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mxi ^otitf) ^Leaflets. 

Heroes of Peace 

Old South Meeting House, Boston, 









The Old South Leaflets were prepared primarily for circulation 
among the attendants upon the Old South Lectures for Young People. 
The subjects of the Leaflets are immediately related to the subjects of the 
lectures, and they are intended '.o supplement the lectures and stimulate 
historical interest and inquiry among the young people. They are made 
up, for the most part, from original papers of the periods treated in the 
lectures, in the hope to make the men and the public life of the periods 
more clear and real. 

The Old South Lectures for Young People were instituted in the sum- 
mer of 1883, as a means of promoting a more serious and intelligent atten- 
tion to historical studies, especially studies in American history among the 
young people of Boston. The success of the lectures has been so great as 
to warrant the hope that such courses may be sustained in many other 
cities of the country. 

The Old South Lectures for 1883, intended to be strictly upon subjects 
in early Massachusetts History, but by certain necessities somewhat modi- 
fied, were as follows : " Governor Bradford and Governor Winthrop," 
by Edwin 1). Mead. "Plymouth," by Mrs. A. M. Diaz. "Concord," 
by Frank B. Sanborn. " The Town-meeting," by Prof. James K. 
HoSMER. " Franklin, the Boston Boy," by George M. Tov^^le. "How 
to study American History," by Prof. G. Stanley Hall. "The Year 
^111 ^ by John Fiske. " History in the Boston Streets," by Edward 
Everett Hale. The Leaflets prepared in connection with these lectures 
consisted of (i) Cotton Mather's account of Governor Bradford, from the 
" Magnalia"; {2) the account of the arrival of the Pilgrims at Cape Cod 
from Bradford's Journal; (3) an extract from Emerson's Concord Address 
in 1835; (4) extracts from Emerson, Samuel Adams, De Tocqueville, and 
others, upon the Town-meeting; (5) a portion of Franklin's Autobiogra- 
phy; (6) Carlyle on the Study of History; (7) an extract from Charles 
Sumner's oration upon Lafayette, etc.; (8) Emerson's poem, "Boston." 

The lectures for 1884 were devoted to men representative of certain 
epochs or ideas in the history of Boston, as follows: " Sir Harry Vane, in 
New England and in Old England," by Edward Everett Hale, Jr. 
"John Harvard, and the Founding of Harvard College," by Edward 
Channing, Ph.D. "The Mather Family, and the Old Boston Ministers," 
by Rev. Samuel J. Barrows. " Simon Bradstreet, and the Struggle for 
the Charter," by i*ROF. Marshall S. Snow. " Samuel Adams and the 
Beginning of the Revolution," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. " Josiah 
Quincy, the Great Mayor," by Charles W. Slack. "Daniel Webster, 
the Defender of the Constitution," by Charles C. Coffin. " John A. 
Andrew, the great War Governor," by CoL. T. W. Higginson. The 
Leaflets prepared in connection with the second course were as follows : 
(i) Selections from Forster's essay on Vane, etc.; (2) an extract from 
Cotton Mather's "Sal Gentium"; (3) Increase Mather's "Narrative of 
the Miseries of New England"; (4) an original account of " The Revolu- 
tion in New England" in 1689; (5) a letter from Samuel Adams to John 

Adams, on Republican Government ; (6) extracts from Josiah Quincy's 
Boston Address of 1830; (7) Words of Webster; (8) a portion of Gover- 
nor Andrew's Address to the Massachusetts Legislature in January, 1861. 

The lectures for 1885 were upon " The War for the Union," as follows : 
"Slavery," by William Lloyd Garrison, Jr. "The Fall of Sumter," 
by Col. T. W. Higginson. "The Monitor and the Merrimac," by 
Charles C. Coffin. "The Battle of Gettysburg," by Col. Theodore 
A. Dodge. "Sherman's March to the Sea," by Gen. William Cogswell. 
" The Sanitary Commission," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Abraham 
Lincoln," by Hon. John D. Long. "General Grant," by Charles C. 
Coffin. The Leaflets accompanying these lectures were as follows : (i) 
Lowell's " Present Crisis," and Garrison's Salutatory in the Liberator of 
January i, 1831 ; (2) extract from Henry Ward Beecher's oration at Fort 
Sumter in 1865; (3) contemporary newspaper accounts of the engagement 
between the Monitor and the Merrimac; (4) extract from -Edward Everett's 
address at the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, with 
President Lmcoln's address; (5) extract from General Sherman's account 
of the March to the Sea, in his Memoirs ; (6) Lowell's " Commemoration 
Ode"; (7) extract from Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, the Emanci- 
pation Proclamation, and the Second Inaugural Address; (8) account of 
the service in memory of General Grant, in Westminster Abbey, with Arch- 
deacon Farrar's address. 

The lectures for 1886 were upon "The War for Independence," as 
follows: "Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry," by Edwin D. Mead. 
" Bunker Hill, and the News in England," by John Fiske. " The Declara- 
tion of Independence," by James MacAllister. " The Times that tried 
Men's Souls," by Albert B. Hart, Ph.D. " Lafayette, and Help from 
France," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " The Women of the Revolu- 
tion," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Washington and his Generals," 
by George M. Towle. "The Lessons of the Revolution for these 
Times," by Rev. Brooke Herford. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) 
Words of Patrick Henry; {2) Lord Chatham's Speech, urging the removal 
of the British troops from Boston ; (3) extract from Webster's oration on 
Adams and Jefferson; (4) Thomas Paine's "Crisis," Ne. i; (5) extract 
from Edward Everett's eulogy on Lafayette ; (6) selections from the Letters 
of Abigail Adams; (7) Lowell's "Under the Old Elm"; (8) extract from 
Whipple's essay on " Washington and the Principles of the Revolution." 

The course for the summer of 1887 was upon "The Birth of the 
Nation," as follows i " How the men of the English Commonwealth planned 
Constitutions," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. "How the American Colo- 
nies grew together," by John Fiske. "The Confusion after the Revolu- 
tion," by Davis R. Dewey, Ph.D. " The Convention and the Constitu- 
tion," by Hon. John D. Long. " James Madison and his Journal," by 
Prof. E. B. Andrews. " How Patrick Henry opposed the Constitution," 
by Henry L. Southwick. "Alexander Hamilton and the Federalist.''' 
" Washington's Part and the Nation's First Years," by Edward Everett 
Hale. The Leaflets prepared for these lectures were as follows: (i) 
Extract from Edward Everett Hale's lecture on " Puritan Politics in 
England and New England"; (2) "The English Colonies in America," 
extract from De Tocqueville's " Democracy in America " ; (3) Wash- 
ington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States on Disbanding 
the Army; (4) the Constitution of the United States; (5) "The Last Day 
of the Constitutional Convention," from Madison's Journal; (6) Patrick 

Henry's First Speech against the Constitution, in the Virginia Convention; 
(7) the Federalist, No. IX.; (S) Washington's First Inaugural Address. 

The course for the summer of iSS8 had the general title of " The Story 
of the Centuries," the several lectures being as follows : " The Great Schools 
after the Dark Ages," by Ephraim Emerton, Professor of History in 
Harvard University. " Richard the Lion-hearted and the Crusades," by 
Miss Nina Moork, author of "Pilgrims and Puritans." "The World 
which Dante knew," by Shattuck O. Hartwell, Old South first prize 
essayist, 1S83. "The Morning Star of the Reformation," by Rev. Philip 
S. MoxoM. " Copernicus and Columbus, or the New Heaven and the 
New Earth," by Prof. E:d\vard S. Morse. "The People for whom 
Shakespeare wrote," by Charles Dudley Warner. " The Puritans and 
the English Revolution," by Charles H. Levermore, Professor of His- 
tory in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. " Lafayette and the 
Two Revolutions which he saw," by Ge(^r(;e Makepeace Tovvle. 

The Old South Lectures are devoted primarily to American history. 
But it is a constant aim to impress upon the young people the relations of 
our own history to Elnglish and general European history. It was hoped 
that the glance at some striking chapters in the history of the last eight 
centuries afforded by these lectures would be a good preparation for the 
great anniversaries of 18S9, and give the young people a truer feeling of 
the continuity of history. In connection with the lectures the young 
people were requested to fix in mind the following dates, observing that in 
most instances the date comes about a decade before the close of the cen- 
tury. An effort was made in the Leaflets for the year to make dates, 
which are so often dull and useless to young people, interesting, significant, 
and useful.— nth Century: Lanfranc, the great mediaeval scholar, who 
studied law at Bologna, was prior of the monastery of Bee, the most famous 
school in France in the nth century, and archbishop of Canterbury under 
William the Conqueror, died io8g. 12th Cent.: Richard I. crowned 
Ii8g. 13th Cent. : Dante, at the battle of Campaldino, the final overthrow 
of the Ghibellines in Italy, 1289. Mth Cent.: Wyclif died, 1384. 15th 
Cent.: America discovered, 1492. i6th Cent.: Spanish Armada, 1588. 
17th Cent. : William of Orange lands in England, 1688. 18th Cent. : 
Washington inaugurated, and the Bastile fell, 1789. The Old South 
Leaflets for 1888, corresponding with the several lectures, were as follows : 
(i) " The Early History of Oxford," from Green's " History of the English 
People,"; (2) "Richard Coeur de Lion and the Third Crusade," from the 
Chronicle of Geoffrey de Vinsauf; (3) "The Universal Empire," passages 
from Dante's De Moiiarchia ; '(4) "The Sermon on the Mount," Wyclif's 
translation ; (5) " Copernicus and the Ancient Astronomers," from Hum- 
boldt's "Cosmos "; (6) "The Defeat of the Spanish Armada," from Cam- 
den's "Annals"; (7) "The Bill of Rights," 16S9; (8) " The Eve of the 
French Revolution," from Carlyle. The selections are accompanied by 
very full historical and bibliographical notes, and rt is hoped that the 
series will prove of much service to students and teachers engaged in 
the general survey of modern history. 

The year 1889 being the centennial both of the beginning of our own 
Federal government and of the French Revolution, the lectures for the 
year, under the general title of " America and France," were devoted en- 
tirely to subjects in which the history of America is related to that of 
France as follows: " Champlain, the Founder of Quebec," by Charles 
C. CoFEiN. " La Salle and the French in the Great West," by Rev. 

W. E. Griffis. "The Jesuit Missionaries in America," by Prof. James 
K. HosMER. " Wolfe and Montcalm : The Struggle of England and 
France for the Continent," by John Fiske. " Franklin in France," 
by George M. Towle. " The Friendship of Washington and Lafayette," 
by Mrs. Abba Goold Woolson. "Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana 
Purchase," by Robert Morss Lovett, Old South prize essayist, i88S. 
"The Year 1789," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale. The Leaflets for 
the year were as follows : (i) Verrazzano's account of his Voyage to Amer- 
ica ; (2) Marquette's account of his Discovery of the Mississippi; {3) Mr. 
Parkman's Histories ; (4) the Capture of Quebec, from Parkman's " Con- 
spiracy of Pontiac"; (5) selections from Franklin's Letters from France ; 
(6) Letters of Washington and Lafayette; (7) the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence ; (8) the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, 1789. 

The lectures for the summer of 1890 were on "The American Indians," 
as follows : " The Mound Builders," by Prof. George H. Perkins. " The 
Indians whom our Fathers Found," by Gen. H. B. Carrington. "John 
Eliot and his Indian Bible," by Rev. Edward G. Porter. " King Philip's 
War," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, Old South prize essayist, 1889. 
"The Conspiracy of Pontiac," by Charles A. Eastman, M.D., of the 
Sioux nation. "A Century of Dishonor," by Herbert Welsh. "Among 
ihe Zuiiis," by J. Walter Fewkes, Ph.D. " The Indian at School," by 
Gen. S. C. Armstrong. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) extract from 
address by William Henry Harrison on the Mound Builders of the ()hio 
Valley; (2) extract from Morton's " New English Canaan " on the Manners 
and Customs of the Indians ; (3) John Eliot's " Brief Narrative of the Prog- 
ress of the Gospel among the Indians of New England," 1670; (4) extract 
from Hubbard's " Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians "( 1677) on 
the Beginning of King Philip's War; (5) the Speech of Pontiac at the 
Council at the River Ecorces, from Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac"; 
(6) extract from Black Hawk's autobiography, on the cause of the Black 
Hawk War; (7) Coronado's Letter to Mendoza (1540) on his Explorations 
in New Mexico; (8) Eleazar Wheelock's Narrative (1762) of the Rise and 
Progress of the Indian School at Lebanon, Conn. 

The lectures for 1891, under the general title of "The New Birth of the 
World," were devoted to the important movements in the age preceding 
the discovery of America, the several lectures being as follows: "The 
Results of the Crusades," by F. E. E. Hamilton, Old South prize essay- 
ist, 1883. " The Revival of Learning," by Prof. Albert B. Hart. " The 
Builders of the Cathedrals," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " The Changes 
which Gunpowder made," by Frank A. Hill. "The Decline of the 
Barons," by William Everett. "The Invention of Printing," by Rev. 
Edward G. Porter. " When Michel Angelo was a Boy," by Hamlin 
Garland. " The Discovery of America," by Rev. E. E. Hale. The 
Leaflets were as follows: (i) "The Capture of Jerusalem by the Cru- 
saders," from the Chronicle of William of Malmesbury ; (2) extract from 
More's "Utopia"; (3) " The Founding of Westminster Aljbey," from 
Dean Stanley's " Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey " ; (4) " The 
Siege of Constantinople," from Gibbon's " Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire"; (5) "Simon de Montfort," selections from Chronicles of the 
time; (6) " Caxton at Westminster," extract from Blade's Life of William 
Caxton; (7) *• The Youth of Michel Angelo," from Vasari's " Lives of the 
Italian Painters"; (8) " The Discovery of America," from Ferdinand Colum- 
bus's life of his father. 

The lectures for 1892 were upon "The Discovery of America," as fol 
lows : " What Men knew of the World before Columbus," by Prof. 
Edward S. Morse. " I.eif Erikson and the Northmen," by Rev. Edward 
A. HoRTON. "Marco Polo and his Book," by Mr. O. W. Dimmick. 
"The Story of Columbus," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Americus 
Vespucius and the Early Books about America," by Rev. E. G. Porter. 
"Cortes and Pizarro," by Prof. Chas. H. Levermore. " De Soto and 
Ponce de Leon," by Miss Ruth Ballou Whittemore, Old South prize 
essayist, 1891. " Spain, France, and England in America," by Mr. John 
FiSKE. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Strabo's Introduction to Geog- 
raphy; (2) The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red; (3) 
Marco Polo's account of Japan and Java; (4) Columbus's Letter to 
Gabriel Sanchez, describing his First Voyage; (5) Amerigo Vespucci's 
account of his First Voyage; (6) Cortes's account of the City of Mexico; 
(7) the Death of De Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of 
Elvas " ; (8) Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 

The lectures for 1893 were upon " The Opening of the Great West," as 
follows: "Spain and France in the Great West," by Rev. William 
Elliot Griffis. " The North-west Territory and the Ordinance of 1787," 
by John M. Merriam. "Washington's Work in Opening the West," by 
Edwin D. Mead. "Marietta and the Western Reserve," oy Miss Lucy 
W. Warren, Old South prize essayist, 1892. " How the Great West was 
settled," by Charles C. Coffin. "Lewis and Clarke and the Explorers 
of the Rocky Mountains," by Rev. Thomas Van Ness. " California and 
Oregon," by Prof. Josiah Royce. " The Story of Chicago," by Mrs. 
Mary A. Livermore. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) De Vaca's 
account of his Journey to New Mexico, 1535; {2) Manasseh Cutler's De- 
scription of Ohio, 1787 ; (3) Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 
1770; (4) Garfield's Address on the North-west Territory and the Western 
Reserve; (5) George Rogers Clark's account of the Capture of Vincennes, 
1779; (6) Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis; (7) Fremont's 
account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak ; (8) Father Marquette at Chi- 
cago, 1673. 

The lectures for 1894 were upon " The Founders of New England," as 
follows : " William Brewster, the Elder of Plymouth," by Rev. Edward 
Everett Hale. " William Bradford, the Governor of Plymouth," by 
Rev. William Elliot Griffis. " John Winthrop, the Governor of 
Massachusetts," by Hon. Frederic T. Greknhalge. "John Harvard, 
and the F'ounding of Harvard College," by Mr. William R. Thayer. 
" John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians," by Rev. James De Normandie. 
" John Cotton, the Minister of Boston," by Rev. John Cotton Brooks. 
" Roger Williams, the Founder of Rhode Island," by President E. 
Benjamin Andrews. "Thomas Hooker, the Flounder of Connecticut," 
by Rev. Joseph H. Twichell. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Brad- 
ford's Memoir of Elder Brewster; (2) Bradford's First Dialogue; (3) 
Winthrop's Conclusions for the Plantation in New England ; (4) New 
England's First Fruits, 1643; (5) John Elliot's Indian Grammar Begun; 
(6) John Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation"; (7} Letters of 
Roger Williams to Winthrop; (8) Thomas Hooker's "Way of the 
Churches of New England." 

The lectures for 1895 were upon "The Puritans in Old England," as 
follows : " John Hooper, the First Puritan," by P^dwin D. Mead; " Cam- 
bridge, the Puritan University," by William Everett; "Sir John Eliot 


and the House of Commons," by Prof. Albert B. Hart ; " John Hamp- 
den and the Ship Money," by Rev. F. W. Gunsaulus; "John Pym and 
the Grand Remonstrance," by Rev. John Cuckson ; " Ohver Cromwell 
and the Commonwealth," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale; "John 
Milton, the Puritan Poet," by John Fiske; " Henry Vane in Old England 
and New England," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. The Leaflets were as 
follows: (i) The English Bible, selections from the various versions; (2) 
Hooper's Letters to Bullinger; (3) Sir John Eliot's "Apology for Soc- 
rates"; (4) Ship-money Papers ; (5) Pym's Speech against Strafford; (6) 
Cromwell's Second Speech ; (7) Milton's " Free Commonwealth " ; (8) Sir 
Henry Vane's Defence. 

The lectures for 1896 were upon " The American Historians," as follows : 
"Bradford and Winthrop and their Journals," by Mr. Edwin D. Mead; 
"Cotton Mather and his ' Magnalia,'" by Prof. Barrett Wendell; 
" Governor Hutchinson and his History of Massachusetts," by Prof. 
Charles H. Levermore; "Washington Irving and his Services for 
American History," by Mr. Richard Burton; "Bancroft and his His- 
tory of the United States," by Pres. Austin Scott ; " Prescott and his 
Spanish Histories," by Hon. Roger Wolcott; " Motley and his History 
of the Dutch Republic," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis; " Park man 
and his Works on France in America," by Mr. John Fiske. The Leaflets 
were as follows: (i) Winthrop's " Little Speech " on Liberty; (2) Cotton 
Mather's " Bostonian Ebenezer," from the " Magnalia " ; (3) Governor 
Hutchinson's account of the Boston Tea Party; (4) Adrian Van der 
Donck's Description of the New Netherlands in 1655; (5) The Debate in 
the Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress ; (6) 
Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, on his Second Voyage ; 
(7) The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581; (8) Captain John 
Knox's account of the Battle of Quebec. The last five of these eight 
Leaflets illustrate the original material in which Irving, Bancroft, Prescott, 
Motley, and Parkman worked in the preparation of their histories. 

The lectures for 1897 were upon "The Anti-slavery Struggle," as 
follows : " William Lloyd Garrison, or Anti-slavery in the Newspaper," by 
William Lloyd Garrison, Jr.; "Wendell Phillips, or Anti-slavery on 
ihe Platform," by Wendell Phillips Stafford; "Theodore Parker, 
or Anti-slavery in the Pulpit," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale ; " John 
G. Whittier, or Anti-slavery in the Poem," by Mrs. Alice Freeman 
Palmer ; " Harriet Beecher Stowe, or Anti-slavery in the Story," by Miss 
Maria L. Baldwin; "Charles Sumner, or Anti-slavery in the Senate," 
by Moorfield Storey ; "John Brown, or Anti-slavery on the Scaffold," 
by Frank B. Sanborn; "Abraham Lincoln, or Anti-slavery Trium- 
phant," by Hon. John D. Long. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) The 
First Number of The Liberator ; (2) Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of 
Garrison; (3) Theodore Parker's Address on the Dangers from Slavery; 
(4) Whittier's account of the Anti-slavery Convention of 1833; (5) Mrs. 
Stowe's Story of "Uncle Tom's Cabin"; (6) Sumner's Speech on the 
Crime against Kansas; (7) Words of John Brown; (8) The First Lincoln 
and Douglas Debate. 

The lectures for 1898 were upon " The Old World in the New," as 
follows: "What Spain has done for America," by Rev. Edward G. 
Porter ; " What Italy has done for America," by Rev. William Elliot 
Griffis ; " What France has done for America," by Prof. Jean Charle- 

Magne Bracq ; " What England has done for America," by Miss Kath- 
arine CoMAN ; "What Ireland has done for America," by Prof. F. 
Spencer Baldwin; "What Holland has done for America," by Mr. 
Edwin D. Mead; "What Germany has done for America," by Miss 
Anna B. Thompson; "What Scandinavia has done for America," by 
Mr. Joseph P. Warren. The Leaflets were as follows: (r) Account of 
the Founding of St. Augustine, by Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales; 
(2) Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his Third Voyage; (3) Champlain's Ac- 
count of the Founding of Quebec; (4) Barlowe's Account of the First 
Voyage to Roanoke; (5) Parker's Account of the Settlement of London- 
derry, N.H.; (6) Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River; 
(7) Pastorius's Description of Pennsylvania, 1700: (8) Acrelius's Account 
of the Founding of New Sweden. 

The lectures for 1S99 were upon "The Life and Influence of Washing- 
ton," as follows : " W^ashington in the Revolution," by Mr. John Fiske; 
"Washington and the Constitution," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale; 
" Washington as President of the United States," by Rev. Albert E. 
WiNSHiP; "Washington the True Expander of the Republic," by Mr. 
Edwin D. Mead; "Washington's Interest in Education," by Hon. 
Alfred S. Roe; "The Men who worked with Washington," by Mrs. 
Alice Freeman Palmer; "Washington's Farewell Address," by Rev. 
Franklin Hamilton; "What the World has thought and said of 
Washington," by Prof. Edwin A. Grosvenor. The Leaflets were as 
follows: (i) Washington's Account of the Army at Cambridge in 1775; 
(2) Washington's Letters on the Constitution; (3) Washington's Inaug- 
urals; (4) Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison in 1784; (5) Wash- 
ington's Words on a National University; (6) Letters of Washington and 
Lafayette; (7) Washington's Farewell Address; (8) Henry Lee's F'uneral 
Oration on Washington. 

The lectures for igoo were upon "The United States in the' Nine- 
teenth Century," as follows : " Thomas Jefferson, the First Nineteenth- 
century President," by Edwin D. Mead; "The Opening of the Great 
West," by Rev. William E. Barton ; " Webster and Calhoun, or the 
Nation and the States," by Prof. S. M. Macvane; "Abraham Lincoln 
and the Struggle with Slavery," by Rev. Charles G. Ames; " Steam and 
Electricity, from Fulton to Edison," by Prof. F. Spencer Baldwin; 
"The Progress of Education in the Nineteenth Century," by Mr. Frank 
A. Hill; " The American Poets," by Mrs. May Alden Ward; "America 
and the World," by Hon. John L. Bates. The Leaflets were as follows ; 
(i) Jefferson's Inaugurals ; (2) Account of Louisiana in 1803; (3) Calhoun 
on the Government of the United States ; (4) Lincoln's Cooper Institute 
Address; (5) Chancellor Livingston on the Invention of the Steamboat; 

(6) Horace Mann's Address on the Ground of the Free School System; 

(7) Rufus Choate's Address on the Romance of New England History; 

(8) Kossuth's First Speech in Faneuil Hall. 

The lectures for 1901 were upon "The English Exploration of America," 
as follows : " John Cabot and the First English Expedition to America," 
by Prof. Charles H. Levermore; "Hawkins and Drake in the West 
Indies," by Mr. Joseph P. Warren; "Martin Frobisher and the Search 
for the North-west Passage," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow ; " Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert and his Expedition to Newfoundland," by Mr. Ray Greene 
HuLiNG; "Sir Walter Raleigh and the Story of Roanoke," by Rev. 
Edward Everett Hale; "Bartholomew Gosnold and the Story of 

Cuttyhunk," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis ; "Captain John Smith 
in Virginia and New England," by Hon. Alfred S. Roe; " Richard Hak- 
luyt and his Books about the English Explorers," by Mr. Milan C. Ayres. 
The Leaflets were as follows: (i) John Cabot's Discovery of North 
America; (2) Sir Francis Drake on the Coast of California; (3) Frobish- 
er's First Voyage ; (4) Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Expedition to Newfound- 
land ; (5) Raleigh's First Roanoke Colony; (6) Gosnold's Settlement at 
Cuttyhunk; (7) Captain John Smith's Description of New England; 
(8) Richard Hakluyt's Discourse on Western Planting. 

The lectures for 1902 were upon " How the United States Grew," as 
follows : " The Old Thirteen Colonies," by Hon. John D. Long; " George 
Rogers Clark and the North-west Territory," by Prof. Albert B. Hart; 
"How Jefferson bought Louisiana from Napoleon," by Rev. George 
Hodges; "The Story of Florida," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis; 
" The Lone Star State," by Hon. John L. Bates; " The Oregon Country," 
by Rev. Samuel A. Eliot ; " The Mexican War and What Came of It," by 
Prof. F. Spencer Baldwin ; " Alaska in 1867 and 1902," by Mr. George 
G. WoLKiNS. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Brissot's Account of 
Boston in 1788 ; (2) The Ordinance of 1784 ; (3) The Cession of Louisiana; 
{4) Monroe's Messages on Florida; (5) Capta'n Potter's Account of the 
Fall of the Alamo; (6) Porter's Account of the Discovery of the Colum- 
bia River; (7) Sumner's Report on the War with Mexico; (8) Seward's 
Address on Alaska. 

The lectures for 1903 were upon "The World which Emerson knew," 
as follows : " The Boston into which Emerson was born," by Mr. Edwin 

D. Mead; "The Latin School and Harvard College a Century Ago," by 
Rev. Edward Everett Hale; "Emerson in Concord: The Citizen and 
the Neighbor," by Rev. Loren B. Macdonald ; "Emerson's Friends and 
Fellow-workers," by Mr. George Willis Cooke; " Emerson in Europe, 
and the Men whom he met," by Rev. John Cuckson ; "The Lecturer, 
the Essayist, and the Poet," by Mr. John Tetlow ; " The Anti-slavery 
Struggle and the Civil War," by Rev. Charles G. Ames; "A Century 
from the Birth of Emerson," by Lieut. Governor Curtis Guild, Jr. 
The Leaflets were as follows: (i) William Emerson's F'ourth of July 
Oration, 1802; (2) James G. Carter's Account of the Schools of Massa- 
chusetts in 1824; (3) President Dvvight's Account of Boston at the Be- 
ginning of the Nineteenth Century; (4) Selections from the First Number 
of The Dial : (5) Alexander Ireland's Recollections of Emerson; (6) The 
American Lyceum, 1829; (7) Samuel Hoar's Account of his Expulsion 
from Charleston in 1844; (8) Channing's Essay on National Literature, 

The lectures for 1904 were upon " Heroes of Peace," as follows : " John 
Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians," by Prof. Edward C. Moore ; 
"Horace Mann and his Work for Better Schools," by Mr. George H. 
Martin; "Mary Lyon and her College for Girls," by Miss Mary E. 
WooLLEY; " Elihu Burritt, the Learned Blacksmith," by Rev. Charles 

E. Jefferson; " Peter Cooper, the Generous Giver," by Mr. Edward H. 
Chandler; " Dorothea Dix and her Errands of Mercy," by Rev. Chris- 
topher R. Eliot; "General Armstrong and the Hampton Institute," by 
Pres. Booker T. Washington; "Colonel Waring and How he made 
New York clean," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis. The Leaflets were 
as follows: (i) John Eliot's Day-breaking of the Gospelvvith the Indians; 
(2) Passage on Education and Prosperity, from Horace Mann's Twelfth 


Report; (3) Mary Lyon's Pamphlet on Mount Holyoke Seminary, 1&35; 
(4) Elihu Burritt's Addresses on A Congress of Nations; (5) Peter 
Cooper's Autobiography ; (6) Dorothea Dix's Memorial to the Massachu- 
setts Legislature, 1843; (7) General Armstrong's Account of the Found- 
ing of the Hampton Institute; (8) George E. Waring, Jr.'s, Account of 
Old Jersey. 

The Old South Leaflets, which have been published during the years 
since 1883 in connection with these annual courses of historical lectures 
at the Old South Meeting-house, have attracted so much attention and 
proved of so much service that the Directors have entered upon the pub- 
lication of the Leaflets for general circulation, with the needs of schools, 
colleges, private clubs, and classes especially in mind. The Leaflets are 
prepared by Mr. Edwin D. Mead. They are largely reproductions of im- 
portant original papers, accompanied by useful historical and bibliographi- 
cal notes. They consist, on an average, of twenty pages, and are sold at 
the low price of five cents a copy, or four dollars per hundred. The aim 
is to bring them within easy reach of everybody. The Old South Work, 
founded by Mrs. Mary Ilemenway, and still sustained by provision of her 
will, is a work for the education of the people, and especially the education 
of our young people, in American history and politics ; and its promoters 
believe that few things can contribute better to this end than the wide cir- 
culation of such leaflets as those now undertaken. It is hoped that pro- 
fessors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will welcome them for use 
in their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the societies of young 
men and women now happily being organized in so many places for his- 
torical and political studies. Some idea of the character of these Old 
South Leaflets may be gained from the following list of the subjects of 
the numbers which are now ready. It will be noticed that most of 
the later numbers are the same as certain numbers in the annual series. 
Since 189c they are essentially the same, and persons ordering the Leaflets 
need simply observe the following numbers. 

No. 1. The Consdtution of the United States. 2. The Articles of 
Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's 
Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 
7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Con- 
necticut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's 
Inaugurals. 11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 
12. The FederaUst, Nos. i and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The 
Constitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Govern- 
ors of the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 
1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage, 1524. 18. The Consdtution of Switz- 
erland. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Men- 
doza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Brief Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel 
among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Rise of the 
Indian School at Lebanon, Conn., 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. 
24. The Grand Remonstrance. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 
26. The Agreement of the People. 27. The Instrument of Government. 
28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament. 29. The Discovery of 
America, from the Life of Columbus, by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 
30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, 
from the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and 
Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First 


Voyage and Discovery. 34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First 
Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death 
of De wSoto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early 
Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. Henry Lee's P'uneral Oration 
on Washington. 39. De Vaca's Account of his Journey to New Mexico, 
1535- 40- Manasseh Cutlers Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Wash- 
ington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770. 42. Garfield's Address on 
the North-west Territory and the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers 
Clark's Account of the Capture of Vincennes, 1779. 44. Jefferson's Life 
of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. Fremont's Account of his Ascent of 
Fremont's Peak. 46. Father Marquette at Chicago, 1673. ^7. Washing- 
ton's Account of the Army at Cambridge, 1775. ^^- Bradford's Memoir 
of Elder Brewster. 49. Bradford's First Dialogue. 50. Winthrop's " Con- 
clusions for the Plantation in New England." 51. " New England's First 
Fruits," 1643. 52. John Eliot's " Indian Grammar Begun." 53. John 
Cotton's " God's Promise to his Plantation," 54. Letters of Roger Will- 
iams to Winthrop. 55. Thomas Hooker's "Way of the Churches of New 
England." 56. The Monroe Doctrine : President Monroe's Message of 
1823. 57. The English Bible, selections from the various versions. 58. 
Hooper's Letters to Bullinger. 59. Sir John Eliot's " Apology for Soc- 
rates." 60. Ship-money Papers. 61. Pym's Speech against Strafford. 
62. Cromwell's Second Speech. 63. Milton's "A Free Commonwealth." 
64. Sir Henry Vane's Defence. 65. Washington's Addresses to the 
Churches. 66. Winthrop's " Little Speech " on Liberty. 67. Cotton 
Mather's " Bostonian Ebenezer," from the " Magnalia." 68. Governor 
Hutchinson's Account of the Boston Tea Party. 69. Adrian Van der 
Donck's Description of New Netherlands in 1655. "^O- The Debate in 
the Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress. 71. 
Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, on his Second Voyage. 
72. The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581. 73. Captain John 
Knox's Account of the Battle of Quebec. 74. Hamilton's Report on 
the Coinage. 75. William Penn's Plan for the Peace of Europe. 76. 
Washington's Words on a National University. 77. Cotton Mather's 
Lives of Bradford and Winthrop. 78. The First Number of TAe Liber- 
ator. 79. Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of Garrison. 80. Theodore Par- 
ker's Address on the Dangers from Slavery. 81. Whittier's Account of 
the Anti-slavery Convention of 1833. 82. Mrs. Stowe's Story of "Uncle 
Tom's Cabin." 83. Sumner's Speech on the Crime against Kansas. 84. 
The Words of John Brown. 85. The First Lincoln and Douglas Debate. 
86. Washington's Account of his Capture of Boston. 87. The Manners 
and Customs of the Indians, from Morton's "New English Canaan." 88. 
The Beginning of King Philip's War, from Hubbard's History of Philip's 
War, 1677. 89. Account of the Founding of St. Augustine, by Francisco 
Lopez de Mendoza Grajales. 90. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his 
Third Voyage. 91. Champlain's Account of the Founding of Quebec. 
92. Barlowe's Account of the First Voyage to Roanoke. 93. Parker's 
Account of the Settlement of Londonderry, N.H. 94. Juet's Account 
of the Discovery of the Hudson River. 95. Pastorius's Description of 
Pennsylvania, 1700. 96. Acrelius's Account of the Founding of New 
Sweden. 97. Lafayette in the American Revolution. 98. Letters of 
Washington and Lafayette. 99. Washington's Letters on the Constitu- 
tion. 100. Robert Browne's " Reformation without Tarrying for Any.'* 
101. Grotius's " Rights of War and Peace." 102. Columbus's Account 


of Cuba. 103. John Adams's Inaugural. 104. Jefferson's Inaugurals. 
105. Account of Louisiana in 1803. 106. Calhoun on the Government 
of the United States. 107. Lincoln's Cooper Institute Address. 108. 
Chancellor Livingston on the Invention of the Steamboat. 109. Horace 
Mann's Address on the Ground of the Free School System. 110. Rufus 
Choate's Address on the Romance of New England History. 111. Kos- 
suth's First Speech in Faneuil Hall. 112. King Alfred's Description of 
Europe. 113. Augustine in England. 114. The Hague Arbitration 
Treaty. 115. John Cabot's Discovery of North America. 116. Sir 
Francis Drake on the Coast of California. 117. Frobisher's First Voy- 
age. 118. Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Expedition to Newfoundland. 119. 
Raleigh's First Roanoke Colony. 120. Gosnold's Settlement at Cutty- 
hunk. 121. Captain John Smith's Description of New England. 122. 
Richard Hakluyt's Discourse on Western Planting. 123. Selections from 
Dante's " Monarchia." 124. Selections from More's " Utopia." 125. 
Wyclif's English Bible. 126. Brissot's Account of Boston in 17 88. 
127. The Ordinance of 1784. 128. The Cession of Louisiana. 129. 
Monroe's Messages on Florida, 130. Captain Potter's Account of the 
Fall of the Alamo. 131. Porter's Account of the Discovery of the 
Columbia River. 132. Sumner's Report on the War with Mexico. 133. 
Seward's Address on Alaska. 134. William Emerson's Fourth of July 
Oration, 1S02. 135. James G. Carter's Account of the Schools of Massa- 
chusetts in 1824. 136. President Dwight's Account of Boston at the Be- 
ginning of the Nineteenth Century. 137. Selections from the First 
Number of The Dial. 138. Alexander Ireland's Recollections of Emer- 
son. 139. The American Lyceum, 1829. 140. Samuel Hoar's Ac- 
count of his Expulsion from Charleston in 1844. 141. Channing's Essay 
on Natural Literature, 1830. 142. Words of John Robinson. 143. John 
Eliot's '• Day-breaking of the Gospel with the Indians." 144. Passage 
on Education and Prosperity, from Horace Mann's Twelfth Report. 145. 
Mary Lyon's Pamphlet on Mount Holyoke Seminary, 1835. 146. Elihu 
Burritt's Addresses on a Congress of Nations. 147. Peter Cooper's Au- 
tobiography. 148. Dorothea Dix's Memorial to the Massachusetts Legis 
lature, 1S43. 149. General Armstrong's Account of the Founding of the 
Hampton Institute. 150. George E. Waring, Jr.'s, Account of Old Jersey. 

The leaflets, which are sold at five cents a copy or four dollars per 
hundred, are also furnished in bound volumes, each volume containing 
twenty-five leaflets : Vol. i., Nos. 1-25 ; Vol. ii., 26-50 ; Vol. iii., 51-75 ; 
Vol. iv., 76-100; Vol. v., 101-125 ; Vol. vi., 126-150. Price per volume, 
$1.50. Title-pages with table of contents will be furnished to all pur- 
chasers of the leaflets who wish to bind them for themselves. Annual 
series of eight leaflets each, in paper covers, 50 cents a volume. 

Meeting-house, Boston. 

It is hoped that this list of Old South Lectures and Leaflets will meet 
the needs of many clubs and classes engaged in the study of history, as 
well as the needs of individuaj students, serving as a table of topics. The 
subjects of the lectures in the various courses will be found to have a 
logical sequence ; and the leaflets accompanying the several lectures can 
be used profitably in connection, containing as they do full historical notes 
and references to the best literature on the subjects of the lectures. 

OLD SOUTH ESSAYS, 1881-1904. 

The Old South prizes for the best essays on subjects in American his- 
tory were first offered by Mrs. Hemenway in 1881, and they have been 
awarded regularly in each successive year since. The competition is open 
to all graduates of the various Boston high schools in the current year and 
the preceding year. Two subjects are proposed each year, forty dollars 
being awarded for the best essay on each of the subjects named, and 
twenty-five dollars for the second best, — in all, four prizes. 

The first prize essay for 1881, on "The Policy of the early Colonists of 
Massachusetts toward Quakers and Others whom they regarded as In- 
truders," by Henry I^. Southwick, and one of the first-prize essays for 
1889, on " Washington's Interest in Education," by Miss Caroline C. 
Stecker, have been printed, and can be procured at the Old South Meeting- 
house. Another of the prize essays on " Washington's Interest in Educa- 
tion," by Miss Julia K. Ordway, was published in the N'ew England Maga- 
zine, for May, 1890; one of the first-prize essays for 1890, on "Philip, 
Pontiac, and Tecumseh," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, appeared in the 
New England Magazine for September, 1891 ; one of the first-prize essays 
for 1891, on " Marco Polo's Explorations in Asia and their Influence upon 
Columbus," by Miss Helen P. Margesson, in the number for August, 1892; 
one for 1893, on "The Part of Massachusetts Men in the Ordinance of 
1787," by Miss EUzabeth H. Tetlow, in March, 1895; c»ne for 1898, on 
" The Struggle of France and England for North America," by Caroline 
B. Shaw, in January, 1900 ; and one for 1901, on "Early Explorations 
of the New England Coast," by Hyman Askowith, in March, 1903. 

The Old South essayists of these years now number over two hun- 
dred; and they naturally represent the best historical scholarship of their 
successive years in the Boston high schools. They have been organized 
into an Old South Historical Society, which holds monthly meetings for 
the reading of papers and general discussion. The meetings of the society 
for the season of 1896-97 were devoted to the study of the Anti-slavery 
Struggle. The general subject for the season of 1897-98 was "The Heri- 
tage of Slavery," taking up reconstruction, the education of the freedmen, 
etc. The subject for 1898-99 was " The History of the Spanish Power in 
America." The 1899-1900 studies were of " Economic and Social Forces 
in Massachusetts to 1800." The courses for 1900-1901 and 1901-1902 
were on "The Puritan Movement." The course for 1902-1903 was on 
various movements in the United States during the nineteenth century. 
The course for 1903-1904 was on the French and Indian Wars. 

The society has also instituted annual historical pilgrimages, in which it 
invites the young people of Boston and vicinity to join. Its first pilgrim- 
age, in 1896, was to old Rutland, Mass., " the cradle of Ohio." Its second 
pilgrimage, June, 1897, in which six hundred joined, was to the homes of 
Whittier by the Merrimack. The third pilgrimage, June, 1898, joined in 
by an equal number, was to the King Philip Country, Mount Hope, R.I. 
The 1899 pilgrimage was to Plymouth. The 1900 pilgrimage was to New- 
buryport. The 1901 pilgrimage was to Newport. The 1902 pilgrimage 
was to Portsmouth. The 1903 pilgrimage was again to the Whittier 
country. The 1904 pilgrimage was to Andover. 


The subjects of the Old South essays from iSSi to 1904 are given below, 
in the hope that they will prove suggestive and stimulating to other stu- 
dents and societies. It will be observed that the subjects of the later 
essays are closely related to the subjects of the lectures for the year. 

1 88 1. What was the policy of the early colonists of Massachusetts toward 
Quakers and others whom they regarded as intruders ? Was this policy in 
any respect objectionable, and, if so, what excuses can be offered for it ? 

Why did the American colonies separate from the mother country? 
Did the early settlers look forward to any such separation, and, if not, how 
and when did the wish for it grow up ? What was the difference between 
the form of government which they finally adopted and that under which 
they had before been living? 

1882. Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain boys; or, the early history 
of the New Hampshire grant, afterward called Vermont. 

The town meeting in the Old South Meeting-house on July 22 and 28^ 
1774. _ ^■ 

1883. The right and wrong of the policy of the United States toward 
the North American Indians. 

What were the defects of the " Articles of Confederation " between the 
United States, and why was the " Constitution of the United States " sub 
stituted ? 

1884. Why did the Pilgrim Fathers come to New England? 

The struggle to maintain the Massachusetts charter, to its final loss in 
1684. Discuss the relation of the struggle to the subsequent struggle of 
the colonies for independence. 

1885. Slavery as it once prevailed in Massachusetts. 

The " States Rights" doctrine in New England, with special reference to 
the Hartford Convention. 

1S86. The Boston town meetings and their influence in the American 

English opinion upon the American Revolution preceding and during 
the war. 

1887. The Albany Convention of 1754, its history and significance, 
with reference to previous and subsequent movements toward union in the 

Is a Congress of two houses or a Congress of one house the better? 
What was said about it in the Constitutional Convention, and what is to 
be said about it to-day ? 

18S8. England's part in the Crusades, and the influence of the Crusades 
upon the development of English liberty. 

The political thought of Sir Henry Vane. Consider Vane's relations to 
Cromwell and his influence upon America. 

1889. The influence of French political thought upon America during 
the period of the American and French Revolutions. 

Washington's interest in the cause of education. Consider especially his 
project of a national university. 

1890. Efforts for the education of the Indians in the American colonies 
before the Revolution. 

King Philip, Pontiac, and Tecumseh : discuss their plans for Indian 
union and compare their characters. 

1891. The introduction of printing into England by William Caxton, 
and its effects upon English literature and life. 

Marco Polo's explorations in Asia, and their influence upon Columbus. 


1892. The native races of Mexico, and their civilization at the time of 
the conquest by Cortes. 

English explorations in America during the century following the dis- 
covery by Columbus. 

1893. The part taken by Massachusetts men in connection with the 
Ordinance of 1787. 

Coronado and the early ^Spanish explorations of New Mexico. 

1894. The relations of the founders of New England to the Univer- 
sities of Cambridge and Oxford. 

The Fundamental Orders of Connecticut and their place in the history 
of written constitutions. 

1895. New England politics as affected by the changes in England 
from 1629 to 1692, the dates of the two Massachusetts charters. 

The character of Cromwell as viewed by his contemporaries. Consider 
especially the tributes of Milton and Marvell. 

1896. Early historical writings in America, from Captain John Smith to 
Governor Hutchinson. 

The Harvard historians, and the services of Harvard University for 
American history. 

1897. The history of slavery in the Northern States and of Anti-sla- 
very Sentiment in the South before the Civil War. 

The Anti-slavery movement in American literature. 

1898. The Struggle of France and England for North America, from 
the founding of Quebec by Champlain till the capture of Quebec by 

The History of Immigration to the United States from the close of the 
Revolution t6 the present time. Consider the race and character of the 
immigrants in the earlier and later periods. 

1899. The American Revolution under Washington and the English 
Revolution under Cromwell: Compare their Causes, Aims, and Results. 

Washington's Plan for a National University: The Argument for it a 
Hundred Years Ago and the Argument To-day. 

1900. The Monroe Doctrine: Its History and Purpose. 
Longfellow's Poetry of America: His Use of American Subjects and his 

Services for American History. 

1 90 1. The Explorations of the New England Coast previous to the 
landing of the Pilgrims in 1620, with special reference to the early maps. 

The Services of Richard Hakluyt in promoting the English coloniza- 
tion of America. 

1902. The Political History of the Louisiana Territory, from the Treaty 
of Paris in 1763 to the Admission of Louisiana as a State in 1812. 

Explorations beyond the Mississippi, from the Discovery of the Colum- 
bia River by Captain Gray to the Last Expedition under Fremont. 

1903. The Works of Emerson in their Reference to American History, 
— the Colonial period, the period of the Revolution, and the period of the 
Anti-slavery Struggle and the Civil War. 

The Condition of Public Education in Massachusetts at the Beginning 
of the Nineteenth Century. 

1904. The services of Elihu Burritt and other Americans in connection 
with the International Peace Congresses in Europe from 1843 ^^ 185^ • 

The life and work of Francis Parkman as an illustration of heroic de- 
votion in the historical scholar. 

(©ID J>outl3 %tafltt$. 

No. 143. 

The Day- 
Breaking of the 
Gospel with 
the Indians. 


The Day-Breaking, if not the Sun-Rising of the Gospell with 
THE Indians in New England. London, Printed by Rich. 
Cotes, for Fulk Clifton, and are to bee sold at his shop 
under Saint Margarets Church on New-fish-street Hill, 


A True Relation of our beginnings with the Indians. 

Upon October 28. 1646. four of us (having sought God) went 
unto the Indians inhabiting within our bounds, with desire to 
make known the things of their peace to them. A little before 
we came to their Wigwams, five or six of the chief of them met 
us with English salutations, bidding us much welcome; who 
leading us into the principall Wigwam of Waaitbon, we found 
many more Indians, men, women, children, gathered together 
from all quarters round about, according to appointment, to 
meet with us, and learne of us. Waanbon the chief minister of 
Justice among them exhorting and inviting them before there- 
unto, being one who gives more grounded hopes of serious re- 
spect to the things of God, then any that as yet I have knowne 
of that forlorne generation; and therefore since wee first began 
to deale seriously with him, hath voluntarily offered his eldest 
son to be educated and trained up in the knowledge of God, 
hoping, as hee told us, that he might come to know him, although 
hee despaired much concerning himself; and accordingly his 


son was accepted, and is now at school in Dedham, whom we found 
at this time standing by his father among the rest of his Indian 
brethren in EngHsh clothes. 

They being all there assembled, we began with prayer, which 
now was in English, being not so farre acquainted with the Indian 
language as to expresse our hearts herein before God or them, 
but wee hope it will bee done ere long, the Indians desiring it 
that they also might know how to pray; but thus wee began in 
an unknowne tongue to them, partly to let them know that this 
dutie in hand was serious and sacred, (for so much some of 
them understand by what is undertaken at prayer) partly also 
in regard of our selves, that wee might agree together in the same 
request and heart sorrowes for them even in that place where 
God was never wont to be called upon. 

When prayer was ended it was a glorious affecting spectacle 
to see a company of perishing, forlorne outcasts, diligently at- 
tending to the blessed word of salvation then delivered; profess- 
ing they understood all that which was then taught them in their 
owne tongue; it much affected us that they should smell some 
things of the Alabaster box broken up in that darke and 
gloomy habitation of filthinesse and uncleane spirits. For about 
an houre and a quarter the Sermon continued, wherein one of 
our company ran thorough all the principall matter of religion, 
beginning first with a repetition of the ten Commandments, and 
a briefe explication of them, then shewing the curse and dreadfull 
wrath of God against all those who brake them, or any one of 
them, or the least title of them, and so applyed it unto the con- 
dition of the Indians present, with much sweet affection; and 
then preached Jesus Christ to them the onely meanes of 
recovery from sinne and wrath and eternall death, and what 
Christ was, and whither he was now gone, and how hee will one 
day come againe to judge the world in flaming fire; and of the 
blessed estate of all those that by faith beleeve in Christ, and 
know him feelingly: he spake to them also (observing his owne 
method as he saw most filt to edifie them) about the creation and 
fall of man, about the greatnesse and infinite being of God, the 
maker of all things, about the joyes of heaven, and the terrours 
and horrours of wicked men in hell, perswading them to repent- 
ance for severall sins which they five in, and many things of the 
like nature; not medling with any matters more difficult, and 
which to such weake ones might at first seeme ridiculous, until! 
they had tasted and beleeved more plaine and familiar truths. 

Having thus in a set speech famiharly opened the principal 
matters of salvation to them, the next thing wee intended was 
discourse with them by propounding certaine questions to see 
what they would say to them, that so wee might skrue by variety 
of meanes something or other of God into them; but before wee 
did this we asked them if they understood all that which was 
already spoken, and whether all of them in the Wigwam did 
understand or onely some few? and they answered to this ques- 
tion with multitude of voyces, that they all of them did under- 
stand all that which was then spoken to them. We then desired 
to know of them, if they would propound any question to us for 
more cleare understanding of what was delivered; whereupon 
severall of them propounded presently severall questions, (far 
different from what some other Indians under Kitshomakin in 
the like meeting about six weekes before had done, viz. i. What 
was the cause of Thunder. 2. Of the Ebbing and Flowing of 
the Sea. 3. Of the wind) but the questions (which wee thinke 
some speciall wisedome of God directed these unto) (which these 
propounded) were in number six. 

How may wee come to know Jesus Christ? 

Our first answer was. That if they were able to read our Bible, 
the book of God, therein they should see most cleerely what Jesus 
Christ was: but because they could not do that; therefore. 

Secondly, we wisht them to thinke, and meditate of so much 
as had been taught them, and which they now heard out of Gods 
booke, and to thinke much and often upon it, both when they 
did lie downe on their Mats in their Wigwams, and when they 
rose up, and to goe alone in the fields and woods, and muse on 
it, and so God would teach them; especially if they used a third 
helpe, which was. 

Prayer to God to teach them and reveale Jesus Christ unto 
them; and wee told them, that although they could not make any 
long prayers as the English could, yet if they did but sigh and 
groane, and say thus; Lord make mee know Jesus Christ, for 
I know him not, and if they did say so againe and againe with 
their hearts that God would teach them Jesus Christ, because 
hee is such a God as will bee found of them that seeke him with 
all their hearts, and hee is a God hearing the prayers of all men 
both Indian as well as English, and that English men by this 
meanes have come to the knowledge of Jesus Christ. 

The last helpe wee gave them was repentance, they must con- 
fesse their sinnes and ignorance unto God, and mourne for it, 


and acknowledge how just it is^ for God to deny them the knowl- 
edge of Jesus Christ or any thing else because of their sinnes. 

