourhood. 

8id ToO |iio-ov=/iera((/ of space, as 
in 1. 104, Thno. 4. 20. 1 (and of time, 
as in 9. 112, Thuc. 6. 26. 2 Hfw did fUffov 

9. o^imvi 'Mesambria and Stryme'? 

Ala^H irora|i^: a river known 

to fame only by its failure on this 

occasion. The army drank it dry, and 

passed it by, op. c. 48 supra, 

11. vdXoi |A^ raXXauci), v^ 8i 
Bpiarruc^, so. Kokdertu, ** Gallaica, not 
mentioned elsewhere [FaXcuoc in Attic 
trib. -lists, C.I. A, i. 248 f.], suggests an 
ori^al Celtic occupation," Bawlinson. 
Bruntica reappears in the Campus 
Priaticus of Livy 38. 41. 8, and the 
Priantae of PUny, N.ff. 4. 18. 2, id. 
Oberhummer {ap. Paulv-Wissowa 8.w.) 
connects it further with Brendice (a 
place in Thrace on the Via Egnatia) ; 
and vrith Briana, a (Thracian) town in 
Phrygia, coins BPIANON, Head, Hist. 
Num. 660. 'bria in Thracian signified 
r6\is (Burg), Strabo 819. 

12. lo^riiUvTOi . . . Kala&n)Kuc4vttiV. 
Kai, *a8 well as Doriskos,' c. 59 supra. 
The Kikones are spoken of in the next 
chapter also as actually existing : in l.e. 
supra as having lost Doriskos. It is 
not quite clear here whether Hdt. means 
that the Kikones, a still existing tribe 
(op. next c), have lost hold on 
' Briantike,' as they had lost Doriskos 
(c 59), or whether kikones were still to 
be found in the country, though it bore 
an alien name. 

T^ SucatordTy tAv X^yitv : cp. 
T«3i» \&ywf rodt dXi^eoTdrout, c 104 supra. 



The title of the Kikones might perhaps 
be based upon their recognition in 
Homer. Odysseus reports to Alkinoos 
{OcL 9. 89-61) as his first act on the 
return from Troy an attack on Ismaros, 
a place and city of the Kikones (cp. c. 
109 ir^ra), which ultimately proved a 
failure. And in the Catalogue (B 846) 
the Kikones are mentioned among the 
Thracian allies of Troy, between the 
Hellespont and the Axios (or between 
the ' Thrakians and the Paionians '). A 
better title to the land they oould hardly 
have had ! In Homeric tiroes the name 
of the Kikones is recognized as wide- 
spread between Paionia and Hellespont, 
and, thouffh disappearing from history, 
naturally lEwts on in literature, and even 
revives, especially with the Latin poets 
(Vergil, Ovid, Silius). 

109. 2. MapAvfiav: w6\tp Kucurlat 
Steph. B. sub v. with a long history. 
Pliny (4. 11. 18) gives an older name 
Ortagurea. yLdfHow EddvOcm vl6t, | Ipedf 
'AwdXKunfot, df 'Icfiopw dfi^nfieP'itKti ap- 
pears as a benefactor, presenting Odysseus 
with twelve amphorae of strong wine 
{Od. 9. 197 ff.). It was a Chian colony, 
Seymni Perieg. 678 (Oeogr. min. L 222), 
and a regular tributary of Athens in 
Hdt's time (paid 1 T. 8000 Dr., raised 
to 10 T. for a time after the Samian 
War, and afterwards fixed at 8 T.). 
The constant importance of the place 
is attested by its coinage ; cp. Head, 
ff. N. pp. 215 n. Marogna still preserves 
its name. (The name iidpw at Sparta, 
c. 227 infra.) 

3. ACKOiav : probably the Aiircua trap' 
"A^hjfM which the Tribute - lists so 
distinguish from Aixata 'Eprrptwr, also 
in Thrace (Chalkidike), the more im- 
portant place of the two. 

"ApSiipa (rd) figures occasionally 
in the history of the period from 



108-109 



nOAYMNIA 



139 



Xlfiva^ ovofjuurrks rda-Be, Mapmvelff^ fih fjLera^if teal Hrpvfi^^ 
K€ifihnfv *l<rfiaplBa, Karh Bk AUaiav BurrovlSa, h rifv worafioi 5 
Zvo iaieUri to HBmp, Tpav6^ re koX Ko/i^rai/ro^. Kark Bk 
"Kfihripa XifjLPTfv piv ovSefUav iovaav ovofiaarifp irapafieiy^aro 
S^/>fi79, TTorafAov Sk HioTOv ^ovra €9 OaKaaaap, fierk Bi 
ravra^ t^9 X^P^ ^^^ '^^^ rjTreipcoTiSa^ iroXi^ irapiiie, r&v 
iv fii^ idpvri eovca rvyxovei [ooa-eX] rpi^icovra araZltov 10 
fuzKcoTd Kjf T^y ireploBov, lxOvd>Br)<; re ical /cdpra aKpMpfi* 
ravTfiv rk inro^vyut fiovva dpBofieva ave^ptfvc. ry Bi iroKi 

4 fi€v <T€> van H. 6 eo-tcurt rh SchweighaeuBer : h-eiari rb 

a : co-curiro B : vStap om. B : epicure [rh vStup] van H. || arpavo^ ABCd 
(Stein^ : contra Stein^ : * fortaase T/mxixtos ' Stein^ : adopt Holder || K6pr 
iJ/avToq ABd: Kopi/zaros CPcfe: Ko^avros RS(V) Valla 8 picrrov B 

9 l(i)v <0aa'i(i>i'> Stein^ : Qaa-itav Stein^, Holder || iroAi9 a : in^Acis B 

10 [cuo-ci] Stein^: rvyxavc* covora ^trq B 18 dv€^rjpav€ R: dv€^patv€ 
S(V?) 



550-850 B.C. Originally a settlement 
from Klazomenai it had been over- 
whelmed by the native Thracians 
(Bis tones 1), but was successfally re- 
established by the fugitive Teians in 
546 B.C. (Hdt. i. 168), Timesios of 
Klazomenai still apparently being ac- 
counted heroic founder. Abdera was 
assessed at 15 T. under the Athenian 
regime (lowered in 425 B.C. to 10 T.). 
Its coinage in the fifth century, like that 
of Maroneia and other towns in the 
district, is on the Phoenician standard. 
Head (p. 219) ascribes this fact to "the 
existence in early times on the site of 
Abdera of a Phoenician trading-station 
or factory." Might it not rather be 
connected with the Persian supremacy 
in Thrace and Afakedon from 512-478 
B.C. ? Grassberger, however {Gh: Oris- 
namen p. 233), is inclined to connect 
the name with ' the Phoenician Abba= 
silva' (?). tA wepl 'AfiSifpov nvOevd/iepa 
might show a connexion with Herakles 
(Phoenician t), and Hdt. of course puts 
the Phoenicians in this neighbourhood, 
6. 47. On the 'A/S^pirai op. c. 120 
infra, 

5. 'Io-|iaf>C8a : cp. 'Iffftapot in note to 
c. 109, Strabo 331./r. 44 : " the lake does 
not exist now," Rawlinson. 

BurrovCSa: cp. Strabo l,e. tfKrjffow 
d' aCrrii¥ (Abdera) Blaroyes 8p$iret, &p 
Aiofiijdrjs ^pX^P • . . . inr4pK€iT€u. Si ro&rtap 
(AlKlera : Dikaia) ^ Biaropls M/APri k^kXop 
ixovffa 6ffOP dioKoalufP rradlwf. 



6. TpaOds Tf Kal K^^vros: only 
one river now runs into tne lake {Buru), 
doubtless the Trave (Rawlinson). 

8. Nltrrov: Livy 45. 29, Neasos ; 
Zonarat, Ann. 9. 28, M^orot ; cp. App. 
Grit. The Mesto, or Kara Su, now 
reaches the sea ten miles west of the 
supposed site of Abdera : the river was 
apt to flood (Strabo l,c ) and its course 
may have altered. Thnc. 2. 96. 4 places 
its sources in Rhodope. 

lurd U Tairrat rds X^^f U^ 
rds ^ipd&Ti8af w^it vap^M. This 
sentence is not free from ambiguity. 
The commentators ffenerally take it to 
mean 'after these places proceedinff on 
his march he passed the main -land 
cities.' But (1) why /<ir ? (2) why 
^iretp<6r(daf f (3) why rdtt Stein con- 
jectures Oofflwp rdt -/jTeipiindat ir6Xtt, 
which seems to resolve the difficultjr. 
The only way to give sense to tne 
vnlgate would be to take it: fierii 8i 
ra&rat (or /urd ^ [ra&ras]) after passing 
these cities, x^P^^ ^^ ^<^' ipreipdlmdaf 
marching through mainland districts 
ir6Xif Taprffu tQp ktX, which might be 
taken as a dim hint that Xerxes was 
marching with the centre column. So 
below we are told that Xerxes marched 
to the right (inland) of rdt ToXlat rdt 
vapadaXofffflas re ical *E\Kffpldat, But 
X^po* i^etp<^i<et can hardly be used in 
distinction to TapaOaXaeffiaif and Stein's 
oonieoture appears acceptable, thoush 
he has dropped it out of his own text." 



140 



HPOAOTOY 



TU 



110 ravry ovvofia iarl HioTvpo^, ravra^ fikv Bif tA^ iroXui^ 
tA? irapaOaXaa-aia^ re koX 'EXXi7i/^Sa9 ef evfovvfiov x^V^^ 
diripyo^v irape^i^ie, SOvea 8k SptfLKcov Bi &v tiJ? X^P^^ ^^^^ 
eiroiiero roadBe, IlaiTOi KUove^ Blarove^ Xairdioi, ^epaaioi 

5 'HSaii;ol Xdrpai. rovrwv oi fjiiv irapd OaXaaaav icarocKfffiivoi 
iv Tffac V7)v<rl eiirovro* oi Si avr&v r^v fieaoyauuf oIk€Ovt€^ 
KaraTsjex^ivre^ re (nr ifiev, irXrfv ^arpioDv, oi aXXoi iravre^ 

111 Tre^^ avarfica^ofievoi eiirovro, ^drpac Sk ovBevo^ Kto avOpdirmv 

13 rrlfrrvpos RS, Stein, van H. : trvaripo^ ABY, Holder : Uiaxrvpo^ u 
110. 1 ir<$Ai9 z 3 OprjiKtav R : SfyqiKtav a : 6fnit&Kiav SY || 6S6v om.fi 

4 Kiicovcs BurTov€s ^iraiot om. fi 6 avrQv secL van H. 



13. nCoTvpoff, for which there is the 
vJ, UCffTipot, cp. App. Crit, can hardly 
be other than the city of the Kvrrlpioi 
on the tribute-lists (assessed so far as 
we know but at 300 Dr.). That both 
forms occur in Etym. Magn. hardly 
disproves the identity. Steph. B. has 
niffTipw, Harpokration Uiartipa. The 
name Hst-vros seems to have a con- 
nexion with Bist-ones ; Steph. B. B£<r- 
Tipof v6\ts Op^unyf cut nUrripot t6 iiiwbpiw, 

110. 2. I( ci^vii|iov x<H>^* The king 
did not pass through these cities, but 
had them on his left as he marched: 
e. 121 infra shows that Xerxes was with 
the middle column of the army, which 
may explain this curious notice, though 
Hdt. himself seems hardly to understand 
it. 

8. &«<^fYwv : c. 48 supra, 

IOmo. Xerxes passed not along 
the Greek littoral but further inlan<^ 
through country occupied by native 
tribes, all with one exception (see next 
chapter) his subjects. 

4. IlaCTOi. Arrian, Andb. 1. 11. 4, 
places JlfUTixfi between the Hebros and 
the Melas. Hdt here enumerates in 
order from £. to W. all the Thracian 
tribes through whose territory the king 
passed. (Has the I^tin partus no con- 
nexion with this tribal name ?) 
KCkovcv : cp. c 108 supra, 
BC<rTovtt have been located above 
(c. 109). 

Sawatov: Steph. B. Zdirou, idpoi 
Op^myt* \iyomu, di 2)drcuoc koL Sdirioi. 
Appian, B. C, 4. 105, 106, describes a pass, 
rd orerd rd ZaircUwy re ical KoprLXuyf 
as E. of Philippi ( = Dato8-Krenides), 
rd drrcly ffrddia hlodot ffv if t^p 'Afflop re 
KtU "BidpdnniP KoffdTwp mjXai : cp. c. 87 i 
fiApjf 8i€K$€» imp 4s Tifp E^p<J^rjp ix rijt 



*Aelat T^p ypihpi/jMP Mp. This is the 
pass over Pangaios. 

Acperatov: mentioned by Thua 
2. 101. 3 among autonomous inland 
Thracian tribes £. of the Sttymon, 
oocap3ring 'plains.' 

5. *H8«tvo( had been apparently driven 
by the Hakedonians across the Strymon ; 
cp. Thuc. 2. 99. 4. Myrkinos on the Stry- 
mon was in their territory in 612 B.C., 
Hdt 5. 11, 124 ; and so Datos (Krenides- 
Philippi) 9. 76 irtfra, and Ennea ffodoi 
(Amphipolis) c. 114 infra (*'E8wpIS* aUuf 
Aischyl. Pers. 498). 

Zdrpoi. As the Satrae disappear, 
while the Bessi (cp. next c) become 
more and more important in later 
history, it is possible that (a) Hdt has 
reversed the true relations between 
Satrae and Bessi, or {b) the name of 
the religious order or clan gradually 
asserted itself as the national designa- 
tion. The latter hypothesis does less 
violence to Hdt and also tides over the 
gap between the Satrae of this passage 
and the Bessi of the Roman empire more 
easily. Neither name figures in the 
history of Alexander. 

To^MV must be taken to cover not 
merely the Thracian tribes iust named 
but also the Greek cities on the coast. 

6. T^v iMo^^oiav oUloirrft. If the 
Thracian tribes inhabiting the Mesogaia 
joined the army of Xerxes under com- 
pulsion, a column must plainljr have 
taken its way through their territories. 
They were already, no doubt, in at least 
nominal subjection to the king. 

7. KaraXfYd^vrfs n W I|mO: just 
immediately before, the back reference 
being only over two lines. Hdt can 
hardly mean that no one had drawn up 



110-111 



nOAYMNIA 



141 



vnrrjKOOL iyevovro, Saov ^fieU IBfiev, aXKa StareXevai to liAypi 
ifi€v aUl iovre^ iKevOepoc fiovvoy Sptfl/cav oiKiovai re yhp 
Spea in^Xd, ISrjal re iravroitjai koI x^^^ awffp€<l>€a, Kal 
eltrl T^ iroXifJLia cucpou oiroi oi rov ^Mpwrov to fiavr^Mv 5 
elal i/cTff/jUvoi* to 8i pMinrji^v tovto iarl fiiv iirl r&v opitop 
T&v in^XoraTap, l^aaol Bi t&p Xarpimp elal oi irpoifyfi' 
T€vopT€<: Tov Ipov, iTpofULPTi^ tk ij j(pii»ira Kara irep ip 
£i€\(l>ot(ri, ical ovBep iroiKiKtorepop, 

111. 2 SiarcXcoixrt a 6 Kticrqiuvoi B 7 fiunroi B : j3<xnrot d 

8 6€ov Valckenaer || <yvi^> ^ Stein (1869) test, yan H. 



a list of these seyen Thncian tribes 
before him. 

111. 2. 8aor %k^ tSfuv : here retro- 
spective (o^dey6t KUf iifOpClnruv inHJKOoi 
iy^vorro). The whole statement presents 
a standing formula (cp. c. 27 supra) in 
a slightly modified form. 

SiarfXeilflri rb fUypi fy^ aUl Mrres 
4Xcii6fpoi poihfoi 6pijiK«*v. Bawliuson 
sees in these words a reference to the 
conquests of the Odrysae (op. Thuc. 2. 
95-97, and c. 187 infra), out adnrits 
that the statement is oyerdrawn. The 
reference is obscnre and unconvincing. 
In the list of Thracian tribes the Odrysae 
are conspicuous by their abseuce: why 
are they not named here as in Bk. 4t 
They are here implicitly placed among 
the conquered, not among the conquerors. 
Hdt knows of more than one conquest 
of Thrace : the Myso-Teukrian, c 20 
suprti, in which all Thracians were 
conquered (in contradiction to this 
passage !) ; the Persian. This passage 
may have been written before tne rise 
of the Odrvsae, and confirms the hypo- 
thesis of the early composition of Bks. 
7-9. Cp. Introduction, § 8. rft m^xp* 
ifieO cannot here be a birth -date {y^yo- 
p6tos), and is almost superfluous with 
the present of the verb, unless, indeed, 
it be an addition by the author's hand 
to correct the ezagfferation. 

3. oIk^ovcK Tt ojpta H^llJ^^ • • Kcd 
<Url rd iroXi|ua dicpoi. These things 
go together in Hdt. s philosophy ; cp. 
9. 122 in/ro. t$Qo% arwi|pi^ is correct 
enough (cp. 1. 110), x^^ ^* 8^®™> 
rather bizarre. Hdt. has also somewhat 
exaggerated the nature of the country, 
the mountains of which would hardly 
have extorted such a description from 
him at first hand. The next clause 
seems to show that the mountain in 
question is Pangaios. 



5. To9 AimHio-ov rb fiavrAiov : spoken 
of as a thing notorious. Alexander is 
reported to nave consulted this oraole 
(Suetonius, Aug, 94) and to Octavius, 
"cum per secreta Thraciae exercitum 
duceret, in Liberi patris luco barbara 
caeremonia de filio consulenti . . infuso 
super altaria mero, tantum flammae emi- 
cuisset, ut super gressa fastigium templi 
ad caelum usque ferretur." (The same 
portent had occurred in Alexander's 
case.) The holy place was transferred 
to the custody of tne Odrysae by Orassus 
in 29 B.G. (Dio Cass. 61. 26). The site 
still awaits identification. 

7. Bt|<nrol 84: cp. previous chapter 
(as also for 'Satrai^). Rawlinson con- 
nects the name with Baaffaplt, BoffffopeOt 
(PcuTffdpa, the fox, or fox-skin worn by 
Bacchanals) : cp. fictaadptor 4. 192, 
Horace, Od, 1. 18. 11. 

8. 4 XP^**'^ Kar^ wtp Iv A«X^oio%. 
Hdt (if ne wrote the passage) might 
have added Branchidai, Patara, Ai;^>8, 
Dodona, and other sites to the list of 
places where a priestess, or female votary, 
was the intemuntia of the deity. On 
the subject of ' sex in ancient religion ' 
cp. L. R. Famell, Arehiv /. Heligionno. 
vii. (1904) 70 ff. 

9. cii9kv vovKiXArtpoiv : (1) nequeiUa 
(ametUa) maguperpl^eot Sohweighaeuser ; 
fnodo minut perpUxo minusque anc^nti 
{quam quo Delphis ista edi toUbaiU), 
Baehr ; '*in einer nicht zweideutigeren 
Sprache," id,; "her answers are not 
harder to read," Rawlinson ; **the oracles 
are not at all more obscure," Macaulay. 
But these renderings all convey some- 
thing very like a reproach to DelphL 
It is one thing for Euripides to sneer 
at divination : ToucfXa 6 debt Cn f^v n 
ToiKCKor ffel, 711, ipfiffPeOfiara Phoen, 
470 ; quite another for Hdt. ; cp. 8. 
77. (2) Perhaps for this reason Stein 



142 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



112 Hapafieiy^dfievo^ Si o ISip^i^ rifv elprffihnjv, Zevrepa Tovrtav 
Trapafielfiero rei'^ea rh TlUptov, t&v ivX ^drfprf^ iarl oHvofia 
Kol iriptp nipyafio^;, ravrrj fiev Stf Trap* avrii rh relx^a 
Tfjv oBov iiroUero, €K Be^trj^ X^t/>09 to Tla/fycuov Spo^ airipycop, 

5 iov fUya re /cat in^Xov, iv r^ '^(pvtr^a re #cal ap^fupea hfi 
fiiraXKa, r^ vifioprai HUpif; re koI ^OSofiavroi /cat fAoKurra 

113 Xdrpai, virepoiKeovra^; Se ro Ildyyau>v trpb^ /Bopem dvifiov 
Haiova^ A6fifjpd<: re koX HaioirXa^ irape^iMV five irpo^ iaireptfv, 

112. 2 tQv €vl ^dypTfs Dietsch : rQv koI cvl ^dyfnj^ LeoparcL, Gronov., 
Wessel., Gaisf. : rcuv 8k kvl ^. Schaefer : rcSv koI vi^aypi/s {Kaivu^yfyq^ B) 
3 wapa ra a 113. 2 iratOTrAas B: OTrAas a : oirXag C : oirAas d 



has given tbe words another turn : 
"welter ist da nichts, was iiber das 
gewohuliche hioausgienge " = "beyond 
this there is nothing farther of a remark- 
able character/' Macaulay. But this 
interpretation puts a great strain on the 
words. (3) Lange's "eben so scharf- 
sinning " is also a tour de force. Is not 
the whole passage c^oi o^ . . . froiKiKnjirtpo¥ 
suspiciously like a gloss from a later 
hand? 

112. 1. &S<p{t|s: the article unusual. 
Cp. c. Ab supra, 

r^ <lpi||«ivipr might be referred 

to T^ fUffSyauuff c. 110 supra : or more 

generally, to x*^P^ ^^^ ^^''t understood. 

8«^cpa Tofrwv, * next ' ; cp. c. 

SO supra, 

2. TcCxM rd nUpwv. Pieria is the 
district between the Haliakmon and 
the Peneios, c. 131 infra, Pierians had 
gone eastwards, under pressure from the 
Makedonians, Thuc. 2. 99. 3. The two 
strongholds were named ^dYpjis (see 
App. Crit) and n4frya|iot. rhagres 
was eyidently the more important ; and 
Steph. B. quotes Hekataios and Thucy- 
dides for it. For ' Pergamos ' cp. c. 43 
supra, 

8. Taih-Q : locative. He had not 
marched irapd ai)rdt rdf ir6\iat rdt 
ira/Mi^aXa(r(r/af, c. 110 supra, 

4. rh ndyyaiov 6poi. Xerxes leaves 
the Mons Pan^us (Pliny 4. 18. 1 ; 
mod. Denote Dagh) — here apparently 
mentioned for the first time — well on his 
right : Le. he passes between the moun- 
tain and the sea. Perhaps one column 
of the Persian army took that route ; 
but could it have been the centre one, 
with which the king himself was moving ? 
cp. c. 121 infra, (Rawlinson too sees 
that some of tne army must have marched 



north of Pangaens, iii.' 98.) There is no 
reference back to the mention of the 
failure of Megabazos to reduce the tribes 
on Mount Pangaeus in 5. 16 ; the two 
passages are of course quite independent, 
and this one probably of earlier composi- 
tion. Lake Prasias has not yet made its 
appearance in the Thrace of Hdt. 

6. fUroXXa rd v^i&ovrat. These 
mines drew every one to Thrace. Hdt. 
allows the Pierians, Odomanti (who here 
drop from the skies), and * chiefly the 
Satrai ' to work, or run them {p^furrai) : 
this passage is plainly written before the 
successful colonization of Amphipolis. 
Cp. next c 

*08d|iavTOi are described by Thuc. 
2. 101. 8 as 'plain -men,' and 6. 6. 2 
'under monarchy.* Leake, N, O, iii. 
210, 465, puts them on Mount Orbelus. 
On the 'Satrai ' cp. c. 110 supra, 

118. 1. Wfpouclovras would not by 
itself mean more than 'further inland 
dwelling,' so wp^ Poplc* dv^fiov is not 
de trop. (rrepoiK^civ, 4. 21, 87. 

2. IlaCovas' Ad^Tipat' Ilai^Xas. 
This is the only appearance of the 
Doberes in the pages of Hdt., for in 5. 
16 the name is athetized ; but A6fi7jpot ij 
Ilcuortr^ is mentioned by Thuc 2. 98. 
2, 99. 1 on the inland route from Thrace 
to Makedonia, followed by Sitalkes in 
429 B.O. Sitalkes may have ' made ' or 
unmade the road ; but it was doubtless 
an ancient route. The 'Doberes' can 
hardly rank ethnically with ' Paionians ' 
and ' Paioplai ' : Thuc. seems to incor- 
porate them with the former, Hdt. to 
associate them rather with the latter. 
The Paionians and Paioplai are found 
associated together in 5. 15 — a passage 
of later composition than this one appar- 
ently, and supplying, inter alia, eviaenoe 



112-113 



nOAYMNIA 



143 



€9 d airiKero hrl irorafiov re Xrpvfiova koX iroXiv ^HiovOf 
T^ iri, (^6)09 €ft>v ^PX^ B07179 rav irep oKirftp irporepov tovtcup 
\6yop iiroievfirjv* ^ Bk yf) avrrf 17 irepl to Hayyacov Spo^ 5 
KdKeerai ^h/XX/?, KarareLvoxHra rk pip irpb^ iawipfjp iirl 
worafjLOP ^Ayyirrjp iKSiSopra i^ top Xrpvfiopa, rk Be irpos 
fieaap^fiplffp relpovaa 69 avrop top Xrpvp^opa* ^9 top oi TAarfoi 

4 ((i>b$ ktav secL van H. : ^coios 6 || irtp : irkpi Sitzler 6 ^iXAis 6 

8 TtLvova-a seel, van H. 



of the existence of two roads into Paionia, 
^ wp6t OaXAffffTit iapoXij and 1^ At^ta 6d6t. 
In this place the Paionians are placed 
by Hdt. K of the Strymon, but he 
apparently conceives them as not lying 
on the Persian route. Kretschmer 
(EifUeitung, p. 246) follows Tomascbek 
{Thrdker, 1. 18 ff.) in regarding the 
Paionians as ultimately not of * Thracian ' 
but of ' lUyrian ' origin : ' the name of 
the Paionian stock, neu^Xeu, has a 
genuinely lUyrian look' (ein echt-illy- 
risches Anssehen). 

8. worafi^ n 2rpv|fcdva ical vdXiv 
'Hi^ra : cp. CO. 24, 25, 107 rapra ; Leake, 
N.O, iii. 181. The Strymon is the mod. 
Struma, The complete silence of Hdt. 
in regard to * Amphipolii ' may be sig- 
nificant of the time, place, and circum- 
stances of his composition ; op. Intro- 
duction, §§ 7-9. 

4. Tf|s Irt . . . liroic^i)v. The re- 
ference back is to c. 107 tupra, and is 
somewhat clumsy : ' as I have already 
recorded his death — which took place in 
476 B.C. — I had better here mention that 
he was still alive and in command of the 
aforesaid Eion — in 480 B.O. ! ' Stein too 
regards this sentence as ''mehr als 
entbehrlich," and as a later addition. 
But if so, then the storv in 0. 107 is also 
a later addition. Cp. Introduction, § 9. 

6. ^XXCf. Staph. B. tub v, cites 
Hdt. ipSdpqg for this name, and adds 
that there was also a river in Bithynia 
of the same name. (Is the word here to 
be connected with the irorroidt f^ of 
the region, c. Ill supra ?) (Cp. ^vXXdt, 
8. 24.) 

Vd |Af)v wp^ irwipirf^f 'on the 
western (parti) side * (accusative of limi- 
tation or * reference,' and virtually an 
adverb). Materially the orientation here 
is perplexing. The district Phvllis is 
bounded, according to Hdt, on the west 
side by the Angites, on the south side 
by the Strymon, into which the Angites 



empties itself. He therefore conceives 
the Angites as flowing north and south, 
the Strymon as flowing west and east. 
The Strymon may be said to flow from 
north-west to south-east; the Angites 
may perhaps be said to flow from north- 
east to south-west, but Hirschfeld 
(Pauly-Wissowa L 2191) quite naturally 
describes Hdt as extending Phyllis 
northwards to the Angites, which, more- 
over, falls, not into the Stirmon, but 
into the Lake Kerkinitis. Or the exist- 
ence of the latter Hdt seems ignorant 
It is mentioned in connexion with Alex- 
ander's march in 834 B.O. (Arrian, Anab. 
1. 11. 8), and it will probablv have been 
in existence in 480 B.C., though even 
Thuc. (2. 98. 1) only mentions Kc/Mcdny 
as an ifnitwir 6pot, Hdt's topographical 
indications would be unmeaning unless 
the Persian army (or one column) was 
marching on the north side of Mount 
Pangaeus. 

8. ol Bidyoi iKoXXup^ovTo. The 
Magi mentioned cc. 19, 87, 48 supra. 
The construction here is observable. 
KaXKi€p4€a$ai as a middle is used also 6. 
82, ^ T^ (relative) goes rather with 
a^^wTtt than with the final verb. The 
meaning of the word extends beyond 
*' sacrificing with intent to ascertain the 
will of the gods " (Stein) ; it seems to 
carry always the suggestion of obtaining 
a favourable sign. The Facrifice of the 
horse to a river was a ' Trojan ' rite ; the 
animals were thrown in alive : ^taoit d' 
iv dirifffi Ka$Ler€ luSnfVxat trirovt {11, 21. 
182). Horses were offered to Helios in 
Sparto (Pausan. 3. 20. 6), to Poseidon 
in Argos (Pausan. 8. 7. 2). The hone 
was especially a ' Skythian ' sacrifice (4. 
61 ; cp. my note ad U), The 'Massa- 

getae worship only the sun, and sacrifice 
orses thereto, ' the swiftest creature to 
the swiftest god' (1. 216), while of the 
Persians Hdt expressly asserts that they 
not merely sacrifice the horse, but con- 



144 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



114 itcaWiepeovTo 0-^(^01^-69 ttnrov^ XevKov^. ^pfieueevaavre^ Si 
ravra 69 rbv irorafiov koI aTsXa iroWit irpo^ TovToiai iv 
*Eiwia oBoio't T^at ^HBaov&v iiropevovro Kark rii^ y€il>vpa^, 
TOP Xrpvfiova €vp6vT€^ i^evyfiivop. *Kvvia Bk oBoif^ irwOavo- 
5 fievoi Tov x^P^^ TovTov xaXieaOai, tocovtov^ iv avr^ iraiBd^ 
re KoX irapOivov^ avBp&v r&v hny((opl(ov ^a>oPTa^ Kardpvaaov, 
HepaiKov Bk TO ^(oovra^ Karopvaaeiv, hreX KaX "'Afirftrrpiv rifp 
Hip^eto yvvatfca irwOdvofiai yripdaaaav SI9 ctttA Hepaimv 



114. 2 ravra cs cm. van H. 3 rouri o 6 eyxfopitov 6 

7 liepa-iKhv . . Karopvaxr€iv cm. o 8 yrfpcurav A^ : yrfpSa-av Buttmann 



same the costly victim (1. 133) ; and 
Xenophon, Anab, 4. 6. 35, endorses at 
least the former statement. A more 
recent illustration of the rite in the same 
region (Tacit. Ann, 6. 37) offers a horse 
' macando amni ' (Euphrates). Were ' the 
wnite horses' used od this occasion of 
the Nesaean breed, cc. 40, 65 supra ^ 
For the actual Persian ritual Rawlinson 
well quotes (and translates) Strabo, 782, 
3. But if the description holds good 
for this earlier period, Hdt would not 
have correctly reported the procedure 
(o'^^oi'Tef ^t T^ irora/i^), which is just 
what Strabo's Magi will not do. 

114. 1. ^ofuaKc^ouvTtt : Hdt. seems 
to treat the Magi as mere 'medicine- 
men,' and not rmlly good at that ; cp. 
0. 191 infra, 

4. T^ Srpvf&^va cip^vrtt <tcvy|iivov : 
according to order: cp. c. 24 supra, 
Hdt. appears to know nothing of a 
bridge across Strymon in his own time, 
nor does he make mention of Amphipolis, 
cp. 9. 75 infra: an important point in 
its bearing upon the date of composition; 
cp. c 113. The bridge here in question 
Hdt. seems to locate at ' Nine ways ' : 
it was possibly higher up the river. He 
speaks here indeed of ' Bridges' : perhaps 
conceiving one for the Army, and one 
for the Train, as at the Hellespont. 
Probably several pontoons were thrown 
across the Strymon. 

6. li&ovrat Kar^pvo-o^v. Ucpcuc^v: 
perhaps Hdt. was not aware, when he 
wrote this passage, that the horrible 
human immolation here described was 
more in accord with the religion and 
custom of the Thracians {iwix^pioi) than 
with Persian ideas and practices. Cp. 4. 
93 (Getae), 63 (Skyths), 72 (id.). Nor 
is the argument by which he seeks to 



establish the Persian observance of the 
practice of * live-burial ' conclusive. Even 
if the fact was correctly reported, Amestris 
in her old age mav have been no very 
good exponent of the ' Persian ' religion. 
Hdt here makes no reference to the 
performance of Kambyses, who on one 
occasion, as elsewhere, and probably 
afterwards, recorded, Uepaitop hftolovt 
rouri irfHirroiai SviifSeKa iw* oCde/ui alrlff 

KaTibpv^t 3. 35. Amestris was not con- 
tent with a dozen : but then, she had a 
good reason. Bnital punishments, and 
for political offences, were 'Persian' 
enough (cp. Duncker, E, T, vi. 340 f.), 
but It is not clear that human sacrifice 
was any part of the religion of the 
Achaimenidai ; and if Amestris (c 61 
supra) ever put it in practice as a 
religious act, she was conforming to 
some primitive and savage revival- 
ism. Etesias, indeed, records her to 
have tortured Apollonides, a Koan 
physician, for two months, and then 
naa him buried alive on the death of 
Amytis : but that was an act of 
vengeance for a gross outrage, and 
abuse of his position (Ktes. Pers, 42). 

8. irwOdvo|iav ytipdo^Mxiv : the item 
looks like an addition, from a fresh 
source, doubtless oral, by the author 
himself. Etesias (/.c.) appears to date 
the death of Amestris, Kdpra ypavt 
ytPOfUmjf shortly before the death of 
Artaxerxes himself (425 B.C.), and after 
the death of the younger Zopyros ; cp. 
3. 160 (written perhaps before Zopyros' 
death, though after his desertion). This 
passage then belongs to the very latest 
additions by the anthor to his work, 
and may be dated after the outbreak of 
the Archidamian War. Cp. Introduction, 
§9. 



114-115 



nOAYMNIA 



146 



iralSa^ iovrtov ein^avitov avhp&v inrkp cflDirr^ r^ inrh yrjv 
Xeyofihf^ elvcu 0€^ avTi,')(apl^e(T0(u tcaropvaaoxHrav. lo 

'X29 S^ awo Tov Xrpvfiovo^ iiropevero o arparo^, ivOavra 116 
7rpo9 ^\iov Sva-fiieov icrrl alyiaXo^ hf tjS olicrffUpffv ''ApyiXov 
iroXiv 'ISXXdBa wape^ie' avrtf Bk xal ij KarvwepOe ravny? 
leaX^erot BtcraXr/17. evOevrep Bi KoXirov tov iirl TIo<nBfflov 
i^ apurreprj^ X^^pos €xoi>v fjie Btii XvXio^ weBlov §ca\eofUpov, 5 
Xrdfyipov TToTuv 'EXXoSa wapafieil36fi€vo^, leal am-iKero i^ 

9 yrjsa 10 (luoKras post dKrixa/si^co-^ai desiderabam 115. 2 

€OTi Ba 4 lloa'€i&rji(f Kmeger 6 2rayci/M>v Stein^ ' : ex titnlis 

corr. van H. 



9. rip ^ir6 yf^v Xfyo|UvY Ava^ M: 
what god was that ? In Thrace it miffht 
have been Salmoxia (4. 94), in Hellas, 
Pluton, or Haides; in Eeypt, ^rhape, 
Osiris : but in Persia ? ancTat this time f 
It can hardly be Arimanes (Agria nianu), 
whom a Fenian would not have wor- 
shipped, nor have located thus. Bawlinson 
thinks Hdt. here speaks as a Greek. 
Stein thinks Amestris' act was a thank- 
offering for the great age she had 
attained : that can hardly m sound. If 
the act was ' religious ' it was probably 
propitiatory : but the religious motive 
may be a gloss. The exchange, or 
return, implied in AmxapCliarOai may 
surely be prospective : in such cases, at 
least, gratitude is an expectation of 
favours to come. 

116. 1. At Of • ^ tiropiMTO o VTpwn%f 
Maiha . . iarX olvioX^t : a curious 
confusion of place ana time and subjects ! 
Stein cpe. 6. iS Cn 8i , , . dwUero 6 
M.apd6tnot it Hip 'Ifavfiyv, MaOra lutyumm 
BQfia ioita, 

2. "Apyikw : Steph. B. cites not 
Hdt but Thucydides (wrongly Bk. 8), 
and Favorinus for the city, and adds that 
dpyiXot is Thracian for mouse (0 /ivt) 
(cp. Herak. Pont. 42, F,ff,0. 2. 224). 
But this derivation is a little suspicious : 
the 6k. dpyot, dpyiXXa lies nearer. (Op. 
Grassberger, OrUmamen, p. 180). As a 
Greek city {ir6\if 'EXXdf) Argilos was a 
colony from Andros Thuo. 4. lOS, 109. 
It appears amonff the tributaries of 
Athens with a moderate assessment (1 T. 
lowered to 1000 Dr.) and figures nomtna- 
tim with Stagiroe, Akanthos, Skolos, 
Oljmthos, in the Peace of Nikias, Thuo. 
6. 18. 5. It is not heard of afterwards. 

3. aUnji : as alytaMt (a pebbly beach f ) 
is masculine, the word must be taken to 

VOL. I IT. I 



refer vsfuely to ir6Xtt or 'ApyiXot, ^ 
Kar^Tipfii: sc x*^P^ 

4. KoXirrai BiraXrCii : of oourM from 
the BM'dXrou, who in 8. 116 are said to 
have made themselves scarce on this 
occasion (a passage evidently from an 
independent source, cp. note ad L), 
They were no doubt a *Thrakian' folk, 
included in the Makedonian sphere of 
influence, Thuc. 2. 99. 6. Thejr lived 
on into Roman times, 'fortissimi viri,' 
Livy, 46. 80. 

IvMrfF hL The natural course 
from Argilos to Therme would nin 
straight across the neck of the Chalkidic 
peninsula, past Lake Bolbe: in idl 
probability one earpt cFarmie on this 
occasion followed that route, though 
Hdt. says nothing about it. 

K^wov T^ M nocri8i|Cov : a bay, 
cui Neptuni templum imminet, Schweig- 
haeuser. The site of this temple has 
not been identified. If Poseideion is the 

Snontory south of Stagiros, then the 
would seem to be the one generallv 
ed the bay of Akanthos, and Hdt. s 
description would be at fault. He has 
no distinctive name for the water marked 
on maps as the * Strymonicus Sinus ' : 
and it is this whole stretch of water 
generally that he may here wish to 
denote. 

5. 8id SvXIot irc8Cov: nowhere else 
mentioned ; but Thuc. 4. 108 speaks of 
an a^X<6v through which the lake B6\fiif 
found its way to the sea (Baehr) : and 
Stein accepts the suggestion. Syleus 
(cp. (TvX^eiy, ffvXop), a son of Poseidon, 
was slain by Herakles for inhospitality r 
Apollod. 2. 6. 8. 

6. SrdTipov: a colony of the Andrians, 
Thuc. 4. 88. 2 ; paying 1000 Dr. tribute 

L 



146 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



''AKavOop, ifJLa ofyofievo^ rourtov <t€> !k€ujtov t&v iOviwv 
Koi T&v irepX to TLarfyaiop Spo^ oUeovTmv, Ofioifo^ Kal t&v 
irporepov tcaTiXe^a, rov9 fihf irapk QaKjo/Tirav eytav oUi^fUvov^ 
10 iv vrivaX arpaTCVOfiivov^, tov9 S' vwip OaKdcrar)^ w-cf^ hro- 
fUvov^. T^iv hk oSov TavTf)v, Ty ficuriXeif^ Sip^i]^ tov ar-parov 
f/Kcur^t oSt€ auy^iovai SpijiKe^ out hrunreipovai aifiovToi T€ 
116 /leydkoi)^ TO fiexP^ ifiev. a>9 Bi apa 69 t^i' *'AKav0ov airl/cero, 
^eivirjv T€ 6 E^p^9 Toun ^AKavOioiai wpoeiire Kal ittaprjaaTO 



7 <T€> 8uppL Stein^ : Kal twv 
Reiflke 9 cxcov del. van H. 

(Tvyxowri com. van H. 116. 



. oiKcdi^cDV mihi suspecta || iKaanov 
II oiKrifievovs del. Krueger 12 

2 (€ivrjir)v 6 || iripa-rf^ rfz, van H. 



to Athens, down to its revolt in 424 b.o. ; 
for ever illuBtrioas as the birthplace 
of Aristotle. Its exact position is not 
yet, perhaps, determined, as Leake and 
Bowen dilTer in r^rd to it The 
attitude of Andres in the Persian war 
(op. 8. Ill) ma J have been determined 
by the interests of its colonies. 

7. ' AicavOov : like Argilos and Stagiros 
an Andrian foundation, Thnc 4. 84. 1, 
and apparently the most important of 
the three (its constant tribute to Athens 
is 8 T. down to its revolt in 424 b.o. ; it 
lias also an important coinage, Head, 
H.N, pp. 182 ff.). It was situate just 
outside the isthmus through which the 
king's canal had been due ; and was 
plainly one of the principal dep6ts and 
magazines in 480 b.c. (op. c. 25 supra), 
as It had been in 492 B.G., cp. 6. 44 ix 
9i *AKdtf$ov opfuj^fieyoi. It is apparently 
unnecessary for Hdt. to specify for 
Akanthos, as for Stagiros and Argilos, 
that the city is Greek. 

A|ia &y6|mvos . . firofjivovt. Hdt. 
apparently wishes to mark a second 
great addition to the king's forces on his 
way through Europe. The first great 
addition has been specified in c. 110 
above (6|ioC«»t ical tAv irp^rfpov icaW- 
Xiga, a reference hack, cp. jcaroXex^^ref 
{fir ifuv l.e.)f and seems to include the 
native tribes and Greek cities from 
Doriskos, or even from Sestns, to the 
Strymon and Eion ; the second, here 
specified, comprises those from the 
Strymon to Akanthos — a much smaller 
group. The words ical r&v inpl rh 
Ml6.yyaw¥ 6po9 oUi6vrMv confuse the 
issue, for they are included in tQp irp6- 
Ttpw irarAe^o, and look uncommonly 
like a stupid gloss, from some one who 



took OfAoltas Kol Ttop "wpitrepw icarAe^ to 
refer to the whole army- and navy-lists. 
If that were the reference, the very 
obvious parallel between this passage 
and the passage in c 118 would be un- 
meaning, and indeed misleading, for in 
that passage not merely o2 Tcpi rh Hdy- 
yaiw 6pot have been enumerated, but all 
the Thracian tribes, from the Hellespont 
to the Strymon (so far as Hdt knows). 
The text is anyway confused in this 
passage, iynv being either superfluous 
or displaced. 

11. T^v 8i &8^v . . rh |UxP^ i|u6 : 
perhaps an addition from the author's 
hand, and among the last, cp. c 111 
supra. Was it religion that regarded 
the king's highway as sacred, or accursed T 
Was it utility that dictated respect for a 
good trade-route ? This vetus via regia 
was still in use in 186 B.C., Livy 89. 27 ; 
cp. Xenoph. HelL 4. 2. 8 ; but is it likely 
that the king had done more than clear 
and improve an existing line of com- 
munication ? 

116. 1. rfjv : the article is a com- 
pliment to the city, and is followed by a 
for the king. C^. c. 112 supm. Apa : 
cp. c. 35 supra, 

2. (civ(i)v . . irpoclin must here mean 
* proclaimed friendship. ' Cp. Valckenaer, 
jus hospitii obtulU; Blakesley, *' offered 
alliance." (The king would not do that 
to subjects.) Xerxes makes them a 
'present' he portions them 'praise,' he 
'proclaims' them his especial friends 
(with or without swearing). Cp. (eu^y 
t4 0-6 Toicufiai ifJL6w rrX. o. 29 supra, 
also 8. 128. Baehr takes it imperavU 
hospUia (cp. c. 119), which is against 
the sense of the context here; so too 
L. & S. ; op. fTpotiTtuf 1. 156. 



116-117 



nOAYMNIA 



147 



c^a^ iaOrJTi IS/lfjBucp hraivei t€, opitov koX avroif^ irpoOvfjLOV^ 
iovra^ i^ top iroKefiov koL to SpvyfMi cucovtov . . . . iv *AjedvO^ 117 
Si iovTO^ Sip^eci) avpi^veiKe inrb vovaov airoOavelv top hre- 
areSna t^ Bia>pu)(p^ *ApTaj(aifjv, toKifiov iovra iraph Sepfy 
teal yh/o^ *A)(aifi€vlSf)v, fieydOet re fiiyurrop iovra Uepaiwv 
(avo ykp iripTC mjyfiaov fiaaiXfjitov airiXetwe riaaepa^ BatcrvXov^) 5 
(f>c^vioPTd T€ /MeyioTOP dvOpanrmv, &aT€ Hep^v avp^opriv iroifi- 
cdfievov fieydXrjv i^eveiKal re ainov KdXKurra koX Odyftiu* 

3 hraivta-k van H. (Stein ^ coni.) || opkfuv : dfcovcav van Gent || fcal avrov9 
Stein^ : avrovs 6 : koX rov^ a : opkiav koX vpod-ufjLov^ Stein^ 4 oxovoiv : 

op€tov van Qent : lacunam Valla indicat : audieru fotaam esse absdvitam : 
^)Brf yivofuvov suppl. Gale, cvr/ocires efvai Schweighaeuser : cnrcvSoKras ante 
oKowov conL Gomperz, d^ ecnrcurav (Sotc ytv^Bai post oxovcav coni Stein', 
pro yfvka-dai pos. cirtrcAcccr^ai Stein' 117. 2 \mh vowrov poet 

SuDpvxos 6 



3. ka^fjfn MT|8iK j : including no doubt 
the difaivpld€s ; cp. c. 61 supra and 8. 84 
for another instance. 