These things were spoken by him who had preached to them 
in their cvvTie language, borrowing now and then some small 
helpe from the Interpreter whom wee brought with us, and who 
could oftentimes expresse our minds more distinctly then any 
of us could; but this wee perceived, that a few words from the 
Preacher were more regarded then many from the Indian Inter- 

One of them after this answer, replyed to us, that hee w^as a 
little while since praying in his Wigwam^ unto God and Jesus 
Christ, that God would give him a good heart, and that while 
hee was praying, one of his fellow Indians interrupted him, and 
told him, that hee prayed in vaine, because Jesus Christ under- 
stood not what Indians speake in prayer, he had bin used to heare 
English man pray and so could well enough understand them, 
but Indian language in prayer hee thought hee was not acquainted 
with it, but was a stranger to it, and therefore could not under- 
stand them. His question therefore was, whether Jesus Christ 
did understand, or God did understand Indian prayers. 

This question sounding just like themselves, wee studied to 
give as familiar an answer as wee could, and therefore in this 
as in all other our answers, we endeavoured to speake nothing 
without clearing of it up by some familiar simihtude; our answer 
summarily w^as therefore this, that Jesus Christ and God by him 
made all things, and makes all men, not onely English but Indian 
men, and if hee made them both (which wee know the light of 
nature would readily teach as they had been also instructed by 
us) then hee knew all that was within man and came from man, 
all his desires, and all his thoughts, and all his speeches, and so 
all his prayer; and if hee made Indian men, then hee knowes all 
Indian prayers also: and therefore wee bid them looke upon 
that Indian Basket that was before them, there was black and 
white strawes, and many other things they made it of, now 
though others did not know what those things were who made 
not the Basket, yet hee that made it must needs tell all the things 
in it, so (wee said) it was here. 

Another propounded this question after this answer. Whether 
English men were ever at any time so ignorant of God and Jesus 
Christ as themselves? 

When wee perceived the root and reach of this question, wee 
gave them this answer, that there are two sorts of English men^ 


some are bad and naught, and live wickedly and loosely, (de- 
scribing them) and these kind of English men wee told them 
were in a manner as ignorant of Jesus Christ as the Indians now 
are; but there are a second sort of English men, who though for 
a time they lived wickedly also like other prophane and ignorant 
English, yet repenting of their sinnes, and seeking after God 
and Jesus Christ, they are good men now, and now know Christ, 
and love Christ, and pray to Christ, and are thankfull for all 
they have to Christ, and shall at last when they dye, goe up to 
heaven to Christ; and we told them all these also were once as 
ignorant of God and Jesus Christ as the Indians are, but by 
seeking to know him by reading his booke, and hearing his word, 
and praying to him, &c. they now know^ Jesus Christ, and just 
so shall the Indians know him if they so seeke him also, although 
at the present they bee extremely ignorant of him. 

How can there be an Image of God, because it's forbidden in 
the second Commandment? 

Wee told them that Image was all one Picture, as the Picture 
of an Indian, Bow and Arrowes on a tree, with such little eyes 
and such faire hands, is not an Indian but the Picture or Image 
of an Indian, and that Picture man makes, and it can doe no 
hurt nor good. So the Image or Picture of God is not God, but 
wicked men make it, and this Image can doe no good nor hurt 
to any man as God can. 

Whether, if the father bee naught, and the child good, will 
•God bee offended with that child, because in the second Com- 
mandment it's said, that hee visits the sinnes of fathers upon the 
children ? 

Wee told them the plainest answer wee could thinke of, viz. that 
if the child bee good, and the father bad, God will not bee offended 
with the child, if hee repents of his owne and his fathers sinnes, 
and foUowes not the steps of his wicked father; but if the child 
bee also bad, then God will visit the sins of fathers upon them, 
and therefore wisht them to consider of the other part of the 
promise made to thousands of them that love God and the Evan- 
genesh Jehovah, i.e. the Commandments of Jehovah. 

How all the world is become so full of people, if they were all 
once drowned in the Flood ? 

Wee told them the story and causes of Noahs preservation in 
the Arke at large, and so their questioning ended; and therefore 
wee then saw our time of propounding some few questions to 
them, and so take occasion thereby to open matters of God more 
fully. 385 

Our first question was, Whether they did not desire to see 
God, and were not tempted to thinke that there was no God, 
because they cannot see him? 

Some of them replyed thus; that indeed they did desire to see 
him if it could bee, but they had heard from us that hee could 
not be seene, and they did beleive that though their eies could 
npt see him, yet that hee was to bee seene with their soule within: 
Hereupon we sought to confirme them the more, and asked them 
if they saw a great Wigwam, or a great house, would they thinke 
that Racoones or Foxes built it that had no wisedome or would 
they thinke that it made it selfe ? or that no wise workman made 
it, because they could not see him that made it? No but they 
would beleeve some wise workman made it though they did not 
see him; so should they beleeve concerning God, when they 
looked up to heaven, Sunne, Moone, and Stars, and saw this, 
great house he hath made, though they do not see him with their 
eyes, yet they have good cause to beleeve with their soules that 
a wise God, a great God made it. 

We knowing that a great block in their way to beleiving is that 
there should bee but one God, (by the profession of the English) 
and yet this God in many places; therefore we asked them whether 
it did not seeme strange that there should bee but one God, and 
yet this God in Massachusets, at Coneetacnt, at Quimipeiock, in 
old England, in this Wigwam, in the next every where. 

Their answer was by one most sober among them, that indeed 
it was strange, as every thing else they heard preached was 
strange also, and they were wonderfull things which they never 
heard of before; but yet they thought it might bee true, and that 
God was so big every where: whereupon we further illustrated 
what wee said, by wishing them to consider of the light of the 
Sun, which though it be but a creature made by God, yet the 
same light which is in this Wigwam was in the next also, and 
the same light which was here at Massachusets w^as at Qiiini- 
peiock also and in old England also, and every where at one and 
the same time the same, much more was it so concerning God. 

Whether they did not finde somewhat troubhng them within 
after the commission of sin, as murther, adultery, theft, lying, 
&c. and what they thinke would comfort them against that 
trouble when they die and appeare before God, (for some knowl- 
edge of the immortality of the soule almost all of them have.) 

They told us they were troubled, but they could not tell what 
to say to it, what should comfort them; hee therefore who spake 

to them at first concluded with a dolefull description (so farre 
as his ability to speake in that tongue would carry him) of the 
trembling and mourning condition of every soul that dies in 
sinne, and that shall be cast out of favour with God. 

Thus after three houres time thus spent with them, wee asked 
them if they were not weary, and they answered. No. But wee 
resolved to leave them with an appetite; the chiefe of them seeing 
us conclude with prayer, desired to know when wee would come 
againe, so wee appointed the time, and having given the children 
some apples, and the men some tobacco and what else we then 
had at hand, they desired some more ground to build a Town 
together, which wee did much like of, promising to speake for 
them to the generall Court, that they might possesse all the com- 
passe of that hill, upon which their Wigwams then stood, and so 
wee departed with many welcomes from them. 

A true relation oj our roniing to the Indians the second time. 

Upon November ii. 1646. we came the second time unto the 
same Wigwam of Waawbon, where we found many more Indians 
met together then the first time wee came to them: and having 
seates provided for us by themselves, and being sate downe a 
while, wee began againe with prayer in the English tongue; our 
beginning this time was with the younger sort of Indian children 
in Catechizing of them, which being the first time of instructing 
them, we thought meet to aske them but only three questions 
in their own language, that we might not clog their mindes or 
memories with too much at first, the questions (asked and an- 
swered in the Indian tongue) were these three, i Qu. Who made 
you and all the world? Answ. God. 2. Qu. Who doe you 
looke should save you and redeeme you from sinne and hell ? 
Answ. Jesus Christ. 3. Qu. How many commandments hath 
God given you to keepe? Ansiu. Ten. These questions Vjeing 
propounded to the Children severally, and one by one, and the 
answers being short and easie, hence it came to passe that before 
wee went thorow all, those who were last catechized had more 
readily learned to answer to them, by hearing the same question 
so oft propounded and answered before by their fellowes; and 
the other Indians who were growne up to more yeares had per- 
fectly learned them, whom wee therefore desired to teach their 
children againe when wee were absent, that so when wee came 
againe wee might see their profiting, the better to encourage 
them hereunto, wee therefore gave something to every childe. 



This Catechisme being soone ended, hee that preached to them, 
began thus (speaking to them in their own language) viz. Wee 
are come to bring you good newes from the great God Almighty 
maker of Heaven and Earth, and to tell yon how evill and wicked 
men may come to hee good, so as while they live they may bee happy, 
and when they die they may goe to God and live in Heaven. Hav- 
ing made this preface, hee began first to set forth God unto them 
by familiar descriptions, in his glorious power, goodnesse, and 
greatnesse, and then set forth before them what his will was, 
and what hee required of all men even of the Indians themselves, 
in the ten commandments, and then told them the dreadfuU tor- 
ment and punishment of all such as breake any one of those holy 
commandments, and how angry God was for any sinne and trans- 
gression, yet notwithstanding hee had sent Jesus Christ to die 
for their sinnes and to pacific God by his sufferings in their stead 
and roome, if they did repent and beleeve the Gospell, and that 
hee would love the poore miserable Indians if now they sought 
God and beleeved in Jesus Christ: threatening the sore wrath 
of God upon ail such as stood out and neglected such great sal- 
vation whicji now. God offered unto them, by those who sought 
nothing more then their salvation : thus continuing to preach the 
space of an houre, we desired them to propound some questions; 
which were these following. Before I name them it may not be 
amisse to take notice of the mighty power of the word which 
visibly appeared especially in one of them, who in hearing these 
things about sinne and hell, and Jesus Christ, powred out many 
teares and shewed much affliction without affectation of being 
seene, desiring rather to conceale his griefe which (as was gath- 
ered from his carriage) the Lord forced from him. 

The first Question was suddenly propounded by an old man 
then present, who hearing faith and repentance preacht upon 
them to finde salvation by Jesus Christ, hee asked whether it 
was not too late for such an old man as hee, who was neare death 
to repent or seeke after God. 

This Question alTected us not a little with compassion, and 
we held forth to him the Bible, and told him what God said in 
it concerning such as are hired at the eleventh houre of the day: 
wee told him also that if a father had a sonne that had been dis- 
obedient many yeares, yet if at last that sonne fall downe upon 
his knees and w^eepe and desire his father to love him, his father 
is so mercifull that hee will readily forgive him and love him; 
so wee said it was much more with God who is a more mercifull 

father to those whom hee hath made, then any father can bee 
to his rebeUious childe whom he hath begot, if they fall downe 
and weepe, and pray, repent, and desire forgivenesse for Jesus 
Christ's sake; and wee farther added that looke as if a father 
did call after his childe to returne and repent promising him 
favour, the childe might then bee sure that his father would for- 
give him; so wee told them that now was the day of God risen 
upon them, and that now the Lord was calling of them to repent- 
ance, and that he had sent us for that end to preach repentance 
for the remission of sins, and that therefore they might bee sure 
to finde favour though they had lived many yeares in sinne, and 
that therefore if now they did repent it was not too late as the old 
man feared, but if they did not come when they were thus called, 
God would bee greatly angry with them, especially considering 
that now they must sinne against knowledge, whereas before we 
came to them they knew not any thing of God at all. 

Having spent much time in clearing up the first question, the 
next they propounded (upon our answer) was this, viz. How 
come the English to differ so much from the Indians in the knowl- 
edge of God and Jesus Christ, seeing they had all at first but one 

Wee confessed that it was true that at first wee had all but 
one father, but after that our first father fell, hee had divers chil- 
dren some were bad and some good, those that were bad would 
not take his counsell but departed from him and from God, and 
those God left alone in sinne and ignorance, but others did re- 
gard him and the counsell of God by him, and those knew God, 
and so the difference arose at first, that some together with their 
posterity knew God, and others did not; and so wee told them 
it was this day, for like as if an old man an aged father amongst 
them have many children, if some of them bee rebeUious against 
the counsell of the father, he shuts them out of doores, and lets 
them goe, and regards them not, unlesse they returne and re- 
pent, but others that will bee ruled by him, they learne by him 
and come to know his minde; so wee said English men seek God, 
dwell in his house, heare his word, pray to God, instruct their 
children out of Gods booke, hence they come to know God; but 
Indians forefathers were stubborne and rebellious children, and 
would not heare the word, did not care to pray nor to teach their 
children, and hence Indians that now are, do not know God at 
all: and so must continue unlesse they repent, and returne to 
God and pray, and teach their children what they now may 



learne: but withall wee told them that many EngHsh men did 
not know God but were like to Kitchamakins drunken Indians; 
Nor were wee willing to tell them the story of the scattering of 
Noahs children since the flood, and thereby to shew them how 
the Indians come to bee so ignorant, because it was too difficult, 
and the history of the Bible is reserved for them (if God will) 
to be opened at a more convenient season in their owne tongue. 

Their third question was. How may wee come to serve God? 

Wee asked him that did propound it whether he did desire 
indeed to serve him? and hee said, yes. Hereupon wee said, 
first, they must lament their blindnesse and sinfulnesse that they 
cannot serve him; and their ignorance of Gods booke (which 
wee pointed to) which directs how to serve him. Secondly, that 
they could not serve God but by seeking forgivenesse of their 
sinnes and power against their sinnes in the bloud of Jesus Christ 
who was preached to them. Thirdly, that looke as an Indian 
childe, if he would serve his father, hee must first know his fathers 
will and love his father too, or else he can never serve him, but 
if hee did know his fathers will and love him, then he would serve 
him, and then if hee should not doe some things as his father 
commands him, and yet afterwards grieve for it upon his knees 
before his father, his father would pity and accept him: so wee 
told them it was with God, they must labour to know his will 
and love God and then they will bee willing to serve him, and if 
they should then sin, yet grieving for it before God he would pity 
and accept of them. 

Their fourth Question was. How it comes to passe that the 
Sea water was salt, and the Land water fresh. 

'Tis so from the wonderfull worke of God, as why are Straw- 
berries sweet and Cranberries sowre, there is no reason but the 
wonderfull worke of God that made them so: our study was 
chiefly to make them acknowledge God in his workes, yet wee 
gave them also the reason of it from naturall causes which they 
lesse understood, yet did understand somewhat appearing by 
their usuall signes of approving what they understand. 

Their fifth Question was, that if the water was higher then the 
earth, how comes it to passe that it doth not overflow all the 
earth ? 

Wee still held God before them, and shewed that this must 
needes bee the wonderfull worke of God, and we tooke an apple 
and thereby shewed them how the earth and water made one 
round globe like that apple; and how the Sun moved about it; 


and then shewed them how God made a great hole or ditch, 
into which hee put the waters of the Sea, so that though it was 
upon the earth and therefore above the earth, yet we told them 
that by making so deepe a hole the waters were kept within com- 
passe that they could not overflow, just as if Indians making a 
hole to put in much water, the water cannot overflow nor runne 
abroad, which they would if they had no such hole; so it was 
with God, it was his mighty power that digged a hole for all Sea- 
waters, as a deepe ditch, and there by God kept them in from 
overflowing the whole earth, which otherwise would quickly 
drowne all. 

They having spent much conference amongst themselves about 
these Questions and the night hastening, we desired them to 
propound some other Questions, or if not, we would aske them 
some, hereupon one of them asked us; If a man hath committed 
adultery or stolen any goods, and the Sachim doth not punish 
him, nor by any law is hee punished, if also he restore the goods 
he hath stolen, what then? whether is not all well now? meaning 
that if Gods Law was broken and no man punished him for it, 
that then no punishment should come from God for it, and as 
if by restoring againe an amends was made to God. 

Although man be not offended for such sinnes yet God is angry, 
and his anger burnes like fire against all sinners: and here wee 
set out the holinesse and terrour of God in respect of the least 
sinne; yet if such a sinner with whom God is angry fly to Jesus 
Christ, and repent and seeke for mercy and pardon for Christ's 
sake, that then God will forgive and pity. Upon the hearing of 
which answer hee that propounded the question drew somewhat 
backe and hung downe his head as a man smitten to the very 
heart, with his eyes ready to drop, and within a little while after 
brake out into a complaint, Mee little know Jesus Christ, other- 
wise he thought he should seeke him better: we therefore told 
him, that looke as it was in the morning at first there is but a 
little light, then there is more light, then there is day, then the 
Sun is up, then the Sun warmes and heates, &c. so it was true 
they knew but little of Jesus Christ now, but wee had more to tell 
them concerning him hereafter, and after that more and after 
that more, untill at last they may come to know Christ as the 
English doe; and wee taught them but a little at a time, because 
they could understand but little, and if they prayed to God to 
teach them, he would send his Spirit and teach *them more, they 
and their fathers had lived in ignorance untill now, it hath beene 



a long night wherein they have slept and have not regarded God, 
but now the day-light began to stirre upon them, they might 
hope therefore for more ere long, to bee made knowne to them. 

Thus having spent some houres with them, wee propounded 
two Questions. 

What do you remember of what was taught you since the last 
time wee were here? 

After they had spoken one to another for some time, one of 
them returned this answer, that they did much thanke God for 
our comming, and for what they heard, they were wonderfuU 
things unto them. 

Doe you beleeve the things that are told you, viz. that God is 
miisqiiantum , i.e. very angry for the least sinne in your thoughts, 
or words, or workes? 

They said yes, and hereupon wee set forth the terrour of God 
against sinners, and mercy of God to the penitent, and to such 
as sought to know Jesus Christ, and that as sinners should bee 
after death, Chechainuppan, i.e. tormented alive, (for wee know 
no other word in the tongue to expresse extreame torture by) 
so beleevers should after death Wowein wieke Jehovah, i.e. live 
in all blisse with Jehovah the blessed God: and so we concluded 

Having thus spent the whole afternoone, and night being almost 
come upon us; considering that the Indians formerly desired to 
know how to pray, and did thinke that Jesus Christ did not un- 
derstand Indian language, one of us therefore prepared to pray 
in their own language, and did so for above a quarter of an houre 
together, wherein divers of them held up eies and hands to 
heaven; all of them (as wee understood afterwards) understand- 
ing the same; but one of them I cast my eye upon, was hanging 
downe his head with his rag before his eyes weeping; at first I 
feared it was some sorenesse of his eyes, but lifting up his head 
againe, having wiped his eyes (as not desirous to be seene) I 
easily perceived his eyes were not sore, yet somewhat red with 
crying; and so held up his head for a while, yet such was the 
presence and mighty power of the Lord Jesus on his heart that 
hee hung downe his head againe, and covered his eyes againe 
and so fell wiping and wiping of them weeping abundantly, con- 
tinuing thus till prayer was ended, after which hee presently 
turnes from us, and turnes his face to a side and corner of the 
Wigwam, and there fals a weeping more abundantly by him- 
self e, which one of us perceiving, went to him, and spake to him 


encouraging words; at the hearing of which hee fell a weeping 
more and more; so leaving of him, he who spake to him came unto 
mee (being newly gone out of the Wigwam) and told mee of his 
teares, so we resolved to goe againe both of us to him, and speake 
to him againe, and wee met him comming out of the Wigwam, 
and there wee spake againe to him, and he there fell into a more 
abundant renewed weeping, like one deeply and inwardly affected 
indeed, which forced us also to such bowels of compassion that 
wee could not forbeare weeping over him also: and so wee parted 
greatly rejoicing for such sorrowing. 

Thus I have as faithfully as I could remember given you a 
true account of our beginnings with the Indians within our owne 
bounds; which cannot but bee matter of more serious thoughts 
what further to doe with these poore Natives the dregs of man- 
kinde and the saddest spectacle of misery of meere men upon 
earth: wee did thinke to forbeare going to them this winter, but 
this last dayes worke wherein God set his seale from heaven of 
acceptance of our little, makes those of us who are able, to re- 
solve to adventure thorow frost and snow, lest the fire goe out of 
their hearts for want of a little more fewall: to which we are the 
more incouraged, in that the next day after our being with them, 
one of the Indians came to his house who preacht to them to 
speake with him, who in private conference wept exceedingly, 
and said that all that night the Indians could not sleepe, partly 
with trouble of minde, and partly with wondring at the things 
they heard preacht amongst them; another Indian comming alsa 
to him the next day after, told him how many of the wicked sort 
of Indians began to oppose these beginnings. 

Whence these Indians came here to inhabit is not certaine, his 
reasons are most probable who thinke they are Tartars passing 
out of Asia into America by the straits of Anian, who being split 
by some revenging hand of God upon this continent Hke w^ater 
upon the ground are spread as farre as these Atlanticke shores, 
there being but few of them in these parts in comparison of those 
which are more contiguous to the Anian straits, if we may credit 
some Historians herein: what ever these conjectures and uncer- 
tainties bee, certaine it is, that they are inheritors of a grievcuis 
and fearefuU curse hving so long without Ephod or Teraphim, 
and in nearest alHance to the wilde beasts that perish; and as 
God delights to convey blessings of mercy to the posterity of some 
in respect of his promise to their fathers, so are curses entailed 
and come by naturall descent unto others, for some great sinnes 



of their Ancestors, as no doubt it is in respect of these. Yet not- 
withstanding the deepest degeneracies are no stop to the over- 
flowing grace and bloud of Christ, when the time of love shall 
come, no not to these poore outcasts, the utmost ends of the 
earth being appointed to bee in time, the Sonne of Gods posses- 

Wee are oft upbraided by some of our Countrymen that so 
little good is done by our professing planters upon the hearts of 
Natives; such men have surely more spleene then judgement, 
and know not the vast distance of Natives from common civility, 
almost humanity it selfe, and 'tis as if they should reproach us 
for not making the windes to blow when wee list our selves, it 
must certainely be a spirit of life from God (not in mans power) 
which must put flesh and sinewes unto these dry bones: if wee 
would force them to baptisme (as the Spaniards do about Ciisco, 
Peru, and Mexico, having learnt them a short answer or two to 
some Popish questions) or if wee would hire them to it by 
giving them coates and shirts, to allure them to it (as some others 
have done) wee could have gathered many hundreds, yea thou- 
sands it may bee by this time, into the name of Churches; but 
wee have not learnt as yet that art of coyning Christians, or put- 
ting Christs name and Image upon copper mettle. Although 
I thinke we have much cause to bee humbled that wee have not 
endeavoured more then wee have done their conversion and peace 
with God, who enjoy the mercy and peace of God in their land. 
Three things have made us thinke (as they once did of building 
the Temple) it is not yet time for God to worke, i. Because till 
the Jewes come in, there is a scale set upon the hearts of those 
people, as they thinke from some x^pocalypitcall places. 2. That 
as in nature there is no progresses ab extremo ad extremum nisi per 
media, so in religion such as are so extreamly degenerate, must bee 
brought to some civility before religion can prosper, or the word take 
place. 3. Because wee want miraculous and extraordinary gifts 
without which no conversion can bee expected amongst these; 
But me thinkes now that it is with the Indians as it was with 
■our New-English ground when we first came over, there was 
scarce any man that could beleeve that English graine would 
grow, or that the Plow could doe any good in this woody and 
rocky soile. And thus they continued in this supine unbeliefe 
for some yeares, till experience taught them otherwise, and now 
all see it to bee scarce inferiour to Old-English tillage, but beares 
very good burdens; so wee have thought of our Indian people, 


and therefore have beene discouraged to put plow to such dry 
and rocky ground, but God having begun thus with some few 
it may bee they are better soile for the Gospel then wee can 
thinke: I confesse I thinke no great good will bee done till they 
bee more civilized, but why may not God begin with some few, 
to awaken others by degrees? nor doe I expect any great good 
will bee wrought by the English (leaving secrets to God) (although 
the English surely begin and lay the first stones of Christs King- 
dome and Temple amongst them) because God is wont ordinarily 
to convert Nations and peoples by some of their owne country 
men who are nearest to them, and can best speake, and most 
of all pity their brethren and countrimen, but yet if the least be- 
ginnings be made by the conversion of two or three, its worth all 
■our time and travailes, and cause of much thankfulnesse for such 
seedes, although no great harvests should immediately appeare; 
surely this is evident, first that they never heard heart-breaking 
prayer and preaching before now in their owne tongue, that we 
know of, secondly, that there were never such hopes of a dawning 
of mercy toward them as now, certainely those aboundant teares 
which wee saw shed from their eies, argue a mighty and blessed 
presence of the spirit of Heaven in their hearts, which when once 
it comes into such kinde of spirits will not easily out againe. 

The chiefe use that I can make of these hopefull beginnings, 
besides rejoycing for such shinings, is from Esay 2. 5. Oh house 
of Israel, let us walke in the light of the Lord; Considering that 
these blinde Natives beginne to looke towards Gods mountaine 

The observations I have gathered by conversing with them are 
such as these. 

That none of them slept Sermon or derided Gods messenger: 
Woe unto those English that are growne bold to doe that, which 
Indians will not, Heathens dare not. 

That there is need of learning in Ministers who preach to 
Indians, much more to English men and gracious Christians, 
for these had sundry philosophicall questions, which some knowl- 
edge of the arts must helpe to give answer to; and without which 
these would not have beene satisfied: worse then Indian igno- 
rance hath blinded their eies that renounce learning as an enemy 
to Gospell Ministeries. 

That there is no necessity of extraordinary gifts nor miracu- 
lous signes alway to convert Heathens, who being manifest and 
professed unbeleevers may expect them as soone as any; (signes 



being given for them that beleeve not i Cor. 14. 22.) much lesse 
is there any need of such gifts for gathering Churches amongst 
professing Christians, (signes not being given for them which 
beleeve,) for wee see the Spirit of God working mightily upon 
the hearts of these Natives in an ordinary way, and I hope will; 
they being but a rennant, the Lord using to shew mercy to the 
remnant; for there be but few that are left alive from the Plague 
and Pox, which God sent into those parts, and if one or two can 
understand they usually talke of it as wee doe of newes, it flies 
suddainely farre and neare, and truth scattered will rise in time^ 
for ought we know. 

If EngHsh men begin to despise the preaching of faith and re- 
pentance, and humiliation for sinne, yet the poore Heathens will 
be glad of it, and it shall doe good to them; for so they are, and 
so it begins to doe; the Lord grant that the foundation of our 
English woe, be not laid in the ruine and contempt of those funda- 
mentall doctrines of faith, repentance, humiliation for sin, &c. 
but rather relishing the novelties and dreames of such men as 
are surfetted with the ordinary food of the Gospell of Christ. 
Indians shall weepe to heare faith and repentance preached, 
when Enplish men shall mourne, too late, that are weary of such 

That the deepest estrangements of man from God is no hin- 
drance to his grace nor to the Spirit of grace, for what Nation 
or people ever so deeply degenerated since Adams fall as these 
Indians, and yet the Spirit of God is working upon them? 

That it is very likely if ever the Lord convert any of these Na- 
tives, that they will mourne for sin exceedingly, and consequently 
love Christ dearely, for if by a little measure of Hght such heart- 
breakings have appeared, what may wee thinke will bee, when 
more is let in? they are some of them very wicked, some very 
ingenious, these latter are very apt and quick of understanding 
and naturally sad and melancholly (a good servant to repentance,) 
and therefore there is the greater hope of great heart-breakings, 
if ever God brings them effectually home, for which we should 
affectionately pray. 

A third meeting with the Indians. 

November 26. I could not goe my selfe, but heard from those 
who w^ent of a third meeting; the Indians having built more Wig- 
wams in the wonted place of meeting to attend upon the Word 

the more readily. The preacher understanding how many of 
the Indians discouraged their fellowes in this worke, and threat- 
ning death to some if they heard any more, spake therefore unto 
them, about temptations of the Devill, how hee tempted to all 
manner of sinne, and how the evill heart closed with them, and 
how a good heart abhorred them ; the Indians were this day more 
serious then ever before, and propounded divers questions againe; 
as I. Because some Indians say that we must pray to the Devill 
for all good, and some to God; they would know whether they 
might pray to the Devill or no. 2. They said they heard the 
word humiliation oft used in our Churches, and they would know 
what that meant? 3. Why the English call them Indians, be- 
cause before they came they had another name? 4. What a 
Spirit is? 5. Whether they should beleeve Dreames? 6. How 
the English come to know God so much and they so little? To 
all which they had fit answers; but being not present I shall not 
set them downe: onely their great desire this time was to have 
a place for a Towne and to learne to spinne. 

Sir, I did thinke I should have writ no more to you concern- 
ing the Indians; but the Ship lingers in the Harbour, and the 
Lord Jesus will have you see more of his conquests and triumphes 
among these forlorne and degenerate people; surely hee heares 
the prayers of the destitute and that have long lien downe in the 
dust before God for these poore prisoners of the pit: surely some 
of these American tongues and knees must confesse him, and 
bow downe before him: for the Saturday night after this third 
meeting (as I am informed from that man of God who then 
preached to them) there came to his house one Wanipas a wise 
and sage Indian, as a messenger sent to him from the rest of the 
company, to offer unto him his owne sonne and three more 
Indian children to bee trained uj) among the English, one of the 
children was nine yeares old, another eight, another five, another 
foure: and being demanded why they would have them brought 
up among the English, his answer was, because they would grow 
rude and wicked at home, and would never come to know God, 
which they hoped they should doe if they were constantly among 
the English. 

This Wampas came also accompanied with two more Indians, 
young lusty men, who offered themselves voluntarily to the ser- 
vice of the English that V)y dwelling in some of their families, 
they might come to know Jesus Christ; these are two of those 
three men whom wee saw weeping, and whose hearts were smitten 


at our second meeting above mentioned, and continue still much 
affected, and give great hopes; these two are accepted of and 
received into two of the Elders houses, but the children are not 
yet placed out because it is most meet to doe nothing that way 
too suddainly, but they have a promise of acceptance and educa- 
tion of them either in learning or in some other trade of life in 
time convenient, to which Wampas replyed that the Indians de- 
sired nothing more. 

These two young men w^ho are thus disposed of, being at an 
Elders house upon the Sabbath day night, upon some conference 
with them, one of them began to confesse how wickedly he had 
lived, and with how many Indian women hee had committed 
filthinesse, and therefore })rofessed that hee thought God would 
never looke upon him in love. To which hee had this answer, 
that indeed that sinne of whoredome was exceeding great, yet 
if hee sought God for Christs sake to pardon him, and confesse 
his sinne and repented of it indeed, that the Lord would shew 
him mercy; and hereupon acquainted him with the story of 
Christs conference with the Samaritan woman, John 4. and 
how Jesus Christ forgave her although shee lived in that sinne of 
filthinesse, even when Christ began to speake to her: whereupon 
he fell a weeping and lamenting bitterly, and the other young 
man fjeing present and confessing the like guiltinesse with his 
fellow, hee burst out also into a great mourning, wherein both 
continued for above halfe an houre together at that time also. ' 

It is wonderfull to see what a little leven and that small mus- 
tard-seed of the Gospell will doe, and how truth will worke when 
the spirit of Christ hath the setting of it on, even upon hearts 
and spirits most uncapable; for the last night after they had heard 
the word this third time, there was an English youth of good 
capacitie who lodged in Waauhons Wigwam that night upon 
speciall occasion, and hee assured us that the same night Waaii- 
hon instructed all his company out of the things which they had 
heard that day from the Preacher, and prayed among them, and 
awaking often that night continually fell to praying and speak- 
ing to some or other of the things hee hath heard, so that this 
man (being a man of gravitie and chiefe prudence and counsell 
among them, although no Sachem) is like to bee a meanes of 
great good to the rest of his company unlesse cowardise or witch- 
ery put an end (as usually they have done) to such hopefull be- 

The old man who askt the first question the second time of 


our meeting (viz. whether there was any hope for such old men 
or no) hath six sonnes, one of his sonnes was a Fawwaw, and 
his wife a great Fawwaw, and both these God hath convinced 
of their wickednesse, and they resolve to heare the word and 
seeke to the devill no more. This, the two Indians who are 
come to us acquaint us with, and that they now say, that Chepian, 
i.e. the devill is naught, and that God is the author onely of all 
good as they have been taught. Hee therefore who preacheth 
to the Indians desired them to tell him who were Pawwaws when 
hee went againe to preach amongst them ; and upon speciall occa- 
sion this Decemh. 4. being called of God to another place where 
the Indians use to meet, and having preacht among them, after 
the Sermon, hee that was the Pawwaw of that company was 
discovered to him, to whom hee addressed himselfe and pro- 
pounded these questions, viz. i. Whether doe you thinke that 
God or Chepian is the author of all good? he answered, God. 
2. If God bee the author of all good, why doe you pray to Chepian 
the devill? The Pawwaw perceiving him to propound the last 
question with a sterne countenance and unaccustomed terrour, 
hee gave him no answer, but spake to other Indians that hee did 
never hurt any body by his Pawwawing, and could not bee got 
by all the meanes and turnings of questions that might bee, to 
give the least word of answer againe; but a little after the con- 
ference was ended, hee met with this Pawwaw alone and spak 
more lovingly and curteously to him, and askt him why heee 
would not answer, he then told him that his last question struck 
a terrour into him and made him afraid, and promised that at 
the next meeting hee would propound some question to him as 
others did. 

And here it may not bee amisse to take notice of what these 
two Indians have discovered to us concerning these Pawwaws: 
for they were askt how they came to bee made Pawwaws, and they 
answered thus, that if any of the Indians fall into any strange 
dreame wherein Chepian appeares unto them as a serpent, then 
the next day they tell the other Indians of it, and for two dayes- 
after the rest of the Indians dance and rejoyce for what they 
tell them about this Serpent, and so they become their Pawwaws: 
Being further askt what doe these Pawwaws, and what use are 
they of; and they said the principall imployment is to cure the 
sick by certaine odde gestures and beatings of themselves, and 
then they pull out the sicknesse by ap])lying their hands to the 
sick person and so blow it away: so that their Pawwaws are great 



witches liaving fellowship with the old Serpent, to whom they 
pray, and by whose meanes they heale sicke persons, and (as 
they said also) will shew many strange juglings to the wonder- 
ment of the Indians. They aflirmed also that if thev did not 
cure the sick party (as very often they did not) that then they 
were reviled, and sometime killed 1)\- some of the dead mans 
friends, especially if they could not get their mony againe out 
of their hands, which they receive aforehand for their cure. 

Wee have cause to be very thankfull to God who hath moved 
the hearts of the generall court to purchase so much land for 
them to make their towne in which the Indians are much taken 
with,* and it is somewhat observable that while the Court were 
considering where to lay out their towne, the Indians (not know- 
ing of any thing) were about that time consulting about Lawes 
for themselves, and their conn)any who sit downe with U'aaiibon; 
there were ten of them, two of them are forgotten. 

Their Lawes were these. 

1. That if any man be idle a weeke, at n-n)st a fortnight, hee 
shall pay five shillings. 

2. If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman un- 
married, hee shall pay twenty shillings. 

3. If any man shall beat his wife, his hands shall bee tied be- 
hind him and carried to the place of justice to bee severely pun- 

4. Every young man if not anothers servant, and if unmarried, 
hee shall be compelled to set up a U'ii^n'ani and plant for him- 
selfe, and not live shifting up and downe to other Wigicams. 

5. If any woman shall not have her haire tied up but hang 
loose or be cut as mens haire, she shall pay live shillings. 

6. If any woman shall goe with naked breasts they shall pay 
two shillings six pence. 

7. All those men that weare long hnks shall })ay five shil- 

8. If any shall kill their lice betweene their teeth, they shall 
pay five shillings. This Law though ridiculous to English eares 
yet tends to preserve cleanlinesse among Indians. 

'Tis wonderful! in our eyes to understand by these tw(^ honest 
Indians, what Prayers Waaubon and the rest of them use to 
make, for hee that preacheth to them professeth hee never yet 

* This towTie the Indhns did desire to know what name it should have, and it was told 
them it should bee called Xoonatovien, which signifies in English rejoycing, because 
they hearing the word, and seeking to know God, the English did rejovce at it, and God did 
rejoyce at it, which pleased them riiuch : iK: therefore that is to be the name of their towne. 



used any of their words in his prayers, from whom otherwise it 
might \jtt thought that they had learnt them by rote, one is this. 

Arnatuiomtn Jtncrcan lanassen meiagh. 

Take away Lord my stony heart. 

ChtcJiesom Jthmah kekouJwgkcriV, 
Wash Lord my s^jule. 


Lord lead mee when I die to heaven. 
These are but a taste, they have many more, and these more 
enlarged then thus expressed, yet what are these but the sprink- 
lings of the spirit and bkxxi of Christ Jesus in their hearts? and 
'tis no small matter that such dr\- barren and long-accursed 
ground should yeeld such kind of increase in so small a time. 
I would not readily commend a faire day before night, nor prom- 
ise much of such kind of beginnings, in all ]>erson5, nor yet in 
all of these, for wee know the profession of ver\- many is but a 
meere paint, and their best graces nothing but meere flashes 
and pangs, which are suddenly kindled and as soone go out 
and are extinct againe, yet God doth not usually send his 
Plough & Seedsman to a place but there is at least some little 
peece of good ground, although three to one bee naught: and 
mee thinkes the Lord Jesus would never have made so fit a key 
for their Irxrks, unlesse hee had intendefl to oj>en some of their 
dfx»res, and so to make way for his comming in. Hee that God 
hath raised up and enabled to preach unto them, is a man fyou 
knowj of a most sweet, humble, loNing, gratious and enlarged 
spirit, whom God hath blest, and surely vdW still delight in, & 
do gofxl by. I did think never to have opiened my mouth to any, 
to desire those in England to further any good worke here, but 
now I see so many things in\nting to sp>eak in this businesse. that 
it were well if you did lay before those that are prudent and able 
these considerations. 

1. That it is prettie hea\y and chargeable to educate and 
traine up those children which are already offered us, in school- 
ing, cloathing, diet and attendance, which they must have. 

2. That in all probabilitie many Indiatis in other places, es- 
pecially under our jurisdiction, will bee provoked by this ex- 
ample in these, both to dcrsire preaching, and also to send their 
children to us, when they see that some of their fellowes fare 
so well among the English, and the ci\-ill authoritie here so much 
favouring and countenancing of these, and if many more come 



in, it will bee more heavy to such as onely are fit to keepe them, 
and yet have their hands and knees infeebled so many wayes 

3. That if any shall doe any thing to incourage this worke, 
that it may bee given to the Colledge for such an end and use, 
that so from the Colledge may arise the yeerly revenue for their 
yeerly maintenance. I would not have it placed in any particu- 
lar mans hand for feare of cousenage or misplacing or carelesse 
keeping and improving; but at the Colledge it's under many 
hands and eyes the chief and best of the country who have been 
& will be exactly carefull of the right and comely disposing of 
such things; and therefore, if any thing bee given, let it bee put 
in such hands as may immediately direct it to the President of 
the Colledge, who you know will soone acquaint the rest with 
it; and for this end if any in England have thus given any thing 
for this end, I would have them speake to those who have re- 
ceived it to send it this way, which if it bee withheld I thinke 
'tis no lesse then sacriledge: but if God moves no hearts to such 
a work, I doubt not then but that more weake meanes shall have 
the honour of it in the day of Christ. 

A fourth meeting with the Indians. 

This day being Decemh. 9. the children being catechised, and 
that place of Ezekiel touching the dry bones being opened, and 
applyed to their condition; the Indians offered all their children 
to us to bee educated amongst us, and instructed by us, com- 
plaining to us that they were not able to give any thing to the 
English for their education: for this reason there are therefore 
preparations made towards the schooling of them, and setting 
up a Schoole among them or very neare unto them. Sundry 
questions also were propounded by them to us, and of us to them ; 
one of them being askt what is sinne? hee answered a naughty 
heart. Another old man complained to us of his feares, viz. 
that hee was fully purposed to keepe the Sabbath, but still hee 
was in feare whether he should goe to hell or heaven; and there- 
upon the justification of a sinner by faith in Christ was opened 
unto him as the remedy against all feares of hell. Another com- 
playned of other Indians that did revile them, and call them 
Rogues and such like speeches for cutting off their Locks, and 
for cutting their Haire in a modest manner as the New-English 
generally doe; for since the word hath begun to worke upon their 


hearts, they have discerned the vanitie and pride which they 
placed in their haire, and have therefore of their owne accord 
(none speaking to them that we know of) cut it modestly; they 
were therefore encouraged by some there present of chiefe place 
and account with us, not to feare the reproaches of wicked Indians, 
nor their witch-craft and Pawwaws and poysonings, but let them 
know that if they did not dissemble but would seeke God un- 
faignedly, that they would stand by them, and that God also 
would be with them. They told us also of divers Indians who 
would come and stay with them three or foure dayes, and one 
Sabbath, and then they would goe from them, but as for them- 
selves, they told us they were fully purposed to keepe the Sab- 
bath, to which wee incouraged them, and night drawing on were 
forced to leave them, for this time. 


The people of these four Colonies (Confederate for mutual Defence in 
the time of the late Distractions of our dear Native Country) Your Majes- 
ties natural born Subjects, by the Favour and Grant of Your Royal Father 
and Grandfather of Famous Memory, put themselves upon this great and 
hazardous Undertaking, of Planting themselves at their own Charge ii> 
these remote ends of the Earth, that without offence or provocation to our 
dear Bretheren and Countrymen, we might enjoy that liberty to Worship 
God, which our own Conscience informed us, was not onely our Right, but 
Duty: As also that we might (if it so pleased God) be instrumental to 
spread the light of the Gospel, the knowledge of the Son of God our 
Saviour, to the poor barbarous Heathen, which by His late Majesty, in 
some of our Patents, is declared to be His principal aim. 

These honest and pious Intentions, have, through the grace and good- 
ness of God and our Kings, been seconded with proportionable success : 
for, ommitting the Immunities indulged us by Your Highness Royal 
Predecsssors, we have been greatly incouraged by your Majesties gracious 
expressions of Favour and Approbation signified, unto the Address made 
by the principal of our Colonies, to which the rest do most cordially Sub- 
scribe, though wanting the like seasonable opportunity, they have been (till 
now) deprived of the means to Congratulate Your Majesties happy Resti- 
tution, after Your long suffering, which we implore may yet be graciously 
accepted, that we may be equal partakers of Your Royal Favour and 
Moderation ; which hath been so Illustrious that (to admiration) the ani- 
mosities and different Perswasions of men have been so soon Composed, 
and so much cause of hope, that (unless the sins of the Nation prevent) a 
blessed Calm will succeed the late horrid Confusions of Church and State. 
And shall not we {Dread Sozfereign) your Subjects of these Colonies, of the 
same Faith and Belief in all Points of Doctrine with our Countrymen, and 
the other Reformed Churches (though perhaps not alike perswaded in 



some matters of Order, which in outward respects hath been unhappy for 
us) promise and assure our selves of all just favour and indulgence from a 
Prince so happily and graciously endowed? 

The other part of our Errand hither, hath been attended with Endeavours and Blessing ; 
many of the wilde Itidians being taught, and understanding the Doctrine of the Christian 
Religion, and with much affection attending such Preachers as are sent to teach them, many 
of their Children are instructed to Write and Reade, and some of them have proceeded 
further, to attain the knowledge of the Latine and Greek Tongues, and are brought up with 
our English youth in University-learning: There are divers of them that can and do reade 
some parts of the Scripture, and some Catechisms, which formerly have been Translated into 
their own Language, which hath occasioned the undertaking of a greater Work, viz: The 
Printing of the whole Bible, which (being Translated by a painful Labourer amongst them, 
who was desirous to see tlie Work accomplished in his dayes) hath already proceeded to the 
finishing of the New Testament, which we here humbly present to Your Majesty, as the 
first fruits and accomplishment of the Pious Design of Your Royal Ancestors. The Old 
Testament is now under the Press, wanting and craving your Royal Favour and Assistance 
for the perfecting thereof. 

The reports by Eliot and others of the early work among the Indians of New England 
are well noticed in the following paragraph by Charles Deane, in the notes appended to his 
chapter on New England, in the third volume of the Narrative and Critical History of 
America. The student is also referred to Old South Leaflets, Nos. 21 and 52 — Eliot's 
"Brief Narrative" and Eliot's "Indian Grammar Begun " — which contains full histori- 
cal and bibliographical notes. Most of the tracts referred to by Mr. Deane in the fol- 
lowing paragraph are reprinted in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
for 1834: — 

By Edward Winslow's influence a corporation was created for Parliament, in 1649, for 
propagating the Gospel among tlie Indian tribes in New England, and some of the accounts 
of the progress of the missions, sent over from the colony, were published in London by the 
corporation. The conversion of the natives was one object set forth in the Massachusetts 
charter; and Roger Williams had, while a resident of Massachusetts and Plymouth, taken a 
deep interest in them, and in 1643, while on a voyage to England, he drew up A Key mito 
the Lang7cage of America, published that year in London. In that same year there was 
also published in London a small tract called Ne7v England's First Fruit, first in respect 
to the college and second in respect to the Indians. Some hopeful instances of conversion 
among the natives were briefly given in this tract. In 1647 a more full relation of Eliot's 
labors was sent over to Winslow, who the year before had arrived in England as agent of 
Massachusetts, and printed under the title Jlie Day breaking, if not iJie Sun rising of the 
Gospel of the India?is in New England. In the following year, 1648, a narrative was pub- 
lished in London, wriUen by Thomas Shepard, called The Clear SunsJiitie of tlie Gospel 
breaki>i.g forth 7epon the Indians, etc. ; and this in 1649 was followed by Jhe Glorious Prog- 
ress of the Gospel amongst the Indians ifi New Efigland, setting forth the labors of Eliot 
and Mayhew. The Rev. Henry Whitfield, who had been pastor of a church in Guilford, Con- 
necticut, returned to Englana in 1650. and in the following year he published in London 
The Light appeari7ig more and tnore to^vards the Perfect Day, and in 1652 Strength out of 
lVeak>iess, both containing accounts, written chiefly by Eliot, of the progress of his labors. 
His last tract was the first of those published by the corporation, which continued thence- 
forth, for several years, to publish the record of the missions as they were sent over from the 
colony. In 1653 a tract appeared under the title of Tears of Repentance, etc.; in 1655, A 
late and further Manifestatio7i of the Progress of the Gospel, etc. ; in 1659, A f7<rther Ac- 
co7tnt, etc.; and, in 1660, A further A cco7int — still. Eliot's literary labors in behalf of the 
Massachusetts Indians culminated in the translation of the Bible into their dialect, and its 
publication through the Cambridge presn. The Testament was printed in 1661, and the whole 
Bible in 1663 ; and second editions of each appeared, the former in i68o and the latter 
in 1&85. 



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 


#Iti ^outl^ leaflets. 

No. 144.- 

Education and 


From his Twelfth Annual Report as Secretary of the 
Massachusetts State Board of Education, 1848. 

A cardinal object which the government of Massachusetts, 
and all the influential men in the State, should propose to them- 
selves, is the physical well-being of all the people, — the suffi- 
ciency, comfort, competence, of every indiridual in regard to 
food, raiment, and shelter. And these necessaries and conven- 
iences of Hfe should be obtained by each individual for himself, 
or by each family for themselves, rather than accepted from the 
hand of charity or extorted by poor-laws. It is not averred that 
this most desirable result can, in all instances, be obtained; but 
it is, nevertheless, the end to be aimed at. True statesmanship 
and true political economy, not less than true philanthropy, pre- 
sent this perfect theory as the goal, to be more and more closely 
approximated by our imperfect practice. The desire to achieve 
such a result cannot be regarded as an unreasonable ambition; 
for, though all mankind were well fed, well clothed, and well 
housed, they might still be but half civilized. 

Poverty is a public as well as a private evil. There is no phys- 
ical law necessitating its existence. The earth contains abun- 
dant resources for ten times — doubtless for twenty times — its 
present inhabitants. Cold, hunger, and nakedness are not, like 
death, an inevitable lot. There are many single States in this 
Union which could supply an abundance of edible products for 


the inhabitants of the thirty States that compose it. There are 
single States capable of raising a sufficient quantity of cotton 
to clothe the whole nation; and there are other States having 
sufficient factories and machinery to manufacture it. The coal- 
fields of Pennsylvania are sufficiently abundant to keep every 
house in the land at the temperature of sixty-five degrees for 
centuries to come. Were there to be a competition, on the one 
hand, to supply wool for every conceivable faliric, and, on the 
other, to wear out these fabrics as fast as possible, the single 
State of New York would beat the whole country. There is, 
indeed, no assignable limit to the capacities of the earth for pro- 
ducing whatever is necessary for the sustenance, comfort, and 
improvement of the race. Indigence, therefore, and the miseries 
and degradations incident to indigence, seem to be no part of 
the eternal orcUnances of Heaven. The bounty of God is not 
brought into question or suspicion by its existence; for man who 
suffers it might have avoided it. Even the wealth which the 
world now has on hand is more than sufficient to supply all the 
rational wants of every individual in it. Privations and suffer- 
ings exist, not from the smallness of its sum, but from the in- 
equality of its distribution. Poverty is set over against profu- 
sion. In some all healthy appetite is cloyed and sickened by 
repletion; while in others the stomach seems to be a supernu- 
merary organ in the system, or, like the human eye or human 
lungs before birth, is waiting to be transferred to some other 
region, where its functions may come into use. One gorgeous 
palace absorbs all the labor and expense that might have made 
a thousand hovels comfortable. That one man may ride in 
carriages of Oriental luxury, hundreds of other men are turned 
into beasts of burden. To supply a superfluous wardrobe for 
the gratification of one man's pride, a thousand women and 
children shiver with cold; and for every flash of the diamonds 
that royalty wears there is a tear of distress in the poor man's 
dwelhng. Not one Lazarus, but a hundred, sit at the gate of 
Dives. Tantalus is no fiction. The ancient one might have 
been fabulous; but the modern ones are terrible realities. Mill- 
ions are perishing in the midst of superfluities. 

According to the European theory, men are divided into classes, 
— some to toil and earn, others to seize and enjoy. According 
to the Massachusetts theory, all are to have an equal chance for 
earning, and equal security in the enjoyment of what they earn. 
The latter tends to equality of condition ; the former, to the gross- 

est inequalities. Tried by any Christian standard of morals, or 
even by any of the better sort of heathen standards, can any one 
hesitate, for a moment, in declaring which of the two will pro- 
duce the greater amount of human welfare, and which, therefore, 
is the more conformable to the divine will? The European 
theory is blind to what constitutes the highest glory as well as 
the highest duty of a State. Its advocates and admirers are 
forgetful of that which should be their highest ambition, and 
proud of that which constitutes their shame. How can any one 
possessed of the attributes of humanity look with satisfaction 
upon the splendid treasures, the golden regalia, deposited in the 
Tower of London or in Windsor Palace, each "an India in it- 
self," while thousands around are dying of starvation, or have 
been made criminals by the combined forces, of temptation and 
neglect ? The present condition of Ireland cancels all the glories 
of the British crown. The brilliant conception w^hich symbol- 
izes the nationality of Great Britain as a superb temple, whose 
massive and grand proportions are upheld and adorned by the 
four hundred and thirty Corinthian columns of the aristocracy, 
is turned into a loathing and a scorn when we behold the five 
millions of paupers that cower and shiver at its base. The gal- 
leries and fountains of Versailles, the Louvre of Paris, her Notre 
Dame, and her Madeleine, though multiplied by thousands in 
number and in brilliancy, would be no atonement for the hundred 
thousand Parisian ouvriers without bread and without work. 
The galleries of painting and of sculpture at Rome, at Munich, 
or at Dresden, which body forth the divinest ideals ever executed 
or ever conceived, are but an abomination in the sight of Heaven 
and of all good men, while actual living beings — beings that 
have hearts to palpitate, and nerves to agonize, and affections 
to be crushed or corrupted — are experimenting all around them 
upon the capacities of human nature for suffering and for sin. 
Where standards Hke these exist, and are upheld by council and 
by court, by fashion and by law, Christianity is yet to he dis- 
covered; at least, it is yet to be applied in practice to the social 
condition of men. 

Our ambition as a State should trace itself to a different origin, 
and propose to itself a different object. Its flame should be 
lighted at the skies. Its radiance and its warmth should reach 
the darkest and the coldest abodes of men. It should seek the solu- 
tion of such problems as these: To what extent can competence 
displace pauperism? How nearly can we free ourselves from the 


low-minded and the vicious, not by their expatriation, but by 
their elevation? To what extent can the resources and powers 
of Nature be converted into human welfare, the peaceful arts 
of life be advanced, and the vast treasures of human talent and 
genius be developed? How much of suffering, in all its forms, 
can be relieved? or, what is better than reHef, how much can be 
prevented? Cannot the classes of crimes be lessened, and the 
number of criminals in each class be dimiinished? Our ex- 
emplars, both for public and for private imitation, should be the 
parables of the lost sheep and of the lost piece of silver. When 
we have spread competence through all the abodes of poverty, 
when we have substituted knowledge for ignorance in the minds 
of the whole people, when we have reformed the vicious and 
reclaimed the criminal, then may we invite all neighboring na- 
tions to behold the spectacle, and say to them in the conscious 
elation of virtue, "Rejoice with me, for I have found that which 
was lost." Until that day shall arrive, our duties will not be 
wholly fulfilled, and our ambition will have new honors to win. 

But is it not true that Massachusetts, in some respects, instead 
of adhering more and more closely to her own theory, is becom- 
ing emulous of the baneful examples of Europe? The distance 
between the two extremes of society is lengthening instead of 
being abridged. With every generation, fortunes increase on 
the one hand, and some new privation is added to poverty on 
the other. We are verging towards those extremes of opulence 
and of penury, each of which unhumanizes the human mind. 
A perpetual struggle for the bare necessaries of hfe, without the 
ability to obtain them, makes men wolfish. Avarice, on the other 
hand,' sees, in all the victims of misery around it, not objects for 
pity and succor, but only crude materials to be worked up into 
more money. 

I suppose it to be the universal sentiment of all those who 
mingle any ingredient of benevolence with their notions on polit- 
ical economy that vast and overshadowing private fortunes are 
among the greatest dangers to which the happiness of the people 
in a republic can be subjected. Such fortunes would create a 
feudalism of a new kind, but one more oppressive and unrelent- 
ing than that of the middle ages. The feudal lords in England 
and on the Continent never held their retainers in a more abject 
condition of servitude than the great majority of foreign manu- 
facturers and capitaHsts hold their operatives and laborers at 
the present day. The means employed are different; but the 


similarity in results is striking. What force did then, money 
does now. The villein of the middle ages had no spot of earth 
on which he could live, unless one were granted to him by his 
lord. The operative or laborer of the present day has no em- 
ployment, and therefore no bread, unless the capitaHst will accept 
his services. The vassal had no shelter but such as his master 
provided for him. Not one in five thousand of Enghsh opera- 
tives or farm-laborers is able to build or own even a hovel; and 
therefore they must accept such shelter as capital offers them. 
The baron prescribed his own terms to his retainers: those terms 
were peremptory, and the serf must submat or perish. The Brit- 
ish manufacturer or farmer prescribes the rate of wages he will 
give to his work-people: he reduces these wages under whatever 
pretext he pleases; and they, too, have no alternative but sub- 
mission or starvation. In some respects, indeed, the condition 
of the modern dependent is more forlorn than that of the corre- 
sponding serf class in former times. Some attributes of the 
patriarchal relation did spring up between the lord and his lieges 
to soften the harsh relations subsisting between them. Hence 
came some oversight of the condition of children, some relief in 
sickness, some protection and support in the decrepitude of age. 
But only in instances comparatively few have kindly offices 
smoothed the rugged relation between British capital and British 
labor. The children of the work-people are abandoned to their 
fate; and notwithstanding the privations they suffer, and the 
dangers they threaten, no power in the realm has yet been able 
to secure them an education ; and when the adult laborer is pros- 
trated by sickness, or eventually worn out by toil and age, the 
poorhouse, which has all along been his destination, becomes 
his destiny. 

Now two or three things will doubtless be admitted to be true, 
beyond all controversy, in regard to Massachusetts. By its in- 
dustrial condition, and its business operations, it is exposed, far 
beyond any other State in the Union, to the fatal extremes of 
overgrown weahh and desperate poverty. Its population is far 
more dense than that of any other State. It is four or five times 
more dense than the average of all the other States taken to- 
gether; and density of population has always been one of the 
proximate causes of social inequality. According to population 
and territorial extent there is far more capital in Massachusetts 
—capital which is movable, and instantaneouslv available— than 
in any other State in the Union; and probably' both these qual 


ifications respecting population and territory could be omitted 
without endangering the truth of the assertion. It has been 
recently stated in a very respectable pubUc journal, on the au- 
thority of a writer conversant with the subject, that from the 
last of June, 1846, to the first of August, 1848, the amount of 
money invested by the citizens of Massachusetts "in manu- 
facturing cities, railroads, and other improvements," is ''fifty- 
seven millions of dollars, of which more than fifty has been paid 
in and expended." The dividends to be received by citizens of 
Massachusetts from June, 1848, to April, 1849, ^^^ estimated by 
the same writer at ten millions, and the annual increase of cap- 
ital at "little short of twenty-two millions." If this be so, are 
we not in danger of naturahzing and domesticating among our- 
selves those hideous evils which are always engendered between 
capital and labor, when all the capital is in the hands of one class 
and all the labor is thrown upon another? 

Now surely nothing but universal education can counterwork 
this tendency to the domination of capital and the servility of 
labor. If one class possesses all the wealth and the education, 
while the residue of society is ignorant and poor, it matters not 
by what name the relation between them may be called : the latter, 
in fact and in truth, will be the servile dependants and subjects 
of the former. But, if education be equably diffused, it will 
draw property after it by the strongest of all attractions; for such 
a thing never did happen, and never can happen, as that an in- 
teUigent and practical body of men should be permanently poor. 
Property and labor in different classes are essentially antago- 
nistic; but property and labor in the same class are essentially 
fraternal. The people of Massachusetts have, in some degree, 
appreciated the truth that the unexampled prosperity of the 
State — its comfort, its competence, its general intelligence and 
virtue — is attributable to the education, more or less perfect, 
which all its people have received ; but are they sensible of a fact 
equally important, — namely, that it is to this same education 
that two-thirds of the people are indebted for not being to-day 
the vassals of as severe a tyranny, in the form of capital, as the 
lower classes of Europe are bound to in the form of brute force ? 

Education, then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is 
the great equaUzer of the conditions of men, — the balance-wheel 
of the social machinery. I do not here mean that it so elevates 
the moral nature as to make men disdain and abhor the oppres- 
sion of their fellow-men. This idea pertains to another of its 

attributes. But I mean that it gives each man the indepen- 
dence and the means by which he can resist the selfishness of 
other men. It does better than to disarm the poor of their hos- 
tihty towards the rich: it prevents being poor. Agrarianism 
is the revenge of poverty against weaUh. The wanton destruc- 
tion of the property of others — the burning of hay-ricks and corn- 
ricks, the demoHtion of machinery because it supersedes hand- 
labor, the sprinkling of vitriol on rich dresses — is only agrarian- 
ism run mad. Education prevents both the revenge and the 
madness. On the other hand, a fellow-feeling for one's class 
or caste is the common instinct of hearts not wholly sunk in 
selfish regards for person or for family. The spread of educa- 
tion, by enlarging the cultivated class or caste, will open a wider 
area over which the social feelings will expand; and, if this edu- 
cation should be universal and complete, it w^ould do more than 
all things else to obUterate factitious distinctions in society. 

The main idea set forth in the creeds of some political reform- 
ers, or revolutionizers, is that some people are poor because 
others are rich. This idea supposes a fixed amount of property 
in the community, which by fraud or force, or arbitrary law, is 
unequally divided among men; and the problem presented for 
solution is how to transfer a portion of this property from those 
who are supposed to have too much to those who feel and know 
that they have too little. At this point, both their theory and 
their expectation of reform stop. But the beneficent power of 
education would not be exhausted, even though it should peace- 
ably abolish all the miseries that spring from the coexistence, 
side by side, of enormous wealth and squalid want. It has a 
higher function. Beyond the power of diffusing old wealth 
it has the prerogative of creating new\ It is a thousand times 
more lucrative than fraud, and adds a thousand-fold more to 
a nation's resources than the most successful conquests. Knaves 
and robbers can obtain only what was before possessed by others. 
But education creates or develops new treasures, — treasures 
not before possessed or dreamed of by any one. 

Had mankind been endowed with only the instincts and fac- 
ulties of the brute creation, there are hundreds of the irrational 
tribes to which they would have been inferior, and of which they 
would have been the prey. Did they, with other animals, roam 
a common forest, how many of their fellow-tenants of the wood 
would overcome them by superior force, or outstrip them by 
greater fleetness, or circumvent them by a sharper cunning! 



There are but few of the irrational tribes whose bodies are not 
better provided with the means of defence or attack than is the 
body of a man. The claws and canine teeth of the lion and 
of the whole tiger family, the beak and talons of the eagle and 
the vulture, the speed of the deer and of other timid races, are 
means of assault or of escape far superior to any we possess; 
and all the power which we have, Uke so many of the reptile and 
insect classes, of secreting a deadly venom, either for protection 
or for aggression, has relation to moral venom, and not to physical. 
In a few lines, nowhere surpassed in philosophic strength 
and beauty, Pope groups together the remarkable quahties of 
several different races of animals, — the strength of one class, 
the genial covering of another, the fleetness of a third. He 
brings vividly to our recollection the lynx's vision of excelling 
keenness, the sagacity of the hound that reads a name or a sign 
in the last vanishing odor of a footprint, the exquisite fineness 
of the spider's touch, and that chemical nicety by which the bee 
discriminates between honey and poison in the same flower-cup. 
He then closes with an interrogatory, which has human reason 
both for its subject and its object: — • 

'* The powers of all subdued by thee alone: 

Js not thy reason all these powers in ofie ? " 

When Pope, now a little more than a century ago, mingled 
these beauties with his didactic strains, he had no conception, 
the world at that time had no conception, of other powers and 
properties, infinitely more energetic and more exhaustless than 
all which the animal races possess, to which the reason of man 
is an equivalent. It was not then known that God had endued 
the earth and the elements with energies and activities as much 
superior to those which animals or men possess as the bulk and 
frame of the earth itself exceeds their diminutive proportions. 
It was not then known that the earth is a great reservoir of powers, 
and that any man is free to use any quantity of them if he will 
but possess himself of the key of knowledge, — the only key, but 
the infallible one, by which to unlock their gates. At that time, 
if a philosopher wished to operate a mechanical toy, he could 
lift or pump a few gallons of water for a moving-power; but it 
was not understood that Nature, by the processes of evaporation 
and condensation, is constantly Hfting up into the sky, and pour- 
ing back upon the earth, all the mass of waters that flow in all 
the rivers of the world, and that, in order to perform the work 

of tne world, the weight of all these waters might be used again 
and again in each one of their perpetual circuits.* The power- 
press and the power-loom, the steamboat and the locomotive, 
the paper-machine and the telegraph, were not then known. All 
these instruments of human comfort and aggrandizement, and 
others almost innumerable, similar to them, are operated by 
the energies and the velocities of Nature; and, had Pope grouped 
together all the splendid profusion and prodigahty of her powers, 
he might still have appealed to man, and said, — 

Is not thy reason all these powers in one 

To the weight of waters, the velocity of winds, the expansive 
force of heat, and other kindred agencies, any man may go, and 
he may draw from them as much as he pleases without money 
and without price: or rather, I should say, any educated man 
may go; for Nature flouts and scorns, and seems to abhor, an 
ignorant man. She drowns him, and consumes him, and tears 
him in pieces, if he but ventures to profane with his touch her 
divinely wrought machinery. 

Now these powers of Nature, by being enlisted in the service 
of man, add to the wealth of the world, — unlike robbery or slavery 
or agrarianism, which aim only at the appropriation, by one 
man or one class, of the wealth belonging to another man or 
class. One man, with a Foudrinier, will make more paper in 
a twelvemonth than all Egypt could have made in a hundred 
years during the reign of the Ptolemies. One man, with a power- 
press, will print books faster than a million of scribes could copy 
them before the invention of printing. One man, with an iron- 
foundery, will make more utensils or machinery than Tubal- 
Cain could have made, had he worked diligently till this time.t 
And so in all the departments of mechanical labor, in the whole 
circle of the useful arts. These powers of Nature are able to 
give to all the inhabitants of the earth, not merely shelter, cover- 
ing, and food, but all the means of refinement, embellishment, 
and mental improvement. In the most strict and literal sense, 
they are bounties which God gives for proficiency in knowledge. 

The above ideas are beginning to be pretty well understood 

* The waters of the Blacksfone River, which flows partly in Massachusetts and partly in 
Phode Island, are used for driving mills, twenty-fivft titjjes over, in a distance of less than 
iorty miles. 

t In 1740, the whole amount of iron made in England and Wales was seventeen thou- 
sand tons; in 1840 it was more than a million tons, notwithstanding all that had been manu- 
factured and accumulated in the intervening century. What would a Jewish or a Roman 
artificer have said to an annual product of a million tons of iron? 


by all men of respectable intelligence. I have adverted to them^ 
not so much on their own account as by way of introduction 
or preface to two or three considerations, w^hich certainly are 
not understood or not appreciated, as they deserve to be. 

It is a remarkable fact that human progress, even in regard 
to the worldly interests of the race, did not begin with those im- 
provements which are most closely allied to material prosperity. 
One would have supposed, beforehand, that improvements would 
commence with the near rather than with the remote. Yet man- 
kind had made great advances in astronomy, in geometry, and 
other mathematical sciences; in the writing of history, in oratory, 
and in poetry: it is supposed by many to have reached the highest 
point of yet attained perfection in painting and in sculpture, and 
in those kinds of architecture which may be called regal or re- 
ligious, centuries before the great mechanical discoveries and in- 
ventions which now bless the world were brought to light. And 
the question has often forced itself upon reflecting minds, why 
there was this preposterousness, this inversion of what would 
appear to be the natural order of progress. Why was it, for in- 
stance, that men should have learned the courses of the stars, 
and the revolutions of the planets, before they found out how 
to make a good wagon-wheel? Why was it that they built the 
Parthenon and the Colosseum before they knew how to con- 
struct a comfortable, healthful dwelhng-house ? Why did they 
construct the Roman aqueducts before they constructed a saw- 
mill ? Or why did they achieve the noblest models in eloquence^ 
in poetry, and in the drama before they invented movable types ? 
I think we have now arrived at a point where we can unriddle 
this enigma. The labor oj the world has been performed by ignorant 
men, by classes doomed to ignorance from sire to son, by the 
bondmen and bond-women of the Jews, by the helots of Sparta, 
by the captives who paseed under the Roman yoke, and by the 
villeins and serfs and slaves of more modern times. The mas- 
ters — the aristocratic or patrician orders — not only disdained 
labor for themselves and their children, which was one fatal mis- 
take, but they supposed that knowledge was of no use to a la- 
borer, which was a mistake still more fatal. Hence ignorance, 
for almost six thousand years, has gone on plying its animal 
muscles, and dropping its bloody sweat, and never discovered 
any way, nor dreamed that there was any way, by which it might 
accomplish many times more work with many times less labor. 
And yet nothing is more true than that an ignorant man will toil 

1 1 

all his life long, moving to and fro within an inch of some great 
discovery, and will never see it. All the elements of a great dis- 
covery may fall into his hands or be thrust into his face; but his 
eyes will be too blind to behold it. If he is a slave, what motive 
has he to behold it? Its greater profitableness will not redound 
to his benefit; for another stands ready to seize all the gain. Its 
abridgment of labor will not conduce to his ease; for other toils 
await him. But the moment an intelligent man apphes himself 
to labor, and labors for his own benefit or for that of his family, 
he begins to inquire whether the same task cannot be performed 
with a less expenditure of strength or a greater task with an 
equal expenditure. He makes his wits save his bones. He finds 
it to be easier to think than to work; nay, that it is easier both 
to think and work than to work without thinking. He foresees 
a prize as the reward of successful effort; and this stimulates his 
brain to deep contrivance, as well as his arms to rapid motion. 
Taking, for illustration, the result of an experiment which has 
been actually made, let us suppose this intelligent laborer to be 
employed in moving blocks of squared granite, each weighing 
1, 080 pounds. To move such a block along the floor of a roughly 
chiselled quarry requires a force equal to 758 pounds. An ig- 
norant man, therefore, must employ and pay several assistants, 
or he can never move such a block an inch. But to draw the 
same block over a floor of planks will require a force of only 
652 pounds. The expense of one assistant, therefore, might be 
dispensed with. Placed on a platform of wood, and drawn 
over the same floor, a draught of 606 pounds would be sufficient. 
By soaping the two surfaces of the wood, the requisite force 
would be reduced to 182 pounds. Placed on rollers three inches 
in diameter, a force equal to 34 pounds would be sufficient. 
Substituting a wooden for a stone floor, and the requisite force 
is 28 pounds. With the same rollers on a wooden platform, 22 
pounds only would be required. And now, by the invention 
and use of locomotives and railroads, a traction or draught of 
between three and jour pounds is found to be sufficient to move 
a body weighing 1,080 pounds. Thus the amount of force ne- 
cessary to remove the body is reduced about two hundred times. 
Now take away from these steps the single element of intelli- 
gence, and each improvement would have been impossible. The 
ignorant man would never have discovered how nearly synony- 
mous are freight and friction. 

If a savage will learn how to swim, he can fasten a dozen 



pounds' weight to his back, and transport it across a narrow 
river or other body of water of moderate width. If he will in- 
vent an axe, or other instrument, by which to cut down a tree, 
he can use the tree for a float, and one of its Hmbs for a paddle, 
and can thus transport many times the former weight many 
times the former distance. Hollowing out his log, he will in- 
crease what may be called its tonnage, or rather its poundage; 
and, by sharpening its ends, it will cleave the water both more 
easily and more swiftly. Fastening several trees together, he 
makes a raft, and thus increases the buoyant power of his embryo 
water-craft. Turning up the ends of small poles, cr using knees 
of timber instead of straight pieces, and grooving them together, 
or tilhng up the interstices between them in some other way, so 
as to make them water-tight, he brings his rude ^aft Hterally into 
ship-shape. Improving upon hull below and rigging above, he 
makes a proud merchantman, to be wafted by the winds from 
continent to continent. But even this dees net content the ad- 
venturous naval architect. He iron arm.s for his ship; 
and, for oars, affixes iron wheels, capable of swift revolution, and 
stronger than the strong sea. Into iron-walled cavities in her 
bosom he puts iron organs of massive structure and strength, and 
of cohesion insoluble by fire. Within these he kindles a small 
volcano; and then, like a sentient and rational existence, this 
wonderful creation of his hands cleaves oceans, breasts tides, 
defies tempests, and bears its hving and jubilant freight around 
the globe. Now take away inteUigence frcm the ship-builder, 
and the steamship — that miracle of art — falls back into 
a floating log; the log itself is lost; and the savage swimmer, bear- 
ing his dozen pounds on his back, alone remains. 

And so it is, not in one department only, but in the whole circle 
of human labors. The annihilation of the sun would no more 
certainly be followed by darkness than the extinction of human 
inteUigence would plunge the race at once into the weakness 
and helplessness of barbarism. To have created such beings 
as we are, and to have placed them in this world without the 
light of the sun, would be no more cruel than for a government 
to sufl"er its laboring classes to grow up without knowledge. 

In this fact, then, we find a solution of the problem that so 
long embarrassed inquirers. The reason why the mechanical 
and useful arts, — those arts which have done so much to civil- 
ize mankind, and which have given comforts and luxuries to 
the common laborer of the present day. such as kings and queens 


could not demand three centuries ago, — the reason why these 
arts made no progress, and until recently, indeed, can hardly 
be said to have had anything more than a beginning, is that 
the labor of the world was performed by ignorant men. As soon 
as some degree of intelhgence dawned upon the workman, then 
a corresponding degree of improvement in his work followed. 
At first, this intelligence was confined to a very small number, 
and therefore improvements were few; and they followed each 
other only after long intervals. They uniformly began in the 
nations and among the classes where there was most intelligence. 
The middle classes of England and the people of Holland and 
Scotland have done a hundred times more than all the Eastern 
hemisphere besides. What single improvement in art or dis- 
covery in science has ever originated in Spain or throughout the 
vast empire of the Russias? But just ir|^ proportion as intelli- 
gence — that is, education — has quickened and stimulated a 
greater and a greater number of minds, just in the same propor- 
tion have inventions and discoveries increased in their wonder- 
fulness, and in the rapidity of their succession. The progression 
has been rather geometrical than arithmetical. By the laws of 
Nature, it must be so. If, among ten well-educated children, 
the chance is that at least one of them will originate some new 
and useful process in the arts, or will discover some new scien- 
tific principle, or some new apphcation of one, then among a 
hundred such well-educated children there is a moral certainty that 
there will be more than ten such originators or discoverers of new 
utilities; for the action of the mind is like the action of fire. One 
billet of wood will hardly burn alone, though dry as suns and 
north-west winds can make it, and though placed in the range 
of a current of air; ten such billets will burn well together; but 
a hundred will create a heat fifty times as intense as ten, will 
make a current of air to fan their own flame, and consume even 
greenness itself. 

For the creation of wealth, then,— for the existence of a wealthy 
people and a wealthy nation, — intelhgence is the grand condi- 
tion. The number of improvers will increase as the intellectual 
constituency, if I may so call it, increases. In former times, 
and in most parts of the w^orld even at the present day, not one 
man in a miUion has ever had such a development of mind as 
made it possible for him to become a contributor to art or science. 
Let this development precede, and contributions, numberless, 
and of inestimable value, will be sure to follow. That poHtical 



economy, therefore, which busies itself about capital and labor, 
supply and demand, interest and rents, favorable and unfavor- 
able balances of trade, but leaves out of account the element of 
a wide-spread mental development, is naught but stupendous 
folly. The greatest of all the arts in pohtical economy is to 
change a consumer into a producer; and the next greatest is to 
increase the producer's producing power, — an end to be directly 
attained by increasing his intelligence. For mere delving, an 
ignorant man is but little better than a swine, whom he so 
much resembles in his appetites, and surpasses in his powers of 
mischief. ... 

I hold all past achievements of the human mind to be rather 
in the nature of prophecy than of fulfilment, — the first-fruits of 
the beneficence of God in endowing us with the faculties of per- 
ception, comparison, calculation, and causahty, rather than the 
full harvest of their eventual development. For look at the mag- 
nificent creation into which we have been brought and at the 
adaptation of our faculties to understand, admire, and use it. All 
around us are works worthy of an infinite God; and we are led, 
by irresistible evidence, to believe that, just so far as we acquire 
his knowledge, we shall be endued with his power. From his- 
tory and from consciousness, we find ourselves capable of ever- 
onward improvement; and therefore it seems to be a denial of 
first principles — it seems no better than impiety — to suppose that 
we shall ever become such finished scholars that the works of 
the All-wise will have no new problem for our solution, and will, 
therefore, be able to teach us no longer. Nor is it any less than 
impiety to suppose that we shall ever so completely enHst the 
powers of Nature in our service that exhausted Omnipotence 
can reward our industry with no further bounties. . . . 

However far science and art may push their explorations, there 
will always be a frontier bounding their advances; there will 
always be a terra incognita beyond the regions they have sur- 
veyed, — beyond the utmost verge of the horizon which the eye 
can see from the topmast pinnacle of existing discoveries. Each 
new adventurer can gain new trophies by penetrating still deeper 
into the illimitable sohtudes where alone Omnipotence dwells 
and works. The most perfect instrument which the brightest 
genius of any age may ever construct will be excelled by another 
instrument, made after a higher ideal of perfection by the 
brighter genius of a succeeding age. The most rapid processes 
of art known to any generation will be accelerated in the gen- 


"cralion that shall follow it, and science will be found not only a 
plant of perennial growth, but in each succeeding age it will 
bear blossoms of a more celestial splendor, and fruits of benefi- 
cence unknown before. . . . 

I know that it may be said, and said, too, not without a cer- 
tain measure of truth, that when a more inteUigent community 
has made a discovery in science, or devised or perfected the proc- 
esses of any art, a less intelligent community by its side may 
adopt and copy them, and thus make the improvements their 
own by possession, though the invention belonged to another. 
After a bold navigator has opened a new channel of commerce, 
and while he is gathering the first-fruits of his sagacity, the stupid 
or the predatory may follow in his wake, and share the gains of 
his enterprise. Dr. Franklin may discover the uses of the light- 
ning-rod; but when once discovered, and the manner of its use 
exhibited, any half-taught son of Vulcan can make and erect one 
by copying the given model. When a school-boy of New England 
has invented the cotton-gin, or perfected cotton machinery, the 
slaves of the South, stupid and ignorant as cattle, "according 
to the form of the statute in such cases made and provided," can 
operate them with a greater or less degree of success and profit. 
But there are two considerations which show how inferior the 
condition of the aping community must always be to that of the 
originating one. 

In the first place, all copying is in the nature of empiricism. 
The copyist operates blindly, and not on principle; and there- 
fore he is constantly exposed to failure. In untried emergencies, 
he never knows what to do, for the fight of example shines only 
in one direction; while it is the very nature of principle, like its 
divine Author, to circumfuse its beams, and so to leave no dark- 
ness in any direction. 

And, in the second place, even supposing the aping commu- 
nity to be able, after long delays and toils, to equal the origi- 
nating one, stiU, before the period shall have elapsed which the 
pupil will require for studying out or copying the old lesson, his 
master will have studied out some new one, wiU have discovered 
some new improvement, diffusive of new utility and radiant 
with new beauty, so that the distance will be kept as great as 
ever between him and the learner. 

The slave States of this Union may buy cotton machinery 
made by the intelligent mechanics of the free States, and they 
may train their slaves to work it with more or less skill; but 



should they succeed ever so well, should they eventually become 
able to meet their entire home demand, it will nevertheless be 
true that, in the mean time, the new wants and refinements gener- 
ated by the progress of the age will demand some new fabric, re- 
quiring for its manufacture either more ingeniously wrought ma- 
chinery or greater skill in the operator, and thus will the more 
educated community forever keep ahead of the less educated 
one. The progress of mankind may be compared to an ascend- 
ing spiral. In moving upward along this spiral, the less intelli- 
gent community will see the more intelligent one at a point above 
its head. It will labor on to overtake it, and, making another 
toilsome circuit, will at length reach the place where the victor 
had been seen; but, lo! the victor is not there: he, too, has made 
a circuit along the ascending curve, and is still far aloft, above 
the head of his pursuer. 

Another common idea is this: it is supposed that intelligence 
in workmen is relatively less important in agricultural labors 
than in the mechanic and manufacturing arts. The great agri- 
cultural staples of the country — corn, cotton, sugar, rice, and 
so forth — have been stigmatized, or at least characterized, as 
"coarser" products, and, therefore, requiring less skill and 
science for their culture and improvement than the fabrics of 
the loom and the workshop. This may be true; but I am by 
no means convinced of its truth. It seems to me that there is 
as yet no adequate proof that skill and science, if applied to 
agriculture, will not yield practical benefits as copious and as 
wonderful as any that have rewarded the mechanician or the 
artisan in any department of their labors. Why vegetable 
growths, so exquisite in their organization, animated by the 
mysterious principle of life, and so susceptive of all the influ- 
ences of climate, whether good or ill, — why these should be called 
"coarser" than iron ore or other unorganized metals, or any 
kind of wealth that is found in mines; or why cotton or flax, 
wool or leather, wood or grain, should be denominated "coarser" 
before they have been deprived of the principle of life than after 
it, and before they have lost the marvellous power of assimilating 
inorganic matter to their own pecuhar substance, — it is not 
easy to perceive. May it not yet be found that a better knowl- 
edge of the laws that govern vegetable growth; a better knowl- 
edge of the properties and adaptations of different soils; a better 
knowledge of the conditions of fructification and germination, 
and of the mysterious chemistry that determines the quality of 


texture, color, flavor, and perfume; a better knowledge of the 
uncombined gases, and of the effect of light, heat, electricity, 
and other imponderable agents, upon the size, rapidity, and 
variegation of vegetable growths, — in fine, a better knowledge 
of vegetable physiology, and of that, too, which may be called 
vegetable pathology, — will redeem the whole circle of agricult- 
ural occupations from the stigma of requiring less intelligent 
cultivators than are required for other pursuits, and thus supply 
a new and irresistible argument in favor of diffusing a vastly 
increased amount of knowledge among our free field- laborers 
and our rural population generally? The marvellous improve- 
ments w^hich have been made under the auspices of the Massa- 
chusetts Horticultural Society, in horticulture, floriculture, and 
pomology, already betoken such a result.* 

Now it is in these various ways that all the means of human 
subsistence, comfort, improvement, or what, in one word, we 
call wealth, are created, — additional wealth, new wealth, not 
another man's earnings, not another nation's treasures or lands, 
tricked away by fraud or wrested by force, but substantially, 
and for all practical purposes, knowledge-created, mind-created 
w^ealth, as much so as though we had been endued with a miracu- 
lous power of turning a granite quarry into a city at a word, or 
a wilderness into cultivated fields, or of commanding harvests 
to ripen in a day. To see a community acquiring and redoubling 
its wealth in this way; enriching itself without impoverishing 
others, without despoiling others, — is it not a noble spectacle? 
And will not the community that gains its wealth in this way, 
ten times faster than any robber-nation ever did by plunder, — 
will not such a community be a model and a pattern for the na- 
tions, a type of excellence to be admired and followed by the 
world? Has Massachusetts no ambition to win the palm in so 
glorious a rivalry? 

But suppose that Massachusetts, notwithstanding her deplo- 
rable inferiority in all natural resources as compared with other 
States, should be content to be their equal only in the means 
of education, and in the development of the intelligence of her 
present children and her future citizens, down, down to what 
a despicable depth of inferiority would she suddenly plunge! 

* As an illustration of the value of knowledge in agricultural pursuits, it may be men- 
tioned that the researches and discoveries by M. Meneville, in regard to the fly which was 
lately so destructive to the olive in the south of France, have increased the annual product 
of this fruit almost a million of dollars' worth. When would an ignorant man, or a slave, 
have made such a discovery ? 



Her ancient glory would become dim. No historian, no orator, 
no poet, would rise up among her children. Her sons would 
cease, as now, to fill chairs in the halls of learning in more than 
half the States of the Union. Her jurists would no longer ex- 
pound the laws of Nature, of nations, and of States, to guide 
the judicial tribunals of the country. Her skilled artisans and 
master-mechanics would not be sought for, wherever, throughout 
the land, educated labor is wanted. Her ship-captains would 
be driven home from every ocean by more successsful competi- 
tors. At home, a narrowing in the range of thought and action, 
a lowering of the tone of life and enterprise, a straitening in the 
means of hving and of culture, a sinking in spirit and in all laud- 
able and generous ambitions, the rearing of sons to obscurity 
and of daughters to vulgarity, would mark the incoming of a 
degenerate age, — an age too ignorant to know its own ignorance, 
too shameless to mourn its degradation, and too spiritless even to 
rise with recuperative energy frcm its guilty fall. But little less 
disastrous would it be to stop where we new are instead of press- 
ing onward with invigorated strength to a further goal. What 
has been done is not the fulfilment or consummation of our work. 
It only affords better vantage-ground from which our successors 
can start anew in a nobler career of improvement. And, if there 
is any one thing for which the friends of humanity have reason 
to join in a universal song of thanksgiving to Heaven, it is that 
there is a large and an increasing body of people in Massachu^ 
setts who cannot be beguiled or persuaded into the belief that 
our common schools are what they may and should be, and who, 
with the sincerest good-will and warmest affections towards the 
higher institutions of learning, are yet resolved that the educa- 
tion of the people at large — of the sons and daughters of farmers, 
mechanics, tradesmen, operatives, and laborers of all kinds — 
shall be carried to a point of perfection indefinitely higher than 
it has yet reached.* 

*Tn the letter of the Hon. Abbott Lawrence, making a donation of fifty thousand 
dollars for the purpose of founding a scientific school at Cambridge (to which lie has smce 
added fifty thousand dollars more), the following expression occurs: "Elementary education 
appears to be well provided for in Massachusetts." And in the Memorial in liehalf of the 
three colleges,— Harvard, Amherst, and Williams,— presented to the legislature in January, 
1848, and signed by each of the three presidents of those institution?, it is said, " The provi- 
sion [in Massachusetts] for elementary education . . . seems to be all that can be desired or 
that can be advantageously done by the legislature." The average salaries of female 
teachers throughout the State, at the time when these declarations were made, was only $8.55 
a month (exclusive of board), which, as the average length of the schools was only eight 
months, would give to this most faithful and meritorious of persons but $68.40 a year. 
The whole value of the apparatus in all the schools of the State was but $23,826; and the 
whole number of volumes in their libraries was only 91,539, or an average of but twenty-five 


Mr. Mann's services were so great in several different departments 
of his work that it would be difficult to say of any one of them, "In 
this he was greatest of all." But among his numerous educational 
writings we cannot hesitate to select his annual Reports as the most 
valuable and lasting. They were twelve in number, one for every 
year that he held the office. They were made nominally to the State 
Board of Education, but really to the people of Massachusetts and of 
the country at large. They were widely published in whole or in part, 
and still more widely read. Mr. George B. Emerson said of the great 
truths that the Reports contained: "They have already reached far 
beyond the limits of our narrow State. They are echoing in the woods 
of Maine and along the St. Lawrence and the Lakes. They are heard 
throughout New York and throughout all the West and the South- 
west. A conviction of their importance has sent a Massachusetts 
man to take charge of the schools of New Orleans; they are at this 
moment regenerating those of Rhode Island. In the remotest corner 
of Ohio forty men, not children and women, but men, meet together to 
read aloud a single copy of the Secretary's Reports which one of them 
receives; thousands of the best friends of humanity of all sects, parties, 
and creeds in every State of the Union are familiar with the name of 
Horace Mann." 

The general character of the Reports was determined by the law 
creating the Board of Education. They were devoted partly to re- 
porting the existing state of things, including the progress that was 
made from year to year, but especially to the discussion of present 
and coming questions, with a view to creating public opinion and guid- 
ing public action. Since they were written, many hundreds of similar 
reports have been made, most of which are now found only in libraries 
and in lumber-rooms; but these have a perennial life. This is due 
especially to the great ability with which Mr. Mann treated his sub- 
jects, but partly to his fortunate position in the great column of common 
school reform. He dealt with the fundamental questions of this reform 
before they had lost any of the interest that grows out of novelty. He 
was a pioneer, and his work was the more interesting because a part 
of it consisted in creating interest. . . . 

Mr. Mann says in his final Report that, when he first assumed the 
■duties of the secretaryship, two courses lay open before him. One 
was to treat the school system of the State as thougli it were perfect; 

volumes for each school. In accordance with the prayer of the Memorial, the Committee on 
Kducation reported a bill, making a grant of half a million of dollars to the colleges. The 
House of Representatives, after maturely considering the bill, changed the destination of the 
money from the colleges to the common schools, and then passed it. The donation of R[r. 
Lawrence will be highly beneficial to the few hundreds of students who will have the direct 
enjoyment of his munificence; and, through them, it will also benefit the State. So, too, 
would the contemplated grant to the colleges. Thus far, it is believed all liberal minds will 
agree. But what is needed is the universal prevalence of the further idea that there are two 
hundred thousand children in the State, each one of whom would be far more than propor- 
tionally benefited by the expenditure for their improved education of one-tenth part of sums 
40 libeial. 


to praise teachers for a skill they had no chance of acquiring and did 
not possess; to applaud towns for the munificence they had not shown; 
in a word, to lull with flattery a community that was already sleeping. 
The other course was to advocate an energetic and comprehensive 
system of education ; to seek for improvements both at home and abroad ; 
to expose justly but kindly the incompetence of teachers; to inform 
and stimulate school committees in respect to their duty; to call for 
money adequate to the work to be done. He said the one cause would 
for a time have been ignobly popular; the other was imminently peril- 
ous. Horace Alann saw all this, but he did not hesitate. Duty left 
him no option; the only way to end prosperously was to begin right- 
eously. The story of his experience is disheartening in parts; but, 
taken together, it is a mighty stimulant to all teachers and school offi- 
cers to do their duty. Moreover, teachers and school officers should 
not miss the spirit in which he did his work. "The education of the 
whole people in a republican government," said he, "can never be 
attained without the consent of the whole people. Compulsion, even 
if it were desirable, is not an available instrument. Enlightenment, 
not coercion, is our resource. The nature of education must be ex- 
plained. The whole mass of mind must be instructed in regard to 
its comprehension and enduring interests. We cannot drive our 
people up a dark avenue, even though it be the right one; but we must 
hang the starry lights of knowledge about it, and show them not only 
the directness of its course to the goal of prosperity and honor, but 
the beauty of the way that leads to it." — B. A. Hinsdale. 

Horace Mann's complete works are published, accompanied by a biography by his 
wife, in five volumes. His twelve annual reports to the Massachusetts State Board of 
Education, 1837-48, occupy nearly half of the space in these volumes. A brief outline of 
the twelve reports is given in a chapter especially devoted to them, by B. A. Hinsdale, in 
his admirable little book on " Horace Mann and the Common School Revival in the 
United States"; also in Dr. William T. Harris's address at the Mann Centennial, printed 
in the Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1895-6 vol. i. Dr. Hinsdale properly 
pronounces the Twelfth Report, from which the extract printed in the present leaflet is 
taken, "in some respects the iiiagjiuni opits.'" An extract from the Tenth Report, " The 
Ground of the Free School System," was printed in Old South Leaflet No. 109. Seethe 
notes to that leaflet. Read also Leaflet No. 135, James G. Carter's account of the schools 
of Massachusetts in 1S24, to understand the condition of public education at that time, 
which it was the work of Horace Mann and his associates to reform. 



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 


O^lti J^Dutft StcafUt^ 

No. 145. 

Mount Hol- 

yoke Female 



The character of the young ladies, who shall become members 
of this Seminary the first year, will be of great importance to the 
prosperity of the Institution itself, and to the cause of female 
education. Those, who use their influence in making out the 
number, will sustain no unimportant responsibility. It is very 
desirable, that the friends of this cause should carefully consider 
the real design of founding this Institution, i^efore they use their 
influence to induce any of their friends and acquaintances to 
avail themselves of its privileges. 

This institution is to be founded by the combined Hberahty 
of an enlarged benevolence, which seeks the greatest good on 
an extensive scale. Some minds seem to be cast in that peculiar 
mould, that the heart can be drawn forth only by individual want. 
Others seem best fitted for promoting .public good. None can 
value too much the angel of mercy, that can fly as on the wings 
of the wind to the individual cry for help as it comes over in tender 
and melting strains. But who does not venerate those great 
souls — great by nature — great by education — or great by grace — 
or by all combined, whose plans and works of mercy are like a 
broad river swallowing up a thousand little rivulets. How do 
we stand in awe, when we look down, as on a map, upon their 
broad and noble plans, destined to give untold blessings to the 
great community in which they dwell — to their nation — to the 
world. As we see them urging their way forward, intent on ad- 
vancing as fast as possible, the renovation of the whole human 
family — and on hastening the accomplishment of the glorious 


promises found on the page of inspiration, we are sometimes 
tempted to draw back their hand, and extend it forth in behalf of 
some traveller by the wayside, who seems to be overlooked. 
But we look again, and we behold the dearest personal inter- 
ests of the traveller by the wayside, and those of a thousand other 
individuals included in their large and warm embrace. 

This is the class of benevolent men who will aid in founding 
this Seminary; these the men who are now contributing of their 
time and money to carry forward this enterprise. 

It is ever considered a principle of sacred justice in the man- 
agement of funds, to regard the wishes of the donors. The great 
oJDJect of those, who are enlisting in this cause, and contributing 
to it, as to the sacred treasury of the Lord, cannot be misunder- 
stood. It is to meet public and not private wants. They value 
not individual good less, but the public good more. They have 
not been prompted to engage in this momentous work by a desire 
to provide for the wants of a few of the daughters of our land for 
their own sakes as individuals, but by a desire to provide for the 
urgent necessities of our country, and of the world, by enlisting 
in the great work of benevolence, the talents of many of our 
daughters of fairest promise. This Institution is expected to 
draw forth the talents of such, to give them a new direction, and 
to enUst them permanently in the cause of benevolence. We 
consider it as no more than a due regard to justice, to desire and 
pray, that a kind Providence may send as scholars to this Semi- 
nary, those who shall go forth, and by their deeds, do honor to 
the Institution, and to the wisdom and benevolence of its founders. 
The love of justice w^ill also lead us to desire and pray, that 
the same kind Providence may turn away the feet of those, who 
may in after life dishonor the Institution, or be simply harmless 
cumberers of the ground, though they should be our dearest 
friends, and those who for their own personal benefit, need its 
privileges more than almost any others. 

The grand features of this Institution are to be an elevated 
standard of science, Hterature, and refinement, and a moderate 
standard of expense; all to be guided and modified by the spirit 
of the gospel. Here we trust will be found a deUghtful spot for 
those, 'whose heart has stirred them up' to use all their talents 
in the great work of serving their generation, and of advancing 
the Redeemer's kingdom. 

In the same manner, we doubt not, that the atmosphere will 
be rendered uncongenial to those who are wrapped up in self, 

preparing simply to please, and to be pleased, whose high- 
est ambition is, to be qualified to amuse a friend in a vacant 

The age of the scholars will aid in giving to the Institution a 
choice selection of pupils. This Seminary is to be for adult 
young ladies; at an age when they are called upon by their pa- 
rents to judge for themselves to a very great degree and w^hen 
they can select a spot congenial to their taste. The great and 
ruling principle — an ardent desire to do the greatest possible 
good, will we hope, be the presiding spirit in many hearts, bring- 
ing together congenial souls. Like many institutions of charity, 
this does not hold out the prospect of providing for the personal 
relief of individual sufferers, nor for the direct instruction of the 
ignorant and degraded. But it does expect to collect, as in a 
focus, the sparks of benevolence, which are scattered in the hearts 
of many of our daughters, and after having multiplied them 
many fold and having kindled them to a flame, and given them a 
right direction, to send them out to warm and to cheer the world. 
Some of them may be the daughters of wealth, and the offering 
will be no less acceptable, because they have something besides 
themselves to offer to the great work. Others, may be the daugh- 
ters of mere competency, having been fitted for the service by 
an answer to Agur's petition. Others, again may struggle under 
the pressure of more moderate means, being called to surmount 
the greatest obstacles by persevering effort, and the aid of friends. 
But provided they have kindred spirits on the great essential 
principles, all can go forward together without a discordant 

It has been stated, that the literary standard of this Institu- 
tion will be high. This is a very indefinite term. There is no 
acknowledged standard of female education, by which an insti- 
tution can be measured. A long list of branches to be taught, 
can be no standard at all. For if so, a contemplated manual 
labor school to be established in one of the less improved of the 
western states, whose prospectus we chanced to notice some two» 
or three years since, would stand higher than most of our New- 
England colleges. Whether the institution was ever established 
we know not, nor do we remember its 'name or exact location. 
But the list of branches to be taught as they appeared on paper, 
we do remember, as for the time, it served as a happy illustra- 
tion of a general principle, relating to some of our attempts to 
advance the cause of education among us. In a seminary for 


females, we cannot as in the standard of education for the other 
sex, refer to estabhshed institutions, whose course of study and 
standard of mental discipline are known to every literary man 
in the land. But it is believed, that our statement cannot be 
made more intelligible to the enlightened community, than by 
simply saying, that the course of study, and standard of mental 
culture will be the same as that of the Hartford Female Semi- 
nary — of the Ipswich Female Seminary — or of the Troy Female 
Seminary — or of some other institution that has stood as long, 
and ranked as high as these seminaries. Suffice it to say, that 
it is expected, that the Mount Holyoke Female Seminary will 
take the Ipswich Female Seminary for its literary standard. Of 
course there will be room for a continued advancement; as that 
institution has been raising its own standard from year to year. 
But at the commencement, the standard is to be as high as the 
present standard of that seminary. It is to adopt the same high 
standard of mental discipline — the same slow, thorough, and 
patient manner of study; the same systematic and extensive 
course of solid branches. Though this explanation will nofbe uni- 
versally understood, yet it is believed that it will be understood by 
a great many in New England, and by many out of New England 
— by those, who have long been intimately acquainted with the 
character of that seminary, or who have witnessed its fruits in 
the lives of those whom it has sent forth to exert a power over 
society, which cannot be exerted by mere goodness, without in- 
tellectual strength. 'By their fruits ye shall know them.' 

The following is an extract from the last catalogue of the Ips- 
wich Female Seminarv. 


The regular course will consist of primary studies, and a two 
years' course in the regular classes, denominated Junior and 

It is not expected that all who enter the school, will pursue 
the regular course. Those among the more advanced pupils, 
who design to continue members of the school no more than 
one year, may either pursue an outline of the branches here 
taught, or make it an object to gain a thorough knowledge of 
such studies as seem best suited to promote their individual 
improvement. In recitations, the regular classes are not kept 


distinct; but all the pupils are arranged in temporary classes as 
may best promote the good of individuals. 


Mental Arithmetic, 

Written Arithmetic, 

English Grammar, 

First Book of EucHd's Geometry, 

Modern and Ancient Geography, 

Government of the United States, 

Modern and Ancient History, 


Watts on the ]\Iind. 


Written Arithmetic completed, 

Engish Grammar continued, 

The Second, Third, and Fourth Books of EucHd's Geometry, 

Natural Philosophy, 



Intellectual Philosophy, 



Some of the preceding studies reviewed and continued, 


Ecclesiastical History, 

Natural Theology, 

Philosophy of Natural History, 

Analogy of Natural and Revealed Religion to the Constitu- 
tion and Laws of Nature, 

Evidences of Christianity. 

Reading, Composition, Calisthenics, Vocal Music, the Bible 
and several of the above branches of study, will receive attention 
through the course. Those who are deficient in spelling and 
writing, wull have exercises in these branches whatever may be 
their other attainments. Linear drawing will also receive atten- 
tion. It is desired, that so far as practicable, young ladies before 
entering the Seminary, should be skilful in both mental and 
written Arithmetic, and thoroughly acquainted with Geography 
and the History of the United States. 



The Bible, Worcester's Abridgement of Webster, or some other 
English Dictionary, the Eclectic Reader, by B. B. Edwards, 
Porter's Rhetorical Reader, Colburn's First Lessons, Adams's 
Arithmetic, Smith's and Murray's Grammar, Simson's or Play- 
fair's Euclid, Woodbridge's Larger Geography, SulHvan's Polit- 
ical Class Book, Goodrich's United States, Worcester's Elements 
of History, with Goldsmith's England, Greece, and Rome, Mrs. 
Phelps's Botany, Olmstead's Natural Philosophy, Wilkins's 
Astronomy, Abercrombie on the Intellectual Powers, Newman's 
and Whately's Rhetoric, Baily's Algebra, Marsh's Ecclesiastical 
History, Paley's Natural Theology, Smellie's Philosophy of 
Natural History, Butler's Analogy, Alexander's Evidences of 

The time for admitting into the regular classes is near the 
close of the winter term. The pupils, who at that time have been 
members of the seminary a year, and in some cases only six 
months, on passing a thorough examination on the primary 
studies, or on such studies of the course as shall be equivalent 
to the primary studies, can be admitted into the Junior Class: 
and those who can pass a similar examination in such of the 
studies as shall equal all the primary studies, and those of the 
Junior Class, can be admitted into the Senior. Those who in 
addition are well acquainted with the studies of the Senior Class, 
receive at the close a testimonial of having completed with honor 
the course of study in this institution. 

In order that this new institution may accomplish the greatest 
good to the cause of female education, it is desirable that the 
pupils should advance as far as possible in study before entering 
the Seminary. To many who are expecting to become members, 
it is a subject of deep regret that the commencement of operations 
should be delayed so long. To all, who are expecting to enter this 
seminary when it opens, it is earnestly recommended to spend 
as much of the intermediate time as possible in study. It is very 
desirable that the least improved of the pupils should have a 
thorough knowledge of arithmetic, geography, history of the 
United States and English grammar, though J:his may not be 
rigidly required of every individual the first year. These branches 
may be pursued privately without a regular teacher, or in the 
common district school, or in the young ladies' village school, 
or in any other situation, which may be convenient. 

Those who wish to pursue these branches without a regular 
teacher to direct them, may derive advantage by pursuing some- 
thing Uke the following order of study. 

1. Colburn's First Lessons to the nth Section; 

2. A general course of Geography; 

3. Adams' New Arithmetic to Fractions; 

4. Rudiments and general principles of English Grammar; 

5. Colburn's First Lessons completed; 

6. Adams' Arithmetic to Proportion; 

7. History of the United States; 

8. Thorough course of Geography; 

9. Thorough course of English Grammar. 

10. Adams' Arithmetic completed. 



Colhiirn^s First Lessons. 
This book should be studied through so many times, and with 
such close attention, that all the difficult questions in every part 
of the book can be solved with great readiness, and the manner 
of solution described. In studying this, recitations are very im- 
portant. In recitations the book should not be opened by the 
learner. If the questions cannot be remembered, and all parts 
comprehended, as they are received from the lips of a teacher, 
it may be safely inferred, not that there is any deficiency in the 
abihty of the learner, but that more hard study is still requisite. 
If a young lady attempts to gain a thorough knowledge of this 
book by private study at home, it is important for her to recite 
daily to a brother, or sister, or some other friend. In recitations, 
whether of a class, or of an individual, every answer, and every 
description should be given with great clearness, accuracy, and 
promptness. The effects of a continued practice of reciting in 
this way, both on the mind, and degree of intelligence in the 
manner of an individual, can rarely be reahzed by those un- 
accustomed to observe them. 

A da m s '5 New A ritJi m elk . 
(Some other book may be used as a substitute.) 
In pursuing this branch of study, two things should be gained. 
I. Perfect Accuracy. It should not be considered sufficient, 
that a question is finally solved correctly. No standard of accu- 
racy is high enough, except that which will enable the learner 

43 f 

to avoid all wrong steps in the statement, and all errors in every 
part of the process to be corrected by a second trial. Where a 
deficiency is observed in these respects, more close and careful 
study should be apphed — the preceding parts of the book should 
be slowly and carefully reviewed — and every question should 
be solved the first time very slowly, and with an undivided atten- 
tion, till accurate habits are acquired. 

2. Readiness and Rapidity. These habits can be gained only 
by abundant practice. Reciting, that is, solving questions given 
out by another, will be very useful. This study may be pursued 
without a regular teacher, but the learner should recite daily 
to some friend as recommended in Colburn's First Lessons. If 
any one is under the necessity of being her own teacher, of solv- 
ing her own questions, and of c^vercoming her own difficulties, 
she will receive aid from observing the following rule. 'When- 
ever you are involved in difficulties, from which you know not 
how to extricate yourself, go back to the beginning, or nearly to 
the beginning of the book, and solve every question in course 
till you come to the point of difficulty.' 

Most individuals will probably find it necessary to go through 
the whole book two or three times, in order to gain the needful 
accuracy and readiness. 


But few succeed in studying this except wuth a regular teacher. 
Though the manner of pursuing this branch is very important, 
it is not easy to give short and specific directions. We will only 
say. Be very thorough. Study every lesson closely and carefully. 


The manner of studying this branch must depend much on 
the teacher. One direction may be given for the use of those 
who study it without a teacher. After studying regularly through 
some book, and reviewing it carefully once or twice, let the learner 
select a complete outline, embracing prominent facts relating to 
every part of the world. This outline should be reviewed weekly 
or monthly for months, or for a year or two, till the facts are so 
indelibly fixed on the memory, that the lady at any future time 
of life, could recall anything in this outhne almost as readily as 

she could recollect the order of the letters of the alphabet. The 
learner is referred to a lecture delivered before the American 
Institute in 1833. 