4. rh 5puY|ui: the Canal, cp. c. 22 
supra, Aa to the zeal of the Akanthians 
for the Canal, Blakoalej first pointed 
out the commercial advantages of that 
undertaking. A lacuna is evident ; cp. 
App. Crit. 

117. 2. rhv lirto-T i flTtt ri^f Suipvyot 
'Aprraxaii\v : cp. c. 22 supra. This 
passage is evidently from an independent 
Hource. The various notices of Artachaies 
indeed show how little Hdt. concerned 
himself to * combine ' the data of various 
sources into a single and self-consistent 
story (in the manner of Thucydides) ; 
cp. Introduction, § 10. Artachaies was 
a man upwards of 8 ft in height (0 p, t. 
= 27 iaKT, or 20^ inches; en. 1. 178). 
Valckenaer observes that the Greeks 
considered 4 (ordinary) cubits the ideal 
height for a man ; Aristoph. Froffs 1046. 
Phya, who personated Athene in 666-6 
B.O., was three fingers short of 4 cubits, 
1. 60. The skeleton of the Orestes 
found in Tegea was 7 cubits, 1. 68. 

6. ^viovrd Ti ^jt^imv &v6p<&irwir : 

cp. 4. 141. The Egyptian may have 
l)een dead by this time, but Artachaies 
and he would have been more or less 
contemporaries. Hdt has not thought 
of the Egyptian here, nor of Artachaies 
there. Moreover, rwy rifitU tSfiev is 
hardly needed to reduce the superlative 
here to a mere formula. 

7. ^cvctKai' Od^at* frv|iPox^<c He 



was buried with all the honours of war. 
Never a Greek, much less an Akanthian, 
had seen such a funeral. But were not 
the proper Persian rites observed f od 
irp&repop Oiirrerai iwdfAt ll4pc€w 6 pdxvt 
vfAp ip 6t* 6pPi0ot ff Kvpht iXKwy$it 1. 140, 
an abomination to a Greek ! Hdt does 
not say that he had seen the tnmulus of 
Artachaies, which is by some supposed 
to be still visible (Forschammer, J, 0,8, 
xvii. 149). Rawlinson demurs to the 
identification : Forsch. puts the mound 
£. of the cutting, on S. shore, near Sane: 
Hdt (R. argues) suggests a site near 
Akanthos, W. of cutting, on N. shore. 
There are * Phrygian ' tumuli in Mace- 
donia and Thrace (cp. c. 78 8upra\ and 
perhaps the aij/uL 'AfnaxaUta was one of 
these. Unless Persiei apparatus were 
recovered, one might be sceptical as to 
the identity. But we shall do well to 
beware of seeing with Winckler, OesehielUe 
Israels ii. (1900) 176, following the 
devious steps of Miicke, vom Euphrat 
zum Tiber (1899), in Artachaites (sic) a 
mythical figure, or of admitting that 
"Atrachaites (sie) the dead hero of 
Akanthos has a speaking likeness to the 
departing year, which was celebrated by 
the grand Banquet at the Sakiien- 
festival." The Uanquet here at Akan- 
thos, by the way, depends on the mis- 
interpretation of (ewlfi above, and is 
assumed to be the only meal the king 
had on his way to Greece ("an anderen 
Oi*ten scheint er also nicht gegessen zu 
haben," op, c p. 177). Artachaies though 
rather tall or stature, loud of voice, is 



148 



HPOAOTOY 



vu 



hviifioypee hk iraaa 17 oTparii], roxntp tk toJ ^ Aprayaig 
0vovai ^AjcolvOloi eK Oeowpoiriov (09 f/ptoi, errovofid^ovre^ to 
10 ovvofia, 

118 BaatXeif^ fikv S^ Sep^^ airoXofiipov *ApTaj(ai€(o iTroiiero 
avfi^oprfv. oi Sk inroSeKOfMevoi *E\Xi]V(ov rrjv oTpanifv Koi 
Seiirvl^ovre^ Sip^v i^ irav KaKOv airUaro, ovrm Sore 
avdoTaroi i§c r&v oiKtov iylvovro* okov Saaioiai x/irip r&v iv 

5 T^ ffrreiptp woXitov r&v a^l>€T€pia)v Be^a/iivoiai rtfp Hip^em 
CTpariffv Kal Beiirvlaaai * Avriirarpo^ 6 ^Opyio^ apaiptf^Upo^ 
• • , r&v acT&p avrjp SoKifio^ Sfioui r^ fAoXurra, airiBe^e 69 

119 TO Sehrvov rerpaKoa-ta roKavra apyvpiov rereXea/iiva. &9 Se 

9 aKavOioi Ovova-i u 118. 1 nonne Be/s^s secluseris ? 3 

[fcaicov] t van H. 4 otKccDv 6 || lykvovro 6 6 a-<f>er€p€iav Stein : 

iTifterkpfav 6 opykia^ a || <v3ro8ox€vs> apaipTjiuvos Stein': lacunam 

indie Stein* 



M real a man and an Achaimanid as 
Xerxes himself. 

8. To^ 8i . . (KfovoTi 'AicdyOioi k 
0iovpov(ov A% Ijpitk The cult of Arta- 
ohaies has nothing extraordinary in it, 
cp. 5. 114 (Cult of Ouesilos at Amath^), 
5. 47 (Cult of Philip at Segesta), etc. 
lliat a Greek city should have a ' bar- 
buian' hero is perhaps leas surprising 
than that non -Hellenic cities should 
worship Greeks. These colonies in 
Thrace sit rather lightly to their proper 
'oikists'; cp. the weU- known case of 
Amphipolis, Thuc 5. 11. 1. Was the 
Bwwpbfwiw horn Delphi, or of local pro- 
▼enienoef Withlirovo|ftdtoyTitr^o<h^B|ui 
op. irwoitaioifcas rd ottpbtiaTCL iv rfp 0/Ltyy 
irrX. 4. 85. There was perhaps a hymn 
at Akanthos in memory of Artachaies. 
This last sentence, on the hero-cult, has 
somewhat the air of an addition by the 
author, made perhaps after his royage 
in those parts ; op. Introduction, § 9. 

118. 8. h woF KOKoO AvdcaTO. The 
pluperfect here has hardly much temporal 
but some rhetorical force. So, too, waw 
jcojcoO rhetorically much more effective 
than iroir «aj(6r, cp. 8. 52 ^t rh l^arov 
KaKOv dwvyfihoif 9. 118 it tot Ifiri kokov 
dTiyfUwoi iiffop. The genitive is, perhaps, 
the 'genitive of measure,' cp. Madvig, 
8 49 b, Rem. 1. 

ovm Avrc • • • i^vovro : purely 
indicative, narrative ; cd. Index. 

4. 61COV Saoioun kta. Perhaps the 
whole passage (cc 118-120) is an addition 
from the author's hand after his visit to 



Thasos (cp. 6. 47) ; Introduction, § 9. 
With the use of 6kov * seeing that ' (relat. 
adv. of place, used for 'cause' or 
' occasion ') cp. 4. 195, c. 160 it^ra, etc. 

t6v Iv TiQ ^jvt^ frokimv : Stryme, 
etc, c. 108 supra, 

6. 'AvrCwarpof h 'Opylot: the 
leading citizen of Thasos in 480 B.G. 
and earliest bearer of a name after- 
wards not uncommon in the Greek 
world, and rendered famous by Philip's 
and Alexander's Makedonian friend and 
viceroy. The father's name ma^ be 
connected with priestly or orgiastic 
functions in the family. Some of the 
coin- types of Thasos are "intimately 
connected with the orgiastic worship of 
the Thracian Bacchus,^' Head, ff,Jv. p. 
227. This passage is misunderstood by 
Athenaios 146 to mean that Antipatros 
defrayed the expenses himself. Anti- 
patros had been formally elected or 
appointed (dp€uptifUifot) as chief com- 
missioner (^i0Tdn7t, or with Stein 
ifwodox«^)t and his accounts, when 
audited, showed an expenditure of 400 
talents. 

8. tmkMayiva=dt8aTaprifUpa (Baehr 
after Yalckenaer). This amounted to 
considerably more than a year's income 
(6. 46), at the best of times. Thasos, 
which was in revolt from Athens 465- 
463 B.a (Thuc 1. 100. 2) over the 
question of the Thracian markets and 
mines, was assessed at but 8 T. from 
454 B.O. to the thirty years' peace. After 



117-119 



nOAYMNIA 



149 



irapairXriaL^^ KaX hf r^crt SKK'pa'i iroXtai ol hreoTe&re^ 
airehelicvvaav top Xoyov. to yhp helirvov TOiovte Ti iytpcTO, 
ota ix iroWov <t€> j^povov irpoeifyrffiipov koI irepl woWov 
irotevfiivtov tovto fiiv, a>9 hrvOovTO Tajf^Lora t&v Kfjpvxmv $ 
T&v irepuvfyeXXovTo^v, Saadfievo^ (tItov iv T^ai woXiCi oi 
curroX aXevpd re leal aK(f>iTa hroUuv irdvTe^ iirl fifjva^ 
at/^vov^* TOVTO Sk tenivea ialTCVov i^evpUrKome^ Ttfir}^ tA 
KaWioT-a, €Tp€<l>6v T€ SppiOu^ j(€pa'alov^ Kal Xifivalov^ & t€ 
oiKTuuuTi, Koi \dtcK0(,a'tf ^ v7roBoj(iL^ tov <TTpaTov* Toxrro Sd lo 
^(pvaed T€ teal dpyvpea iroTrjp^d re koX KpffTijpa^ hroievvro 
icaX T^XXa oaa iirX Tpdire^av TiOiaToi irdvTa. Taxrra fiiv 



119. 2 irapavXrja-uas deL Krueger 3 roi kykvero 6 4 re 

suppl. Stein 5 vouvfuvov fls || rd\iaTa riav KrfpvK<ov a : rtov icripvKiav 

pAkurra 6: r(av KrjpvKiav rd\urTa van H. 7 hrl om. 6 8 

o-ircvco-Kov 6, Holder, van H. 9 re om. a 12 ra &kXa a || 

riOerai 6, Holder, van H. || iravrh. piv ravra 6 : vdvra, raura ftev 5^ z 



that doabtless the Thracian Peraia was 
again in Thasian hands, and the assess- 
ment stands at 30 T., a SeKaHj or 10 
per cent of the maximum income. 

119. 1. 6s 8i vofMiirXiifKMS : cp. ^ di 
aihuftt c. 86 supra, d mo^rfdnt: sc. 
ol dpaifnjfiivoi ^Turrdrcu. AvtSiCicwoiav 
rhv A^vov, ' proved ' their accounts (on 
a similar scale) before the auditors. 
Heralds had been sent forward from 
Siurdes to the Greek cities en rouU^ 
irpocpiovras decirva fioffiKh Topcurirevd^eir, 
c. 32 supra. Those words were perhaps 
inserted in c. 32, at the same time as tms 
addition (cc 118-120) was made here. 

4. vpocif>i||ft^ov, 'bespoken/ 'com- 
mandeered/ * requisitioncJi * ; cp. irpoep4- 
om-as, c. 82, and contr. o. 116. The 
change to the genitive absolute voicv- 
)Uvwv is rather abrupt ; toKKCjp or 
Trdyrtav would soften it 

6. 8<M^cvoi oiTov: at the general 
expense. In c 121 infra Soffifuwoi is 
used simply in an active sense. 

7. AXcvpd Tf Kal AX^i/ro, 'wheat-flour 
and barley-meal' (force of plural), cp. 
Plato, JUp, 372 b ix fxip rwr KfH$Civ 
dX0iTa ffK€va^6fA£P0ft iK Si rC^ wpCw 
&\€vpa: cp. Xenoph. Anab, 1. 5. 6 
(famine prices ! ). Xenophon was mightily 
surprised to find villagers in Armenia 
everywhere living on the best, including 
wheat and barley bread: ib. 4. 5. 31 
oCiK ^p 3' 5irou ov TaperlSeaap M rijp 



a&rijp Tf>dT€J;\BLP Kp4a dpreia, ipi^ui, 
Xolp€ULf /bc^tf^eto, 6ppl$€ta, aip iroXXoTf 
AproLt Toif flip irvplpoit roit di KpiOUnM. 
hnUwf • firoitOrro, 1. 11 infra : the 
different force of the active and middle 
illustrated by the different relation of 
the population at large (Tdrret) to 
bread-making and metal-work. 

8. IfcvpCoxorrts Ti|fcf|f. The verb 
plainly refers here to what already 
exists before it if sought out and found 
(cp. 4. 79) ; Tt/i% is a market term (sc 
fuyiXip) and 'genitive of the price' 
(Madvig, § 54 h) or value, in which sense 
Tc/A^ is common in Attic (fourth century), 
e.g. Plato, Laws 917 B ^{fo e/TcSr r^tdt 
'to name two prices.' The use is not 
Homeric, but an * honour ' soon degener- 
ates into an 'honorarium,' an ideal into 
a material amende. And rt/ii} comes to 
mean both ' penalty ' and ' price ' (Hymn 
to Demeter 181 f. ^vyop i&xepjkdXovf 
<nifidpTopat 6^pa k€ fiij fu dirpidrrfp 
X6pd<rarref ^/t^f dTorcUaro ri/*^). {riiufi 
as an ' office,' c. 36 supra,) 

10. XdicKOM-i : Xdirirot, an artificial 
pond or reservoir, cp. 4. 195. 

h 6iro8ox^ ToO OTparov, 'for the 
entertainment of the forces.' In Thuc. 
7. 74 {tit inro^axhp rod ffrpared/uirot) of 
hostile reception. The plural is here 
significaut, not of successive receptione 
by several cities, but of the multifarious 
character of the guests at each reception. 



160 HPOAOTOY vii 

auTfS T€ fiaaiXii koI roicri, ofioairiova /jlct eKcivov iTreiroifjro, 
Tp S^ aWff {rrpari'p rh 69 <l>opl3rjp fiovva raaa'Ofieva. OKa>^ 

1$ 8^ i'jriKOiTO ff CTpaTiii, aicrjvri pAv eaKe ireTrrjyvia eroifit) €9 
Tffv avT09 OTodfiop iToieiaKero Sip^^, 17 Bk aWrj arpartr) 
iaK€ vTraidpio^, (09 Sk huirvov iyivero &pf), oi fikv SeKOfievoc 
e^(£<rKOv wovov, ot Be otec^^ irXtjadevTe; vvKra avrov aydr/oiev, 
T§ varepcUfj n^v re c/ei^vrfv avaairdaavre^ KaX rk eiriirka 

toirdvra Xafiovre^ ovra aireXavvea-KOv, Xeiirovre^ ovBiv aXXA 
120 ^epofuvoL, evOa Btf MeyaKpiovro^ avBpo^ ^AfiBfjpireo^ hro^ 
eS eipfifiivov iyipero, 69 avvefiovKevae ^AfiBrjplr'ffa't iravBr^fil, 
avToif^ Kot yvvatxa^, iXdovra^ €9 rh a'^>h'€pa ipii t^eaOai 
l/eera^ r&v de&v irapaireofiivov^ koI to Xotirov aif>i aira/ivveiv 
5 T&v iinovTCDv Kax&p rh fifiUrea, r&v re wapoijfpfiivoDv eyeiv 
<r^ fieyakrjv %apti/, on ffaaiKeif^ Sep^^ oif BU eKdarr)^ 
f)fi4pfi^ €v6/uae aiTOv aipieaOcw irapi'^etv ykp &v AfiBfjpiTpai, 

13 6/AocriT€ovori Stein^ : opjoaLrown 15 lo-Kcom. o: * fort ft6V€<ric€ * 

Stein' 17 ylvoiro fi^ Stein^, Holder, van H. 18 Siayayoicv 

Naber 19 cv r^ o 20 vdvra poet dAAa transp. van H. 

120. 2 cAcyero van H. || o^vc^ovAevc o || irav^p^l 6^ Stein^^ 3 

avroi^s fcat yvvatfcas suspecta mihi : an avrovs re ? 6 'Sip^'qs deL van H. 

18. iuooxWouori : cp. 6/iorp<iT6i*oc, 3. cp. 9. 70, and not a new one daily 

182, and App. Crit. supplied by the fresh locality. 

Iirfiro^irro : the pluperfect has ^ 1«0. 1. MryoKplovrot AvSp^ 'Ap- 

its temporal force, ^mfi c 60. ^^rtm. Megakreon is a rare name. 

aXXi|:cp.4XXiy,L 16 tii^m, idiomatic and Did he belong to the same family as 

auperfluous (in English). Nymphodoros and PVthes, c 187 infra ? 

16. loTCf iroi€l(rKcro- loTCf fxioicov: H« *»J»^« f"^^;"" Vi?':'^ i*^ i** 

almost too much of a good thiSg ; cp. •kwil^^vois almwt an Hei^^ 

App. Crit *^ .E* Introduction, § 10). Abdera was 

%*1 * / / - /. V I J !.• the birthplace of Demokntos, 'the 

16. jrjaeii^ir (jraccc<rtfa.). 'made his Uughing philosopher '(b. circa 460 B.O.). 
abode, 'took up his quarters. ^^ ProtLSras (b. circa 480 B.C.). and of 

17. ScCirvov Afni, 'dinner-time, pre- other brilliant wits, yet its name became 
somably by day-light On 6/W7 cp. proverbial for stupidity and folly (ro 
8- !*• , ^ , , , , Cicero, on Pompey's plan for sendini^ 

18. a*Tov, 'on thespot, where they bim to Sicily in 60 b.o., ui «rf 
had had their meal. viiicTa dTayrtv, or 'A/3«i7/HTiic6r, ad AU. 7. 7. 4 ; and again 
d76cr, not a common expression, and on a previous occasion, of *a very 
doubtless more significant than vvKT€p€6- bedlam^ (Tyrrell) in the Senate ; rem 
w : they made a long ni^ht of it, cp. ad senatum rettulerunt Hie Abdera, 
Propertius 1. 11. 6 (ecomd te) Nostri non tocente me, ib. 4. 16. 6; cp. Martial 
cura subit memores ah 1 ducere noctes ? 10. 25 Abderitenae pectora plebis habes). 

20. otm &viXainrioicov, 'they would The usual physical explanation was 

never take their departure from a place criyen of this, the eraa9%u aer, cp. 

until they had torn down (up) the tent Juvenal 10. 50. Wieland made use of 

and laid hands on all the furniture' — the moiif in his comic Romance Ih'e 

the rapacity of the Persians is half OesehichU der Abderiten (1774). 

ludicrous, and perha^ wholly fabulous. 7. vop^civ ^dp dv icrX. The hrot 

The king's tent and its equipment were would be more pointed and smarter 

presumably the ones earned with him, without the added explanation. Blakes- 



119-121 



nOAYMNIA 



151 



el Kol apurrov irpoelptfTO Sfioia r^ Mirv^ irapaaxevd^eip, ij 
fiij inrofUveip Sip^v hnovra fj tcarafxelvavTa^ ieoKiara irdvrmv 
avOpdirtov SuiTpifirjvai, lo 

O^ fjL€v Bff wie^ofjiepoi ifim^ to iirir^uro'ofji^ejfop iweriXeav. 121 
Sip^^ Bi iK T^9 ^AKiivOov, ivTei\dfi€vo^ Totai oTparriyoun 
Tov vavTiKov arparov inrofiiveiv iv Sipfitf, airrj/ee am imvrov 
vopeveaOcu rh^ via^, ^ipfiff 8k t§ iv to! Sepfud^ KoKir^ 
oltcfifiiprf, air fj^ §cal 6 KoXiro^ oJro? rtjv eirmvvfihjv ^6*' 5 
ravrp yap ewvvOdvero avvTOfjuoraTOv elvai. M'^XP^ ^^ ^^P 

10 iKTpiPrjvai unus Paria., van H. 121. 1 o/iouos codd. : tamm 

Valla 3 rhv vavriKhv arparhv codd. Stein^, corr. Stein*, appr. van H. || 

dir' : or Cobet 5 €X€i' ravrg : lacunam suspicor, cl comment 6 

<rvvTOfJuaT€pov 6 



ley, indeed, puts tbis sentence down 
purely to Hdt, not to Megakreon ; bnt 
tbe grammar {orcU, obliq,) seems to bar 
tbat interpretation, unless we migbt 
suppose Hdt running his own superfluous 
explanation right on to the original 
bon-moi, 4. 144 supplies a parallel 
instance. In c. 162 infira, the point of 
Gelon's I^/ul is saved bj the orcUio recta, 

8. 6uou&: adverbial, cp. c. 118. 

10. oiarpiP^vav haraly seems so 
happy a word as iicrpiptuf, cp. 4. 120, 
6. 37, 86. Thuc 8. 78 {Ku^dweCfftip) 
Siarpi^Tjifcu is interpreted by the schol. 
9ia<p6aprjv<u, Poppo, however, gives 
periculum esse ne paulaiim aUerererUur, 
more in accord with the usual meaning 
of the word. 

121. 2. Tf|t 'Aicdvdov : cc 116 f. supra, 
Tolax 9TpaTi)Yoto>i : o. 97 supra, 
Xerxes appears in this chapter (which 
contains some curiously belated informa- 
tion that might at least have been given 
in or before c. 108 supra) throughout as 
exercising the supreme command, and 
not as a mere figure-head. 

3. &ir* Unnov might seem to implv 
that hitherto the ships had been in touch 
with him, which was not strictly the 
case ; see below. Bnt they had been 
advancing in the same direction, where- 
as now the fleet takes a course of its own. 
Kdt.'s statement is, however, explicit 
that only at Akauthos, not for example 
at Argilos, fleet and army parted com- 
[Miny (en. c 58 supra), 

4. 64p|fct| 8i . . Tfjfir fvi»w|i£i)v l^fi: 
a geographical note somewhat loosely 
tacked on, after the main sentence, but 
thereby marked all the more clearly as 
no part of the king's orders but a pore 



deliverance of the writer. Hekataios 
apparently mentioned both Thenne and 
tne ffulf named after it ; cp. Fr, 116 ( = 
Stepn. B. sub v. XdXaarpa), Therme, 
oriffinally perhaps a Greek colony, but a 
Makedonian town at the date when 
Hdt. was writing, and doubtless in 480 
B.O., was only in Athenian possession for 
a few months in 432-31 B.O. (cp. Thucyd. 
1. 61. 2, 2. 29. 6). Its position and its 
harbour must have given it importance 
always, but only with the founda- 
tion of Thessalonike on the spot by 
Kassandros (Strabo 880. 21) were the 
possibilities of the nlace fully appreci- 
ated ; and only witn the Romans did 
Thessalonike, as the capital of one of 
the Makedonian regions, and at the verv 
middle of the Via Egnatia, reach its full 
destiny, albeit thereafter to be supplanted 
by Constantinople. It was by no acci- 
dent that a Christian church early 
flourished here (cp. the two JSpp, ascribed 
to St Paul), for the place was frequented 
of the Jews, and Salonikif still the seat 
of an archimandrite, is largely in the 
hands of a Jewish population (cp. Tozer, 
Highlands of Turkey, i. 143 ff.). 

6. TCivTn ^dp lTvv9dvcro ovvTO|fcMTa- 
Tov ctvoi : one may suspect that a sen- 
tence has dropped out before these words, 
which appear to give the reason why 
Xerxes and the land-army here parted 
from the fleet o^rdt 8i did {rift) fieaoyalris 
nfif 6d6p ifuWt TOLiecBai (^Toc^erof), or 
words to that effect, are necessary to 
render the argument coherent 

|Uxpi ' AxdvOov . . 4k AopConcov : 
the organization and separate advance of 
the three 00171s d*armS$ or columns {rptis 
/uHpat) probably did not cease at Akan- 



162 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



*Atcdpdov &B€ TeratffiAvo^ 6 oTparo^ ix Aopitneov rijp oSop 
hroUero* rpet^ fiolpa^ o Sip^^ Baadfievo^ irdvra rov irel^ov 
oTparov, filav airrioDv Ira^e iraph 0aKa<raav ievai ofiov r^ 

10 pavTiie^' rauTTj^ piv Hi itrrparrffeov MapSovio^ re koX 
Maa-loTTf^, eripfj Bk rerarfpAvr) ^t€ rov arparav rpirrifiopU 
T^v p^aoyauip, rrj^ icrpanjyeop ^piraprai'xjp/q^ re koI Tipyi^* 
17 Bk Tpirr) T&p fiotpifop, p^r ^9 iirop€veTO avro^ Ei/9^9» ijie 
p^p TO pAaop avT&p, arpartfyoif^ Sk irapeijfero ^pepSop^ved 

15 re leal Meydfiv^op. 
122 'O p^ pvp pavTiKO^ (rrparo^ a>9 direldrj inro Sepfeo) koX 
Bie^iirXwae rtfp hL(!>pvj(a rr^p ip r^ "KOtp yepopAptfP, SUj(pvaap 

9 (TTparov om. f^ Holder, van H. 15 re om. S || peydpv^ov R(S f) : 

p^ydPv^ovdV 122. 2 StcirAoxrc 6 



tho8 (cp. Tpirn/iopls 0. 181 infra), though 
Hdt. does not specify it clearly for any 

girt of the march except that between 
oriskos and Akanthoa, and, indeed, 
only for this part here as a belated ex- 
planation of a new departure or develop- 
ment at Akanthos (if it was at Akanthos, 
and not at Argilos). But did the 
arrangement only date from Doriskos ? 
The land-forces that marched from 
Sardes to Abydos, and from Sestos to 
Doriskos, must have had some good 
organization, and definite tactical dis- 
positions ; but it is possible that a new 
departure, a new development, was 
e£feoted at Doriskos, especiallv if (as I 
have ventured to suggest) at least one- 
third of the forces reached Doriskos by 
sea, with probably the greater portion of 
the fleet ; cp. notes to cc 44, 69 supra. 
It may then have been at Doriskos that 
the fall tripartition, or rather the tripli- 
cation, of the land forces was effected ; 
and from that point to Akanthos the 
army may have marched, on three ap- 
proximately parallel routes — ^left, middle, 
and right — oj coast -line, inland and 
between, the fleet remaining in touch at 
least with the left column. Hdt leaves 
no doubt here as to his own conception 
of the order of march from Doriskos to 
Akanthos ; but in his actual narrative 
of the march (cc. 108-117), though in- 
cidentally implying the existence of two 
distinct marching columns, he is no- 
where betrayed into implying the exist- 
ence of a third. Is it possible that after 
all there were only two actually on land, 
the third fioipa being conveyed by the 
transports and fleet? In that case 



Xerxes himself would probably have 
marched by the coast route, with a corps 
(Varm^ on his right, on the inland road 
(▼ia Krenides, and north of Pangaion), 
and the fleet on his left (carrying a large 
number of soldiers, perhaps more than a 
mere third). Several points confirm this 
conjecture. (1) At Akanthos Xerxes 
dTrjK€ dir* itavTov iropeOeaBai rat Wat. (2) 
There are two routes plainly traceable 
from Doriskos to Akanthos, but a third 
is not indicated, nor easy to suggest. 
(8) The arrangement provides some work 
for the immense host of transports, 
which may have advanced to Therme. 
(4) At least a very large number of 
Persians and Modes and Sakai are sup- 
posed to be on the war-ships as ^nbatai : 
these probably represent men taken from 
the T6^6t, cp. c. 96 supra. (6) The 
arrangement appears reasonable in itself, 
and eases the difficulty of the advance of 
the huge forces. (6) If the right column 
crossed from Argilos to Therme direct 
(cp. c. 115 8upra)t and Xerxes with the 
middle column reached Akanthos, what 
becomes of the left column, unless we 
have shipped it somewhere en route f 

8. 6 g. Sao-dfuvot: cp. oc 86, 119 
supra ; and on the article c. 45 supra, 

rhv irc^^v 9t. must here include 
TT^p twirov : cp. c. 60 supra, 

10. lorpar^JYCov : on the eenerals see 
c. 82 supra, and on the whole question 
raised by this c Appendix II. § 5. 

14. TO (Uo^>v : cp. CO. 108 supra, 129 
infra, 

laa. 2. Sug^XflM^ T^v Su^ivxa T^ 
h r^ " AO^ ywo^Ayrji¥ : a clear record 
that the canal was not merely projected, 



121-122 



nOAYMNIA 



153 



Bk i^ §c6\wop iv r^ '^Acrcra re viki^ teal UCXMpo^ ical 
^(yyo^ Kal ttdfynj oticrfvrai, ivOevrev, <09 tcaX ix rovriav r&v 
iroXUov a-rpariffp irapiTuifie, iTrXee airUfievo^ i^ top Sepfjuuov 5 
teoXirov, Kafiirrtov tk ''Afiirekov rifp ToptopcUfjp aKptfP irap- 
afulfiero 'EKXfjvlSa^ ye rdaSe iroTu^, ex t&p pia^ re Kal 

3 viktapos 6A^ : iri(\)8uipos A litt erasa : viSuipo^ BPdz : viStap^ C 
4 a-dpyrj 6 5 airifco/xcvos 6 : dviifi^vos Krueger : secL van H. 6 

Kopuivairjv a 7 ye Stein : re || iroXcis 6 



and made, bat actually used ; it may 
neyertheless not be an express tradition 
but a just assumption. Hdt. nowhere 
says anything of the subsequent disuse 
and collapse of the canal, which wss 
used apparently onoe and only upon 
this occasion : a point specially re- 
markable on the supposition that he 
himself ever yislted those parts. Cp. co. 
23, 87 supra, 

h r«p ''AO^ is not happy ; cp. c. 
22 supra. The isthmus is here subsumed 
in the mountain. 

ycvo|iivi|v is a curiously weak word 
in this connexion : ireroiiy/u^iyr or ^(- 
ofMpvyfUttriw might have been expected; 
it can hardly Im taken to imply that in 
the writer's time the canal no longer 
existed. SUxovoiav as in 4. 42 r^ 
Sitbpvxo. . . n^tf iK rod Ne^Xoi; iUx^^^ 
it rhv *Apdi^iw k6\top. 

8. h K^irov : anonymous to Hdt. 
StTTtrucdi k6\wos Ptol. 8. 18. 11, between 
the promontories or peninsulas of Akte 
and Sithonia. 

''A<ro-a: Steph. B. sub v. cites 
Hdt. for Assa, T^Xtt irp^ rf "Atf^i, but 
has just below "Kacripa (neut) ir6Xit 
XaKKiiitop with reference to Theopompos. 
Forbiger, aUe Otogr, iii. 1065, identifies 
the two. The site is to be found at the 
head of the gulf, and the army must 
have passed by it as well as the fleet (or 
instead). The *kffay\piTw. appear on the 
Athenian quota- lists as paying half a 
talent, or less, tribute. Aristot. HisL 
Anim, 8. 12 = 519a asserts that in the 
district of Asseritis {ip t§ 'AffavplriSi sic) 
waters (d iraXoi^/Aei'ot Toraftbt ^vxfi^) ^^' 
isted which produced black wool in sheep. 

nCXo»pos, though described by 
Steph. B. as ir6\it irtpi top "KOiow (prob- 
ably from this passage), is placed by the 
geographers following Leake, N, Or, iii. 
154, not on Akte but on Sithonia. It 
appears on the quota-list for 437 B.c. 
{CLA, i. 243 ; Hul, Sources, p. 75) under 



the rubric IldXett &t ot /duDrcu iwtfpaifow 
^pop^pttp, and paid 600 Dr. tribute. 

4. SCyyot : Steph. B. (following this 
P<^B>Agou> places it ire^ rdy A$ww, 
Fliny 4. 17 mentions it with Ampelos 
and Torone; Leake (N. Or, iii 158) 
finds it on the east side of Sithonia. 
The ZtyyoiM appear in the text of the 
treaty of Nikias 421 B.O., Thuc. 5. 18. 
6, and have a long prcTious record on 
the quota-lists (£(77^01) paying tribute 
rarying from 4 to 1 talent. 

]QLpTT| : Steph. B. as above. Assa 
(Assera, Assyra), Piloros, Singos, Sarte 
appear to be regularly named nere from 
K. to S. as they would occur ui>on Uie 
route of the fleet ; Leake op, c in. 154 
places Sarte on the SK side of the point 
of Sithonia. The Za/xraMu appear on 
the quota-lists (paying 1500 Dr. tribute: 
the record imperfect). Sarte appears as 
a Thraoian name, cp. Zdrpai 111 supra, 
and Blakesley suggests that none of 
these cities were Greek (cp. next list) ; 
their names at least were not. 'Ao-oa* 
Kfi>/iti ZKvSlat Steph. B. Zlyyot : singula. 
tyyia=eU Hesych. (cp. Grassberger, 
Ortsnament p. 267). Even WXupot may 
be ' Thracian ' or northern. 

5. &irU|uvot, 'direct,' ie. released 
from hugging the shore ; but cp. App. 
Grit. 

6. Kd|iWT«nr, '(in) rounding Ampelos 
passed . .,' an impossibility, says 
Blakesley, and would therefore alter 
the text ; but a pres. part, followed by 
a narrative verb, to describe two snooes- 
sive acts, is g^d Herodotean grammar : 
it is not the time-index in the participle 
which is most essential. 

'A|MrfXov t9[v ToMtvaCi)V &Kfn|v : 
Ampelos, a not unusual name for pro- 
montories ; Steph. B. besides this one 
mentions one in Samos ; the east point 
of Krete bore the name, and it was. 
found elsewhere (cp. Hirschfeld in Pauly- 
Wissowa L 1881 f.). 



164 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



(TTpaTir^v irapeXdfifiave, TopdvrfV TaXrjy^ov %€pfiv\rjp MffKv- 

123 iSepvav "OXvvOov, 97 fiiv vvv x^PV o^vrri ^idtovlrj KoXierai, 

h Si [vairriKo^ arparo^ S^/:>f€a>] awrdfivoDP dir ^AfiiriXov 

8 yaX,r)t//tav fi || fir)Kvp€vav R : firjKVp€wav SV (fjmicvPevvav V ap. 
Wesseling) 123. 1 a-idovCrj a 2 vavriKos . . Bc/d^ccd seel. Stein^ 



8. Top^VYiv: already ineDtioned c. 
22 fuprUf in a way which makes it 
pretty obvious that Udt. did not know 
on which side of * the Toronaean pro- 
montory ' the city was situate : the 
name is still attached to the site. 
Torone is a 'Chalkidio' town (cp. 8. 
127) and specifically a Greek city **named 
from the daughter of Proteus or Poseidon 
and Phoinike" (Steph. B.). The assess- 
ment of the Toronaeans was doubled in 
426 B.O. (from 6 to 12 T. ; cp. CLA, i. 
p. 231) by Athens, which helps to ex- 
plain their relation to Brasidas, and 
the part played by them in 424 B.O. 
Cp. Time. 4. 110 ff. 

raXt|+<Jv : Thuc. 4. 107. 3, 5. 6. 
1 appears to place Galepsos near the 
Strymon ; Strabo 831, /r. 33 places it 
east of Strymon, between Phagres and 
ApoUonia ; Livy 44. 45. 15, Plutarch, 
AemU, Paul, 23 support Thucydides 
and Strabo; Blakesley sees that Hdt. 
is in error; Rawlinson supposes two 
places of the same name. Steph. B. 
indeed distinguishes the Galepsos of 
Thucydides from a 'Paionian' city, 
mentioned by Hekataios ; but they may 
be the same. The reoord of the FaX^^ioi 
on the Attic quota -lists is constant 
(Tribute normal, 1) talent). Hdt 
describes it as a Greek city ; Thuc. as 
a Thasian colony. Had there been 
two cities of this name in Thrace at one 
time Thucydides would probably hare 
indicated as much. Hdt can scarcely 
here be writing from autopsy. 

2Iip|fc^Xi)v: Steph. B. Sep/ivXaia* 
ir6Xif irtpi rhv "KBtav^ ujj 'Eicarato;. The 
Attic inscripp. show the two forms Zep- 
/ii/Xi^t, 2)ep/3uXt^ (cp. Hill, Sources, 
Index p. 414 a). Thucyd. 5. 18. 8 
(treaty-text) Zep/tuXic^, where the city 
shares the fate of Torone and Skione. 
The Sermylians had paid from 3 to 5 
talents previous to the r6^it of 425 B.C., 
wherein no doubt their assessment was 
at least doubled. The position of the 
city is fixed by Leake at mod. *Ormylia' 
on Sithonia : N, Or, iii. 154. 

MT|K^Pif>vav. In the text of the 



treaty of Nikias the Mekybemaeans are 
classed with Sanaeans, Singaeans, Olyn- 
thians, Akanthians : Thuc. 5. 18. 6. 
Thuc. 5. 31. 1 {Ui/iKiptpvajf 'OXdrtftoi 
*k(hnvaUaw 4^poupo6trr<ap iwiBpafjUun-cs clXor) 
shows Mekyberna to have been in the 
neighbourhood of Olynthos. Steph. B. 
sub V, T6\a IloXXi^^iyf, r^t h Opi*^ 
X€ppo¥i/lffov *Eicaracot Ei^ix&irp. Philip of 
Makedon in 848 B.o. seized Torone and 
Mekyberna as a preliminary to obtaining 
Olynthos : Diodor. 16. 53. 2. The ^- 
tion of the town has been identified 
(Molivo, Leake N, Or, iii. 154) : it standa 
to the Toronaean gulf as Assera to the 
Singitic. The MrjKvpcpmoi or Miyicy- 
TcpyauM figure constantly on the Attic 
lists with a tribute of 1 T. or less : their 
assessment for 425 B.c. is unfortunately 
lost 

9. ''OXwOov : Olynthos was a Greek 
city at the time when Hdt. was writing, 
but not yet in 480 b.o. ; cp. 8. 127 infra. 
The name is rather ' Phrygo-Thraoian ' 
or prae-Hellenic (-i'^-, cp. HipufOof etc.). 
It was destined to the greatest and most 
eventful history of any of the Greek 
colonies in Chalkidike, and became one 
of the chief ' objectives ' of Makedonian, 
Athenian, and Spartan policy in the 
north region. Thucydides 1. 63. 2 plaoes 
it 60 stades from Poteidaia ; Hdt here 
seems to put it inside Sithonia ; Steph. 
B. more correctly irp^ rj ZiBwfL^ The 
position is identified (Leake iii. 154). 
The Olynthian tribute to Athens was 
fixed (so far as we know) at 2 T. (Its 
gi-eatness was yet to oome.) 

183. 1. SiOwvCTi. The Latin authors, 
Ovid, Lncan, Pliny, are acquainted with 
*Sith<5nii' on thePontus, Vergil {Ee, 10. 
66) and Horace {Od. 3. 26. 10) with 
* Sithonian snows ' ; bnt these may be 
<i literary freaks. Cp. App. Grit 

2. onwrdi&VMV di/ AfivAov &K|n|t 
hr\ Kavaio-rpcUi)v dKpT|v. Hdt marks 
the ' Kanaistraian ' promontory as the 
furthest projection of Pallene. A 
postern -gate in Torone apparently bore 
the title, or might be descnoed as if Kork 
Kwaarpcuop irvMf Thuc. 4. 110. 2. The 



122-123 



nOAYMNIA 



156 



aKpri^ M Kavcurrpairiv aKfnfp, to S^ wcurtf^ rrj^ IlaXXi/i^ 
ave)(€L fiaktoTa, ivOevrev via^ re xal arparirfp irapeXdfifiave 
ifc TloreiScUf)^ xal 'A^vTto9 ical N6179 7ro\i09 teal Aty^ zeal 5 

3 Kavaarpalov fi, Holder, van H. || oKfnjv secL van H. 6 IXoTiSooys 

Stein^ ^ : e titulis corr. van H., Stein* || a^vcmos 6 



geograpliers all agree. Steph. B. gives 
the form Kdyeurrpoi^ : the Elym. Mag, has 
KdwoffTpa or Kaydorpa, which alone ex- 
plains the adjectival form. (£tjm. 
kdifoffrpoif a basket ?) 

The statement here made implies that 
the fleet crossed direct from the point 
of Sithonia to the point of Panene. 
This agrees exactly with the statement 
in the previous c. frXee dwUfiepot ^ rdy 
Otpfjuuw K6\iro¥f but it contradicts the 
statement which there immediately 
follows, that the fleet visited Torone 
(6alep80s),Sermyle,Mekybema,01ynthos, 
and it contradicts also the statement 
here following, which appears to make 
the fleet sweep round the east side of 
the Pallene peninsula. Bawlinson solves 
the difficulty by the supposition that 
only a portion of the fleet made the 
circuit of the Toronaean gulf: *'the 
main body of the fleet sailed across the 
mouth of the bay." Hdt does not 
make this dbtinction. Blakesley brings 
out the Herodotcan inconsequence in 
the remark : '* It is not conceivable that 
the whole fleet should make the circuit 
of the Toronaic gulf, and afterwards 
return to Point Ampelos in order to cross 
it at the narrowest part." Olynthos 
cannot have been visited by the fleet, 
for it was not a port: Mekyberna need 
not, for it lay on the route of advance 
for the army. Hdt. owing to his ignor- 
ance of the exact topography of the 
region has, presumably, in these chapters 
mixed up places visited by the army 
with places visited by the fleet. 

8. T^ . . &Wxci: the relative refers 
loosely to Afcpiy, cp. 6. 92 toO ( * a thing 
than which*) referring to rvpapyidas {sie\ 
4. 23 TovTo referring to frapr^f. dp^x't 
probably 4i t6v Terror, cp. 4. 99 (not *out 
of the water'). The observation is made 
from the land side. 

5. noTCi8aCi)s : described by Thuc. 1. 
66. 2 as irl ry IffOjuu} rijs IlaXXi^f, and 
a colony from Korinth. Already in 480 
B.C. it must have been a strongly fortified 
place, for it successfully stood a siege 
m the following year, 8. 127 infra, but 
not the slightest hint is given either 



there or here of the events in 482 B.c. 
(suoh as would probably have been given 
if the whole narrative were bein^ written 
about that time ; cp. Introduction, § 7). 
Poteidaia was the richest and most im- 
portant city of Chalkidike in the fifth 
century, and the rise of its assessment 
from 6 to 16 talents in 486 B.o. (cp. 
Hill, Sources, p. 77, C.LA. L p. 280) 
may have had a good deal to say to 
rd UvrtLiauLTiKd (Tnuc. 1. 66 ff., though 
Thuc. does not sav so). In naturul 
order the fleet would visit Poteidaia not 
next after Olynthos, or rather Meky- 
berna, but after Skione, Mende, Sane, 
and before Lipaxos and the rest below 
mentioned. 

'A^^rnos: mentioned in Thuc. 1. 
64. 2 as Phormion's base in his opera- 
tions against Poteidaia : Leake locates it 
at Aphyto {N, Or. iii. 156). Lysandros 
is reported to have laid ineffectual siege 
to it (403-2 B.O. (T) Pausan. 3. 18. 2) and 
Agesipolis died in it 880 b.c. (Xenoph. 
Hell, 6. 8. 19). It was assessed at 8 
T. tribute by the Athenians (which was 
not raised in 425 B.O.). The coinage (of 
the fourth century) attests the worship 
of Zeus Ammon (Pausan. l,c) and of 
Dionysos (Xenoph. l.e,\ but the former 
was presumably not older than the 
Lysandrian siege. Steph. B. gives the 
city an oracle of Ammon. 

N<i|« inSXiot* Al^ils* efipd|&p«». 
Neapolisand Aige are nowhere mentioned 
in the texts ; but a NedToXif Mer^fav 
or 4k UaWfpfyfl appears on the Attic lists, 
with a constant assessment of half a 
talent {CI. A. i. 280) (in distinction to 
the Thasian Neapolis irop' 'ArrwdpoF), 
and perhaps the Aiydtrrioi in the same 
region, with the same assessment, re- 
present this AM? Steph. B. notes 
many cities of the name of^ AlycU (A/71J) 
including the Makedonian. (On the 
etymology cp. Grassberger, Or. Ortsnamen, 
88 ff". ; Tozer, Highlands, i. 157.) Ther- 
ambos, Oepduptos (cp. 'AOut) appears in 
Steph. B. as Bpdfipot ' dKpwHfpiov Maxe- 
SoHai. This latter form accords with 
the Attic lists in which the OpafipauK 
(of Qp^fipii) appear, at times as an 



156 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



S€pdfifi(D Kol ^Kiannj<: Koi MivSr)^ seal Xdvrf^' atrrcu yiip elal 
ai rrjv vvv IlaXXiyi/iyi/ irporepov Bi ^Xiyptfv KcCKeopMvrjv vep^- 
fievau irapairXetov Be koI ravTrjp rifp x^P^^ ftrXce i^ to 
irpoeipfifUvov, irapcCKufifiavoDV arpartiiv Koi iK t&v irpoaej^itop 
10 iroXltov Tff Ila\\i]vr), ofiovpeovaic^v Bk r^ Sep/uuip KoXinp, 
T§ai ovvofuiTa iarl rdBe, Alira^o^ Ka>fil3p€ut Alaa Tiymvo^ 

7 vvv </A€i'> van H. 10 ry TiaWrjvy oin. fi || 6/iovp€ov(r<ov 6 

1 1 K(op.ppia a II AZra Stein^ : kurat codd., Stein^ 



appanage of Skione, and paying but a 
sixth or a talent (It is evident that 
Hdt.'8 nomenclature is not based on the 
Attic lists.) Perhaps Thrambe was a 
dependency of Skione near the Kanas- 
traean headland. 