In studying history, some systematie method is very important. 
But very little dependence can be placed on mere reading. Here 
and there a mind can be found, which will by a regular reading 
of history, select and arrange its materials so systematically, that 
they can be laid up for future use. But such minds among young 
ladies in the present state of female education are rarely found. 
History furnishes to the teacher an almost boundless field for the 
exercise of the inventive powers. But the most successful parts 
of almost every system of teaching history, cannot be so de- 
scribed as to be used by a young lady without a teacher. An 
intelligent young lady might use the 'Topic System' as it has 
been called to considerable advantage in the following manner. 
After gaining a general view of the book to be studied, let the 
young lady select a list of topics or subjects through the whole, 
to be learned and recited to some friend, like a connected narra- 
tion. In learning these topics, it would not be well to charge 
the memory with every item which can be found, but with those 
which are the most important. In reciting, she should not at- 
tempt to state anything, of which she is not confident, but in 
what she does attempt to communicate, she should not allow 
herself the least indulgence for inaccuracy. She should charge 
herself w4th deficiency for the least inaccurate statement, even 
though she should correct it the next moment. The list of topics 
might with profit be recited through two or three times. If 
Goodrich's History of the United States is studied, Emerson's 
Questions may be used with advantage in connexion with the 
topics. Any one not accustomed to recite by the topic system, 
might use the Questions as a general guide in selecting items 
under each topic. Beginners have often found it useful in a few 
of the first lessons, to write out the items under each topic. But 
very soon, the mind will be able to collect and arrange its ma- 
terials without consuming so much time. When topics are 
written, no use should be made of the notes during recita- 

If the whole of this course cannot be completed before entering 
the Seminary, let the first part be taken in order, and let what 



is done, be done thoroughly. After completing the preceding 
course in the manner described, young ladies can select for them- 
selves from the regular course of study pursued at Ipswich. It 
is desirable to advance in study as far as possible before entering 
the seminary, provided that every branch taken up receives thor- 
ough attention. A superficial passing over any branch before 
commencing it regularly in school, is always an injury instead 
of a benefit. But the greater the real capital, which any one 
possesses of improvement on entering the institution, the greater 
will be her proportionate income. Any who hope to be so far 
advanced as to enter the Senior Class at first, and complete the 
regular course of study in one year, may need some more specific 
directions and information relative to preparatory studies, to 
prevent disappointment. Such can obtain further information 
by directing a letter to Miss Mary Lyon, South Hadley, Mass. 
A thorough knowledge of a definite number of branches, is a 
term, which to different individuals has very different meanings. 
Some of the members of the Ipswich Female Seminary, who had 
gone through the regular course, except the studies of the Senior 
Class, have been successful teachers in some of the most impor- 
tant female seminaries in our country. The same high standard 
will be taken in this institution. But notwithstanding this, a 
few individuals, who are now making their arrangements with 
reference to a hope, that they shall be its members the first year, 
can be j^repared to complete the course, and others there doubt- 
less will be, who could do it by devoting all the time that they 
can command, before the institution commences, to pursuing 
the most important studies, and to reviewing those which they 
have gone over. 

This institution will do much, we hope, to raise among the 
female part of the community a higher standard of science and 
literature — of economy and of refinement — of benevolence and 
religion. To accomplish this great end, we hope by the influ- 
ence of the institution on the community, to lead many to dis- 
cover and use the means within their reach, instead of mourning 
in indolence after those they can never enjoy. We hope to re- 
deem from waste a great amount of precious time — of noble in- 
tellect, and of moral power. 

*:j;*This was written for the benefit of those, who are making 
inquiries about the qualifications for admission into this Semi- 
nary. It has been printed to save the labor of transcribing. 


Those into whose hands it may fall, are requested to make no 
other use of it than they would of a written communication. 

M. L. 
South lladley, Sept. 1835. 


J'^om the Address by Dr. Edward Hitchcock, President of Amherst 
College.^ at the first anniversary of Mount Ho/yoke Seminary 
after Jl/iss Lyon's death. 

"God gave her a vigorous and well-balanced physical consti- 
tution. Her stature was at a medium; the muscular powers were 
displayed in great strength and vigor; the vital apparatus was 
very strong, so as to give a full development to the whole system, 
and im])art great tenacity of life. The brain was largely devel- 
oped, and in proper proportion to produce a symmetrical charac- 
ter. The nervous system was full, yet free from that morbid 
condition which in so many produces irritation, dejection, or 
unhealthy buoyancy of the spirits, and irregular action of the 
mind. In short, all the essential corporeal powers were devel- 
oped in harmonious proportion. You could not say that any of 
the marked temperaments were exhibited, but there was rather 
a blending of them all. 

"Now just such a physical system seemed essential to the part 
in life for which this lady was destined. Many, indeed, have 
been distinguished as instructors of youth whose constitutions 
were frail, and whose shattered nerves thrilled and vibrated in 
every exigency. But Miss Lyon had another office besides teach- 
in?; to execute, which demanded unshrinking nerves and great 
power of endurance. In building u]) a new seminary, not con- 
formed in many respects to the prevailing opinions, she could not 
but meet many things most trying to persons of extreme sensi- 
bility, and needing an iron constitution to breast and overcome. 

"And it gives a just view of the character of her mind to say 
that it corresponded to that of her body; that is, there was a full 
development of all the powers, with no undue predominance to 
any one of them. It were easy to find individuals more distin- 
guished by particular characteristics, l)ut not easy to find one 
where the powers were more harmoniously balanced, and where, 
as a whole, the mind would operate with more energy and effi- 



ciency. She did, however, exhibit some mental characteristics, 
either original or acquired, more or less peculiar. It was, for 
example, the great features of a subject which her mind always 
seized upon first. And when she had got a clear conception of 
these, she took less interest in minute details; or, rather, her mind 
seemed better adapted to master fundamental principles than to 
trace out minute differences. Just as the conqueror of a country 
does not think it necessary, after he has mastered all its strong- 
holds, to enter every habitation, to see if some private door is 
not barred against him, so she felt confident of victory when she 
had been able to grasp and understand the principles on which 
a subject rested. Her mind would work like a giant when tracing 
out the history of redemption with Edwards, or the analogies of 
nature to religion with Butler, or the great truths of Theism with 
Chalmers; but it would nod over the pages of the metaphysical 
quibbler, as if conscious that it had a higher destiny. And yet 
this did not result from an inabihty to descend to the details of 
a science when necessary. 

''The inventive faculties were also very fully developed in our 
friend. It was not the creations of fancy merely, such as form 
the poet, but the power of finding means to accompHsh important 
ends. Nor was it inveiition unbalanced by judgment, such as 
leads many to attempt schemes impracticable and quixotic. For 
rarely did she atterhpt anything in which she did not succeed; 
nor did she undertake it till her clear judgment told her that it 
would succeed. Then it mattered little who or what opposed. 
At first she hesitated, especially when any plan was under con- 
sideration that would not be generally approved; but when, upon 
careful examination, she saw clearly its practicability and impor- 
tance, she nailed the colors to the mast, and, though the enemy's 
fire might be terrific, she stood calmly at her post, and usually 
saw her opposers lower their flag. She possessed, in an eminent 
degree, that most striking of all the characteristics of a great mind; 
viz., perseverance under difficulties. When thoroughly convinced 
that she had truth on her side, she did not fear to stand alone 
and act alone, patiently waiting for the hour when others would 
see the subject as she did. This was firmness, not obstinacy; 
for no one was more open to conviction than she; but her con- 
version must result from stronger arguments, not from fear or 
the authority of names. Had she not possessed this feature of 
character, Mount Holyoke Seminary never would have existed, 
at least not on its present plan. But its triumphant success for 


one-third of a generation is a striking illustration of the far-reach- 
ing sagacity and accurate judgment of its originator. 

"Besides this seminary, the most striking example of the in- 
ventive powers of our friend is that only volume which she has 
left us, — I mean the 'Missionary Offering,' — called forth by an 
exigency in a cause which she dearly loved, and whose most 
striking characteristic is its missionary spirit. Yet it is, in fact, 
a well-sustained allegory, demanding for its composition no mean 
powers of invention and imagination. 

"Miss Lyon possessed, also, the power of concentrating the 
attention and enduring long-continued mental labor in an ex- 
traordinary degree. When once fairly engaged in any important 
subject, literary, scientific, theological, or economical, there 
seemed to be no irritated nerves or truant thoughts to intrude, 
nor could the external world break up her almost mesmeric ab- 

"Another mental characteristic of our friend was her great 
power to control the minds of others. And it was done, too, 
without their suspecting it; nay, in opposition often to strong 
prejudice. Before you were aware, her well-woven net of argu- 
ment was over you, and so soft were its silken meshes that you 
did not feel them. One reason was that you soon learnt that the 
fingers of love and knowledge had unitedly formed the web and 
woof of that net. You saw that she knew more than you did 
about the subject; that she had thrown her whole soul into it; 
that, in urging it upon you, she was actuated by benevolent mo- 
tives, and was anxious for your good; and that it was hazardous 
for you to resist so much light and love. And thus it was that 
many a refractory pupil was subdued, and many an individual 
brought to aid a cause to which he was before indifferent or 

"Finally, I must not omit to mention her great mental energy 
and invincible perseverance. That energy was a quiet power, 
but you saw that it had giant strength. It might fail of success 
to-day, but in that case it calmly waited till to-morrow. Nay, 
a score of failures seemed only to rouse the inventive faculty to 
devise new modes of operation; nor would the story of the ant 
that fell backward sixty-nine times in attempting to climb a wall, 
and succeeded only upon the seventieth trial, be an exaggerated 
representation of her perseverance. Had she lacked this energy 
and perseverance, she might have been distinguished in some- 
thing else, but she never would have been the founder of Mount 
Holyoke Female Seminary. 437 


*'Yet it is in her religious character, and there alone, that we 
shall find the secret and the powerful spring of all the efforts of 
her life which she would wish to have remembered. But I ap- 
proach this part of her character with a kind of awe, as if I were 
on holy ground, and were attempting to lay open that which she 
would wish never revealed. In her ordinary intercourse, so full 
was she of suggestions and plans on the subject of education, and 
of her new seminary, that you would not suspect how deep and 
pure was the fountain of piety in her heart, nor that from thence 
the waters flowed in which all her plans and efforts were bap- 
tized and devoted to God. But as accidentally, for the last 
thirty years, the motives of her actions have been brought to 
light, I have been every year more deeply impressed with their 
Christian disinterestedness, and with the entireness of her conse- 
cration to God. Without a knowledge of this fact, a stranger 
would mistake for selfishness the earnestness and exclusiveness 
with which she often urged the interests of her seminary. But 
in the light of this knowledge, the apparent selfishness is trans- 
muted into sacred Christian love. Her whole hfe, indeed, for 
many years past, has seemed to me to be only a bright example 
of missionary devotedness and missionary labor. I have never 
met with the individual who seemed to me more ready to sacri- 
fice even life in a good cause than she was; and, had that sacri- 
fice been necessary for securing the establishment of her favorite 
seminary, cheerfully, and without a moment's hesitation, do I 
believe, she would have laid down her life. I would, indeed, by 
no means represent her as an example of Christian perfection. 
I could not do so great injustice to her own convictions. But 
since her death, I have looked back over the whole of my long 
acquaintance with her in almost every variety of circumstance, 
to see if I could recollect an instance in which she spoke of any 
individual in such a way as to indicate feelings not perfectly 
Christian ; or if I could discover any lurkings of inordinate worldly 
ambition, or traces of sinful pride, or envy, or undue excitement, 
or disposition to shrink from duty, or of unwillingness to make 
any sacrifices which God demanded; and I confess that the 
tablet of memory furnishes not a single example. What I con- 
sidered errors of judgment I can indeed remember; but not any 
moral obliquity in feehng or action. They doubtless existed, 
but it needed nicer moral vision than I possess to discover them." 

''We are amazed when we look back at the amount and mag- 
nitude of her labors. Very few females have done so much for 


the world while they lived, or have left so rich a legacy when they 
died. Nor is the fair picture marred by dark stains, save those 
of microscopic littleness. From the days of her childhood to 
the time of her death, all her physical, intellectual, and moral 
powers were concentrated upon some useful and noble object, 
while selfishness and self-gratification seem never to have stood 
at all in the way, or to have retarded the fervid wheels of benevo- 
lence. I cannot, therefore, believe that it is the partiaHty of 
personal friendship which leads me to place Miss Lyon among 
the most remarkable women of her generation. Her history, too, 
shows the guiding hand of special providence almost as strikingly 
as the miraculous history of Abraham, of Moses, of Elijah or 
of Paul. O, it tells us all how blessed it is to trust Providence 
implicitly when we are trying to do good, though the darkness 
be so thick around us that we cannot see forward one hand's 
breadth, and bid us advance with as confident a step as if all 
were light before us. 

''This picture, too, is a complete one. Her fife was neither 
too long nor too short. She died at the right time, with her 
armor on and yet bright. But her friends saw that, strong as 
her constitution naturally was, it was giving way under such severe 
and protracted labor, and the infirmities of declining years be- 
ginning to show themselves, even at the age of fifty-two. But 
with her Saviour, she could say, 'I have finished the work 
which thou gavest me to do.' All her important plans had 
been carried into successful operation, and tested by long ex- 
periment; and the institution was in the right condition to be 
committed to other hands. ... I cannot wish to call her back. 
But I do feel, — and many who hear me I doubt not feel it too, — ■ 
I do feel a strong desire to be borne upward, on an angel's wing, 
to the Mount Zion where she now dwells, and to hear her describe 
in the glowing language of heaven, the wonders of Providence, 
as manifested in her own earthly course, as they now appear in 
the bright transparencies of heaven. Yet further, I long to hear 
her describe the still wider plans she is now devising and executing 
for the good of the universe and the glory of God; and how ad- 
mirably her earthly discipline fitted her for a nobler field of labor 
above; so that those providences, which appear to us to have 
been consummated on earth, w^re, in fact, only a necessary means 
of adapting her to a work which shall fill and deHght all her 
powers throughout eternal ages. Gladly, too, would I listen to 
her intensely earnest inquiries respecting her beloved seminary 



and friends on earth; and learn whether, in some way unknown 
to us, she may not be still able to administer to their welfare." 

Mary I>yon was born in Buckland, Franklin County, Mass., Feb. 28, 
1797. Her ancestors were among the first settlers of the adjoining town 
of Ashfield. In the " Missionary Offering," a small book written by her 
in 1843, she draws a pleasing picture of the simple "mountain home" in 
which she grew up. Her educational opportunities were limited, but in the 
district school she made uncommon progress. One of her teachers said, 
" I should like to see what she would make if she could be sent to college." 
She began her career as a teacher near Shelburne Falls, Mass., receiving 
seventy-five cents a week with board. In 18 17 she entered Sanderson 
Academy at Ashfield, maintaining herself there by the severest economy. 
At one time she resided for a season in the family of Dr. Hitchcock, then 
pastor of a church in Conway, afterwards president of Amherst College. 
We find her for one term in Amherst Academy; and it is interesting to 
note that afterwards, before locating her Seminary at South Hadley, Mount 
Pleasant in Amherst was one of the places she considered for it. In 182 1, 
after teaching in various places, she went to attend Rev. Joseph Emerson's 
school at Byfield, Mass. The Adams Female Academy at Derry, N.H., 
where she afterwards taught, was conducted upon what she called the " Emer- 
sonian "plan; and Joseph Emerson's spirit and influence she cherished 
during her later teaching at Ipswich. The Ipswich Female Seminary was 
the germ of Mount Holyoke Seminary, which grew out of the earnest 
thought and indefatigable efforts of Miss Lyon in the half-dozen years be- 
fore 1836, when the corner-stone was laid. 

Miss Lyon's address to the friends of the school, setting forth her plans 
and program, published in the present leaflet through the courtesy of the 
president of Mount Holyoke College, has never before been printed save 
in the pamphlet form in which Miss Lyon circulated it in 1835. It is a 
document of distinct interest and value in the history of the higher educa- 
cation of American women. The noble character of Mount Holyoke 
Seminary and the peculiar service which it rendered from the time when 
Mary Lyon brought it into being are well known. Her grave is in the 
Mount Holyoke grounds, and upon the monument are the words from her 
last instruction to the school : " There is nothing in the universe that I fear 
but that I shall not know all my duty or shall fail to do it." 

There is a life of Mary Lyon by President Hitchcock of Amherst Col- 
lege, published in 1851, two years after her death. A new edition of this 
revised by Mrs. Eunice (Caldwell) Cowries, was published in 1858. A later 
memoir by Miss Fiske contains many selections from Miss Lyon's addresses 
and class instructions. Miss Lyon is the subject of one of the chapters in 
Thayer's " Women who Win." 



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 

<&lh ^outl) %tafltt^. 

No. 146. 

A Congress 
of Nations. 


Addresses at the In i ernational Peace Congresses at 
Brussels (1848), Paris (1849), ^^^ Frankfort (1850). 


On the Propriety of Convoking a Congress of Nations, 
the Object of which shall be to form an Interna- 
tional Code, in order, as far as possible, to settle on 
A satisfactory basis Moot Questions, and generally 
TO secure Peace. 

The first great object which is sought to be obtained by a Con- 
gress of Nations is a well-defined Code of Internaiional Law. This 
has been acknowledged by eminent jurists, and proved by cen- 
turies of painful experience, to be a prime necessity in the com- 
munity of nations. A forcible writer, in demonstrating this neces- 
sity, says, "Few persons are aware how unsettled and imperfect 
is the present law of nations. We have, in truth, no such law, 
and what passes under the name is of recent origin, and insuffi- 
cient authority. This code, scarcely recognized at all by Greece 
or Rome, or little heeded or known in Christendom itself till after 
the Reformation, owes more to Grotius than to all other writers 
put together. He was its grand architect. He found it a chaos 
of clashing precedents and principles; but his learning, and his 
powers of analysis and combination, reduced its heterogeneous 
materials to a system which has won universal admiration, and 


exerted a benign influence over the intercourse of all civilized 
nations. Still, neither Grotius nor his commentators have fur- 
nished a Code of International Law. They possessed not the 
requisite authority, and they have given us only a compilation 
of precedents, opinions, and arguments. It is the work, not of 
legislators, but of scholars; no law-making power was ever con- 
cerned in enacting any of its statutes; and all its authority has 
resulted from the deference spontaneously paid to the genius, 
erudition, and wisdom of its compilers. It is not law, but argu- 
ment; not decrees, but rules; not a code, but a treatise; and the 
nations are at liberty, except from the force of custom and public 
opinion, to adopt or reject it as they please. A code of interna- 
tional law is still a desideratum: to supply this deficiency would 
be one of the first and highest duties of the tribunal which we 

In asking for the creation of this tribunal and fixed code of 
International law% w^e do not necessarily ask for any serious in- 
novation upon the established usages and acknowledged princi- 
ples of nations. We do not directly ask that what is now called 
unconstitutionally the law of nations, should be modified by a 
single material alteration. We do not propose to set aside the 
system of maxims, opinions, and precedents which Grotius and 
his successors or commentators have produced for the regulation 
of international society, or to weaken the homage which the world 
has accorded to that system. But if it is to continue to be the 
only recognized basis of international negotiation, treaties, inter- 
course, and society; if it is to be accepted, in the coming ages of 
civihzation, as a universal common law among nations, then we 
do insist that it should not only retain the spontaneous and tra- 
ditionary homage accorded to it by the different governments of 
the civilized world, but that it shall also acquire the authority 
which the suflfrage of nations can only give to it through the 
solemn forms of legislation. That legislation cannot be secured, 
in this constitutional age, without an International Legislature, 
or a Congress oj Nations, in which each shall be equitably repre- 
sented. The first great work of this International Assembly 
would be to revise and reconstruct the present code of Inter- 
national Law, and present it to the National Legislatures which 
they represent, for their adoption and ratification. Is there any- 
vhing Utopian, visionary, or impracticable in the supposition that 
such a task might be satisfactorily performed by a body contain- 
ing, we might assume, the aggregated wisdom of the world ? Or, 

in the language of a lucid writer, "If a single man, like Hugo 
Grotius, was able, in the early part of the seventeenth century, 
by his unaided talents, to create from the chaos of the past an 
almost perfect system of international jurisprudence, and by the 
mere force of his genius and learning to give to that system al- 
most universal authority, have we not every reason to believe that 
a chosen body of wise and learned men, selected from among many 
nations, enlightened by all the experience of the past and by the 
lofty principles of the present age, and devoting their combined 
energies to the great work, would give to the result of their labors 
such perfectness of finish, such clearness of reasoning, such force 
of illustration, as would at once render the work of universal 
authority and obhgation?" 

But let us reduce our proposition to a present reality; and 
suppose that we have already carried all the preliminary stages 
of the measure, that we have poured a flood of light upon the 
pubhc mind throughout the civilized world in regard to the guilt 
and ruin of War, that we have roused the miUions of the people 
to pour their united voices upon the ear of Parliaments, National 
Assembhes, and Cabinets, until statesmen and legislators have 
been constrained to take up the work in earnest. Let us suppose 
that the basis of national representation has been fixed, and 
that it assigns a representative in the Congress of Nations to 
every miUion of inhabitants; if all the nations of Christendom 
accept this basis and elect their representatives, then we have 
an Assembly of about 350 members, or one about as large as 
the British House of Commons. But if only Great Britain, 
France, Germany, the Italian States, and the United States ac- 
cept it at first, then we have an Assembly of about t 60 members, 
embracing the most profound statesmen and jurists that these 
five nations can produce. They meet at Frankfort, or Brussels, 
or at some convenient point on the Continent of Europe, a few 
weeks before their own National Legislatures open their sessions 
for the year. The first work of this august Senate, after its 
proper organization, is the appointment of a Committee on In- 
ternational Law, composed of the most profound statesmen and 
jurists from the different countries. This Committee sit down 
to the examination of all that Grotius, Puffendorf, Vattel, and 
others have produced on the subject. They apply to the work 
all the legal wisdom of the world; all that the light of the world's 
experience can reveal; all that the world's wants and future neces- 
sities can suggest. One by one they present to the Congress the 


statutes of that common law which it is expected to provide for 
the nations. One by one these statutes are discussed, amended, 
and adopted, and then transmitted for discussion and adoption 
to the National Legislature in session at London, Paris, Frank- 
fort, Rome, and Washington. The popular mind throughout 
Christendom is fixed with deep interest upon the proceedings 
of this International Senate; and the journals of all countries are 
filled with the reports of speeches made in that and in their own 
Legislative Assemblies, on the ratification of the different clauses 
of the new code of International Law. At the end of six months, 
perhaps, the last clause has been elaborated, and transmitted 
to London, Paris, Frankfort, Rome, and Washington; and we 
have a fixed well-digested code, created, sanctioned, and solemn- 
ized by all the moral prestige and authority that can be acquired 
from human legislation. No law ever enacted on earth can com- 
pare with this in the vital attributes of moral obhgation. Into 
no law or record has there been so much suffrage of the public 
mind compressed as into this new code of nations. The Congress 
that elaborated and adopted it was a constiUUional Congress. 
It was called into existence by the people; it was composed of 
the people's representatives. They send to it their greatest and 
best men-^the most profound statesmen and jurists that their 
countries could produce. They sent them there for the express 
purpose of preparing this code; they empowered them with full 
authority to give it all the force that legislation can give to law. 
The august Senate assembled, and, under a solemn sense of the 
responsibility and magnitude of their mission, they performed 
their task. The most sublime Legislative Assembly that ever 
met on earth, they gave the result of their deliberations to their 
respective National Legislatures for examination, amendment, 
and ratification. Here, again, the people participated in the enact- 
ment of this code. Here, again, they affixed to the statutes the 
seal of their suffrage; and it was finished. It is the common law 
of the people; it bears the superscription of their sovereignty; it 
is the c]ief-d''oeiivre of constitutional legislation; the sublimest 
manifestation of the pubhc mind that can be achieved by the 
representative principle. It is the law of nations in every popu- 
lar, legislative, and moral sense; and in each of these senses it 
is the particular and popular law of each of the nations that 
participated in its enactment. Then have we not every reason 
to believe that the constituent people would not permit any of 
its statutes to be violated without their energetic reprobation? 


But let us return to our Congress of Nations. The code which 
they produced as the result of long and serious deliberations has 
been accepted by all the nations represented in the Assembly. It 
has received its last seal of authority. The illustrious Senate 
now enters upon the second department of its labors, and pro- 
vides for the erection of a Grand International Tribunal, or per- 
manent High Court of Nations, which shall decide all serious 
questions of controversy between the nations represented, accord- 
ing to the code thus adopted. After mature deliberation, they 
provide for the appointment, for life or otherwise, of two jurists 
from each nation, to compose the Bench of Judges forming this 
High Court of Arbitration, Honor, and Equity. If it is deemed 
necessary that this tribunal shall immediately replace the Con- 
gress that created it, then the latter, we will suppose, continues 
its sessions, until the Judges are appointed by the different 
National Legislatures entitled to a representation in the Court. 
Having accomplished the two great objects for which it was 
called into existence, it is instructed to apply its deliberations to 
minor matters of International interests, until the Judges shall 
arrive to open the High Court. For instance, they digest a plan 
for establishing a universal and permanent uniformity of weights 
and measures throughout the civilized world, which would be 
a great boon to mankind. In effecting this object, the Congress 
will do what individual nations have frequently essayed to achieve 
without success. Many other obstructions to International trade 
and intercourse may occupy its attention while waiting for the 
High Court to open its tribunal. 

The opening of this High Court of Nations, with the imposing 
solemnities befitting the occasion, must open a new era in the 
condition and prospects of mankind. A seat for life, or for any 
period on this bench of judges, is the highest appointment within 
the capacity of any nation. It is a post of duty, honor, trust, 
and dignity, which has no parallel in the presidency of a repubhc, 
or in the office of ambassador to any foreign court. Still, it can- 
not be the place for the ambitious politician, the factious diplo- 
matist, or reckless demagogue; consequently, we may believe 
that two profound statesmen, or jurists, have been appointed 
by each nation, to represent it in this grand tribunal. Filling 
the sublimest position to which the suffrage of mankind could 
raise them, we may presume that they would act under a proper 
sense of the dignity and responsibility of their vocation. Consti- 
tuting the highest Court of Appeal this side of the bar of Eternal 


Justice, they would endeavor, we might hope, to assimilate their 
decisions, as nearly as possible, to those of unerring Wisdom. 
Sinking the great disconnected circles of human society into the 
chain of universal order, they would watch with jealous eye all 
that could disturb the harmony of nations, the links of which 
that chain is composed. Such a body, in several senses, would 
be to the great orbit of humanity what the sun is in the solar 
system; if not in the quality of light, at least in that of attraction. 
A presentiment of union would pervade the nations, and prepare 
them for a new condition of society. Wherever a question arose 
between two of them, the thought of War would not occur to 
either. The note of martial preparations would not be heard 
along their coasts. The press would not breathe thoughts among 
the people, calculated to stimulate sentiments and presentiments 
of hostihties. Each party would say to its government, "There 
is the law; there is the Court; there sit the Judges! refer the case 
to their arbitrament, and we will abide by their decision." In- 
stead of the earth being shaken with the thunder of conflicting 
armies and deluged with blood, to settle a question of right or 
honor, we should see reported, among other decisions of this 
Supreme Court of Nations, the case of England versus France, 
Prussia vefsiis Denmark, or Mexico versus the United States. 
Thus all these occasions of War, under the old regime of brute 
force, might be settled as legitimately and satisfactorily as any 
law-case between two sovereign states of the American Union. 
The Supreme Court of the United States is frequently occupied 
with a lawsuit between two states; and a case, entitled New York 
versus Virginia, or Ohio versus Pennsylvania, will often be found 
on the list of cases presented for trial. A resort to arms never 
occurs to the inhabitants of either of the litigant states, however 
grave may be the difference between them. The first result, 
then, of the erection of this High Court of Nations would be 
the expulsion of the idea of War from the popular mind of Chris- 
tendom; and all preparations for War would disappear in like 

All the Continental Governments are now undergoing the proc- 
ess of renovation or reconstruction upon a popular basis. New 
political affinities have already been created between nations. 
Freedom of the press, right of pubUc meeting, of association, 
and other great popular prerogatives have been acquired. The 
community of nations is slowly approximating to the condition 
of the family circle. Now is the time to organize these social 

tendencies and national affinities into a fixed system of society. 
Everything favors the proposition. The great obstructions that 
would have opposed it a year ago have been removed. Nations 
are gravitating into union; not giving up any essential qualities 
of independence or individuahty, but confederating with each 
other under the attraction of mutual affinities. Then why mav 
we not link these large circles of humanity into one grand system 
of Society, by creating for it a common centre and source of at- 
traction in the establishment of a High Court of Nations? 



To-day are fulfilled the aspirations of that man of courageous 
faith and extended philanthropy, William Penn. More than 200 
years have elapsed since he penned his parting words of peace 
to a distant posterity. Assembled from both sides of the Atlantic, 
speaking different languages, and living under different govern- 
ments, we are here to honor with our remembrance that earlv 
friend of peace and humanity. The project which he elaborated 
we now bring back almost in its original integrity. It has been 
subjected to the changing opinions and conditions of society. 
Able writers in different countries have made it the theme of 
learned dissertations; yet it has not incurred any fundamental 
change. The friends of peace in America have concentrated 
their efforts upon its development and adoption. More than 
fifty essays have been written upon it; and hundreds of public 
meetings have been held for the purpose of interesting the public 
mind in its favor. Petitions, numerously signed, have been 
addressed to the legislative assemblies of different states, asking 
them to induce the federal government at Washington to propose 
to the other governments of the civilized world the convocation 
of a Congress of Nations, for the purpose of establishing a well- 
defined code of international law, and a high court of adjudica- 
tion, to interpret and apply it, in the settlement of all international 
disputes, which cannot be satisfactorily arranged by negotiation. 
A similar form of proposition emanated from this metropolis more 
than two centuries ago. Its author had no works on international 
law to consuU. Neither Grotius, nor Puffendorf, nor Vattel 
had pubhshed anything on the subject. The great tribunal 
which he proposed was a perpetual court of equity, composed 



of a representative from every recognized kingdom or govern- 
ment in the world. The only material difference between the 
original and the present form of the project is not a change, but 
an addition. The friends of peace in America, who, perhaps, 
have devoted more attention to this particular measure than 
their brethren on this side of the Atlantic, have believed it in- 
dispensable for the order and peace of nations that there should 
not only be established a court of equity or arbitration, but also 
a well-defined authoritative code of international law, which 
should govern the decisions of that tribunal, in settUng the dis- 
putes referred to it. And, indeed, they have deemed the estab- 
lishment of such a code as the first and most important step to 
be taken in organizing permanent and universal peace. In this 
conviction they are sustained by the testimony of profound writers, 
and by evidence derived from the painful experience of nations, 
still suffering from the murderous wars and animosities of the 
past. "The law of nations," says Vattel, "is as much above 
the civil law in its importance as the proceedings of nations and 
sovereigns surpass in their consequences those of private persons." 
How plain, how explicit, then, ought the law of nations to be! 
How guarded at every point! How fixed and acknowledged its 
principles! And yet, strange to say, this law, all-important as 
It is, has never been put into the form of a code, and many of itS' 
principles remain matters of dispute, and have been the frequent 
occasion of war. To adopt the language of an able writer on 
this subject, "We have no such law, and what passes under that 
name is the unauthorized work of irresponsible individuals, at 
different periods, who frequently disagree among themselves. 
Neither Grotius nor his commentators have furnished an inter- 
national code. They possessed not the requisite authority; and 
they have given us only a compilation of precedents, opinions, 
and arguments. It is the work, not of legislators, but of scholars; 
no law-making power was ever concerned in enacting any of 
its statutes; and all its authority has resulted from the deference 
spontaneously paid to the genius, condition, and wisdom of its 
compilers. It is not law, but argument; not decrees, but rules; 
not a code, but a treatise: and the nations are at liberty, except 
from the force of custom and public opinion, to adopt and reject 
it, as they please." The first work prescribed for a Congress 
of Nations would be to revise and reconstruct the present code 
of international law, as it has been called, and then to present 
it for the ratification to the different national assembhes repre- 

sented in the Congress. To effect an object of this vast impor- 
tance, we might assume that each nation would send to the Con- 
gress its most profound statesmen, or juris-consuls, so that all 
the legal wisdom and experience of the age would be brought 
to bear upon its deliberations. The basis of representation and 
the mode by which the different national delegates should be 
elected are matters of detail, which, it has been thought, might 
be referred to a more advanced stage of the project. But, merely 
to supplv the proposition with all its requisite elements, let us 
suppose that one delegate should be apportioned to every million 
of the population of a country. If all the nations of the civihzed 
world should come into this arrangement, then we should have 
an assembly of about 300 members, of whom, perhaps, thirty- 
six would represent France, thirty Great Britain, thirty Ger- 
many, twenty the United States. If this basis were adopted, 
such' a representation would be sufficiently popular, if appointed 
by the legislatures of the different constitutional governments. 
Even if afew absolute monarchies should send delegates to ihe 
Congress, their votes and voices would not modify the popular 
character and constitution of the assembly. For such a Congress 
would represent the principle of universal suffrage applied to 
nations, in the same manner as it is applied to individuals under 
a republican or constitutional form of government. The votes 
that Prussia might be entitled to give would be subject to the 
rigid condition of the democratic principle. They would be of 
no more avail upon the decision of a question than the same 
number of votes cast by the United States or the smallest republic. 
Therefore, a people possessing universal or limited suffrage could 
have nothing to fear even from the association of one or two 
despotic powers in such an assembly, for they would inevitably 
constitute a small minority in it, and be unable to modify its 
conclusions. Besides, the task prescribed to the Congress would 
be so specific, and the materials so natural and abundant, that 
there would be little danger of the introduction and discussion 
of extraneous topics. They would not be obliged to launch into 
a new and unexplored field of speculations. Their first great 
work would be merely to revise a system of principles, precedents, 
practices and opinions, which had already acquired the name, 
and even a part of the authority, of an international code. All 
that Grotius, Puffendorf, \'attel, and other men of great erudi- 
tion have produced, would be in their hands. The experience 
of past ages, the present and future necessities of international 



society, would be available to guide their deliberations. Nor would 
this be all. Every step they took would be directed by the wisdom 
of the nations which they represented. For instance, the Congress 
might be in session at the same time as the different national 
assembhes by which it had been constituted, in order that its 
proceedings might be ratified step by step. Let us suppose, then, 
that it should meet at some convenient town in Switzerland, or 
in some other central territory, which should be considered neutral 
ground, or free from any local influence which might affect its 
conclusions. They would immediately proceed to revise and 
adopt the international code, clause by clause. And clause by 
clause it might be transmitted to the national legislatures in ses- 
sion at Paris, London, Frankfort, Washington, and other capitals. 
At the end of six months, perhaps, the last paragraph has been 
elaborated and adopted by the Congress, and ratified by all the 
national assemblies represented in it. We have now a well- 
digested code, created, sanctioned, and solemnized by all the 
moral prestige and authority that can be acquired from human 
legislation. The august senate which constructed it was com- 
posed of delegates chosen by the representatives of the peoples. 
The most sublime legislative assembly that ever met on earth, 
they gave the result of the deliberations to their respective na- 
tional assemblies for revision, amendment, and adoption. Here, 
again, the people took part in the enactment of this code. Here, 
again, they aflfixed to its statutes the seal of their suft'rage, and it 
became the common law of nations, invested with all the moral 
authority that human legislation can give to law. On arriving 
at this result, we have taken the first great step in organizing 
peace in the society of nations. We have established a basis 
upon which their intercourse may be regulated by clearly defined 
and solemnly recognized principles of justice and equity. The 
next step, and of equal importance, is to constitute a permanent 
international tribunal, which shall interpret and apply this code 
in the adjudication of questions submitted to its decision. The 
illustrious assembly, therefore, enters upon the second depart- 
ment of its labors, and projects a plan for the establishment of 
this High Court of Nations. And this plan is adopted, also, in 
the same manner as the code itself. Let us suppose that it pre- 
scribes the appointment of two judges, for life or otherwise, by 
the government or legislature of each nation represented in the 
Congress. This number is suggested by the constitution of the 
Senate of the United States, which is composed of two delegates, 

1 1 

elected by the legislature of every state, great or small. If it is 
deemed necessary that this tribunal shall immediately replace 
the Congress, then the latter, we will suppose, continues its ses- 
sions until the judges are appointed. Having accomplished the 
two great objects for which it was convoked, it is instructed to 
apply its attention to matters of minor international interest, 
until the judges arrive, to open the High Court. For instance, 
they digest a plan for establishing throughout the civilized world 
a uniformity of weights, measures, moneys, rates of postage, and 
for creating other facilities for the social and comniercial inter- 
course of nations, thus preparing them for that relation to each 
other which should exist between the members of a vast and 
peaceful commonwealth. We now reach the grand consumma- 
tion of our system. The High Court of Nations is opened with 
all the imposing solemnities befitting the occasion. Each nation, 
we may believe, has selected two of its most profound and emi- 
nent men to fill the seats allotted to it in this grand tribunal. 
Occupying the sublimest position to which the suffrage of man- 
kind could raise them, they will act, we may presume, under a 
proper sense of the dignity and responsibility of their high voca- 
tion. Constituting the highest court of appeal this side of the 
bar of Eternal Justice, they will endeavour to assimilate their 
decisions, as nearly as possible, to those of unerring wisdom. 
Here, then, we complete the chain of universal law and order. 
Here we organize a system which is to connect the great circles 
of humanity, and regulate the mutual deportment of nations by 
the same principles of justice and equity as govern the inter- 
course of the smallest communities of men. We estabhsh an 
order of society by which great nations, without deposing a 
single prerogative of their legitimate sovereignty, accept the con- 
dition of individuals who are amenable to law. For our system, 
if adopted, would not trench upon the complete independence of 
the different states. Neither the Congress nor the High Court 
of Nations would pretend to exercise any jurisdiction over the 
internal affairs of a country, or exert any direct political influence 
upon its institutions. Neither would they be designed to confed- 
erate the different states of the civiHzed world in a poHtical union, 
like the United States of America. The great international tri- 
bunal which we propose would not be like the Supreme Court 
of the United States, to which not only the thirty little republics, 
but every inhabitant of the Union, may appeal for its decision 
in any case which cannct be settled by inferior authorities. The 



different nations would still retain all the prerogatives of their 
mutual independence. Even if differences arose between them, 
they would endeavor to settle them as before, by negotiation. 
But, if that medium failed to effect an honorable and satisfac- 
tory adjustment, they would then refer the matter in dispute to 
the arbitration of this High Court, which, in concert with other 
nations, they had constituted for that purpose. The existence 
of such a last court of appeal would inevitably facilitate the ar- 
rangement of these questions by negotiation, which is now often 
embarrassed and thwarted by its dangerous proximity to an 
appeal to arms. Whenever a difi&culty arose between two coun- 
tries, the last resort, after negotiation had failed, would not sug- 
gest to the mind of either party the terrible trial of the battle- 
field, but the calm, impartial, and peaceful adjudication of the 
High Tribunal of the Peoples. And, when once the idea of war 
has been displaced in the minds of nations by the idea of a quiet 
administration of justice and equity, preparations for war, and 
all the policies which it requires and creates, will gradually dis- 
appear from international society. The different nations w^ould 
soon accustom themselves to refer their cases to this High Court 
of Appeal with as much confidence as the different states of the 
American Union now submit their controversies to the decision 
of the Supreme Court of the United States. On the list of cases 
brousfht before that court mav be found sometimes one entitled 
^'New York v. Virginia," or ''Pennsylvania v. Ohio"; and, how- 
ever heavily the verdict may bear upon one of the parties, scarcely 
a murmur is heard against it. In hke manner we might see re- 
ported, among other decisions of this international tribunal, the 
case of " France i\ England," "Denmark z-. Prussia," or "Mexico 
V. the United States." 

The brief space within which this exposition must be com- 
pressed will permit but a slight notice of the objections which are 
frequently opposed to the system under consideration. Among 
the most prominent of these objections, it is declared that the 
different governments and peoples are not yet prepared for such 
a condition of society as we would establish ; that in their present 
disposition they would not be wilhng to submit their differences 
to such a tribunal; that there would be no military power to en- 
force obedience to its authority; and that all the nations of the 
civilized world could not be induced to come into this arrange- 
ment. Group all these objections together, we would merely 
reply to them, en masse, that we are not compelled to rest the 

practicability of our project upon the present state or disposition 
of the different governments and peoples. The edifice of inter- 
national society which we would erect must be the work of years 
of unremitting labor. Stone by stone would we build this temple 
of universal peace, and when the last is fitted to its place, and 
all is prepared for opening its portals for the fraternization of 
the peoples, they will be ready to give each other the hand, and 
form a holy aUiance, to banish war and all its suite of animosities 
and miseries from the community. The means which we pro- 
pose to employ will tend to prepare the popular mind throughout 
the civilized world to espouse with dehght that condition of in- 
ternational fraternity which our system would organize. We 
will allude to but one class of these means, and that is a series 
of congresses like the one which is now convened in this hall and 
in this metropolis of civilization. What do we need to enable 
us to organize permanent peace by instituting a High Court of 
Nations? We need, in the first place, the sympathy and support 
of the popular mind. In the next place, we need the adhesion 
of governments, and their adoption of a system which public 
opinion has universally demanded. Well, for twenty years the 
friends of peace on both sides of the Atlantic had disseminated 
their principles through their respective communities. In 1843 
they held a Congress in London, at which there were present 
about twenty-five delegates from the United States, and several 
from France and other continental countries. Here they delib- 
erated upon the best measures for establishing universal peace. 
Several members of Parliament took part in the proceedings of 
this Congress, and gave to its object their complete approbation 
and support. This demonstration proved that the legislative 
as well as the popular mind of different countries had become 
interested in the organization of universal peace: the members 
of that Congress returned to their respective communities, in- 
spired with new^ zeal and activity, and instituted more extensive 
operations for disseminating their principles. After laboring 
five years, with encouraging success, they resolved to hold an- 
other Congress, not only to give a new impetus to the cause, but 
to ascertain the force of pubHc opinion which had been acquired 
in its favor. They believed that the popular mind in England 
and the United States was in an advanced state of preparation, 
and they desired, as it were, to feel the pulse of the rest of the 
people of Europe in reference to the cause, and to elicit their 
sympathy and co-operation. Consequently, last year they vent- 



ured to raise their standard for the first time upon the continent 
of Europe. Ahhough the contemporaneous circumstances of the 
epoch were inauspicious, the success which attended their pacific 
demonstration surpassed all their anticipations. There were 
present about 150 delegates from England and the United States, 
and an equal number from Belgium and other continental coun- 
tries. The Belgian Government accorded every facility and 
courtesy which the hospitality of a generous nation could inspire, 
and many of its eminent men took part in the Congress and as- 
sisted at its organization. The president, the Hon. Auguste 
Visschers, a gentleman high in the estimation of the government 
and people of Belgium, was supported on one side by a member 
of the French National Assembly, as vice-president for France, 
and on the other by a member of the British Parhament, as vice- 
president for England. Several other members of different na- 
tional assemblies were present, and took part in the dehberations 
of the Congress. The proceedings were conducted in the most 
excellent spirit, and its conclusions were clear and unanimous. 
The Anglo-American delegates were surprised and dehghted to 
find that there were so many on the continent ready to unite with 
them in their enterprise. The Congress was a proof to them 
that the popular mind everywhere was fast preparing for the 
fraternization of the peoples under a system of organized peace. 
Nor was this all. The presence and co-operation of members of 
different national assemblies proved also that they might rely 
upon the adhesion of the legislative mind of Europe, just in pro- 
portion as they acquired the suffrage of enlightened public opin- 
ion. Encouraged by these new indications of progress, the Anglo- 
American delegates returned from the Congress, and commenced 
a series of operations on a larger scale than they had ever attempted 
before. In England there were 150 pubHc meetings held in 
different parts of the country, and 1,000 petitions were presented 
to Parliament in favor of international arbitration, — one of the 
measures proposed at the Brussels Congress. 

This proposition was brought before the House of Commons 
on the 12th of June by Mr. Richard Cobden, and he and other 
able statesmen pleaded for its adoption with irresistible argu- 
ments. The discussion lasted for six hours, and was conducted 
with excellent spirit, the two parties appearing to understand 
that they were in the presence of a sacred principle, worthy of 
the veneration of the human race. Eighty-one members voted 
with Mr. Cobden for the proposition, and these were the repre- 


sentatives of the largest electoral district^ in the kingdom. Be- 
sides other manifestations of popular sympathy, there were 200,- 
000 persons in England who, during the last six years, have, in 
their petitions, entreated the British Government to adopt a 
measure adapted to banish war forever from the family of nations. 
There have been more persons in England who have this year 
petitioned Parliament for universal peace than for all the other 
necessities of the nation put together. Does not this fact indi- 
cate that the popular mind in England is preparing to support 
any practical measure for the aboUtion of war? And were not 
the eighty votes in Parliament, of members representing the 
largest electoral districts in the kingdom, a proof that the legis- 
lative mind of Great Britain is in an advanced state of prepara- 
tion to adopt such a measure? But is not the presence of this 
great and solemn assembly an evidence more illustrious still 
that the great peoples of the civilized world, and their legislators 
too, are even ready now to co-operate in establishing peace as 
a fundamental and permanent system of society? Here are 500 
men, representing all the considerable towns of Great Britain, 
from Land's End to John O'Groat's, who have left their homes 
and crossed the Channel to assist at this great demonstration. 
What does their presence testify, if not to the complete prepara- 
tion of the popular mind in England to support any measure 
which shall expel the enormous suicide of war forever from the 
society of nations? And is not the presence of the illustrious 
Richard Cobden and his colleagues of the British Parliament a 
proof that the legislative mind of England will follow, if not 
lead, the will of that people in the path of peace? And here, 
too, are men from different parts of the United States, who have 
left their homes and crossed the ocean, to testify by their presence 
that America is ready and willing to fraternize with the peoples 
of the Old World in the organization of universal peace. And 
one of these delegates is a member of the Congress of the United 
States, who travelled 2,oco miles before he could reach a port 
at which he could embark for Europe. And what may we say 
for France? Here we meet her distinguished legislators, jurists, 
wTiters, her conductors of the press and teachers of religion. 
May we not believe that she is ready to accept the Anglo-American 
hand which is proffered to her this day, and to associate herself 
with the great peoples which that hand unites in estabhshing per- 
petual peace in the family of nations? Comparing this demon- 
stration with the two which have preceded it, is it too much to 



believe that we are advancing by a ratio of geometrical progres- 
sion toward the Congress of Nations which we propose ? In 
the Peace Congress of 1843 there were about 150 delegates, in- 
cluding two or three members of the British Parliament. In 
this assembly, the third in our series, we have more than 600 
delegates, including twenty or thirty members of different na- 
tional assemblies. If this demonstration should set on foot 
more extensive operations for disseminating the ideas of peace 
during the next twelve months, may we not beheve that in our 
next Congress we shall have 1,000 delegates, including 100 of 
the most enhghtened statesmen, representing all the national 
assembhes of the civilized world? If it should be concluded 
to hold the next Congress at Frankfort in 1850 or 185 1, the 
friends of peace in America would undertake to send a delega- 
tion of 100, including twenty-five or thirty members of the Con- 
gress of the United States. Thus, in four or five years, these 
periodical demonstrations would draw into the movement the 
most liberal statesmen in every country, who would urge upon 
their respective governments the adoption of the system under 
consideration. In the mean time we should have prepared the 
different peoples to espouse that system, and to sustain it with 
that enlightened public opinion which, according to the author- 
ity of Lord Palmerston, is stronger than armies. 


Resolution: "That this Congress recommends all the friends 
of Peace to prepare public opinion, in their respective countries, 
for the convocation of a Congress of the Representatives of the 
various States, with a view to the formation of a Code of Inter- 
national Law." 

Mr. President and Gentlemen, — I deeply regret that the task 
has devolved upon me to present to this assembly a proposition 
which has been denominated American, from the attention which 
the friends of peace in the United States have given to its develop- 
ment and advocacy during the last twenty years, — I refer to the 
convocation and establishment of a Congress and High Court 
of Nations for the regulation of the intercourse and for the ad- 
justment of the difficulties which may arise between them, accord- 
ing to the principles of justice embodied in a well-defined code 
of international law. I had hoped that some one of my country- 
men would have been prepared to bring to the discussion of this 

question a force of argument and clearness of illustration be- 
fitting a subject of such grave importance. But, as no member 
of the American delegation is thus prepared to develop the 
proposition, I beg leave merely to state, as succinctly as I can, 
the principal points and considerations which it involves. In 
the first place, then, permit me to say that the measure proposed 
is not American^ either in origin or argument. It had taken shape 
and form in the public mind before America was discovered as 
a world or born as a nation. It is as old as the idea of interna- 
tional law; and, with that idea, it has come down to us from the 
earliest times, expanding as it descended, through Egyptians and 
Persians, through Greeks and Romans, through the chaos of 
t le dark ages, through confederacies and councils, leagues and 
diets of later periods, down to the congresses and conferences 
of the last century. In 1622, before a single Enghsh colony was 
established in North America, and nearly one hundred years be- 
fore the Abbe de St. Pierre had written a word upon the subject, 
a French author, in a work entitled "Le Nouveau Cygne," elab- 
orated the proposition which is submitted to your consideration 
to a fulness of development far surpassing the limits which the 
present advocates of the measure would prescribe to its oper- 
ations. He proposed the convocation and establishment of a 
great International Senate, composed of a representative from 
every recognized kingdom or government in the world, a body 
which should not only serve as a perpetual court of equity and 
arbitration, but also as a standing convention or congress, to 
project and propose great international works of improvement, — 
such as the connection of rivers, seas, and oceans by ship canals 
and enterprises of a similar character. About a century and 
a half after the publication of this work, a higher authority and 
more distinguished name than that of the anonymous writer to 
whom I have referred invested the proposition with all the dig- 
nity that profound legal erudition and experience could confer 
upon it. The name of Emanuel Kant is identified with it, and 
it would be an act of injustice to the memory of that remarkable 
man to ascribe to the xA.merican mind a plan which he had pre- 
sented to the world with such clearness and force before it was 
ever mentioned on the other side of the x\tlantic. He says: "What 
WT mean to propose is a General Congress of Nations, of which 
both the meeting and duration are to depend entirely upon the 
sovereign wills of the League, and not an indissoluble union, 
like that which exists between the several states in North America, 



founded upon a political covenant. Such a Congress and such 
a League are the only means of realizing the idea of a true public 
law, according to which the differences between nations would 
be determined by civil proceedings, as those between individuals 
are determined by civil judicature, instead of resorting to war, 
a means of redress worthy only of barbarians." Other distin- 
guished authorities might be cited to prove that the proposition 
is not an American idea. To France and Germany belongs the 
joint honor of its paternity; to France and Germany belongs 
the joint duty of expanding it to the full stature and perfection 
of a world-embracing reality. Here is a sublime work for the 
united energies of their mighty mind. Whatever we have done 
in America in reference to this question, we have done as their 
disciples. For twenty years we have wrought upon their idea, 
and endeavored to induce our government to propose its adop- 
tion to all the other governments of the civilized world. Large 
public meetings have been held from year to year for its consid- 
eration. More than fifty essays have been written to demonstrate 
its necessity and practicability. The legislatures of several of 
our states have addressed memorials in its favor to the General 
Congress and Government at Washington. The resolutions 
adopted by the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1844 embrace 
the propositions almost exactly as defined by Emanuel Kant in 
1794. This is its language: "That it is our earnest desire that 
the Government of the United States would take measures for 
obtaining the consent of the powers of Christendom to the estab- 
lishment of a General Congress of Nations for the purpose of 
setthng the principles of international law, and of establishing 
a High Court of Nations, to adjudge all cases of difficulty which 
may be brought before them." This scheme proposes, to use 
the term of that distinguished writer, "tc realize the idea of a 
true public law" by the only process by which such an important 
object could be attained: first, by defining and settling the prin- 
ciples of international law; and then by establishing a High Court 
of Nations, which should interpret and apply those principles to 
the adjudication of such questions as should be submitted to its 
arbitration. Here, then, are two great and distinct steps to be 
taken, to organize the society of nations upon a basis of fixed 
law and order. The resolution before us Hmits our delibera- 
tions to the first of these steps; and to that I will confine my re- 
marks, feeling assured that the one must inevitably follow the 
other in quick succession. The sole object of a Congress of 

Nations, according to the language of the resolution, is to provide 
the world with a well-defined, authoritative code of international 
law. This has been acknowledged by eminent jurists, and 
proved* by centuries of painful experience, to be the great want 
of the commonwealth of nations. A forcible writer, in demon- 
strating this necessity, remarks: — 

"Few persons are aware how unsettled and imperfect is the 
present law of nations. Neither Grotius nor his commentators 
have furnished a code of international law. The}' possessed not 
the requisite authority, and they have given us only a compilation 
of precedents, opinions, and arguments. It is the work, not of 
legislators, but of scholars; no law-making power was ever con- 
cerned in enacting any of its statutes; and all its authority has 
resulted from the deference spontaneously paid to the genius 
and erudition of its compilers. It is not law, but argument ; not 
decrees, but rules; not a code, but a treatise; and the nations are 
at liberty, except from the force of custom and public opinion, 
to adopt or reject it as they please." 

We do not propose to set aside the system of maxims, opinions, 
and precedents which Grotius and his commentators produced 
for the regulation of international society, or to weaken the hom- 
age which the world has accorded to that system. But if it is 
to continue to be the only recognized basis of international ne- 
gotiations, treaties, intercourse, and society, if it is to be accepted, 
in the coming ages of enlightened civilization as a universal com- 
mon law among nations, then we do insist that it shall not onlv 
retain the spontaneous and traditionary homage accorded to it by 
the civilized world, but that it shall also acquire the authority 
which the suffrage of nations can only give to it through the 
solemn forms of legislation. That legislation cannot be secured, 
in this age of constitutions, without an international legislature, 
or a congress of nations, in which each shall be equitably repre- 
sented. The only work assigned to this international assembly 
would be to revise and reconstruct the present code of interna- 
tional law, and then to present it to the national legislatures which 
they represented, for their adoption and ratification. Now is 
there anything Utopian, visionary, or impracticable in the sup- 
position that this task might be satisfactorily performed by a 
body of men representing, we might assume, all the legal wis- 
dom of the world ? Or, in other words, if a single man Hke Hugo 
Grotius was able, in the seventeenth century, by his unaided 
talents to create from the chaos of the past an almost perfect 



system of international jurisprudence, and, by the sheer force 
of his genius and learning, to give to that system almost universal 
authority, have we not every reason to believe that a -chosen 
body of wise and learned men, selected from many nations, en- 
lightened by the experience of the past and by the principles 
of the present age, and devoting their united energies to the great 
work, would give to it such a perfection of finish, such force of 
reasoning, and such clearness of illustration, as would at once 
render it of universal authority and obhgation ? But let us re- 
duce the proposition to a practical reahty. Let us suppose that 
we have carried all the prehminary stages of the measure; that 
we have poured a flood of hght upon the pubHc mind throughout 
the world in regard to the guilt and ruin of war; that we have 
roused the milHons of the people to pour their united voices upon 
the ears of parliaments, national assemblies, and cabinets, until 
statesmen and legislators have been constrained to take up the 
work in earnest. Let us suppose, even, that the basis of repre- 
sentation has been settled and adopted, and that the Congress of 
Nations has assembled at Brussels, Frankfort, or some proper 
locality, a few weeks before the national legislatures they repre- 
sent open their sessions for the year. Perhaps the first proceed- 
ing of the International Assembly, after its proper organization, 
is the appointment of a select committee on international law, 
composed of the most distinguished statesmen and jurists from 
the different countries. This committee sit down to an elaborate 
examination of all that Orotius, Vattel, Puffendorf, and others 
have produced on the subject. They apply to the work all 
the legal wisdom of the world, all that the light of the world's 
experience can reveal, all that the world's wants ai;d future 
necessities can suggest. One by one they present to the Con- 
gress the statutes of that common law which it is expected to 
provide for the nations. One by one these statutes are discussed, 
amended, and adopted, and then transmitted for discussion, re- 
vision, and adoption to the several national legislatures in ses- 
sion at London, Paris, Frankfort, Washington, and other capi- 
tals of legislation. The popular mind throughout Christendom 
is fixed upon the proceedings of this Liternational Senate with 
deep interest; and the journals of dift'erent countries are filled 
with reports of the speeches in that and in their own national 
assemblies, on the ratification of the dift'erent statutes of the new 
code. At the end of six months, perhaps, the last clause has 
been elaborated and adopted by the Congress, and ratified by 


all the national legislatures represented in it. We now have a 
well-digested code, created, sanctioned, and solemnized by all 
the moral force and prestige that can be acquired from human 
legislation. No law on earth can surpass this in the vital attri- 
butes of moral obligation. Into no law on record has there been 
compressed so much suffrage of the public mind as into this new 
code of nations. The congress that elaborated it was a consti- 
tutional congress. It was called into existence by the people; 
it was composed of the people's representatives, at least in the 
second degree of election. They sent to it their greatest and 
Ijest men, the most profound statesmen and jurists their countries 
could produce. They sent them there expressly for the purpose 
of preparing this code. They empowered them with full author- 
ity to give to it all the moral force that legislation can give to law. 
The august senate met, and under a solemn sense of the responsi- 
bility of their mission they performed their task. Constituting 
the most sublime legislative assembly that ever met on earth, 
they gave the result of their deliberations to their several national 
legislatures for revision and ratification. Here again the people 
jjarticipated in the enactment of this code. Here again they 
affixed to its statutes the seal of their suffrage, and it was com- 
plete. It is the common law of the peoples. It bears the super- 
scription of their sovereignty. It is the masterpiece of constitu- 
tional legislation, the grandest manifestation of the public mind 
ever produced by the representative principle. It is the law of 
the nations in every popular, legislative, and moral sense; and 
in each of these senses it is the law of every nation that partici- 
pated in its enactment. Then have we not reason to believe 
that the peoples would not permit any violation of its statutes 
without visiting the act with their energetic reprobation? But 
the resolution before us seems to invite rather timidly the friends 
of peace in different countries to prepare the public mind for 
the adoption of such a code, and for the condition which it in- 
volves. It seems to intimate that this preparation is a work yet 
to be commenced, or, at least, in the incipient stage of progress. 
Now all the signs of the times that I can distinguish indicate 
that this preparation is already far advanced. The morning 
light of the good time coming is everywhere breaking upon the 
eyes of those who are looking and longing for its appearing. 
Everywhere new hearts and new hopes are gained to our cause. 
Everywhere new agencies and tendencies are combining to propel 
it forward. The great necessities and interests of the age unite 



to make peace the first want and predilection of the nations. 
The fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of men are coming 
to be recognized by civiHzation and science, as well as by Chris- 
tianity. This great central principle of Divine revelation is 
taking effect upon the peoples of the world. The bristling bar- 
riers of nationality, which once divided and estranged them, are 
gradually disappearing, and they are beginning to fraternize 
across the boundaries that once made them enemies. The great 
transactions of nations, the mightiest works of human skill and 
energy, are becoming international in origin, operation, and 
ownership. Is it a canal that is proposed ? It is a great channel 
for the ships of all nations across the isthmus of Panama, to con- 
nect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and to shorten the passage 
to India by 6,000 miles. Is it a railway that is projected ? It is 
one 4,000 miles in length, across the continent of North America, 
to open to all the nations of Europe a north-west passage to China 
of 30 days from London. Is it an electric telegraph ? It is one 
to reach round the globe, crossing Behring's Straits and the Eng- 
hsh Channel, and stringing on its nerve of wire all the capitals 
of the civilized world between London and Washington. Is it 
a grand display of the works of art and industry, for the encour- 
agement 'and development of mechanical skill and genius? It 
is a magnificent exhibition opened, without the slightest distinc- 
tion, to the artists and artisans of all nations, just as if they be- 
longed to one and the same nation, and were equally entitled to 
its patronage and support. Is it an act affecting navigation? 
It is to place all the ships that plough the ocean upon the same 
footing as if owned by one and the same nation. Is it a propo- 
sition to cheapen and extend the facilities of correspondence be- 
tween individuals and communities? It is to give the world an 
ocean penny postage, to make home everywhere, and all nations 
neighbors. These are the material manifestations of that idea 
of universal brotherhood which is now permeating the popular 
mind in different countries, and preparing them for that condi- 
tion promised to mankind in Divine revelation. They are the 
mechanical efforts of civilization to demonstrate that sublime 
truth, — "God hath made of one blood all nations of men." 



The Peace Congress of 1849, in Paris, was the most remarkable assembly thkt had ever 
taken place on the continent of Europe, not only for its objects, but for its personal compo- 
sition. The English delegation numbered about seven hundred, and were conveyed across 
the Channel by two steamers specially chartered for the purpose. They not only repre- 
sented but headed nearly all the benevolent societies and movements in Great Britain. 
Indeed, Richard Cobden told M. de Tocqueville that if the two steamers sank with them 
in the Channel, all the philanthropic enterprises of the United Kingdom would be stopped 
for a year. There were a goodly number of delegates from the United States, including 
Hon. Amasa Walker of Massachusetts, Hon. Charles Durkee of Wisconsin, President 
Mahan of t)berlin College, President Allen of Bowdoin College, and other men of ability. 
Nearly all the European countries were represented by men full of sympathy with the move- 
ment. Victor Hugo was chosen president, and, supported on each side by vice-presidents of 
different nations, arose and opened the proceedings with probably the most eloquent andi 
brilliant speech he ever uttered on any occasion. Emile de Girardm, Abbe Deguerry, Cure 
de la Madeleine, the Coquerels, father and son, spoke with remarkable power and effect, as 
representing the French members ; Richard Cobden, Rev. John Burnet, Henry Vincent and 
other English delegates delivered speeches of the happiest inspiration ; Amasa Walker, 
President Mahan, Charles Durkee and others well represented and expressed American 
views and sentiments; and delegates from Belgium, Holland and Germany spoke with great 
earnestness and ability. The Congress was continued for three days, and the interest in its 
proceedings constantly increased up to the last moment. The closing speech of Victor Hugo 
was eloquent and beautiful beyond description. Emile de Girardin said of it, that it did not 
terminate, but eternized the congress. The next day the government gave the great enter- 
tainment at Versailles, which was varied by a very pleasant incident. The English members 
gave the American delegates a public breakfast in the celebrated Tennis Hall, or Salle de 
Paumes, at Versailles, so connected with the great French Revolution. Richard Cobden 
presided, and testified to the appreciation, on the part of tne English members, of the zeal 
for the cause of peace shown by their American brethren in crossing the ocean to attend the 
congress. A French Testament, with a few words of pleasant remembrance signed by 
himself as chairman of the meeting, was presented to each of them. — Frojn Burtitt's 
A tdobiography. 

Elihu Burritt was born in New Britain, Conn., in 1810. He had slight early 
educational privileges ; but, taking up the occupation of a blacksmith, by unremitting toil at 
night and during brief respites, often with open book at the forge itself, he acquired such 
large and varied knowledge, especially of languages, as earned him the title of " The 
Learned Blacksmith." Before he was thirty, he made himself more or less acquainted, he 
tells us in his autobiography, " with all the languages of Europe and several of Asia, includ- 
ing Hebrew, Syriac, Chaldaic, Samaritan, and Ethiopic." For several years after 1S37 he 
made his home at Worcester, Mass., where he continued his work at the forge and at his 
books, helped especially by his access to the large and rare library of the Antiquarian 
Society. His remarkable attainments came to the knowledge of Edward Everett, then 
governor of Massachusetts, and a conspicuous reference to him by Gov. Everett in one of 
his speeches gave him sudden fame. He was offered the privileges of Harvard University, 
but declined. He started a little monthly magazine. The Literary Gemincr, half of it 
French selections and the other half articles and translations from his own pen ; but this lived 
but a year. He was invited to the lecture platform, and quickly became a popular lecturer 
upon many subjects of education and reform. 

In 1841 a slight accident shaped the course which led to his labors in Europe and his 
wliole subsequent devotion to the cause of peace and international fraternity. He sat down 
to write a scientific lecture on the Anatomy of the Earth, showing the analogies between the, 
earth and the human body in the mutual dependence of the various parts. His studies 
deeply impressed him by the fact that the arrangement of nature was designed to bind nation 
to nation, by the difference and necessity of each other's productions; and the lecture turned 
out " a real, radical peace lecture." It was first given at the Tremont Theatre in Boston, 
where Tremont Temple now stands. He had never read a page of Worcester or Ladd on 
the subject of peace ; but many of the peace people were present, and Burritt was instantly 
recognized as a strong accession to the ranks. He now started a weekly paper in Worcester 
called The Christian Citizen, devoted largely to Anti-slavery and Peace, and also set 
on foot " The Olive Leaf Mission," — printed slips sent to hundreds of newspapers, contain- 
ing articles on peace subjects. He came into close relations with English friends of peace, 
and in 1S46 went to England, where, assisted chiefly by Joseph Sturge of Birmingham, he 
founded " The League of Universal Brotherhood," which quickly had a membership of 
several thousands in England and America. He began the agitation for Ocean Penny 
Postage, which after some years was crowned with success, — one of his greatest achievements. 

In 1843 the first International Peace Congress had been held at London, growing out of 


a suggestion by Joseph Sturge in Boston two years before. Burritt revived the idea : and 
largely through his efforts the great Peace Congresses of Brussels, Paris, Frankiort, and 
London (1848-51) took place. He addressed hundreds of meetings in their behalf. At Paris 
there were 700 delegates from England, led by men like Richard Cobden, Henry Riehard, 
and Joseph Sturge, and 23 from the United States. At London the American delegation 
numbered 60. At all these congresses Buiritt and his American associates pressed the idea 
of a permanent international tribunal; and this idea, finally realized at the Hague, was 
generally spoken of in Europe as " the American plan." William Jay and William Ladd in 
America had strongly presented the plans which Burritt urged with =uch force at the 
European congresses. Burritt's f peeches at the Congresses of Brussels, Paris, and Frankfort, 
are all given in the present leaflet. In outline they closely resemble each other, and entire 
paragraphs are frequently identical ; but each address contains much that is distinct and 
fresh, and tlieir historic importance makes the comparison valuable. The address at Paris 
was the most important. Of the great Paris Congress itself we have two brief accounts from 
Burritt, one in his autobiography, the other in his journal (extract given by Ncrthend). 
There was an attendance of 2,000. Victor Hugo presided, and in his eloquent introductory 
speech exclaimed: "A day will come when a cannon-ball will be exhibited in public 
museums, just as an instrument of torture is now, and people will be amazed that such a 
tiling could ever have been. A day will come when these two immense groups, the United 
States of America and the United States of Europe, will be seen placed in the presence of 
eacli other, extending the hand of fellowship across the ocean, — exchanging their produce, 
their commerce, their industries, their arts, their genius, — clearing the earth, peopling the 
desert, improving creation under the eye of the Creator, and uniting, for the good of all, 
these two irrestible and infinite powers, the fraternity of men and the power of God." 

Burritt pushed his " Olive Leaf Mission " extensively in England, Germanv, France, and 
other countries, at one time working through forty different journals from Stockholm to Madrid. 
During the years preceding the war he was chiefly at home, wot king for " Compensated 
Emancipation." In 1863 he returned to England, travell d on foot all over the island from 
John O'Groat's to Land's End. and put his travels into popular volumes. In 1865 he was 
appointed American consul at Birmingham. Returning to America in 1870, he lived at his 
old home in New Britain, Conn., engaged in manifold good works and universally beloved, 
until his death in 1879. At the time of the Washington Treaty for the settlement of the 
" Alabama" difficulty he spoke at thirty meetings in behalf of international arbitration. A 
monument to his memory is to be erected at New Britain the present year (1904). 

There is a biography of Elihu Burritt by Charles Northend, published just after Burritt's 
•death; but a completer work is much to be desired. Northend's biography has long been 
out of print. The volume contains selections from Burritt's writings and extracts from his 
journals. His journals cover almost his whole active life, occupying many volumes, and of 
great interest. They are now preserved in the New P.ritain Institute. Nowhere else can 
such full particulars be found of the great Intematio al Peace Congresses of 1848-51. Mr. 
Northend in his appendix gives a list of Burritt's books and the various periodicals which he 
edited. His " Year Hook of Nations," a little volume of international statistics, precursor 
of many similar, more ambitious works by others, was published in 1851. In his " 'I'en- 
minute Talks," which opens with a valuable brief autobiography, is a section devoted to 
international subjects ; and his volume on " Thoughts and Things at Home and Abroad " 
contains chapters on such subjects as "Dismantled Arsenals," "Natural Provisions for 
Peace," " War and the Spirit of Christianity," " The Inhumanity of War," " The Courage 
and Conquests of Peace," "The Pioneers of Peace," " The Power of Passive Resistance," 
"The Policeman and the Soldier," "The Grand Congress of Nations." A new and 
uniform edition of his more valuable writings is a monument to Burritt as much to be desired 
as the new memorial of bronze or stone. 



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 


No. 147. 



Peter Cooper. 

My father after the Revolutionary war had done a success- 
ful business in the manufacture of hats in the city of New York, 
and, when I was about three years old [he was born in the city 
of New York, Feb. 12, 1791] he, like many others, became en- 
amoured with a country life, and bought a place at Peekskill, built 
a store there, carried on the business of a country store-keeper, 
and built a church. He found plenty of custom all over the 
country that would buy on credit, and it was not more than two 
or three years before he found that nearly all of his property was 
in the hands of other people, and that it was impossible for him 
to collect it. He believed devoutly that I should come to some- 
thing; for he named me Peter, after the great Apostle, and main- 
tained that he was told to do so in a sort of " waking vision." My 
mother was an excellent woman, and did the best she could with 
a large family, narrow circv.mstances, and a changing home. 

My father followed the business of a hatter, and the first I 
remember was being utilized in this business by being set to pull 
the hair out of rabbit skins, when my head was just above the 
table. I remained in this business until I could make every part 
of a hat. My father finally sold out his hatter's business to my 
eldest brother, by a former wife, and commenced the brewing of 
ale in the town of Peekskill. It was my business to deliver the 
kegs of ale to the different places in town and country where it 
had been sold. Finding this a "slow business," my father bought 
a place at Catskill, where he commenced again the hatter's busi- 
ness, and also that of making bricks. I was made useful in this 
business in carrying and handling the bricks for the drying process. 

My father, at length finding that his business at Catskill did 


not answer his expectations, sold out and removed to Brooklyn, 
N.Y. Here I worked again at the hatter's business with my 
father until again he sold out and bought some property in New- 
burg, N.Y., on which he erected a brewery. At this business I 
continued with my father until I was seventeen. 

The only time I ever trusted to chance for any profit was 
about this time, when I got a very wholesome lesson. I had 
earned about ten dollars beyond my immediate wants, which I 
invested, by the advice of a relative, in lottery tickets, all which, 
fortunately for me, drew blanks. This impressed upon me the 
folly of looking to games of chance for any source of gain or live- 

In my seventeenth year I entered as apprentice to the coach- 
making business. I remained in this four years, till I was of 
age, and had thoroughly learned the business. During my ap- 
prenticeship I received twenty-five dollars a year for my ser- 
vices. To this sum I added something by working at night 
at coach carving, and such other work as I could get. My 
grandmother gave me the use of a room, in one of her rear build- 
ings on Broadway, where I spent much of my time in nightly 
work, instead of going with other apprentices who too often went 
with loose companions and contracted habits that proved their 
ruin. During my apprenticeship I made for my employer a ma- 
chine for mortising the hubs of carriages, which proved very 
profitable to him, and was perhaps the first of its kind used in 
this country. When I was twenty-one years old, my employer 
offered to build me a shop and set me up in business; but, as I 
always had a horror of being burdened with debt, and having 
no capital of my own, I declined his kind offer. 

As soon as I was of age, I went to the town of Hempstead, L.I., 
to see my brother. Here I was persuaded to work for a man at 
the making of machines for shearing cloth. I continued at this 
for three years, for a dollar and fifty cents a day, which was re- 
garded as very large w^ages at that time. I saved enough at the 
end of my engagement to buy the right of the State of New York 
for a machine for shearing cloth, and I commenced the manu- 
facture of these machines on my own account. This business 
proved very successful. The first money I received for the sale 
of my machines was from Mr. Vassar, of Poughkeepsie, who after- 
wards founded that noble institution for female education, called 
the Vassar College, at Poughkeepsie. My sales to Mr. Vassar 
also included one of the patent rights for the county in which he 

resided. This put in my possession so large an amount of money 
according to my ideas at that time, about five hundred dollars, 
that I was very much elated and rejoiced at what I considered 
my great good fortune. But my joy was soon turned to mourn- 
ing. On my return from Poughkeepsie I visited my father, who 
lived then at Newburg. I found the family in the deepest afflic- 
tion on account of the pressure of debts which my father was un- 
able to pay. The money I had just received from my machines 
enabled me to pay the most pressing of these debts, and left me 
barely the means to purchase materials to commence the making 
of new machines. Besides this, I became surety for my father 
for debts not yet matured, which I paid as they fell due, and in 
consequence of this my father never had the mortification of fail- 
ing in business. The same is true in my own affairs, notwith- 
standing some public statements made to the contrary by persons 
ignorant of the facts. 

So far from ever having failed in business, I do not remem- 
ber the week or month when every man who has ever worked 
for me did not get his pay when it was due. This is strictly true, 
through a business life of more than sixty years, in which I have 
had at times as many as twenty-five hundred people in my em- 
ployment. The coach-making business I never followed after 
serving out my apprenticeship. But, soon after I commenced the 
manufacture of machines for shearing cloth, I made an improve- 
ment that enabled me to sell these machines as fast as I could 
make them. At this time they were in great demand, in conse- 
quence of the war of 1812 with England, which stopped our 
commerce with that country. At the close of the war, however, 
this business lost its value, and I gave it up. 

It is worth while to mention here that the principle and method 
of my machine for shearing cloth was precisely the one now used 
so largely in mowing and reaping machines; and this was so ob- 
vious that a gentleman, seeing my machine at work, suggested 
that a similar machine might be made for mowing grass, and 
asked me to make for him a model for this purpose. This was 
operated for the purpose of cutting the grass in his yard, and 
proved entirely successful, long before any machine for mowing 
had been invented or patented by others. 

After some three years' continuance in this business of manu- 
facture, I bought a twenty years' lease of two houses and six 
lots of ground where the "Bible House" now stands, opposite the 
Cooper Union. On this ground I erected four wooden dwelling- 


houses. I was engaged at this time in the grocery business, in 
which I continued for three years. Soon after this I purchased 
a glue factory, with all its stock and buildings, on a lease of 
twenty-one years, for three acres of ground, on what was then 
known as the "old middle road," between Thirty-first and Thirty- 
fourth Streets. Here I continued to manufacture glue, oil, whit- 
ing, prepared chalk, and isinglass to the end of my lease. I then 
bought ten acres of ground on Maspeth Avenue, Brooklyn, where 
the business has continued to the present time. What I made 
by building machines and in the grocery business had enabled 
me to pay for the glue factory on the day of the purchase. 

I very early took to making and contriving for myself or 
friends. I remember one of the earhest things I undertook, of 
my own accord, was to make a pair of shoes. For this purpose 
I first obtained an old pair, and took them all apart to see the 
structure; and then, procuring leather, thread, needles, and some 
suitable tools, without further instruction, I made the last and 
a pair of shoes, which compared very well with the country shoes 
then in vogue. 

When I was an apprentice at the coach-making business, I 
planned out and made at night a model machine to show how 
power could be obtained from the natural current of the tide, 
and be apphed to various useful purposes. My model repre- 
sented a plan for causing the water-wheel to rise and fall with 
the tide, at any desired speed, by the action of its own machinery. 
It was so arranged that the whole power could be thrown on a 
saw-mill or be made to force compressed air into a reservoir, to 
be used as a motive power to propel ferry-boats across the river. 
This was to be done by making the hull of a ferry-boat to consist 
of two strong iron cylinders, to form the buoyancy of the boat, 
and a reservoir of power to drive a boat across the river. On 
these cyhnders I placed, at a sufficient distance apart to receive 
the water or driving-wheel, either between the cylinders or on 
the outside, as might be thought most convenient, the deck to 
rest on and be fastened to these cylinders or reservoirs for power. 
The power was to be received from a reservoir of compressed air 
on the dock, by connecting the hull of the boat with the reservoir 
by means of a flexible tube, when in the dock, at every trip, — the 
air to be worked off by its expansion and pressure, similar to the 
working of a steam-engine. The wreck of the old tide-mill is 
still in the garret of my house. I remember that Fulton did me 
the honor to come and see my model and machinery, but he was 

too much occupied at that time with his own plans of steamboat 
navigation to pay much attention to my invention. 

I had read from the books, or heard said, that there was no 
loss of power communicated through a crank, except from fric- 
tion. I doubted this. There are two "dead points" in the crank 
motion, which nothing but the inertia of a fly-wheel or something 
equivalent can overcome. I made an experiment to show that 
the rectilinear motion of a piston-rod could produce the rotary 
motion of an axle with less loss of power than through a crank. 
By special contrivance I made my piston-rod a part of the cir- 
cuit of an endless chain, which went around the circumference of 
a driving-wheel, and communicated power without any crank. 
It would be difficult to describe this machine without drawings, 
but the result was that I proved to the satisfaction of the City 
Engineer, against his former convictions, that there was a loss of 
power in the use of the crank, and I gained, with my appHcation 
of the reciprocal and rectilinear motion of the piston-rod, a power 
which was as five to eight over the crank. I made a small engine 
on this principle, and used it in the "first locomotive," on the 
Ohio & Baltimore Railroad, making a trial trip with the 
President alone. But, before I came to try it with the train of 
cars, it was so unskilfully handled by some meddlesome person 
that it broke twice, and I was obliged, at last, in that experi- 
ment, to put a cross-head and crank on the engine. I have the 
remains of that first model of the engine in my garret yet. 

A year before the water was let into the Erie canal, it occurred 
to me that canal-boats might be propelled by the force of water 
drawn from a higher level, and made to move a series of endless 
chains along the course of the canal. So I began to make experi- 
ments. I built a flat-bottomed scow, took a couple of men, and 
choosing that part of the East River that lies between what is now 
the foot of Eighth Street and where Bellevue Hospital now stands, 
— a distance of one mile, — I drove posts into the mud, one hun- 
dred feet apart. On these posts I fastened rollers made of block 
tin and zinc, on which my endless chain could run. There were 
two rollers on each post, one above the other, so that the chain 
could run up on one roller and back on the other. Then I made 
two miles of chain. This chain is of four-horse power. I tested 
it. I then arranged a water-wheel to run the chain. This prepa- 
ration took a deal of time, for I did most of the work myself. 
When it was completed, I took a small skiff, fastened my tow line 
to the chain, started my wheel, and found that the experiment was 


a success. I invited Governor Clinton and a few other gentlemen 
to make a trip. We ran the two miles, up and back, in eleven 
minutes. The governor was so well pleased that he paid me eight 
hundred dollars for the privilege of purchasing the patent right 
for the use of the canal. It was never used on the canal, and for 
this reason Governor Clinton had great difficulty in getting the 
farmers on the Hne of the canal to give him the right of way, and 
in order to induce them to grant it had held out to them the great 
advantages that would arise to them of seUing their oats, corn, hay, 
and other produce to the canal men for the use of the horses. If 
the endless chain was used, these promises would be good for noth- 
ing, as there would be no horses to feed. So Governor CHnton 
gave up my scheme. I ran the chain on the river for ten days, 
during which time hundreds of people made the trip. At the 
end of that time I took the chain off the river. Well, the matter 
stood still until a few years ago Mr. Weltch, the president of the 
Camden and Amboy Canal Company, hit upon the endless chain 
plan for getting his boats through the locks. He tried it, and it 
worked well. So he went to Washington to take out a patent, 
and found on searching the records that I had taken out a patent 
on the very same invention, fifty years before. Of course my 
patent had run out, so the invention was free to all. 

It is about twelve years since I made an endless band of 
round iron, near three-eighths of an inch in diameter, extending 
in the form of a belt for about three miles, for the purpose of 
transporting coal from the mines to my furnaces. This belt of 
iron was supported on wheels fastened to posts, the wheels having 
grooved surfaces to support the belt. On this belt I fastened 
buckets formed to receive iron ore. These buckets, when filled 
with ore, were on a descending grade sufficient to carry the ore 
down and return the empty buckets. During the time I owned 
the Canton property, I made a belt of cars which I placed on a 
double track railroad. One track was held right over the other 
in a frame for the purpose. The belt of cars was placed on a 
double track railroad in this framework, and was intended to 
transport by its own weight a sand-bank into Harris Creek bot- 
tom, which I desired then to fill up. The framework, with its 
rails and belt of cars, was placed on longitudinal sleepers, so as 
to be moved up to the side of the bank, as the sand was being 
removed. The sand could be carelessly thrown into a long 
hopper, over the cars, on the upper track. The cars, after dump- 
ing their load at the lower end, returned on the lower track, 
bottom upwards, to be constantly refilled. 

In early life, when I was first married, I found it necessary to 
'' rock the cradle," while my wife prepared our frugal meals. This 
was not always convenient, in my Vjusy life, and I conceived the 
idea of making a cradle that would be made to rock by a mechan- 
ism. I did so, and, enlarging upon my first idea, I arranged the 
mechanism for keeping off the flies and playing a music-box for 
the amusement of the baby. This cradle w^as bought of me after- 
wards by a delighted peddler, who gave me his "whole stock in 
trade" for the exchange and the privilege of selling the patent in 
the State of Connecticut. 

[Mr. Cooper made a torpedo-boat, designed to blow the Turks 
out of water, for their inhuman cruelties to the Greeks in the 
struggle to regain their freedom. This was about 1824 or 1825. 
He was indignant at the conduct of the Turks, and had his sym- 
pathies greatly excited in behalf of the struggUng Greeks, and 
he determined to take up their cause in a very destructive way.] 
I planned a torpedo-boat, which might be sent from shore, 
or from a vessel, towards an enemy's ship six or eight miles off. 
The torpedo-boat was to be propelled by a screw and a steam- 
engine, and guided and directed towards its object by a couple 
of steel wires six or eight miles long, unwound from a suitable 
reel, and adjusted to the steering apparatus of the boat. I tried 
these wires first on a small steamer that I directed in the Harbor, 
near the Narrows, and they worked very well for six miles, until 
another boat came across my wires and broke them. When 
ready for service, I designed to place red-hot cannon balls in the 
boiler of my engine, to furnish the steam. The torpedo being 
placed on a bent piece of iron projecting far from the bow of my 
boat, when it struck the enemy the shock would explode the 
torpedo and bend the piece of iron, and by a proper contrivance 
reverse the action of the engine, and send the boat back again, 
guided and directed by the wires. I was preparing this torpedo- 
boat to go with the ship which our citizens were about to send, 
with provisions, clothing, and medicines, to the unfortunate vic- 
tims of the Turkish war, and I designed it to be the "bitterest 
pill" in the whole cargo; but, unfortunately, I did not get it ready 
in time, and it was soon after burned up in my factory, with all 
the rest of the contents. 

In 1828 I purchased three thousand acres of land within the 
city limits of Baltimore for one hundred and five thousand dol- 
lars ($105,000). On a part of that property I erected the Can- 
ton Iron Works, which, afterwards, I sold to Mr. Abbot, of Balti- 


more. I was drawn into this speculation in Baltimore by two 
men who represented that they had large means, and we bought 
together three thousand acres of land in the city of Baltimore for 
one hundred and five thousand dollars ($105,000), taking the 
whole shore from Fell's Point dock for three miles. After paying 
my part of the money, I soon found that I had paid all that had 
been paid upon the property, and that I was even paying the 
board of the two men who had agreed to take part in the pur- 
chase. Finding that to be the situation, I was compelled to say 
to them that they must pay their part or sell out, or buy me out. 
Neither of them having the ability to buy, I finally succeeded in 
getting them to state a price. One offered to go out for ten 
thousand dollars ($10,000), the other for a smaller sum, which 
offers I accepted and bought them out. 

When we first purchased the property, it was in the midst of 
a great excitement created by a promise of the rapid completion 
of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, which had been commenced 
by a subscription of five dollars per share. In the course of the 
first year's operations they had spent more than the five dollars 
per share. But the road had to make so many short turns in 
going round points of rocks that they found they could not com- 
plete the road without a much larger sum than they had supposed 
would be necessary; while the many short turns in the road 
:seemed to render it entirely useless for locomotive purposes. The 
principal stockholders had become so discouraged that they said 
they would not pay any more, and would lose all they had already 
(paid in. After conversing with them, I told them that, if they 
xwould hold on a little while, I would put a small locomotive on 
the road, which I thought would demonstrate the practicability 
of using steam-engines on the road, even with all the short turns 
in it. I got up a small engine for that purpose, and put it on 
the road, and invited the stockholders to witness the experiment. 
After a great deal of trouble and difficulty in accomplishing the 
work, the stockholders came, and thirty-six men were taken into 
a car, and, with six men on the locomotive, which carried its own 
fuel and water, and having to go up hill eighteen feet to a mile 
and turn all the short turns around the points of rocks, we suc- 
ceeded in making the thirteen miles, on the first passage out, in 
one hour and twelve minutes; and we returned from Ellicott's 
Mills to Baltimore in fifty-seven minutes. 

This locomotive was built to demonstrate that cars could be 
drawn around short curves, beyond anything beUeved at that 

time to be possible. The success of this locomotive also answered 
the question of the possibility of building railroads in a country 
scarce of capital, and with immense stretches of very rough coun- 
try to pass, in order to connect commercial centres, without the 
deep cuts, the tunnelling, and levelling which short curves might 
avoid. My contrivance saved this road from bankruptcy. 

The discouragement and stoppage of progress in improvement 
in the city of Baltimore that had been occasioned by the state of 
things in the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad made it difficult to do 
anything with the property before mentioned but to keep it; and 
in order to make it pay something towards meeting the cost, taxes, 
etc., I determined to build iron works upon it. I had four or five 
hundred tons of iron ore raised, dug, etc., at Lazaretto Point, and 
1 determined to cut the wood off of the property, which was being 
stolen in every direction, and to burn it into charcoal, and use 
it up in making charcoal iron, — for which purpose I built a 
rolhng-mill, which I afterwards sold to Mr. Abbot. In my efforts 
to make iron, I had to commence to burn the wood into charcoal, 
and, in order to do that, I erected large kilns, twenty-five feet in 
diameter, twelve feet high, circular in form, hooped around with 
iron at the top, arched over so as to make a tight place in which 
to put the w^ood, with single bricks left out in different places in 
order to smother the fire out when the wood was sufficiently 

After having burned the coal in one of these kilns very per- 
fectly, and beUeving the fire entirely smothered out, we attempted 
to take the coal out of the kiln; but, when we had got it about half- 
way out, the coal itself took fire, and the men, after carrying 
water for some time to extinguish it, gave up in despair. I then 
went myself to the door of the kiln to see if anything more could 
be done, and just as I entered the door the gas itself took fire, 
and enveloped me in a sheet of flames. I had to run some ten 
feet to get out, and in doing so my eyebrows and whiskers were 
burned, and my fur hat was scorched down to the body of the 
fur. How I escaped I know not. I seemed to be literally blown 
out by the explosion, and I narrowly escaped with my life. 

After seeing the difficulties that attended the making of iron 
there, I determined, having so large a property on my hands, to 
sell it for what I could get, and at the first offer made. I suc- 
ceeded in getting an offer of nearly what it had cost me from 
two men from Boston, Amos Binney and Edmund Monroe. 
They formed out of the property what is now known as the Can- 


ton Company. I took a considerable portion of my pay in stock, 
at forty-four dollars the share, — par value, one hundred dollars. 
I reserved the iron works sold to Mr. Abbot. And, as good luck 
would have it, the stock commenced rising almost at once, as 
soon as it was put into form, and continued to go up in the market 
until it attained the enormous figure of two hundred and thirty 
dollars per share. This enabled me to sell out my stock to a 
very great advantage, so that I made money by the operation. 

I then returned to my old business in New York, and after 
one or two years built the iron factory in Thirty-third Street near 
Third Avenue. I leased it to a man who had it for one or two 
years and failed, and I had to take it off his hands. I turned it 
into a rolhng-mill for rolUng iron and making wire, and ran it" 
for some years. I then removed to Trenton, N.J., where I bought 
water power to carry the works on, and enlarged the works by 
building a mill and a wire factory. A few years later I built 
three large blast furnaces at Phillipsburg, the largest then known, 
near Easton, Penn.; bought the Andover mines, and built a rail- 
road through a rough country for eight miles, to bring the ore down 
to the- furnaces, at the rate of 40,000 tons a year. After running 
the works for several years, I was induced to form them into a 
company called the Trenton Iron Works, including the rolling- 
mills and the blast furnaces, and 11,000 acres known as the Ring- 
wood property. I had built a second rolling-mill and wire fac- 
tory in Trenton, which was also included in the company. I 
sold one-half of these works in the formation of the company. 
This continued for a number of years, when a division was made, 
and the company took one part of the property, the blastfur- 
naces, and I took the rolling-mills and the Ringwood property. 
This property is still in the family. 

During all this time I had continued the manufacture of glue, 
isinglass, oil, prepared chalk, Paris vv^hite, and also the grinding 
of white lead, and fulhng of buckskins, for the manufacture of 
buckskin leather. It was in one of those mills above mentioned 
that the first iron beams were rolled, now so much used in fire- 
proof buildings. In planning the building of the Cooper Union 
I desired to make it fire-proof as far as possible, and found no 
such iron beams could be obtained. I determined to have them 
rolled at one of my mills, but found, in the end, that the neces- 
sary experiments and suitable machinery had cost me seventy- 
five thousand dollars. It has proved, however, a profitable busi- 
ness since. 


It is now [1877] twenty years since I became the president of 
the North American Telegraph Company, when it controlled 
more than one-half of all the hnes then in the country; also 
president of the New York, Newfoundland, & London Tele- 
graph Company. An attempt had been made to put a line of 
telegraph across Newfoundland, on which some work had been 
done. Cyrus W. Field, Moses Taylor, Marshal O. Roberts, 
Wilson G. Hunt, and myself completed that work across the isl- 
and of Newfoundland, and then laid a cable across the Gulf 
of St. Lawrence, intending it as the beginning of a line from 
Europe to America by telegraphic communication. After one 
form of difficulty after another had been surmounted, we found 
that more than ten years had passed before we got a cent in re- 
turn, and we had been spending money the whole time. We lost 
the first cable laid, which cost some three or four hundred thou- 
sand dollars, at the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 

We hired a vessel at seven hundred and fifty dollars a day, 
and we directed the steamer "x\dger" to go to Cape Bay, and 
tow the vessel across the Gulf, in order to lay the cable. We 
went to Port Basque, and found the vessel had not arrived. We 
accordingly anchored in Port Basque until she did arrive, which 
was two days later. On her arrival the captain was directed to 
take our vessel in tow, and carry her up to Cape Ray, where we 
had already prepared a telegraph house, from which to commence 
laying the cable. On this telegraph house we placed a flag-staff, 
which was to be kept in line by the steamer, as she crossed the 
Gulf, with a certain very excellent landmark on the top of a moun- 
tain some three, four, or five miles distant,— a landmark which 
seemed to be made on purpose for our use. 

We had an accident at starting. We joined the ends of the 
cable and brought one end into the telegraph house, and made 
everything ready to take the vessel in tow. The captain was 
then directed to bring his steamer in line, take the vessel in tow, 
and carry her across the Gulf. In doing that, he ran his steamer 
into the vessel, carried away her shrouds and quarter-rail, and 
almost ruined our enterprise the first thing, dragging the cable 
over the stern of the vessel with such force as to break the con- 
nection; and we were obliged to cut the cable and splice it again. 
The captain of the steamer had failed entirely in trying to get 
hold of the vessel; and after we had mended the cable, and got 
everything ready for a second attempt, he was again ordered to 
take the vessel in tow. We had provided ourselves with two 



large cables, two hundred feet long and four inches in diameter, 
as tow-lines, so as to be sure of having sufficient strength to tow 
the vessel in all kinds of weather; but the captain of the steamer 
so managed matters, in his second attempt to take the vessel in 
tow, as to get this cable entangled in the steamer's wheel, and 
he hallooed to the captain of the vessel to let his cable slip, in 
order to get this unentangled. At this the captain of the vessel 
let go his cable and lost his anchor and one of our big cables, 
for we had to cut it, in order to disentangle it from the wheel. 
After that was got loose there was the vessel without an anchor; 
and she was going rapidly down upon a reef of rocks, with a 
strong wind against her. It was only with the greatest difficulty 
that we could get the captain of the " Adger" to go to her relief, 
and save her from being dashed on the rocks, with her forty men 
on board. We had to expostulate with the captain of the steamer 
until the vessel was within two or three hundred feet of the rocks, 
before he would consent to attempt her rescue; and by the merest 
good luck we got out a rope to her and saved her from going on 
the rocks, w^hen she was so close to the shore that we could almost 
have thrown a line there. 

The captain of the steamer, however, got hold of the vessel 
at last, and brought her back to her place in the harbor, where 
we had to renew the connection of our cable, and prepare again 
to start. The third attempt to take hold of the vessel was success- 
ful, and on a beautiful morning w^e started to lay the cable across 
the Gulf. In a very Httle while I discovered that we were getting 
out of line with the marks that the captain had been directed to 
steer by. As president of the line, I called the matter to the 
attention of the captain. The answer I got w^as, **I know how 
to steer my ship: I steer by my compass." It went on a httle 
while longer, and finding that he was still going farther out of 
the line, I called his attention to the fact again, and so on, again 
and again, for some time, until he had got some eight of ten miles 
out of the hue. I then said to him, "Captain, we shall have to 
hold you responsible for the loss of this cable. ' ' We got a lawyer 
on board to draw up a paper to present to him, stating that we 
should hold him responsible for the loss of the cable, as he had 
not obeyed the orders of Mr. Buchanan, as agreed on. After 
we had served this paper upon him, he turned the course of his 
ship, and went just as far from the line in the other direction. 
He had also agreed not to let his vessel go more than a mile and 
a half an hour, as it was impossible, under the circumstances, to 


pay out the cable faster than a mile and a half an hour. It was 
discovered, however, that he was running his vessel faster and 
faster, while Mr. Buchanan hallooed, "Slower, slower," until 
finally the captain got a kink in the cable, and was obHged to 
stop. This happened several times. 

So much delay took place that, when it was late in the after- 
noon, we had not laid over forty miles of the cable out of the 
eighty miles that we had to go in crossing the Gulf. Then a 
very severe gale came up, and raged with such violence that the 
steamer "Victoria," which was a small one, came near being 
swamped; and in order to save that vessel, and the forty men on 
board of her, we were compelled to cut the cable. 

Subsequently we sent a vessel to take up that part of the 
cable; and it was then found that we had payed out twenty-four 
miles of cable, and had gone only nine miles from shore. We 
had spent so much money, and lost so much time, that it was 
very vexatious to us to have our enterprise defeated in the way 
it w^as, by the stupidity and obstinacy of one man. This man 
was one of the rebels that fired the first guns upon Fort Sumter. 
The poor fellow is now dead. 

Having lost this cable, we ordered another, and had it ready 
in a year or two. This time we had a good man to put it down, 
and we had no trouble with it. The great question then came 
up. What could we do about an ocean cable? After getting a 
few subscriptions here, which did not amount to much, we sent 
Mr. Field across the ocean, to see if he could get the balance of 
the subscriptions in England; and he succeeded, to the astonish- 
ment of almost everybody, because we had been set down as 
crazy people, spending our money as if it had been water. Mr. 
Field succeeded in getting the amount wanted, and in contracting 
for a cable. It was put on two ships which were to meet in mid- 
ocean. They did meet, joined the two ends of the cable, and 
laid it down successfully. We brought our end to Newfoundland, 
where we received over it some four hundred messages. Very 
soon after it started, however, we found it began to fail, and it 
grew weaker and weaker, until at length it could not be under- 
stood any more. 

It so happened that the few messages that we received over 
the cable were important to the English government; for it had 
arranged to transport a large number of soldiers from Canada 
to China in the war with the Chinese, and, just before the 
transports were to make sail, a telegram came stating that peace 



was declared. This inspired the people of England with con- 
fidence in our final success. This occurred just before the 
Crystal Palace burned down, and we had a meeting in the 
Crystal Palace to celebrate the great triumph of having re- 
ceived and sent messages across the ocean. Our triumph was 
short-lived, for it was only a few days after that the cable had 
so weakened in transmitting that it could no longer be under- 
stood. One-half the people did not now beheve that we had 
ever had any messages across the cable. It was all a hum- 
bug, they thought. In the Chamber of Commerce the question 
came up about a telegraph line, and a man got up and 
said: "It is all a humbug. No message ever came over." At 
that Mr. Cunard arose, and said that "the gentleman did not 
know what he was talking about, and had no right to say what 
he had, and that he himself had sent messages and got the an- 
swers." Mr. Cunard was a positive witness; he had been on the 
spot ; and the man must have felt " sHm ' ' at the result of his attempt 
to cast ridicule on men whose efforts, if unsuccessful, were at 
least not unworthy of praise. 

We succeeded in getting another cable, but, when we had got 
it about half-way over, we lost that as well. Then the question 
seemed hopeless. We thought for a long time that our money 
was all lost. The matter rested some two years before any- 
thing more was done. My friend Mr. Wilson G. Hunt used to 
talk to me often about it; for we had brought him into the Board 
some two or three years before. He said he did not feel much 
interest in it, but he felt concerned about spending so much money; 
and he remarked that he was not sure, as we had spent so much 
money already about the telegraph line, but that we had better 
spend a little more. So we sent Mr. Field out again. We had 
spent so much money already, it was "like pulling teeth" out of 
Roberts and Taylor to get more money from them; but we got 
up the sum necessary to send Mr. Field out. 

When he arrived there, Mr. Field said they laughed at him 
for thinking of getting up another cable. They said that they 
thought the thing was dead enough, and buried deep enough in 
the ocean to satisfy anybody. But Mr. Field was not satisfied. 
Finally, he got hold of an old Quaker friend, who was a very 
rich man, and he so completely electrified him with the idea of 
the work that he put three or four hundred thousand dollars into 
it immediately to lay another cable, and in fourteen days after 
Mr. Field had got that man's name he had the whole amount 
of subscriptions made up, six millions of dollars. 


The cable was made and put down, and it worked success- 
fully. We then went out to see if we could not pick up the other 
one. The balance of the lost cable was on board the ship. The 
cable was found, picked up, and joined to the rest; and this 
wonder of the world was accomplished. I do not think that feat 
is surpassed by any other human achievement. The cable was 
taken out of water, two and a half miles deep, in mid-ocean. It 
was pulled up three times, before it was saved. They got it up 
just far enough to see it, and it would go down again, and they 
would have to do the work over again. They used up all their 
coal, and spent ten or twelve days in "hooking" for the cable be- 
fore it was finally caught. But they succeeded: the two ends of 
the cable were brought in connection, and then we had two com- 
plete cables across the ocean. 

In taking up the first cable, the cause of the failure was dis- 
covered. It originated in the manufacture of the cable. In 
passing the cable into the vat provided for it, where it was intended 
to lie under water all the time, until put aboard the ship, the 
workmen neglected to keep the water at all times over the cable; 
and on one occasion, when the sun shone very hotly down into 
this vat where the cable was lying uncovered, its rays melted the 
gutta-percha, so that the copper wire inside sunk down against 
the outer covering. I have a piece of the cable which shows just 
how it occurred. The first cable that was laid would have been 
a perfect success if it had not been for that error in manufacturing 
it. The copper wire sagged down against the outside covering, 
and there was just a thin layer of gutta-percha to prevent it from 
coming in contact with the water. In building the first cables, 
their philosophy was not so well understood as it is now; and 
so, when the cable began to fail, they increased the power of the 
battery, and it is supposed that a spark of the electricity came 
in contact with water, and the electricity passed off into the 

After the two ocean cables had been laid successfully, it was 
found necessary to have a second cable across the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence. Our delays had been so trying and unfortunate in 
the past that none of the stockholders, with the exception of Mr. 
Field, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Roberts, and myself, would take any 
interest in the matter. We had to get the money by offering 
bonds, which we had power to do by charter; and these were 
offered at fifty cents on the dollar. Mr. Field, Mr. Roberts, Mr. 
Taylor, and myself were compelled to take up the principal part 



of the stock at that rate, in order to get the necessary funds. We 
had to do the business through the Bank of Newfoundland, and 
the bank would not trust the company, but drew personally on 
me. I told them to draw on the company, but they continued 
to draw on me, and I had to pay the drafts or let them go back 
protested. I was often out ten or twenty thousand dollars in 
advance, in that way, to keep the thing going. After the cable 
became a success, the stock rose to ninety dollars per share, at 
which figure we sold out to an English company. That proved 
to be the means of saving us from loss. The work was finished 
at last, and I never have regretted it, although it was a terrible 
time to go through. 


For forty-three blessed years it has been my privilege to present, on 
behalf of the Trustees, the report of the operations of the Cooper Union. 
I have never had the report read, but usually talked to the audience 
here assembled in a confidential sort of way, pointing out various 
matters which I thought might interest us as members of one family, 
all devoted to one great object, — the diffusion of knowledge through 
the Cooper Union. Usually I have had no difficulty in selecting the 
topic upon which I desired to talk. It was generally a statement that 
the income of the Institution was entirely inadequate to meet the de- 
mands made by the public for its privileges; that we wanted more 
money; that we wanted more room; that we wanted to get rid of the 
tenants; that we wanted more funds to pay more teachers, and to let 
in more of the public until every foot of space, from this floor where 
we are assembled to-night, right up to the roof, should be entirely 
devoted to the purpose for which Mr. Cooper designed it; namely, 
the free education of the masses of the people of the city of New York, 
who desired not only to be self-supporting, but to aid others in the 
course of time in getting an honest livelihood. 

The greater part of these forty -three years this appeal seemed to fall 
upon deaf ears. Very few persons gave us anything, and although 
the amounts, when they were given, were perhaps considerable in 
themselves, yet they were totally inadequate to carry out the plans 
which we had in view. In other words, my task was like the wail 
of Jeremiah, and I confess that I did not expect to live to see ac- 
complished the great object which the Trustees had in view — of free- 
ing this Institution from its secular uses and devoting it entirely to 
educational purposes. But we have struck what my young friend, 
the valedictorian, calls a volcano, and we have done what I think he 

will find it rather difficult to do with his volcano. Ours is a financial 
volcano, and we have appropriated what was discharged with a facil- 
ity and a success that we think thoroughly commendable. 