6. ZKU&vin* Mlv8i|s* X&»r^ These 
three, with Aphytis, are the four ' cities ' 
of Pallene, recognized by Strabo (880, /r. 
27), Poteidaia ^ing on the isthmus, and 
Neapolis, Aige, Thrambe unknown or 
insignificant dependencies. 

ZKU»in|, reputed a Peloponnesian 
colony (to 'Pallene' from *PelleneM), 
founded on the return from Troy (Thuc. 
4. 120. 1), was a place of some importance 
in the fifth century (assessed on the Attic 
lists with considerable fluctuations, from 
6 to 15 talents : in 425 B.C. 9 T.) ; joined 
Brasidasin 424 B.O. (Thuc. l.c); three 
years later the Athenians (Thuc 5. 32. 
1) put the male population (lonians 
though they were) to the sword, and 
reduced the women and children (who 
had been conveyed to Olynthos, 4. 128. 
4) to slavery, and settled the dispossessed 
Plataians on the land. 

M4v8v| : T6Xit^ rS IlaXXl^^ ^Eperpitav 
dwoucla Thuc. 4. 123. 1, only second to 
Skione in importance (with a normal 
tribute of eight talents on the. Attic 
lists), joined Brasidas in 423 b.c. and 
barely escaped the same fate as Skione. 
The Lakriiea of Demosthenes suggests 
that wine was the staple of Mende, and 
the coinage (Head, p. 187) bears out 
the suggestion (Silenos and the Ass). 

£ain| : were there really two places 
of this name in Chalkidike, one hard by 
the King's Cut (c. 22 supra, Thuc. 4. 
109. 8 ApSpluy dirotKla), another on 
Pallene, between Mende and Poteidaia? 
The ZayeuM of the Treaty of Nikias 
(Thuc. 5. 18. 6) might dwell anywhere 
in the three - pron^sd peninsula ; and 
e(|ually the ZavaToi of the Attic lists, 
with their modest tribute of 1 T. or less. 



Strabo 830, /r. 27 reckons a ' Sane ' as 
one of the four cities of Pallene, but 
perhaps only on the strength of this 
passage (and is that a^bt Irpdfiup f). 
Steph. B. seems to hedge, mb v. : T^t 

Blakesley showed his frequent acuteness 
in denying the existence of a Sane on 
Pallene. The absence of any notice of 
Sane in Thucydides' account of the 
operations against Skione and Torone, 
and the fact that he only names the one by 
the canal, strongly supports thatnegative. 

^XIyp^v icaXfO|Uvi)V : AischyL Eumenid, 
295 (Orestes, invoking Athene) 4>Xe- 
ypaloM wXdxa \ Bpcuain rayovxot ^ d»^p 
iwiffKoweZ — obviously referring to Pallene, 
(not to the Phlegraian field in Campania, 
as Paley ad I. supposes). L. k S. seem 
right in identifying it with the scene of 
the victory : iray Beat iw wedUf ^Xtypas 
TLydyT€<r<rtp fJ^X"^ Amdj;taaip. Pindar, 
N, 1. 67, cp. Is, 5. (6) 38. (Aristophanes, 
Birds, 824 f., has his jest on it.)^ Tiytwls 
dxpa appears ^i^ rtp Bcpfuukf K6\Ttp 
Ptolem. 3. 18. 13. Stein su^ests that 
KdK€OfjJyfpf means ' so called in poetry ' ; 
but Hdt. seems to think ^X^/n; a 
genuine name, v^: at the time of 
writing: anno^ 

8. TO irpocipi||iivov, ' appointed by the 
king' (not ' aforesaid '), cp. cc. 119, 120 
supra : Tpoekpfiiyuhrjw infra, 

9. wpoorcx^: i.e. they were outside 
the isthmus, between Poteidaia and 
Therma ; but most of them hardly 
deserving the title of ir^Xiet. 

11. rQ«ri o^6|iaTa krrX rdBi: one might 
wish to believe that this list of trivial 
villages were a gloss from a local pedant ! 
Why should Hdt. stud the few miles of 
Erossaian coast with this heptarchy of 
hamlets T It is out of all proportion 
to the importance of the spot, or his 
methods elsewhere. It can hardly be 
an otiose reminiscence of his own coast- 



123 



nOAYMNIA 



157 



Kd^y^a ^fu\a AXveui* fi hk rovreoDv x^P^ Kpocaaifi eri Koi i^ 
t6t€ KoKieTcu. airh Bk Alvetfi^, i^ ri^v irekevrtop KaroK&fonv 
rh^ ^oXi9, diro ravrrf^ fjSf) i^ axnov re top Sepfjuuov Kokirov 
iyivero r^ vaxnLK^ arpar^ o irkoo^ KaX yrjv Tr}p iAvyiovlfjv, 15 



12 Ka^a Steph. B. : titt (van H.) || atVta o 
xoXcis B 15 6 reddidit Schaefer 



Kai OTfL o 



14 



ing voyage, for he is not acquainted at 
fii«t hand with the Thermaio gulf, or 
Chalkidike (cp. 1. 12 infra and c 122 
$upra). Is he the mere slave of the Log 
of one of the Halikamassian vessels If 
Or does he simply parrot Hekataios t 

ACvafos : Steph. B. sub v, : ir6Xtt 
Bpixris' 'EWaroubs. Thrako- Phrygian or 
Macedonian name? Its supposed 
occurrence on the first quota-list (458 
B,c),C,LAA, 226, is hardly acceptable : 
the name might as well be read Alacu or 
AifurcuM or what not. 

K^I&PfMiA: an (Lwa^ \€y. Is the 
termination the Thracian -bria ? Cj). c 
108. 

Ato« : Stein's bold emendation for 
Xto-cU in the codd. The name occurs on 
the quota-list for 437-6 B.O., CJ.A. L 248, 
with riytavot, ZfUXXa, Bi^/3ticot, and 
some other oddities under the rubric 
v6\€it &f o2 ISi&rai ipiypa^aw ^6pop ^p€iw 
(its quota obliterated). 

Tiymvoii cp. previous note, and 
I. 11 supm. The place is mentioned by 
Thuo. 1. 61. 6 (two days, by slow 
marches, from Strepsa). Steph. B. 
derives the name dw6 riywwot roO kl$tbww¥ 
paaCKim bt Aiori^^i ifrHi$7i, (But this 
defeat cannot be connected with the 
army of Xerxes 1) 

12. Kd|ii|rai: as a city-name an Aira{ 
Xe7. The Ka/i^ta^of or Ka/t^ai^ol of 
Strabo (291, 292), a German tribe, do 
not help us. ird/A^a is a ' basket ' (vid. 
L. k S.), cp. Kd^aarpoPy note to 1. 2 
9upra, 

2|ji{Xa appears on the inscription 
cited above as ZfdKXa and assessed at 
half a talent Steph. B. sub v.: T6Xtt 
Op^Krfs • 'Ejcaraiot ^ipitnro ' fieriL W Z/UXa 
T^Xif. Otherwise unknown. 

Atvcui: probably the most im- 
portant name in this list. The AZretarcu 
or klvioToi. (Hill, Sources) or Atwearai 
(Kirchhoff, CLA. i. ; Steph. B. gives this 
and Alp€i€i^ and Alpetot as iffpixd) were 
good for 8 T. tribute to Athens (reduced 
in 425 B.C. to 1000 Dr.). Strabo (800, 
/r. 21, 24) records its incorporation, 



with about five-and-twenty other toX/- 
fffjMTa (including Therme), bv Kassandroa 
to form Thessalonikeia, or Thessalonike. 
Steph. B. s%tb v, gives Theon in Lyco- 
phronem as authonty for the foundation 
by Aineias after the sack of Troy : this 
was already the tradition in the fifth 
century, if, as Head (ff. N, p. 189), 
observes, the oldest representation of a 
Trojan myth {sic) is a Euboic tetradrachm 
of Aineia, dated before 500 b.o. with an 
obverse representinff 'Aeneas carrying 
Anohises, preceded by his wife Kreusa 



carrying Ascanios.' Cp. 0. 58 ^icpns. 

Kpoova(i|. Strabo (830, ' 
says that Kassandroa founded 



ill. Strabo (830, fr. 21) 
isandros founded Thessa- 
lonike Ka9€\(iaip rd iv ri Kpoval6i voKl- 
(TfuiTa Kolrd ip T$ Bep/uUtp K6\v(fi v€pl i^ 
Kol etxoai Kol irvpoiKlaat e/t &. Thuc. 2. 79. 
4 speaks of the Athenians, at an engage- 
ment between Spartolos and Olynthos 
429 B.O., having riyat 06 woXKo^ rcXro^rdt 
4k t^ KpovfflSot yijs KoXovfidpfit, Steph. 
B. iitb V. Kpovait' fuUpa Trjt Mvydoplut ' 
Xrpdptap 4^86/110, Mvyiopucijt Kpovaldot 
(the seventh Book is fragmentary); 
sub V. Kp6a<ra' v6Kis vpbt ri} TLhuma* 
*Eiraraibt *Ao'l^* rbiSpucbp Kpocaeuot. It 
looks as if Hdt had made a slip in 
naming the district — further eviaenoe 
that he is not writing from autopsy, 
whatever the date of hx koI h rdrt may 
be and whatever the point of the remark. 
(The word Kfifxraw. occurs 2. 125. ) 

18. h T^v IrfXf^Twv KaToXfyitv r&t 
w^it, 'the last named in the list of 
cities just given ' : a curious reference 
back, over out one short sentence; a 
curious emphasis on the position of 
Aineia in the list, to be followed by the 
precise indication of the geographical 
position of Aineia at the very entrance 
of the Thermaian gulf, or bay, proper 
(a^hp rhp Oepfuuop k6\top), 

15. -yfjr ri\v Mvy8ov(i)v. Thuc. 2. 99. 
4 seems to apply tne term to the whole 
region between the Axios and the 
Strymon (Wpay *A{ioC a^xp^ Zrpvfj^pof 
Hip 'M.vySoplaw KoKovfUprfP *B.dupas ^^Xd- 
Carres pd/ioprai, but in c 100 perhaps 



158 



HPOAOTOY 



vu 



irKkwv hh aTrlKCTO e? re t^i/ Trpoeipff^ifrjp ^ip^ijp teal SivBoif 
T€ TToKip Kai XaXiarpfip iwl top "Af^ov worafLOP, S9 ovpi^ei 
j(fipfip ri}p MvyBoviT]p re xal 3orTiauBa, ttJ? c^of(rt to 
vapik BaXaaaap crreipov ^oipiop TroXie^ "^X^'^^ '^^ *^^^ HiXka, 



16 ^ivOov Stepb. Byz. : ^ivov ex titulis van H, 
^59 B 19 iroXc5 B II ixvrta 



18 pomivi^ II 



ID ft lenB extended seuse). Sicph. B. 
Mtrydor^a" ftolpa MatceBotfLas ' tctU iripa, 
^p\fylm Tftt ^rydX^— another item for 
the Mysio- Phrygian migmtion, cp. c. 73: 
so Strabo has & Mygdoina, or Mygdonb^ 
on the Ehyndakofl (cp. 550, 576. S8S] aj» 
well a3 m M^kedonia, or Paionia (331. 
fr. 41). Thut there was a Mygdoiiin. in 
Meaopotaiuia is no cniz, for the Tmiiie 
waa introduced there in hiatoncal times 
by iha Macedonians (747). Cp. 'txi^at 
below. 

16. 4s T^v TTpoiipTipivtiv, cji. 1. 8 
EUpra. 

B^piiTjv, c, 121 itapra, 

SivSov^ SU]>h. B. sub n. r^i^ffor 

ip56fqj. But also Xiydofatot Bp^Kiou iOi^tn, 
bft 'EnaTatoi E(V^ir]j, Hdt. himfielf has 
2tir3oi, 4. 28. and ZlvSlk^, 4. 86, cast 
of the KimmRriati BosiKiraa. (Can l^bfof^ 
C.I. A, L 243, un Athonim trihiitary in 
Thrace, assusaed (437 B.C.) at 1500 Dr., 
* belong ' here ?) 

17. XaX4o^pi]V, Stejib. B, XaXiorpa- 
w6\it Bp^^i^f, irepi t^k Bepfimov t(6\T0P. 

ir^Xtr 'KWijfi'w*' 6fn?f*f(*n', i¥ Si XaXd^rrprf 

Ma»cc6ovla's avr^y *raXer. (The ref* is 
to Strabo, iJ30, /r. 21, wht»ro Chalastra 
h one of the woXiff^ara absorbed into 
Thessalouike.) XaSalffrpa. ia mentioned 
by Plutunjh, Alex. 49, tt» thi? birthplace 
of one Limnos (Dimnos, Diod. 17. 79), 
a XaXaitfTpaiQs dv^pwFOf, who was in the 
plot which coat the life of PJiiloUs. 

rhv "Aftov ironanj^v, Gs oipC^ei 
ktX. Thucyd. 2. flO. 3 f. also tnakea the 
Axios the frontier bfltween horrla (with 
nttio*'ia) on the on<^ side and Mvy^opia 
on the other. The Paionians, who 
appear in the Homeiio Caialogiio amonjf 
the a I lies of Triij, come rrj\60€y i^ 
'AfU'SC^yof, dir' 'A£toO €vpd piovrof^ 'A^iov^ 
o( KdXXiffTor QSutp iiriKlSvarai alaw^ B 
850, 01), 16. 288, a description un- 
favourably crititiaed by Strabo, 330, /r. 
21, 5Tt 6 'Aftif 6o\cpiif Itti kt\. The 
'A|idf reappears in Homer (//. 21. 141-3) 
99 f(ipvpi€0p<n iroT(ifi6i fiaOvdivrj^, The 



luodem name ia the Vardar {medmev, 
hap6dptoi^ Bap5dpit\ which Oberhummer 
{ap. Pauly-Wissowa, iL 2630), folJowinjK 
Kiepert, thinks may be a revival of the 
olde&t name, a^^ainitt the Greek 'AU6t {sic). 
It ia the princi|jal river of Makcdonia.. 
Strabo (330) pbiceis the exit *^ between 
Chalastra and Therrae " ; but the lower 
course of the river appears to hare 
undergone aotii© vEiriation. 

18. BoTTiatis is the Borria of Thuc. 
2. 99. 3, BoTTiaio 2. 100. 4, on the 
right bank of tlio Axjo-*, aud extending, 
according to c. 127 tw/ra, to the (Lydiua 
aud) Haliaknion» nhi v. : a region which 
Oberhummer {ap. P«uIy-Wifl«owa) dia- 
tingiiishea from Borrtifi^, the district i-afit 
of Axios, and adjacent to Chalkidike, 
occupied by Bottiaei on their expulsion 
by the Makedrminns (cp. Thncyd.). 
Aristotle is credited with a Bomaiur 
roXtTfitt (t'p. V. Rose, AristoL pBeudrp, 
p. 463, Fragytutila^ p. 808), in which he 
told a strange story of the origin of the 
Bottiaei, trat^inK lliem back through 
lapygia and Delphi to Krete and Athens 
(an etiological fable to explain (1) the 
refrain of tJte Bottiaean maidens, tiafittf 
tli 'A^i^yar, (2) some analogies in Kri'taii 
and Miikedoniao place-names). So also 
Stnihr,, 330. 

19. 'Ixva^ Tf Kal Il^XXa. Ichnai 
appears to be almost unknown to his- 
tory : Steph. B. stub r. cit^B Hdt. Bk. 7 
for it, and addfl that Eratostljenes called 
it 'Ax^at (and Philetas *Ax*tt 1) Strabo 
435 has in Thej?saliotia 'Ij^vat Ittov ft 
Bifiii 'Ixfoia n/tarcit. The article in 
Stepb. pprhajw confutes the two, but 
adds that th**re wiis another 'I^"*" in 
the cast. This would be the 'Ix"^ of 
Dio Cass. 40. 12, the ''lx»'at (or 'Iffxr*") 
of Plutarch, Crasmts 26, in the neigh' 
bourhotid nf Carrhae, and probably a 
Makedoni:in fonndtition. Ihe I^drnai 
here named will have been in the 
neij*hbonrhood of Pella. 

Pelhi has a greater name, as the later 
residence of the Makedonian kingn, the 
birthplace of Philip and of Alexander 
the (rrcat Tluicyd. 2. 99. 4 ri^t 



I 




123-124 



nOAYMNIA 



159 



'O fiiv 8^ vavTiKO^ arparo^ airrov irepl "A^iov irorofiov 124 
Kol iroXiv Sepfifjv /eal rit^ fiera^v iroXui^ tovto^p irepifUvrnv 
fiaaiXia itrrparoireheveTO^ Sep^^ Sk koX o irel^o^ arparo^ 



124. 2 iroA.i9 fl 
irtSevovTo fi 



TovTccDv codd. : rovnav Stein<^)* 



3 COT/KXTO- 



Haxoflat xapd rbif *A^idv Tora/x^y OTfrfpf 
rira KaOiiMvcmf dw(a$€P lUxj^ nAXijt 
ircU BoKiavJit iK-Hj^eurro (sc 'AX^^d/>ot 
6 HtpitKKOv ira-Hfp ical ol irp6yofoi a^oC). 
In 382 B.C. it is described by an ontor 
from Akantbos as /uylmi rdw ip Meure- 
twU^ ir&Ktw (Xen. HeU, 5. 2. 13), though 
it is reduced by Demosthenes, de Cor. 
68, to a x^P^*' dd<^ Kcd fuKp^f before 
Philip's birth (cp. Straho 830, /r. 28). 
Livy 44. 46 gives a description of it as it 
appeared to the eyes of Aemilius Paulus 
in 168 B.a: '*Sita est in tnmulo rer* 
gente in occidentem hibemnm. Cingnnt 
paludes inezsuperabilis altitudinisaestate 
et hieme, quas restagnantes faoiunt amnes. 
Arz Phacus in ipsa palude, (|ua prozima 
urbi est, yelut insula eminet, aggeri 
opcris ingentis imposita, qui et murum 
sustineat et humore circumfusae |)aludis 
nihil laedatur. Muro urbis conjuncta 
procul videtur. Divisa est intennurali 
amni et eadem }>onte juncta, ut nee, 
oppngnante externo, adituin ab ulla parte 
habeat neo, si ^uem ibi rex includat, 
ullum nisi per facillimaecustodiae pontem 
effuginm." The position was, of course, 
an inland one : dwb 6i AovSlov tit lUWcuf 
x6Xiy drdrXout arddia ixar^ tlKoaiP 
(Strabo 330, /r. 22), i.e. a day's march. 
Hdt. here places it on the coast appar- 
ently, just as Pliny, N.H, 4. 10 (prob- 
ably following this passaee) places 
Ichnae in ora — clear evidence that 
neither Pliny nor Hdt was writing 
from autopsy. 

The name Grassberger {Ortmamen, p. 
163) interprets * rock \irirpa) ; Hesychius 
8,v. riWa- \L0ot. 

IM. 1. oi^roO : local (Sitzler). Were 
the ships drawn up on land as at 
Doriskos? Apparently (^flTparoireJeiJrro). 

3. g^p(t|S Si Kol & wft^ rroar6%. 
Hdt apparently conceives the advance 
in three divisions, which he predicates 
for the stage from Doriskos to Akanthos, 
now abandoned, and the forces on land 
all advan<ing with the kin^ on a single 
route. This conception is in itself 
absurd, and it conflicts with the topo- 
grapiiical indications appended. The 
route is described as lying through 



Paionike and Krestonike to the river 
Cheidoros (and then apparently down 
the latter to its exit in the bay of 
Therme). ncuomc^ is presumably the 
country immediately west of the Stiymon 
(cp. 6. 12-16). Km)VTonK^ is not very 
clearly located in Hdt (8. 116, 5. 8, 5), 
but is apjMirently next or near Paionia, 
and, as this passage would show, west of 
Paionia and on the Cheidoros. This 
agrees well enough with Thucyd. 2. 99. 
6 t69 t€ *Ap$€/ioGyTa xal Tfnfffrtaplap ical 
BiffaXrlop, and 2. 100. 4 n^r t€ Uvydoplw 
Kcd rp7f<rrufvlaw koI *Ap$€fiovpTa (op. also 
4. 109. 4 BiaaXriKbp xal K/njorwrur^ 
Kol *B.8jupet), Hekataios had mentioned 
KfnfaTW€s in his Europe : Steph. B. s.v. 
K/niffTtiv, (Hdt 1. 67, as emended, ii 
not to the point) 

The XtCi«»pof (or 'Extl^fxn) is men- 
tioned by Skylax, PeripL 66, as between 
the Axios and Therme, and by Ptolemy 
3. 13, 14 as between Thessalonike and 
the Alios ; it is therefore identified with 
the OaUikei Leake, N. Or. iiL 489; 
Tozer, i 886. 

The route thus indicated is entirely 
different from the route expressly re- 
corded by Hdt between the Strymon 
and Therme ; or rather is confounded 
with it in his narrative. 

The route throuffh Krestonike is prob- 
ably identical with the route from 
I^ke Prasias over Mount Dysoros into 
Makedonia, described in 5. 17 (which 
may represent later knowledge than this 
passa^). 

It IS inconceivable that Xerxes, having 
reached Akanthos, cut inland to Lake 
Prasias, crossed Dysoros, and descended 
upon the Echeidoros ; but it is more 
than probable that one of the army 
columns pursued tliis route from the 
St^mon to the Axios. 

Aerxes himself may have gone down 
to Akanthos to view the canal, and then 
returned to Arf^ilos (cp. c. 115 supra) 
and crossed Chalk idike, with a corpt 
cCarmSCf by the direct route via Lake 
Boibe. 

The third corps may have gone by a 
coast route from Akanthos via Sane, 



160 



HPOAOTOY 



€7rop€V€To iic T»J? ^AtcdpOov rtjif fiecroyatap rdfivmv t^9 oSov* 

5 ffovXo/ievo*; €<? riji* ^ipfLr^v aTTiKiadai, itropevero Be Si A rrj^ 
IlaioiniCj^<: Kal Kpf}aTwvifCTJ^ eVl irorap^op KeiSwpov, 8? ix 
Kpfjarmvaimp ap^dfiepo^ piei St A MvyBopiT}^ X^PV^ ^^^ €^i€Z 

125 TTapa TO ?ko<; ro ctt' *Afrft) worapito. wopevofiev^ he ravTrj 
Xeoi/T€9 ot iir^Or^Kapro rjjai 4TtTO(f>6pot(n tcafjLi]\oiai* xara- 
it>oiTiovT€^ yap ol Xioprc^ ra^ pvxra^ xai XetVovre^ ra 
a-^pirepa '^Bea aWov /4€v QvB€Po<i dirropro oi/re viro^vyiov 

5 0VT€ dpdpmiTOVf oi Se ra? Kap,^\QV^ itcepdi^op fLOvva^, 6m/id^ot 
Bk TO alrtov tl kot€ t^p t&p aKXa>p to dpayfcd^op awe- 
^Ofjiipou^ Touv Xiopra^ T'f}<rt xafi'^Xotat hnrideadai, to ^ifre 

126 TrpoTcpop oWQiTTeaaif 07jpiop /xjjt' iTreTr^tpiaro avTov. ela-l Be 
Kark ravra ret j(^u>pla Koi Xeopre^ froXXol Kal /?o€? dypioi, 

6 'Ex^^^t^pov Isaac Voss, Holder, van H. : cp. c. 127. 8 125. 2 

icaTa<^tT4ijiT€? o 3 ol AccivTc? eecl, van H. || Kal Acnrovrcs : cicAtiroyrc* 

van H. 6 rh dvayKa^ov secL Gomperz, appr. van H. 



Awm, Mekybema, Oljnthos, perhaps 
Aineia, to Thermc, unless indeed tt waa 
on ship-board. 

8, ri IX.09 rb hr' 'AfCy iroTa|JL4j» is 
a genuine traits no doubt ; but not 
beyond the posAibOitira of Teport or 
tradition. On the unbealtbinesa of the 
n<*jghboiirUood cp. Toz&r, i. 161. 

125. 1. TttiliT) : by the route over Dy- 
toroii. Oi h surely Homething bottor here 
than a mere substitute for tlio poBsessive: 
it is !in ' etbical * dative, 

2. naTa+oiT^ovTfs : dowo from tbo 
moan tain heights— their usual haunts 
(f[0fa). Did it really happen more tban 
onf e t xds v^raf : temporal accusative, 
no t ofd uratio n^ bu 1 f frequency, { ' ' Hd t 
nam w»*ra, rat vvKraf^ inBtead of rvrcrdf," 
Mttdrig, p. 29 n.) 

1. AXXov ^iv o^&fv^ . . ol 81 : on 
this rein t rod uction uf the subject In a 
nae udo- ail ti thesis cp. o. 13 mipra. The 
fact bert* afiscrted is liardly credible, 
unless by some accident these camels 
happened to ha in such a position in the 
Laager as to be QBi>ecialiy exposed. 
Paiiaan. 6. 5, 4 is, of course, taken from 
Hdt. and oiniirit be cited as confinnfttion 
of the fact, KfpaClciv ia remarkable aa 
U8«d of lions. It is a common word 
with Hdt. (rare in Attic), and had C[uito 
lost any etymu logical force ; but cp, 
8. 71. 



icd^oK. If science be only rerum mtgno- 
$cere cavsas^ Hd L here showrs a laudablfl 
wonder, or curiosity ; but science it 
also the ojicertainment of ^ facts,' and 
the x»reviou8 question is whether the fact 
was really as Hdt believed. He seeius 
to suppose that there was some intrinsic 
or uatural reason why the lions went for 
the camels, when they had their pick of 
the whole lot of sunipt4?r animals, thouffb 
ho does not venture to assign as the 
cause the novelty and outlanoisbness of 
the oamel in the eyes of a Macedonian 
lion. Perhaps the cameU were the Iftst 
of the train, or were spent and lagging, 
or dropi>ed by the way. Perhaps the 
non-appearance of the camels in Greece 
had to bo a recounted for. This is the 
last we hear of tbem on the march ; cp, 
a 86 supra, hut cp- 9. 81 infra. The 
us© of atxiov here for a physical * cause * 
is observable. Even 5t* fj** ahiiifp iwoki- 
fiijeav AXX-^k&iffi 1, 1 is not quito so 
strong. With the expression 6 n kot^ 
9fv rd ainov cp. Dcmoatb. 8. 56 ri wot 
o^iy iffTt tA atrtoy, Cf Avdpa *kB, rrX. 

136, 2. p<ifs d.Ypi^i T»v . . kvrX Ttl H 
*lIXXT|Fttf AotT^ovra. The wild ox 
{§ha^o%) of Arifltot, HM. An, 9. 46 = 
630a there located in Paionia, The 
notice of the trade in horns is sugges- 
tive. The Greeks bought them ratbur 
for use than for ornament (tn/er oZta, as 
drinking vessels ? cp. Aristot* /,c,), 
^\rim.v of commercial imports, 3, 115. 



124-127 



nOAYMNIA 



161 



T&v rit Kepea vwepfieydOea iarl r^ i^ '^EXXi7i^a9 ^otriovra. 
oipo^ ik Toiat Xiovai iarl 8 re Si ^KfihrfpoDV f^e^v irorafio^ 
N4aTo^ Kol o Si ^Ajeapvavifj^ pemv *A^6X^09* oire yhp to 5 
irpo^ rriv ijw tov HiaTOV ovSafioOi irdari^ rrj^ ifiirpoaOe 
^vpanrrj^ tSoi Tt9 &v Xeovra, ovre irpo^ iairiprj^ rod 'Aj^eX^ov 
iv ry hrCKolirtp ^irelptp, dXX* iv r^ fiera^ tovtwv t&v 
irorafi&p yivovrcu. 

'ft^ 8^ €9 rifv Sepfirjv airUeTO 6 Hip^9» tSpvae avrov 127 
rifv (TrpartTjv. hriaye Zk arparo^ avrov orparoireSevSfAevo^ 
Tr)v irapk OaKaaaav X^P^^ roai^vSe, ap^dfievo^ airo Sipfjuf^ 
irokio^ Kol rrj^ 'MvySovirj^ f^XP^ AvBUa^ re irorafiov ical 'AXidx- 

126. 5 p€ii}v om. B : seel, van H. ||' ox^^^ fi || ovrc o : ovSa/Mv R : 
ovSafwv ovTc V(S) 9 <:/JLovvy:> yivovrai van H. 127. 3 

airo <rc> Kallenberg 4 AoiSUta Cobet 



4. otpot 8i TotdTi VIovo-i. Hdt.'Bgdo- 
|i:raphical limits for the lion are interest- 
lug. He does not of coarse deny the 
existence of the lion in Asia and Libya 
(4. 191). He is dealing here simply 
with the European lion, which he con- 
fines to the area between the Nestos and 
the Acheloos. How far south the lion 
wanders he does not clearly say, but he 
seems vafuely to think of the Nestos 
and the Acheloos, of Abdera and Akar* 
nania, as due E. and W. of each other, 
or, we might say, in the same parallel of 
latitude. Perhaps they were so repre- 
sented on the Ionian maps of Hekataios 
and Anaximandros (cp. 5. 49). The 
eastern term of Europe, beyond the 
Nestos, is here problematic. Hdt can 
hardly be thinking of a Europe extend- 
ing indefinitely to the East, as in 4. 42 
(probably a later passage in composition). 
Stein suggests the Pontes as tne limit ; 
but why not the conventional limit of 
the lonians, viz. the Tanais t 

Si' 'ApS^pMV { = did, rvt 'AfidiipiTC^ 
Pausan. I.e.) does not contradict c. 107 
supra, where the Nestos flows irard 
"Apdripa. The city name may stand for 
the district. Stein c^is. is MIXijror 
iaipa\€ 1. 16. Cp. 9. 17. 

6. rfjs l|iirpovAc ECp4in|f indicates, 
as Rawlinson remarks, that "this part 
of the wbrk was written in Asia, or 
taken from an Asianic source (Heka- 
taios) ? The former inference would 
l)oint to its early composition. 

7. CSoi ris &v Xiovra: it was long 
since Peloponnesian Tartarins had seen 

VOL. I PT. I 



live lions in their own land. Even the 
Mykenaian lions and wild oxen may be 
' Thraoian.' One need not suppose from 
this formula, or phrase, that Hdt had 
been looking for lions, or had even been 
in European Greece, before writing. 

187. 1. & S^pt^lt : impressive article ; 
cp. e. 45 supra, 

XSfva^ : as in 4. 124, 208, of an 
army ; otherwise rather a strong term for 
laagering. 

01^0 : locative ; op. c. 124 svpra, 

8. dir& B^i^ : west of Therme. 

4. Myj6ov(t|f: a I2d supra. 

AMm: the Lydias {Kdrasmak, 
Leake, JV. Or, iiL 270), only here men- 
tioned by Hdt Strabo, 880, Jr. 20, 
brinss it from the lake by Pella (to 
which he gives the same name as 
the river), and connects it with the 
Axios, of which it is, as a matter of 
fact, now a tributair. Skylax, PeripL 
66, puts Aloros on the Lydias, which is 
distinct from the Haliakmon and from 
the Axios, and afibrds a waterway up to 
PeUa. Ptolemy (8. 18. 14, 15) distin- 
guishes the iKfioKai of the Axiot, Lydias, 
and Haliakmon. The lower courses of 
these three rivers have doubtless alterc^d 
from age to age, but it seems probable 
that Hat is here in error in giving the 
Haliakmon and the Lydias one ana the 
same outlet (^t t<!)vt6 ^4t9p» rh 0Aw/> 
ffvfifjUeyorrn). Cp. also Eurip. Baeeh. 
565 ff. 

'AXUuc|&ovot : a considerable river, 
the modem VitirUza (Inj^-kar&-su, 
Turkish ; cp. Leake N. Or. i. 808). lU 



169 



HPOAOTOY 



YU 



5 ^ovo^f ot ovpi^ovat jT^p Tfjv BoTTtatifia tc koL Ma/fcSoj/tSa, 



6 i^v ooL a 



namft first c^cours in Hedcd, Theog, 341, 
in a catalogue of Timers. Strabo 330 
pliu:ea the outl«t between Dion and 
Pydna, which can hardly be right, 
Cai^Mar, B. C. 3. 36, makes it the frontier 
between Makedonia and Thessaly. Its 
lower course, in fact, lies fkarallel to the 
rauge of the Kamhuniaii motiutaltis^ on 
the north side; Its nii[)er course, how- 
ever, forms a ri^ht angle thereto, Hdt. 
in making the nver th« frontier between 
' Bottiaiia ' and ' Makedonia,* Hoema to 
be in error, as in uniting the Haliakmoti 
with the Lydios. 

5. MaicfttovCs, which ought surely to 
denota * Makedooia popar/ occurji odIj 
111 this parage, and appears to imply 
(as Stein suggests) an intentional con- 
trast to MaKtdowlij {y^)t Hdi/a usual term 
for the land ruled by AmyntaM and 
Alexander. 

Under thia contrast there lurks a 
problem and a self-contradiction. Hdt. 
and Thucydides both face the problem, 
And both succumb to the self- contra- 
diction, but with a difference, whicli is 
to Hdt/fl credit. The problem conconiH 
the origin and rise of the Makedonian 
111 on arch y ; the inconsiatency lies be- 
twoen the location of the true Make- 
doni&ns, inland^ up country, awav from 
the sea, and the Peloponnesianr i.e. 
trftOflmanne origin of the reigning house. 
Thu problem^ especially in regard to 
the gradual extension of Makedonian 
sway, Thucydides faces more deliberately 
than Hdt. and answers moru systemati- 
cally, with this result, that he departs 
more completely than Hdt. from the 
historical order of events, and involves 
himself in &a ethnological sojihism to 
cover that departure. But Hdt., too, 
has recourse (in this f^assage) to what 
may be called a geographical sophism 
to rationalize his history ; cp. Thuc. 2. 
99 and 8. 138 infra, Hdt and Thuc. 
agree (1) in accepting the foundation 
legend of the Makedonian monarchy, 
(which represented the king? as Temenida 
from Peloponnesian Argos ; (2) in ad- 
mitting toat the habiiat of the true 
Makedoniana was far inland. But Hdt., 
notwithstanding the legend (1), traces 
the spread of the power of these 
adyentureis from Lebaia, and the parts 
about Mount Bermios, within measure - 
able dista&oe of Afgoa Oreatikon, while 



Thucydides, notwitliBtanding the site 
(2), makes the oonqne^t start from the 
sea- coast, so that any truly Makedoniati 
land is among the last of the acquisitions 
of the Makedonian kings. Thucydides*, 
indeed, with characteristic lucidity, 
marks six stage's in the process of 
conquest or eximnsion : (i.) Pieria ; (ii. ) 
Bottia; (iii.) Pdonia, between PcHa, 
originally a Paiouiaii stronghold, and 
the sea; (iv.) Mygdonia j (v.) Eordia 
and Akuupia; (vl) Autli«n(i8. Grestonia, 
Bisaltia, "and a laige i>iirt of tht^ land 
of the Makedonians themselves/' Make- 
don is the last place reached by the 
Makedonian conqui-st ] Such a process 
could hardly have resulted in the 
establishment of a * Makedonian ' mon- 
archy. Thucydides has to a greater or 
less extent reversed the order of the 
Makedonian conquests in the interests 
of the helleniziug legend of the Hoyal 
House, while acknowledging that t!ie 
true Makcdonianji, Ljrnkestai, Elimiotai 
and other triV)e8, were to be found Jar 
inland. He covers this tncomiequence 
by the sophuitical su Institution of ol 
MaKfd6iKi our 01 for his Brat subject, 
'AX^^oy^/MH Kal ol irphyowoi ai>ToD, as the 
heroes of the conqutat. Hdt recognizing 
the start of the supposed ' Temenids ' 
at Lebaia has fireAerved the true per- 
spective of Makedonian expansion, 
though that Mispective constitutes a 
fatal liar to tlie ncUenizIng legend of 
his Makedonian patrons, S. 137-1 3i^. 

None the less in this passage Hdt., 
coming perilously near the Thucydidean 
fallacy, plainly identilits MaKioovCs or 
Makedonia proper with a district on the 
sea-coast; in a word, Pieria (cp. cc. 131, 
1 77 infra), surely the least * Makedonian " 
of all the Makedonian lands ; and thereby 
tends to disown admission (2) ^u/ira, ixi 
the interests of admiaaiozi (1). 

Hlakealov's ingenioua idea, accordutfi 
to which MaKCDovff here is the lana 
enclosed by the fork of the rivers Lydiaa 
and Haliakmon (having thtrefore no 
part to the sea) and Bottia, or Bvrrtaiit, 
the part outside the rivers, will hardly 
do in nxij case. If Hdt had meant 
that MoMCfSovCs was inclosed by the two 
rivers J he would have naid so, and the 
discovery of a 'Makedonia* on the sea 
onust is rendered a fatal necessity for 
Udt by the Legend of the Makedonian 



127-128 



llOAYMNIA 



163 



c? rmvro pi€0pov to vStop <rvfjL^l<Tyovr€^, iGrparoirei^vovro 
fi€V S17 hf rovTOtat rotai ^(wpLotat, 01 jSdp^apoi., rmv SI 
KaraXe^devrtav TOVT(t>v irora^p [e/c l^pritrrmvaimv pimv\ Xe/- 
&o>po^ fiovvo^ ovK dirr€y(frr}(r€ Tjj arpaTtfi wtvofievo^ aXK 

Ecpfi7? Sc opimv itc rt)? %€pfifi^ Spca ret SeaaaXiKa, 128 
rov T£ OXvfjLTTOP Kai rriv "Oaaav, fieyddet t€ inrepfifJKea 
€6vTa, S*i fLctrov r€ atn&u avK&va <rT€ivov m'vi/0av6fi€vo^ 

6 pktBpQv del KaUenberg % o ttt Vakkenaer: Ik , . pmv BecL 

Stein' : Kpjfrrmv<kiti^v B : Kp^pTuivi.y}% a : #c/»p-r«uvai7jf5 C : Kp;crTu>f€«i>v sr || 
€^ci$0i>pO¥ fi 9 aTTtxp^t Madvig, van H. 128« I opuv 0, 

Holder 2 rt tec L om. 



Eoyal Houie. It rote iiL 24 Id. u inisUkfin 
in »ayiug that Hdt, gives bo iatimiition 
that the Pieriani had once dwelt Aoath 
<vf tJie llaliakmon ; he overlookiMt the 

tkftjsaages laflt eited, and bui misled 
SlaMley too iuto misconceiving &nd 
miftt&king the jiointa at ii^ue betfreeii 
Hdt. and Thus. HdL atti^mptn to 
aolve the common ditliciilty hy iileut)- 
tying * Pieria ' with ' Mukedontfi/ Thuc 
by anbatitnting ' Makedontana ' for 
*Temcnid«.* 

8. Xi(Saip«f |LoOv«« . . fir^iiTf ; cp. c. 
21 »upra, 

138. 3. S4pfttf U ho4mv . . Mrra: 
the neater mountain^ farther aouth {to 
lli^Kioi*, c« 129), he could not see. 
Kawlinaon (after Leake) asaerta that *' in 
clear weather 01ympo« and Oaaa are full 
in view" though the luttcr from Saloniki 
ia more than 70 miles distant. Mr. J. A. 
R. Munro assurea me that 01ym[>os at 
least ia riaible. OiymixM is 10,000 feet 
in heiffht (Tazer, Nighlatids, it 6 ; 9760 
feet, Kiencrt, Manual, § 132). Ossa 
(feminine) is of lesser height (5-6000 f) 
bnt *' of even more striking appearance." 
For Xerxes, his views, his inquiries, his 
visit to the scene, his re&earchea, his 
Uieories, hit eritiebimSf one is tempted 
in this ^msaa^ (oe. 128-^) to substitute 
Herodotus himself. The proceedings of 
, Xerxes are too abfiurd ! Uis desire to 
inspect the Peneioa finds, indeed, a 
paimlel in Dareioe' inspection of the 
Pontos. 4. S5, but with this difference, 
thai Xerxes was bound for Thesaaly, 
and was naturally going through Tempe 
{pace Ildt. I) or at any rate within easy 
reach of it, while Dareios took bis only 
chance of viewing the sea. But that is 
the least of Xerxes' absaTditiea. Not 



content with viAiUng Tempe in his 
Sidonian yacht (ep. c. 100 supra) with 
a decent convoy, he take^ the whole 
fleet with him on this voyage to Thesasiy 
and back : an unlikely proceeding, 
even if there had been any opj.Kisitiou in 
Thessaly to hii? landing- Other irrational 
points in the narrative (noticed ad IL) 
seem further to discredit the story, 
which appears to be introduced in order 
to give Hdt, an opportunity of ainng 
his own knowledge and ideas alKiut 
Thessaly. That Tempe is fnither 
described c. 173 infra (from another 
source) only confirms the bypotheais 
that we are here In the presence of & 
later addition from the author's hand. 
It does not follow that Hdt. visited 
Tempe from Therme, and by sea, or at 
least from Makedon, as M. Hauvette, 
p. S5, suggests. There is, indeed, an 
obvious contrast between the character 
and tone of this jiaasage 00 Thessaly 
and Tempe, and the geographical 
obscurities or inoongruities of Hdt.*a 
previous desoriptions of Makedonia and 
of the mute through Thrace^ But that 
this difference arises from Hdt,*a autopsy 
in Tliessaly as compared with hearnay or 
Utters in Thraee and Makedon is iierfaaps 
too much to infer. He is here following 
southern sourees. In Athens, in Sparta, 
and elsewhere he might find many who 
could describe Tempe or Thesaaly from 
having taken part in one or other of the 
expeditions northwards*, see further, 
[ntroduction, §§9, 10, 

3. a^XAra irrfwiv irvv^v^fi€VO» : 
the pass of Tempe (rA T<f^Tfa, c. 178 
infra) here anonymoua (prhajui just 
because — already —named there); it 
could not of course be seen from Saloniki. 



164 



HPOAOTOY 



▼ir 



elvai hi ov peei 6 Tl7}V€i6^y axovtap re ravrp elvai oBou 
5 €9 Qeo'traXiyp tpepovtrap, iireBvfiTja-e TrXoi^ra? Ber^aaadcu ttjp 
itcfiaXifv ToO Jlifjiteiov, on rrjp apm oBov efieXKe ikdv Sia 
MafceSopfov Tcay Karvwepde olK'r}^€vmv €<tt€ Heppai^ovi! irapa 
Tqpvop irokiP' Tavrri jap aaifiaXiaraTOv cwvpBdpero eluat. 

1 «rT€ a : h t€ d: h flP : fS TtTTapai^ois C (wepat^ov^ rfP) : krr hrl 

Ueppat^ovi ? Stem 8 yovvov BA^ : yoi^F A^6 



The primary meAnmg of the word adXtiv 
is (preautoably) a pipe* or pipe -like 
channel, or oooiiuit, which can only be 
applied meUphoiically to a narrow 
detile, fitmtHj or such « like, so aL'Xdfi' 
MmurriKht Aiachyh Fr. 731, r^rtw 
VL^XQvii Soph. Tr, 100, Hdt. himself 
Applies it to a built fttid covered aoaeduct 
or conduit, 2. 100, 127 ; and so here of 
the long Barrow raTine, or porge, throiigh 
which the Peneioa niaken ita way to the 
sea. It ia from 5 to 6 miles longj and 
at pkces barely wide enough for river 
aim roftd. For descriptions cp. Words- 
worth'8 Qrette (ed. Tozer) jp. 296 f, ; 
Tozer, Highlamh^ ii. 66 ff, ; Leake, 
N. Or, iii. 384 ff. 

4. TavTD ilvat iSiv k% ©icro-uXCtiv 
^poucrav, ' there was (is) a road there 
leading into Theaialy ' — one^ of several, 
here treated aa a secoudary one (for the 
sake of the argytnent), but in c. 173 
infra (preanmnbl}' a passage of earlier 
com position) treated as the principal 
and practicftllv the only one. 

5. Tt^v IkPo^v toO nT)VfLoO : the exit, 
or outlet, of the PcDeioa, iK^okh (a word 
of many ineauingB) must here cover not 
merely the mouth but the whole gorge, 
or sxv\u>v ; cp, 9. 38, 3®. 

6. T^v Avw iBdv . . St4 Mflnc#$^¥(av 
rmv KOi'HnTipdf «Xwr\fjkvmv tr^i IlcppatPovs 
iropd Piiwov w^Klv : the passage recog- 
nizea the exiBtencQ of a second pass into 
Thesaaly, distinct from Tempe, and 
described aa {a) leading from Upper 
Makedonia, {h) coming into Fcrrhaibia, 
(c) by the city of Gonnoa, The doscrtp- 
tion of thie aecond pass appears in even 
more expHtit terms (in c. 173 infra) 
and mignt have been tranaferred from 
that passage (if of earlier composition). 
Neither the Perrhaiboi nor the city of 
Gounos are precisely located by tidt. 
The Homeric Catalogne, B 748 ff., places 
the folk, with the 'Eifiiivei^ w^pl Aiji^ihvy^v 
ivcxf^f^poVf and dfiif Ifitprbif Ttrap^ffiov . 
{The Titareaios is tlie groat narthem 
tributary of the Peneio», flowing down 



from Olyroposand the Kambunian range.) 
Strabo 441, coinmuntini; on thti {>as8ago» 
puts the Fen-haiboi on t6. iptiyiTepa ;(;tirpi«i 
wpas T^ 'OAi/^T^ Jkoi rm T4/xw(ifif but 
also oxtenda them into Hestiaiotis (dirA 

This agrees generally with the locatioD 
of the Perrhaiboi in other authoritiei* 
(Thucyd., Polyb., Livy). Perrhaibia, 
though never an officially recognizeil 
district of The«saly, corresjionded to the 
mountainoiLi northern portion of the 
country. Strabo montiona Oloeson {nc) 
and Gonnoa as Perrhaihian cities, 

8. T6vvo%, or Gonni (celebrated as the 
birthplace of Antigonus Gonatas), 13 
located by Polyhioa 18, 10, 2 close to 
Temiw (Pnilip retreating after hit defeat 
at kynoskephalai wpofXBuiv cl% T6wwovt 
iwl T^y tle^oXijy rQv Tf^irwn', halted to 
collect fugitives, and afterwards pro- 
ceeded Si^ T*av Te/*TruK tit MaKe^orlav^ lb. 
18, 16. 1). This location is con firmed 
by Livy (42. 54. 3): "ntraque oppida 
(Elatia et Gonuus) in faueibu» tuut, qua 
Tempe adeunt, magis Gonnna.*' Cp. 33. 
10, 1 1 ( = Folyk l.c^, 36. 10. 11 •^oppidiiiu 
Gonni viginti millia ah Larisa abest, in 
ipflis faucibus saltus, quae Tempe apyiel- 
lantur, si turn.'* 42. 67, 6 '*antB ipsa Tempe 
in faUDihus aitum Maredoniae dauatia 
tutisfiima praebet et in Thes.saliam oppor- 
tunum Macedombus decuraum." Cp. 44. 
6- ID (in the celebrated description of 
Temjie) **uniini (praesidium) in primo 
aditu ad Qonnuni eratJ' It is quite 
obvious that Gonnoa is itself a part of 
Tempe, and not a separate paaa, A piith 
by which the gorge might be circa m- 
vonted may liave led from, or down to, 
Gonnos (like Anoi>aia at ThermopykiK 
hut nothing more. Such a patli in fact 
there was ; cp. c. 179 infra. Xerxea 
could never have rejected Tempe in 
favour of a pasa by Gonnos, nor would 
such a route have led to or from * Upper 
Makedonia/ Hdt. haa fallen into a 
serioua error and contradiction, over ftiid 
above the absurdity of supposing that 



128-12d 



nOAYMNIA 



165 



li^ Si ^ireffv^Tjae, Koi hroUt ravra* i<rfia^ eV 'StBtavlifv via, 
i^ rijv 7re/> €ai^aiv€ aUl o^a>9 t* iOiXoi roiovro rroiijaaL^ lo 
dviSe^e trfjfjL^iop $cai roiat, aXKoLcti avdjeadait fcaraXnraiP 
avrov TOP W€^ov arparov* eirel 5c aTrlaeTo teal eBefja-aro 

teaXeaa^ Sc rov^ KaTt}y€fJt>6ifa<; t^9 oSov etpero ei top iroraphv 
itrrX iraparpi'^avra kripr^ e? OaKaaa-av i^ayayelv, Ttjp Bi 129 
^efTO-aXlrjv \6yo<; iarl ro TraXaiov elpai XifiPfjPt &<rT€ ye 
c'vyKetcXijtfLiprfp TrdproBip v7r€p^-^K€0'i 6p€a't* rk fiiv yap 

10 Ivk^aivt a II Tot B 12 €W€iTi vd f jretSi/ 1 van H. 13 

3cp^r/f eecL van H. : a ^^p^rj^ ft 14 i^yc/iot^ag 0, Holder 129. 2 

y€ om, a 3 o"vy#cocAt|i)t*€j^p Biskker: Q^yKttckrjfiivjftf o : trvyKiKXrjL- 



there wai any Ij^lter or BufiT {twas from 
MuredonU into Thcssaly than by Tempe. 

There were land are) three main pibsses 
botweeci Macedonia and ancient Theasaly : 
I. Tempe, which Hdt describes, but 
trcati OS * unsafe/ and not used by the 
Persians. II. The Pass of Petra, further 
west, leading from Oloosson (in Per- 
rhaibia) across to Dion, and therefore join* 
ing there the route through T^'mjie. It 
WW t>roh4bly by this pftss that Brasidas 
<3ro98«d Oljmpos in 424 b.c., Thucyd. 4. 
78. 6. III. the Pass of Volustina. still 
further weat, likewise starting from 
Oloosson and debouching into the upper 
valley of the Haliakmon, the only rtaas 
which could lny described as leading into 
' Upper Makeiionia.' 

The superiority of Tempe lies in its 
piercing the mountain barrier once for 
all, A force coming from Makedonia to 
EloMmmdi has still to traverse the lower 
pftstet of Perrbaihia (which figured 
largelirtn the Turkish ioTasion of 'Tlies- 
Haly* in 1896). It is more thin possible 
that the Pt^rsiau columns m 480 ilc. 
used all three rout4?s into anciont 
Tliessaly ; and if Xerxes marched still 
with the centre (cp. c. 121 supra) be 
may hare crossed by Petra, and visited 
Tempe (if be did visit it) from Larisa or 
the neighbourhood. 

raiiTi Y^ A<r4>aXArraTov lirvK- 
9dLv«ro tlvat cannot mean that Tem|ie 
was garrisoned, or held against him ; 
liir the Thessalians have by this time 
mcdized and the Greeks ha^e abandoned 
Tempe. Yet apart from such opposition, 
Tempe was the easiest and probably 
the safest natural pass. The horron 
deseribed by IAyj 4i. 6 partly belong 



to a time when the pass was strongly 
fortifiedf are stated without reference to 
the other passes, and did not prevent 
Tempo being the mott frequented of the 
routes between Thessaly and MakedonLi. 
If there is not here a conTused reniini- 
sctnce of actual or anticipated rcBistnuce 
at Tempe, it must be regarded a<? a bit 
of bad motivation to account for the 
tradition that the kins himself entered 
TheHsaly, not through the puss of Tempe, 
but by another route. 

13, Iv 6«|iaTi |&ffY(LXw kviayrm : cp. 8. 
1S6, 9. 37. 

14, Tov« KaniYfiL^af t4|$ iSow : evi- 
dently on land. Hdt. may HUppOi«o that 
the king had landed from hia y»eht ; but 
he invoTvea himself in the further incon* 
aequetioe that the king prcMseeds to survey 
the pass, though he had determined not 
to use it 

l.S. iffT( = l|€o'r4 or -wApfcri^ 

\%9, 2. Xdyot seems here to be 'theory' 
rather than ' tradition. ' Cp* X/yrroi 
1. 17 infra. 

Airrf=drf ; cp, 6. 44, 

3. tA . , fkirr^ wpd$ r\v -^A Jfx**^'™' - 
the orientation of Thessaly in this pass- 
age is only approximate^ as compared 
with the true points. There is a more 
serious difficult arising from the fact 
that Hdt. puts Palion and Oasa in line 
on the east side, and Olympos by itself 
on the north ; nor does Rawlinson's sug- 
gestion, that Olympos here covers the 
whole Kambunian range, fully meet the 
difficulty. Hdt is not (^nite at home in 
Thessaly ; in 1. 56 he makes Histiaiotia 
the part of Thesanly under Osaa and 
Olympos. 



166 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



avTrj^ 7rpo<i ttjv i}a> €j(ovTa to t€ JltjXtop op 09 tcaX 17 *'Oo'^a 

j3<tp€m avifiov "OXy^TTO?, ra Se 7r/)09 iairipriv UivBo^t tA Se 
TT/oo? fieaapffptrjp re ^ai aue^iov vorov rj ''Offpu^* to fActrov 
&k TovTOnf Twj' \€^0ipTOiv opiwv Tj Seaaokifj €<rrl iava-a 
koIXt}, <3crre &p iroraiMav e? airijp teal aXKmp {Tv^patu 
10 itT^aWoPTmif, irevre Sk rmp Bufclfiayp fiaXia-ra TOjj'Se, UfipeufO 
Mctl ^AwiBapov Koi ^Opo^wpov fcal 'Ei^iTreo? teal HapUaov, 01 

4 T€ oni. o II opos : o?po« CP^fe : eecL van H. 

OvAiz/xTTos s 7 17 del van H. 10 Ttav B 

oKi^^tupou SV, Valla 



5 dxo*fXijct II 

o oAi'/i7ro9 fl, Holder : 

1 1 6voxi**yov aR : 



4. IX^^y vp^r 3 ) creative or geograplii- 

ri n^Xtov (kTjown to Homer, 77. 
2. 767 ; Oft IL 316) lies south-eaat of 
Ona, iit a distance of about 40 mi lea, and 
rises to a height of 5300 ft. The bojea 
or skirta immpiak (i^p. 9. 25) may be said 
to join, or mingle («pw|tn£o^iiv, u. 127 
supra, of rivers)^ i.e. there ia do past 
between thorn as between Olympoi and 
Osaa, but of coune there is a way over ; 
cp. Toz«r, ii. 106 if. While Ossa, Palioii, 
at»d OthrvH here all have th<J nppropriflte 
article, Olympoa and Pindoa, the two 
maflcnline mountains, are anarthrous: 
e*48i Men diMingjti, 

fj "Oova : known to Homer (ltd. 
Ih 315). 

6» "OXu^iiros : in the Jliad the earthly 
monntaiD ; in the Chiysaey^ above the 
heaven. Cp. Monro, Odyssey, xii-ixiv. 
p. 336. In Hdt. it has returned again 
to earth. 

n(v&of : here the mountain aa 
in 1. 56. In 8, 43 infra a city of Doris. 
Thia great range runs nearly north and 
south from IT to 39" longit. Hdt, |H!r- 
haps roatrieta the name to Thessraly. 
Strabo (or his authorities) extended the 
name through Lokris ; Forbig^r, iii. 
850 n., approves Mannert'g idea thi^t 
Strabo uses 17 niVdoi for the wbolo 
range, 11^ dor for the highest point, 

7. i\ *'OSpv« ; mentioned by Hesiod 
Thmgon. 6'52, Tliouf^h not a^ain named 
by Hdt. it was of course traversed by 
the Persian » before reaching Thennopylai. 
Cp. a 196 infra. 

tA {Aiorov 8i T, T* X. l^. i\ 0co~9mX(i) 
IittI kvcra icoCXt]^ *the 8pace between 
these siLid four mountain* ran pr^s eoti- 



stitutea Thesiialy, aud Thessaly is a 
large vale/ We ahouM put the points 
in reverse order^ * the spate between 
these said niountain-rangea constitutes a 
great hollow, and beara the uame of 
Theasaly/ With icri ioOaa cp» c 73 
fupra E&fujjwiftoi 4&rret aCfvoiKOi ^a» : 
4, 47 iwffa vedtdt » . €6v$fiot iarl, when 
in each case 1 reason is supplied* So 
too practically in 3. 49, In 3. 108 
17 wpovatij^ uttrir(p Jtal ikVAs #d-Tt, iov<ra <ro^i^ 
, , ir€WfilT}K€ jctX, tliere is a change of 
s u bj ect. N o w he re ehe is th e d upli cation 
of the substantive verb so bald as here. 
With rh piiffav cp. 0. 121, L 14 supra, 

10, IIi]vno€ : the PeneioSf now ^o^fit' 
vrias, known to Homer {M. 2, 752) and 
Pindar (Fyth. 10, 56), and of course to the 
geographei's, as the chief river of Tbea- 
saly, aud una of the principal rivers of 
Greece ; a marked feature of the hydro- 
graphy of Theaanly being that the other 
rivers are all auxiliaries of the Peueiot. 
Hdt does not name the Titareaios among 
thein (//. 2, 751) ; in fact he names only 
the streams draining the plain of Phar- 
aalos— a hint, perhaps, in regard to bi» 
authorities. 

IL 'AwiSavov : cp. Eurip. ffek. 451 
4»ff4d5of, ivBa KaWtiTTutif vSdrtiH^ iraripa | 
^alif *AiriBtimtf yi'ar Xtwaifei^ : Ovid 
Mel. I, 580 Apidanu«auf! scnex ; fdaced 
Dear Pharsaloa by Thucyd. 4, 78. 6. 
The modern Vrysia, stnctly an affluent 
of the Eoipeusj and itself reinforced by 
tributaries, among them probably the 
' Phoenix,* mentioned hy Pliny Lc, 

*Ovox«vov : mentioned again» c. 
196 infra ^ as one of the rivers that 
failed. Though mentioned by Pliny 
4. 15 among the rivers of Thes«aly, its 
identity is in dispute, fjeake, followed 



I 



lid 



nOAYMxVIA 



167 



yxv vvp cV TO trfBiov rovro cvWeyopi^epot ite rwv opimv r&v 
TreptfcXfftoprmv rijv SeaaoKlrji/ ipojj,a^6fM€vot> Si ivo^ avXSnfO^ 
fcal TOtJroi; areivov etcpoop eypvtri i<t BaXatraaVt wpotrv^^i- 
ayapT€^ ro vhmp wdvTi^ €9 riirro' iwcav 8e avfi^i')(^0€coat 15 
rd)(ia-ra, ivOevrev ^§7 Xlf^veib^ r^ ovvofiart KaraKparimv 
aposvvpLOv^ Toi/^ aXKow; €tpai TroUet* to Bi waXa^op Xiycrai^ 
ov/c iopra^ tc<D rov av\&po<; xai 8t€/cpoov rovrovt rov<i wora^v^ 
TOUT01/9, teal TTpofi TouTi 7rorafwl<Ti TOtJroto-t rrfp Boi^TjiBa 

13 vw seel, van H. || es to wtBiov tovtq a i e*c riuv wtSlutv S 13 

TrtptKXiftovTtav : trtpiKkyovrtay B : ircpucXT^orrtov CI : vtpiKX€i6vT4ov C 




bj Fopbiger, identifiefl it with a small 
Ntrtiani terminating iti Lake Boibeis, 
named Ouchestos {*Oyxv<'^^) ^7 Polybioi 
&U1I LiYj ; bat Bawliiuion argues well 
tbat tke OnochoDos must have been a 
tributary of Feneios, in proximity to tho 
En ipeus and Apidanos, and would identify 
it with the So/ddhts. Cp. c. 19« infra. 

'KviT^t irrequietua EaipeuM(Ovid 
Lc.}t the principal tributary of Peoeiosi 
from tho south, known to Homer {Od. 
IL 238) and Thncydidca (4. 78. 8), where 
Brmid&s reachea it at Meliteia before he 
pomea to Pbarsalos and the Apidanos, a 
fact explicable by the much longer 
coarse of the EnipeuB (mod. FersalUi). 
The Apidanos, Onochonoa, and PamUos 
arc indeed all represented (Kiepert, 
Forma xr.)" tributaries of the Enipeua, 
as well as the Kuralioa (Strabo 433). 

IIa|i£9-ov occurs also in Pliny's list, 
ami ia synonymous with the princiml 
nver of ifeaaenia, and one or two other 
streams of Peloponnese. Leake, N. Qr. 
IT. 514, identifies it with a **consider' 
able tributary of the Peneiua, now called 
the BMH or Piliikri,^' which joins the 
Salamvria *not far from the bridge of 
Keramidhi/ 

ot \tiv dem&nds an antithesis d Zi 
Ufj»€i.it%, but Hdt antieipatea the pre- 
dicate^ which materially belongs to the 
Peneioa, and transfers it to its tributaries, 
with the result of confuting bis anti- 
thesis. He starts as if to say, * The five 
rivers which have separate names have 
not separate exits ; tne Peneios receives 
all their waters and carries them into 
thu sea.' Ho actually says, *The five 
streamii have an exit, but four of them 
lose their names in the Peneios.* (1) The 
omission of the Titaresios ; (2) the failure 
to distinguish the northern and southern 



tributaries ; (3) the omission of the line 
of h'dls dividing eastern and western 
Thessaly ; (4) Uie restriction of the 
tributaries 1^ the streams roaud Phar* 
alios ; (5) the s^listic confusion of the 
liaasoge, all confirm the view that Hdt. 
IS not really describiug at first hand. 

12. T^ ««8(ov TovTo- Hdt. is not aware 
of the existence of more tlian one plain 
in Thessaly. The existence of the 
mountain- range Ryuoskuphalaij dividing 
eaatem and wostern Thessaly, ia un- 
known to him. As Stein has rightly 
observed, tliis passage is wanting in 
clearness, and does not bear the impfess 
of autopsy, or personal insi^ection. 

13* iC M« aiikMvot. Hdt. plainly 
refers to Tempe (c. 128 supra)^ but there 
is a previous aiXJtw, through which the 
Peneios, already enforced by the waters 
of all the rivers named by Hdt., flows 
from upper western Thessaly into the 
lower plain of Larisa to the east, and so 
on to Tempo and tho sea. 

17. Xfyerai : this could only refer to 
* theory,' not 'tradition,' and in any 
caae is a clear reference to geographical 
discttsaions, no doubt in prose worka. 
Cp. \6ym 1. 2 supra. 

19, 'Hiv BobPTjCSo XC^VTiv : named by 
Homer, i^. 2. 711, as near Pherai, Boibe, 
Glaphyrai, laolkoa, the land of Eumelos, 
son of Admetos and Alkestis. Pindar, 
Pylk. 3. 34, ha4 the form BotjSid;, fofOnd 
aUo in the later writers, the lake having 
a long literary record. The town Boil»e 
{fL 2. 712) is located on the 8W. shore. 
The identification with the modern Lake 
Karla is indubitable. The lake drains 
into another to the north (Nessonia ; 
Strabo 430 makes it larger than Eoibeis. 
probably in error), and so into Peneios. 
Hdt.'s knowledge here too seems at fault* 



I6B 



HPOAOTOY 



▼II 



20 Xlfiprjp, ovre ovofiA^Gadai Kara Trep ifvv pieii/ re oi/B^p fia-aop 
^ vvv, pSoura^ Sc woUeiv rijp %€(T<ra\i7}v Tratrav TriXayoq* 
avTol flip PVP ^ecaaXol ^aai YlaaeiBeaypa 'rrot7}<rai top 
avXa>va &i ou piei o Iliyi/cio?, olmra Xeyopre^* ocTtS' yap 
pop,L^€i tlo<T€iMa>pa rtiv yPjp a^Uip ical rk St^coTemra inrb 
25 <T€i<rp,ov Tov deoO tovtov epya elvatf xap ifccivo IBwu (f>ctLrf 
UoaetBiwpa Troirjuai* effri yap (reta-fioB ipyop, w ifiol 
130 (f>aip€Tai €lpat, 1} Bidtrraa-i^ r&p Qpimp. ol Si KaTfjyeop^poi^ 
eipopApQv Hip^em el itm aXXiy e^oBo^ i^ ddXanaap rcJ 
Hffpeim, i^ewKTrdp^POi arpeKioi^; etirop ** ^aa-iXev^ irorafjLw 



21 ^ vvv del van H. 
i^^lviTo E, Holder 



22 avrhv Naber 



24 BuoTtLra 6 



27 



21. TJ^ 8iircraX£i^v iri^ttv frAa^ot : 
the theory or tradition of a time when 
' all Thessaly was iiuder water ' appaare 
to b* scientifically acceptable, subject 
perhaps to Homo reservations or ooirec- 
tiont. Hdt trcaU * Thessaly ' &s a 
siDgle plain, or hollow basin, rimmed 
round with mountains, and filled with 
water, until tbe fonnation of the cytlings 
iT4/iwta) drained the waters off. The 
structure of Thessaly ia not quite so 
simple aa that (cp. notes tiipra), and the 
history of the landscapQ ia also more 
complicated. That at any date worth 
thin^inff of, in an historical connesLion, 
the whole of Thessaly was under water 
is hardly credible, but the eastern 
portion was liable to Hoods at all timaSi 
and the lakes there tio doubt repreaent 
a dimiaiflhed survival of the primitive 
condition. The myth of Deukalion and 
Pyrrha may be located in Thessaly, but 
is there specially associated with Phthi- 
otis (Hdt 1. 56), while the actual flood 
{0 KaXo^'fi-fUfift iirl AfifKa}dunfm KaTaKKv<r^6t) 
ia by Aristotle Meteor. L 14 = 352a fined 
at Dot! on a on the Acbelooa — perhaps in 
connexion with his theory of the proper 
site of 71 'EXXif ij dpxf^i<^ The story of 
the floods un fortunate ly» in any form 
now recoverable ia late (Apollod. Bibiioth. 
and Ovid). In the Jliad (20. 478) one 
Denkalion ia a Trojan, slain hy Achilles ; 
another (13. 451) is a Kretan, son of 
Minos, and father of Idomeneus (cp. 
Od. 10, 180 f.). Had Hdt. been ac- 
quainted with a story associating his 
Thessalian Deukalion with the flood, he 
would hardly have omitted all referonee 
to it. 



this formula cannot be taken to prove 
(n) an actual visit of Hdt. a tn Thessaly 
(for bo might have discussed the matter 
with ThessalianH eUe where) ; nor (6) an 
actual discussion with a Thessalian or 
ThcssalianB anywhere (Tor Hdt. might 
report * Thessalian * theories on the 
authority of nou-The»salian informant*) ; 
nor even {c} an oral source at all (for the 
formula ia applicable to written sources). 
C]>. Introduction, § 10. 

23. Am-ks Yiip. The ' Poaidoniaii ' 
origin of the Temi>e gorge refers it to 
seismic action. Seism, or volcano, may 
perhaps have started the crack, but, aa 
in other river prges^ however narrow 
and however high, the greater part of 
the result is, presumably, the work of 
erosion and of the river's action. 

26. 1^ luol ^Cvfrai. ctvai by no means 
asserts Hdt.'s autopsy, which is rather 
suggested by IkiIvo iSiav ju8t before. 
i^iif €To or itpdpTi would have been more 
dlfhcult to explain away, for which 
reason the change has been made in the 
inferior class of mh!^. Cp. App. Crit, 
What ^* appaars to Hdt. to be ** ia 
obvious : rk StFtrrf tirra virb treiiTfiotf ^^- 
vrrat roD OeoO roiJroi; ipya ctfai. 

27. ^ BidflTxunt, * the standing apart,* 
separation : ^fxipayyit xai 3» r^y^i Atialot* 
Meteor, 1, 13 = 360b, 3fl. Cp. BittrrtOrtL 
just above. 

130. 1. ot St icaTi|'Y«dp«voi = m Karr}- 
ytfi6v£f r^f Adou c, 128 sitpra ; *ar>j- 
y^ofio^i c. 8 suprfit in a different sense. 

2. «lpo^ivov ictX, : not a very wise 
question under the circumstances ! per- 
haps only asked for sake of the answer. 
The king, however, was accnstomed to 
rivers with many mouths;. 



129-180 



nOAYMNIA 



169 



rovTtp ovK ioTt aXXfj i^Xvci^ h OaKaaaav KaniKovca, akX 
ffBe aimi • Speav yi^p irepieirre^av^rai iraaa Sea-a-aKhf*^ $ 
Sip^v Si Xiyerai elireiv irpo^ ravra " a'o<f>ol ApSpe^ elai 
Seaa-oKoL raur apa irpo iroXkov i^vX&^avro yvtoa-t- 
/iaj(4ovT€^ Kol riWa koX ort X^P^^ ^P^ ^^X^^ evalperov re 
Kol Taj(ydXMTOv. TOP yhp irorafiov irptffiua &v f^v fiovvov 
hreivai atf>io»v iirl rifv X^P^^* ^c&fusri iic rov avK&vo^ lo 
i/c/Sifidcavra Kal iraparpi^^avra Bi &v vvv f^iei peWpo^v, 

180. 6 aur^ Abresch: avn/ codd. : oXA* rj avrq Matthiae: 'baud 
peius dkk' 17 ^ avTtj* Stein^ 7 €<f>vkaxrtrovTo B 11 ^kdptav CP : 

pkidpov 



4. l{^vo^ It MiXoovuv Kar^Kovou : 

^i^Xtvit is used in 8. 117, in a passage 
which mi^ht, perhaps, hare suggested 
this oritioism on Thessaly and its possi- 
bilities as a colossal reserroir ; op. dro- 
KtK\riifUvov 5i roO CSarot rift i^idw r6 
TeSlop rb hrrbi rtav hpitav viXaym yipmu 
ivBitbvTot fih rov Tora/iov, ixonnnn 6k 
o08a/iv ^^Xtviy : the passa^ on Thessaly 
and this anecdote of the king belonging 
to the second or third draft of this 
book ; cp. Introduction, § 9. 

KA'HJKOvo^: cp. ^t OdXn^ffOP KarrJKW 
of Mount AthoB, 0. 22 supra, and tear- 
-^Kowra of an dicHif c 83 supra, 

&XX' 4j8c aMi, **nisi hie solas/' 
Baehr ; cp. aCrd 5. 68, ai>r6r 5. 86. 

6. vcpifOTt^vwrcu : " tanquam mon- 
tium corona,*' Baehr. 

6. Xfyrrat : by whom ? (cp. \iymu, 
c 129 supra). Is this really a genuine 
anecdote (from Demaratos, or some of 
the GreekB in the king's train, or from 
avTol Q€ffffa\ol)f or is it ^/a^on de parler 
introducing a critique by Hdt himself, 
suggested to him, perhaps, by the 
hydraulic works described in 3. 117 1 

vo^ol, * no fools,' 5. 23. 

7. ra^* AfMi . . raxvdXjrrov : a sen- 
tence not devoid of obscurity ; to what 
do raOra and riXXa exactly and respec- 
tively refer t Stein takes roJura as 
equivalent to the sentence ^i x^^pn^ 
Apa ktK, viz. ** the natural disadvantages 
of their country, "and rdXXo, "mypower." 
Sitzler takes ravra to cover jrcu rSXKa 
Kal &ri /crX., meaning "on this account" 
{<Ushalb\ riWa koI 0rc meaning "on all 
other grounds as also because . . " 

wp^ woXXoO, sc XP^^^' ^0 
* Thessalians ' as such had only declared 



for the Idne a short time before (c. 172 ff. 
if^ra) ; Hdt. has therefore to explain 
subsequently that the king fell on this 
occasion into the mistake of supposing 
that the Aleuadai had been speaking (c 
supra) in the name of the Thessalians 
as a whole. But this inoon8e<^uence, by 
which a fact not recorded till a 172 
infra is yet necessary to the comprehen- 
sion of this passage, helps to mark this 
passage as a later insertion. The in- 
oonsequenoe would not be removed by 
understanding irp6 roXXoC pretii, 

Yma^uMximrm is a disputable 
word. Stein takes it to mean ''coming 
to a better mind," ** changing their mind 
for the better" {sieh eines Bessertn 
besiwnend), and cps. 8. 25 ; so too 
Rawlinson, "to change their minds in 
time " ; and Schweighaeuser, '* laudat eos 
quod mutassent sententiam et melius 
sibi consuluissent " ; others (e.g. L. ft S. ), 
there and here, take it simply to mean 
•submit,* 'give way.* But in 8. 29 
infra it appears to have the sense of 
'admit,' ^confess," recognize,' constructed 
with infin. It might therefore here go 
with what follows : yw. koI rdXXa jrcU 0rc 
(that), ravra in that case would go 
with 4^v\d^€urro and refer not to Hn, nor 
to irol rSXXa xal (hx xrX., but to what 
has gone before, o6k fcri SXK11 i^va-it 
H edXaaffop, or if to what follows, then 
to what follows in the next sentence, 
rdr 7dp W9rait/» Kr\. 

9. wp1)7|ia &v ^v i&oOvoir, ' one would 
merely have had to . . ' : irpr/yiaa etrcu 
(slightly different), 0. 12 supra, 

10. Ivftvoi: cp. 0. 176 f'n/ra, 9. 49. 
Aristoph. Frogs 188 r6$* cZirai koX cb 
aavrdr. 



170 



HPOdOTOY 



vn 



ravra Sk e^fjavra eK&ye c? Tov<r *A>-ei/€6> TraiSa?, OTt 7rp&To$ 

'EXk^pwif iopre^ Seo-a-dXol eSoaap ecauTot?? ffaaikei, BoKieov 
15 Hip^T}^ airo 7rain-09 <r<^eac tou eOveos €7rayy£XXe<T0ai ^CKtriVm 

131 '^O fi€P Br) wepl IltepiTjv Bi€Tpt^€ rjpipafi trvy^pd^' to 
yap Bif Spo^ TO Ma/ceSoifiKOP eKetpe rr}^ (xrparii}^ rptTffpLOpl^p 
iva rauTtj Sie^ifj anracra t) (rrparii} c? Jl€ppat0ov<i. 01 Bi Stf 
fC7}pvK€^ 0! a7ro7r6/A0^ei^T€? €? Tfjif 'EXKdSa ewl 7% curijaiu 

132 aTrifcaTO o'i fiiv Ketpoi, oi Be tpipovre^ yijv re Kal vSojp. rail/ . 

12 io-n) Schaefer || inroppvXi^ B, Holder, van H, : iwof^pvx^a Kallenber^g 
14 ovTc? *EAA>Jktijt' 15 o Eep^7« diiL van H, || v7rh fl, Holder 

131. 3 Stf^lif fi : du^ijL a || ^twra fi || ^ oin. a 



V2, l|i» is not lociitivo but exoe^tiotial ; 
cp», however » App. Crit. 

^oppvY^' i&ir&,8pvx^, an Hapax- 
legometioii. L. At 2^. do not recognize 
tliia fomi ttt alL Abie lit reads I'lrhfipvx^ 
,iiid tiiideniLfLnds it sis ndverbial neut. 
from i'wd^pvxmj ba m Homer. (So too 
L. fcS.) Cp. App, Crit. 

18, fxpvra , . Is, ' rpferring to ' ; cp. 
0, 143, 

roin * AXiv(«» ^roiSat : cp, 6 mpra, 
0. 58, 5. 49. Eatlier epic than logo- 
graphia style. 

15. Airrf, *on behiilf of . .' 
lirayY^^*^^*-) c. 1 supra, 

151. 1, nuptT]v: cp. i\ 177 i'^ra. 
It seems here to equal Majre^c^ff (or 
nearly), c, 127 supra, the country from 
which the Ilifpfr (c. 112 j»Kpra) had been 
expelled, Methono, Fydna, Dion were 
the principal towTis (Forbi^er, iii. 1062). 
It seetna odd that the king ahtmld be 
spending hia time in Pieria (under 
Olympoa) when be has just sailed bauk 
to Tberme. The inconHequence, or 
hiatiLSj 1.^ fwsh evidence that cc, 128-30 
aire nti insertion, 

Siirpipi ^^lipas 9VXyA% : the 
nellenesi meanwhile ucciipiea Artemision 
— Tliomiopylai, c. 177 in/ra. 

rh , . ^poc rh Maict&oviKdv : a 
rather vague tcnn^ which niij^ht hete 
coTer all the Kambnnian range at lea-st, 
though that is hardly the Makedonian 
mountain proper (Hermioa? 8. 138^ or 
the nionntains further up the Hallakmon 
anrl the Erigon). 

2, rijs oTpQTi^s TotTTuiopif ; the signi- 
ficance of this * third " Hdt himaelf dot's 



not appear to apprecintCi but incidentally 
he enaolea us to do ho ; (<p. e. 121 mipra. 
It is qnite absnrd to suppose tliat the 
whole army (ft-atura ^ oTpari-^) craaaeJ 
into Thessaly by one pass, e3peL'ially if 
it was ap army counted hy myriads ; 
it ia uncritical to cite this statement as 
proving that the arniy must have been 
a araall one^ or that only one column 

iienetrated Thetsaly and Central Greece* 
f the triijartition of the forces obtained 
throughout, aa is probable, the three 
columns doubtlesii crossed by the thref? 
main pasaea (cp. c. 128 siipraj which 
would all equally lead it U^ppaipovs 
(ibiiL), anti particularly the Petra and 
Voluatanft, 

3. oL hk S^ K^pvKfS : cp. c. 32 tupra. 
iirUdTo : thu pluperfect has little proper 
lemjKjrttl force. Kttvot : Stein happily 
t| notes li. 2. 208 alaxp^v to* dijp6if r< 

131. 1. Tiav U 8<SvTMv, 'of thoae 
who gave.* The list which follows, then, 
does not profess to be complete. It does 
not, for example, contain the ' Argives/ 
nor the * Delphians/ though the tribes 
it does contain are all members of the 
Aniphiktyonic Letigue, the twelve con- 
stituents of which, excepting the 
Dorians, lonians, and Phokians (who 
hnalljr medizml), are all in this list here. 
Nor is it clear how Hdt. came by these 
names. Was there a complete list of 
' traitors ' from which he made a 
selection, with due r^-gard to the 
suiceptibility of time an<i place ? Or 
did he draw up this list himself, as an 
inference from the ittory of the campaign ? 
Or is it a list of thoe^ tribes againat 



130-132 



nOAYMNIA 



171 



Bk SovTo^v raura iyipovro o2Se, SeaaaXol AJXo^e9 *lEtVirjv€^ 
132. 2 8i$ovra>v d |[ cycvcro S || alviijv€S fl 3 /layi^cs A 



whom the vow of vengeance was after- 
wards declared by the patriotic Greeks 
{4x1 To&roiffi ol "EKKffwes frafiov 6pKioif) 
and whose names were officially specified 
at the time? Or was there a list of 
tribes against which the ' Amphiktyons ' 
issued a bill of pains and penalties after 
the war? (cp. Plutarch, ThemiaL 20). 
The tense and the order of the narra- 
tive suggests that these surrenders 
were announced by the heralds to Xerxes 
in Pieria. This implication can hardly 
be correct for all the tribes, notablv for 
the Thebana, who can scarcely have 
openly medized before Thermopylai 
Diodoros 11. 3 professes to know that the 
Ainianes, Dolopes, Malians, Perrhaiboi, 
and Magnetes had joined the 'barbarians' 
before the abandonment of Tempe by 
the Greeks, while the Achaiana, Lokrians, 
Thessalians, Boiotians, ' inclined to * the 
* barbarianii * after its abandonment. 
On the date of the patriotic oath see 
beluw. The chronology here as a whole 
is far from clear or consistent The 
passage seems to belong to the insertions 
at second or third hand ; cp. Introduction, 
§ 10. The actual list of meilizers given 
makes it improbable that the heralds 
despatched 4x1 yijs afn7<nr had been sent 
forth from Sanies. If sent at all, they 
had perhaps only been sent forward from 
Therme ; cp. c. 32 supra. 

2. Bwv^iXoC: not here of all the 
inhabitants of Thessaly, nor in the 
official sense of rb Koufbp rtaif OeffiraXtaif 
(which might include some of the other 
n ames mentioned ), but of the * Thessal ians * 
in the stricter sense ; cp. c. 176 infra, 

A6\onm reappear o. 185 infra, 
with Perrhaiboi, Elnianes, Magnetes, and 
Achaians, as furnishing contingents to 
the infantry ; but are not otherwise defin- 
itely placed by Hdt In the Uiad 9. 484 
they are located irxan^w ^BItjs, (A6Xo^ 
appears among ^e/ioi^af Aarawv slain by 
Hektor 11. 302, and another A6\o^ on 
the Trojan side, 15. 525 ff.) Thucyd. 

1. 93. 2 places A^Xoires in Skyros ; in 

2. 102. 2 AoXoir^a appears to be on the 
upper course of the Acheloos, and under 
Pindos ; in 5. 51, 1 they are associated 
with Aiytavef, MiiXirji, QeffffoKol (just as 
in this passage, cp. c 185 infra), 

'£vif)vts (Ion. for Alncufts) in the 



Homeric Catalogue (B 749) associated 
with the nepcu/9o{ (cp. c 185 ii\fra), and 
more definitely located npon the upper 
Spercheios, c. 198 infra, 

8. UipfMi^ : cp. c 128 $upra, 

AmcpoC The geographical order 
of the list is here disturbed, and also its 
merely ethnical character modified. The 
folks hitherto named are all north of 
Othrys, but the same observation holds 
of the lii^etes and Achaians to come. 
The Lokrians may also signify a more 
distinct political, or military, union than 
the other peoples named. Thus c. 208 
Aoirpo2 ol *Oro6moi appear on the national 
side, raporparti, ana in c. 207 resolved 
on resistanoe, while in 8. 1 they furnish 
a contingent to the Greek fleet at 
Artemision. Hdt. does not distinguish 
* Bpiknemidian ' from * Opuntian ' Lokri- 
ans (any more than Thucydides) ; but he 
once mentions the OzoUl (8. 82 ir^ra). 
It appears, therefore, that where he 
speaks of Lokroi simply, he lumna the 
Opuntian and Epiknemidian Lokrians 
(c. 216 infra, 8. 66, 9. 81). They 
must here be in view, and obviously 
they did not 'medize' until after 
Thermopylai (cp. 8. 66). ' Lokris ' as so 
conceived (the term is not used bv Hdt) 
succeeds ' Malis ' and begins at Alpeuoi ; 
cp. c. 216 infhi, 

yUyvwrn takes us back to 
Thessaly, in tne general sense. Maywrialfi 
Xi^pv is located cc. 176, 188, 188, 198, 
as the strip of coast under Ossa and 
Pelion (from Tempe to Gape Sepias) ; cp. 
//. 2. 756 f. (Only in 1. 161, 8. 90, 
122, 125 does Hdt happen to mention 
Mi^esia and Magnetes in Asia.) 

Mi|Wit. Their territory (MifXit 
7^) is nicely located in c. 198 »n/V« 
(between Achaia and Lokroi), as generally 
by the story of Thermopylai ; cp. also 4. 
88. They only joined the king's army 
after Thermopylai' 8. 66. Thuc. 8. 92. 
2 divides the Mi^Xi^ into three parts, 
UapdXioi 'Ipifjt Tpax^ioc 

'Axaiol ol ^Uhtu, ' the Achaians 
of Phthia,' no doubt to distinguish them 
from the Achaians in Peloponnese (cp. o. 
94 supra) ; their territory located co. 
178, 196-198 infra, cp. 1. 56 ; they, if 
any, should be Hellenes of the Hellenes, 
Homer passim. 



172 



HPOAOTOY 



▼n 



Kal Si^fialoi Koi ol aXKoi Botcuxol irXifp %€<nrU<ov re fcal 

5 XlXaraieQ^p, iirl tovtouti oi "EXXiji'e^ era^oif opKiov oi t§5 

0apl3dp(p TToXe^ov aeipapt^vot* to Bi op/CLOv a>8e ^^X^» ocrot 



dpdfitvoi E : ivpdfi€voi V : dvraupdfuvot Naber appr. van H. 



aipdfuvoi dS; 



4. ©uPaCot ictX, ; op, 8. 66, from 
which, OA from the story of Thorniopyki, 
it is clear tliat Tbebes and Boiotia unly 
* medl?^ ' after the abandonment of 
Central Greece by the * Hellenes/ 

5. kw\ T06TOiff*i ot "EX* lTa|jM)v Spictov. 
€irl adi^rniis Baohr ; op. c. 148 in/ra. 
The phrase rdfiyH^ 6pKi€»r {Spxta) is 
Homeric : //, 2. 124 5pKia irt<jTA ra^is-Tft, 
etc. SpKto» 18 beat taken as ati adjective, 
to which UpttQv (or such a word) must be 
supplied. The slaying or cutting of th© 
BAcrificial Tictim marks the act of solemn 
agreement ; op. $, 2S infra, 4. 201, atid 
especially 4. 70 (wliere rafiMo^vun' h 
middle), Tho words might imply that 
the namea previously g|>coitied were 
actually documented in the sworn agree- 
ment. The terms of the oath which 
follow are more general, and do not 
quite bear out tins impreasioit. The 
exaot date of the drafting of this oatb it 
alio onen to discuaslon. Even if the 
list ADove given were official, not 
hiatoHcal, the covenant might be of one 
date, tho black lift of another, BUm 
argues that the tense Hoirav in the 
formula hsclt implies that the vow was 
rotrospeotive, not prospective (ftffot &y 
Bi^iFt) ; but the historian might here be 
acoountablc for a change of tetisc, and 
the terms of the oatri are in orntio 
obliqimy t^jid not exactly f| noted. Ildt, 
doei not clearly mark either time or 
place of the otith, but the earliest 
oceasion on which such a solemnity 
oould have taken place was at the meet- 
ing of the wfi6^ov\ot at the Isthmos in 
481 B.a, cp. 0. 145 iTt/m, where Diodoros 
(i.e. Ephoro^} seems to place It, II. 3 
(though after Telating tho evacuation of 
Temne). The litest date at which it 
coula be supposed to have taken place 
wonld be on the field of Flataia. It is 
placed there and then by Lvkourgos 
t*. Ltokrat. 80, before the battle, a^ an 
article in a more general oath (ratJnji' 
iritFTiv (docrof a^roii iv irXaraiatT xdfrft 
oi "EWTjfyts 5Tf tfjL^Wov ira/jara^ci^tfi'Oi 
Au£xf<''dixt irp^ TT^y Is^p^oii tvvn^iv)^ hot 
the words of the oath, § 81, are certainly 
spnrioue, and Lykotirgoi is not a very 



convincing authority for the place and 
time. 

Such, indeed, was the view of Theo* 
pompos, Fr. 167 'EX\T7Kt«cd* Bptcot 
Ararat rudcTOi fly 'A^fjfouol 4>^ufi9 6fjJ>a(i.t. 
rohi "EXAtyvar ir/>A r^t A^X^ ^^ ^^ 
llXttTafait Ttp6i rotH ^ap^dpom. Spartans, 
or others, might also take one-sided 
views of this oath ^ the Akamanian 
orator in Poly bios 9. 30. 6 treats it as 
an oalh taken against the Thebans alone 
by the Lukedaimonlans. Diodor. 11. 
29 repeats this oath, locates it at the 
Isthmos on the way to Plataia, and 
omits the tithing clause I 

Suidas {i^ub v. 6eKaTe6fuf) gives no 
indication of place or time (except tho 
words ti pix^aeiav). Rawlinsou {ad lAt 
whose note is not free from inaccuracieH, 
seems to think the story of the oath 
grew up in eonsequettL<e of the pnnish- 
menta inflicted by the Amphiktyonic 
Council afterwards (c. 213 infra). But 
the oatb is required to justify setting 
the Council in motion : and what folk 
did the Council punish ? See further, 
Appendix IIL § 5. 

ot Tfp popPdpip ir^XffLOV dfl,pdfLcvo^ 
one of Hdt.*s many titles for the con- 
federate Greeks (cp. c. 148), implies the 
formation of tho Alliance. Tlie story is 
plainly ' proleptic,' and is somewhat out 
of place bene. It belongs to a highly 
eomposite paaaage (cc. 128-87) which 
was in»"rteA, fierhaps not all at the same 
date, into tho j>revioua draft of the work, 
Cp. Introduction, § 9. 

6. rh 81 gpKkov £$€ flx« : the words 
of the solemn vow of vengejinee follow 
in eroL obi. (iScroi . . B«f). Hdt. spcma to 
regard thi.s agreement as a Beparato and 
subsequent act. distinct from tne origiiial 
or general agreements of the Confeder- 
ates, a point on which, of course, he may 
easily be mistaken. Diodoros, 11. 3. 
3, gives the te.nnn as a resolution 
(^^^a) of the Sj^wlrion i roCts fikw 
i0€\o»rl tQv 'EXXi^j'wi' i\iipA»Qn% rh Ilepcrir 
5e*rarei/<rai roit ^eoTf eirdur n^ woK^^tft 
KpaHf(ruHTi, The omission of Delphi here 
si>eaks for the date, and is in other 
obvious ways significant ; otherwise the 



I 



« 



1 



131 



IIOAYMNIA 



17» 



T^ Tlipari eBoaav <r^la9 avroif^ "EXXiyi/c? iovrei fifj avoff- 
teaa'0evr€<:t Karacravrmv o^^t efl rmv wprjyfiaTOJVt tovtov^ 
BcKareviTai r^ iv AeX<^ot<re ^€a>. to fi€v Bi) opKiov wSe e*j^€ 

8 tr^Uri ? Viin H. 



oath is ^ubstai) tin 1 ] j the sune. Ly kurgos 
. gives it afi & claa»e in a more extensire 

) KXX^dof w6\fiiiv oddtfjUav dvdaraTQv icoi^a*at 

deKarei}0^u : but the oath a* given by hitu 
is opeD to grave suspicion aj to fonn anil 
substance. Diodoroa IL 29. 3 given 
BukHtautially the fiame oath as taken at 
PUtaia, but without thia clause. The 
Herod otean fonn i» in arnlio oltfiqim ; 
11 dt. in fact does not profoaa to give the 
eiact tenna of the oath (d^^ fix** >iot T6Bt 
^¥ or simiL)* '^^^ <^^h ia rem&rkahle 
inAfr afia as ini plying (1) a teat of 
Hellenism ; (2) a teat of * neeessity * : 
TheasalianB and others might ptead the 
IfttUr (cc. 139, 172 infra) ; perha^a 
Makedoniana, and othorfi, the former ! 