If you had at hand a report of last year, you would find that our en- 
dowment fund then amounted to nine hundred and fifty-eight thou- 
sand dollars. By the report which the Treasurer has just presented 
to you, our endowment fund now amounts to two million one hun- 
dred and thirteen thousand, three hundred and fifty dollars and thirty 
cents, being an increase during the year, in round numbers, of twelve 
hundred thousand dollars. I really do not want to take up your time, 
but this is such an extraordinary event, and the results of it are so far- 
reaching, that I think I will have to ask your indulgence while I go into 
a little history of the Cooper Union. Mr. Cooper was a poor boy, 
born of good Revolutionary stock, but, like most of the patriots of 
that time, he had a good deal more patriotism than money. He began 
life as an apprentice. There were no schools in New York in those 
days, — no night schools. He was very anxious to get on, but there 
was no place where he could obtain an education. He had no money 
with which to pay a teacher. So he had to get what knowledge he 
could get by himself, and, as I have often heard him say, by the light 
of the single tallow candle which his means made him able to get; 
and that every night he passed his time trying to acquire some knowl- 
edge which would be of use to him in the battle of life. This made 
a great impression on him, and he determined that the reproach of 
New York, of its lack of means for free education, should be removed 

This occurred about the beginning of the last century, in 1804 or 
1805, and he set himself to work, alone, without friends, without sug- 
gestions from any quarter, to get money enough together to open what 
he called a night school, for at that time there was not a single free 
night school in New York City. This was the purpose of his life. 
He never lost sight of it; and I will tell you this — I tell these young men 
and women here this story particularly in order that they may see 
how a noble purpose formed by even the most friendless boy may re- 
sult in course of time in great benefits to society. And so he pursued 
his course. He was, of course, a man of great natural ability and 
great strength of character. I have often heard him say that the first 
thing a young man should do was to save a little money; that no man 
could succeed in life who did not begin by saving; and that when a 
man had saved a little money and had acquired some property he 
was pretty sure then to make a good citizen. So, in the institution 
which he proposed to found, he never lost sight of the fact that he 
wanted to inculcate thrift; he wanted to teach industry; he wanted 
the lesson of saving to be learned; and he left the rest to the conscience 
of the good citizens he knew would be produced by such lessons. And, 
as he provided for the kind of education which these young gentlemen 
have had, he said that of all the things to be taught in the Cooper Union 
the pre-eminent one must be the art — the science, as he called it — of 



good government. He did not mean by this merely the teachings of 
poHtical economy or political science, but an inculcation of the prin- 
ciple that men "shall do unto each other as they would have others 
do unto them." 

The time came when he had accumulated money enough to begin 
to build a building. His original idea of a night school was of a rather 
moderate character, but it ver^- soon enlarged itself until at last, having 
selected this site, on which he had carried on business for some years, 
he was able to buy the whole block, and he proceeded to erect this 
building. He knew, when he undertook this task, that his means 
would not suffice for more than the erection of the building, and he 
was determined not to incur any debts. When he called the Trustees 
together to receive the property at his hands, he said to them: "Here 
is this building. I want it appropriated as soon as possible to the edu- 
cation of the young men and young women of New York City, and 
appropriated to free education. There must be no fee paid in the 
Cooper Union, for education ought to be as free as air and water." 
He said: "I have given practically all the property that I can control 
to build this building, and here is thirty thousand dollars more which 
I have left over, with which you can furnish the apparatus required, 
and for carrying on the work of instruction. I have called this build- 
ing the Union for the Advancement of Science and Art. Against 
my wishes and against my will the legislature have, unfortunately, 
attached to it the name of Cooper. I did not want my name attached 
to the Union. I wanted this to be a union of all well-disposed people 
in New York who are willing to contribute to carry out the work of 
free education in the building I have created. But," he said, "the 
use of this name will inevitably, to some extent, interfere with my 
views for that purpose, and hence you will have to rent as much as is 
necessary of t|his building in order to maintain the classes and the 

Under those circumstances, forty-three years ago, the Trustees en- 
tered upon their task. From the ver}^ outset the demands upon the in- 
stitution for admission to it were far greater than the income which 
they could possibly derive from the rented portions of the building. 
Hence the great object of these Trustees was to secure an endowment 
fund; and Mr. Cooper before his death was able to provide two hun- 
dred thousand dollars, the income from which he thought would be 
able to pay the running expenses of the building and keep it in order, 
but would not, of course, pay the expenses of instruction. He said 
to the Trustees, "I hope, before you die, the day will come when some 
one will give money enough to free this institution from the encum- 
brance of tenants, and devote it entirely to the work of free education." 

Up to the time of his death very little money had been contributed; 
but soon after his death the family of his younger brother, Mr. William 
Cooper, who had obtained a fortune in connection with Mr. Cooper, 
gave in successive gifts, owing to the death of successive members of 


the family, the sum of three hundred and forty thousand dollars. Those 
of you who have been in the institution for any length of time will 
remember that this happened about five years ago, and was immedi- 
ately followed by the enlargement of the classes in the rooms in the 
two floors above this. That was the first considerable sum of money 
the Trustees had received, and it did not come until thirty years after 
the building had been established. In giving an account of this trans- 
action in the report of that year, it was mentioned that this sum would 
enable the extension of the work, but it was also stated that it was 
entirely inadequate to gain the great object which we all had in view, 
of ridding the building of tenants, and an appeal w^as made to the pub- 
lic to gain money, but none came. 

But this appeal came to the notice of Mr. Carnegie, who was a great 
admirer of Mr. Cooper, and he has never tired of saying that Mr. 
Cooper's example had been of great help to him, and had given him 
great inspiration in the use of his money in advancing public education. 
He wrote to me that he wanted in some way to manifest his admiration 
for Mr. Cooper and his sympathy for our efforts in enlarging the institu- 
tion. The amount he offered to give us was one hundred thousand dol- 
lars. In reply to this offer I mentioned to Mr. Carnegie that we were 
very glad to get it, and that it would be the beginning of a fund that 
would be sufficient in the course of time to keep the whole institution. 
He said in reply: "I did not understand the case. Let me give three 
hundred thousand dollars." 

"Yes," I replied, "three hundred thousand dollars, with three hun- 
dred thousand dollars more added to it, will enable us to begin to take 
possession of the greater part of the building, — of all the building 
except the stores, — and to widen the scope of the scheme of education." 

Later Mr. Carnegie offered to give three hundred thousand dollars 
more And this reminds me of President Lincoln during the war times, 
when he was always asking for three hundred thousand more. It had 
previously been arranged by Mr. Peter Cooper's descendants that a 
trust fund of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars created by him 
for the benefit of his grandchildren, and the residuary interest of his 
children of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars in the property 
subject to the trust, should come to the institution on the deaths of 
the members of the family as they occurred. It was now arranged 
that the whole property should be transferred to the institution at 
once to meet Mr. Carnegie's gifts, so that in the month of January last 
between this six hundred thousand dollars and Mr. Carnegie's two 
gifts of three hundred thousand dollars each there was an increase 
in the amount of the endowment fund of twelve hundred thousand 
dollars over what it was before Mr. Carnegie gave his first three hun- 
dred thousand. 

On the strength of this gift I thought I saw the way clear to notify 
the tenants to quit the stores, and most of them have moved out, all 
but two, who have leases which will not be terminated until next year. 



We shall then have possession of the floor above, and practically the 
whole floor will be made into a great physical laboratory. 

But this would not be sufficient. The scale on which the operation 
of the institution was to be carried on would require another sum of 
money, and I was speculating in my own mind where the next three 
hundred thousand dollars would come from. You can imagine my 
astonishment at what followed. A gentleman whom I have long known 
— a gentleman who had never manifested any special interest in the 
Cooper Union — called at my house, and after chatting pleasantly on 
various subjects, and after having had a little cup of tea with me, as 
he was just going away, he said, "By the way, I have got something 
for you, a little gift for Cooper Union"; and to my intense astonish- 
ment he handed me two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. I con- 
fess that I have not recovered. I cannot realize it, that for forty odd 
years we have been struggling with this problem, with a sort of vague 
hope that in some way or other the answer would come from some 
quarter or other, — I cannot realize that it has been answered. There 
was an arrangement which Mr. Edward Cooper and I had made with 
our respective families by which we knew that ultimately six hundred 
thousand dollars would come to the institution, so as to at least replace 
the rents which would be lost. But we had gone on for forty years 
considering this matter, and every trustee doing what he could to make 
the position more tolerable. Let me say that three of us of the original 
trustees, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Parsons, and myself, are still living. There 
were originally five trustees, and three of them are still alive. To 
them he gave this charge, that they should see to it, if they could, that 
this institution should be made free from every occupation except that 
of the distribution of knowledge. Mr. Parsons is not here to-night. 
For forty odd years he has gratuitously attended to all the legal busi- 
ness of this institution, and that in itself is no small undertaking. And 
besides this he has contributed to the endowment fund, he has given 
twenty thousand dollars to the endowment fund in order to manifest 
his interest in the institution. 

And here we are, with an income of not less than ninety thousand 
dollars, possiblr* it may amount to a hundred thousand dollars, suffi- 
cient to pay the expenses of this institution according to the original 
plans of Mr. Cooper, made nearly a hundred years ago; yes, quite a 
hundred years ago, when he was a poor boy, working as an apprentice, 
and followed during his long lifetime of ninety -three years; followed by 
his children since his death, and prior to his death for forty years, and 
before his immediate family has passed away this great undertaking 
had been accomphshed. 

Now, young gentlemen, I want you to see and to learn that a noble 
resolution, once formed and resolutely adhered to from generation to 
generation, will ultimately work out its destiny and secure its triumph. 
That is the great moral lesson which this institution has taught, and, 
while I do not underestimate the value of the technical and scientific 


instruction which has been given by this institution, let me say that the 
moral lesson afforded by the Cooper Union in the story as I have told 
it to you, — the moral lesson is one of the greatest I have ever known, 
or ever expect to know, in the history of man. 

You may ask me if the days of miracles have really passed; for this 
seems like some miracle, that the Cooper Union should have achieved 
this result. I will tell you how it was expected to be achieved. Mr. 
Cooper said that of course in the course of a hundred years there would 
be a great many graduates of the institution, alumni. "The day 
will come," he said, "when they, these graduates, will rally around this 
institution, and, if the plans I have formed can be executed in no other 
way, they will see that my plans are executed." Now in forty years I 
have been waiting for these alumni, but they did not pan out. But in 
many respects this has been a very remarkable year, for about two 
months ago I received a letter from Mr. Elmer E. Garnsey, in which he 
says: — 

I thank you for your kind letter of the 4th inst., and for your approval 
of my suggestion, made through Mr. R. Swain Gifford. I shall take an 
early opportunity of arranging with him to accept your very courteous 
invitation to meet, at your house, the ladies who have founded the 
Museum of Decorative Art; and later I shall be glad to revisit the Night 
Classes in Art, and to report to the Trustees anything that may occur to 
me, worthy their consideration. I am glad that my Uttle contribution may 
be kept separate from the general funds of the Union, and the foundation 
may bear my name or not, as you may consider wise and proper. My 
whole desire is to express in some degree my appreciation of what Cooper 
Union and its great founder have done for me, in a manner that shall have 
the approval of those who have so splendidly carried on the work begun 
l-)y Peter Cooper, and at the same time be of benefit to those who are study- 
ing and working to improve themselves, in their leisure hours. For the 
establishment of the fund, I enclose, to your order, my cheque for one thou- 
sand dollars. 

I read that letter because it is the first contribution in money we 
have ever received from an alumnus. Then a few days ago — it was 
received too late to put in this year's report — I got this letter from 
Mr. John F. O'Rourke: — 

Dea7' Sir, — It gives me great happiness to enclose you herewith check 
for $5,000 to be used by the Board of Trustees as they deem best. The 
education which I received at Cooper Union fitted me for the practice 
of civil engineering in such a thorough and practical manner that it 
was my good fortune to occupy positions of responsibility at an earlier age 
than I have known graduates of other technical schools to attain, with the 
result that I can make this contribution now, anticipating to further aid my 
Alma Mater in a far greater degree some time in the not very distant future. 

Mr. O'Rourke stands to-day at the head of the constructive engineers 
in the United States. His success has been phenomenal. He is the 



inventor of the system which is used in all the sky-scrapers, these tall 
buildings, of placing the foundations on pneumatic caissons. Every 
one of these buildings has to use Mr. O'Rourke's system, and he tells 
me that for ever}- foundation which he puts in in the future he expects 
to make a further contribution to the Cooper Union. 

They say that misfortunes never come singly, but in our case I am 
very glad to say that good fortune never comes alone. I received a 
letter from the town of Krakow in Poland some weeks ago, announcing 
that a Mr. Felix Kucielski had died and left the sum of five thousand 
dollars to the Cooper Union. I did not attach much importance to 
it until I got a notice from the Austrian consul in New York that there 
were five thousand dollars awaiting us in Krakow, Poland, which we 
could get as soon as we sent the proper vouchers and identifications 
for its collection. I suppose that this gentleman must at some time 
have been in New York and have had some knowledge of the Cooper 
Union, for I cannot imagine how any one away off in Poland could 
make such an endowment unless that had been the case. 

Young gentlemen, wlierever you may go, wherever your work may 
take you, whether to Kamtschatka or to Martinique, I want you to re- 
member that Cooper Union is quite ready to receive contributions from. 
every habitable part of the world. 

Now a word or two more. I may be saying so much on account of 
your applause. I have not always had so much applause given me in 
the course of my lifetime. They say, "Old men dream dreams." Well, 
Dr. Slicer says that it is the young men who dream. And the dream 
that I dreamed forty years or more ago has to-night come true. "Old 
men see visions." I think I am right, but it may be that I have reversed 
the Scriptures. I am an old man, and I see a vision of the future. 
The Cooper Union is now complete. It is a finished institution, al- 
though, as a matter of course, we can spend a great deal more money 
when it is sent to us. But it can run from this day forward on the 
resources which it has acquired. But I should be sorry to see that 
the Cooper Union was going to stop with this building or the work 
it is doing here. The work which we have undertaken to do is to teach 
the scientific principles which underlie the arts of the country. We 
never undertook to teach the trades. We never intend to teach what 
are known as the constructive trades. But there are established in 
Germany, England, and, to some extent, in France, industries which 
are not extensively carried on in the United States, although we have 
the richest country in the world. These trades are what are known 
as the handicrafts. They deal with the application of the arts to the 
finer classes of constructive work and materials, the textiles, gold, 
silver, and the metals, the manufacture of instruments of precision, 
and a high order of mechanical work. Work of this class we chieiiy 
import, as a rule, for not many Americans are art workers of that kind. 
To carry out this work, we require a good deal of money and a good 
deal of space. That is the second chapter in the history of the Cooper 


Union. The present Trustees have no hope of being able to execute 
this object in their lifetime. They but look forward to these handi- 
crafts. In Paris at the present time there are ninety schools which 
are giving instruction in art industry. 

Now we have located in this neighborhood the armory of the Sixty- 
ninth Regiment, which is soon to be vacated. This armory belongs 
to the city, and if the city would turn it over to us after it is vacated, 
for the establishment of these classes of handicraft work, I am very 
sure, from what I now know, that I can secure an endowment suffi- 
cient to carry on the work. This would cost the city nothing, and 
there would be no burden on the city for keeping it up. The city 
would merely appropriate the armory for the work in the same way 
that they have appropriated land and buildings for the establishment 
of the Museum of Art and the Museum of Natural History. 

By the time our new laboratory is done, the Astor Library will be 
vacant. The building in itself is of no value except as a library, and we 
need it for a library. It is admirably designed for this purpose, and 
is admirably located for the extension of the work of this institution, 
and in proximity to this building, where the work of administration 
would have to be carried on. The most economical use to which it 
could be put would be to turn it over to Cooper Union, as otherwise 
it would be of no value except for the value of the land. Now I hope 
it will enter into the heart of some one, after I am dead and gone, — 
though I do not object if they do it while I am alive,— to add to the 
Cooper Union one or both of these great buildings for the extension 
of the work we are carrying on here. We could then remove our read- 
ing-room and library to the Astor Library, and that space could be 
devoted to the Art Museum, which I think is getting to be one of the 
most instructive additions to the education of New York. 

If Dr. Sheer had not told me it is the old men who have visions, 
I should think that I was a young man. Perhaps it was after all not a 
mistake, but a twist of the tongue. I am in my eightieth year. I am 
seeing visions because I am so much younger than some of less years 
than are mine, because I am still young and fresh. If so, I shall be 
quite glad to live to see any extensions to the Cooper Union which 
may be possible. In conclusion let me again quote the Scriptures, and 
say, for the Trustees, that we have "fought the good fight. We have 
finished our course with joy." And for myself, since I have got in 
the quotation line, I think I am quite prepared to say, "Lord, now 
lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy 



The account of Peter Cooper's early life printed in the present leaflet is described by 
Professor J. C. Zachos of the Cooper Union, who prepared it for publication, as an " auto- 
biography written by another." It is the record of conversations by Mr. Cooper upon his 
early life, and was prefixed to a collection of "The Political and Financial Opinions of 
Peter Cooper," published by Professor Zachos in 1877. What Professor Zachos properly 
calls the " crowning glory" of Mr. Cooper's life, the Cooper Union, is hardly mentioned 
in the autobiography. The speech by Abram S. Hewett in 1902, here appended to the auto- 
biography, tells the story of the founding of the Union and of tiie remarkable series of gifts 
by which in recent years its work and influence have been so largely expanded. This speech 
was made by Mr. Hewett in his eightieth year, the year before his death. Mr. Cooper's son- 
in-law and associate in business, and one of the trustees of the Cooper Union for more than 
forty years, no Oiher understood so well as Mr. Hewett its history and its founder's purposes. 
'I'he Union was incorporated and the building (begun in 1854) completed, at a cost of $634,- 
000, in 1859, in the centre of the industrial and trading population of New York. In an 
address to the graduating class in 1864, Mr. Cooper spoke as follows of the idea which 
prompted the founding of the Union : 

" It happened more than thirty years ago that I was elected a member of the Common 
Council of this city. At that time I became acquainted with a gentleman who had then 
lately returned from France. That gentleman informed me that while he was in Pans he had 
attended the free Polytechnic school provided by the government. He spoke in glowing 
terms of the great advantage he had received from the consummate ability of the teachers 
and the perfect appliances used for illustration. What interested me most deeply was the 
fact that hundreds of young men were there from all parts of France, living on a bare crust 
of bread a day to get the benefit of those lectures. Feeling then, as I always have, my own 
want of education, and more especially my want of scientific kt-owledge as applicable to the 
various callings in whicli 1 had been engaged, it was this want of my own, which 1 felt so 
keenly, that led me, in deep sympathy for those whom I knew would be subject to the same 
wants and inconvenience that I iiad encountered, — it was this feeling which led me to pro- 
vide an institution where a course of instruction would be open and free to all who felt a want 
of scientific knowledge, as applicable to anv of the useful purposes of life. Having started 
in life with naked hands and an honest purpose, I persevered througii long years of trial and 
effort to obtain the means to erect this building, which is now entirely devoted, witli all its 
rents and revenue of every name and nature, to the advancement of science and art." 

There is a biography of Peter Cooper by Rossiter W. Raymond, who knew him well; 
rand in its chapters Mr. Cooper's active interests in municipal affairs and national politics, as 
\well as in business, invention, education and philanthropy, are clearly set forth. Various 
pamphlets and addresses by Mr. Cooper upon slavery, currency problems and other public 
issues were published during his lifetime. In 1876 he was the nominee of the Greenback 
party for the presidency. He died in 1S83. His funeral was an almost unexampled mani- 
festation of public love and veneration. In the great multitude which passed through All 
Souls' Church, where his body lay, were 3,500 students of the Cooper Union, who cast 
flowers upon the coffin. See " Recollections of Peter Cooper," by Susan N. Carter, in the 
Century Magazine, December, 1883, and other magazine articles. 


Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 


#lti ^Dutl) %tafitt0. 

No. 14S. 

Memorial to the 

Legislature of 



Gentlemen, — I respectfully ask to present this Memorial, 
believing that the cause, which actuates to and sanctions so unusual 
a movement, presents no equivocal claim to public considera- 
tion and sympathy. Surrendering to calm and deep convictions 
of duty my habitual views of what is womanly and becoming, 
I proceed briefly to explain what has conducted me before you 
unsohcited and unsustained, trusting, while I do so, that the 
memorialist will be speedily forgotten in the memorial. 

About two years since leisure afforded opportunity and duty 
prompted me to visit several prisons and almshouses in the vi- 
cinity of this metropolis. I found, near Boston, in the jails and 
asylums for the poor, a numerous class brought into unsuitable 
connection with criminals and the general mass of paupers. I 
refer to idiots and insane persons, dwelling in circumstances 
not only adverse to their own physical and moral improvement, 
but productive of extreme disadvantages to all other persons 
brought into association with them. I applied myself diligently 
to trace the causes of these e^ils, and sought to supply remedies. 
As one obstacle was surmounted, fresh difficulties appeared. 
Every new investigation has given depth to the conviction that 
it is only by decided, prompt, and vigorous legislation the evils 
to which I refer, and which I shall proceed more fully to illustrate, 
can be remedied. I fhall be obliged to speak with great plain- 
ness, and to reveal many things revolting to the taste, and from 


which my woman's nature shrinks with peculiar sensitiveness. 
But truth is the highest consideration. / tell what I have seen — 
painful and shocking as the details often are — that from them 
you may feel more deeply the imperative obligation which 
lies upon you to prevent the possibility of a repetition or con- 
tinuance of such outrages upon humanity. If I inflict pain 
upon you, and move you to horror, it is to acquaint you with 
sufferings which you have the power to alleviate, and make you 
hasten to the relief of the victims of legalized barbarity. 

I come to present the strong claims of suffering humanity. 
I come to place before the Legislature of Massachusetts the 
condition of the miserable, the desolate, the outcast. I come 
as the advocate of helpless, forgotten, insane, and idiotic men 
and women; of beings sunk to a condition from which the most 
unconcerned would start with real horror; of beings wretched 
in our prisons, and more wretched in our almshouses. And I 
cannot suppose it needful to employ earnest persuasion, or stub- 
born argument, in order to arrest and fix attention upon a sub- 
ject only the more strongly pressing in its claims because it 
is revolting and disgusting in its details. 

I must confine myself to few examples, but am ready to fur- 
nish other und more complete details, if required. If my pict- 
ures are displeasing, coarse, and severe, my subjects, it must 
be recollected, offer no tranquil, refined, or composing features. 
The condition of human beings, reduced to the extremest states 
of degradation and misery, cannot be exhibited in softened lan- 
guage, or adorn a polished page. 

I proceed, gentlemen, briefly to cafl your attention to the pres- 
ent state of insane persons confined within this Commonwealth, 
in cages, closets, cellars, stalls, pens! Chained, naked, be&ten with 
rods, and lashed into obedience. 

As I state cold, severe facts, I feel obliged to refer to persons, 
and definitely to indicate locaUties. But it is upon my subject, 
not upon localities or individuals, I desire to fix attention; and 
I would speak as kindly as possible of aU wardens, keepers, and 
other responsible officers, believing that most of these have erred 
not through hardness of heart and wilful cruelty so much as 
want of skin and knowledge, and want of consideration. Fa- 
miliarity with suffering, it is said, blunts the sensibilities, and 
where neglect once finds a footing other injuries are multipHed. 
This is not all, for it may justly and strongly be added that, 
from the deficiency of adequate means to meet the wants of 

these cases, it has been an absolute impossibihty to do justice in 
this matter. Prisons are not constructed in view of being con- 
verted into county hospitals, and almshouses are not founded 
as receptacles for the insane. And yet, in the face of justice 
and common sense, wardens are by law compelled to receive,, 
and the masters of almshouses not to refuse, insane and idiotic 
subjects in all stages of mental disease and privation. 

It is the Commonwealth, not its integral parts, that Is ac- 
countable for most of the" abuses which have lately and do still 
exist. I repeat it, it is defective legislation which perpetuates 
and multiphes these abuses. In illustration of my subject, I 
offer the following extracts from my Note-book and Journal: — 

Springfield. In the jail, one lunatic woman, furiously mad, 
a State pauper, improperly situated, both in regard to the pris- 
oners, the keepers, and herself. It is a case of extreme self- 
forgetfulness and obUvion to all the decencies of life, to describe 
which would be to repeat only the grossest scenes. She is much 
worse since leaving Worcester. In the almshouse of the same 
town is a woman apparently only needing judicious care, and 
some well-chosen employment, to make it unnecessary to con- 
fine her in soUtude, in a dreary unfurnished room. Her ap- 
peals for employment and companionship are most touching, 
but the mistress rephed "she had no time to attend to her." 

Northampton. In the jail, quite lately, was a young man 
violently mad, who had not, as I was informed at the prison, 
come under medical care, and not been returned from any hos- 
pital. In the almshouse the cases of insanity are now unmarked 
by abuse, and afford evidence of judicious care by the keepers. 

Williamsburg. The almshouse has several insane, not under 
suitable treatment. No apparent intentional abuse. 

Rutland. Appearance and report of the insane in the alms- 
house not satisfactory. 

Sterling. A terrible case; manageable in a hospital; at pres- 
ent as well controlled perhaps as circumstances in a case so ex- 
treme allow. An almshouse, but w^hoUy wrong in relation to 
the poor crazy woman, to the paupers generally, and to her keepers. 

Burlington. A woman, declared to be very insane; decent 
room and bed; but not allowed to rise oftener, the mistress said, 
''than every other day: it is too much trouble." 

Concord. A woman from the hospital in a cage in the alms- 
house. In the jail several, decently cared for in general, but 


not properly placed in a prison. Violent, noisy, unmanageable 
most of the time. 

Lincoln. A woman in a cage. Medjord. One idiotic subject 
chained, and one in a close stall for seventeen years. Pep- 
perell. One often doubly chained, hand and foot; another vio- 
lent; several peaceable now.' Brookfield. One man caged, com- 
fortable. Granville. One often closely coniined; now losing 
'ih^. use of his limbs from want of exercise. Charlemont. One 
man caged. Savoy. One man caged. Lenox. Two in the 
jail, against whose unfit condition there the jailer protests. 

Dedhani. The insane disadvantageously placed in the jail. 
In the almshouse, two females in stalls, situated in the main 
building; lie in wooden bunks filled with straw; always shut up. 
One of these subjects is supposed curable. The overseers of 
the poor have declined giving her a trial at the hospital, as I was 
informed, on account of expense. 

Franklin. One man chained; decent. Taunton. One woman 
caged. Plymouth. One man stall-caged, from Worcester Hos- 
pital. Scituate. One man and one woman staU-caged. West 
Bridgerjuater. Three idiots. Never removed from one room. 
Barnstable. Four females in pens and stalls. Two chained 
certainly. ' I think all. Jail, one idiot. Wellfleet. Three in- 
sane. One man and one w^oman chained, the latter in a bad 
condition. Brewster. One woman violently mad, solitary. 
Could not see her, the master and mistress being absent, and 
the paupers in charge having strict orders to admit no one. 
Rochester. Seven insane; at present none caged. Milford. 
Two insane, not now caged. Cohasset. One idiot, one insane; 
most miserable condition. Plympton. One insane, three idiots; 
condition wretched. 

Besides the above, I have seen many who, part of the year, 
are chained or caged. The use of cages all but universal. Hardly 
a town but can refer to some not distant period of using them; 
chains are less common; neghgences frequent; wilful abuse less 
frequent than sufferings proceeding from ignorance, or want of 
consideration. I encountered during the last three months 
many poor creatures wandering reckless and unprotected through 
the country. Innumerable accounts have been sent me of per- 
sons who had roved away unwatched and unsearched after; 
and I have heard that responsible persons, controlling the alms- 
houses, have not thought themselves culpable in sending a\yay 
from their shelter, to cast upon the chances of remote relief, 

insane men and women. These, left on the highways, unfriended 
and incompetent to control or direct their own movements, 
sometimes have found refuge in the hospital, and others have 
not been traced. But I cannot particularize. In traversing 
the State, I have found hundreds of insane persons in every va- 
riety of circumstance and condition, many whose situation could 
not and need not be improved; a less number, but that very large,, 
whose lives are the saddest pictures of human suffering and deg- 
radation. I give a few illustrations ; but description fades before 

Danvers. November. Visited the almshouse. A large build- 
ing, much out of repair. Understand a new one is in contem- 
plation. Here are from fifty-six to sixty inmates, one idiotic, 
three insane; one of the latter in close confinement at all times. 

Long before reaching the house, wild shouts, snatches of 
rude songs, imprecations and obscene language, fell upon the 
ear, proceeding from the occupant of a low building, rather 
remote from the principal building to which my course was di- 
rected. Found the mistress, and was conducted to the place 
which was called ''the Jwme^^ of the forlorn maniac, a young 
woman, exhibiting a condition of neglect and misery blotting 
out the faintest idea of comfort, and outraging every sentiment 
of decency. She had been, I learnt, "a respectable person, 
industrious and worthy. Disappointments and trials shook 
her mind, and, finally, laid prostrate reason and self-control. 
She became a maniac for fife. She had been at Worcester Hos- 
pital for a considerable time, and had been returned as incura- 
ble." The mistress tcld me she understood that, "while there, 
she was comfortable and decent." Alas, what a change was 
here exhibited! She had passed from one degree of violence 
to another, in swift progress. There she stood, clinging to 
or beating upon the bars of her caged apartment, the contracted 
size of which afforded space only for increasing accumulations 
of filth, a foul spectacle. There she stood with naked arms 
and dishevelled hair, the unwashed frame invested with frag- 
ments of unclean garments, the air so extremely offensive, though 
ventilation was afforded on all sides save one, that it was not 
possible to remain beyond a few moments without retreating 
for recovery to the outward air. Irritation of body, produced 
by utter filth and exposure, incited her to the horrid process of 
tearing off her skin by inches. Her face, neck, and person were 
thus disfigured to hideousness. She held up a fragment just 


rent off. To my exclamation of horror, the mistress repUed: 
''Oh, we can't help it. Half the skin is off sometimes. We 
can do nothing with her; and it makes no difference what she 
eats, for she consumes her own filth as readily as the food which 
is brought her." 

It is now January. A fortnight since two visitors reported 
that most wretched outcast as "wallowing in dirty straw, in a 
place yet more dirty, and without clothing, without fire. Worse 
cared for than the brutes, and wholly lost to consciousness of 
decency." Is the whole story told? What was seen is: what 
is reported is not. These gross exposures are not for the pained 
sight of one alone. All, all, coarse, brutal men, wondering, 
neglected children, old and young, each and all, witness this 
lowest, foulest state of miserable humanity. And who protects 
her, that worse than Pariah outcast, from other wrongs and blacker 
outrages? I do not know that such have been. I do know that 
they are to be dreaded, and that they are not guarded against. 

Some may say these things cannot be remedied, these furi- 
ous maniacs are not to be raised from these base conditions. I 
know they are. Could give many examples. Let one suffice. 
A young woman, a pauper, in a distant town, Sandisfield, was 
for years a raging maniac. A cage, chains, and the whip were 
the agents for controlhng her, united with harsh tones and pro- 
fane language. Annually, with others (the town's poor), she 
was put up at auction, and bid off at the lowest price which was 
declared for her. One year, not long past, an old man came 
forward in the number of applicants for the poor wTetch. He 
was taunted and ridiculed. "What would he and his old wife 
do with such a mere beast?" "My wife says yes," repHed he, 
"and I shall take her." She was given to his charge. He con- 
veyed her home. She was washed, neatly dressed, and placed 
in a decent bedroom, furnished for comfort and opening into 
the kitchen. How altered her condition ! As yet the chains were 
not off. The first week she was somewhat restless, at times 
violent, but the quiet, kind ways of the old people wrought a 
change. She received her food decently, forsook acts of vio- 
lence, and no longer uttered blasphemies or indecent language. 
After a week the chain was lengthened, and she was received 
as a companion into the kitchen. Soon she engaged in trivial 
employments. "After a fortnight," said the old man, "I knocked 
off the chains and made her a free woman." She is at times 
excited, but not violently. They are careful of her diet. They 

keep her very clean. She calls them "father" and "mother." 
Go there now, and you will find her "clothed," and, though not 
perfectly in her "right mind," so far restored as to be a safe 
and comfortable inmate. 

Newbiiryport. Visited the almshouse in June last. Eight}' 
inmates. Seven insane, one idiotic. Commodious and neat 
house. Several of the partially insane apparently very com- 
fortable. Two very improperly situated; namely, an insane 
man, not considered incurable, in an out-building, whose room 
opened upon what was called "the dead room," affording, in 
lieu of companionship with the living, a contemplation of corpses. 
The other subject was a woman in a cellar. I desired to see her. 
Much reluctance was shown. I pressed the request. The 
master of the house stated that she was in the cellar; that she 
was dangerous to be approached; that she had lately attacked 
his wife, and was often naked. I persisted, "If you will not go 
with me, give me the keys and I will go alone." Thus impor- 
tuned, the outer doors were opened. I descended the stairs 
from wnthin. A strange, unnatural noise seemed to proceed 
from beneath our feet. At the moment I did not much regard 
it. My conductor proceeded to remove a padlock, while my 
eye explored the wide space in quest of the poor woman. All 
for a moment was still. But judge my horror and amazement, 
when a door to a closet beneath the staircase was opened, reveal- 
ing in the imperfect light a female apparently wasted to a skele- 
ton, partially wrapped in blankets, furnished for the narrow 
bed on which she was sitting. Her countenance furrowed, not 
by age, but suffering, was the image of distress. In that con- 
tracted space, unlighted, unventilated, she poured forth the 
wailings of despair. Mournfully she extended her arms and 
appealed to me: "Why am I consigned to hell? dark — dark — 
I used to pray, I used to read the Bible — I have done no crime 
in my heart. I had friends. Why have all forsaken me! — my 
God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me!" Those groans, 
those w^ailings, come up daily, mingling with how many others, 
a perpetual and sad memorial. When the good Lord shall re- 
quire an account of our stewardship, what shall all and each 
answer ? 

Perhaps it will be inquired how long, how many days or hours, 
was she imprisoned in these confined limits? For years! In 
another part of the cellar were other small closets, only better, 
because higher through the entire length, into one of which she 


by turns was transferred, so as to afford opportunity for fresh 
whitewashing, etc. 

SaugHS. December 24. Thermometer below zero; drove 
to the poorhouse; was conducted to the master's family-room 
by himself; walls garnished with handcuffs and chains, not less 
than five pairs of the former; did not inquire how or on whom 
applied; thirteen pauper inmates; one insane man; one woman 
insane; one idiotic man; asked to see them; the two men were 
shortly led in; appeared pretty decent and comfortable. Re- 
quested to see the other insane subject; was denied decidedly; 
urged the request, and finally secured a reluctant assent. Was 
led through an outer passage into a lower room, occupied by 
the paupers; crowded; not neat; ascended a rather low flight 
of stairs upon an open entry, through the floor of which was 
introduced a stove-pipe, carried along a few feet, about six inches 
above the floor, through which it was reconveyed below. From 
this entry opens a room of moderate size, having a sashed win- 
dow; floor, I think, painted; apartment entirely unfurnished; 
no chair, table, nor bed; neither, what is seldom missing, a bundle 
of straw or lock of hay; cold, very cold; the first movement of 
my conductor was to throw open a window, a measure impera- 
tively necessary for those who entered. On the floor sat a woman, 
her limbs immovably contracted, so that the knees were brought 
upward to the chin; the face was concealed; the head rested on 
the folded arms. For clothing she appeared to have been fur- 
nished with fragments of many discharged garments. These 
were folded about her, yet they little benefited her, if one might 
judge by the constant shuddering which almost convulsed her 
poor crippled frame. Woful was this scene. Language is 
feeble to record the misery she was suffering and had suffered. 
In reply to my inquiry if she could not change her position, I 
was answered by the master in the negative, and told that the 
contraction of Hmbs was occasioned by ''neglect and exposure 
in former years," but since she had been crazy, and before she 
fell under the charge, as I inferred, of her present guardians. 
Poor wretch! she, like many others, was an example of what 
humanity becomes when the temple of reason falls in ruins, 
leaving the mortal part to injury and neglect, and showing how 
much can be endured of privation, exposure, and disease with- 
out extinguishing the lamp of life. 

Passing out, the man pointed to a something, revealed to 
more than one sense, which he caUed "her bed; and we throw 

some blankets over her at night." Possibly this is done; others, 
like myself, might be pardoned a doubt if they could have seen 
all I saw and "heard abroad all I heard. The bed, so called, 
was about three feet long, and from a half to three-quarters of 
a yard wide; of old ticking or tow cloth was the case; the con- 
tents might have been a full handful of hay or straw. My at- 
tendant's exclamations on my leaving the house were emphatic, 
and can hardly be repeated. 

The above case recalls another of equal neglect or abuse. 
Asking my way to the almshouse in Berkeley, which had been 
repeatedly spoken of as greatly neglected, I was answered as 
to the direction, and informed that there were "plenty of insane 
people and idiots there." "Well taken care of?" "Oh, well 
enough for such sort of creatures!" "Any violently insane?" 
"Yes, my sister's son is there,— a real tiger. I kept him here at 
my house awhile, but it was too much trouble to go on: so I car- 
ried him there." "Is he comfortably provided for?" "Well 
enough." "Has he decent clothes?" "Good enough; wouldn't 
wear them if he had more." "Food?" "Good enough; good 
enough for him." "One more question, — has he the comfort 
of a fire?" "Fire! fire, indeed! what does a crazy man need 
of fire? Red-hot iron wants fire as much as he!" And such 
are sincerely the ideas of not a few persons in regard to the actual 
wants .of the insane. Less regarded than the lowest brutes. 
No wonder they sink even lower. 

Ipswich. Have visited the prison three several times; vis- 
ited the almshouse once. In the latter are several cases of in- 
sanity; three especially distressing, situated in a miserable out- 
building, detached from the family-house, and confined in stalls 
or pens; three individuals, one of whom is apparently very in- 
sensible to the deplorable circumstances which surround him, 
and perhaps not likely to comprehend privations or benefits. 
Not so the person directly opposite to him, who looks up wildly, 
anxiously by turns, through those strong bars. Cheerless sight! 
strange companionship for the mind flitting and coming by turns 
to some perception of persons and things. He, too, is one of the 
returned incurables. His history is a sad one. I have not had all 
the particulars, but it shows distinctly what the most prosper- 
ous and affluent may come to be. I understand his connections 
are excellent and respectable; his natural abflities in youth were 
superior. He removed from Essex County to Albany, and was 
estabhshed there as the editor of a popular newspaper. In 



course of time he was chosen a senator for that section of the 
State, and of course was [ ? ] a judge in the Court of Errors. 

Vicissitudes followed, and insanity closed the scene. He was 
conveyed to Worcester, after a considerable period, either to 
give place to some new patient or because the county objected 
to the continued expense, he, being declared incurable, was re- 
moved to Salem jail, thence to Ipswich jail; associated with the 
prisoners there, partaking the same food, and clad in like ap- 
parel. After a time the town complained of the expense of keep- 
ing him in jail. It was cheaper in the almshouse. To the alms- 
house he was conveyed, and there perhaps must abide. How 
sad a fate! I found him in a quiet state, though at times was 
told that he is greatly excited. What wonder, with such a com- 
panion before him, such cruel scenes within! I perceived 
in him some little confusion as I paused before the stall against 
the bars of which he was leaning. He was not so lost to propri- 
ety but that a httle disorder of the bed-clothes, etc., embarrassed 
him. I passed on, but he asked, in a moment, earnestly, "Is the 
lady gone — gone quite away?" I returned. He gazed a mo- 
ment without answering my inquiry if he wished to see me. 
''And have you, too, lost all your dear friends?" Perhaps my 
mourning apparel excited his inquiry. "Not all." "Have you 
any dear father and mother to love you?" and then he sighed 
and then laughed and traversed the limited stall. Immediately 
adjacent to this stall was one occupied by a simple girl, who was 
"put there to be out of harm's way." A cruel lot for this priva- 
tion of a sound mind. A madman on the one hand, not so much 
separated as to secure decency; another almost opposite, and 
no screen. I do not know how it is argued that mad persons 
and idiots may be dealt with as if no spark of recollection ever 
Hghts up the mind. The observation and experience of those 
who have had charge of hospitals show opposite conclusions. 

Violence and severity do but exasperate the insane: the only 
availing influence is kindness and firmness. It is amazing what 
these will produce. How many examples might illustrate this 
position! I refer to one recently exhibited in Barre. The town 
paupers are disposed of annually to some family who, for a 
stipulated sum, agree to take charge of them. One of them, a 
young woman, was shown to me well clothed, neat, quiet, and 
employed at needlework. Is it possible that this is the same 
being who, but last year, was a raving mad woman, exhibiting 
every degree of violence in action and speech; a very tigress 


wrought to fury; caged, chained, beaten, loaded with injuries, 
and exhibiting the passions which an iron rule might be expected 
to stimulate and sustain. It is the same person. Another 
family hold her in charge who better understand human nature 
and human influences. She is no longer chained, caged, and 
beaten; but, if excited, a pair of mittens drawn over the hands 
secures from mischief. Where will she be next year after the 
annual sale ? 

It is not the insane subject alone who illustrates the power 
of the all-prevailing law of kindness. A poor idiotic young 
man, a year or two since, used to follow me at times through 
the prison as I was distributing books and papers. At first he 
appeared totally stupid, but cheerful expressions, a smile, a 
trifling gift, seemed gradually to light up the void temple of 
the intellect, and by slow degrees some faint images of thought 
passed before the mental vision. He would ask for books, though 
he could not read. . I indulged his fancy, and he would appear 
to experience delight in examining them, and kept them with 
a singular care. If I read the Bible, he was reverently, wonder- 
ingly attentive; if I talked, he hstened with a half-conscious 
aspect. One morning I passed more hurriedly than usual, and 
did not speak particularly to him. "Me, me, me a book." I 
returned. "Good morning. Jemmy: so you will have a book 
to-day ? Well, keep it carefully." Suddenly turning aside, he took 
the bread brought for his breakfast, and, passing it with a hur- 
ried earnestness through the bars of his iron door, "Here's bread, 
ain't you hungry?" Never may I forget the tone and grateful 
affectionate aspect of that poor idiot. How much might we 
do to bring back or restore the mind if we but knew how to touch 
the instrument with a skilful hand! 

My first visit to Ipswich prison was in March, 1842. The 
day was cold and stormy. The turnkey very obligingly con- 
ducted me through the various departments. Pausing before 
the iron door of a room in the jail, he said: "We have here a 
crazy man whose case seems hard; for he has sense enough to 
know he is in a prison and associated with prisoners. He was 
a physician in this county, and was educated at Cambridge, 
I believe. It was there or at one of the New England colleges. 
Should you like to see him?" I objected that it might be un- 
welcome to the sufferer, but, urged, went in. The apartment 
was very much out of order, neglected, and unclean. There 
was no fire. It had been forgotten amidst the press of other 



duties. A man, a prisoner waiting trial, was sitting near a bed 
where the insane man lay, rolled in dirty blankets. The turnkey 
told him my name; and he broke forth into a most touching 
appeal that I would procure his liberation by prompt appHca- 
tion to the highest State authorities. I soon retired, but com- 
municated his condition to an official person before leaving the 
town, in the hope he might be rendered more comfortable. Shortly 
I received from this insane person, through my esteemed friend, 
Dr. Bell, several letters, from which I venture to make a few 
extracts. They are written from Ipswich, where is the general 
county receptacle for insane persons. I may remark that he 
has at different times been under skilful treatment, both at Charles- 
town and Worcester; but being, long since, pronounced incura- 
l>le, and his property being expended, he became chargeable 
to the town or county, and was removed, first to Salem jail, 
thence to that at Ipswich by the desire of the high sheriff, who 
requested the commissioners to remove him to Ipswich as a 
more retired spot, where he would be less likely to cause dis- 
turbance. In his paroxysms of violence, his shouts and turbu- 
lence disturb a whole neighborhood. These still occur. I give 
the extracts literally: "Respected lady, since your heavenly visit 
my time has passed in perfect quietude, and for the last week 
I have been entirely alone. The room has been cleansed and 
whitewashed, and is now quite decent. I have read your books 
and papers with pleasure and profit, and retain them subject 
to your order. You say, in your note, others shall be sent if 
desired, and if any particular subject has interest it shall be 
procured. Your kindness is felt and highly appreciated," etc. 
In another letter he writes, "You express confidence that I have 
self-control and self-respect. I have, and, were I free and in 
good circumstances, could command as much as any man." 
In a third he says, "Your kind note, with more books and papers, 
were received on the 8th, and I immediately addressed to you let- 
ter superscribed to Dr. Bell; but, having discovered the letters 
on your seal, I suppose them the initials of your name, and now 
address you directly," etc. 

The original letters may be seen. I have produced these 
extracts, and stated facts of personal history, in order that a judg- 
ment may be formed from few of many examples as to the just- 
ness of incarcerating lunatics in all and every stage of insanity, 
for an indefinite period or for life, in dreary prisons, and in con- 
nection with every class of criminals who may be lodged succes- 


sively under the same roof, and in the same apartments. I 
have shown, from two examples, to what condition men mav 
be brought, not through crime, but misfortune, and that mis- 
fortune embracing the heaviest calamity to which human nature 
is exposed. In the touching language of Scripture may these 
captives cry out: "Have pity upon me! Have pity upon mel 
for the hand of the Lord hath smitten me." ''My kinsfolk have 
failed, and my own famihar friend hath forgotten me." 

The last visit to the Ipswich prison was the third week in De- 
cember. Twenty-two insane persons and idiots: general con- 
dition graduallv improved within the last year. All suffer for 
want of air and exercise. The turnkey, while disposed to dis- 
charge kindly the duties of his office, is so crowded with busi- 
ness as to be positively unable to give any but the most general 
attention to the insane department. Some of the subjects are 
invariably confined in small dreary cells, insufficiently warmed 
and ventilated. Here one sees them traversing the narrow dens 
with ceaseless rapidity, or dashing from side to side hke caged 
tigers, perfectly furious, through the invariable condition of 
unalleviated confinement. The case of one simple boy is pe- 
culiarly hard. Dec. 6, 1841, he was committed to the house of 
correction. East Cambridge, from Charlestown, as an insane 
or idiotic boy. He was unoffending, and competent to perform 
a variety of light labors under direction, and was often allowed 
a good deal of freedom in the open air. Sept. 6, 1842, he was 
directed to pull some weeds (which indulgence his harniless 
disposition permitted) without the prison walls, merely, I believe, 
for the sake of giving him a little employment. He escaped, 
it was thought, rather through sudden waywardness than any 
distinct purpose. From that time nothing was heard of him 
till in the latter part of December, while at Ipswich, in the com- 
mon room, occupied by a portion of the lunatics not furiously 
mad, I heard some one say, ''I know her, I know her," and with 
a joyous laugh John hastened toward me.- "I'm so glad to see 
you, so glad to see you! I can't stay here long: I want to go out," 
etc. It seems he had wandered to Salem, and was committed 
as an insane or idiot boy. I cannot but assert that most of 
the idiotic subjects in the' prisons in Massachusetts are unjustly 
committed, being wholly incapable of doing harm, and none 
manifesting any disposition either to injure others or to exercise 
mischievous propensities. I ask an investigation into this sub- 
ject for the sake of manv whose association with prisoners and 



criminals, and also with persons in almost every stage of insan- 
ity, is as useless and unnecessary as it is cruel and ill-judged. 
If It were proper, I might place in your hands a volume, rather 
than give a page, illustrating these premises. 

Sudbury. First week in September last I directed my way 
to the poor-farm there. Approaching, as I supposed, that place, 
all uncertainty vanished as to which, of several dwellings in 
view, the course should be directed. The terrible screams and 
imprecations, impure language and amazing blasphemies, of a 
maniac, now, as often heretofore, indicated the place sought 
after. I know not how to proceed The English language 
affords no combinations fit for describing the condition of the 
unhappy wretch there confined. In a stall, built under a wood- 
shed on the road, was a naked man, defiled with filth, furiously 
tossing through the bars and about the cage portions of straw 
(the only furnishing of his prison) already trampled to "chaff. 
The mass of filth within diffused wide abroad the most noisome 
stench. I have never witnessed paroxysms of madness so ap- 
palling: it seemed as if the ancient doctrine of the possession of 
demons was here illustrated. I hastened to the house over- 
whelmed with horror. The mistress informed me that ten days 
since he had been brought from Worcester Hospital, where the 
town did not choose any longer to meet the expenses of main- 
taining him; that he had been "dreadful noisy and dangerous 
to go near" ever since. It was hard work to give him food at 
any rate; for what was not immediately dashed at those who 
carried it was cast down upon the festering mass within. ''He's 
a dreadful care; worse than all the people and work on the 
farm beside." "Have you any other insane persons?" "Yes: 
this man's sister has been crazy here for several years. She 
does nothing but take on about him; and maybe she'll grow as 
bad as he." I went into the adjoining room to see this unhappy 
creature. In a low chair, wearing an air of deepest despondence, 
sat a female no longer young; her hair fell uncombed upon her 
shoulders; her whole air revealed woe, unmitigated woe. She 
regarded me coldly and uneasily. I spoke a few words of sym- 
pathy and kindness. She fixed her gaze for a few moments 
steadily upon me, then grasping my hand, and bursting into a 
passionate flood of tears, repeatedly kissed it, exclaiming in a 
voice broken by sobs: "Oh, my poor brother, my poor brother. 
Hark, hear him, hear him!" then, relapsing into apathetic calm- 
ness, she neither spoke nor moved; but the tears again flowed 



fast as I went away. I avoided passing the maniac's cage; 
but there, with strange curiosity and eager exclamations, were 
gathered, at a safe distance, the children of the estabhshment. 
Tittle boys and girls, receiving their early lessons in hardness 
of heart and vice; but the demoralizing influences were not con- 
fined to children. 

The same day revealed two scenes of extreme exposure and 
unjustifiable neglect, such as I could not have supposed the 
whole New England States could furnish. 

Wayland. Visited the almshouse. There, as in Sudbury, 
caged in a wood-shed, and also fully exposed upon the public 
road, w^as seen a man at that time less violent, but equally de- 
based by exposure and irritation. He then wore a portion of 
clothing, though the mistress remarked that he was "more Hkely 
to be naked than not"; and added that he was "less noisy than 
usual." I spoke to him, but received no answer. A wild, 
strange gaze, and impatient movement of the hand, motioned 
us away. He refused to speak, rejected food, and wrapped over 
his head a torn coverlet. Want of accommodations for the 
imperative calls of nature had converted the cage into a place of 
utter offence. "My husband cleans him out once a week or 
so; but it's a hard matter to master him sometimes. He does 
better since the last time he was broken in." I learnt that the 
confinement and cold together had so affected his limbs that he 
was often powerless to rise. "You see him," said my conduc- 
tress, "in his best state." His best state! What, then, was the 
worst ? 

Westjord. Not many miles from Wayland is a sad spec- 
tacle; was told by the family who kept the poorhouse that 
they had twenty-six paupers, one idiot, one simple, and one 
insane, an incurable case from Worcester Hospital. I requested 
to see her, but was answered that she "wasn't fit to be seen. 
She was naked, and made so much trouble they did not know 
how to get along." I hesitated but a moment. I must see her, 
I said. I cannot adopt descriptions of the condition of the in- 
sane secondarily. What I assert for fact, I must see for my- 
self. On this I was conducted above stairs into an apartment of 
decent size, pleasant aspect from abroad, and tolerably comfort- 
able in its general appearance; but the inmates — grant I may 
never look upon another such scene! A young woman, whose 
person was partially covered with portions of a blanket, sat 
upon the floor; her hair dishevelled; her naked arms crossed 



languidly over the breast; a distracted, unsteady eye and low, 
murmuring voice betraying both mental and physical disquiet. 
About the waist was a chain, the extremity of which was fastened 
into the wall of the house. As I entered, she raised her eyes, 
blushed, moved uneasily, endeavoring at the same time to draw 
about her the insufficient fragments of the blanket. I knelt 
beside her and asked if she did not wish to be dressed. "Yes, 
I want some clothes." "But you'll tear 'em all up, you know 
you will," interposed her attendant. "No, I won't, I won't tear 
them off"; and she tried to rise, but the waist-encircling chain 
threw her back, and she did not renew the effort, but, bursting 
into a wild, shrill laugh, pointed to it, exclaiming, "See there, 
see there, nice clothes!" Hot tears might not dissolve that iron 
bondage, imposed, to all appearance, most needlessly. As I 
left the room, the poor creature said, "I want my gown." The 
response from the attendant might have roused to indignation 
one not dispossessed of reason and owning self-control. 