7. l8oawr, ^ had given ' ; but not 
neeflsaanly before the date of Ute oath, 
for (1) it is in oraiio ohliqua; (2) the 
penalty wonM not be conSned to those 
who had niediyed before the outbreak of 
hostilities ; (3) if the oath was taken by 
the Probonloi at the liithmoa, to whom 
could it apply, if merely retrotpoGtiTe f 
Not cerUudy to all the Qamofl above 
given. 

8. KATiurTdvTMV o^i t^ Tiny iilPTY' 
Ifc^Twv : i» this an Atticism ! cp. &, 10&« 

0. 8«KaT«1)ouv. (a) Abicht follows 
Baehr in taking as ' to tithe * for a god» 
a tenth being handed over^ but no 
further jwnalty exacted^ and cites 1, 89 
in favour of this interpretation. Thia 
view is supported by tiie Scholiast to 
Aristcides, p. 224 t6 iHKaTow ii4(>of dw Xetv. 
A further problem would ariiie, whether 
the dedicated tithe was to be handed out 
once for all, or was to be a periodical 
rent ' charge ; lAre GrwndBtUrke zita* 
p/luhtig zu mathtn : ao Baehr^ following 
Boeckh {SUmtMhau^h, I* iU-i^ 399). 
Cp. Xen. A nab. 6. 3. 9 mi t6 Utw^w Bi 
dti iexarff^w rd iK rw dyfioO CtfMta 
^wrtop Hrotei rf 9ri^. But that was 
not a case of penalty ; del is expressed, 
and everlasting imnlshments are hard 
to enforce in this world, {b) Stein 
iinder»tands StKar€v<rai to be nsed as 



equivalent to KaBttpodv ( Harpokration 
Huh \i.\ and to mean here that the 
medizera were to become vdt Lfih und 
Gut^ the god's property. But Harpo- 
kration (t^, ) aW interprets btnartykrai 
as simply H)r ltKaT\fif el^TpdrTtaBaif snd 
the cases where it is equivalent to 
MaBifpoOv {as of a virgin, dpxr€if<rai or 
fiv^oi) are not cases of penal action, 
(c) The simple and obvious meaning ol 
btKarfOffai is to tithe, to dedicate a tenth ; 
it retains this meaning in thia place, 
and implies, not wholesale dedication, 
but wholesale spoliation ; a tenth of the 
spoil is to be given to the god, but what 
of the nine-tenths f They are to remain 
in the hands of the spoilers. This is 
the sense which suits the anecdote, h 
89. Thus the word is used as a Tneiotis^ 
euphemtstic or ironical. 

Ty h AfX^oio-L 0f^ : the most 
sQspicious feature of the whole story. 
It is 8igni6cant that in Diodoros (11- 3), 
where this oath is recorded, tmi ^coTt is 
substituted ; so too Polyb, 9. 39. 5. At 
the Isthuiua- meeting at which I>iodoros 
(Epborosj dates the oath, a promised 
dedication to Delphi was not yt^t quite 
out of the question i was Delphi 8 till 
hesitating? was the vow a bid for the 
favour of the Oracle ? or was not Delphi 
itself * medizing,' or soon to medize ; cp. 
c, 140 ir\fra, and Appendix III. | 7. It 
is still more doubtful whether, at Plataia, 
the Greeks would have promiaed dedica- 
tions to Delphi ; the rehabilitation of 
the national Holy of Holies had hardly 
yet begun. This phrase might therefore 
be cited a^ evidence of the fictitioua 
character of this oath, and the whole 
story in which it is embedded. But is 
it necessary to carry fu'epticism so far ? 
The form in which Hdt. reports the oath 
may belong to the pcrioa of Delphi's 
rehabilitation, and exliibit the tendency 
of the time, but the form is not strictly 
authentic, and need not be taken to 
discredit the fact of a solemn vow of 
vengeance, registered by the Greek repre* 
sentatives at the Isthmos prospectively, 
and repeated, it may !>• ^nth express 
enumeration of the culprits, at Plataia, 



174 



HPOAOTOY 



Tn 



yrj^ atrTjatv K'^pvxa^ rc^vBe eXveKa* wporepov Aapeiov Tri^yjravro^ 
eV* avTo TovTo, ot fiev avrwv Toi^ alriovra^ h to ^apadpov 
ot S' €9 <pp€ap €fifia\6vT€^ ixiXevop jr^u re xal vhmp im 
5 Tourmu <f>€p€tp irapa ^aciXea, tovto>v fiep €iV€Ka ovk eTre^"*^ 
Eip^^ Toif^ atrrjaovra^, o rt Be roiat. ^ AdTjpcuoiat. raura 

133. I ffp|'75 SV, Valk, ap, Gaipf. ; w^pcn)^ (o Ilc/xnys Schaefer) 
2 KJ^pvKaq oin. S : ' fortasae recte * Kallenberg 3 avrttav a 4 

fo-^aAojTfs Qj Holder || re om. 6 tomta oia, a 



whether before ur after the battle. In 
connexion with this covenant was undtr- 
taken the siege of Thebes (which lived 
on in men's Tninds aa the special ful- 
filmout of the vow ; cp, X«n, HelL 6* 3, 
20, 6. 5. 35 ; Polyb. 9. S9), as also the 
campaign against the Thesaatians, the 
diflsstrons couc Union of which (6. 72) 
helped no doubt to stay further attempU^ 
to ml til the vo%% to which perhaps oppo- 
sition on political ^outids was adaed ; 
Cp. Plutare}i, Tlirmi^. 20. 

193« 2. wp«$Tfpov AopiCov irf^il^aKTOS : 
cp* 6. 48, where, however, not a word {& 
reported of the outrage on the Persian 
berahlsp much less of the wrath of Tal- 
thyhios. The whole story (cc. 133-7) 
must he an addition, and, at leagt the 
end of it, one of the latest from the 
author'a hand ; cp. notes infra to c. 137, 
and Introduction, § 9, 

It is remarkable tliat in 6. 48 nothing 
IB stid even of herald.*^ liaving been Bent 
to Athens, or to Sparta, It is possible 
that heralds were sent to Sparta by 
Dareioa ; as to their trt^atment cp. my 
notes to /,c Ktit were any herald » erer 
sent by Dareios to Athens! d^rtainly 
not. (1) Artaphrenpj (sou of Hystaapea) 
had demandecl earth and water of 
Athenian aiubawHadors in Sardtjs, c 509 
ao., 5. 73 ; and (2) again — if the story 
be not a double tte — the Athenians having 
sent ambassadors to Sardes warning 
Artaphrenea to pve no heed to Hippias, 
Artaphrenes baa demanded the tyrant's 
restoration, 5. 06. After that (3) the 
Athenians had declared war (!) Hgainst 
the Persians, ibid.^ and (4) went to Sardes, 
in 498 n.c., and burnt it, (6) This act 
jjreatly angered the Persians, 5. 102, and 
Dareios^ who took a solemn vow of ven- 
geance, 5. 105. This story, and indeed 
the whole aequente of events, ia inconsii5' 
tent with the notion that Dareios, in 
492 B.C., afterwards despatched heralds 



to Athens, of whotn moreover (6) &otJuD| 
is said in 6» 48, Further, (7) the idea i 
inconsistent with the story of the misdoiil 
of Manlouios in 492 b.c., 0. 44, 45 ; and^l 
(8) if Dareios sent heralds to Athens, 
against whom was he at the same time 
levying a fleet? 6, 48. Lastly, (9) th^ 
occurrence of the record here, instead < 
in 5. 48, is very unfortunate for it«| 
historical character, showing, as it doeaiy T 
that (a) when Hdt. wrote 6. 48, either htti 
did not know this story about throwing* 
Perslau heralds into the Barathron in 
491 B.C., or he had already inserted it, 
or the major part of it, in this plsce, or 
he prefiirred, for some reason, to insert 
it here ; (*J the story is a rider on the 
U^raih of TalthyhiQM, It is possible that 
wo should never have liettrd of Periian 
heralds thrown into the Barathron in 
491 B.C. but that S|iartan heralds were 
put to death in Athena in 430 B.C. W«.j 
must, therefore, conclude that no Persian 
heralds were ever sent to Athens by 
Dareios, much less thrown into the 
Barathron* 

Why, then, was such a crime fathered 
on the Athenians I Heralds Itad been 
sent to Sparta ; they had, perha^is, 
been badly treated, outraged, possibly 
even slain (though that seems unlikely), 
but the Spartans cerlainly had some' 
thing on their con ae knee in this matter^ « 
or we should hardly haveihad the story ' 
of the Wraih of Talthyhios. It was 
desired, then, to tar Athens with the 
Bsme brush. The rough jest has quite s 
laconic ring in it ! But critics should 
not swallow so easily the notion that 
heralds had been sent to Athena and 
thrown into the Barathron, if they would 
have us believe that Persian heralds at 
Sparta had been thrown into a well. 

6. 6 Tt SI Totcrt *A0. . . cw^vtucc 
dveWXi^T-ov -ycvlcriai.. PausaniaH fS, 12, 
7) suppites Hdt/s omiision, and explains 



133-134 



nOAYMNIA 



176 



TTOnia-na-i T0V9 ici^pvica^ awriv^LKe aveOiktfTOv yevicOai, ovk 
exj^ ^Itrcu [rt], irkiiv &n a^etov 17 x^P^ '^^ ^ iroKi,^ iSfjuoOtf. 
aXXA TovTO oif Biit ravTqv r^v alrlfjv So/cifo yeviaOai. roio-i 134 
Sk &p AaueeSaifiovtoun fi^vi^ fcaTea/crfy^ TdXj9vfiCov rov 
^ AyafjUfiPOVo^ icripvKO^. hf yhp %irafnxi icrrX TaXOvfilov Ipov, 
elal Si Kol airoyovoi Td\j9vfiiov Ta\0v/3i4iBai KoKeofievoh 
rouTL ai Kripvicqlai ai iic %7rdpTff^ waaai yipa^ SiSovrai. 5 
fierei Stf ravra rolai XirapTiipiifa'i KaWieprjo'cu Ovo/jUvoi^l ovk 



8 cfxrat Tt Stein^ *: ri om. fi || t; <t€> van H. 
van H. II TakOvpCov om. a 5 SiSovrai fi 



184. 2 kyKarixTKri^ 
6 ravra secL van H. 



that in the case of Athens the vengeance 
fell on Miltiades, author of the proposaL 
Was this an original hypothesis on the 
]>;irt of PaosaniaSy or had Miltiades been 
already made the scapegoat in 480 B.c. ! 
Hdt. has another crime to punish Mil- 
tiades for, cp. 6. 185, and could not have 
endorsed it Hdt. will not see the 
riffis or d/jn7 in the case of Athens in the 
destruction of the city and the devasta- 
tion of the country, perhaps for two 
reasons : (L ) a want of oonsruity between 
the supposed offence ana the punish- 
Toent ; (li.) the congruity of those suffer- 
ings with the crime at Sardes, though he 
does not actually or expressly relate the 
two together (but cp. 5. 102). 

7. dvi6^i|Tov : cp. c. 88 iupra, 

9. alr(i)v might be translated * cause,' 
or 'reason,' but has not at all the full 
force of afrtov, c. 125 supra. 

134. 1. Toto-i 84 dv A. For the force 
of the particles cp. Madvig, § 266. 

2. lifjvit Kar^oicti^c TaXdvpCov : the 
manifestation of * the wrath ' appears to 
have been that all sacrifices proved nn- 
favourable ; but Hdt. does not say how 
it was known to be the wrath of Talthy- 
bios. If the existence of the wrath, and 
the occurrence of prior manifestodons, 
are anything more than inferences from 
the fate of the Spartans in 480 B.C. (c 
187 infra^ it mav be that something 
untoward occurred in the temple of 
Talthybios in Sparta, or, as Stein 
suggests, that Delphi interpreted a sign. 
Hot. indeed seems to discriminate the 
first manifestetion from the unfavourable 
sacrifices (firrd 84 roOra) ; but this may 
be simply stylistic inconsequence, ft 
is, however, remarkable that a long 
while elapses (xp^vov 9Myy6v) between 
the unfavourable sign and the first 
attempt at reparation. What the exact 



date of the latter, and what the interval 
between the outrase and the first sign of 
wrath, are pointe left nncertain. 

3. TaXevP^ Ip^ : Pausan. 3. 12. 6 
apparently mentions this temple (TaX- 
dv^w MfVfM) near the ' Hellenion ' (cp. 
p. 196a i^jfra). It affords a clear instonoe 
of hero- and ancestor-worship, and of 
the adoption, or tolerance, by 'Dorian' 
Sparta, of the prae- Dorian cnlte and 
traditions ; cp. c 159 i^fira, Hdt. may 
or nuy not have seen this Heroon ; bat 
the end of the meni$ must date after 
his visit to Sparta. 

4. TaXOvpidSeii . . roto^ al iti|fivici|Ccu 
ktX. Doubtless in Sparte there were 
many families of praa-Dorian extractbn 
ex^oying full privileges (so too the 
AIy€i8ai, 4. 149), the Royal Houses 
themselves, or the elder one (cp. 5. 72). 
It is curious that Hdt. when deacribins 
the hereditory heraldry of SparU (6. 60) 
has not given the name of the clan. 
(6. 59 f. looks like an addition, but 
perhaps when Hdt. made it he was not 
acquainted with the clan names.) 

5. 8^8ovTai : from Mo/mi an anomal- 
ous perf. pass, in general use. For the 
use of the tense in this connexion cp. 
6. 56 yipea . . dcdc&jcotf^c. 

6. |MTd tk ra^iu : the raOra is vague, 
and hardly requires us to distinguish the 
diea irae (jirp^ts Koricicrf^fft) from the un- 
favourable sign (jcaXXicp^cu oifK ii^aro\ 
yet the stylistic inconsequence, like the 
inarticulate chronology, marks the 
desperate straite of the story-teller. It 
may be that we have here some dim 
adumbration of the troubles in Sparte 
after the battle of Marathon (cp. 6. 74, 
75, and Appendix III. § 8), which Hdt. 
there records, without reference to ' the 
wrath of Talthybios.' The construction 
KaXXi4pf|oiai Ovo|Uvoiri ofe l84vaTo is 



176 



HPOdOTOY 



m 



T€ iroWatci^i eTuWejofiepifft teal K'^pvyfiu toiopBg Trotcv^vtoif^ 

SrrepffiTifi re o ^ApijpiaTov Kal Bovkt^ o Niko\€cd, dvSpe^ 
XiraprtTiTai ^vai re yejovoTe^i €v Kal ^ijfiaa-t dvijKovr&s €? 
Ta TTpmrat ideXopral viriSva-av wotprfp relcrai Sip^ ruiv 
^^p€iov KfipvKmv Tmv iv 'SircipTf} awokofiipmv, ovrta %7rapTi'^- 
135 rat T0UT0V9 i? aTroBavevfiipov^ eV MtjBovk aTriwefi.'^av, avTi} 



7 eSuyoTo : iyivero Vakketiaer, 
Steia^ 8 6c : Bi < rt > van H, 

rdtrai Stein' : rtcrat a, Stein^ ^ : 
Reiske : T<fi 



van H. II 5* om. || -cyt,v6p.€vov^ 

12 i^tm Stein : <^wet 13 

Ttir^tv 0: Tiifreiv vati H. 11 rmv 



obierrable ; KoWipinp is uset! (a) of the 
person sacrificing : Xenoph. Kyrop, 6. 4, 
12 iln 5* ^Kf«aXXt*pi^«^et ptiv A Kupos ictX. 
Alao m tlie middle voice^ cp* c, 113 
supra ; andtliough Hdt does not use lb© 
active with a piirsonal siibjectt he umn 
tliG passive with tieut«r Nubject 9. W 
infra, (b) Hdt., however, uses the 
active with the neuter aiibject, expreased 
or understood, sfi in 9. 1& Ka\\i€p'iiirdvT<ity 
TUfV £p^i^, 9. 38 ovK iKaWtipit rottn 
llifxrufft w^Tt ;i<ixcff^oi (cp. 6. 7<5), U 
will, therefore, bo l>eflt to take xak- 
\t€p7jffat bore as in neuter cont^truction, 
and supply ri tpa with ovk iSLn^aro, Cp. 
also 9, 61 Tu»>' ff0o7iti>v oi/ Ytvp^/vwr (sc, 

wthietrOaL cc* 117, 118 jritjrm {calamitaiis 
loco aiiquut kahtrt^ Baebr). 

AaicfScii.^.ov(wv : Hdt. doos not in 
this passage api>ear to intend any marked 
distinction between A. and ZTapm^ai, 
yet perhaps St. above might refer to 
Spartan citizens, eveo in their individnal 
eapaciry, while A. as usual may connote 
official or corporate action, Cp* dvdpef 
^wafrrtrjTai just l>elow, but ^waprtrjrai 
lower agaio = AaKe6aifi6»ioi, 

aXifi% I an official word for the 
Assembly in some Dorian states, e.g. 
Korkyra'(cp. CLG, 1841 f.^butnotat 
Sparta. A« Hdt. has not usod the Ionic 
term (dyopd) nor the Attic tenn {iK- 
jcXijo-ftt), it is cnriouH that he has not 
used the techuical Sjmrtnn term iirAXa 
(cp. Plutarch, Lyk, 6, Hesych. sub v.). 
But Hdt» uses this word {aXiif^ iXta) 
eliiewhere of meetings in Miietos (5. 29), 



in Thebes (5. 79), and even in Perai* 

{h 125). 

9. The K-iJptryfwi will presninably 
have been cried by a Talthybiad. It 
implies that the cause of the wrath hma 
been aacertaiaed, and invites a dtvotio, 

10. irp4, *on behdf of^ cp. 9, 72, 
and also, not perhaps without some local 
forc<^, a. 74, 9. 48. 

1 1 . £irc|>^^s Ti o ' Av. »caV BovXis h N. : 
names alternate in houses from fathirr to 
son at Sparta as at Athens to a certain 
extent ; cp. 3. 55 ; not, however, in the 
Royal HoUBes, for oh v ions rcatoDS. 
These men were Tdthybiads, as the 
story ahows. Whether there were two 
chief heralda (corresponding to the two 
kings) we cannot say^ but it looks not 
iuiprobable. The descnptioti of theae 
men {i^v<n re ytyQvintt cC iraZ j^M^w* 
dj'i^^roirref ^i tA tr/x2T«) poiots to recog- 
nized distioctiona of hirtb and wealth 
even at S[mrba. Aa the twain are sent 
to 'Xerxes,* this fint act of reparation 
falls fx hypoih£3t at the earliest mto the 
year 486 ac, and may well fall a year 
or two later, evf;n if the heralds went to 
Susa, as alleged in the next o. (If tlte 
story is but a duplicate of the mission of 
the iviaKOTTot, ca 149 f. infra, the date 
would be the winter of 481-80 Rc. Cp* 
notes ad L ) 

15. k M-/j8ovs: an nnusun! expres- 
sion for Hdt., who is generally mora 
precise in his Asiatic termini ; perhaps 
sfgnidcAnt here of hia source. Hot. 
knows well that Susa is not in Media, 
but the phrase here boa a jwlitiml rather 
than a strict geographical siguificanc«. 



4 
4 




134-136 



nOAYMMA 



177 



T€ ^ ToXfia Tovrmv rmp auBp&p dwfuiTo^ d^ir} Kal rdBe wpo^ 
tTOVTOiat [ra eirea], *rro/>€v6fi€Poc yap i^ Xovtra airtKviovrai 
irapk 'TSdpvea ■ 6 Be *TBdpvn]^ f^v p,kv yivo^ UipaTi^, a^rparryyo^ 
Be rmv irapaOaXaa-o'toiv dvOp^irmv r&v iv tt; ^Ao'lrf* 5^ a^pea^ 5 
^€LPia wpoOifjiepo^ i<rria, ^eivi^ayv Be etpero rdBe, ** aifBpe^ 
AaKeSatfioviai, ri Bff (f^evyerc ffaaikit (pCkot yeviaSai ; opart 
[yAp] a>5 iTTiararai jSao'tkev^ avBpa^ wya0QV<; rtfmy, C9 ifii 



135. 3 Ta cTTca dele ve rim 6 dv6p<inru»v 

van H* 6 Xtytuv rdB€ 7 rt Se* fi 

diaeent. van H. \\ jSacrtk^is secL Cob^t, van H. 



'Aa-ijj ftecL Cobet, 
8 ykp del Stein, 



135. 2. T^6< irp^ TDvrouri, 'whftt 
follows in addition to what precedes,* 

3. 4s Soi^a: if they were going to 
*Suaa* the advoutiire would hai^e to be 
p1(vced between the accession of Xerxei 
Mid the Arrival At Sardea in 431 B.a 

I But were theao men, perhaps, going to 

^ 8&rdi!)a T In the story of BemoKedes 9, 

129 If. Sufta has almost certainly be«n 

substituted for Sardes(cp» my Hdt IV.- 

VI. vol. ii. p. 60) ; »o too here perhapik 

4. & Si *YWfVT)s: the article follows 
naturally on the immediately preceding 
occurrence of the same name. Thin 
Hydamaa can hardly b« other than IL, 
snn of HyilarneSf tbe commander of 
the * Immortab,* c, 83 supra^ unless 

r-indeed be is the father. The absence 
i-of the patronymic here and tbe dif- 
ferf^nt position apparently occupied by 
this Hydarnes favour the latter hypo- 
thesis ; not hut what there would have 
been time for & promotion between this 
Qpinode and that, while the father would 
have been rather nn old man in 484- 
481 n.c. {cp. 3. 70). Blakoiley, indeed, 
k Afgnes tliat Hdt. r«;gards thia Hydamea 
las a third person ; but the failure to 
describe him fully, perhaps the error in 
liijt descnption, may \\e due to the 
Bource. 

trrpUkT^yh^ ^ rCt¥ trapa0aXao'<r(<ilf 

6.v9pmitmv r«&y iv rj 'AcrCu : (Jtanea, 

son of Sifiiimncs, appears (5. 25) as 

trrpa-nfy^i rdi^ wapti0a\affffLtijy dtf&pQtf^ 

and therein 6idloxot yevbp^fvoi Mrya^ifv 

[r^t crpo.r-ffyiiiii {l\. 26), in which capacity 

I be takes Byziintion, Kalcheclon, Antuii- 

jdros, Lamjionioni Lemnoa^ and Imbros, 

^ after the expedition of Dareios into 

Europe, 

The qneation is whether tbis title 

»f«preaenta a satrapy, or simply a military 

l|MMt« Rawlinaon understands it in the 

fftttor lenie as "* the command of the 

VOL. 1 PT. I 



Peril an trooptit {difBpflyirwv !) in the satrapy 
of Lydta, and perhapa also in that of 
Bithynia/' Kvurnhhoiz^deAsiaeminorif 
mttrap. Fers. (1883), 23 Btjq., argues in 
favour of the other view. Thia anecdote 
ddcidedly reinforces that hypotheaia: 
Spartan heralds to Asia would hardly 
eacape a visit to the satrap in iceo. 
But I am disposed to think that the 
satrapy here iti question is not the 
* third ' (as Krumnholz aasnmes) but 
the ^ Jirst ' or Sard tan ^ which may very 
well have been h^ld by Hydamea (the 
elder) in succession to Artaphrenea ^the 
elder). The phraseology is not aji^ainat 
this sugf^stioD t it is not in either caau 
technically correct, would apply to one 
or other satrapy equally well, and some- 
thing like it is indeed predicated of Arta- 
phrenea in b. 30 {ruw iwi$a\aaffiia¥ tQp 4w 
ri *Affi^ ApX'^ wdrrtav). It will hardly he 
contended that the TtLpaOakdtrtnoi are in 
the Hellespont, and the inSaXdaffioi in 
the Lydiau satrapy ! (Rather perhapa 
4ri$n\daffiM mignt even cover both.) 
Thus though the vrparrjybt nJif fcuki- 
9ii,\ojfrciv¥ iripu/f in fi. 25 is probably 
the satrap of DaakyleiOD, the ffrpartfyhi 
TUP irapa$a\aa<riuiy dwQoiinrwp here may 
be the satrap of Sardes. The worst 
thing to do with the phrase is to delete 
it Cp, App. Crit. 

6. fiCvia upo^iirffiroft lo^r£a, 'set a 
banqnet before them for their entertain- 
ment * ; cp. fc^^ta -wpcBtiviu c 29 mpra, 
Kal e4**txt iwi ifitna tcaXiti 5. 18, etc. 
Irr«dy Ion. for ianap, 

(tivC^dtv, ' in the course of tbe 
hanquet/ * while at table/ 

7. t( 8^ in lively ooestions ; op. 9. 48, 

f^AtfOai 2. 91, 'avoid/ 'refuse/ 

8. *« k^\ HydATncs makes much of 
drSpef dytkBoi : the example would not 
come so badly from one of * tlje Seven/ 

N 



178 



HPOdOTOY 



T€ Kal tA ifLa wfn^fLara airopXiTrovTes. oStcij Sc koX v^Z^ 

lo 6i Boif}T€ vfUa^ aifToif^ fiaaiKet, heSo^oxrOc yip irpo^ avrov 

&vSp€^ elpat wya6oi, itcaaro^ &v vfUmv &PX^^ 7^** 'EX\ci5o9 

hovTo^ fiaaiXio^S wpo^ ravra {nretcpivavro rdB^. *'^TSapV€^, 

ovfc i^ laov ylverai 17 <rvfi^ov\lrf 17 e^ ^pL€a^ r^lvovaa* tov 

^v yap -TTCTTCt^iy^j/o? iTvpL^ovXevei^, tov Si airupo^ imv * to 

15 fihf yap SovXo? elvai i^rrri^rreaL^ ikevdepiri': Se ovtco^ hreLpi^drf^, 

ovr €1 €<m yXvKV our el /iij, ci yap avri}^ ireipr^a'tuo^ oxfK 

&v hopao-v trvfx>0ovX€vot^ VM'^^ Trcpl avrrj^ fidj^ecdait dXXxL km 

136 TreXe/cco-t.** ravra pJkv ^Thdppea dp^el^frapro. ivOevrev Si a>^ 

dviffTjtrav e? Xov<ra xal ffatrtXh i^ a^iv ^XffoPf irptora pip 

T^p hopv^pmv KO<svQintav koI dvdrficffv ^^i irpoti^epovrtov 

'rrpoa'KVvi€iv jBatnXda irpQ^rrriTrTovra^, ovk €<f>atiav mOeo^vot 

10 B€So^tacr€trd€ et CKarcpos vult Naber 13 (rvpf^ovXr) van H. || vfUa^ ^^H 
14 rou p€v aovXos fi 136. 2 ^acriXw SV : pmriXim R ^^1 

irpocnriSTToi'Tas aecL van H. [| ov^ tltBiofUvoi Valckenaer ^^ 



op. 3, 70 ; but it might have boen moro 
uffective if references to some of tb« 
Greek iufltancea (Hippias^ Ikumratofi^ 
Metiocboai eto,) had boen added. 

10. SofifiT* : on this form op. T, L. 
Agar, CteM. n^v, x. (189ft) 329, 

SfSd£(i»irdi : CD. 8. 124, 9. 48; the 
KtAtement looks a tittle like a referenoe 
to Deroaratoa* reporte (oc 101-3 tupra}^ 
but Tery unlike what waa to be expected 
if the SjiartaQB had maltreated ana alalti 
Pcreiaii heralds, 

11. lKa9-*rof &v 'OfUttv iLpxw. yf\/i 
'EXXdSos, not ^xdrepai (sayi Abicht), 
bec*iuie L>^if covers all Spartatia. But 
in that caee how much uiuat Hydamea 
dituLniah the mimber of dvSpes AaifeSat- 
ix&fim. or multiply the nuiDber of yiai 

FAXdBcf] The whole address is in the 
Dltiral, not in the dual ; Spertbias and 
BouUs are not to bo supposed the onlj 
Lakodaimonians at table i the {^ersotitL 
reference Is very strong {it i^^) ; the 
offer of 8000 ^yernorshijw (c. 234 mfra) 
would be an absurdity, and Hdt does 
not appear to be making Hydames 
ridioulouw ; in tbe reply of the Bpnrtans 
the * we * [Tipniat ' 7?/ia*') Beems to refer to 
those present and s^icmking. 

13. ToO ^v : sc. tA ^oDXot tltntu tiali 
61 : 80. d iffTt yXvHii {,fic) iXevBiptti, 

17. Itv. . fTUjAJpouXtvokS : Hydames had 
not advised them to h|^ht, but to sur- 
render. The full thought seems to be ; 
* if you ucre to taste liberty you would 



advise ua to figbt, and to fight t^ tb« 
la«t g«sp, in defence of it' WXecvt (an 
AasyriRU word, peley) cannot properly 
be 'ft battle-axe' {apite of II, 16, 711), 
or this proverbial expression would be 
pointless (cp. L. k S. ). 

13<S, 1, TttCh^ . /'YSd|>Vfadp«i4n&VTo: 
double aoc. as In 2. 178, 3. 52, 

Mcth-fv : the omiasion to speoilV 
the exact locality of the interview witJi 
Hydames is a weak spot in the atory. 
Perhaps the whole scene should be IaicI 
in Sardes. 

3. dv^Y'^*'* something more than the 
tciXevfftta and lefts than the il>6iff^i ^-wl 
Kt^\^v, Tbe c^*!- » . irpog-i r tir T ovms 
la an appansnt mthc^r than a real 
ATtakoltUhmi ; vid, App, Crit. 

4, wpeiVKvvUtv pMTikh, : dvOp^nrov : 
the verb takes a direct accusative. On 
the importjtnce of the Tp<iff*i0i)'7ffft^ {kow- 
tow) cp. Arrian, Anah, 4, 10- 12. Cp. 
also c. 14 atipra^ 8. 118 infra. There 
are similar atones of EngUah and other 
merchants in China, and one such of 
a Chinese official in Berlin ; cp. Brink lcy» 
Japan and China, x. 182^ 184 f,, 1»1, 
199, 273. 

The Greeks practised the wpocrxt'in^it 
to gods or holy jtlaces ; Soph, O, K. 
1654 f. hpw^v adrbif yi}tf rt wpocKwouv^'* 
SjLta I neat rhv ^tuit^ 'O\vp.irov i¥ raim^ 
\6yiit. Aiachyl. Pfrs. 497 if. might be 
quoted, though the speaker is cxhypotheti 
a Persian, But even to gods and holy 



4 




136-137 



nOAYMNIA 



179 



im ain&v hrl Ke^cukiiv iroiTfaew ravra oifhafid* ovre 7^/95 
<Tif>i<ri iv vo/jup elvtu avOpwirov irpoaKwUw oire searh ravra 
ffxeiv, C09 S^ awefuixio-avro rovro, Bevrepd a^t Xiyovci rdSt 
Kal Xoyov roiovBe ij^o^ieva '* & fiaaCKev Mi;&oi/« hrefiA^uif 
^fiia^ AaKeSaifiovioi ami r&v iv Xrrdprif airoKo^viov tcffpv- 
Kfov TTOiPtfv iKelvfOP reLaovra^r Xiyovai Bk avroia-i ravra 10 
Sip^ff^ inrb fieycLKoif>poavvri^ ovk e<l>ff Sfioio^ la-ea-Oai Aa/ceSa^ 
fiovloLCi* Kelvov^ flip yhp avy)(4aL rei rrAvrtav dvOpmrtav 
pofUfui dwoicretvavra^ KtfpvKai^, avrh^ hk r^ iKeivoio-i hnirkria'ati 
ravra ov rroLi^a-eiv, oifBi aurairoKrelva^ i/eeipov^ drroXvaeiP 
AaxeSaifJiOplov^ r^9 alritf^. ovrto ^ TaXffvfilov firjpi^ teal 187 



6 a-ffiuri Stein : a-ffti 
TCMTovras van H., Stein* 
aKraTroKTCivavras fi 



7 Tovrwt AOz: 
Sc: Siff Krueger 



rovria BPd 10 

13 diroicTctvoKras a: 



places the use of the word by Greeks is 
mainly metaphorical ; there was little 
or no 'kissing/ whether of hands, gar- 
ments, feet, or ground, with or without 
^prostration' (turpe solum tetigeremento ! 
Horace, Od, 2. 7. 12). The practice was 
rather Oriental than Hellenic, rather 
servile or barbarous than worthy of 
freemen and republicans (op. Sittl. 
Gebaerde derGr. u, Eihn, (1890) can. ix.). 
Mf4|Uvoi W aMky fwl Ki^aX^ 
might be (a) narrative, by the historian ; 
(b) part of the orotic obliqua. The latter 
seems preferable, and would be made 
inevitable by the insertion of oOdi, cp. 
App. Crit. 

6. KardTo^ro, 'for that.' xard, 'on 
account of ; op. 6. 44 vUiw o6k inffHaro 
KoX Kard Tovro oit^tlpmrro, 

7. dwf|iaxjfoiavTo, 'fought off,' i.e. 
got off by fighting ; cp. 1. 9. 

8. KoC 'or'; ^^|mra, 8. 142. 
10. woiv^v, c. 184 supra. 

another example of tne king's fieyaXo- 
^pwrOinit above c. 24, seems rather to 
condemn the characteristic Though 
the word is not used, a more exact 
parallel may be found c 146 ififra : so 
exact, indeed, as to rouse a suspicion 
that this anecdote and that may after 
all refer to the same incident. Cp. c. 
134 supra. 

12. <nryx^^ 'rd wdvTMir dvOp^wiW 
v^t|&a : cp. Eurip. Suppl. 311 phfuiM 
rdaijs 'EKXddot ffvyxfuf, Thuc. 6. 39. 3 
ivyxitu rdf (nroi^ddt. Something more 
than the 'germs' of international law 



was involved in the saorosanctity of 
heralds {jus/etiale). 

18. a^T^t 8) . . o4 woi^^owf. 
Xerxes borrows, toUdem «0r&is, the 
maxim of Maiandrios 8. 142 irpi» ^ rd 
r jy WXat ^crX^droi, airhn irard idpofup 
oif woiijffta. It looks like the reverse ^e 
of the Christian medal : rdrra ofo^ 6ca 
&y $4\ffT€ tra rotOffu^ itfuv ol 6p$ptitwoif 
oiiTiat Kcd ifieis roittrt cu^oit* o&rot ydp 
iariv 6 vhiim koX oI rpo^^cu S. Matth. 
7. 12 ; cp. S. Luke 6. 81. Kcfvovt yk» 
. . a.M% 84 is of course nothing out 
the strict Greek idiom (as in the stock 
example Thuc. 4. 28. 2 odir ^^ a^rdt dXX' 
iKwov ffrpan/iytuf), 

14. dvTairoKTtfvau, 'to slay' (not 
'instead of but) 'in return for.' 

15. Tl|talT(i|t: eriminiSf eulpat. 
187. 1. dkw . . Kal To^ra woii|- 

o^vrcfv: cp. 0. 280 dbna . . irai 8id 
vpb^aauf roc^de. It is not, however, 
obvious what dkwhere implies beyond the 
Spartans' action just narrated, nor there 
apart from the wfA^Mit ftdly understood 
(but cp. notes ad I.). In c. 184, on the 
other hand, roOror 8^ . . r6r Kd8/<er 
Kal TOio&np rp&rifi dTiK6f*€woif. though 
the Kol is apimrentl^ redundant, yet 
there is at least the distinction between 
the person and the mode. The inter- 
pretation of ra^iu depends on the 
previous question whether ZrapTirjrai 
refers only to Sperthias and Boulis, or 
covers the whole action of the state : 
ZrapTirjTai is used plainly c. 184 adf. 
for the state, and tnat sense best suits 
the argument here. 



180 



HPOAOTOY 



TII 




ravTa Troiiya-aprti^v XwapriijTiQiv eiraudaro to irapavriKat 
Kaiyrep dwopoim^aavrmp eV ^Trdprijp 'EwepGieo^ re Kal BotJXfOf* 
yjpovtja S^ p^riTTUTa iroXKip i7nfyip0f} tcara top Yl€Xo7ropp7}<rlcap 

5 xai 'A07jvai(av iroXep^ov, d>? Xiyovai AatceBaipopioi, tovto 
p.oi €P Tolai SetoTaTOP <f>aiperai jnpiadau on pep yap 
tcaria-tcrj-^e eV ayyiXovf; 17 TaX0v^iov pijvtf: ovBe iTravauTO 
wplp ^ i^Xffe, TO BiKaiop ovTta €(f}€p€ • to Se avp^rrea-^lu 
e? Tovs iralha^ rutp dpBpt^if toutg>f t&p dva^aprwp Trpo^ 

10 ^atrtXia tik ttjp prjpiu, €9 ^itcoXap tc top BovXto? Kai €? 

137, 2 cr7rapTt?jT€ti>v XaKtBaipoviitiv fi || t6 S : to </x<i/> van H. : toi 
5 re ifttl conj* Stein^ approb. van H. 8 ourto, t^cpcro 5< eiC 

9 Is TC TOl>S O 

2. ^irailf<nETo r& iropavriKa ; the 
censer of tlie wrath was only temporary ; 
yet with a god whi> to^k the will tor 
the deed (cp. 6. 86) more perliapa might 
have been hoped. The score fiimlij lies 
with Xarxes and the lower morftlity. Hdt. 
does not coma very well out of thie story : 
nowhere does bo apply thi> doctrine of 
riatt {-woit^if}), &iKi}, W^€(rif (/iiyi'ij), ipQ6vQt 
to actual alfaira in a more trivia! or 
jeione spirit ; the austere ailenoe of 
Tnueydiaea, who tells the aaiti© story in 
hia own fashion* ia here Hdt.'acondeinQa- 
tion. Cp. Introduction, § IL 

4. XP^^^ ^ j^twtvm vroXXip : in 430 
B.C*, some lifty-oue yejim aftcr^ or it may 
b« a year or two morei Time. 2, 67. 

hrr[yi^$vi St«in takc§ aa medial : 
aa i^yip&7} io L 34, 2U9 (of rising from 
aleep). icuTd i» here chronological ; cp. 
8. 131, 153, L 67 etc. 

5. »s Xiy^v^i AaKf&aui^vkoh : what 
exactly is it that the LaLedaimonmiift 
say f Farh&pa no more tlian that the 
fate of the meo in 430 b.u. was due to 
the tnenh of Tal thy bios ; posaibl^ that 
tbifl manifestation of the menis was 
not unprecedented, not the fiirat of its 
kind. LakeJaimoniana may even have 
told the story of the dcvoiio of S pert bios 
and Boulia : tnay even have connected 
it with a real or supposed outrage ou 
Persian heralds or envoy* in the days of 
Kleomenca. Hdt. appears at leaat to 
take credit to himself for the perception 
of the divine moral of the facta, eanecially 
as lying in tbe parentage of tbe two 
8p«rtaiui execnt43d at AthuDa in 430 B.C. 
Bat Wia he really left to himself to 
draw this moral, if all the rest of the 
story was reported to him by Lakedai- 
moMana, in the form above given if It 



SDems hardly tTedible. If the moral 
all his own, the facts have not, |>erhft] 
escajjed manipulation by him. Th^ 
transaction tn 430 B.<\ is somewhat 
ditferently rept»rtt'd by Thucydides, and 
ill a way somewhat to obscure or apoil 
the Herodotean morah Still more 
perhaps have tbe earlier * facta ' Ijcen 
trausHgiired in thfs interest of an immoral 
morality : the * fable ' haa ever been the 
product of the 'moral/ which it is 
supposed to generate. 

8, T& SCkuinOv o{$t4i» l^b'^P*- ^^ K-/}pvKes 
had been outraged Justice demanded 
that iyytXoi (ambaaaadora) should bo 
visited— dome what of a fum-sequiiur^ 
except that dyyeXot may be takon as the 
generic tt?rrn covering K'^pv^ and irptff- 
Scimis (though generally in Hdt. equiva- 
lent to the latter, cp, c^ 1 supra)^ By the 
previous story it appears that any 
Spartans might have volunteered for the 
deKotw : the men sent might have been 
d77eXot but not K^punn. In any case, 
unless tbe final victims were n-^vtm, 
could the juatice of heaven , and Herodotus, 
have been satisfied t 

But again, as tbe wrath bad louj 
ceaaod, and divination had been restoi 
a fresh outbreak of wrath seems 
require a frei«h crime. Hdt has 
explain the e^tpiation of 430 B.C. 
tratieable to the crime of 491 (odd) : 
surely a flaw in tbe divine justice, on 
his own principles. The statement ov8d 
Ima^i^rtaTO trplv vj IffjiXOi is not true ; it is 
con trad icteu by ^iratVara rb TrapatWuca 
above {i^^xe^, cp. 6. 82, lOrj. 

It is not contrary to those principles 
that tbe involuntary sca|>egoats of 430 
B.C. are the sons of the voluntary scape- 
goaLs of 480 Jj.c., but it seems a weak 



>tus,^^ 
Lou^l 




137 



nOAYMNIA 



181 



oXkoSl KarairXMO-a^ irkijpel avhp&v^ hrjKov &v fwi Sn Oeiop 
eyivero to Trprjyfia [iic rrj^ /ii^y^o^]* ot [yip] irc^divre^ xmo 
AaKcBaifiopiwp ayyeXoi 69 r^v ^Aclffv, irpohodhne^ 5^ \mh 
StTaX4C6fi> Tov Tiipcfo SprjUoop fiaciXio^ xal ^vfi<f>oB(opov tov 15 

11 rovs €#c TipvvOos suspecta mihi 13 c#c ttjs firjviosdei Gomperz || 

yap Stein^ : om. fi : cancelloe p. Stein' ' 



spot in the system that yengeance over- 
takes the Spartaus without any satisfac- 
tion or benetit to the Persians — rather, 
indeed, the reverse. 

Nor is it obvious, on Herodotean 
principles, where Aristeas son of Adeim- 
antos comes in. Que diable/ait-il daru 
eetUgaUref He rather spoils the concin- 
nity of the moral. If he is in, why not the 
others 1 (Is it possible that the sentence 
/lerd d^ . . diHfp is not from the hand of 
Hdt? Cp. tVra.) 

11. 8s cbu 'AXi4a« . . dvSpAv. The 
Tiryntbians, on the destruction of their 
city by the Argives (468 B.C. ! cp. 6. 88 
and my note) occupied 'AXter? ('AXiat, 
'AX£a, 'AXm^), a small town in the 
teiTitory of Hermione, opposite the 
island of Spetzia : Strabo 378. (Steph. 
H. sub V. places it in Laconia, and cites 
Ephoros for an oracle given to the 
Tiryntbians in explanation of the name : 
sub V, Tlpvvs he says that the former 
name of that city was 'AX<c?f.) 'AXtcIf is 
the scene of an Athenian defeat by 
Korinthians and Epidaurians in 458 B.C., 
Thuc 1. 105 ; 'AXxdt is ravaged by the 
Athenians in 430 B.C., Thuc 2. 56. 5 ; the 
Haliaeans must therefore at that time 
be reckoned among the allies of Sparta ; 
and again in 425 B.C. (4. 45. 2). 
Blakesley (reading dXt^as) thought the 
exploit here referred to was merely one 
of those piratical proceedings at the 
opening of the Archidamian war recorded 
by Thuc. 2. 67. 4 (where the hXKdSts, by 
the way, belong to the sufferers not to 
the aggressors). Stein would date it 
during the time when Argos was in 
alliance with Athens (463-45 should 
be 462-51 B.C.) ; but why should a 
Spartan raid the Tiryntbians at Halieis 
then ? They would be no friends either 
of Argos or of Athens. Spartans would 
have been more likely to help the 
Tiryntbians to the possession of Halieis 
than to harry them, when there ea- 
tabli.shed. Is it possible that rods ix 
TlpvpBos is a gloss ? 



12. dvSpAv, fighting men, who had no 
business on a hXxds ! 