Groton. A few rods removed from the poorhouse is a wooden 
building upon the- roadside, constructed of heavy board and 
plank. It contains One room, unfurnished, except so far as a 
bundle of straw constitutes furnishing. There is no window, 
save an opening half the size of a sash, and closed by a board 
shutter. In one corner is some brick-work surrounding an iron 
stove, which in cold weather serves for warming the room. The 
occupant of this dreary abode is a young man, who has been 
declared incurably insane. He can move a measured distance 
in his prison; that is, so far as a strong, heavy chain, depend- 
ing from an iron collar which invests his neck permits. In fine 
weather — and it was pleasant when I was there in June last — 
the door is thrown open, at once giving admission to light and 
air, and affording some little variety to the solitary in watching 
the passers-by. But that portion of the year which allows of 
open doors is not the chiefest part; and it may be conceived, 
without drafting much on the imagination, what is the condi- 
tion of one who for days and weeks and months sits in darkness 
and alone, without employment, without object. It may be 
supposed that paroxysms of frenzy are often exhibited, and that 
the tranquil state is rare in comparison with that which incites 
to violence. This, I was told, is the fact. 

I may here remark that severe measures, in enforcing rule, 
have in many places been openly revealed. I have not seen 
chastisement administered by stripes, and in but few instances 


have I seen the rods and whips, but I have seen blows inflicted, 
both passionately and repeatedly. 

I have been asked if I have investigated the causes of insan- 
ity. I have not; but I have been told that this most calamitous 
overthrow of reason often is the result of a life of sin: it is some- 
times, but rarely, added, they must take the consequences; they 
deserve no better care. Shall man be more just than God, 
he who causes his sun and refreshing rains and life-giving influ- 
ence to fall alike on the good and the evil? Is not the total 
wreck of reason, a state of distraction, and the loss of all that 
makes life cherished a retribution sufficiently heavy, without 
adding to consequences so appalling every indignity that can 
bring still lower the wretched sufferer? Have pity upon those 
who, while they were supposed to lie hid in secret sins, "have 
been scattered under a dark veil of for get fulness, over whom is 
spread a heavy night, and who unto themselves are more griev- 
ous than the darkness." 

Fitchburg. In November visited the almshouse: inquired the 
number of insane. Was answered, several, but two in close 
confinement, one idiotic subject. Saw an insane woman in a 
dreary, neglected apartment, unemployed and alone. Idleness 
and solitude weaken, it is said, the sane mind; much more must 
it hasten the downfall of that which is already trembling at the 
foundations. From this apartment I was conducted to an out- 
building, a portion of which wes enclosed, so as to unite shelter, 
confinement, and solitude. The first space was a sort of entry, 
in which was a window; beyond, a close partition with doors 
indicated where was the insane man I had wished to see. He 
had been returned from the hospital as incurable. I asked if 
he was violent or dangerous. "No." " Is he clothed ? " "Yes." 
"Why keep him shut in this close confinement?" "Oh, my hus- 
band is afraid he'll run away; then the overseers won't like it. 
He'll get to Worcester, and then the town will have money to 
pay." "He must come out; I wish to see him." The opened 
door disclosed a squahd place, dark, and furnished with straw. 
The crazy man raised himself slowly from the floor upon which 
he was couched, and with unsteady steps came toward me. His 
look was feeble and sad, but calm and gentle. 

"Give me those books, oh, give me those books," and with 
trembhng eagerness he reached for some books I had carried in 
my hand. "Do give them to me, I want them," said he with 
kindling earnestness. "You could not use them, friend; you 



cannot see them." " Oh, <^ive them to me, do"; and he raised his 
hand and bent a little forward, lowering his voice, "77/ pick 
(I little hole in the plank and let in some of God's light.'' 

The master came round. ''Why cannot you take this man 
abroad to work on the farm?^ He is harmless. Air and exercise 
will help to recover him." The answer was in substance the 
same as that first given; but he added, ''I've been talking with 
our overseers, and I proposed getting from the blacksmith an 
iron collar and chain, then I can have him out by the house." 
An iron collar and chain! "Yes, I had a cousin up in Vermont, 
crazy as a wildcat, and I got a collar made for him, and he liked 
it.'' "Liked it! how did he manifest his pleasure?" "Whv, he 
left off trying to run away. I ke})t the almshouse at Groton. 
There was a man there from the hospital. I built an out-house 
for him, and the blacksmith made him an iron collar and chain, 
so we had him fast, and the overseers approved it, and" — I 
here interrupted him. " I have seen that poor creature at Groton 
in his doubly iron bondage, and you must allow me to say that, 
as I understand you remain but one year in the same place, and 
you may find insane subjects in all, I am confident, if overseers 
permit such a multiplication of collars and chains, the public 
will not long sanction such barbarities; but, if you had at Groton 
any argument for this measure in the violent state of the unfortu- 
nate subject, how can you justify such treatment of a person quiet 
and not dangerous, as is this poor man ? I beg you to forbear 
the chains, and treat him as you yourself would like to be treated 
in like fallen circumstances." 

Bolton. Late in December, 1842; thermometer 4° above zero; 
visited the almshouse; neat and comfortable establishment; 
two insane women, one in the house associated with the family, 
the other '^oi{t oj doors." The day following was expected a 
young man from Worcester Hospital, incurably insane. Fears 
were expressed of finding him "dreadful hard to manage." I 
asked to see the subject who was "out of doors"; and, follow- 
ing the mistress of the house through the deep snow, shudder- 
ing and benumbed by the piercing cold, several hundred yards, 
we came in rear of the barn to a small building, which might 
have afforded a degree of comfortable shelter, but it did not. 
About two-thirds of the interior was filled with wood and peat. 
The other third was divided into two parts; one about six feet 
square contained a cylinder stove, in which was no fire, the rusty 
pipe seeming to threaten, in its decay, either suffocation by smoke, 


which by and by we nearly realized, or conflagration of the build- 
ing, tofjjether with destruction of its poor crazy inmate. My 
companion uttered an exclamation at fiiKh'ng no fire, and busied 
herself to light one; while I explored, as the deficient light per- 
mitted, the cage which occupied the undescribed portion of the 
building. '^Oh, I'm so cold, so cold," was uttered in plaintive 
tones ])y a woman within the cage; "oh, so cold, so cold!" And 
well might she be cold. The stout, hardy driver of the sleigh 
had declared 'twas too hard for a man to stand the wind and 
snow that day, yet here was a woman caged and imprisoned 
without fire or clothes, not naked, indeed, for one thin cotton 
garment partly covered her, and part of a blanket was gathered 
about the shoulders. There she stood, shivering in that dreary 
place; the gray locks falling in disorder about the face gave a 
wild expression to the pallid features. Untended and comfort- 
less, she might call aloud, none could hear. She might die, and 
there be none to close the eye. But death would have been 
a blessing here. "Well, you shall have a fire, Axey. I've been 
so busy getting ready for the funeral!" One of the paupers 
lay dead. "Oh, I want some clothes," rejoined the lunatic; 
"I'm so cold." "Well, Axey, you shall have some as soon as 
the children come from school; I've had so much to do." "I 
want to go out, do let me out!" "Yes, as soon as I get dme," 
answered the respondent. "Why do you keep her here?" I 
asked. "She- appears harmless and ciuiet." "Well, I mean 
to take her up to the house pretty soon. The people that used 
to have care here ke])t her shut up all the year; but it is cold here, 
and w'e take her to the house in hard weather. The only danger 
is her running away. I've been meaning to this good while." 
The poor creature listened eagerly: "Oh, I won't run away. Do 
take me out!" "Well, I will in a few days." Now the smoke 
from the kindling fire became so dense that a new anxiety struck 
the captive. "Oh, I shall smother, I'm afraid. Don't fill that 
up, I'm afraid." Pretty soon I moved to go away. "Stop, did 
you walk?" "No." "Did you ride?" "Yes." "Do take 
me with you, do, I'm so cold. Do you know my sisters? They 
live in this town. I want to see them so much. -Do let me 
go"; and, shivering with eagerness to get out, as with the biting 
cold, she rapidly tried the bars of the cage. 

The mistress seemed a kind person. Her tones and manner 
to the lunatic were kind; but how difficult to unite all the cares 
of her household, and neglect none! Here was not wilful abuse, 



but great, very great suffering through undesigned negligence. 
We need an asylum for this class, the incurable, where conflict- 
ing duties shall not admit of such examples of privations and 

One is continually amazed at the tenacity of Hfe in these per- 
sons. In conditions that wring the heart to behold, it is hard 
to comprehend that days rather than years should not conclude 
the measure of their griefs and miseries. Picture her condi- 
tion! Place yourselves in that dreary cage, remote from the 
inhabited dwelhng, alone by day and by night, without fire, with- 
out clothes, except when remembered; without object or employ- 
ment; weeks and months passing on in drear succession, not 
a blank, but with keen life to suffering; with kindred, but deserted 
by them; and you shall not lose the memory of that time when 
they loved you, and you in turn loved them, but now no act 
or voice of kindness makes sunshine in the heart. Has fancy 
realized this to you? It may be the state of some of those you 
cherish! Who shall be sure his own hearthstone shall not be so 
desolate? Nay, who shall say his own mountain stands strong, 
his lamp of reason shall not go out in darkness! To how many 
has this become a heart-rending reality. If for selfish ends only, 
should not effectual legislation here interpose? 

Shelhurne. November last. I found no poorhouse, and but 
few paupers. These were distributed in private families. I had 
heard, before visiting this place, of the bad condition of a lunatic 
pauper. The case seemed to be pretty well known throughout 
the county. Receiving a direction by which I might find him, 
I reached a house of most respectable appearance, everything 
without and within indicating abundance and prosperity. Con- 
cluding I must have mistaken my way, I prudently inquired 
where the insane person might be found. I was readily answered, 
"Here." I desired to see him; and, after some difficulties raised 
and set aside, I was conducted into the yard, where was a small 
building of rough boards imperfectly joined. Through these 
crevices was admitted what portion of heaven's hght and air 
was allowed by man to his fellow-man. This shanty or shell 
enclosing a cage might have been eight or ten feet square. I 
think it did not exceed. A narrow passage within allowed to 
pass in front of the cage. It was very cold. The air within 
was burdened with the most noisome vapors, and desolation with 
misery seemed here to have settled their abode. All was still, 
save now and then a low groan. The person who conducted 


me tried, with a stick, to rouse the inmate. I entreated her to 
desist, the twilight of the place making it difficult to discern any- 
thing within the cage. There at last I saw a human being, 
partially extended, cast upon his back, amidst a mass of filth, 
the sole furnishing, whether for comfort or necessity, which the 
place afforded. There he lay, ghastly, with upturned, glazed 
eyes and fixed gaze, heavy breathings, interrupted only by faint 
groans, which seemed symptomatic of an approaching termina- 
tion of his sufferings. Not so thought the mistress. "He has 
all sorts of ways. He'll soon rouse up and be noisy enough. 
He'll scream and beat about the place like any wild beast half 
the time." "And cannot you make him more comfortable? 
Can he not have some clean, dry^ place and a fire?" "As for 
clean, it will do no good. He's cleaned out now and then; but 
what's the use for such a creature? His own brother tried him 
once, but got sick enough of the bargain." "But a fire: there 
is space even here for a small box stove." "If he had a fire, he'd 
only pull off his clothes, so it's no use." "But you say your hus- 
band takes care of him, and he is shut in here in almost total 
darkness, so that seems a less evil than that he should lie there 
to perish in that horrible condition." 1 made no impression. 
It was plain that to keep him securely confined from escape 
was the chief object. "How do you give him his food? I see 
no means for introducing anything here." "Oh," pointing to 
the floor, "one of the bars is cut shorter there: we push it through 
there." "There? Impossible! You cannot do that. You 
would not treat your lowest dumb animals with that disregard 
to decency!'''' "As for what he eats or where he eats, it makes 
no dift'erence to him. He'd as soon swallow one thing as another." 
Newton. It was a cold morning in October last that I visited 
the almshouse. The building itself is ill-adapted for the pur- 
poses to which it is appropriated. The town, I understand, 
have in consideration a more advantageous location, and pro- 
pose to erect more commodious dwellings. The mistress of 
the house informed me that they had several insane inmates, 
some of them very bad. In reply to my request to see them 
she objected "that they were not fit; they were not cleaned; 
that they were very crazy," etc. Urging my request more de- 
cidedly, she said they should be got ready if I w^ould wait. 
Still no order was given which would hasten my object. I re- 
sumed the subject, when, with manifest unwilhngness, she called 
to a colored man, a cripple, w^ho, with several others of the poor, 


was employed in the yard, to go and get a woman up, naming 
her. I waited some time at the kitchen door to see what all 
this was to produce. The man slowly proceeded to the remote 
part of the wood-shed where, part being divided from the open 
space, were tw^o small rooms, in the outer of which he slept and 
Hved, as I understood. There was his furniture, and there his 
charge. Opening into this room only was the second, which 
was occupied by a woman, not old, and furiously mad. It con- 
tained a wooden bunk filled with filthy straw, the room itself 
a counterpart to the lodging-place. Inexpressibly disgusting 
and loathsome was all; but the inmate herself was even more 
horribly repelling. She rushed out, as far as the chains would 
allow, almost in a state of nudity, exposed to a dozen persons, 
and vociferating at the top of her voice, pouring forth such a 
flood of indecent language as might corrupt even Newgate. I 
entreated the man, who was still there, to go out and close the 
door. He refused. That was his place! Sick, horror-struck, 
and almost incapable of retreating, I gained the outer air, and 
hastened to see the other subject, to remove from a scene so 
outraging all decency and humanity. In the apartment over 
that last described was a crazy man, I was told. I ascended 
the stairs in the woodshed, and, passing through a small room, 
stood at the entrance of the one occupied, — occupied with what ? 
The furniture was a wooden box or bunk containing straw, and 
something I was told' was a man, — I could not tell, as likely it 
might have been a wild animal, — half-buried in the offensive 
mass that made his bed, his countenance concealed by long, 
tangled hair and unshorn beard. He lay sleeping. Filth, neg- 
lect, and misery reigned there. I begged he might not be roused. 
If sleep could visit a wretch so forlorn, how merciless to break 
the slumber! Protruding from the foot of the box was — nay, 
it could not be the feet; yet from these stumps, these maimed 
members, were swinging chains, fastened to the side of the build- 
ing. I descended. The master of the house briefly stated the 
history of these two victims of wretchedness. The old man had 
been crazy about twenty years. As, till within a late period, 
the town had owned no farm for the poor, this man, with others, 
had been annually put up at auction. I hope there is nothing 
offensive in the idea of these annual sales of old men and women, 
— the sick, the infirm, and the helpless, the middle-aged, and 
children. Why should we not sell people as well as otherwise 
blot out human rights: it is only being consistent, surely not worse 


than chaining and caging naked lunatics upon public roads 
or burying them in closets and cellars! But, as I was saying, 
the crazy man was annually sold to some new master; and a 
few winters since, being kept in an out-house, the people within, 
being warmed and clothed, "did sot reckon how cold it was"; 
and so his feet froze. Were chains now the more necessary? 
He cannot run. But he might crawl forth, and in his transports 
of frenzy "do some damage." 

That young woman, — her lot is most appalling. Who shall 
dare describe it? Who shall have courage or hardihood to write 
her history? That young woman was the child of respectable, 
hard-working parents. The girl became insane. The father, 
a farmer, with small means from a narrow income had placed 
her at the State Hospital. There, said my informer, she remained 
as long as he could by any means pay her expenses. Then, 
then only, he resigned her to the care of the town, to those who 
are, in the eye of the law, the guardians of the poor and needy. 
She was placed w^ith the other town paupers, and given in 
charge to a man. I assert boldly, as truly, that I have given 
but a faint representation of what she was, and what was her 
condition as I saw her last autumn. Written language is weak 
to declare it. 

Could we in fancy place ourselves in the situation of some 
of these poor wretches, bereft of reason, deserted of friends, 
hopeless, troubles without, and more dreary troubles within, 
overwhelming the wreck of the mind as "a wide breaking in 
of the waters," — how should we, as the terrible illusion was cast 
off, not only offer the thank-offering of prayer, that so mighty 
a destruction had not overwhelmed our mental nature, but as 
an offering more acceptable devote ourselves to alleviate that 
state from which we are so mercifully spared? 

It may not appear much more credible than the fact above 
stated, that a few months since a young woman in a state of 
complete insanity was confined entirely naked in a pen or stall 
in a barn. There, unfurnished with clothes, without bed and 
without fire, she was left — but not alone. Profligate men and 
idle boys had access to the den, whenever curiosity or vulgarity 
prompted. She is now^ removed into the house with other paupers ; 
and for this humanizing benefit she was indebted to the remon- 
strances, in the first instance, of an insane man. 

Another town now owns a poorhouse, which I visited, and am 
glad to testify to the present comfortable state of the inmates; 


but there the only provision the house affords for an insane per- 
son, should one, as is not improbable, be conveyed there, is a 
closet in the cellar, formed by the arch upon which the chimney 
rests. This has a close door, not only securing the prisoners, 
but excluding what of Hght and pure air might else find 

Abuses assuredly cannot always or altogether be guarded 
against; but, if in the civil and social relations all shall have " done 
what they could," no ampler justification will be demanded 
at the great tribunal. 

Of the dangers and mischiefs sometimes following the loca- 
tion of insane persons in our almshouses, I will record but one 
more example. In Worcester has for several years resided a 
young woman, a lunatic pauper of decent Hfe and respectable 
family. I have seen her as she usually appeared, listless and 
silent, almost or quite sunk into a state of dementia, sitting one 
amidst the family, "but not of them." A few weeks since, re- 
visiting that almshouse, judge my horror and amazement to see 
her negligently bearing in her arms a young infant, of which I 
was told she was the unconscious parent. Who was the father, 
none could or would declare. Disqualified for the performance 
of maternal cares and duties, regarding the helpless little creat- 
ure with a perplexed or indifferent gaze, she sat a silent, but, 
oh, how eloquent, a pleader for the protection of others of her 
neglected and outraged sex! Details of that black story would 
not strengthen the cause. Needs it a mightier plea than the 
sight of that forlorn creature and her wailing infant? Poor little 
child, more than orphan from birth, in this unfriendly world! 
A demented mother, a father on whom the sun might blush 
or refuse to shine ! 

Men of Massachusetts, I beg, I implore, I demand pity and 
protection for these of my suffering, outraged sex. Fathers, 
husbands, brothers, I would supphcate you for this boon; but 
what do I say? I dishonor you, divest you at once of Chris- 
tianity and humanity, does this appeal imply distrust. If 
it comes burdened with a doubt of your righteousness in this 
legislation, then blot it out; while I declare confidence in your 
honor, not less than your humanity. Here you will put away 
the cold, calculating spirit of selfishness and self-seeking; lay 
oft' the armor of local strife and political opposition; here and 
now, for once, forgetful of the earthly and perishable, come 
up to these halls and consecrate them with one heart and one 


mind to works of righteousness and just judgment. Become 
the benefactors of your race, the just guardians of the solemn 
rights you hold in trust. Raise up the fallen, succor the deso- 
late, restore the outcast, defend the helpless, and for your eternal 
and great reward receive the benediction, "Well done, good 
and faithful servants, become rulers over many things ! " 

But, gentlemen, I do not come to quicken your sensibilities 
into short-lived action, to pour forth passionate exclamation, nor 
yet to move your indignation against those whose misfortune, 
not fault, it surely is to hold in charge these poor demented creat- 
ures, and whose whole of domestic economy or prison discipline 
is absolutely overthrown by such proximity of conflicting cir- 
cumstances and opposite conditions of mind and character. 
Allow me to illustrate this position by a few examples: it were 
easy to produce hundreds. 

The master of one of the best-regulated almshouses, namely, 
that of Plymouth, where every arrangement shows that the com- 
fort of the sick, the aged, and the infirm, is suitably cared for, 
and the amendment of the unworthy is studied and advanced, 
said, as we stood opposite a latticed stall where was confined 
a madman, that the hours of the day were few when the whole 
household was not distracted from employment by screams 
and turbulent stampings, and every form of violence which 
the voice or muscular force could produce. This unfortunate 
being was one of the "returned incurables," since whose last 
admission to the almshouse they were no longer secure of peace 
for the aged or decency for the young. It was morally impos- 
sible to do justice to the sane and insane in such improper vi- 
cinity to each other. The conviction is continually deepened 
that hospitals are the only places where insane persons can be 
at once humanely and properly controlled. Poorhouses con- 
verted into madhouses cease to effect the purposes for which 
they were established, and instead of being asylums for the aged, 
the homeless, and the friendless, and places of refuge for orphaned 
or neglected childhood, are transformed into perpetual bedlams. 

This crying evil and abuse of institutions is not confined to 
our almshouses. The warden of a populous prison near this 
metropolis, populous not with criminals only, but with the in- 
sane in almost every stage of insanity, and the idiotic in descend- 
ing states from silly and simple, to helpless and speechless, has 
declared that, since their admission under the Revised Statutes of 
1835, page 382, "the prison has often more resembled the in- 



fernal regions than any place on earth!" And, what with the 
excitement inevitably produced by the crowded state of the 
prisons and multiplying causes, not subject to much modifica- 
tion, there has been neither peace nor order one hour of the 
twenty-four. If ten were quiet, the residue were probably rav- 
ing. Almost without interval might, and must, these be heard, 
blaspheming and furious, and to the last degree impure and in- 
decent, uttering language from which the base and the profli- 
gate have turned shuddering aside and the abandoned have 
shrunk abashed. I myself, with many beside, can bear sad 
witness to these things. 

Such cases of transcendent madness have not been few in 
this prison. Admission for a portion of them, not already hav- 
ing been discharged as incurable from the State Hospital, has 
been sought with importunity and pressed with obstinate per- 
severance, often without success or advantage; and it has not 
been till application has followed application, and petition 
succeeded petition, that the judge of probate, absolutely wearied 
by the "continual coming," has sometimes granted warrants 
for removal. It cannot be overlooked that in this delay or re- 
fusal was more of just deliberation than hardness; for it is well 
known that, in the present crowded state of the hospital, every 
new patient displaces one who has for a longer or a shorter time 
received the benefit of that noble institution. 

A few months since, through exceeding effort, an inmate of 
this prison, whose contaminating influence for two years had 
been the dread and curse of all persons who came within her 
sphere, w^hether incidentally or compelled by imprisonment, 
or by daily duty, was removed to Worcester. She had set at 
defiance all efforts for controlling the contaminating violence of 
her excited passions; every variety of blasphemous expression, 
every form of polluting phraseology, was poured forth in tor- 
rents, sweeping away every decent thought, and giving reality 
to that blackness of darkness which, it is said, might convert a 
heaven into a hell. There, day after day, month after month, 
were the warden and his own immediate household; the subor- 
dinate oflQcials, and casual visitors; young women detained as 
witnesses; men, women, and children, waiting trial or under 
sentence; debtors and criminals; the neighborhood, and almost 
the whole town, subjected to this monstrous offence — and no 
help! the law permitted her there, and there she remained till 
July last, when, after an appHcation to the judge so determined 


that all refusal was refused, a warrant was granted for her trans- 
fer to the State Hospital. I saw her there two weeks since. What 
a change! Decent, orderly, neatly dressed, capable of light em- 
ployment, partaking with others her daily meals. Decorously, 
and without any manifestation of passion, moving about, not 
a rational woman by any means, but no longer a nuisance, rend- 
ing off her garments and tainting the moral atmosphere with 
every pollution, she exhibited how much could be done for the 
most unsettled and apparently the most hopeless cases by being 
])laced in a situation adapted to the wants and necessities of her 
condition. Transformed from a very Tisiphone, she is now 
a controllable woman. But this most wonderful change may 
not be lasting. She is liable to be returned to the prison, as have 
been others, and then no question but in a short time like scenes 
will distract and torment all in a vicinity so much to be dreaded. 

Already has been transferred from Worcester to Concord a 
furious man, last July conveyed to the hospital from Cambridge, 
whose violence is second only to that of the subject above de- 
scribed. While our Revised Statutes permit the incarcera- 
tion of madmen and madwomen, epileptics and idiots, in pris- 
ons, all responsible officers should, in ordinary justice, be ex- 
onerated from obligation to maintain prison discipline. And 
the fact is conclusive, if the injustice to prison officers is great, 
it is equally great toward prisoners; an additional penalty to 
a legal sentence pronounced in a court of justice, which might, 
we should think, in all the prisons we have visited, serve as a 
sound plea for false imprisonment. If reform is intended to be 
united with punishment, there never was a greater absurdity 
than to look for moral restoration under such circumstances; 
and, if that is left out of view, we know no rendering of the law 
which sanctions such a cruel and oppressive aggravation of the 
circumstances of imprisonment as to expose these prisoners day 
and night to the indescribable horrors of such association. 

The greatest evils in regard to the insane and idiots in the 
prisons of this Commonwealth are found at Ipswich and Cam- 
bridge, and distinguish these places only, as I believe, because 
the numbers are larger, being more than twenty in each. Ips- 
wich has the advantage over Cambridge in having fewer furious 
subjects, and in the construction of the buildings, though these 
are so bad as to have afforded cause for presentment by the 
grand jury some time since. It is said that the new County 
House, in progress of building, will meet the exigencies of the case. 



If it is meant that the wing in the new prison, to be appropri- 
ated to the insane, will provide accommodation for all the insane 
and idiotic paupers in the county, I can only say that it could 
receive no more than can be gathered in the three towns of Salem, 
Newburyport, and Ipswich, supposing these are to be re- 
moved, there being in Ipswich twenty-two in the prison and 
eight in the almshouse; in Salem almshouse, seventeen uniformly 
crazy, and two part of the time deranged; and in that of New- 
buryport eleven, including idiots. Here at once are sixty. The 
returns of 1842 exhibit an aggregate of one hundred and thirty- 
five. Provision is made in the new prison for fifty-seven of 
this class, leaving seventy-eight unprovided for, except in the 
almshouses. From such a fate, so far as Danvers, Saugus, East 
Bradford, and some other tow^ns in the county reveal conditions 
of insane subjects, we pray they may be exempt. 

I have the verbal and written testimony of many officers of 
this Commonwealth, who are respectable ahke for their integ- 
rity and the fidehty with which they discharge their official duties, 
and whose opinions, based on experience, are entitled to con- 
sideration, that the occupation of prisons for the detention of 
lunatics and of idiots is, under all circumstances, an evil, sub- 
versive alike of good order, strict discipline, and good morals. I 
transcribe a few passages which will place this mischief in its 
true light. The sheriff of Plymouth County writes as follows: 
''I am decidedly of the opinion that the county jail is a very 
improper place for lunatics and idiots. The last summer its 
bad effects were fully reahzed here, not only by the prisoners 
in jail, but the disturbance extended to the inhabitants dwell- 
ing in the neighborhood. A foreigner was sentenced by a jus- 
tice of the peace to thirty days' confinement in the house of 
correction. He was to all appearance a lunatic or madman. 
He destroyed every article in his room, even to his wearing ap- 
parel, his noise and disturbance was incessant for hours, day 
and night. I consider prisons places for the safe keeping of 
prisoners, and all these are equally entitled to humane treat- 
ment from their keepers, without regard to the cause of com- 
mitment. We have in jails no conveniences to make the situ- 
ation of lunatics and idiots much more decent than would be 
necessary for the brute creation, and impossible to prevent the 
disturbance of the inmates under the same roof." 

In relation to the confinement of the insane in prisons the 
sherift' of Hampshire Countv writes as follows: — 


*'I concur fully in the sentiments entertained by you in rela- 
tion to this unwise, not to say inhuman, provision of our law (see 
Rev. Stat. 382) authorizing the commitment of lunatics to our 
jails and houses of correction. Our jails preclude occupation, and 
our houses of correction cannot admit of that variety of pursuit, 
and its requisite supervision, so indispensable to these unfortu- 
nates. Indeed, this feature of our law seems to me a rehc of that 
ancient barbarism which regarded misfortune as a crime, and 
those bereft of reason as also bereft of all sensibihty, as having 
forfeited not only all title to compassion, but to humanity, and 
consigned them without a tear of sympathy, or twinge of re- 
morse, or even a suspicion of injustice, to the companionship of 
the vicious, the custody of the coarse and ignorant, and the horrors 
o-f the hopeless dungeon. I cannot persuade myself that any- 
thing more than a motion by any member of our Legislature is 
necessary to effect an immediate repeal of this odious provision." 

The sheriff of Berkshire says, conclusively, that ''jails and 
houses of correction cannot be so managed as to render them 
suitable places of confinement for that unfortunate class of per- 
sons w^ho are the subjects of your inquiries, and who, never 
having violated the law, should not be ranked with felons or 
confined within the same walls with them. Jailers and over- 
seers of houses of correction, whenever well qualified for the 
management of criminals, do not usually possess those peculiar 
qualifications required in those to whom should be intrusted the 
care of lunatics." 

A letter from the surgeon and physician of the Prison Hos- 
pital at Cambridge, whose observation and experience have laid 
the foundation of his opinions, and who hence has a title to speak 
with authority, aft'ords the following views: ''On this subject, it 
seems to me, there can be but one opinion. No one can be more 
impressed than I am with the great injustice done to the insane 
by confining them in jails and houses of correction. It must be 
revolting to the better feehngs of every one to see the innocent 
and unfortunate insane occupying apartments with or consigned 
to those occupied by the criminal. Some of the insane are con- 
scious of the circumstances in which they are placed, and feel 
the degradation. They exclaim sometimes in their ravings, and 
sometimes in their lucid intervals, "What have / done that I 
must be shut up in jail?" and "Why do you not let me out?" 
This state of things unquestionably retards the recovery of the 
few who do recover their reason under such circumstances, and 



may render those permanently insane who under other circum- 
stances might have been restored to their right mind. There is 
also in our jails very little opportunity for the classification of the 
insane. The quiet and orderly must in many cases occupy the 
same rooms with the restless and noisy, — another great hin- 
drance to recovery. 

^^ Injustice is also done to the convicts: it is certainly very wrong 
that they should be doomed day after day and night after night 
to listen to the ravings of madmen and madwomen. This is 
a kind of punishment that is not recognized by our statutes, 
and is what the criminal ought not to be called upon to undergo. 
The confinement of the criminal and of the insane in the same 
building is subversive of that good order and discipline which 
should be observed in every well-regulated prison. I do most 
sincerely hope that more permanent provision will be made for 
the pauper insane by the State, either to restore Worcester In- 
sane Asylum to what it was originally designed to be or else 
make some just appropriation for the benefit of this very unfortu- 
nate class of our 'fellow-beings.'" 

From the efficient sheriff of Middlesex County I have a let- 
ter upon this subject, from which I make such extracts as my 
limits permit: "I do not consider it right, just, or humane, to 
hold for safe keeping, in the county jails and houses of correc- 
tion, persons classing as lunatics or idiots. Our prisons are not 
constructed with a view to the proper accommodation of this 
class of persons. Their interior arrangements are such as to 
render it very difficult, if not impossible, to extend to such per- 
sons that care and constant oversight which their peculiarly 
unfortunate condition absolutely demands; and, besides, the 
occupation of prisons for lunatics is unquestionably subversive of 
discipline, comfort, and good order. Prisoners are thereby sub- 
jected to unjust aggravation of necessary confinement by being 
exposed to an almost constant disquiet from the restless or r^jv- 
ing lunatic. You inquire whether 'it may not justly be said 
that the qualifications for wardenship, or for the offices of over- 
seer, do not usually embrace qualifications for the management 
of lunatics, whether regarded as curable or incurably lost to 
reason,' and also whether 'the government of jails and houses 
of correction for the detention or punishment of offenders and 
criminals can suitably be united with the government and dis- 
cipline fitted for the most unfortunate and friendless of the human 
race; namelv, pauper lunatics and idiots, a class not condemned 


by the laws, and I must add not mercifully protected by them. ' 
The first of the preceding questions I answer in the affirmative, 
the last negatively.''^ [Here follow similar testimonies from the 
warden of the Cambridge prison, the sheriff of Dukes County, 
the warden of the prison at South Boston, and the master of 
the Plymouth almshouse.] 

It is not few, but many, it is not a part, but the whole, who 
bear unqualified testimony to this evil. A voice strong and deep 
comes up from every almshouse and prison in Massachusetts 
where the insane are or have been protesting against such evils 
as have been illustrated in the preceding pages. 

Gentlemen, I commit to you this sacred cause. Your action 
upon this subject will affect the present and future condition of 
hundreds and of thousands. 

In this legislation, as in all things, may you exercise that ''wis- 
dom which is the breath of the power of God." 

Respectfully submitted, 

D. L. DIX. 

85 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston. 
January, 1843. 

Few lives have been more heroic or more fruitful in the achievement of beneficent 
results than that of Dorothea Dix. Few things in the history of reform offer such encour- 
agement as the comparison of the evils which she found and exposed in a State like Massa- 
chusetts only two generations ago and the condition of the care of the criminal and 
defective classes by the State to-day. With the terrible evils which yet remain, the progress 
in tljis field in America and Europe has been immense. The picture given in the accom- 
panying Memorial of 1843 helps us in some measure to estimate how great is the advance. 

Dorothea Lynde Dix was born in Hampden, Me., in 1802; but her childhood was 
largely passed in Worcester and Boston, Mass. When only fourteen, she opened a school 
for little children in Worcester. Afterwards she taught in Boston, and in the summer of 
1S27, and afterwards, had charge in Boston and at Newport of the education of the children 
of Dr. Channing, whose friendship became one of her chief supports. She accompanied Dr. 
Channing's household for a winter in the West Indies. In 1S36, broken down by too 
strenuous school work, she went to England, remaining chiefly at Liverpool for eignteen 
months, when she returned to Boston. 

In the spring of 1841 Miss Dix had her sympathy aroused by accounts of the hardships 
and sufferings of the women in the East Cambridge House of Correction, and she at once 
volunteered to go regularly on Sundays to give them instruction. Among tlie prisoners she 
found a few insane persons, in a cold room with no stove; and, after the jailer's refusal to 
provide a fire, she appealed to the Court, then in session at East Cambridge, and her re- 
quest was granted. " It was thus that in the East Cambridge jail Miss Dix was first 
brought into immediate contact with the overcrowding, filth, and herding together of the inno- 
cent, guilty, and insane persons, which at that time characterized the prisons of Massachu- 
setts, and the inevitable evils of which were repeated in even worse shape in the alms- 
houses." She succeeded in enlisting the aid of Rev. Robert C. Waterston, Dr. Samuel G. 
Howe, and Charles Sumner. Dr. Howe made a careful examination, and published his 
results in the Boston Ad^'crtiser. His article was fircely attacked, but Charles Sumner 
wrote, "Your article presents a true picture," adding corroborative details of his own 
investigations. " Was the state of things in the East Cambridge jail an exception, or did 
it simply exemplify tlie rule throughout the whole Commonwealth? This was the painful 
question now raised in the mind of Miss Dix, to an unmistakable answer to which she reso- 
lutely devoted the next two years, visiting every jail and almshouse from Berkshire to Cape 
Cod." It was the results of these investigations which she embodied in the Memorial to 



the Massachusetts Legislature, in January', 1S43, reprinted in the present leaflet, — a Me- 
morial dated, it will be noted, at No. S5 Mount Vernon .Street, Boston, the home of Dr. 
Channing. The Memorial produced a protound sensation. Humane people pronounced it 
incredible, and officials denounced it as " sens^ational and slanderous lies." The controversy 
in the newspapers and elsewhere was hot and bitter ; but the arraignment stood. Dr. Chan- 
ning, Horace Mann, John G. Palfrey, and Dr. Luther V. Bell of the McLean Asylum 
rallied to her side. The Legislature referred her Memorial to a committee, of which Dr. 
Samuel G. Howe was appointed chairman, and which made a report strongly indorsing 
Miss Dix's statements and fortifying them with other instances of similar outrages on hu- 
manity. A bill for immediate relief was carried by a large majority, and the order passed 
for providing accommodations at Worcester for two luindred additional insane persons. 

Experiences in Rhode Island and Connecticut convinced MissDix that all over tlie United 
States existed conditions as bad as she had found in Massachusetts, or worse. " Now first 
broke upon her the length and breadth of the mission to which she felt herself divinely called. 
Resolutely and untiringly. State by State, would she take up the work, first exhaustively 
accumulating the facts, and then besieging the various legislatures till they should capitulate 
to the cry of the perishing within their borders." 

The story of her lifetime of almost incredible labors and accomplishments, in a score of 
our own States, in Canada, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, in England and Scotland, in 
the Channel Islands, and on the Continent of Europe, is told by Rev. trancis Tiffany in his 
"Life of Dorothea Lynde Dix," to which the student is referred. As Mr. Tiffany justly 
says, "the repetition of her achievements year by year, the enormous sums of money they 
involved, the magnitude of the structures they led to the building of, the range of the field 
they opened out to advancing medical science, and the vast numbers of poor wretches trans- 
ferred from stalls and chains to a comparative heaven of asylum comfort, fairly startle the 
imagination." She obtained "larger appropriations for purely benevolent purposes than 
probably it was ever given to any other mortal in the old world or the new to raise." 

During the Civil War she was Superintendent of Women Nurses for the Union armies. 
The flags presented her by the War Department in recognition of her services now hang in 
the Memorial Hall at Harvard University. She raised the money for the monument to the 
fallen soldiers in the National Cemetery at Hampton, Va. " The first object visible over 
the low level of the peninsula to vessels coming in from sea to the Roads, it stands the 
reverential tribute of a heroic woman to the heroic men she honored with all her soul." 
After the war she took up once again her old prison and asylum work. Two asylums in 
Japan were added to the thirty-two she had already been the instrument of founding or 
greatly enlarging. She was accustomed to mark each one on a map with the sign of the 
cross. After the great Chicago fire of 1871 and the Boston fire of 1872, she was active in 
those places in the relief of suffering. To animals as well as men her sympathy went out. 
She projected a drinking-fountain in a crowded part of Boston, where she had noticed the 
hard labor of the horses ; and Whittier wrote this mscription : 
" Stranger and traveller. 

Drink freely and bestow , 

A kindly thought on her 

Who bade this fountain flow, 
Yet hath for it no claim 

Save as the minister 
Of blessing in God's name." 

She died in 1887, at the State Asylum, Trenton, N.J., which she had founded, and was 
buried in Mount Auburn Cemetery, near Boston. 



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 

#Iti ^outl) %taf\tt0. 

No. 149. 

The Founding 

of the Hampton 



From the Chapter prepared by General Armstrong in 189O 
FOR the Volume "Twenty-two Years' Work of the Hamp- 
ton Institute." 

It meant something to the Hampton School, and perhaps to 
the ex-slaves of America, that from 1820 to i860, the distinc- 
tively missionary period, there was worked out in the Hawaiian 
Islands the problem of the emancipation, enfranchisement, and 
Christian civilization of a dark-skinned Polynesian people in 
many respects like the negro race. 

From 1 83 1 my parents, Richard Armstrong, of Pennsylvania, 
and Clarissa Chapman, of Massachusetts, were missionaries, till 
my father's appointment, in 1847, as Minister of Public Instruc- 
tion, when he took charge of, and in part built up, the five hun- 
dred Hawaiian free schools and some of the higher educational 
work, until his death in i860. 

Born there in 1839, and leaving the country in i860 to complete 
my education under Dr. Mark Hopkins at WilHams College, 
Mass., I had distinct impressions of the people, of the work for 
them and its results. Let me say here that whatever good teach- 
ing I may have done has been Mark Hopkins teaching through me. 

On horseback and canoe tours with my father and alone, 
around those grandly picturesque volcanic islands, inspecting 
schools and living much among the natives (then generally Chris- 
tianized), I noticed how easily the children learned from books, 


how universally the people attended church and had family 
prayers; were always charmingly hospitable, and yet lived pretty 
much in the old ways, — all in one room, including the stranger 
within their gates, who usually had, however, the benefit of the 
raised end and a curtain. They seemed to have accepted, but 
hot to have fully adopted, Christianity; for they did not have 
the conditions of living which make high standards of morality 
possible. While far above the plane of heathenism, most of its 
low and cruel practices having disappeared, and wliile they were 
simple and sincere believers, contributing of their substance to 
the churches more, in proportion, than any American community 
of which I now know, they could not, under the circumstances, 
keep up to a high level of conduct. The "old man" in them had 
pretty much his own way. They were like the people to whom 
the epistles of the New Testament were written; they were grown- 
up children. To preach the gospel rather than to organize 
living was the missionary idea. Devoted women visited the houses, 
and practical morahty was thundered from the pulpit. "Let 
him that stole steal no more," or the like, was the daily precept, 
followed by severe church discipline; but houses without parti- 
tions, and easy-going tropical ways, after generations of licentious 
life, made virtue scarce. They were not hypocrites, and, from 
their starting-point, had made a great advance. "Our saints 
are about up to your respectable sinners," said a returned mis- 

Illustrating two lines of educational work among them were 
two institutions: the Lahaina-luna (government) Seminary for 
young men, where, with manual labor, mathematics and other 
higher branches were taught; and the Hilo Boarding and Manual 
Labor (missionary) School for boys, on a simpler basis, under 
the devoted David B. Lyman and his wife. As a rule, the former 
turned out more brilliant, the latter less advanced but more solid 
men. In making the plan of the Hampton Institute^ that of the 
Hilo School seemed the best to follow. Mr. Lyman's boys had 
become among the best teachers and workers for their people; 
while . graduates of the higher school, though many had done 
nobly at home and in foreign fields, had frequently been disap- 
pointing. Hence came our policy of teaching only' English and 
our system of industrial training at Hampton. Its graduates 
are not only to be good teachers, but skilled \yorkers, able to build 
homes and earn a living for themselves and encourage others to 
do the same. 

Two and a half years' service with the Negro soldiers (after 
a year as Captain and Major in the One Hundred and Twenty- 
fifth New York Volunteers), as Lieutenant Colonel and Colonel 
of the Ninth and Eighth Regiments of United States Colored 
Troops, convinced me of the excellent qualities and capacities 
of the freedmen.' Their quick response to good treatment and 
to discipHne was a constant surprise. Their tidiness, devotion 
to their duty and their leaders, their dash and daring in battle, 
and ambition to improve, — often studying their spelling books 
under fire, — showed that slavery was a false though doubtless, 
for the time being, an educative condition, and that they deserved 
as good a chance as any people. 

In March, 1866, I was placed by General O. O. Howard, Com- 
missioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, in charge of ten counties 
in Eastern Virginia, with headquarters at Hampton, the great 
"contraband" camp, to manage Negro affairs and adjust, if 
possible, the relation of the races. Colored squatters by thou- 
sands, and General Lee's disbanded soldiers returning to their 
families, came together in my district on hundreds of "aban- 
doned" farms which government had seized and allowed the 
freedmen to occupy. There was irritation, but both classes were 
ready to do the fair thing. It was about a two years' task to 
settle matters by making terms with the land- owners, who em- 
ployed many laborers on their restored homes. Swarms went 
back on passes to the "old plantations" with thirty days' rations, 
and nearly a thousand were placed in families in Massachusetts 
as servants, through the agency of a Home in Cambridgeport, 
under charge of a committee of Boston ladies. 

Hardest of all was to settle the ration question: about two 
thousand, having been fed for years, were demoralized and seemed 
hopeless. Notice was given that in three months, on Oct. i, 
1866, all rations would be stopped, except to those in hospital, 
for whom full provision was made. Trouble was expected, but 
there was not a ripple of it or a cornplaint that day. Their re- 
source was surprising: the Negro in a tight place is a genius. 

It was my duty, every three months, to personally visit and 
report upon the condition of the ten counties;, to inspect the 
Bureau office in each, in charge of an army officer, to investigate 
troubles, and to study the relations of the race^. The better class 
of whites were well disposed, but inactive in suppressing any 
misconduct of the lower class. jFriendliness between the race;s 
was general, broken only by political excitement, and was due, 


I think, to the fact that they had been brought up together, often 
in the most intimate way, from childhood, — a surprise to me; for, 
on missionary ground, parents, with the spirit of martyrs, take 
every pains to prevent contact of their children with the natives 
around them. 

Martial law prevailed. There were no civil courts, and for 
many months the Bureau officer in each county acted on all 
kinds of cases, gaining generally the confidence of both races. 
When martial law was over, the Military Court at Hampton was 
kept up by common consent for about six months. Scattered 
famihes were reunited. Even from Louisiana — for the whole 
South was mapped out, each county officered, and, as a rule, 
wisely administered — would come inquiries about the relatives 
and friends of those who had been sold to traders years before; 
and great justice and humanity were shown in bringing together 
broken households. 

General How^ard and the Freedmen's Bureau did for the ex- 
slaves, from 1865 to 1870, a marvellous work, for which due 
credit has not been given, — among other things, granting three 
and a half millions of dollars for school-houses, salaries, etc., 
thereby giving an impulse and foundation to the education of 
about a million colored children. The principal Negro educa- 
tional institutions of to-day, then starting, were liberally aided 
at a time of vital need. Hampton received over $50,000 through 
General Howard for buildings and improvements. 

On relieving my predecessor, Captain C. B. Wilder, of Boston, 
at the Hampton headquarters, I found an active, excellent educa- 
tional work going on under the American Missionary Associa- 
tion of New York. This society in 1862 had opened in the vi- 
cinity the first school for freedmen in the South, in charge of 
an ex-slave, Mrs. Mary Peake. Over fifteen hundred children 
were gathered daily, — some in old hospital barracks; for here 
was Camp Hamilton, the base hospital of the Army of the James, 
where during the war thousands of sick and wounded soldiers 
had been cared for, and now where over six thousand lie buried 
in a beautiful national cemetery. The largest class was held 
in the ''Butler School" building, since replaced by the "John 
G. Whittier School-house." 

Close at hand the pioneer settlers of America and the first 
slaves landed on this continent. Here Powhatan reigned, here 
the Indian was first met, here the first Indian child was baptized, 
here freedom was first given the slaves by General Butler's fa- 

mous ''contraband" order. In sight of this shore the battle of 
the "Monitor" and "Merrimac" saved the Union and revolu- 
tionized naval warfare. Here General Grant based the opera- 
tions of his final campaign. The place was easily accessible by 
railroad and water routes to the North, and to a population of 
two millions of Negroes. The centre of prospective great com- 
mercial and maritime development — of which Newport News, 
soon to have the largest and finest ship-yard in the world, is l)e- 
ginning the grand fulfilment — and, withal, a place most healthful 
and beautiful for situation. 

I soon felt the fitness of this historic and strategic spot for a 
permanent and great educational work. The suggestion was 
cordially received by the American Missionary Association, which 
authorized the purchase, in June, 1867, of "Little Scotland," 
an estate of 125 acres on Hampton River, looking out over 
Hampton Roads. Not expecting to have charge, but only to 
help, I was surprised, one day, by a letter from Secretary E. P. 
Smith, of the A. M. A., stating that the man selected for the place 
had decHned, and asking me if I could take it. I repHed, "Yes." 
Till then my own future had been blind: it had only been clear 
that there was a work to be done for the ex-slaves and where and 
how it should be done. 

A day-dream of the Hampton School, nearly as it is, had come 
to me during the war a few times, — once in camp during the siege 
of Richmond, and once one beautiful evening on the Gulf of 
Mexico, while on the wheel-house of the transport steamship 
"Illinois," en-route for Texas with the Twenty-fifth Army Corps 
(Negro) for frontier duty on the Rio Grande River, whither 
it had been ordered under General Sheridan, to watch and, if 
necessary, defeat Maximilian in his attempted conquest of 

The thing to be done was clear: to train selected Negro youth 
who should go out and teach and lead their people, first by ex- 
ample by getting land and homes; to give them not a dollar that 
they could earn for themselves; to teach respect for labor; to 
replace stupid drudgery with skilled hands; and, to these ends, 
to build up an industrial system, for the sake not only of self- 
support and intelligent labor, but also for the sake of character. 
And it seemed equally clear that the people of the country would 
support a wise work for the freedmen. I think so still. 

The missionary 'plan in Hawaii had not, I thought, considered 
enough the real needs and weaknesses of the people, whose ig- 


norance alone was not half the trouble. The chief difficulty with 
them was deficient character, as it is with the Negro. He is what 
his past has made him. The true basis of work for him and all 
men is the scientific one, — one recognizing the facts of heredity 
and surrounding all the facts of the case. 

There was no enthusiasm for the manual labor plan. People 
said, "It has been tried at Oberlin and elsewhere and given up: 
it won't pay." "Of course," said I, "it cannot pay in a jnoney 
way, but it will pay in a moral way, especially with the freedmen. 
It will make them men and women as nothing else will. It is 
the only way to make them good Christians." 

The school has had, from the first, the good fortune of liberal- 
minded trustees. They accepted its unformulated, practical plan, 
when it opened in April, 1868, with two teachers and fifteen pupils, 
and adopted my formal report of 1870, the year of its incorpora- 
tion under a special Act of the Assembly of Virginia. By this 
Act of Incorporation the school became independent of ^ny 
association or sect and of the government. It does work for the 
state and general government, for which it receives aid, but is 
not controlled or supported by them. 

From the first it has been true to the idea of education by self- 
help, and I hope it will remain so. Nothing is asked for the 
student that he can provide by his own labor; but the system that 
gives him this chance is costly. The student gets nothing but 
an opportunity to work his way. While the workshops must be 
made to pay as far as possible, instruction is as important as 

The Slater Fund has been a great stimulus to technical train- 
ing. The Negro girl has proved a great success as a teacher. 
The women of the race deserve as good a chance as the men. 
So far it has been impossible to supply the demand for Negro 
teachers. School-houses and salaries, such as they are, are 
ready; but competent teachers are the great and pressing need, 
and there is no better work for the country than to supply them. 
But the short public school sessions, of from three to seven months, 
do not give full support, and skilled labor is the only resource 
of many teachers for over half the year. As farmers and me- 
chanics, they are nearly as- useful as in the school-room. Hence 
the importance of industrial training. 

Hampton's thousand graduates (discounting ten per cent, as 
disappointing), with half that number of undergraduates, are a 
working force for Negro and Indian civilization. 

It was not in the original plan of the school that any but Negroes 
should be received, though the liberal State charter made no 
limit as to color; but when, in April, 1878, a "Macedonian cry" 
came from some Indian ex-prisoners of war in Florida — once the 
worst of savages — through Captain R. H. Pratt, seventeen were 
accepted at private expense. Bishop Whipple providing for five 
of them. 