8l)Xov &¥ : Hdt. has become some- 
what excited over the supernatural coinci- 
dence {trvfireaeuf) : the result is a slight 
Anakoiulhon, 

13. ot : Thucyd. 2. 67 mentions three 
Spartan rpiafiets^ Aneristos, Kikolaos and 
Pratodamos (nc), without patronymics 
(which would not have suited Hdt.). 
The third Spartan is quite de trap from 
Hdt's point of view, and is here omitted. 
There were three other men in the same 
boat : Timagoras of Tegea, ' Aristeus ' of 
Korinth, and an Argive by name Pollia, 
who had no public mission (UHq), The 
Athenians apparently put all six men 
to death (dWrreoroiO and threw their 
bodies, perhaps not into the Barathron 
but into a rocky cleft (jccU ^t 4>dpayya 
MfidKop) on the very day they arrived. 
Of these six summary executions Hdt. 
mentions three : cp. infra, 

15. IUt&Xkm* roO T^pco QanUm¥ 
BcM^Xiot Kal Nv|ft4o8dipov roO Xtv^ii* 
dvSp^ *Ap8i|piTiM: does Hdt. foiget 
that he has introduced Sitalkes before 
(4. 80) ¥ That passage can hardly be 
subsequent to this ; but the fortuitous 
and excursional character of this whole 
passage may easily excuse the absence 
of a cross reference. Thucydides treats 
more fully the Thracian agency in 
the matter ; Nymphodoros is not men- 
tioned in this connexion : elsewhere 
indeed (2. 29) he plays an important 
rdle when (summer of 431 B.c.) as a 
power at the court of Sitalkes (who had 
his sister to wife), and proocenos of 
Athens, he brought about the Athene- 
Thrakian alliance, and procured 'the 
freedom of the city' for Sadokos. It 
is Sadokos who with Thuc. 2. 67 plays 
the part here assigned to Nymphodoros, 
urged thereto by two Athenian wp4fffitts 
whose names and patronymics are given : 
the ominion of Nymphodoros by Thuoyd. 
is marked, and must be a deliberate 
correction of Hdt (though Rawlinsou 



I as 



HPOAOTOY 



'EXXtyo-TToj/T^, Kal oLTra^divTe^ c? t^p ^Kmici}V awidavov uwo 
^A$r}paim¥^ pL^a S^ airwv xal ApiOTiaf^ 6 ABei/xapTov 
KopipffiQi; avrip, ravra fUp pvp woXXaltn SreaL vtrrepoy 
20 iyevero rov fiaatXeof; tTToXov, iTrdpetjii Be iwl top irporcpov J 
X070J/. 
138 'H he cTpar-qXatrl^j ^ ^ao-iXeofi ovpofia pukp eZ^^e m^ eir* 

A9f}pa^ €Xavv€i, KarieTO Sc €9 iraaap riiv 'EXXaSa. wuvdavo- 
fi€Poi Be ravra wpo ttoXXoO 01 ''EXXi^i^e? ovfc cV ofiou^ irdirrt^ 



4 



16 Ilu^eaj Bekker. Holder 
ToCr cum 05 aupra ic, V 



18 ^ifkavTov fi 



20 rov Tov BS : 



would away with it bt suppcHimg tbnt 
**8ftdoeu8 may well have »cted under 
the influence of Nyniphodorufl "). Only 
in one reapect 11 tU© story us told by 
Hdt. moro precia« than that io Tbue., 
viz. in uaniiiig the place where the 
arrest was effected. 

16. icaTA Bicrdveiiv t^Jv h 'EXX. The 
prfljKjsitioD is locative, Waa there nny 
other Uisanthe except the one known to 
Stepb. B. aa rdXtt }AaK(lici»La,t xttrH 
Qp^iCTft', 'EXXi^r/t, dwoixla Xa^ui' ? Alki- 
biftdea bitllt a c^itle there {ir Qp^Kj} wtpl 
Biffdp0T}¥, Plutarch 36), and in 400 B.r. 
Seuthea nuuxle a very attractive proposal 
to Xenophnn ; <roi Bi^ tit Atyo^Qw, Kal 
9uyaHpa iSwcrai Kal it nt vol itrri Svydryip 
utwfyritfjuBU BpaKitp v^^t^, tcai Bicrdi'^ifv 
0^M}<nw SuHTUtf 6wep /fi&l kAWhttoit -^^utpiuv 
ivri rCtv ^l BaU-rru {Atmb. 7. 2. liS, 
op, 7. 6. 8). There ia no doubt of the 
practical identity of Bisanthe with 
RodmiQ on the aea of Marmora (cp. 
Obcrkummer, ap. Panly-Wiasowa, iti. 
604), a place with an eicollent harbotir. 

•los Av^p ■ though the introduction of a 
third party ratlier spoilfi tlie clodGneas of 
the moral, yet it rnay h« eiphine^ by the 
aabaequcat prominence uf Adeimanbos 
in the Lqiji of Hdt, and of Artateas him- 
aelf ill the j>oli ties and operation a cf 
the time. The sentence jui*t4 B^-^vfip 
might be a gloss ; but a fflossator would 
probably have iutrodueed aU the names 
of the victims from Thiicydidea. 

20. ^dvcLjAi Si lirl rhv trp^STfpov X^\ov 
marka the atory ju»t told very clearly 
u m digresaioo, an excurans, a possible 
addition: but where exactly has the 
rp&repm \6yo^ been Interrupted I Is the 
digreaeion contined to o. 1 37 ? Or doea 
it extend from cc» 153-7? Or ahouM 



ita beginning be carried hack to e, 131 , 
or even to c. 128 i The problem of tha 
©om position of th« whole pa&aago cc, 128- 
137 is, indeed, a perplexing one; fori 
its discuasion qi. lutrcnltictioQ, § 9. 

It ia not, however, the mere wpirrtpot 
\iyoi that in here resumed, except 
vaguely in the senae of tlie main theme, 
or atory : rather there is a new de- 
parture : time, place, (i^rsonfl chaoge^ 
and the second rhief jiart of this Book 
begins. Cp, Introduction, § 8. 

13 1. 1. (TTpaTijXacrCTi — ffriXot just 
above. Cp. tXaint and vrpaniXaaiTj c, 
106 suiyra. iXatf ^rpar^if c* 8 ntpra^ 

olSvopa i^Jkv tlx*' Stein weO cpa* 
Plato, ApoL 34 hvo^a i'fcre . » tl»t 
XwKpdrii diTfirrAroTe. With oCi^Ofia. cp. 
irp6(p4unt 5. 33, \6yoi 5. 20, wp^cxrjfJ^ c. 
167 in/raf all contrasting with Ipyoi' or 
some similar word. The contrast here 
is, however, effected by the change of 
verb : Aa^vci {ftiv) jcodero 5i i 'had the 
name of being led against Athena, but 
was directed against all Hellas.* On 
the objective of the expedition cp. ca 
1, 6, 8, 11, 17, eU. 

3. Tfti^T* wph ireXXoii, ' that, lonj 
before.' Cp. c. 130 supra. How dii 
they know it ? From Deuiaratoa If cp. 
0, 239 infra; through Afgost c 148 
infra ; or from the many sources of in 
formation open to Athen.<i in her trans- 
marine connexions I Thcuiistokles at 
least required no prompting from S]^»artA j 
op, c. 144 infra, 

oodem niodo adfe^^ti erant," Baehr ; "11 on 
idem secum statueruut, ac:cif*ieb&nt,** 
Stein, i>r, rather^ "took (were for 
talking) the matltr very differently,* cp* 
8. 109 infra. 



* 



1 






13 7-1 3d 



nOAYMNIA 



183 



€7roi€vvrQ, of fjiiv ykp avrmv &6vrt^ y^p ttal vBwp t<^ Hipaif 
il'^ov 6dpco^ d)^ ovhiv 7r€i<r6fA€yoi ayapi irpo^ rov fiapfidpov $ 
oi Se ov Soin-€? iv teLpJiTi fieydX^ Kar^CTtiaav, &t€ ovt€ 
v€a>v iovaioyv iv rrj 'EXXa£t dpid^ov d^iopi^d^tDv hixeaffai top 
iTTiopra, otJrc fiov\o^pa>p tcSi^ woXkmp avrdirreaOai rait 
iroXipiov, ^TiSt^oPTOiv he irpodvp^si^, hfOavra dpayiecUij i^ip- 139 
yofjbai ypd>fi7}p dwoBe^aaffai itrit^dovop pip rrpo^ r&P 'rr\i6p€ap 



138. 4 <Tc:> Kot IL Stephanus, ran H. 
139. 2 ru}y om. 



6 HarifTTTjfrav 6 



4. ot ^ « . ot 84 oil 8^rr<s : ih» 

p^as^ti has not I ling to aay to the passage 
oc, 1^1 f. nupra^ fur the aurrendors there 
•re not vph iroXXoO* The diBcrepancy 
is evidence of thmt note being an ii)B<r- 
tion m the «ArUer draft, in whioli this 
l>Asuge already stood. These surrenders 
may dste bock to 491 B.C. (0. 48), or the 
DttRsage nmy simply have stood thus, 
without prejudice/ before c. 131 was 
written^ or the sentence in c. 32 {alHf- 
ffomai yipf rr xal CSutp Koi) addled to pave 
the way therefor. Cp. Introduction, | 9. 

5. AxAp^: cp. i,v€04\irr^ c 138, and 
for the word itaelf c. 36 aupra. 

* were i»i a atnte of (mighty) terror/ This 
deaeription of the meiita] state of the 
patriotic Greeks is surely an ojcaggera- 
tion. It accords ill with the utterance^i 
of Dsniaratot concerning the Spartans, c. 
102 iupra ; and if stress is to be laid on 
¥t«Vi hardily less ill with the resolution 
of Tltcmistokles and of Athens, c 144 
if^/ra. To exaggerate the cowardice of 
the Hellenes generally and paiticularly 
(qi. notably 8. 1-23) is a defect in Hdt/s 
methods for which^ perhat>a, Dolphi and 
Dtslphic inlUiences are partly r««|ionMible : 
is not Delphi chiefly Inrking under the 
ftholtvr of rmv woXX^ 1 

139. 1. b'davra . . oiic Iwio-x^m. 
Thisi passage, and indeed tho wnolo 
chanter, is polemical, argumentative, 
apologetic, a brief on behalf of Athens : 
generally supposed to have been written 
about the time of the outhreik of the 
Peloponneeiao war {w Baehr, RawHnson, 
Stein €t aL\ and certainly well suiting 
the circumstances of that tim<*. In that 
oaae, however, it must be regarded as 
among the paasages last added to these 
Books» by tne aathor*s hand, uulesa we 
endorse the theory of Eirchhoff, which 
aa^tuiiea that &a4:h notices of coutt^m- 
jiorary events mark just the points 



respectively reached, at the tune of 
their occurrence, hy the author, in the 
single and continuous composition of the 
work. It would also probably in that 
case have been oompoaea at Athens, and 
for an Athenian auoieiioe. Ati insertion 
the whole chapter might be \ for though 
the next chapter grows apparently out 
of the argumtfut and conclumon of this 
onSf that appearnnce might be a remit 
of clever dove-tailing and revisiou. The 
tone of the chtipter, howe?er, eeems 
addressed rather to a non- Athenian than 
to an Athenian public — unless we suppose 
Hdt. to be trying to win a very cheap 
choer from his auaience ; and the positive 
aaoription of the passage to the date of 
the Archidamian war assumes that the 
unpopularity of Athens dated only from 
the ' thirties,' and was a growth of * the 
years of Peace.* Such a view implies 
a complete misreading of the history of 
the PrnttkoniaiUrU, This passage might 
have been written opportunely any 
time between the breach with Sparta in 
462 8.0. and the Thirty Years' Peace, aa 
well as in the 'thirties.' It might be- 
long to the first draft of the work ; or, 
if an addition, it may have been added 
in the seooad period of compoeition, 
either in Greece or even at Thuni. 
Least of all need we locate its composi- 
tion and publication in Athens: Hdt 
is addressing a hostile world, not a jury 
packed in hia favour, Cp. the Apology 
for the Axgives, c. 162 tn/ra, and Intro- 
duction, § 9. 

MaOrtt : here, ' at this point of 
my work * ; cp. Plato's irmv&a roO Xdyot^* 
Knd, 412 E, ThmiL 177 c. 

dva^KaCii i£^pY^|uu : cp. c 96 

2, lw(^6fivov, ' unpopular/ * caleu* 
lated to give olfence/ cp. Cicero^ ad AiL 
8. 3. 6 (nonne) accipere (sc. triumphum) 
invidioium ad bonoi ! 



164 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



avSpmirmVt opm<i hi r^ ye fwjt ^alverai etpai a\7}0i^i avfc 
CTTto-p^iJaoj. el ^A07}valo& KarappmZriaavT€<i top hrmirra kIpSvvou 

5 i^eXiirov Ti}v cr^erepTjv, ^ teal piTj iKXtiropre^ aXKa ^Ivavre^ 
eBou'ap iT(f>€a^ aifTOV<; Sip^t tcara <j€> ri)P 0aKa<T<Tap 
ovhapLol ap €TT€tpmPTO avTiDvpsvoi ffaaiXet^ el roivuv Kara 
Tijp doKaao'av fiT^hel^ fjpriouro Be/>fj7, Kara je ap ri^p fjireipop 
TotdBe iyipero' el xal ttoXXoI rei^eoiv Kidmpe^ 7}<Tap eKrjXa- 

lo pApoi hik TO 5 ] adfu)v HeXoTTOPprjatoiai, irpohoBepre^ Ap 
AaxehatpLOpmi vwo r&p avp^pAj^^mp ovk eKOPrmp aXK vtt* 
apajfcatij^t fcark iroki^ a\i<TKQpipmv vTro rov patnifcov arparov 

3 dvOprnwiov : 'EAAijvtiM/ Naber {| y tpm Schaefer, van H. 4 o4 

'AByfvalot z 6 yc Stein* 7 dvTt€v^€voi fi, Holder 8 yvrtatro 

Naber || aj' oni* 6 tyivovro C : iyiv€To dz || xirtiiv^^ 6 12 



*in the eyea of/ CI^* c. 138 supra, and 
eapeci&lly 4. *i05 ir^* ^ewp ^irf^^oMot, 
Toe ^^of bare la of the earth, earthy. 
di^BpiSnrufv h not complimentary, and 
Miffht suit 'barliarmnH,' louians, and 
"^uco like, without excludmg Spartan b 
and otber Dorians. 

3. o^K jirKrx^o*tt*^ so. rtjt^ yvuifi.Tjv^ or 
dwoSi^a<rdai ttji^ yvuffirjy. Either Hdt. 
is a hypocrite, or for tbia passage he 
ddserrea an echo of Heine's praise of 
Luther : er fconnU AUta fUr die 
WahrheU thun^ nur nWU liigen f This 
formal and judicial utterance on Athens 
ahowa Hdt in tbe most favourable ligbt, 
whether as regards heart or head. The 
aa^fndeion (oi/it ivt^xM^- f^ crX.) gives 
it an added gravity. 

4, it ♦ , 44<Xi,irov T^K tF^VTi^t[¥ : 
bat tbey did evacuate their land and 
city. What, then, does Hdt, mean T 
That Salainia wa^* thtira, m that they 
did not clear completely out ? Or is 
ietiT(!.pp«>£^<ratmt the real predicate ? 
It was Dot fear (bat policy, strategy) 
that caused them to abandon their 
cotintry. Or has Hdt started by aayinij 
a little too much I He at once proceeds 
to qualify : fj ical ^^ ^icXiir^mf, which 
implies tbo evaouation ! What was in 
hia mincl^ perhn|i«, was not so much the 
eracuation of Athena and Attica, as the 
oomplete abandonment of the Greek 
oauso^ and the departure to seek a new 
homo elsewhere (cp. B. 62, and here just 
below iKkiveiv t^v EXXdSa). The oicite- 
ment of the moment produces aome 
clnmiincsSj or inadequacy of thought 



and expressions as not saldom with Hdt. 
Cp. Introduction, § IL 

T&v IttuS vra : line 28 infra, and c. 
138 aiipra ; once or twice too ofti^n. 

7, hr*ift&VTQ dvTb«v^fVDu Hdt con- 
structs ir^ipdc0ai with imrticiples, e.g. 
cc. 14B, 172 infra. 

9, Tiix^v iciOi^i'ff, perhaps a techni- 
cah not merfly an Herodotean metaphor. 
We aay not 'tnoic* but 'mantle* er 
'curtain.' Stein thinks it is a purely 
poetics! phrase ''perhaps out of an 
oracle." The AdLtvof x^'''*^ with which 
Hektor threatens Parii, 7^. 2. 67 (not, 
surely, a * Steingrab * but * death by 
atoning *), is a purely poetical metaphor. 
So, too, XenopL Sym, 4. 38 {4y rf oUi^) 
wdvv fikp dXMtiVoi x^Twi'fS oi TOtxoi ^oi 
&QKO\jtn» fhaiy ifAvii W ira^*^*" itftt^rrptitt 
U Upwpfn, Baehr also quotes 1. 181 76 
T<«x«* ^fifpn^ i^ri. Atbenaeus &9 d 
preaerres a phrase of the orator 
Demades : rh d^ rtlxoi *'4a$^a rift 
whXfiits. " ' l( the Isthmus had been 
clothed (dressed, curtained, mantled) 
with ft multitude {koX troXXoC) of walls 
built right across it . .' ; Ttlx^t ikaCftt^ 
9. 9. 

10. irpoSo0lvTfs ifw6t not quite of the 
same sense aa in 0. 137 supra (except 
as we might say, tWgo, * given away *). 

IL ovK iK6vTtav HX inr* AvayKotr^i 
cp. c. 132 iiuprn. 

12. Kara mSXts . .. vrparQ^ : xarik 
distributive. The Athenian orator ap, 
Thuo. 1. 73. 4 puts exnctly the same 
point: it is strange that a point so 
obvious should seem to have required ao 
muob iusiatence. 



139 



nOAYMNIA 



186 



Tov /Sap/Sdpov, ifiowdOffa-ap, fAovvooOivre^ Se &v koX airo- 
Se^dfievoi Sfyya fieyoKa arriOavop yepvaU^^. ff ravra &p 
erradop, rj irpo rov op&vre^ Ap /cat tov9 <SXXoi;9 "EXXtfpa^ 15 
fiffSl^ovra^ ofioKoyitj tip ij^caPTo wpo^ "Sip^p* /cat ovr(o 
&p iir afi^orepa 1} *EXX^9 iylpero irrro TUptrpai. rifp yhp 
aHf>€\ir)P TffP r&p T€i)(i(OP t&p Sih tov ^laOfiov iKfjjkafUpoop 
ov Bvvafjuu irvOiaOcu i^n^ Ap I^p, fiaaiXio^ hrucpariopro^ 7^9 
daXdaari^. pvp B^ ^Affrjvaiov^ ap Tt9 Xiycop aforrjpa^ yepiaOai 20 
rfj^ 'EXXa£o9 ovk Ap afiaprdpoi ro oK/qdh. ovtol ykp iirl 
oKorepa r&v irpriyfidToop irpdiropro, ravra piy^ip efieWe* 
^Kofiepoi, hk rifp 'EXXaSa wepiftpcu iXevOepriP, ovno to 
'EWrjvLKOP w&p TO Xoiirop, o<top firj ifiiiBure, avrol ovroi 

13 Twv Pappdpiav S, Schaefer 16 ir/jo tovtov Plutarch. Mor. 864 

16 $€p^a flPa, Stem} IS rrjv om, 8d 21 rh dAi;^€s a : rdXiydes 

fiPs : TOV akrfOios aut Acya>v rdkrfOis Reiske : rdkrfSw Schaefer, Holder 
23 ovTu TO Valckenaer, Stein^ : tovto to a, Stein^ * : tou, t^ B : to sim- 
pliciter Cobet, Holder 24 6v irdv Paria. 2933 || avTov fi 



13. Kal diro8^d|Uvoi Mpya |iryAXa: 

KaL not a copala, but an intensive ; vel, 
Baehr ; quamvis, Stein. The aentence 
is a homage to Thermopylai, but the 
sujKestion that, not merely a given 
body of Spartans on the battle-field, bnt 
the whole number of able-bodied citizens 
would have died the death, is so extreme 
that it naturally suggests the alternative 
of a conditional submission, which 
follows. 

15. vp^ ToO, chronological, op. 8. 108 
wp6 ToOroVf yet has the force of a logical 
alternative, which really excludes the 
Iireceding supposition. 

16. &|fcoXoYixi &v kxpiijiauvTo contra- 
dicts flatly the words of Demaratos c. 
102, and also spoils the effect of the 
heroic alternative just formulated ; but 
it curiously anticipates the speech put 
into the mouth of Eurybiades 8. 108, 
and the action threatened by the 
Athenians themselves, 9. 11. Chileua 
too, 9. 9, repeats or anticipates points 
in this passage. 

17. nK d|A<^^rfpa is ambiguous, and 
may mean (a) *in both cases alike,' 
'in either case,' i.e. whether they died 
to the last man, or made terms with 
Xerxes, cp. 9. 97, 3. 87 (Sitzler and 
others) ; (6) 'on both elements,' 'by sea 
and by land ' : thus Stein ; cp. c 10 
supra. Or (c), coming much to the same 
thing in sense as (6), though derived 



from the sense of (a), ' both as respecta 
the case of the Athenians and as respecta 
the case of Lakedaimoniana.' {b) or (c) 
would be quite consistent with regarding 
the sentence If ravra . . rp6s Zip^t^ as 
a later insertion. 

^v6 with dat., 'in subjection to.' 
T^Tdp^b^cXfipr . . r^daXAavyft 
only repeats the point already made above 
€l roburtf Kr\, The argument is also put 
into the mouth of Chileus the Tegeatan, 
9. 9 infra, and is virtually conveyed in 
the advice of Demaratos, c 285 ifffra, 

21. &|MipTdvoi T^ &Xi)6^ The ac- 
cusative 18 peculiar, cp. App. Grit 
Stein defends it on the analogy of Mdr 
-fffUXrifftt c 168 ir^fra, et simii,, where 
a word is anomalously constructed by the 
analogy of a synonym ; and the number 
of such anomalies in Hdt. is altogether 
not inconsiderable. A substituted ac- 
cusative is especially easy to forgive, and 
is here especially forcible. 

22. tAv vpifyj^Tttv, 'aides,' 'interests.' 
Mrfiv, of course metaphorical, 

from the balance ; cp. JL 22. 48. 

23. IX4|uvoi . . frtYfCparrtt. Blakealev 
wished to rewrite this passage ; the reaa- 
ings are doubtful, ro^o and a^o( being 
the chief cruces, cp. App. Grit. Hdt. 
was undoubtedly somewhat excited when 
writing this chapter, and the order, or 
disorder, of his words shows it 

ri 'EXXi|vucdv : op. 8. 144. 



186 



HPOAOTOY 



25 l^aav ol iireyeipavTc^ teal ^atrtKia ^urd y€ 5eou9 avoitrafievot- 
oifBe aff>€a^ j(p7faTi)pta <f)o0€f>iL iXdovra itc AeX^^iy teal i^ 
ietfJM ^aXovra €7r€i<r€ ixXLiretp rtfv 'EX-XaSa, aXKa Karafj^et* 
vavT€f; ap€<r)(ovTo rov iwiovra eirl Ttjv ^(mpT^p Se^atrffai, 
140 Il€^^fravT€^ yap ol ^ABfjuaioi eV AcTuftoif^ BeoirpoTrov^ 

j(fi7}(TT7}pui^€(T0at jjcraf eroifiot* xal <t^l woifjaacri irepl to 
ipov ra vof4,t^6fi€va, oh? ev to p^apcv i<T€K0Opr€^ t^ovro, ;^a 
17 Ilv6i7f, tj5 owofia ^v *ApiaTOviKr}t raSe. 



25. |i«rd Y« &««rt»i : " po«t deo» quidern/* 
Baelir, *n«it after'; cp. e. 108 m/ra. 
Not *if only the gtKla would lot thoin.* 
The victory of the Greeks k to Hdt, 
primarily a work of upeoi&l Interveiition 
from above ; cp. 8. 109. 

26. 0^ v^m , ., Mt was not they 
tlmt , / 

ScL{icii ^oXdrra. I[ tp&^fpd lh tnkeu m 
the ifcctive 8>!tise, then ff SciAut /I b 
tAntologous. A fftroD^er sense seeniji 
gained by viewing tlie responsea ib 
etfeeti and cauaea ol fear : panic-HtrickeD 
mnd f>aTiic striking. The description of 
the oracular respouBe^i, JXQdirra Ik 
AmK^v, not, as it tnnia out, Bpontaiie- 
ously, htit in answer tj jnqtiirit\*i, and 
tht«ir calculated offeet (firiwrt 4icX. t. 
•EX.) aeema to show an iiutianal detach- 
raent on Hdt/a part, a*? tliou;^ht when 
he wroLtj tbia passage, the glamour of 
Delphi had somewhat faded. (Is Ik* 
regretting that he himself had been 

Kerauajleil ^KXiirdy t^k 'B\\d5a for a 
ome in the west ?) 

28. 4v4wT(evTO . . &£(tur6ou t dr<'- 
X^ff^at with inlin. (or partict. 5, 19 Ap^x^ 
6ftiutif) in tiie senae of rXTjvai,, titMinere 
{tine ffehr selt^ne Bed^niung^ Stein). 

140, 1. irJp^i|/avTcs yap ch 'Adrjval^^. ; 
the article, pcrhapg only aa reauniijiu 

The date of this miaaion is a matter of 
moment. Hdt* unfortunately ^ijivus no 
precis tncjication, hut apfvears to date it 
before the aaaembling of the Congrresa at 
the tsthmua (c 146 infra), Aa that 
may be dat«d to 481 E.fT. (Hummer or 
autumn) the th^cria would not be later 
than the spring. Stein weu datea it 
bftck to ^82 U.V. Such an early date is 
out of tht' question, from a historical 
and paychologicai point of view. Even 
Dtdplii wjyj not »haEing with fear at that 
time. Theae oracles cannot be dal*?d 



before the disaster at Thermopylai ; and 
the second one was obviously ohUoned 
with especial reference to the impending 
battle at Salamis. Cn. further on the 
question, Aiipendix 111. | 7. 

%*ovpiywov% = dttitpoi'rt^ as in 1. 67, 
etc. They were two in numlxsr (cp. Imr 
last line of ro^ponKe) but their name^ 
are not on rccor^l. 

2. )(^pi]0-nifpid|io-0ai : used here ab- 
solutely {to obtJkin oracular advice, to 
consult the oracle) ; in c 178 infra with 
T^ &€t^. There is a slight confusion be- 
tween oi 'A&jj^attn and their envoys ; at 
k-aat the tr^ which followa can only refer 
to the 0fO7rf>^oi. This confusion mmi 
through the r«'aponae itself, 

3. t^ vojiit^^cva : (1) lutftration, witli 
holy writer from the KustaUan spring ; 
(2) coronation with laurel ; (3) prayer 
and sacrifice (Bachr ad L Schoemann- 
Lipsius, Gr. AUrrlh. ii 1902, 322) ; all 
pprformo'l fit like altar in the juecinct 
(iripl rh ip6ty) before entering rd yAy^Lpov, 
where the connultants took seat (ttoirro), 
after handing in their question in writing 
to the r/to^T^n^i, who gave it to the 
Pythia in the H&utqv, Generaliy speak- 
ing, tlio utterance of the Pythia was in- 
artii-ulate and required interpretation, 
redaction by the Delphic piophet (8. 36 
infra) or prophets ; hou- long this process 
may have occupied it m impossible to say. 
U]>on occasion » the responso (no doubt 
prcvionsly prepared) came articulate, 
and versified, appar*.'ntly» from the lips of 
the Pythift, or required no nmre editing 
than could be given by the experts in the 
Adyton. In the present and following 
chap, we seem to have genuine responsei, 
but evidently very carefully com posed 
and redacted : '* Homeric " (Baehr). 

4. *A|»wTitv£icTi (*' Sieghild," B^ehr) : 
thiii name of go(>d omen counts for 
nothing in these rpsjionaes ; perbap« 
H»lt. records it a little irouicjiUy. Tb» 



139-140 



nOAYMNIA 



187 



& fi€7<£0i, ri tedffffirOe ; \iiro>p <f>vy h Sahara yaitf^ 5 

BdfjMTa ical 7ro\i09 rpojfpei^o^ aicpa Kapriva. 

o6t€ yhp ^ iC€^X^ fiipei SfiweBop oire to cAfui^ 

avT€ 7ro&9 piaroi our &p x^pe^t oire n fUacrrf^ 

Xehrerai, aXX* a^tfXa TriXei* /carit yap fiip ipeiwei 

irvp re koI ofv9 ''Aprf^, Xupiriyepk^ ipfia BuiK(OP. 10 

iroXXcL Bi 4c2XX' arroXei wvpydfiara Koxf rh cop oIop, 

5 <l>vy €s Beiske, van H., Stein': 4>€vy codd, Stein^^ Holder 
(Xoivhv <f>€vy€T d: v6X.iv <l>vy€T Oenomaus ap. Euseb. praep. ey. 5. 24) 
7 ficvci CP: /Acvci 9 di&nka Blomfield, van H. || cp^irci a 10 

do'iriytvh fi 1 1 ri aov otov CP : tAtov o2ov 



name is grammatically oonstmcted in 
apposition to olh^oua, not to rg. 

5. |fcAiOi, ri KoOnir^c : the plnral, as 
the singular which follows (^(y'), is ad- 
dressed to the Athenian state, not merely 
to the two iheopropoi ; the sitting still is 
not merely that in the temple, but that 
in their native land. /t^Xeot in Homer 
means *vain,' 'useless,' but in later 
Greek, as here, 'wretched' (Aischyl., 
Soph., Eurip. all used it thus). The 
change is traced to Hesiod, TKeog, 568. 

I<rxara YcUi|t, ' (the) ends of (the) 
earth.' Stein cps. 8. 62, and thinks * the 
Italian coast ' is meant ; the reference 
does not seem to be so definite (nor so 
definite in every direction as aX irxoLrlai, 
riji olK€Ofxiinti in 8. 106). Without It 
(cp. App. Crit.) the accusative may be 
a vague one of motion (this is better 
that! to take it as direct accusative, 
and understand the words of Attika, 
and much better than making (ffx"-''^ 
agree with 8^|iaTa). Yet the advice 
probably means merely leaving Attika 
for the Peloponnesos (cp. 8. 40 t), 

6. Tpoxoci84o«: suspiciously like an 
anachronism. Athens was rpoxotid^ 
after the Themistoklean walls were built ; 
so in 1. 98 Hdt cps. the wall of Ekbatona 
to the *A0ri»4u)v iojkXos : but at the date of 
the oracle Athens was an unwalled city 
(cp. 8. 51). It may, however, have had 
a wall round it in earlier (nrae-Peisis- 
tratidaean) days, and the epithet may be 
traditional 

7. oikt Y^ ^ Kt^oX^ ktX. : the pass- 
age contains the metaphor or analogy of 
' the Body politic ' ; cp. the oracle m c. 
148 infra. But the description appears 
eminently inapplicable to Athens and 
the Athenians. In a more material sense 
it might apply to Athens and Attica 
after the Persian occupation (8. 50-8), 



and so help to date the response : jUrvrft 
below must agree with v^Xiot. But the 
description of Attica and Athens may 
be a prediction coigeotured from the 
state of Phokis, op. 8. 82, 88. 

9. d(i)Xa wiknti Homeric viKti — iffri 
(or perhaps ylptrax or ipxfrai), SLiifKa, 
might be the subject of rAct or a j^rt 
of Uie predicate (in which case the subject 
wdi^ra must be supplied^out of the context, 
or what not). dfvyXot may be d-^Xos = 
d^Xon-ot, or, better (with Stein) =d^Xoff, 
erroneously derived by the oracle-makcr 
(from Hesiod, Works 6 ^Ta d* dpllyiXo^ 
iuv66u KoX ddriXvf di^i) who assumed 
that i^Xof=d^Xos. Cp. App. Crit. 

Kard <ydp |uir IpMii: the tmesis, 
as in 1. 14 in^ra, futf, sc. rV *'6Xir. The 
description just suits the situation in 8. 
50 ff., but see also note on I. 7 supm, 

10. 2vpii|Y<vh dpfta Si^Kcfv, 'follow- 
ing in the track of a Syrian chariot*' op. 
c. 68 supra. Aischyl. Persai 84 (2i^pi2r 
0* ApfUL dcc6irwr) may be a reminiscence of 
this oracle, unless the text here has been 
corrupted from Aischylos ; cp. App. Oit. 
Is the SipfM A<^ </)6r (c. 40 supra), or the 
chariot of the king {ihid.), or more gener- 
ally a war chanot, here in view? It 
may be doubted whether in the Persian 
war any chariots of war reached Athens, 
or even Thebes; the only war-ohariota 
recoffnized by Hdt in the army-list are 
the Libyan and Indian (0. 86 supra). But 
the phrase need not be pressed ; it may 
be conventionaL The oriental chariot 
was familiar in Greece in Minoan and 
Mykenaian days, was not forgotten in 
Homeric times, and in the age of Hdt. 
was still used in Kypros, cp. 5. 118. 

11. veXXa 8) KdXX' iuwoKAi a pre- 
diction, {terhape in the very act, or on the 
very eve of fulfilment ; op. 8. 82, 83. But 
Delphi had no fear for itself; 8. 85^39. 



1A8 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



01 WOV VVV ISp&Ti p€OVfL€VOt. eoTiJ/ca^Tt, 
Seipbari rraWo^euot, Kara S' aKpordroi^t opi^oiai 
alfta fiiXav ^ej^urat, wpotSoif fcafcorrjTO^ avdyKa^, 
dW irov €^ dSvToiOt KaKoU S" €'7riKiSpaT€ 8v^qv. 
141 ravra dfcovo-avre^ ol twp \Kdi^vamv BeoirpoTrot avfi^ftopr} T17 
^eyitTTT] i^i(M)VTO, irpoffdWova-t he a^ia^ auroif^ vwo toO 
KaKOv Tov K€^Tiap.ivov TipLQjp 6 ^ ApBpo0ovkov, t&p A€K(f>&v 

12 vaovs a 14 ^ipAXfri 6 || opotpourty a, Holder 16 

dvdyKjji a : dvdyKvjv Cd 16 KaKOuri aC : KaKoitrt iw d : KaKOio z || 

imKiSyaT€: vTrowiTvarf^ vait H» lil, 3 K^xprfft^voif E: * forma 

fortasse ubique revocantlft' van H. j cp» Weir Smyth, § 615 p* 512 

figiiig. 6v^6s is simply the mind (cp, c- 
51 gupra), ^irttiidvTjfti is uaed only in the 
pasjiiTe by Homer ; here ' spread your 
iiuod on evils,* or * bea|iroad your niiud 
with evils," ia equivalent to Haying, *all 
hope abtin Jon * ; van Herwerden does not 
like th« word here : cp. App. Crit. 

141* 1 * irv|i4»«p5 '•^ F'Y^'"!! ^XP'**'''^ ' 
a literal and prompt obedience to the 
holiest : KaKOit 5* ^wiKlSvart^ 0vn6¥. For 
the expression cp. c. 134 supra. 

2. irpo^dXXoiKTt 8i cr4»^as avrovs : with 
this expression cp. Soph» 0. T. 7i5f. 
ctfifK xdAor* loiK ifjiavTOy fh dpAs Stt^dit 
Tpo^dWup dprlutt ovK etSivai: Eurip. 
Iik^s. 18*2 xph ^* ^^* d^fotf rofftv ^iQtV 
xpo^idWovT^ (V Ki'^oiiTi &Q,ifiovoi. Thougli 
u either is exactly parallel to the use of d 
the word her*i» all three have the note 
of ' abandonrnent * in them, "giving- 
themaelves up for lost" ("res suas 
desperantibua," Stein). Cicero, Tumc, 2. 
54 qui doloris speciem ferre noD possuiitv ( 
iibjiciunt se, atf|i]e ita at^icti et exanimati 
jacont . . fiuut enitn quae<lani animl 
similitudines cum cor|iore. Si'hweig- 
haeuser, indeed, takes the word here \ 
materially, **htinium se proatraverunt." 
(Tlie present participle ia rather against 
that.) 

irmi : they are alwndoning them- 
selves to despair ''under the influence 
of, or the fleets of the evil, which 
haa heeo oracularly revealed " ; cp. Cir6 
6iovs Tf Kal icaKoB ippv^ ^wviSi' 1. 86, 
v7f6 roG vapfStrrei xaKod 6 Aapeios dypV" 
TTfi^ffi etxfta 3. 12P, 

3. KfxpTjo'pivov might seem to be the 
Herodoti'an form from xM«»' ■ ^^^ to he 
confused with jc/xP^M*"^* Ktyjriiiiiiwot. Van 
Herwerden would recall the latter form 
everywhere. But cp, App, Crit. and c 
I kh infra. 



12. fULXip<p : iu Horner always an 
epithet of fire (^d\a), 

13» oil why not tlie *Atfd*'oTd* (on the 
Greek sid«). Le. their atatiiea? Thia ia 
more forcible than to refer the relative 
to pi^oi/r. ^^|Mvoi for ^6fMvoi, cp. 
ftaxo^^Mot. Clemcua Alexandr, (728) 
read here j^tt^fitvot (^r^u). Rawlinsou 
and Blakesley nd L give a list of aweat- 
iog statues ; cp. Oicvro^ Div. 1, 74, 98, 
2. 68 et<;. ; Diodor. 17. la 4. 

L&p^Tt; they so uie times exuded 
blood. ScC|iUi,Ti ?ri&XX<<£|uvoi, cp. Hymn 
i4> Ihmtter 2&3. For ?rti\Xe<j-ffai cp. 9» 1 40. 

14. Kard is of course in Im^si — KaTa- 
kix^'TOi, A hloady roof was to bo aceti 
at Delphi itself od a later occasion, 
Diodor. 17. 10. 6 (335 B.o,), 

15. irpoiSdv icaKiTT|Tos 4viiYK<Lfi: can 
hloDd *fore .'+ee' inevitable woe, or is 
'foresee' coufuaicati for 'foi^-show' (so 
Steini $ell»am jut Trp<i^lvov) \ For the 
iuterpretation of the signa op, Diodor. 
I.e. Th» a r^v d^'dpidyrufy lSp!IfTa ifwtp- 
fidWovaraw irajroird£^<iaj', t6 3* iv wXfloei 
T&wotf 4><^ufbfijevov af^ ^vap roXt)r KdTk 
r^v 1^^fi^lJ' inrbpuEvaif (tny/iafretJ' l<pa<ra.if). 

16. trov 4t aSvToie : the dual here 
(followed by the plural) might tempt ub 
to regard the whole reaponsit; as aildreascd 
primarily to the two (^€cnr/>6iroi, aud 
tlirough them to all and every Atheuiana. 
If dSt^o*' ijj used strictly, they had no 
right thoreiu ; but see helow, n«^xt c. 

Kaicols 8' lirtKC8v&T( OvpuSv : a 
much debated phrase. It Koemfi quite 
out of keeping with the context, if inter- 
preted to be an encouragement, as by 
atephanna, Larchcr, Miot,Sch wcigbaeuser, 
Lange, Baehr, L. k S, It does not even 
seem amMgyoua ('*preijare vour soul 
for eTil/* Schoell), but definitely disoour* 



140-141 



nOAYMNIA 



189 



avfjp B6/eifio<; Ofj^ui r^ /jLoXurra, avvefiovXevi <r<f>i itcerrjptrjv 
XajSovai Sevrepa aSrt9 iX£6vTa^ jQjcUrOcu r^ jjyrjarTjpi^ <»9 5 
i/eera^:. iretOofievoia-i Sk ravra rolai * AOffvaioiai KaX \iyovai 
" &pa^, j(prjaov fifuv afieivop ri irepl rrj^ irarpiho^, alSeadel^ 
tA9 itecTTjpla^ rda-Se rdii rot fj/eofiev (f>€povT€^, fj ov roi 
airtpsv ite rod aSvrov, aXX' airov r^Se pAvofiev Sot &v teal 
TcXcvnJo'CD/A^i/," ravra Bi Xeyova^ 17 irpo/juivri^ j(pf Bevrepa 10 
rdBe. 

oxf Bvvara^ naX\^9 A/' ^OXvfiirtop i^iXdaaadcu 
Xia-aofiivfj woWolo't \oyot<: koI fii^riSt irvKv^. 

4 iKenjpias fi, Holder, van H. 5 XPW^^'' f^\\^ iKcras deL van H. 
9 fji€V€Ofi€v fi, Stein^ ^, Holder, van H. et al. 10 $^ erasum in A (' fonan 
recte ' van H.) : om. Be 



TC|u*v & * ArSpoPoiiXov : neither the 
propitiously namea father, nor the son^ 
IS otherwise known to fame. SfMia t^ 
|idXio*Ta {doKLfjufi), cp. c. 118 supra. 

4. UrnipCiiv . . A% Ufrat: on the 
previous occasion, though they had 
observed the proper ritual of * con- 
sultants,' they had not presented them- 
selves as 'suppliants' (e.g. they had 
taken seats in the megaron). Now they 
were to arm themselves with the sup- 
pliant's olive or laurel branch, filleted 
with wool ( Uen]pCT)v, sc. /tdfidop ; cp. Xe vjco- 
rre^it iKTTjplas, Aischyl. StqfpL 192) ; 
op. Hermann -Stark, gotUsd, Alterth, 
(1858) p. 138. 

6. roln * AOtproCoioa : Hdt doubtless 
understands the term of the ^eoirpdiroc, 
aud supposes them not to have left 
Delphi or reported to the Athenians at 
home the doleful response obtained. 
The exact interval between the two 
responses Hdt does not indicate: wss 
it hours, or days, or longer ! Was the 
first response not conveyed to Athens, 
or perhaps to Salamis, before the second 
was emitted ? Or had the two Theoroi 
directions (from Themistokles) to move 
heaven and earth in order to obtain a 
Delphic sanction for the plan of remain- 
ing at SalamiB and there doing battle t 
The first response supports the plan, 
afterwards ascribed tothePeloponnesians, 
of the complete evacuation of Attica and 
Salamis, and the transfer of the Athenians 
to the Peloponnese ; the second favours 
the plan of those in Athens who were 
determined to make a stand at Salamis 
(and even perhaps upon the mainland). 
These responses can only be dated in 
reason to the days or weeks when that 



strategic question was the dominant and 
urgent one. It is conceivable that 
Delphi delivered two contradictory direc- 
tions on two successive days ; but it 
seems not unlikely that a more consider- 
able interval separated the two responses, 
during which Themistokles contrived, 
by one means or another, to a4just the 
wires at Delphi. It is a frappant in- 
consequence in the story or Salamis 
that Themistokles is not represented as 
making any use of these responses in 
his arguments ¥rith Eurybiades and the 
Peloponnesians (8. 60). The proper in- 
ference therefrom is, not that these are 
mere vaticinia post evitUum, and the 
whole story of the Athenian theoria to 
Delphi a later fiction, but that Hdt 
follows in different parts of his narrative 
different sources, without troubling to 
consider their mutual bearings. 

9. afroO rgSc |Uro|Mir IvV Av koX 
TfXfvHjofMMv : the supplication on be- 
half of Athens and Attica {rtpl r^t 
Taroidct, not of course * Hellas ') contains 
a tnreat of "sitting dhama," which 
apparently is effectual ; cp. Maine, Barly 
iTUiittUians, pp. 40, etc. Orestes op. 
Enrip. Iphig, in Taur. 972 ff. applies 
the same method of compulsion : irfit^Otw 
dd&rtaif iKraOtUf vijcrit pop&t, irdaiuoa* 
airrov filw inropprf^civ Oatnip, el fti/j fit 
ff<jl>ff€i ioifios, 6t fi dxdlKeffei^, The present 
is more forcible than the future (cp. App. 
Crit.). Stein cpe. ca 285, 286, 9. 17, 
46, etc. 

10. Tttfira 8^ Xtfyoiio>i resumes JceU 
Xiyowii cp. c. 186 d€^€pd <r^ \tyovci 
rdit . . \tyovai M oAroiffi ravra, 

12. ^(iXdouo^i : the preposition ia 
emphatic. Whether the intercessory 



]90 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



0*01 8^ ToS* airi^ env^ dpe^ ahd^vri TreXao-ira?. 

15 rmv oKKmv yap dXtafco^evmp oaa KixpoTro^ oZpo^ 

CVTO? €^€i fC€V$fMOif Te Ki6aipmpo<; ^affeoio, 
Tct^o? TpiTOyepit ^vXtpov BiSoi evpvoira 2i€V^ 
fiovvov aTTopBifTov reXWeiv, to ak ritcva r ovi^a-eL. 
^tySe av y iirwoaviftiv re p^iveiv Kal Trefoj/ lovra 

20 woXXop aTr' Tj^reipov ffrparov ^ert/^09, aW uTrojf^tapeiP 

pWTOv i*m(rTp€y(ta<;* en roi Trore kovtIo^ eaatj. 
m 0€lf} SaXaftt^i aTroXci? Se <tv T€Kifa yvvammu 
iq WQV ^/ciSvafJL€ifi}<; Arffijjrepofi rj a-vvLOvtnj^* 

21 h5tov fi tl *'''* ***^ Stein^ approb. van H. 



prayer of Pttllaa Is merely metAphorieal, 
or wlietlier the goddes^a in belit^ved tx) lie 
truly interceding on bebulf of Athens, 
is open to riuontion ; at any mte Olympian 
Zens ia regarded at Dcliibi as ointii- 
l»otfintly, ©r at least aiipreniely, dirw!ting 
the coarse of linman atf«iirs, 

14. &Sii|xavTL TTcXdo-o^v: Elakesley 
takes *Addtiuaf as an epithet of ZuUd, 
' having ttpfiroached the IiiHexthle One.' 
Apollo in Mi J ca«e ii speaking (masc. 
vrXdtf-tf'af), but, inter aim, thin it^ndering 
prefiints, or exaggerates, a rivalry be- 
tween Apollo and Athene not probable 
m a response. (Blakealey'a fiaraphraH« 
Boppreas^ this point,) weXd^ttv h aa 
freijuently oaosal as intrauiitive, si^ecially 
in pMtry, tnd may also be useo meta- 
phorically ; e.g. Pindar. 01. 1. 80 (78): 
icpdrfi ii wiXatrov (sc. ifjui)^fat c.oinpotcm 
(Rumpel, Lexicon^ suh v.). So here : 
aMfiOMTi ireXdcrtraf (sc, tM' Ixoi ), * that 
I haTe made as of steel, that shall never 
be broken/ 

15. Klicpoirot oipof : l^Ug^t ^'^teiu, 
and othery make ot'pos~6p<K^ nu^i under- 
stand simply the Akropolis, a view not 
taken by any of the Atheninns of the 
time, cp. a 142 infra j Rawljnwn and 
others, offpQf=l^pos, so that K. &. = 
Attica, and Kithniron Kim ply rl^'i^mea 
the chief feature of the Attic Injundary on 
ttie land,sido» Or better stilly perhftp?, K. 
cdpQt { = Spot) ini^ht fttand geapfally for 
the w6\if^ the whole city ; cp. Philochoros 
ap, Strabon. 397 K^*f|p<iira wpQrov e/r 

^ipxLTa KfKpowla TrrpdiroXit 'EiraKpta 
ktK Cp. Etym* M. 'M'A r^v rutv iroXtrwi' 
^ircHJcio.j' 6.<p' iooTTQu KtKpoiriay Tpoffyj^ 
y6p€v<Ff. 

16. KCvOp&v: recessuSf vallis, Find. Pt/. 
9, 34 6p4<iiv Ken6p^vai ix't trKioirrtaif ; Jr. 



10L(700 4 k'oL w&T€ rhv T^MOpdf&v Uroiitov 
tc€V$ftm'a KaHirx'^f (RumiU'l, Lex^ 
Pindifr.). 

Ki6aip4avos ; cp. 9. 19 infra, 

17. TpLTO^w*l: i,e. Athene, cp* 4, 
180. The epithet here might be not 
merely a poetic or niutrical convenience, 
for the word prohAbly me^int *boni of 
water ' (see L. R, Faraell, CuUs of the 
Greek Stateg, i. 2t>6), though it must b« 
admitted that Theiuistukles maken no 
use of this etymology in his exegoaii, 

18. t6 I demonstrative! or relative! 
the fact dliriSpftijTov t<XIB«lv ? or the 
actual Tiixos ? 

19. Linro<rwf|v : the a h:^ tract for the 
concrete i in Homer, *honi«manship.' 
Baehr remarks that this oracle imitates 
the Epic style, hut is destitute of the 
native colour of the Epos. 

22. m Ui^ 2aXauL(s ktX. : the«e two 
celobrjitod lines follow immediately and 
naturally upon the promise in roi wort 
KAirriot iairjj, and so are probably an 
authentic part of the original rosi^ouse, 
which, therefore, cm only have been 
framed at a time when the possibility 
ofaii eugagenient at Salamis waij evident, 
and the j>laii was being preaiied ; i,f. 
after Thermopylai'Arteniision. iii its 
position ia justified by the projection of 
the vosmtivB. 

23. Ij irou o-KLSvapivifs Atiji^ipOf 9^ 
0Tivu3^<rt|s, generally interpret<-^d * either 
in the time of so win f;, or gathering in 
the harvest*' Baehr observed, however, 
that the ozact mean inn,; of the line is far 
from clear. ^dSvac^ai is frecjnent in 
Iliad an<l Odymeit, hut never used of 
scattering seed, but of crowds dispersing, 
//. 1. 487 et<*. ; of sprav» i/^dfl-e 5' dx»^ 

s««wirat^ //. 11, m%i of dust, % r 



141-142 



nOAYMNIA 



191 



ravrd <r<l>i ^uarepa yi^p r&v irporipo^v teal ^v teal iiotcee 142 
elviu, o-vyypay^dfLiPOi airaWdaaovro i^ r^9 *A0i]va^, &^ Si 
aireXdovre^ ol OeoTrpoiroi, airqyyeXXov i^ top S^fiop, yv&fiai 
teal oXXoi ttoXXoI ylpovrcu Si^tffUvmv rb fuumiiov teal atBe 
cwearrftevuu fiaXurra * r&p irpea-fivriprnv IXeyop fiere^irepoi $ 
Boteie^v a^lai, top 0€OP Ttfp axpoiroXip yjprjaai wepUa-eadai. 
ff ykp atepoiroXi^ to iraXai t&p ^AOtfpalwp ^flXV ^^^pa/cro. 



142. 2 djnjttauv k d$rjva$ 6 
4 cyiVovTo fie 6 o-ifturL Stein, 

tQv 'AOrfvaitov del. Cobet 



3 04 6€oirp6iroi flecl. van H. 
van H. : <r</^ codd., Holder 7 



dcXXa iKldpareu, II. 16. 875 ; of a 
fountain, or well, In a garden, dt^d Kijfwop 
dxarra Sjcldrarcu, Od. 7. 180. In the 
Hymn to Demeter 277, from the garments 
of the goddess herself 68/iii 3* Tfup^va 
. . Sjc^draro. In all these cases tnere is 
a sense of dispersion, diffnsion, dissipa- 
tion. Still more strained is the inter- 
pretation of Arifiifrepot cwtoAcrp of the 
Ingathering in of the harvest Even if 
Arffn/jrrip ffKlSparai coold mean ' the seed 
is being sown,' could Afifi'/jnip 0'tVct^i (or 
ffwipx^rai) mean 'the harvest is being 
gathered ' ! (On ffKlipaaBai op. 8. 28.) 

At least it may be worth while to 
suggest that the reference in the line is 
not generally to springtime and autonm, 
but definitely to the date of the Eleu- 
sinian Mysteries, which coincided with 
the battle of Salamis. Perhaps the 
allusion in the line is to something in 
the ritual ; or, if ' Demeter' might stand 
for the *Demeter- worshipper or the 
Mystai, the line mif^ht simply mean 
that the battle should take place either 
when the worshippers were assembling 
or dispersing. Cp. 8. 65. 

142. 2. orvfypai|fd|icvoi might seem to 
imply that the response was audibly 
defivered, and subsequently written down 
at the request of the consultants ; but 
what then of the previous response, of 
the same length T If not written, how 
was it preserved ! The word here cannot 
be pressed, least of all in the interests of 
a meticulous chronology. 

8. rbv S4||iov : i.e. the Ekklesia. The 
first report would inevitably have been 
made to the Boule, which is here, 
perhaps, include<l, or presupposed. 

4. ei(T)iUvwv, 'of persons trying to 
interpret ill^Baiy a not uncommon 
word in Hdt (c 103 8uvra\ found al«o 
in Herakleitos, Demokritos, Lueian. 
retains the long {lenultimate vowel 



throughout (cp. Ai^amu, c/x^A^)* Weir 
Smyth, lonic^ p. 488, regards it as the 
prose and di^>/iac as the poetic form. 
Cp. Hi» (in the oracle), Hdt 1. 65. 

5. cr wto T n icifafc, *in conflict,' 'op- 
posed,' a metaphor from battle, or 
wrestling. Cp. 8. 142 icr* &r h xUKtiun 
6d€ cwwHiKy : 8. 79 ffW€ffr7iK6niif W 
rwr arpanrpap : 182 o-vrctm^jcff 8^ rol^ - 
rp yviSiixTa ^ VofipAtvi 6. 108 rodt 'A^- 
vaiovt #x<cy ir^oi;t ffwwrtiarat BoutfroM-t : 
1. 208 yv&iAAi fih ai^Ttu vwi^roffOM. 

rihf irptafvr4pm¥ ; the younger 
men do not appear to have had any say 
in the matter. It was not usual at 
Athens for a man under thirty to address 
the EkklesU. Cp. Telfy, C. J. A, §| 
188-9. 

7. fnijXif M^paKTo: at what date 
exactly does Hat mean to say that the 
Athenian Akropolis was (had been) 
protected by a 'wood* or 'thorn'? 
Is rh wdXoi relative to the oooasion 
described, or to the date of composition ? 
Is the pluperfect of the verb to be inter- 
preted strictly, and in relation to the 
recorded occasion, or loosely and in 
relation to the (time of) reoordf Is it 
assumed that the ^6t was a thing of 
the past, at the time of Salamis, or only 
in the days of Hdt T Do the verb and 
tense refer simply to the original act of 
fortification, or to a continued state, or 
condition of defensibility ? It seems 
rather to be implied that the ^6t was 
in existence at tne time of Salamis (even 
if out of repair, 8. 51, but cp. note 
ad /.), and was interpreted to be rd 
(vXiF^' rtt^ot. The elder men in 480 B. c. 
could remember the sieges of the Akro- 
polis in 511-8 B.C. (cp. 5. 64, 72). This 
remark, then, is the historian's own ; 
but the TdXai is in contrast, not merely 
to the writer's present, but to the date 
of the response, though the pluperfect 



192 



HPOAOTOY 



vu 



ot fi€v Stj [xara rov if>pay/i>ov] {Tvm^dXXouro rovro to 

^xiXivov r€lf(o<i elvai, ot S* ai eXcyop ra? veaf; (njfuUvetif rw 

lo &€6p, Kal Taura? 7rapapT€€a$ai iKcXeuov ra aXXa direpra^. 

roif^ &u Srf tA^ vea? Xeyavra^ elpat ra ^vKwou relj^o^ 

€a<f>aXK€ eirea Suo rd reXevraia pTfBivra viro tt}<? IT 1/^1*79, 

w Qeif} %aXafiL^, dtraXels Se <t\) ri/cpa yvpaiK&v 

1} irov axihpafiipT}^ Arj^^repo^ -^ tn/uiovtri}^, 

15 tcard ravra ra ewea avv€')(iovTo at yvmfiai r€}v ff>apL€PODV t< 

pia^ TO ^vXiPOP T€l^o^ etpai * oi yap ^rja-fioXoyot ravTff 

ravra iXdfL^avoPf w d/jL(f>l %aXa^lpa Set o-(f>€a^ i<r<Ta>0rjvai 

143 pavfia^iifp irapa<TfC€vauap.€Pou<;, f^p Se r&p ri<: ^Adijpolwp 

dpijp i^ TTpcoTOV^ P€WiTri irapmp, rm ovpofia phf ffp ©e/^t- 

8 Kara ritv <ftpayfihv flecl. GoiMperx, Stein' || trvvtpdXovro IE 

«ir€a Bvo TO. Stein^^^^-^^ : ra Svo ra codd.» Steiu^ Holder: ra Bvo cjrca ra 
van H. 143. 1 i^r^v codd. 



4 



does not signify that the finx^ "vt^ no 
lotigar iu eiistctice in 480 b.c. The 
e)taet me&nini;; of jiTjx^* (=Mx^) ^ ^^^^ 
certain. Is it * thoro ' or * wild olive ' ? 
Iu any c&ae it evidently siiggesta soitjk 
kind of rartiG.catiqni palinadtj, of wckmI. 
Jiist as the outer door of a atudent's 
rooms At Oxford m called "ad oak" 
(Blakeelej), so ^x^ might at Athens 
= <^f>ayfi6ft^ trravpiufiXL (cp. Eawliiison). 
But what was its relatimi to the IkAaff- 
ytK6v (UeXaprftKdy) ruxof {ep. 5. 64) ? 
Was the ' palisade ' diatiuct from the 

* wall/ or a |)art of it, or itientkal with 
it (a name from a iitill older time for it) ? 

8. «ruyfpdiXXc»vTo, * conjectured ' ; cp, 
5, 1, fl. 107, ce. 24 tupra, 184. 187 infTti. 

9. <tt 8' a^: se. twv wfXir^iTiptaif^ but 
perhaps oi yeunepot were with them. 

10. -iroAapT^io-SaL : c. 20 ^upra. 

12. lo-^kXf, "tripped np/ * upset/ 

* diHturbeii/ Why i The linea apiKiaml 
to foretell a defeat at Sal a mis, wldle the 

* wooden wall ' wns to rt!tiiaiii intact. 
Why the riKva. fwo.kKmv should have 
been asatinicd to \>e Greeks, and 
Athenians, ia jiot qiiito obvioua. Per- 
haps it wm only argued that they 
might be- 

16» oT/vfx^ovTo, 'were confounded/ 
'were put to oonfuaion/ Cp. 8. &9, and 
for a more literal usf e. 115 mtjtra^ and 
4, 127. The mental metaphor is us old 
as Homer ; cp. J?. % 612, 24. 358 ; Od. 
8. 13&. 

16. The xFT*'"F*^^*^» ^^^^ expert^, 

* took/ Le. * unticrstond,' the oracle j cp. 



Xa|iLpdviiv ^pfpl, 9. 10. The imperfecta 
herii might bo eniphnsizod. 

17. 4(i4^ ^^^^ flccns, of pJ«c6 is 
[►erhapa rather vaguur than vfpl (cp. c. 
140), and with a sensu of motion thither. 
(Salamis is not Athena, nor Attica<) 
Cp* with the dative next c. 

143. 1. fyfU tAv Ti« 'A9T]ya£<#v dv^p : 
dr^p IB emphatic, predicative (cp. I. 51 
Tui>f TU ArX^uJv). 

2. If TTpwrovf v€o»o^V ircipi<&y : tlie 
temporal adverb is relative to the date 
of the event, not of the record. In c. 
148 infra v^iMtrri is uaed of an event 
which had taken place ton to fifteen 
years provioualy. This man had l>een 
Apxw" in 493 B,n., while the Archontate 
was still an elective oflSce ; cp, Thuo. 
1. 93. 3, *A^. T. 22. 5. if wptlrrovt, ' to 
the front rank ' (of citizens )» a sense 
found in Homer : IL 16, 613 ^r wpurr^ta^i 
Mi'toffalfiiy, Od, 6. 60 /Acrd TrpiLronriw 

T^ o^ofkA )bk¥ , . 4icaX<iTO: there 
is no rc'Fil antitliesii* intended l^tween 
otffD^a aud ^MaXitro, much less between 
4xaK4era and ^f. The redundancy of 
style ia prhaja designed to make the 
first introduction of Themistoklea, son of 
Neoklea^ more elaborAte and signal, and 
not to suggest a ypafpij ^eifUt. Themi- 
stokles was already gathered to his 
fathers, or rather buried as to his 
mortality in the market-place of Mag* 
nesia (Time. 1. 138. 4), when this p<iss- 
age was first written (aye, well before 
Hdt. begun his literary career). Hdi. 



4 



i 

I 
i 




142-143 



nOAYMNIA 



193 



OTOtcXifi^, wat^ Si Neotckio^ iicaXieTO. otrro^ an/^p oiftc i^ 
Trap 6p0&^ T0V9 ;^pi7<r/AoX^ou9 oi/fAfiaXKea-Oat, Xiymp roidBe' 
el i^ ^AOffvaiov^ eZ;^e to ^09 elprffUvop ioprm^, oiftc &p oirm 5 
/uv Botcieip ^^^a>9 jQyrja-ffrjpoi, a\XA SSe "& a-jferXlff SoXafi^** 
aprl rov "& Oeitf XaXofii^,** et trip ye SfuXKop ol olicijTope^ 
a/juf>^ avTff reXevn^a-eiP * aXkit ykp i^ roi^ woXefjUov^ r^ 0e^ 
elprjaOcu to ^(jpfifTTTipLOP avXKafifidpoprt icarii to opOop, oXX* 
ovK i^ ^Affffpoiov^. irapaa-tcevd^eaOiu &p avroi^ &^ pavfiaxi^' 10 
aoPTo^ atwefiovXeve, 109 tovtov ioPTO^ tov (vXIpov T«f;^«09- 
TavTff SefuoTo/eXio^ avoifnupofiipov *A0ffpaSot Tavra a^lai, 
eypoMrap aiperwrepa elpcu fiaXKop ^ r^ t&p jjyrjo-p^Xoyt^p, ot 
oxfK Scop pav/jM^lf)p apriea-dai, to Si cvpm'ap elirelp ovSi 

5 €voi a : vdOo^ 6 || covrcDf Reiake : cov kwh || oilh^i»i rjfilv 6 : oiitm 
pot z 7 dvTi . . 2aAa/us del Cobet approb. Holder, van H. IS 

^c/aiotokXcovs a || dOrjvaioi^ 6 || o'^>Urt Stein : o-^i 1 3 fiSiXXov om. 6 

14 tivtiv Stein'* : tlvat Qomperz, Holder, van H. : cTvai codd., Stein^ 



does not preaerye the name of Themis- 
toklea' mother (as of Perikles*, 6. 181), 
whether she waa Thracian, or Halikar- 
naaaian (Plutarch, Thtm. 1), or, it may 
be, Athenian. Neither doea Hdt. re- 
preeent him as a noma homo. This 
passa^ is in no way to the discredit of 
Themistokles ; on the contrary, he is 
introduced with a flourish of trumpets. 
Hdt. haa but just entered on his account 
of the Greek preparations with a report 
of the Delphic responses to Atibens, and 
brin^ Themistokles upon the scene aa a 
brilliant and sagacious diviner {jtAmtt 8* 
dfHffrot iaris eixd^i JcaX^t Eurip. ap. 
Plutarch. Mor. iZ2=Frag, 963 Nauck), 
putting the experts to shame, and aa 
author previously of the self-denying 
ordinance which gave the ailver surplus 
for a patriotic experiment. 

S. o^K f^ way. They were right 
about there being a vavfiax^ but wrong 
about its being a defeat (ieviiO^Mu). 

4. o^pdXluo^cu: not very different 
from XofiiSdrcir supra and vvKKufifidptw 
if^fra ; cp. c 142 U. 8. 16 iupra, 

5. it A0ipaCovt ftyc rb Iwof ilm|- 
|a4vov Urrmt, Stein takea ctxc tlpniiUvw 
as simply a periphrasis for cfjfyip-o (Le. 
erx« = V)» quoting in support 8. 48 
Cppifffta it To&rovt etxc y€p6fUP0if, The 
aidverb perhaps enforcea this rendering. 
Gp. App. Cnt. But the order of the 
words nere is noticeable (^ecy ^t, cp. c 
180 tupra\ and the point woula be 
clearer without the participle. 

VOL. I PT. I 



6. M4V cannot refer to Themistoklee 
aa suDJeot of doK^ctr (Abicht), for that 
construction would require o^r^t. It 
must stand for rb Irot, however haith 
the oonatmction, which goes rather 
beyond 6. 82 (even if /up there is riffht, 
and rightly referred to rd 'ApTof). But 
cp. App. Grit. 

7. oiK^kropct, 'settlers,' 'occupants,' 
cp. 2. 108, 4. 9, 85, Thuc 1. 2. 8, 
2. 27. 1, 8. 92. 5. The usee in AisohyL, 
Soph., Surip. gain point from seeing 
that iliHfTwp meana not ' inhabitant ' in 
the ordinaij sense, but 'settler.' The 
Athenians m Salamis were 'klerucha.' 
(L. & S. does not understand this.) 

8. d|i4>' o^TiQ. The preposition, though 
primarily locative, may oe taken (StSn 
pointa out) aa causal too. 

10. M vav|iaxV^*^**^> *^^ Salamis,' 
a rather important aupplement, for a 
battle off Sfnboia woula not be d/i^ 
SaXofum or ZoXofuVi : a fieah proof tiiat 
this response cannot have been procured 
before tne evacuation of Artemiaion. 

14. th Vk 9^fmwf dv^: cp. App. 
Grit It is plain that there was a party 
in Athens, headed or supported by the 
Xpn^/to^Ayoi, in favour or following the 
precedent of Tecs and Phokaia in 546 
B.O. (cp. 1. 164-8), abandoning their 
oountay (^ Torolt c 141 tupra) and 
finding a new nome beyond the seaa. 
Such a project is practically inconceiv- 
able in 482 B.O. (wnere Stein datea the 
oracles), or even in 480 b.o. before the 





194 



HPOAOTOY 



VII 



144 aXK'Tiv Tivii olxL^eip. iriprf re ^efiiaTo/cXei yvmfi^ efifrpoaBe 
ravTTj^ €9 Kcupov t}pi^rT€VtT€, ore AdfivalotaL y€pOfieva>v XP"*^' 
fmr<ii>p fi€ydXmp ip rm tcotp^, ra ifc twp fLerdXXmp a<fn 
7rpo<n}\6€ rmv diro Aavpciov^ ep^Wop Xd^ea-fftu opyrf^ov 
5 eKacTo^ Setca ipa^fJ^d^* tot€ Be^to-ro^Xei^? dv^yptoae 'A^ty- 
paiovii T^v Biatpiaw^ rairny? waviiapipov^ j/ea? tovtwp t&p 
Xp^pArmp woti^aaadai 8tij«oa'^9 C9 top w6\€fi4»p, top irpo^ 

144- 3 CK Twr tcoivojv flP« 4 kavpiov || X€^€<rBat B : Aafetr^tt* 

d It opxn^y fiA»B« : opxtS^v A^Bl : t/^t/Sov rf 6 eKcurros del. Cobet, 

▼an H. 6 Siatpitrttas 6 7 Sn^icofr/as vide comment m&a || eg 



roIlapHti of the defeDco at Artetnlnioii- 
Thcrmopyki. ThomiHtokteM himnGlf 
kept that plan in resen'e to force a 
Itattle in the Strait ; cp. 8. B2 in/ra ; 
aud it may be that the idea had been 
fornmlated long before as a posaibilitjt 
if the w<»rst came to tlie worat It 
might even b« older thau the daya of 
Marathon* But that it woa serionaly 
proposed in Atheiu! before a blow had 
men struck in 480 B,c. ia {me indict) 
mcredible. 

144. 1. fiiirpo<r0f TQ,^rr\% i but not «o 
very long oefore, if we may date the 
yviitfiif to the same year aa the ^Irfy^pa. 
and accept from ' AriatoL' 'kB. toX. 22, 
7 the year 483^2 B.c, as the year of tho 
* Naval Law.' Theuiistokles had^ how- 
ever, been working for years^ probably, 
to cany his point. Baehr^ indeed, dat«d 
thia proposal back to 493 B.C. in con- 
nexion with the archonship aud the 
harbour- project (Thue. 1, 93. 3). But 
ITiucydidea doet not mention it there 
(nor elaewbere), and in 1. 14. 3 rather 
iavoura a date after Marathon. On the 
ApiffTtia of this Tvw^i} cp. B. Hosanqnet, 
Phihsophicfd Thfiorxf of the SUde (1899), 
pp. 114 f. 

4, irp(Mrf)XOf : a financial term, cp. 
irp6<roiot. 

tAv Airfc AavffCov looks rather like 
a gloea : to. (xpif^ara} dwA A. would 
have been leaa curiona ; Plntarcb, Them, 
4 has Laareion ; 'Ai. iroX. 22, 7 hax 
tA. ndraWa rk iv lAaptiivilq.. That 
ihist ^Maroneia' was in Attika (not 
in Thrace) ia clear from Harpokration 
svh 17. There ha<l been apparently an 
extenaion of the mining ; cp, Keuyon 
'k&. IT.* (1892) ad It. On the ramea 
at Laureion generally cp. J. J. Binder, 
Laurion, Lai bach, 1895. 



l|uXXov Mut^ Spaxi^t. It had 

been the practice of the Stphniana to 
divide annually the income from their 
mines, 3. S?. A similar practice may 
havf! obtained at Athens (irautra^i^ur 
in/ra, but cp, note). If the number 
of Athenian citizens waa (conventionally) 
reckoned at 30,000 (5. 97) and each 
nmii waa to reoeive 10 drachmai, the 
total bum to he dividt^d waa 50 talents. 
Whether that was mere surplus or fall 
income does not clearly apjiear. 'A^. 
TvX. I.e. irc^e7^«'ero rjj xdX« rdXavra 
iKQkTbv tK rCiv ipyu>¥. That may re- 
present the accumulation of two years. 
100 talents would only provide 100 
a hips, which ia^ in fact, the nnmher 
given by the 'A&ijtt. roX. But the 
Athenians had a (Btanding) fleet of 60-70 
vessela already in the Aigtnetan war. 

X4i|.fO'0ak : Ionic d[ = Attic 17, Weir- 
Smyth, p. ISfi. 

ipX^B^v, ajjparently a fiira^ ^^.^ 
cp. I^pxo^, 4px^o^iai^ etc., obvioualy means 
mritim, and enforces f Karros. 

6. Was TovTttnr r&v jyiTj^drttv iroi^jicra' 
tr^oAi gtnUhnu pretii. 'A0. w. 22. 7 
givea a aomewhat au.'^pfciouH acconnt of 
the agency employed in the matter, as if 
100 shipa could be built without any 
one's knowing. The fi^jrc SiitKo^^ffw 
here is ans|>iciona. It is Hdt. s total 
for the Athenian contingent in 480 B.a, 
but he aeems here to make it a specific 
item in the psephiam of Themi^itoklea, 
which waa probably a fr^/9WXrt>^ laid 
before the iKn\7j<rla in due fonn. 200 
talents would have been neceaaary to 
provide 200 shipa, which, on Hdt/a own 
figurea above, wouM have taken four 
years. See further^ Api^endijc III. | 4 
and note 1. 11 in/ra. 

7. vir mjiX^v t4v irpi« Alyiv^as 



143-145 



riOAYMNlA 



195 



Atyiv^raq Xi^d)!/. oyro? yap 6 wokefw^ <rv<rTCL<; €<Tm<r€ cV 
TO TOTC rriv *EXXa£a, avarfKaaaq 6a\aa<riovi: yepifrOai 'A5tj- 
peuov^, of Sk €9 TO ^v erroitfffijfTav, ovk i'^jjaffffcap, cV &iov lo 
Sc aifreo ttJ 'EXXaSt iyivomo. avrai t€ St) at vie^ rola-i 
ABtivcUotat TrpoTroiffffclaai vTrrjpy^ov, iripa^ t€ IBce irpoavav* 
mfyecfrffai, ^oo^e re a<f>i /x€tA to y^rjarijpiov ^ovXevofiipoiat 
€7rtovTa iirt riju ^KWdSa top fiapjSctpop BeKcaOai rtja tnjvcrl 
irav&fffdt t^ 6€^ 7r€i$ofjUpov<it afia *^XK^vti>v rotai fiovXofUvoufft. 15 

Ta fi€P St) y(jp7i<rrripta raura rolai ^AdrjpaCoiai €y€y6p€€, 146 
trvXKeyopApt^p Bk €9 rmVTo rmp 'rrepl rijp 'EXXaSct [*EXX?yj/6)v 

8 ktyti> d£ II c^ T^ om. fiP^ approb. Holdefi van H. 11 <?vrf«» B ; 

Tovry a || lywovro S || avrat tc ktX vid- coimuent lEfra |] injc^ fl 13 

^MTct : Kara coiu. Stein'' approb, vau H. 15 rav^};^£ a, van H., Stein*: 

wavB^fjtMt E| Stein^ ^ 145. 2 'KAA?j»'u*j' rutv del Bekker approb. 

Holder, van H., eadeni ant« w€pl rettulit Schaefer : toIi' tantum «©cL 
Vakkenaer, Stein^ ^ : text intact reliq. Stein^ 



Xiywv : op. App. Crit TUucyd, M4. 3 
' AfiijptiiQVf Bi finrr 0K\r}f fniKfty AJyur-ifraii 
ToXe/AoDfTas xal Hfui toC ^ap^djpov wpoe* 
diNtlfiov ^rrof, rdf i«aGf woffyraffBai al(rirtp 
Ka.i ivavndxn<r^i' plainly refera to this 
same occasion, but doe^ more direct 
juttic6 to Themifltokles. Hdt. appears 
to ascribe tc the Aiginetan war an 
jiutomatio and oompnUory causation 
which it could not poiaeai, except as 
exploiteil by the statecraft of Themis^ 
toalca. Hdt ifi badly info mi ed 0I together 
conc«rninK the war between Athene and 
Aigina. When ho wrote this paasago 
he waa presoinably unacquaiuted with 
the storiee now preserved in Bka. 5 
and 6 <cp. my Hdt IV.- VI., Appendix 
VIIL). The abaeDoe of any backward 
reference in this pUoe in a utronger 
argument than mt^re silence for the 
earlier oomiHJAitioLi of this [jaasoge ; 
nod the incoherence of Hdt.'s aocounbi 
of the war^ makes it the more probfthle 
that those I »a^ sages are of later composi- 
tioD ; nee fiirthtfr on the subject Intro* 
duetioQ, §§ 7, 8. 

8. h ir^Xc^bOf o-v9Tdf: cp. 8. 142 
<rM'e«mijifjy, 1, 74 judxi?* (nvtarTfiSfOTfs. 
The phraaeiB Homeric: //, 14, 96 woKffioio 
ffvi^e^raiiTos Kal dwijf, Cp,c. 142 supra^ 
Thuc, K 15, 2. 

II. alTa£ r< . . wpoovainrqy'ff^iau. 
This sentence ia a little incoherent in 
itj^eir, and, if the AtbenianB had already 
200 tibips, inconsisteut with the recorue 
in Hdt The text may be suspected of 
4ome disorganization : thift tentence and 




the proceding one (ol ^ 4t rh fih . , 
iy4voPTo) might ehangi* places witli 
ndTiinlage, lncaTw (p') being sub«titutL<i 
for itiiKOffiat (<r') above, and rcwauTor 
intert*?il Is ere after iripat re. The wordi* 
iripat re <T£waiJTaf> td€t wpwT»tivinjyitc9QA 
imply of cotirae a dogma of the soTrau 
Denio8. 

13. I8i)|^ ri w^K , . PovXfvo^lvokri, 
Theao worda dearly expreaa a fortnaJ 
resolution or act of the Boule and 
Ekklesia, but tlia exact point or stage 
of the proceedings, and the exact purpose 
of the dogma, are not quite so clear. 
If this act \m the conseouence of tho 
oi-acular responses, and the intemreta- 
tion of Themiitokles, then thw reMJlution 

(a) ia inadequate and inconsequent, for 
it ought to specify Salami^ (dfupi 
ZaXaftlva) sa the 8ceDe of resistance, and 

(b) its date would of course be aubaeqaetit 
to tlie reception of the responaet, it. 
after the breakdown at Thenno]*ylni, 
But the terrri« of the dogma (hrHvm 
ktX,) suit an initial stage in the pto- 
ceedings and preparations, and eonstitutc 
the original determination of A then h to 
reKiAt the invasion &(La 'EXX^vmv roCiri 
B«tiXo|Uvoia'w, Tbiii reflolutiou ik taken 
independently of Del pin, or at ie«st of 
the responnes above rejtorted, whieli 
belong, as has been shown, to a later 
iiate, on the eve of SaUmis. The words 
S4Kir0ai rQff'i v^vo-l wav8ii|i.{ explain 
the fact that there were no Athenians 
in the forces at TliermopyJai. 

145. 2. rvXXcYOiUvwv St Is Tt^vr^. 



i9e 



HPO^OTOY 



m 



T&v\ tA afi,€ipm <l>pov€ovT<^v KoX SiS6vT<ap tr^itrt \6yov teal 
frioTiVf iuffavra iB6/e€€ ^ovK^vo^ipoitn avroltrt irpfarov fjL€v 
5 ypfffiaTCDV Trdvreop KaTaXKa<Ta€<T6ai ra^i re eyBpa^ koI tov^ 
tear oKXnjXou^ iovra^ TroXe/ioi/V ' ^cav S^ wpo^ rtpa^ koI 
aXXoi/9 "fijKc-^pTjptipoit 6 Se mv ^'7wrT0? ^AGrjpaimtri re 0cai 

4 avrouri povktvofiivottri fi : avrottrt del, Kftllemberg 5 irdyrwy 

cm. 6 7 €yK€)(prjp.€vot codd^ Stein : tyKtKfytjpivot aut iyKtyiipffi^Lkvoi 

aut €yK€XpipiiLkvoi Eeiske, <TvyK€Kpiq^kvoi Cobet, eyijyc/>^evot Bekker, f^vrifrf- 
fA€voi Madvtg : quonim iyKtKp7}fjL€vot approb. Holder, nihil autem van HL 



Hdt does not specify the pi acq, the 
exact time, the conveners. Tittinann 
nupTKised the Ainphiktyonic League to 
be liere in se^joHp but its meTubBrs ill 
coirespond to the dt-aiiription al ri 
dfii(v«« ^poWoms (cp' e. 132 supra) t 
and thi:^ passage rBther »iiggestti the 
foniiatiou of a flpecial league irp^t 
rhw n/pffiji' (or ixl T(JJ Mt^^v, Thuc. 1, 
102, 4). Was tt in Sparta, in the 
*Hellenion'? cp. Paiisan. 3. 12. 6 (f») 

€tprffiiwo¥ flit of tQv '£XX^f(i»' B^pi^jt^ 
BiafialvoifTa H t^v Et^putiryfP irape^Kfi'd^oyTo 
d^vvm'fupct, fcar^ roDra r6 Xft^pt^ow {finrijX&ov) 

The words Bta^aifopra h Wjy EtJpdhnjr 
need not be pre8s«d into yielding a later 
date (in the spring of 480 B.C.) at h timfl 
when the Istiinios appears from Hdt. to 
he tlifl rendejsvous and place of meeting 
fen. c. 175 infra). Stein (and others) 
tjiKO the Istbmos to }m the place of 
meeting here also. The wp6^ov\oi t^t 
'EXXdL0or appear as meeting at th« 
Uthrao* in c. 172 infra (probably in 
the spring of 480 A.o.» cp. notes ad L); 
hut we have here to do with an earlier 
meeting, probaldy in the autumn of 481 
B,a» and even if alliance between Sparta 
and Athens had already been forram, or 
bad alrta^ly anbsisted a decade, yet this 
meeting appears wi the constitntive act 
(BfcSiJvTwv <r<^£ci Xji^yov mat trfoT^v) and 
may very well have been held at Sparta 
in the Hellenion, probably the normal 
meeting' plaee for the IJikedaimctnian 
Symmachy. The meeting here dcscribiHl 
was flomethinji; more thnn an ordinary 
meeting of that League, of which Athens 
was not a member (op. Api>endix III. 
15). 

wtpX r^v 'EXM8«L The preposi- 
tion is to be taken as a locative, if the 
reading of the text is sound, but op. 



App. Crit. In c. 172 infra {rCiv iroXItifK 
rwy t4 dfifipta <^)poPtovtritim V€pl rify 
'EAXfi^a) the order of the words h-aves no 
ilouht that inpC is thf^re used oa^tsally, 
though with the accusative. 

4. I&^K(« . . wp&rov piv. The 
first resolntion they came to waa one in 
favour of a general amnesty » or pocificn- 
tion all round {ix^piJv KUTaWayii) ; 
perhaps this first meeting did not get 
much further ; but cp. infra. Plutarch, 
The^nist, 6 credits the great Athenian 
with moving, and Ch*^ilon of Tegea with 
seconding, this motion, 

7. l^iEfxpt^pivo^ might comr regularly 
from ^7xp<i<»/^S but what could it mean ? 
(i.J "wanting in or of,' sc. JcaTaXXayi?? ? 
Or again (ii.) as passive: 'weru (had 
been) in -used, inured, were of long 
standing * I (cp. the rare ixp^BiiaoM^ c 
144). ( i i i . ) H eay chios has (yxtxprtf^^oi ' 
<rirotf56.f ixoyret. It might, then, menn 
here t * (suspended) under truce, for the 
time '—but not permanently composed : 
(iv.) L. k S. se«m to think it mighr 
come from ^yxpd<i) = iyxpai*ui (cp, 6. 7»») 
and mean * there were (had been) wars 
undertaken/ but approve (like Baehr) 
of Reiake^a conjecture iyKextifnjfjJyoi (iy- 
xnpi€iv), which Schweighaeuser thinks 
unnecessary, taking iyKrx.pvP^*'^ to be a 
arnoopated form of that very word. Of 
the various conjectures (cp. App. Crit) 
Eeiakf^'s iyKfKprifjJwoi has found njore 
general favour, cp. c. 51 supra 
tn<v(Ktpd.ffatfro ^XhjVf 5. 121 iyK€pa- 

i SJ «&v [iiyvrToii i 51 Siv, cp. 9. 45, 
Beside the Atheno-Aiginetan, there wire 
long-standing feuds between Sparta and 
Argos (cp. c. 148), the Phokians and 
TheaaalifOia (S. 27 E), Athens and 
Thebes, and so forth. Argos and 
Thessaly were not represented at thia 
meeting ; Thebes perhaps was^ 



145>146 



nOAYMNIA 



197 



At^ivi]TU<ri, fjterh Bi irwOavofJLCVoi, Sip^v cvp t{S arpar^ 
elvai iv XapSurt, ifiovXewravro Karaa-KOTrov^ vifAm-etp i^ rifp 
^Atriffp r&v ffaaiXio^ vpriyfidTCifP, 69 "Apyo^ re a/fyiXov^ lo 
ofuux/dffp <rvp0rf<ro^pov^ vpo^ top TLepa^p, koI i^ XitceXiffp 
aXXov9 vifAireip iraph T(XMPa rov Aeivofiipeo^ S^ re ILipicvpap 
KeXevaopra^ fiarjOicLP ry 'EXXoS^, koI i^ Kpifnjp aXkov^, 
^popTurapre^ el kch^ Ip re yipotro rh 'EWrfp^KOP koI el 
<rvytcvy^PT€^ rivro irprjaaotep vdpre^, 69 Bei^p&p iwiopre^p 15 
ofioia^ trcuTi '^EXXi/cr^. rh Si TiKnpo^ vp^fiara fieydXa 
ikeyero elvcu, oxfhafi&p 'BtKK/qpiK&p t&p ov iroXKop fU^c^. 

'119 Si ravrd <r<f>i IfSofe, tcaraXva-dfiepoi r^9 ^X^P^^ irp&ra 146 
p^v Karaa-teSTTOV^ irifiirova-t ^9 rijp ^Aalffp ApSpa^ rpei^. ot 

11 ofiAiXfi-iriv Tc a 12 v€fAV€iv del. Cobet approb. Holder, van H. 

14 4>povrLiTavr€% Stein': ^/x>vi7(raKTcs codd., Stein^^, deL Cobet, van H. || 
ycvotaro 6 || ci aSV : 04 R : deL Cobet, Holder, van H. 15 v/n^^icvt 

Stein* 17 rtavi ^rcwv Cobet (*non male' BaehrX van H. 



8. |Mrd Ui how long after Hdt. 
unfortunately does not specify. It may 
have been at the same meeting ; it may 
have been at a subsequent meeting, and 
even perhaps at a meeting held at a 
different place. The introduction of the 
fresh synchronism (S<p{i|V o^ t^ 
tf-Tp tt ty ctvat hf 2!dp8uri) might favour 
an interval, or might simply t^ explana- 
tory of the next resolution. 

9. Karooicdirovf. The story of their 
adventure follows immediately, c. 146. 

10. it "ApYOf : op. cc. 148>52 ivfra, 
&<fy<Xovt=Tp!f<r/3e(t, cp. c. 1 Mfpra. 

11. &iuux|i^T| : a poetical or archaic 
word tor vvfifiax^V^ cp. ^ o/xA^^ ( = 
ir6\tfiot) c 152 ir^ra, alx)»-'^ 5. 94, rd 
furaixjuw 6. 77, 112, 8. 140, alxi^>Mr9t 
9. 76. 

wp^, 'against,' cp. c 152 infra \ 
contr. 'ntv vp6s roCn "EXKifwat ovfiftaxiil^, 
c. 149 infra. 

h SucfXCT)v AXXovt: cp. ca 158 ff., 
Tisiting Korkyra en route, 

13. H Kp^irvpr AXXovt, cc 169 ff. 
The number of ambassadors is not 
stilted. In the only case where details 
are given there appear to be one 
Spartan and one Athenian ; cp. c 161 
infra. 

14. ^porrC<ravTtt : the aorist marks a 
particular, and the grandest, instance of 
their general policy and mental attitude 
{rdi dfuUtia ^pwtbmwf). But cp. App. 
Grit. 

T^'EXXTpfiK^v: cp. 8. 144. 



15. o-vYK^^Poimt, 'put their heads 
together ' ; cp. 8. 82 ^\lai 9i lax^pal' 
61 yiip KOKOvrrn rd irocvd avyicO^tiMm 
Toievffi. The meaning to toU, 'bend 
double/ is later ; as in S. Luk. 18. 11, 
etc The formula here records the meet 
generous and general effort ever made to 
unite the whole Hellenic name and 
nation in one common cause ; it was 
only a partial snooess, but it served its 
immediate purpose, and bequeathed a 
great ideal of pan-Hellenism to subse- 
quent generations ; en. 8. 144 ii^fira. ^ 

m 8civAv kwwrrmf i^aUn w&r% 
'EXXi^: the words seem to recognize, 
consciously or unconsciously, that the 
Western Greeks were being threatened 
in like manner, and not merely in the 
long run. Such, indeed, was the case, 
thouffh the story of the embassy to Qelon, 
whicn Hdt. subsequently prefers (cc 
157-62), ignores the point, and treats 
the danger to the Sikeliotes as purely 
constructive or consequential. Cp. Ap- 
pendix II. § 6. 

17. oMa|i6v*EXXi|iriKArT6iroifroXX^ 
u4m : a rather curious phrase wfrSc^i^ 
EXXiptffwr appears to be attracted into 
the case of rOif (as if we had Mofah *BXXif • 
Mird i^ r(av od toXK^ ni^v iXiyero etpui 
rd ViXwot vp^rtfiara,). Or again, o^ia#iMr 
rdr 0^= irdrrwr, cp. a68hf &n o6k ^l^rra, 
5. 97. So that Stein observes here rOr 
=^ewr, and Cobet actually proposed 
oOiayuuv . . &r€w 06 : cp. Api). 6nt. 

146. 2. KaTooic^vovt . . &v8paivps6i: 



198 



HPOAOTOY 



TTI 



Si airiKo^voi re c? %df>hi^ KoX tcarafiadovre^ rrfu fiatriXio^^ 

arpaTiijVt w iirdttrroi iyipovro, fiaa-aptaOevref: vwo r€>v 

5 arfyaTTjye^v rov ttc^ou trrparov aTn^yovTO a><; awoXeofxevot, 

xal Toiat ^iv KaT€K€Kp(TO Qdvarost Eepfij? Zk i? iirvOero 

ravra, fjL€fnp0€i<^ rmv oTparTfymv rijp jva)fif}p irefitru rmp 

ripa^ hopvt^opmvy ipretXap^i^o^f ^p KaraXd^Gxri rof? icara* 

o'/cmrom ^mprm, dyetP Trap' emvrop^ oi<i Se eri Trepteai^ra? 

10 avToif<^ KariXafiop fcal f^yop €? S^^ip ttjp ^aaiXio^^ to ivBevrev 

frvBo^po^ iir olai ^X$oPt CKeXevc ericas' roi/^ Sopv<popov^ 

frepidyopra^ iwiSeifCPva-Bat Trdvra re top w€^op arparov koL 

T^v hnrop^ i'jredp Si TavTu 67}€vpL€P0i emat 9rXiJ/>€e?, awo- 

147 ''rifjL'jreiv i^ rifp &v avrol idiXtatri ^^mpTjp da-ipia^. imXeymu 

146. 5 diro\€Ofitvoi Bteiu^^, van H. : djroAor/jtci'ot a, Stein* : dvoXev- 
fuvoi 6i, Holder 7 rijv yvtafJLtjv rtZu frrpaTTjyiiiy E 10 -t^yayov 0, 

Holder^ van H. 11 ciciAciicrc 0, van H. 12 ertScticviViii Cobet^ 

van H. 13 iinjy a 



this story would be mora credible had 
the TiAiues and eiti&s of the *spiea ' beeD 

S reserved. Were they all Spartans ? 
ir wna there one Spartan with two 
Atbenians? Or were thoy from tbreu 
different fltate*? Or how were they 
deicribablel The confederate Oreeks 
would sorely have had many aonrcea of 
information open to tli^m in Ama, but 
thoy might well have wished to be in- 
formed by truHtworthy emlrauies of their 
own, and it would donbUeaa have been 
easy for European Greeke to bavebauntwl 
the Persian camp all along^ provided 
that tbe Greek suDJMt-a of the Icing did 
not bt^tray them. Such a riii^ion, and 
TDore than one, there may have been ; 
but the story of theae anonymous spiew 
IB given Hucb an obviously characteristic 
moral that one in tempted to sua pec t it 
of being fabuloiia^ hut cp. vr. 135 If. 
supra. Is that story of the ^acape- 
goata * a lioubktto of this storr of the 
* spies/ or wcc versa 1 The variation in 
tbe ignres (2 : ^)m not fatal to an afBr- 
matlve. 

3, h S&pSLt : this item serves to date 
the Congre^jj, by which theApif-s had been 
commksioned, to the winter of 481 -flO 
RC, or at latest the beginning of spring. 
Even soj they would not have seen the 
whole forces of the king (rV ^aai\^o% 
trrpari-^X cp. cc, 26, 40, 44, 59 tnpra, 
but only one of the corps tfatinde ; 
though that of course ia not Hdt.'s view. 
He assumes here, as elsewhere, that ibe 



whole foroee of the king were massed at 
Sardea in the year 481-50 fl,o. ; cp. rdrra 
Tf rbv TrffAf arrpa.Th*' Kal riiP txirov infra, 

4. «« iirdi^^Di bfivQvro : the method 
of discovery requires statement ; who 
betrayed them? If these * spies* were 
Spertnias and Boulls^ they made thera- 
seives known. 

p«uravicr0lvTtt vtrh t»v o i pai r| YSy : 
Sc h weigh aeuse rand Baehrdeny ' torture.' 
In L 116, 2. 151, the context showa that 
tbe word is used without connoting 
actual torture ; but it) this paanga the 
circumstances are such that tortare wts 
probable. Cp. Thuc. 7- 86. 4, 8. 92. 2. 
Fbe nam Oft of tbe Persian commanders, 
c, 82 sujrra. This story gives neither 
their names nor their nnmoer ; perhaps 
onlv the two in command of tbe main or 
mid -column wore there {cp, c, 121 supra), 

7. r&v Tfrvaf Sopv^^jMtv : on the order 
of tbe words cp, c 143 sttpm. The 
king's behest would have been given 
perhaps to Hydantea, who was in com- 
mand of tbe Immortals, if not actually 
satrap of Sardes. 

10. h ii'^w T^v pao-iXios: cp. c. 1S$. 
Were these * spies' not made to kow- 
tow ? 

11. 9^ia^ is governed by wipidyt»ra$ : 
with 4iri.SiCKvvoH^4 ff<fii<n may be under- 
stood. Cp. note c. 136. 3 *i(pra, 

14T. L IwiX^yttiv : in addition to 
giving an order Xerxes ninde a speech, 
which follows (t6v XA7o»' tM€ . . m 



146-147 



nOAYMNlA 



I9d 



8c TOi' Xoyov rivSe ravra ivrriKXero, m et fiip awmXovro 
ol tcardcKO'jroif ovr &p ret emtrrov wpijyfiara irpt^errvdovro 
ot "EXXiyi/c^ iovra Xoyov ^^a>, our* av ri roi^ TfoXf/itow 
fjs^a ia-ivavro, avSpa^ rpct? airoXAa-ai/re^ ' voa-Tfjadvrmv Se 5 
Tovre^p i^ rifp 'EXXaSa ioxieiv e^ aKovaavra^ rows "EXXiji/a^ 
ra iwurov ttpyf^pLaTa irph tov trroKov tqv yt.vofiipov irapa- 
hui<T€LP a^ia^ TTjp IBItjp eKevOcpii^p^ Kai ovrw ovBe S€i]<r€iP 
eir* airoif^ frrpuTriXariopras irptiypLaTa €')(€ip. oIkc Si avrov 
athnj t) ypa>p.rj rpZe aXXi?. imp yap ip *Aj3vBm 6 Ee/jfijv 10 
€iS€ irXola ire rov lloprov atrayayya Bt€KirXcooPTa top '^EXXj7^ 



14T. S €1 o : OK ^v R : 171^ SY 4 ai^ 

5 itrivavTo Baehr, Stein, etc : tcrtWaro 6 

II QVTiti Ps : ovTiitq II ou^c^aciv 9 coikc oCef 
haenser, Stein* i ry y€ codd^ Stcin^ - 



rt <avroi> tov« Si tiler 

<*cai> TTjv H^iske, van H. 

10 Tp& Schweig' 



rrX); Cp. iwtkiyuty 6. 70, /TtX^Torrct 
5. 4. 

4. X^oii ^M JQst below, not /ama 
but orcUione majora, Baehr ; cp. 9. 87. 
The «pech is cai^fiUly but not quite 
utrictly constructed, tl |fc*v dw^Xorro 
»nd voo*TT|fl-4vT«v 84 are atrictly oo-or- 
dinatc, but the two negative aUematiTes 
in tbe apodosia to the Ktrtncr protasis are 
not strictly co-ordinati% or at least cor- 
recU irp©«irWovT« dv referi to a con- 
tingencT which did in fact occur, but 
waa atiO ex htfpothesi future at the time 
of apeaking {tinleSM the speech of Xtirxes 
U to be postponed until the Hellenes are 
in pOMesaion of the report of the spies, 
whioh the BpoiloHUi to voa^Tijcdvrufv 54 
diaproTe«). 0^* A.v la-ivavnt refers to a 
oontincency which was purely hypotheti- 
cal : 'if the spies had been put to death, 
no great harm would have Wn done to 
the enemy/ Stein ro marks that oih* &» 
Ti , . ekvoiaro would have l>een more 
correct. The change in the anbject of 
the verba ia also observable. The form 
iffi¥fiwTo ia aoriat from ciwo^i^ cp. 
8. 81 ; the imperfect iabfOprQ^ 5. 74* 
Lower down v^a\ Ls redundant, and 
the repetition of wp^-yiiara (with a varia- 
tion in sense, irp^juara ix*v»t to have 
Che trouble * , ) ia a little alipehod. 

With the politic or * contemptuona 
magnanimity * of the king on this oeca- 
sioQ the story of Scipio and the apiea of 
Hannibal before Zama is naturally com- 
pared, Polvb. 16, 6, Livy 30. 29- In 
that easi! the result waa a colloquy be- 
tween the two genermls. But what cornea 
of the reports of tlieae Greek apiea at 



Sardes f Tbey exist simply, these Greek 
spies, to illustrate a trait in the character 
of Xerxes, and of desmtiam, at least so 
far aa HdL is concemea ; nor can we even 
trace in the traditions of the Persian 
war any direct effect of their report, 
iinlesB it be in the Proclamation of 
Leonidaa, c. 203 ifi/Vtt ; cp. c. 178. 

10. Uv ^ap iv 'Api«(p h *jSM^ ' the 

article, aa c. P27 supra : he gets it twice 
in this c, a very unusnal compliment. 
The eccentricity of this anecdote, ao far 
aa time and place are oon earned, ia aigni- 
hoant ; it might have come in st^rra ee. 
44-54. Hdu doubtless had hoata of 
good things in reserve, which he never 
produced on paper. 

11. wXota 4k to© n^Sirrov o-irawyd : 
the illuHtration incidentally atforoed of 
the route followed by the com -trade 
from the Pontos (Enxine) through the 
* Hellespont ' (perhaps in the narrowest 
sense) to Aia;ina and Peloponnese ih 
welcome ; and the iermini ad quos are 
especially remarkable. At a later time 
the Peiraieus would have been the 
destination ; but even in 480 b.c. wa^ 
the great Pontic trade in the hands of 
the Aiginetans and Peloponnesiana f The 
brldgea were provided with means of 
paaaing yewels through, en, e. 86 iupra ; 
out that any Greek traaors wens even 
attempting to carry on trade between 
Greece proper and Uyzantion, etc., when 
the king was at A hyd 09, is hardly credible. 
Might the anecdote be mia-dated and 
misapplied F Should it, perhajNi, belong 
to DaretOB and the date of his European 
expedition * Or is it aim ply b§n innato ! 



too 



HPOAOTOY 



vn 



<nrovTOV, k re AXyivav tcai UeXoirowrfa-ov tcofu^ofieva. ol 
IM^v hii wdpeBpoi airrov &^ hruOovro woXifua etvtu rit irkoia, 
froifiot fjaap aipietp airrd, ia/Skiwovre^ i^ rov fiaaiKea OKore 
15 vapayyeKiei. 6 Si Bip^ etpero avrov^ 8/cfj irkeocev ot Si 
elvap " i^ T0V9 cov^ woXefdov^t & Si<nrora, alrov S^ovre^^ 
h Si viroKapmv i^ " ovk&v teal ^fuU itceZ irXioiuv hfda 
vep oirot, rolaL T€ oXXo^o-^ i^prvfUvot koI atrip; ri Sijra 
aSuciovai, oiroi ^/iw airla irapatcofjU^ovre^ ;^ 
148 0/ fiiv wv tcardcicoiroi ovra Oetfo-dfievot re kcu awo- 
7re/Ji^0hrre^ ivoamiaav h r)fv Wfpmrqv, ol Sik o-vpafAorai 
'EXKi^vap hrl r^ Tlipipff iierk rrjp airoirefi'^tp r&p Kara- 
<ric&ir<op Sevrepa hrepjnop i^ ''Apyo^ 077^X01/9. ^Apyeloi Si 



17 CKC4 deL van H. 



18 Tc om. a || t^prqyAvoi. a 



Or were the corn-shipe really in the 
Persian aeryicet And of what sice or 
tonnage were these vessels t Op. c. 86. 18. 

12. o( . . vdffSpoi airod: the M- 
ffXirotf Op. CO. 8, 10, 18, 27, 53, 119 
iupra^ 8. 101, 119, etc 

«oXi|fcu^ not of war, but simply 
' belonging to the enemy.' 

15. ^Kpm afro^ 6iq|| irX^iiv is idio- 
matically = eljpero 6icq a^oL tX^occt. 
Thus Abioht takes oAto(h to refer to the 
skippers. The reply, however, comes 
obviously from the kind's suite {xdp€8poi\ 
and Sitzler boldly takes a6r€it accord- 
ingly as=ro*>t xapidpovt, and supplies 
cl waOrtu {cl v\4orr€s) as subject of the 
verb, while Stein sheers a middle course, 
and interprets a6ro6t naeh xhneTi, 'after 
them.' With 6iq| cp. IkA and hSa 
below, or the vulgar English 'where' 
and ' there,' for ' whither ' and ' thither.' 

17. ^^|i^ 4k«C «Xtfo|Mv: iKei=iKttfft. 
Was Xerxes then going by sea? Did 
the king perform any part ot the journey 
between Abydos and Tbermopylai by 
shipt There are several unconscious 
hints to that effect, as (1) here, (2) in 
c 128 supra ic^i it XidvplriP via icrX., 
(3) the king's presence at Akanthos, c. 
121 fvpra, (4) the recorded visit to 
Tempo. On the other hand, there are 
the express statements (1) that he went 
in a ohjariot, or carriage, c. 41 ; (2) that 
he marched with the middle column, c 
121. The iifuh here may be 'without 
prejudioe' to the actual conveyance of 
the king's person. 

148. 2. k T^v £ipdSwt|ir avoids giving 
us their exact route or addresses ! 



ol %k vxnm^Max 'EXXAvwv Iwl th 
TUavjj^ : there is a sworn league and 
alliance among the Hellenes 'against 
the Persian ' ; op. c. 145 tupra^ Thna 1. 
102. 4 and Appendix III. § 5. 

The narrative goes back in time to the 
session in 0. 145, or 146, the adventure 
of the spies having been fully told from 
their departure to their return. 

4. ScJrfpa : there have been two 
'firsts'! in co. 145 and 146. The 
whole of c 146 from wpAra uly down to 
the words here, furd t^v dvm|ju|riir tAi 
Karoo^^ivv, looks like an insertion, 
from a variant source, or sources, by the 
author, in a second draft Originallji 
the text might have run, Cn 8i raSrd 0-^ 
Ido^e KaraXwrdfUiw, rdt ^^pat Mrtpa 
iwe/ivop rrX. This Scirripa would theu 
have had a natural reference to the 
wpArov |ihr xi^^rmv wdvnty in c. 145. 
Op. Introduction, § 9. 

'ApyiCoi hi XfyoiNTi : first comes a 
professedly Argive story, with a strong 
local bias (cc 148, 149), which is followec 
by another Logos widely spread in 
Hellas of a very different complexion 
(c. 150), and the debate is closed with a 
verdict by Hdt. as judge and jury« whicl 
non-suits all the parties (cc. 151, 152). 
The last portion refers to events (th( 
mission of Kallias) which cannot lon^ 
have preceded the thirty years' truot 
(445 B.C.), and may even fall a year oi 
two later. The pa^-sage as a whole {ri 
trtpX *Apyetun') may not be all of one dati 
in composition ; in fiarticnUr co. 151; 
152 might be au addition, or even c 151 
alone. This last view would be thi 



147-148 



nOAYMNU 



201 



Tij^ovai, rk kot iavroif^ yeviadeu ASc. irvdiadtu ykp avrUa 5 
tear apx^^ tA i^c rov /Sapfidpov iyctpofieva eirl rifv 'EXXoSa, 
irvOop^vot Be, koI fioBovre^ w <r^ia^ oi "BXkrjfve^ ireipi^a-ovrai 
vapaXafifidpopre^ iirl rov Tlepa-ffv, wifi'^ai deairpovov^ i^ 
AcX^ov^ TOP 0€ov iireipfiirofiivov^ £9 o'(f>i fiiXXet apurrov 
iroUovai, yeviadai * veaixrrX ykp a'(f>imv redvdvcu e^a/em^iXiov^ 10 
inro AoKeSa&fjLovU^p koX KXeofiipeo^ rov *Apc^apBplSe<o' t&p 
S)f eheKa vifiireip. rifp Si HvOtffP hreipan&o't aurolai 
apeXeip roBe, 

iX^P^ 'n-epttcrtopeaaif ^tX* aOapdrouri deola-ip, 



148. 6 dy€ip6fuva Naber 9 tlfnjavfjttvovs 6 || fuWoi 6 10 

vouva-i 6 II yivttrdai 0, Holder, van H. 11 vir^ <t€> ? Kallenberg || 

<T€> Ktti ? Stein^ II TwvSc &fi BP« 



easiest solution of the problem of com- 
position, for except in c 151 there is 
little or nothing in the whole passage 
which might not belong to the first 
draft, and cc 151 and 152 may very 
well be of different dates, the tatter 
chapter being the earlier in composition. 
Cp. Introduction, § 9. 

5. rd Kar* kivroirs : cp. rb jcar' Ofiat 
c. 158 i^fra ; rd /card tAv T^XXor 1. 81 ; 
rd xtfX *KfytUap c. 158 iirfra, 

a^Ua Ka^ &(ix^ : a closer date 
would be here acceptable. Is it 481 
R.C. f or 491 B.O. f or some year between t 
vi«HrrC below would favour the earliest 
possible date, especially as the ptiarrl 
may be understood to mean Uiat, when 
they consulted Delphi, the Argives had 
just lost 6000 men in the war with 
Kleomenes, Lc. that the consultation 
was just after that war (and before the 
invasion of Datis). The circumstances 
here would fit the situation in 491 B.C. 
as well as in 481 B.O., and, indeed, 
better. Aigina had ^ven earth and 
water to the Persian in 491 B.O., and 
doubtless Argos likewise, 6. 49. This 
anachronism, if accepted, would confirm 
the hypothesis of the prior composition 
of Bks. 7-9, as that hypothesis would 
help to exnlain the anachronism. 

7. ol "EiXXiivts wcip^teroyrai wapaXa|i- 
pdvoirrts : would the Ax^^e^ have spoken 
m this detached way of ' the Hel&nes,' 
or is not this rather Hdt's own term? 
op. c 167 infra, 8. 87 f BXXiyWt), 121, 182. 
wtipaffBoi with participle, as in c 139 
supra. 



8. h AcX^o^ : the Areive theoria 
takes precedence in time of the Athenian 
(c. 140 supra), of the Spartan (c 220 
infra, oArlica rar* dpxdt also), and the 
others. 

10. vutvii yikp . . n9ir&MU ktX : the 
adverb is relative to the Delphic iheoria, 
not to the application of the Hellenes to 
Argos, and though Hdt. apparently 
connects the Delphic response with the 
events of 481 B.O., yet he admits that 
the Argrives did not wait for the Hellenic 
embassy before consulting DelphL The 
story of the war is told 6. 76-88, and in 
the main from Spartan sources, the 
Argive version being entirely unknown to 
Hdt. (See my notes ad I, Bks. IV.-YL 
and Appendix VII. § 10.) There is no- 
thing in Hdt's work anywhere to show 
that he ever visited Argoa, or studied 
Aigive history in loco. His ignorance 
of the Argive version of the war with 
Kleomenes, an<i the absence of any 
reference here to the Spartan story in 
Bk. 6, make it legitimate to regard this 
passage as older in oomposiuon than 
that, and obtained by him elsewhere 
than in Argos itself. The occurrence of 
the patronymic here (toO * Ava{av8p(8«i») 
would in itself be of little weif^ht, 
especially as the passa^ is in oblique 
oration. Op. Introduction, § 7. 

13. dvfXftv, of the Pythia, as XP^ 
cc. 140, 141 supra, 

14. wcpucTiovMrri might refer to Kor- 
inthians, Lakedaimonians, Sikyonians, 
etc, but may also include the Argive 
' perioikoi,' or SovKoi (cp. 6. 83, 8. 78). 



202 



HPOAOTOY 



15 daw rhv irpofioKouov ^x^^ V€<l>vXayfUva^ fjao 

teal K€il>aXtfP ir€<l>v\a^o * Kaptf Bk to (r&fia a-aoHri 
ravra fihf rrfv JJvOlffP j^aai irp&repov fierii Si & 
T0V9 a/fyiXov^ i^ Bif rh "Apyo^, iweKdetp iirl ro fiov\ 
9cal \eyeiv rii ivreraXfUva. rov9 Bk irpo^ r^ Xey6fL€] 
20 fcplvaa-dai^ m Irocfioi elal ^Apyetoi woUeiv ravra, r/ 
irea elpi^vrjp inreurdfAepot AaKeBaifiopiourt ical ff^eofiepi 
rh fjfucrv wcurq^ rfj^ avfi^')^if)^ * tcalroi Kara ye ro 
yipca-Oiu rijp <vacap> fiyefioplrip wvr&P' aXX* o/uu 
14t9&7roxpap Kark ro rjfucrv ffyeopApoun,. ravra fikp 

16 (Tcutfo-ci : <f>vXd^€i 6 17 /JLcrd,: rort conL Stein^ 

'rectins post m erit' idem || c^rcA^ctv : ccrcX^civ 6 21 cnrcc^ 

23 vaxrav sappL Stein* || cr^Mri Stein : o-^i 



15. T^v irpopdXouov : cp. ioOpan 6k 
TpofioKaUfi inr dairl8t vOtrw 9%^^^^ *A.vip^ 
dpi^Oai Theokrit 24. 123. 

16. KoX Kf^oX^ ktX. : this line may 
(as Rawlinson remarks) refer to the 
expediency of oreserving what remained 
of the Doric blood, the topmost rank in 
the state, or 'body politic' So too 
Stein, *' jce^aXi^ geht aaf die regierende 
Gemeinde, die Vollbiirger, o-w/ua aber 
aaf die iibrige Masse der Bevolkerung." 
Cp. the oracle in c. 140. This Armve 
response is primarily to be referred to 
the problem of the inner condition of 
Argos after the Kleomenean war: the 
sons of the men who had fallen in that 
war were fit for military service in 
481 B.C. The response may have been 
brought out a^in in 481 B.C., or even 
possioly later, m a purely apologetic and 
retrospective interest, when the conduct 
of Argos had been violently attacked. 
For the subsequent conduct reported of 
Argos in 481 B.o. constitutes, on the 
showing of the Argives themselves, a 
disobeaience to the divine warning, had 
it been addressed to them at that date 
and on that occasion. 

17. lAcra. 8^ : in 481 B.o. The force of 
the unconscious admission that the oracle 
was a good while antecedent to 481 b.c. 
is weakened by Stein's conjectural (and 
misleading) emendation. Cp. App. Crit. 

18. Iw^Ociv M, rh PovXcvr^ipiOV : 
Argos has a Boule^ apparently, at the 
time, but this fact does not make Argos 
a democracy, nor was it a democracy fbr, 
perhaps, another twenty years. Cp. 6. 
Gilbert, Or. StaaUalt. ii. (1885) 77. 

ItriXOftv is, of course, the technical 
term ; cp. 5. 97, 9. 7, Thuo. 1. 90. 5, 91. 



4,119. The Boole (still under 
of a paaCKe&t, cp. infra) has 1 
control of the foreign poli< 
State. The Argive ^uleuta 
offer to join the (rv|&|uix^ (< 
145) hr\ T^ n^poTfi on two o 
(L) thirty years' truce with Sp 
co-ordinate or equal hesemon; 
with Sparta over the whole & 
The conditions prove that th 
is not one of joining th< 
Symmachy, and therefore he 

Ce the view that Athens h 
me a member of the 
Symmachy. Op. Appendix II 

22. KMk yc th oucoiov: ii 
the position of 'Argos' and 
in heroic times ; cp. 5. 67 rwj 
iritap e&cjca, 6ti ^AjprycTol re xa 
iroXXd irdirra vfu^iarai, 

24. dwoxpav : cp. c. 43 tfuj 
dot. personae 9. 94 etc. 

149. 1. Xfyouo-i: sc. ol *J 
looks a little as if * the Argi^ 
authority Hdt professes to toll 
passage, wished to relieve th( 
all responsibility in regard to t 
of Argos in the Persian war, a 
the whole responsibility on to 
Again, on their own shoin 
Council had been willing t< 
terms with the Confederates, a 
to disobey the Oracle. The 
give too many good reasons : t 
were better advised in sheltei 
selves simply and solely behi 
(c. 169 infra). The politici 
tions between the Argives 
Confederates in 481 B.C. hei 
discredit the ascription of tl 
Response to the same date am 



148-149 



nOAYMNIA 



203 



T^i^ fiovXffp inroKpivcLaOcUt xalwep awofyopevovro^ a<f>i rov 
ypfltmipLov fiff TToUea-Ocu rifv wpo^ roif^ "^XXrjva^ avfifuixiv^' 
awovSifP Si e)(€^v (nrovBit^ yeviaOcu rpiffKovroinSa^ [xaiwep] 
TO ')(pri<rrripiov <f>ofi€6fA€voi, iva S17 a'<f>i oi waiSe^ avhptoOivHTi, 5 
iv rovToiai roiai Ireai* fi^ Se a7rovSi<Dv iovaimv iiriXiyeaOcu, 
rjv ipa a^ia^ KaraXdfi^ irpo^ r^ yeyovin kuk^ aXko 
Trraia-fia wpb^ top Hiparjv, p,ri to 7i4)virov Imai AoKehaifJLOvUov 
vnrrjKOOi,. t&p Bi arfyiXaov tov9 awb Trj^ ^nrdpmi^ irpo^ tA 
jyqOivTa ix 7^9 fiovktj^ afievy^aaOcu roiai&e * wepl itkv 10 
airopSi<DP avoiceip ^ tov9 wXevpa^, wepl Bi fjyefAOvlrf^ avToiai 

149. 4 TpirjKovTaertBas Bdsi (' citra necesntatem ' van H.) || Kamp deL 
Stein^ 5 ^jScc^/uvot Stein ('peiperam' yan H.I): ^jScoficvovs Naber, 

▼an H. : ^jSeo/icvouri codd. Holder || av8p€(ii$€wri a 8 rov koiirov a 

9 Tovi : ro)v a 10 c#c Povkfis 6 || rouriSc CM, Stein : tomtSc 



and support the view that it has here 
been transferred some ten years down. 

2. dwa'yoM^v |i^, as in c 11 gupra, 

3. irp^, here ' with ' ; contr. vpdf rdr 
lUpoji^ c. 145. 

4. onrevS^v fxttv generally means 
* to be in a hurry/ 'to make haste'; 
cp. 9. 8 {aw, (x^yrti »-oXXiJr), 9. 89 ffv. 
fxy* ' cP' owovd^ diHfXawt ib, infra : cp. 
also 9. 66 awovSrjs ^xo*"^* Here the 
meaning appears to be = ffirov9^p voi^tf^^cu 
'to be anxious/ 'ea^er.' 

5. tva M o^ . . fht0%: the sons of the 
men slain oy Kleomenes would come to 
man's estate long before 451 B.C. Argos, 
indeed, joined the Athenian alliance 
against Sparta ten years earlier, and had 
even before that been at war with Sparta, 
cp. 9. 85. Thirty years in any case would 
be more than time enough for a new 
generation of fighting men to grow up. 
At Athens probably from twelve to fifteen 
yearswoula have been sufficient to replace 
a loss of 6000 men : Athens in the fifth 
century was perhaps not much more 
populous than Argos ; cp. Beloch, 
Bevdlkfruttg, pp. 116-28. 

6. |ii| . . lovo^MV: the participle is 
conditional (materially or logically it 
succeeds iiriKiytaBai). 

4TiXlyflr8ai . . |i^ JUa^i Abicht 
8ays that ifrtX. has here the notion of 
'fear' in it, cp. 8. 65, hence the construc- 
tion. Blakesley observed that there is 
no nieanin||r of fear in the word itself, 
but fear is implied in the act and circum- 
stances: ^tX. is 'to perpend' (contr. 
iwiXiytip c 147). The occurrence of 
wp^ with dative and again with accusa- 



tive {wT€ua/uL vp6t) \m noticeable. Afo, 
cp. c. 10 supra, 

9. tAv M 6,Yf(km¥ to^ inch rfj/g 
2vdfTi|t : the words imply an embassy 
comprising representatives of other states 
besiaes Sparta ; but op. Ajpp. Crit 

11. dvo<owv Iff To^ wXfQvot: K. O. 
Mueller, Dorians, ii. 91 n.^ {E,T,) gives 
the passages which prove that questions 
of peace and war at Sparta were decided 
by the do/xof or Apella, (Cp. my note 
to 6. 56. 8.) 

vfpl 8i f[^^o¥im : this question 
had already been raised at the Congress 
of Confederates, cp. 8. 8 ii0o; the 
answer here reooraed stands in no re- 
lation whatever to the arrangement there 
reported. Even if the question of the 
Confederate ify^/jMfia had not been settled 
before the mission to Argos, the reply 
here put into the mouth of the Spartans 
is entirely inconsistent with the Spartan 
institutions of the period. The offer to 
let the Argive 'king' have one vote 
against the 'two votes' of the two 
Spartan kings implies that the two 
Spartan kings possess a joint Hegenumia, 
not to say, vote together as one man ! 
Stein is surprised that Hdt should have 
overlooked the oontradiotion between 
the statement here MKrnv 8 wtt T^ . . 
kmX^v oWr) and the law recorded 6. 
75 (upon which op. my notes ad Le,): 
as if Hdt. were not constantly over- 
looking contradictions between one state- 
ment and another, drawn from different 
sources, used in different oonnexions, 
belonging to different periods of com- 
position ! (Moreover, this story was prob- 



204 



HPOAOTOY 



rn 



ivT€TaX0at vTrofcplpaadai, tcaX Si} IsAyeiVt a<f>UTL pJkv €lvai Svo 

XirdpTT)^ oifhirepop Trav^rai Tfj<f rfyefiovif)^, /Aeri S^ Sua r&v 
15 a^eripunf ofLoy^tpov top ^Apy^lov elvai /cwXveiu ovBev, ovrm 
Hi oi *Apy€ioi if>aa-l ovk apacF-^eaBai rmv %wapTt7}Tia)p rrfp 
wKeove^itjVt aX\ eXiirOai fmWov xnro rmv ^apffdpayv ap^eadai 
1} Ti wrci^ai Aafcehaifiovtoto'i, irpo^iiruv t€ rola-i wyyiXoia-i 
wpo BvpTO^ ^Xiov awaXKaaa^aOai ifc T179 *Af>y€io>v j(Qipff^, 
20 €* Bi /tij, iTipii-^cBai m fraXe^om^ 

12 cr^MTi S : artf^t Pss : cn^I ceteri 13 riav : tov ft 16 ot om, a 

17 Tmv om. a 18 n om, ft 11 re : 5c ft 19 ^vvovro^ ft 



ably of earlier coiuj^Kidition in tha geneais 
of Hdt.'s work tbun that pas>iBgeO 
Abiclit avoids Stt^iu's aiirpris« by a still 
more innocent auKgestion : the Spartan 
arabassadors for.i^ot the law in qu cation 
of ml purpose* The real point to observe 
id that wo have here not a Spartan bnt 
merely tin Argive account of the traus- 
iu:tion. If any disctiaaion on the ques- 
tion of the ijytfiot'U took place in 481 
B.o. we may be sure that Sparta made 
no such otfer as this. Bnt it is poasible 
that the al>surd Argive atory may have 
»otno basis in facta long preTious, and 
that at some date, when the two Spartan 
kings still went ont to war together 
(an arrangement which only carae to an 
t^nd after the Argtve war of KleomeB€»s 
and Demanfcoe ; iee my notes Le. ), there 
may have been negotiationa between 
B[)arta and Argos^ the terms of which 
served as a precedent for Ibis Ar^ve 
story of the negotiationii in 481 b.€. 

If ever «uch an ollbr waa made to 
Argos, the Argivcii were shortsighted in 
not accepting it ; they might fairly haw 
counted on their one king being able, 
as a rule, to divide the Spartan twain. 

That the Argivea had a real 'king' 
in 4S1 H,c. ia not credible ; but tbey 
may have hail, us the Athenians hud, 
a titular magistrate, possibly with an 
annual tenure^ he^iring the title of 
fiafftkt6s. The position of such a re- 
publican magiBtracy wo old indeed be 
still weaker against thw two Spartan 
kings (if acting together) ; but thif« 
refereno? to the Argive king also serves 
Botnewlmt to antinniite the story. 

17, iX^0-0cib [AoXXov . , AaKfSni- 
|U>vCov<ri : one of the most characteristic 
confessions of Greek imrticukrisra on 
record, and Its moat sIgniHcant note 



is neither the protest againit Spartan 
greed (rXcovclia) nor the exhibition oCJ 
Argive pride, but the tacit assuiuptioft' 
that the common-sense of Hellas would 
fully endorae an adrovo^a purchased by 
surrender to the ^Barbarian,' yea, that 
subjection to the foreigner waa better 
than conceaaion to the Hellene. Thi^ 
spirit of uncompromising self-aaaertion, 
tne dogma in fact of ihe individual im- 
mortality of the Greek city-state, waa 
at once the atrengtli and the wosJEneaa 
of Hellas. It long helped to make 
Greece unconquerable, but it helped also 
to make her liberties a prey to any 
foreign power, which coulu divide the 
Q reeks, city from city, clitTiie from clique : 
a policy inaugurated by Persia, matured 
by Macedon, consummated by Rome. 

IS. frp«iirtCv, * to proclaim,* 'order* — 
such an order addressed to the envoys 
or ambaasadors (l77eXoi) of the Con- 
federate Greeks is almost incredibly 
harsh, not to say insane ; it is more 
credible as a reminiscence of the treat- 
ment of Spartan envoys, or heralds, on 
this or that occasion. Cii. the treat- 
jiieut of Diakritos by Perilcles and tlie 
Athenians in 431 IJ.C, (^rrdr 5p«r rZvoi 
avBTtfixpiiv Tbuc. 2. 12. 2). But on tliat 
occasion the Sjiartans were known to 
be actually on the war-trail (^fe<rr/>arcv- 
fjtiivoi} : here <tx htjjiatkeM the applicatiott 
to Argos is purely friendly, and comes 
from the whohs Greek Confederacy, 

20. irfpO+ftT^ai: ep. 2. 116, U & S. 
say this future may be eithfT active 
(middle ?) or passive ; but it secmfi more 
pointeil when taken as paasive ; alao the 
active future occurs Xenoph. Kyrop. 6. 
J. 12 Tovr^v ii^ui uts eCtpyirTir ko-I i^i\<m 
airx wi Bov\o¥ Ttpiifoficp *. cp. /?. 21. 



149-150 



nOAYMNIA 



205 



AvTol flip *Apy€toi roaavra rovrav iripi Xiyovai* loTi 150 
Be aXko^ X0709 Xeyofievo^ avii r^p *EXXdBa, C09 Bip^ff^ 
errefiy^ KijpvKa ^ '^ A/3709 irporepov tj mp opfirja-ai arpareve' 
aOat iirl r^v 'EXXoSa* ikOovra Sk rovrop [Xiyerot] elireiv 
" avSp€<: ^Apyeioi, fiaaiXev^ Sip^^ roBe vpZv Xiyei. ^/acJ? 5 
pofju^ofiev TUptniP elvai air oi ^fieU yeyopaftep, irdlSa Ilepc-io^ 
Tov Aapdff^, yeyovora ix rrj^ Kffif>io^ Otryarpo^ ^AvSpofjUBff^. 
ot/TO) &p &p elfffiep vfjkirepoi awoyopou oiiTe &p fipia^ oIko^ 
hrX T0V9 fifieripov^ irpoyopov^ OTpaTeveaOai, ovre vfUa^ 
aWouri TtfjuDp€OPTa<: 17/uif apri^oov^ yipea-Oai, aXXh irap vpSv 10 
avroia ^avj(lrfp i^ppra^ KarrjaOat. f^p yhp ifiol yipi^eu 

150. 1 Totavra ? van H. || w€pl rovroiv a 3 opfi^dai yan H., 

vel opfirjcrai deleto or/xircvcordai idem 4 Aiyrrai deL Cobet approb. 

van H., Holder, Stein* 7 ycyovora <3^> Kallenberg 9 iKorrpa- 

rcvcG-^at 6, Stein^, Holder 10 dvri^ovs a 11 Ix^''^^^* ^yovras 

com. van H. : Ifxovrcs fcar^^c Naber : ica^^^ai 6 

160. 1. ToottOro, '(so much and) no 
more.' 



2. dvd T^ 'EXXdSa has much the 
air of an oral tradition ; yet (i. ) the 
proclamation, or address of Xerxes to 
the Argivee, involves a document of 
necessity, was in fact, if it was any- 
thing, a written communication, and 
(ii.) its contents, the legendary and 
mythical connexion between the Persians 
and Argos, is not popular tradition or 
oral communication, out learned doctrine, 
no doubt long since committed to letters, 
but to Greek not to Persian letters. (Cp. 
next note.) This story has an Athenian 
tone about it (e.g. the iniquity of dw6- 
7oroc who make war upon their tpbyimot, 
cp. 8. 22) ; but this mi^ht very well be 
an ' Ionian ' view, especially among the 
* atticizing * party. 

5. ^^ifcCCt vo|&£Co|icv . . *Av6po|fcAiit: 
this statement is flatly contradicted oy 
6. 54, where Hdt says that, u»t h wapk 
lltpaiwf \6yot Xiymu, Perseus himself 
was an Assyrian, and became a Greek, 
and therefore was not the son of Danae, 
and ultimately an Egyptian, which is 
there given as the Hellenic version of 
the lesend, and is here tacitly assumed 
as the Persian. This contradiction shows, 
as Blakesley pointed out, that this story 
of the Xerxean embassy to Argoe is a 
fiction, and a Greek fiction. It shows 
also how easily Hdt. allows himself to 
report conflicting and contradictory views 



and traditions ; but the present instance 
is easier to understand on the hypo- 
thesis that this passage is of early com- 
position, than on the hypothesis that 
Hdt composed the elaborately argumen- 
tative passage 6. 54, and then wrote 
down tnis story, 7. 150, in flat contra- 
diction, without wincing, without a 
reference back or qualification. This 
instance goes to swell the evidence in 
favour of the earlier composition of this 
section of the work. Cp. a 51 supra, 
and Introduction, g§ 7, 8. The political 
play on the words ' Perseus ' and ' Perses ' 
may perhaps be traced back to the dose 
of the sixth century, and was utilized 
in the interests of the medizing Aleuadai, 
who also claimed descent from Herakles ; 
cp. Pindar, Pffth, 10. 81, and 9. 1 tn/ro. 
It is also worth while observing that 
this story of the mission of a ' Herald ' 
to Argos by Xerxes vp^rcpor ^ wtp 
6Mk9^ai ffrpaTtOwSai 4wl rf^r *EXXd^ 
does not square very well with the re- 

Sort, c 82 ntpni, of the despatch of 
eralds to the Greek cities from Sardes 
in 481 B.O., nor of the return of these 
heralds, c. 181, and the list of ' medizing ' 
states which there follows— in which 
the name of Argos does not occur. The 
6pfAii of Xerxes dated before that, whether 
in the psychological sense (cp. 0. 19 
tupra, and the 5«^ier<iy h^fiij m c. 18) 
or in a mechanical sense (cp. 6p/jt!ii$tls, 
c. 26 supra). 

10. AvTit^ovt : cp. c. 49 fufmi. 



806 



HPOAOTOY 



vu 



tcarii POOP, ovSapt^if<; fii^opa^ vfiitov a^w" ravTa aKovcraMrra^ 
^Apyelov^ Xeyerai irp^^ voifjaaaffai, /cat Trapa^^ijfjui /w 
oifBip iTrayyeXXofUpov^ fieTairecip, iirel Be o-^ea? irapa- 
15 Xafi^dpetP Tom EXXiji^a?, ovrm Sij iwurra^pov^ ore oi 
fieraBmaovtn ti}? ap^i}^ AaxeBatp^opioi, fierairieiVt iua iwl 
161 TrpotpdiTto'i ^av^irjv aywcrt. avfi^nea^lp Bk rovTQUTt teal topBc 



1 2 /i<foi'Os van H. (plurk YallA) || 
14 p.€ratT€€Lv del Naber |{ circirc vel 
17 ayoMxtv o 



1^ 13 Xcyrrcit damn, van H, 

iir€i&r}t vaai H. 16 ra r^s 



12. &£«, 'shall f?onsif!er ' ; €|)- ^or, U. 7. 

13. irp*|Ypa iroif|O^MrflaL, * made it no 
slight matter * ; cp. wp7jytJi4i oOSiv iiroiif' 
cra^ro rd wapatrriKa, 6. 63. 

14. o^hkv hni.yy^iXo\UvQVi lurcuWciV : 
ScUweiglmtiuaer umler-^too'i ^tSif ^ray- 
yiWtcBax teal ol^^d^ ^eTttirietv^ or ov$iy 

which seems accepuble, except that 
tirrairidif i-cquireii the genitive ei'^crAti 
cp, 4. 147 T% fiwjiKfiiTp fji.f and this 
rules out BIakesl«y'a '^at the moment 
innle DO demand In their wvertiires" 
(which was not very happy anyway )* 
But €!U. A pp. Crit. 

JiTfl fa . . irafaXa|&^v«kF : €p. ^ci 
7< . . oOruf I'o^fcff^at, c* 3 supra, for 
the itifinitive with the conjunrtiotii tktui 
with the iufinitire imperfect (d^ wnaiti. 
Stein) cp. wttptMfi^aveif c, 168 in/rn, 
and irftpijffcwrflt irapaXaM,^<i»'o*'"'"ft c. 148 
supra. 

16. Iirl ^-po+do-uot : predicative, ' that 
they might have a good excuse for 
keeping quiet' (rj*r. ^7*1*'). 

151, I. cru[jLtrfo-flv : €p. G. 18. 

•rivSi T&v X^v . . ■ytvijuvw : 
XAyof ifl here used not of th^ narrative, 
hut of thfl tranaaction iiarmted (juat 
as in German, per contra , G^acfit/Me^ or 
Otachicfdehen^ rneauing properly the 
fivhfji^ifoVy is UBed of the Wrifos) ; wAvra 
X^ir, L 21 r^ll that had happ^^nod ' ?), 
is hardly no clear a caiic. This curiouf* 
nse of Xiryos anggeata, what tlie wordH 
X^oinfTt ru^H *EX\Vti>»' fnlly bear out, 
that Hdt. is here following a writteo 
authority. The atory at tlio embassy 
of Kalliaa to the court of Artaxerxcs 
had been made the aubject of actuJil 
historiography before Hdt. wrote this 
passage* Uy what author, or au thorns.? 
Stein suggests Hellanikos (prasumably 
ip 7~5 *ArTtii'J f lOO'f^fl^ ' '-P' Thue. 1. 
97. 2), May not the aiithoiity mon^ 
probably be pot down as the lUpffiKA of 



Dionysiofi of Milotos T which perhaps 
carried down the story of the Qraaoo- 
Persian wars to the date of the treaty 
of Kallias. Cp, Introduction. § 10. 

In any case thin chapter IooIca lik« 
an in^iertion to be dated some consider- 
able tiiDii after the thirty years* peace 
(445 ii,a)j and may verv well be among 
the last additions to the work by the 
author. 

Stein would date these embasatea 9i>nn 
after the death of Xerxes and the aeces- 
aioQ of Artaxerxes, seeing no sense In 
the Argive question otherwise. Bnt (1) 
iroXXoiort irtci JkFTtpitM n^irrtav sulta a 
date about 445 better than a date aboac 
466 n.c. (2) From 462-5! B.C. Argoa 
was in alliance with Athens, and Athena 
was conducting active hostilities against 
Peraia ; there were no stioh embaaeiea 
to Persia during that period. (3) These 
events are not to be connected with the 
battle of tha Eurymedon and abortive 
peace* negotiations following upon it, 
the beat date for that battle being 468 ac. 
(cp. Busolt, iiL 1. 1897, 143 f.), which 
falls into tlie retgn of Xerxes, and tho 
interval between the establishmettt of 
ArtaxerxBs on the throne and the 
Atheno-Argive alliance is not worth 
considering, especially as (4) thc»e eventa 
of 465-62 n.c, would hardly have been 
made the subject of historiography before 
Hdt. wrote tbo Hnit draft of his histnry ; 
whereas, before he laid hand on the last 
draft of his history, the events of 445 ii.c. 
and the cesser of hoslilitiea might very 
well have been consigned to a literaiy 
record. (5) The next chapter seems to 
belong to the date of the Atheno-Argive 
alliance, and to the saine date of com- 
position as c. 160» and indeed ctu 14S, 
149 ; but this chapter is a]iparent)y an 
insertion, interrupting the natural argti- 
mont, which goes on from c, 150 to 
c. 152. 



< 



4 



4 



160-161 



IIOAYMNIA 



207 



TOP \iyop Xiyova-i tai^9 ^EKXiivmv, woXKoun erea iarepov 
yevofievov rovrmv. 'nrxelv ev Sovaouri, rolai Mefipovioun 
iovra^ h'ipov irprf^yjvTO^ elveica ar/yiKov^ ^KOrivaUov KaXX/i/v 
re TOP 'IwitovIkov ical roif^ fieri, rovrov avaffdpra^, Apyeiov^ 
Si rbv avTov toutov j(povop irefiy^vra^ Koi rovrov^ €9 ^vaa 
ayyiXjov^ elptorav ^Apro^ep^ea top H^p^oo el a'<f>i eri ififUpei 

151. 2 TTokkouri re 6 7 dpro^p^v fi, Holder, van H. || cr^ : 

a'<f>uri van H. || €fi/i€V€i 6 : €fifjL€V€iv c^cXoucrt a : (rvfifiivti Cobet, Holder, 
▼an H. 



3. Iv SoiMToio^ Toto^ M^vov{oio%: 

Stein sees that this title has been 
borrowed from Hdt's literary authority 
(not, however, Hellanikoe the Lesbian, 
but rather Dionysios of Miletos, where 
this title was in vogue ; op. 5. 58, 2. 106). 

4. Mftov wp^iYiiATot AvtKW : why does 
not Hdt. specify this thing f Stein re- 
plies: because ne did not know what 
it was ! Blakesley more acutely : ''The 
reason of Herodotus not mentioning the 
business exvresily in this passage is 
obvious." To wit, the business was to 
make terms with the Persian ; and to 
mention that would rather be brushing 
the bloom off all the fine stories of war 
<t otUranee to follow ! Why, even the 
mention of this Athenian emba^ssy to 
Susa at all is artistically a mistake, 
a sacrifice which the conscientious his- 
torian makes to the evidences of Argive 
medism in 480 b.o. 

KaXXCt|v Tf rhv 'IwvoWkov koI 
To^ |fcCTd roirrov dvapdvrat : the refer- 
ence IS plainly to a celebrated occasion. 
Concerning the identity of the ambassador 
named there can be no doubt; he is 
Kallias ' Lakkoploutos ' {Ghrubenbaron, 
Busolt, iii. 1. Ill), the leading millionaire 
in Athens of his time, the Eleusinian 
Dadouchos, member of the illustrious 
Eupatrid House of the Ki^pviref , a former 
opponent of Themistokles, the brother- 
in-law of Kimon and husband of Elpinike, 
Spartan proxenoSt yet closely connected 
with Perikles, and employed in the 
negotiation of the peace with Persia, 
as also of the thirty years' peace with 
Sparta ; cp. Petersen, Quaestumes de hiaL 
Gent. AUic. (1880) p. 40; Duncker, Oeaeh. 
d, AlUrth. ix. (1886) 8ff.; Dittenberger, 
Hermes xx. 1 ff. ; Toepfer, AU. Oen. pp. 
80 ff. ; Busolt l,c, supra. 

5. 'Ap^cCovt 8i rhv a^Thi¥ roihw 
Xp6¥ov: one of the innumerable oases 
where the name of the Attic archou 



would have settled everjrthing. But 
granted a great embassy to Susa, after 
the death of Kimon, perhaps after the 
conclusion of the peace with Sparta, it 
might verr well have offered a natural, 
and possibly the very first, occasion for 
the Argives to join with Athens in 
appi-oaching King Artaxerxes. Dahl- 
maun, indeed, followed by Baehr, dated 
this embassy to 481 &o., or between 
that and 425 B.a Plutarch, Kim, 13, 
dated the mission and peace of Kallias 
after the battle of the Eurymodon — an 
impossible situation ; Diodoroe 12. 4 
preserves undoubtedly the