A few weeks after the arrival of the Indian ex-prisoners, I called 
on the Hon. Carl Schurz, then Secretary of the Interior, to sug- 
gest that the so far very encouraging experiment in Indian civil- 
ization be tried more fully by bringing some younger material, 
girls especially. He called in Mr. E. A. Hayt, Commissioner, 
who stated, in effect, that the education of Indian girls had been 
a failure, and threw cold water on the plan. I urged that 
there is no civilization without educated women, and begged 
the Secretary to let us try. He decided to do so, and gave the 
necessary orders, and at my request sent Captain Pratt — whom 
Secretary of War Robert Lincoln had, on my application, de- 
tailed temporarily to help us in our Hampton experiment — to 
Dakota, whence he brought back to Hampton, in November, 
1878, forty boys and nine girls, chiefly Sioux. I wish to give Mr. 
Carl Schurz the credit of creating, on the government side, the 
work of Eastern Indian schools. This action of his was a turn- 
ing-point. The work then became routine, though not without 
difficulties, and our Indian contingent soon reached its hmit of 
one hundred and twenty, aided by government, and from fifteen 
to twenty by charity, occasionally an able-bodied young man 
working out his entire expenses. 

The old homesickness of Indians at Eastern schools is over. 
The three years' period at school, which was formerly too much 
like a prison term, is more and more ignored; and the idea of 
fitting for life, whatever time it takes, gains strength. Indians 
are no longer coaxed to come. Twice as many as we can take 
wish to come, yet the really desirable ones are not very many, 
and we do not care to increase our numbers. Our Indian work 
is illustrative rather than exhaustive. Hampton's work for the 
"despised races" of our country, while chiefly for the Negro, is 
really for all who need it. Till our limit is reached, any youth 
in the land, however poor, can come here and work his way. 

In this review I cannot but refer to my associates, without 
whom this work could not have been what it is. Too little 
credit has been given them, — the men and women who have 



labored with noblest zeal, have enjoyed the privileges of such 
work, and are thankful for it. The present efficient force of 
officers and teachers could manage successfully every department 
of the school, should its head be taken away. In twenty-two 
years it has attained a life of its own : it would be poor organiza- 
tion and development that would not in that time have reached 
this point. It might once have been, but is not now, run by 
*' one-man power." The change will come, and the school will 
be ready for it. 

We have been fortunate in our neighbors, who from the 
first have been most friendly. The wide-awake tow^n of Hamp- 
ton, with an enterprising white community, has a Negro popu- 
lation of about three thousand, and illustrates as well as any 
place in the South the formation of two classes among the freed- 
men, the progressive and non-progressive. For miles around 
the country is dotted with their hard-earned homesteads; yet 
the " shiftless " class is large. There is Httle race friction, and 
steady improvement. Adjoining our grounds is the National 
Soldiers' Home, with its three thousand army veterans, and two 
miles distant is the United States Artillery School at Fort 

Full of resources, this famous peninsula, comparatively dor- 
mant for two hundred and fifty years, is awakening to a wonder- 
ful development, especially along its magnificent harbor front on 
Hampton Roads and James River. From historic Yorktown, 
Old Point Comfort, Newport News, and up to Jamestown Island, 
where stands the oldest ruin of EngHsh civilization on this con- 
tinent, have already sprung large commercial, national, and edu- 
cational enterprises and institutions. Thousands flock to these 
shores, winter and summer, for rest and recreation. The growth 
has only begun. 

This new Hfe and energy but typifies the awakening of the 
whole South under the idea which won in the war. The "Boys 
in Blue" did a fearful but necessary work of destruction. "It 
is for us to finish the work which they so nobly began," said 
Lincoln at Gettysburg. The duty of the hour is construction, 
to build up. With all credit to the pluck and heroic self-help 
of the Southern people and to Northern enterprise for railroad, 
mineral and other commercial development, the great construc- 
tive force in the South and everywhere is the Christian teacher. 
*^In hoc signo vinces,'^ is as true now as in the days of Constan- 
tine. Let us make the teachers, and we will make the people. 

The Hampton Institute should be pushed steadily, not to larger 
but to better, more thorough effort, and placed on a solid founda- 
tion. It is big enough, but its work is only begun. Its work, 
with that of other like schools, is on the line of Providential pur- 
pose in ending the great struggle as it did, — the redemption of 
both races from the evils of slavery, which, while to the Negro 
educative up to a certain point, was a curse to the country. God 
said, ^'Let my people go," and it had to be done. 


We have before us this question: What should be the charac- 
ter of an educational institution devoted to the poorer classes of 
the South? It is presumed that the greatest amount of good, 
the wisest expenditure of effort and money, are sought. 

It is useless at present to expect the ignorant whites to accept 
instruction side by side with the colored race. To a broad im- 
partiality the Negro only responds. Let us consider, therefore, 
what answer to our problem is indicated by the character and 
needs of the freed people. Plainly a system is required which 
shall be at once constructive of mental and moral worth, and 
destructive of the vices characteristic of the slave. W^hat are these 
vices ? They are improvidence, low ideas of honor and morahty, 
and a general lack of directive energy, judgment and foresight. 
Thus disabled, the ex-slave enters upon the merciless competition 
incident to universal freedom. Political power being placed in 
his hands, he becomes the prey of the demagogue, or attempts 
that low part himself. In either case he is the victim of his 
greatest weakness, — vanity. Mere tuition is not enough to rescue 
him from being forever a tool, pohtically and otherwise. The 
educated man usually overestimates himself, because his intellect 
has grown faster than his experience in Hfe; but the danger to 
the Negro is greater proportionally, as his desire is to shine rather 
than to do. His deficiencies of character are, I believe, worse for 
him and the world than his ignorance. But with these deficiencies 
are a docility and enthusiasm for improvement, and a presever- 
ance in the pursuit of it, which form a basis of great hope, and 
justify any outlay and the ablest service in his behalf. 



At Hampton, Va., a spot central and accessible from a wide 
extent of country, we are trying to solve the problem of an educa- 
tion best suited to the needs of the poorer classes of the South, 
by sending out to them teachers of moral strength as well as 
mental culture. To this end the most promising youths are se- 
lected. The poverty of these pupils has required the introduc- 
tion of manual labor. Let us examine the system in its three- 
fold aspect, industrial, moral and intellectual, and disciplinary, or 

First, the plan of combining mental and physical labor is a 
priori full of objections. It is admitted that it involves friction, 
constant embarrassment, and apparent disadvantage to educa- 
tional advancement, as well as to the profits of various indus- 
tries. But to the question, '*Do your students have sufficient 
time to study all their lessons faithfully?^" I should answer, 
''Not enough, judging from the common use of time; but under 
pressure they make use of the hours they have. There is addi- 
tional energy put forth, an increased rate of study which makes 
up for the time spent in manual labor, while the physical vigor 
gained affords abundant strength for severe mental labor." Noth- 
ing is of more benefit than this compulsory waking up of the 
faculties. After a Hfe of drudgery the plantation hand will, under 
this system, brighten and learn surprisingly well. 

In the girls' industrial housework departments there is an 
assignment, for a period, of a certain number to certain duties. 
On the farm the plan of working the whole force of young men 
for a few hours each day has been given up for the better one 
of dividing them into five squads, each of which works one day 
of each week and all on Saturdays. All are paid by the hour 
for their service, at the rate of from four to ten cents, according 
to the kind of work done. Under these arrangements our indus- 
tries thrive and were never so hopeful as now. The very difficult 
problem of creating a profitable female industry has been solved 
in the most fortunate manner by supplying the boys with clothing 
made of good material, at a fair price. Our students, both young 
men and young women, go to their appointed duties with cheer- 
fulness; and the school is full of the spirit of self-help. 

However the future may decide the question, our two years' 
experience of the manual labor system has been satisfactory. 
Progress in study has been rapid and thorough, — I venture to say, 
not excelled in any school of the same grade. There have been 
a steadiness and solidity of character and a spirit of self-denial 


developed, an appreciation of the value of opportunities mani- 
fested, which would not be possible under other conditions. Un- 
fortunately there is a limit to the number that can be profitably 
employed. This institute should, I think, be polytechnic, — grow- 
ing step by step, adding new ones as the old ones shall become 
established and remunerative, thus enlarging the limits of paying 
labor and increasing the attendance, hoping finally to crown its 
ruder products with the results of finer effort in the region of art. 

There are two objective points before us, toward one or the 
other of which all our energies must soon be directed as the final 
work of this institute. One is the training of the intellect, storing 
it with the largest amount of knowledge, producing the brightest 
examples of culture. The other is the more difficult one of at- 
tempting to educate in the original and broadest sense of the 
word, to draw out a complete manhood. The former is a labori- 
ous but simple work. The latter is full of difficulty. It is not 
easy to surround the student with a perfectly balanced system of 
influences. The value of every good appliance is limited, and 
ceases when not perfectly adjusted to the higher end. The needle, 
the broom, and wash-tub, the awl, the plane, and the plough 
become the allies of the globe, the blackboard, and the text- 

The course of study does not run smoothly. There is action 
and reaction, depression and delight; but the reserve forces of 
character no longer lie dormant. They make the rough places 
smooth. The school becomes a drill ground for the future 
work; it sends men and women rather than scholars into the 

But what should be studied in a course like this? The ques- 
tion brings us to the second branch of our subject; namely, its 
rnoral and intellectual aspect. The end of mental training is a 
discipHne and power not derived so much from knowledge as 
from the method and spirit of the student. I think too much 
stress is laid on the importance of choosing one of the great lines 
of study, the classics or the natural sciences, and too little upon the 
vital matter of insight into the life and spirit of that which is 
studied. Latin, as taught by one man, is an inspiration; by an- 
other, it is drudgery. Who can say that the study of this or that 
is requisite, without conditioning its value upon the fitness of the 
teacher? Vital knowledge cannot be got from books: it comes 
from insight, and we attain it by earnest and steady thought under 
wise direction. 



But let us consider the practical question whether the classics 
should be made an object in our course, or whether, ruHng them 
out, we should teach only the higher English studies. 

It is the theory of Matthew Arnold that a teacher should de- 
velop the special aptitudes. To ignore them is a failure. The 
attempt to cast all mind in one mould is useless. But for one 
Anglo-African who would, on this theory, need to acquire the 
ancient languages, there are, I believe, twenty whose best apti- 
tude would find full scope in the study of the mother tongue and 
its literature, supposing them to have a taste for language and 
for the higher pursuits of the human mind. Emerson says, 
"What is really best in any book is translatable, — any real insight 
or broad human sentiment." He who has mastered the English, 
then, has within reach whatever is best in all literature. 

Our three years' course, with but httle preliminary training, 
cannot be expected to furnish much. Our students can never 
become advanced enough in that time to be more than super- 
ficially acquainted with Latin and Greek. Their knowledge 
would rather tend to cultivate their conceit than to fit them for 
faithful educators of their race, because not complete enough to 
enable them to estimate its true value. The great need of the 
Negro is logic, and the subjection of feehng to reason ; yet in sup- 
plying his studies we must exercise his curiosity, his love of the 
marvellous, and his imagination as means of sustaining his en- 

An EngHsh course embracing reading and elocution, geography, 
mathematics, history, the sciences, the study of the mother tongue 
and its hterature, the leading principles of mental and moral 
science and political economy, would, I think, make up a curric- 
ulum that would exhaust the best powers of nineteen-twentieths 
of those who would, for years to come, enter the institute. Should, 
however, any pupil have a rare aptitude for the classics, and de- 
sire to become a man of letters in the largest sense, it would be 
our duty to provide special instruction for him or send him where 
he could receive it. For such the Howard University at Wash- 
ington offers a broad and high plane of intellectual advantage. 

The question of coeducation of the sexes is, to my mind, 
settled by most favorable experience with the present plan. Our 
school is a little world. The life is genuine, the circle of influ- 
ence is complete. The system varies industry, and cheapens the 
cost of living. If the condition of woman is the true gauge of 
civilization, how should we be working, except indirectly, for a 


real elevation of society by training young men alone ? The freed 
woman is where slavery left her. Her average state is one of 
pitiable destitution of whatever should adorn and elevate her sex. 
In every respect the opportunities of the sexes should be equal, 
and two years of experience have shown that young men and 
women of color may be educated together to the greatest mutual 
advantage, and without detriment to a high moral standard. 

We now come to the consideration of the third branch of our 
subject, — namely, the disciphnary features of the institution. No 
necessity has so far arisen for the adoption of a system of marks, 
prizes, or other such incentives. Expulsion has sometimes, 
though rarely, been resorted to. Our most perplexing cases have 
been those of honest, well-meaning students, either of limited 
ability and fine character, or those of low propensity or childish- 
ness or coarseness of character. One of the latter class may be 
a zealous student, and there may be a power in him that will be 
used in a good or bad cause, yet this evil trait will be quickly 
caught by the pliant and younger ones around him. He finally 
may become a strong and worthy man, but meanwhile great 
mischief is wrought. The tone of the school is lowered. Many 
have learned wickedness of which they can scarcely be cured. 
The celebrated head-master of Rugby said, ''Till a man learns 
that the first, second, and the third duty of a schoolmaster is to 
get rid of unpromising subjects, a great public school will never 
be what it might be, and what it ought to be." A course of 
study, beyond the rudiments, is not best for all. I expect young 
men will be discharged, without dishonor, from this institute, 
who will become eminent partly because sent off to travel a more 
difficult and heroic way. 

To implant right motive power and good habits, aided by the 
student's own perceptions, to make him train himself, is the end 
of disciphne. Yet there is need of much external force, mental 
and moral, especially upon the plastic natures with whom we deal. 
There must be study of the character, advice, sympathy, and, 
above all, a judicious letting alone. 

Of all our work, that upon the heart is the most important. 
There can be no question as to the paramount necessity of teach- 
ing the vital precepts of the Christian faith, and of striving to 
awaken a genuine enthusiasm for the higher life, that shall be 
sustained, and shall be the strong support of the young workers 
who may go out to be examples of their race. 

In the history of our institution so far, we have cause for en- 



couragement. Three years ago this month our building began 
with but $2,000 on hand or in prospect; for, although the Ameri- 
can Missionary Association selected and purchased this most 
fortunate spot and paid our running expenses, it could not offer 
the means of construction. Already nearly $100,000 have been 
expended in permanent improvements, for which we may thank 
the Freedman's Bureau and Northern benefactors. I think we 
may reasonably hope to build up here, on historic grounds, an 
institution that will aid freedmen to escape from the difficulties 
that surround them, by affording the best possible agency for 
their improvement in mind and heart, by sending out, not peda- 
gogues, but those whose culture shall be upon the whole circle 
of living, and who with clear insight and strong purpose will do 
a quiet work that shall make the land purer and better. 


"Now that all is bright, the family together, and there is nothing 
to alarm and very much to be thankful for, it is well to look ahead 
and, perhaps, to say the things that I should wish known should I 
suddenly die. 

"I wish to be buried in the school graveyard, among the students, 
where one of them would have been put had he died next. 
, "I wish no monument or fuss whatever over my grave; only a simple 
headstone, — no text or sentiment inscribed, only my name and date. 
I wish the simplest funeral service, without sermon or attempt at ora- 
tory — a soldier's funeral. 

"I hope there will be enough friends to see that the work of the 
school shall continue. Unless some shall make sacrifice for it, it can- 
not go on. 

"A work that requires no sacrifice does not count for much in ful- 
filling God's plans. But what is commonly called sacrifice is the best, 
happiest use of one's self and one's resources — the best investment of 
time, strength, and means. He who makes no such sacrifice is most 
to be pitied. He is a heathen, because he knows nothing of God. 

"In the school the great thing is not to quarrel; to pull all together; 
to , refrain from hasty, unwise words and actions; to unselfishly and 
wisely seek the best good, of all; and to get rid of workers whose tem- 
peraments are unfortunate — whose heads are not level; no matter how 
much knowledge or cuhure they may have. Cantankerousness is worse 
than heterodoxy. 


"I wish no effort at a biography of myself made. Good friends 
might get up a pretty good story, but it would not be the whole truth. 
The truth of life usually lies deep down — we hardly know ourselves — 
God only does. I trust His mercy. The shorter one's creed the better. 
'Simply to Thy cross I cling' is enough for me. 

"I am most thankful for my parents, my Hawaiian home, for war 
experiences, and college days at Williams, and for life and work at 
Hampton. Hampton has blessed me in so many ways; along with it 
have come the choicest people of this country for my friends and helpers, 
and then such a grand chance to do something directly for those set 
free by the war, and, indirectly, for those who were conquered; and 
Indian work has been another great privilege. 

"Few men have had the chance that I have had. I never gave up 
or sacrificed anything in my life — have been, seemingly, guided in every- 

"Prayer is the greatest thing in the world. It keeps us near to 
God — my own prayer has been most weak, wavering, inconstant, yet 
has been the best thing I have ever done. I think this is universal 
truth — what comfort is there in any but the broadest truth ? 

"I am most curious to get a glimpse of the next world. How will 
it seem? Perfectly fair and perfectly natural, no dopbt. We ought 
not to fear death. It is friendly. 

"The only pain that comes at the thought of it is for my true, faith- 
ful wife and blessed, dear children. But they will be brave about 
it all and in the end stronger. They are my greatest comfort. 

"Hampton must not go down. See to it, you who are true to the 
black and red children of the land and to just ideas of education. 

"The loyalty of old soldiers and of my students has been an un- 
speakable comfort. 

"It pays to follow one's best light— to put God and country first, 
ourselves afterward. 

"Taps has just sounded. 

"S. C. x\rmstrong. 

" Hampton, Virginia, New Year's Eve, i8qo." 

Samuel Chapman Armstrong; was born Jan. ;;o, 1839, in the island of Maui 
Hawaiian Islands, his father and mother being missionaries to the Hawaiians. He re- 
reived his early education at the " Rnval School " at Punahou, founded for the trainine 
of the young chiefs, Kalakaua and Liliuokalani, who later became king and queen of tlie 
islands, being am"ng his playmate*. The school was presided over bv two Americans, 
and the mission childrpu outnumbered the natives. Armstrong wrote of tfie school in later 
vears, " I reeardit as the ideal school of all I have evrr known for the perfect balar-cp of 
its mental and moral inspiration." Manual labor was required of all the pupil=, and the 
school furnished.^ ynsjrpng with, many suegestio.ns,Uter for -HamptoR. -In i860 hV ent-red 
the Junior Classi'at Wiiria'nis College in.M<assachuseft-s, it being the dearest wish of his father, 
who died just before, that he should be under the influence of Dr. JVIark Hopkins, its revered 
president. _ .^rm^trong formed a lasting friendship with ,t£e''gr^at teacher, and- felt his in- 
fluence through life. Immediately upon his graduation he entered the army, as captain 



of a company in a New York regiment, reached the front in September, 1862, and served 
until the close of the war. Just after the battle of Gettysburg, where his skill and courage 
were conspicuous, he was promoted to the rank of major. Later, in 1863, he became lieuten- 
ant colonel of a colored regiment. "All mankind," he wrote, "are looking to see whether 
the African will show himself equal to the opportunity before him. And what is this oppor- 
tunity? It is to demonstrate to the world that he is a iiiaji." In 1864 he became colonel of 
another colored regiment, which he commanded until the end. 

Early in 1866 he entered the service of the Freedmen's Bureau. " We've a great lot of 
contrabands down on the Virginia Peninsula," said one of the aides at the Washington 
office, " and can't manage them: no one has had success in keeping them straight. General 
Howard thinks you might try it." Armstrong tried it. He arrived at Fortress Monroe in 
March, 1866, and rode out a few miles to his post at the village of Hampton. The work 
which followed is detailed by General Armstrong himself in the paper reprinted in the 
present leaflet. The Hampton Institute was founded in 1868; audits life and Armstrong's 
life were one for the next twenty-five years. His first report to the trustees of the Institute, 
in '1S70, given in the present leaflet, stated his principles and programme for the school. 
He said twenty years later that the statement " is as much the work of my friend and former 
associate, Mr. Francis Richardson, then farm manager (a graduate of Haverford College), 
as it is my own. After about two years of service together and careful discussion for several 
evenings, each with pen in hand, we wrote our ideas of a proper ' platform' for the school, 
and put them together." He reprinted this "platform" in his Report for i8go, with the 
remark : " I would now hardly change a word of the above statement either for present or 
future use." General Armstrong died at Hampton, May 11, 1893. His body was laid among 
those of his Negro and Indian students who had died at the school, — " where one of them 
would have been put, had he died next," was his charge, — with a block of Williamstown 
granite at one end of the grave and one of Hawaiian volcano rock at the other. 

There is a biography of General Armstrong by his daughter, Edith Armstrong Talbot, 
to which the student is primarily referred. The volume entitled " Twenty-two Years' Work 
of the Hampton Institute," published in 1S93, containing the chapter by General Armstrong 
reprinted in this leaflet and chapters by General Marshall, Miss Ludlow, and others of his 
associates, is of high historical value concerning the early period of the Institute. Many 
important words upon Armstrong's life and work have been published, among them the 
noble addresses by Professor Francis G. Peabody, Mr. Robert C. Ogden, Rev. John H, 
Denison, and President Franklin Carter of Williams College. President Carter, speaking at 
Hampton in 1902. said : — 

"Think of the great schools that have had their origin in this school; think of the 
hundreds of little schools that have been guided by the student graduates of this school ; 
think of the thousands of children that throughout the .South have learned how to read, 
cipher, write and speak properly, to watch the growth of plants and animals, to know some- 
thing of the history of our country and of the world, to whom the world is such a different 
place because General Armstrong lived and died here: think of the hundreds of steady, 
productive farmers, carpenters, tinsmiths, blacksmiths, bricklayers, leather-workers, who 
have gone out from here to contribute to the comfort and improvement of their own race and 
to the stability of society : and think of the hundreds of mothers trained to neatness and 
thrift, with enough perception and love of knowledge to quicken in their Httle ones the thirst 
for respectable attainments and the sincere love of home, all because General Armstrong 
lived and died here. The cost has been indeed great, but the harvest also wonderfully great. 
Had this school done nothing more than to send out one P)Ooker Washington, it would have 
been a glorious success. Had Williams College no other graduate than Samuel Chapman 
Armstrong, it would have amply paid for its cost." 



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 

No. 150. 


Nothing in the whole experience of travel produces such gen- 
uine emotion as discovery. To come upon an interesting and 
important old town, of which we had hitherto known next to 
nothing, and of which we are sure that most of our countrymen 
are equally ignorant, awakens an introverted enthusiasm that 
proves us akin to Columbus. "Where is Treves, exactly? I 
.don't think I quite know." Such a question as this, from one 
who is otherwise our equal, always emphasizes the secret satis- 
faction with which we contemplate our individual merit of good 

Discovery is not the least of the great pleasures that finally 
reward those who climb down from the high quay at St. Male 
and embark on the side-wheeler "Pinta," bound for the untried 
waters of La Manche, which we found still so lashed by the tail 
of the "forte tempete" that even the barbarous passage from 
Dover to Calais faded from our recollection. After four hours 
of almost mortal agony, we ran past the great mole at St. Helier's, 
and were in still water. In due time we were in the old "Hotel 
de la Pomme d'Or," and were at rest, amid such wholesome old- 
fashioned hospitahty and cordial attention as only a combination 
of French and English customs can give. Think of Southdown 
mutton and "Supreme de Volaille," of Enghsh tea and French 
coffee, under the same roof! 

The rain, which had so much interfered with our pleasure m 
France, had rained itself out, and our two weeks in Jersey were 


blessed with the most superb autumn weather. We were in a land 
rarely visited b}^ Americans, and so little known to our literature 
of travel that at each turn of its beautiful lanes we found a fresh 
surprise and delight. So much as is generally known of the 
island relates — ^just as our popular notions of Siam centre around 
its twins — to the cattle for which it has long been famous. The 
cattle are still there in all their beauty, but they are only an ele- 
ment of a beauty that is almost universal. 

Our own interest in Jersey was largely an agricultural one, but 
we found much else that cannot fail to engage the attention of 
all who care for the picturesqueness of history, of society, and of 
nature. The island Ues sixteen miles west of the coast of Nor- 
mandy, forty miles north of Brittany, and about one hundred 
miles south of England. It is about as large as our own Staten 
Island, containing nearly forty thousand acres of land, about 
twenty-five thousand of which are under cultivation. The pop- 
ulation is over fifty-six thousand, or about two and one-fourth 
for each acre of cultivated land. More than one-half of the 
population is in St. Helier's, which is the only town of con.sid- 
erable size. 

More even than most islands, Jersey is a little world by itself, 
with its own history and local pecuUarities, very different from 
any that we find in other countries. Its agriculture is as unlike 
that of England or France as are the people themselves unlike 
their French cousins or their Enghsh compatriots. 

If one feature of the scenery is more peculiar to the island 
than any other (and almost more charming than anything of its 
kind elsewhere), it is the embowered lanes which intersect it in 
every direction, like a network of lovers' walks. They are al- 
ways of about the same character, yet always varying: a narrow, 
capitally made road — as hard and smooth as those of Central 
Park — often only wide enough for a single vehicle, but with fre- 
quent bays for passing ; high earthen banks at the sides for fences, 
which make the lane seem a trench cut into the soil; trees grow- 
ing from the tops of these banks, sending their snake-like roots 
down under the grass and clustering ferns, to the firm ground 
beneath, and overarching the way with their branches; and, to 
crown all, the greenest and most luxuriant ivy, starting at the 
roadside gutters, and, claiming its share of the bank, winding 
itself closely around the trunks of the trees, and draping their 
interlocked branches overhead, or infolding the end of a dead 
hmb with a mass of sturdy blossom or fruit. New trees are 

springing up to replace those which the ivy has reduced to mere 
stumps or trunks of solid verdure, and so the form and combi- 
nation of the row is varied at every step. Frequent gate- ways 
open ghmpses into the fields. Here and there a bit of stone- 
work replaces or supports the earthen wall. There are many 
cool-looking, stone-arched, natural fountains sunk in the verdure, 
and sometimes the land slopes away from the road into an over- 
grown ravine, from which there comes the sound of running 

The winding lane at Rozel, which runs at the crest of a damp 
and sheltered ravine, in whose deep shade a rivulet runs, and the 
old manor road at Vinchelez (with an ancient Norman gate-way) , 
are good examples of Jersey lanes; but there are miles and miles 
of these in every direction, all of the same general character, and 
constantly changing in detail. 

It is through such secluded ways as these, and past comfort- 
able farm-houses and thatched cottages and sheds, that one 
drives to get an impression of the agriculture and the life of Jersey. 
It soon becomes evident, however, that no traveller's casual im- 
pression will do justice to this compact httle country. It is too 
different from what we find elsewhere, and needs study to be 

Wishing to get the full impression of living in Jersey, we made 
but a short stay at the "Pomme d'Or," for the blessed English 
institution of "lodgings" prevails, — an institution whose adop- 
tion in America would add much to the comfort of the nomadic 
part of our population. Driving about in the neighborhood of 
the town, we decided on a cottage on the shore of St. Aubin's 
Bay (about a mile from St. HeHer's), kept by a widow and her 
daughter, who, with the help of a small handmaiden, did all the 
work of the establishment. We had a pleasant parlor and dining- 
room en suite, three chambers and sufficient closets. For this, 
with service, fires, gas, and all extras, the charge was three guineas 
per week (about seventeen dollars currency). We did our own 
marketing in person, and had passbooks with the butcher, grocer, 
and baker, and were soon as much at home, and in as regular 
relations with our base of supply in the town, as though we had 
no other home in the world. In the house the hours, the cus- 
toms, and the diet were quite under our control, and we were 
fast growing into Jerseymen, which seemed a very pleasant 
thing to do. Our rooms occupied the whole sea-front of the house, 
and commanded a superb view (toward the afternoon sun and 


the crescent moon) over the bay and past Noirmont Point. The 
view to the left was bounded by the town and harbor, and before 
Us stood the storied pile of Elizabeth Castle, like Mont St. Michel, 
an island at high tide^ and accessible over the dry sands at low 
Water. Looking to the right, toward Noirmont Point, the view 
lies across St. Aubin's Bay, with the cluster of rocks on which 
St. Aubin's castle stands. Even Jersey has not been exempt 
from the invasion of the railroad, and every half-hour there rat- 
tled along the shore in front of us the odd little train that runs 
from St. Helier's to St. Aubin's, four miles. It was drawn by 
a little pony of a locomotive, and consisted of two cars, like those 
of England, but with a covered and well-railed balcony running 
along each side, and usually occupied by the passengers, who 
at this season generally avoided the closer compartments within. 
This arrangement gives an unusual width to the cars, but there 
seems to be no objection to it for roads where there are no cut- 
tings: it is, certainly, most agreeable in pleasant weather, and 
admits of the opening of windovvs duilng rain. 

Being much favored in the matter of weather, we passed a 
good part of every day in driving about the country, sometimes 
lingering over the majestic rocks of the north coast, which rises 
about three hundred feet above the sea, and is especially abrupt 
and grand, but more often haunting the quieter lanes and drink- 
ing our fill of a sensation not to be repeated in our different rural 
surroundings at home. Jersey is pre-eminently a country for 
idling. It is large enough for varied excursions, but small enough 
for any point to be reached easily, and it has an ever-varying and 
never-ending charm of coast and interior, of which one does not 

An impression of the island, gained only from the extreme 
western and northern coasts, would be an impression of a high, 
rocky, and almost treeless land, with little to invite the visitor, 
save the noble bluffs and rocks; but almost immediately on leav- 
ing the coast one drops into the characteristic rural scenes which 
greet him at every turn until he reaches the low-lying shores of 
Grouville and St. Clements. Little dells near the north side of 
the island, their rivulets combining to form the growing brooks, 
unite in deeper and broadening valleys which spread into the 
plains at the south,— plains into which the hills project here and 
there, giving admirable variety to even these lower lands, and 
affording the most charming sites for country-houses that over- 
look the St. Clements coast, fringed at low tide with far-reaching, 


mellow-colored rocks. Among these the spring tides rise to the 
height of forty feet, leaving them bare for miles as they recede. 

A good object in driving is to see the old parish churches, 
going from one to the other, with the aid of a map, through the 
cross-lanes, which are much more picturesque than the main 
highways, and which often drop down into charming valleys, 
past old-time mills, and among old thatched farm-houses. 

The churches themselves are interesting from without, but the 
interiors that we saw are dull and cold and colorless. They all 
stand in ancient church-yards thickly set with tombstones, whose 
inscriptions are in French, and many of which are very old. 
These churches are all ancient, and there has never been an 
elaborate restoration of any of them. They seem to have been 
merely kept in suitable condition for use, and the necessary ad- 
ditions have generally been made in the style of the original 

The most recent of these edifices is that of St. Helier's, which 
was consecrated in 1341. Eight of the twelve were consecrated 
in the twelfth century, — the oldest, St. Brelade's, in iiii. This 
was the earliest Christian church in the Channel Islands, and is 
much the most antiquated and picturesque of all. St. Saviour's 
Church, with a square tower and fine ivy, which stands just be- 
yond the edge of the town, and St. Martin's, four miles out, with 
the more usual angular spire, are perhaps the finest examples of 
the type. 

These churches, in nearly every instance, consist of two or 
three similar stone buildings standing side by side (probably built 
one after another as needed by the growing population). The 
separating wall is opened with archways, so as to bring the con- 
gregation all within range of the minister's voice, though the 
heavy pillars still cut off very many from the controlling reach 
of his eye. 

I found attendance at two of the country churches at which 
I stopped on Sunday morning rides anything but inspiriting. 
Aside from the novelty of the use of the French language in the 
familiar Episcopal service, there was little to relieve that heavy 
air of blank ennui which so dulls us in the whitewashed interiors 
of many of our old parish churches at home. 

From their quaint exteriors, their conspicuous age, the aestheti- 
cal capacities of the church ritual, the fair assumption that French 
congregations would put more form and art into their religious 
exercises than New England congregations do, and from the 


rustic simplicity of the people (no less than from their charming 
rural surroundings), one would naturally expect an ideal service, 
— simple, tender, and full of dim religious emotion. Indeed, as 
I recall the conditions under which these exercises are held, I 
can only think that my selections w^re unfortunate, and that 
in those churches which I did not visit (in spite of their glaring 
white walls) I might have had a better experience, and that the 
interest which is necessarily awakened by these gray, mossy, and 
ivy-grown sanctuaries need not always be checked on passing 
their low portals. 

The Channel Islands boast of being the oldest possessions of 
the present ruling house of Great Britain. Normandy, to which 
they then belonged, was given by Charles the Simple to Duke Rollo 
in gi2, and it passed to the EngHsh crown with Wilham the Con- 
queror. When Normandy was regained by France, the islands 
remained with England, and, although Jersey has been frequently 
attacked and sometimes invaded by the French, they have never 
had possession of more than a portion of the island, and never 
succeeded in conquering the loyal spirit of its people, though 
they committed wide devastation. So much was Norman or 
French invasion feared that there were inserted in the litany the 
words, "And from the fury of the Normans, good Lord, deliver 

When King John lost Normandy, he looked upon these islands 
"as the last Plank left of so great a Shipwrack," and resolved to 
keep them at whatever cost. He was twice in Jersey in person, 
and became a sort of vicarious father of the country, to which 
he gave "many excellent Laws and Priviledges." 

During the reign of Edward III., the famous Du Guesclin, with 
an army that included the flower of French chivalry, effected a 
landing, held possession of the eastern parishes, and besieged for 
some months Mont Orgueil Castle, to which the chief person 
of the island had retired. The castle held out, and the invaders 
withdrew into France. 

Henry VI., during his contest for the throne, solicited French 
aid against Edward IV., and his Queen contracted with the 
Count de Maulevrier that, in consideration for his services, the 
Channel Islands should be made over to him. He seized Mont 
Orgueil Castle by surprise, and employed every device of kind- 
ness to induce the people of Jersey to renounce their allegiance 
to England and to acknowledge him. "He could never prevail 
on the. inclinations of a people who were enraged to see thern- 

selves sold to the French, a nation which they hated; insomuch 
that, in about six years' time, he could never make himself master 
of above half the island." During this period there were fre- 
quent skirmishes between the French and the troops of the loyal 
Seigneur of St. Ouen, who held the western parishes. 

Finally, under Edward IV. the castle was reduced by famine, 
and the French were driven quite out of the island. 

Mont Orgueil, which dates back to the time of Caesar, figures 
largely in the early history of Jersey, and its story is full of in- 
terest. It is now a noble mass of ruin, and the ivy which frames 
its abandoned loopholes piles massy green upon its crumbHng 
parapet, and drapes its ponderous sides with living verdure; the 
ivy and the salt sea-winds have claimed it for their own ; it is only 
a dreamy old crag of solid walls, whispering its tale of the bygone 
times in the idle and gladly credulous ear of the traveller. At 
its feet breaks the summer spray of La Manche, and from its 
crest one sees, across the smoky distance, the phantom spires of 
Coutances. There is a snug inn in the Httle village of Gorey 
beneath the castle. In front of this, vessels lie heeled over on 
their sides on the harbor mud, waiting idly for the rising tide. 
There are charming walks near at hand, w^hen the single visit 
has been paid to the prosaic cromlech on the hill, where the 
old Druids celebrated their now forgotten rites. 

Between the castle and St. Helier's is La Hougue Bie, a tu- 
mulary mound, overgrown with rhododendron, on which stands 
an ancient tower with several furnished rooms and a little chapel. 
This is one of the lions of Jersey (admission sixpence, and "please 
remember the guide, sir"). A quaint legend of treachery and 
retribution and wifely devotion is droned off by the small show- 
man, and the visitor is conducted to the elevated platform, from 
which the charming freshness and beauty of the southeastern 
parishes are realized as from no other point, and where the best 
idea is gained of the insular character of Jersey, and of its near- 
ness to the French coast. 

It is not, after all, for its lions that one should visit Jersey, 
but rather for the great enjoyment of its lanes and homelike 
little farms. Any mile of its smaller roads is worth all else that 
it has to offer to those who are only in pursuit of pleasure; and, 
indeed, one who enjoys simple country things, and an air of 
foreign and unmodern quaintness, need seek no farther to find 
these in their most engaging and unspoiled form. 

Naturally, one who visits this island will have much of his 



attention taken up by the town and the people, and their insti- 
tutions. It is not an attractive town, nor especially unattractive. 
Falle wrote, in 1693: "The chief Town is St. Heher, a neat, well- 
built Town, seated near the Sea, containing about a 1,000 Inhab- 
itants, who are for the most part Merchants, Traders, and Artif- 
icers; The Gentry and People of the best Fashion living generally 
in the Country. Tis the ordinary Seat of Justice; and here is 
kept a Market, in the nature of a Fair, every Saturday, where 
Gentlemen meet for Conversation as w^ell as for Business." It is 
closely built, and has a busy air, and its population includes a 
large element of EngHsh famihes, who have been attracted here 
by a combination of cHmate, cheapness, and good schools; and, 
in the summer time, a more conspicuous element of cheap tour- 
ists. These are known as "Five Pounders," many of them being 
clerks spending their holiday weeks and their five-pound notes 
in noisy and unlovely pastimes. Happily they fill the great open 
excursion-cars and spend the whole day in the country. These 
cars, drawn by four horses, are of such width that they must 
needs keep to the broad roads, and their routes are easily avoided. 
In all our wanderings, we very rarely fell in with them. 

This incursion of tourists and the large floating population 
have built' up certain branches of trade to unexpected propor- 
tions. The port of Jersey is absolutely free (save for a slight 
impost on spirits) ; and wages and the cost of Hving are so low 
that shopping is exceptionally cheap. Some of the shops are a 
surprise for their size and completeness. One estabhshment has 
every conceivable article of useful and ornamental furniture, in- 
cluding rare china and glass. Another shop, De Gruchy's, is 
larger and more complete than any that I know in America, ex- 
cept two or three in New York, especially in its supply and va- 
riety of useful goods: it includes a capital tailoring estabhshment, 
and ladies' dresses and men's hats seem to be important branches. 
We found the prices of certain goods much lower than in corre- 
sponding shops in London, and could very well understand that, 
to a family man in need of an outfit, the aesthetic inducement is 
not the only one that Jersey holds out. 

The native population of the town are English of the English, 
— in their dress and in their sentiment of nationahty; but there 
lurk under the surface some quahties that betray the unmixed 
Norman blood that still fills their veins, modified by eight hun- 
dred years of EngHsh nationality, but lacking the admixture of 
the Saxon and old Briton elements. In the presence of the world 


at large the Jerseyman is an Englishman; but in the presence of 
the EngHsh he asserts himself (at least to himself) a Jerseyman. 
He is proud of his allegiance to England, but prouder still that 
he is of this choicest and oldest part of the EngHsh possessions. 

The odd thing about this island, and the one that seems most 
incongruous, is that the language of the people, especially in the 
country, but also very largely in the town, is French. We often 
met women and children on the farms who spoke no English, 
and in one yery attractive photograph shop in St. Heher's we were 
asked if we did not speak French. Many of the market-women 
seem to be only sufficiently acquainted with English for the pur- 
poses of their traffic. The regular service in all the parish churches 
is in French, but there is in St. Heher's Church an afternoon ser- 
vice in Enghsh for the benefit of the garrison. The official lan- 
guage of the courts is French, but English suitors may examine 
witnesses and address the court in their own tongue. Official 
notices are posted in the two languages. The reading part of 
the population is more largely English, if we may judge from 
the fact that there are six English newspapers and only three 
French ones. This, however, may result from the fact that the 
newspaper is much more fully developed in England than in 

One might pass some time in the tow^n, in the usual way of 
tourists, without discovering that he was not in an English com- 
munity; but a trip to the country would soon inform him. The 
men and the younger women and the larger children speak mod- 
ern French as their language of law and devotion, and English 
(usually less readily and perfectly) as their language of trade and 
business intercourse; but both tongues are in a measure foreign 
to them, while to the younger children and the older women 
they seem to be sometimes but little known, except for the routine 
of the church service. The language of the Jersey hearthstone — 
the ''mother-tongue" of the country people — is French, it is 
true, but it is the French of the days of the old Dukes of Nor- 
mandy, that which was carried by. the Conqueror into England, 
and may be better described as the Anglo-Norman. It is essen- 
tially the same language as that of the present country popula- 
tion of Normandy, save that this has some engraftings of modern 
French, as that of Jersey has of English. 

The modern language of Jersey (we have hardly the right to 
call this cradle of our own tongue a patois) is illustrated by the 
following specimen: ''J'ai bain des fais paslait a mes ammins a 



I'endrait d'esl'ver un monueusment a s'nhonneu, mais chest 
comme si j'm'capuchais la teste centre la pathe, ils ont poeux 
desmonaizir quicq' herpins, — eh! Mon Gui, il en laissont driethe 
ieux d'ches freluques, nou n'les mettra pou a lus servir d'ouothilli 
quand nou les phache 'cha dans lues derniethe grande naithe 
casaque et que nou il';? 'envietha ^ s'er' poser dans I'bain grand 
Gardin a noutr' ammin le Ministre Fillieu." 

In modern French this would be: "J'ai bien des fois parle a 
mes amis au sujet d'elever un monument a son honneur, mais 
c'est comme si je me cognais la tete contre un mur, ils ont peur 
de depenser quelques sous, — eh! Mon Dieu, ils en laisseront 
derriere eux de ces freluques, on ne les mettra point a leur servir 
d'oreiller, quand nous les placerons dans leur dernier grand habit 
noir, et qu'on les enverra se reposer dans le beau grand jardin 
de notre ami le Reverend Filleul." 

A knowledge of French helps hardly at all to an understanding 
of Jersey French when spoken. It is a rude language, and seems 
not out of place among the poorer people, but it is odd to hear 
it familiarly used by educated persons; yet in the most aristocratic 
families it is the language of the household. We once asked our 
way of an old woman who was working in her garden. Pointing 
to the left, she told us to go "too gowshe" {tout gauche). We 
addressed very few who could not speak modern French, but the 
knowledge of English is much less common than would seem 
possible in an island so small that no house is more than about 
ten miles from a large town, where it is so generally used that it 
seems at first the language of the place. 

Jersey is an outpost of England rather than an integral part 
of the Empire. It is under the protection rather than under the 
control of the Crown, which appoints (and supports at its own 
cost) a Lieutenant-Governor, who is a military officer of high 
rank, and commander of the considerable garrison, which is 
maintained without charge to the population. Acts of Parlia- 
ment are not binding unless they have been specially sent by 
order of Council to be registered in the island. For most pur- 
poses, the local legislature ("The States of Jersey") is an in- 
dependent authority, but their acts are passed "subject to the 
sanction of Her Most Excellent Majesty in Council." If not 
approved, they lapse three years after their enactment, but may 
be renewed from time to time. 

The chief local officer is called the Bailiff. He with twelve 
Jurats (one from each parish) constitute the Royal Court, and 


these, with the twelve rectors, twelve constables, and the fourteen 
deputies, elected, one from each parish, and two additional from 
St. Helier's, form ''The States of Jersey." The bailiff presides, 
and he has the casting vote; but the States cannot be convened 
without the consent of the governor, who has the right of veto, — 
rarelv exercised, for this official, if he be wise, confines himself 
mainly to the affairs of the garrison, to the management of the 
miHtia, to the enjoyment of his beautifully placed country-seat 
on the hill back of the town, and to systematic entertainments. 

The bailiff, the jurats, and the rectors hold office for life. The 
bailiff and the rectors are appointed by the crown, and the jurats 
are elected by the rate-payers. They are not required to have 
legal qualifications, but certain occupations disqualify, such as 
butcher, baker, and innkeeper. When sitting in the Royal 
Court, the bailiff and the jurats wear robes of red cloth, which 
are more or less suggestive of bathing-dresses. In this snug little 
republic the vox popiili is not so much expressed at the ballot- 
box as in the close intercourse of all classes, which must make 
the will of the people clear to their rulers, who are born Jersey- 
men themselves and who, probably, value the approval of their 
fellow-islanders beyond all other worldly incentive to right- 

Even-handed justice, according to the laws, seems to prevail, 
if we may judge from the fact that on the occasion of our visit 
a former jurat was in prison, and awaiting trial before the body 
of which he had lately been a member. So far as I could under- 
stand the case, his crime was that of having declared a dividend 
when the bank of which he was a director was in an insolvent 
condition, though in a fair way to pull through if a good dividend 
should have the effect of putting up the price of its shares and 
attracting depositors. How would such a test of crime apply in 
our republic? 

I was one day talking with a Jersey gentleman about this case, 
and asked him how in such a community so large a failure was 
possible, suggesting that the affairs of the bank could hardly be 
kept from the knowledge, nor, in a measure, from the control 
of many of the best people. He replied sadly, and without en- 
lightening me: — 

"Ah! You see, it was a Dissenting bank." 

Among the more pecuhar laws is one affecting debtors. When 
a man is unable to pay his debts, he may be forced to "make 
cession"; that is, he gives up his entire assets to his creditors. 



The one whose claim is the most recent has the option of taking 
the property on paying the other creditors. If he refuses, his 
claim is annulled, and the next in order of time has the oppor- 
tunity, which he must accept, or forfeit his claim; and so on, 
until, from the extinction of a portion of the debts, a creditor is 
found who will pay what remains and take the estate. By the 
operation of a recent law a debtor may be released by consent 
of the majority of his creditors. 

Jersey is much sought, especially by invalids, by reason of its 
equable climate. Much of its natural beauty, too, as well as 
the character of its ornamental planting, is due to its soft skies 
and mild winters. Changes of temperature are not often sudden 
or severe. The summer weather is rarely hot, and the winter is 
never cold. The fuchsia is a hardy shrub, and grows to a great 
size: it is much used as a hedge plant. Pampas grass is con- 
spicuous in every lawn, and grows to dimensions which in our 
climate are quite unknown; the araucaria grows in the open air, 
and reaches a fine size; maidenhair and hart's-tongue fern grow 
wild on the fence banks; the oleander, the agave, the yucca, and 
the azalea flourish in private grounds beside the rich vegetation 
of New Zealand and the Norfolk Islands. In the grounds of 
Mr. Gibaut, in St. Laurence valley, there are dozens of large 
trees of camellia japonica, which bloom throughout the winter 
in the most magnificent profusion, and these are everywhere 
successful in the open air. Against south walls the orange ripens 
its fruit. The geranium is perfectly hardy, and, indeed, very 
many plants which can be grown only under glass in England, ' 
and only with fire heat here, succeed perfectly in the open air in 
Jersey. The grass is green all winter, and many sorts of trees 
hold their leaves very late. I have seen the laurestinus bursting 
its flower-buds early in December, and the whole air of the isl- 
and, except on the exposed northern and western coasts, is that 
of a country where one may have a perpetual conservatory at 
one's door, roofed only by the kindly sky. 

There is no miasma, and the air is not depressing, as might 
be suspected. On the contrary, it is a perfectly satisfactory 
climate for walking, quite as much so, and even more constantly 
so, than that of England. Consumption in its early stages is said 
to be checked by a residence here, and many chronic diseases 
yield to the effect of the wholesome air and the out-of-door fife. 
Rheumatism, however, is said to be aggravated. Ansted, in his 
work on the Channel Islands, says: "It may safely be assumed 


that all the islands are admirably adapted to restore the health, 
and strengthen both mentally and bodily the overtaxed energies 
of the inhabitants of great cities. They afford a pure, clear 
atmosphere, containing a large quantity of saline matter and 
iodine, and the frequent high winds insure a constant freshness, 
preventing the depressing effect sometimes accompanying hu- 

Falle, the historian of Jersey (Rector of St. Saviour's), after 
descanting on the advantage to the island of having its slope all 
in one direction, so that the rivulets gain sufficient size to turn 
'^betwixt 30 and 40 mills that supply the whole country," says: 
''The second Benefit we receive from this Situation is that by 
this Declivity of the Land from N to S, the beams of the Sun 
fall more directly and perpendicularly thereon than if either the 
Surface was level and Parallel to the Sea, or which is worse, 
declined from S to N, as it doth in Guernezey. For there, by an 
odd opposition to Jersey, the land is high on the S, and low on the 
N, which causes, if I may so speak, a double obliquity; the one from 
the Position of the Sun itself, especially in time of the Winter 
Solstice; the other from the Situation of the Land; and is prob- 
ably the Reason of the great Difference observed in the Qualities 
of Soil and Air in both Islands." 

The quaintness of Falle 's style only adds to his interest in the 
estimation of the student of Jersey. The roads lose nothing 
from his account of them. They were of three kinds: i. "Le 
Chemin du Roy," twelve feet wide; 2. " Le Chemin de huit pieds," 
eight feet wide; and 3. "Le Chemin de quatre pieds," four feet 
wide, "serving only for Carriages or Horseback." "And yearly 
about Midsummer, there is a Perambulation of the Magistrates 
in one or more of the Parishes to inquire in what Repair these 
ways are kept, w^hich is performed very Solemnly. The Con- 
stable of the Parish where the Perambulation is to be, takes with 
him 12 of the Principal Men of his Parish, and meets the Judge 
attended by 3 or more of the Jurats on Horseback: Before whom 
rideth the Viscount or Sheriff, with his Staff of Office erected, 
one End thereof on the Pommel of his Saddle. In ancient times 
it was Cum Lanced, with a Launce. He keeps the middle of the 
way, the Constable and his 12 Men walking on foot by his side; 
and when his Staff encountereth with a Bough or Branch hanging 
on the way, the Owner of the hedge is fined: But if the fault be 
in the bottom of the way, not the Party bordering but the Over- 
seers of that Tything are amerced. 



"We had anciently another way, and of very different Use, 
called Perqiiage from the word Pertica because it was exactly 24 
Foot broad, which is the measure of a Perch. There were but 
XII of them in the whole Island beginning one at every Church, 
and from thence leading straight to the Sea. The Use of them 
was to conduct those who for some Capital offence had taken 
Sanctuary in any of the Churches and had been forced to abjure 
the Island according to an ancient custom practised among Us 
in those days. Having abjured, they were conducted by the 
Church-men along those Perqtiages to the Sea, which Perquages 
were still a Sanctuary to them; for if they strayed never so Httle, 
thev lost the benefit of the Sanctuarv and were liable to the 

Some of these Sanctuary roads are still the hnes of the main 
roads leading to the churches. 

Deploring the excessive use of ''cidar," of which he estimates 
that there were made in good years twenty-four thousand hogs- 
heads, all of which was consumed in the island "beyond use and 
necessity, even to Excess and Debauchery," he says: "Could 
Men be satisfied with the common Drink of Nature, Water I 
mean, no People in the World are more liberally stored with that 
than we of this Island: 'Tis in my Opinion the great Wonder of 
this Island, that whereas it is as it were but a great Rock, stand- 
ing in the midst of the Salt Sea, it abounds beyond what is seen 
in any other Country under Heaven, with fresh and excellent 
Springs, which gush out of the hard Rock, and bubble up every- 
where, running in a thousand pretty Brooks and Streams among 
the Dales, till they lose themselves in that great Receptacle of 
waters, the Ocean. There is hardly a house that has not such 
a Spring or Brook near it." 

Near the southwest corner of the island there is a high-lying, 
barren-looking stretch of sandy country, called the Quenvais, 
which is in strange contrast to the rest of Jersey. Of this the 
devout Rector, who never neglects a chance to point a moral, 
says: "We must except a large Tract of once excellent Lands in 
the West of the Island, which within these 200 Years have been 
so overrun with Sands, that the Island on that side beareth the 
Image of a Desart. This is said to have happened by Divine 
\^engeance on the Owners of those Lands, for detaining the 
Goods of Strangers that had been Shipwrackt on that Coast, 
though enjoyned by the highest Censure of the Church to restore 
them. There must be from time to time such publick Example 


of Divine Justice among Men, that the inhahitants of the Earth 
may learn Righteousness ^ Then, his spirit of fair play asserting 
itself, he goes on: ''And yet I confess it may't be also the Effect 
of a Cause not Preternatural: I mean of those high Westerly 
winds that blow here almost at all Seasons of the Year, and w^hich 
on this side of the Island, are daily seen to drive the Sands from 
the Bottom to the Top of the highest Cliffs." 

Outside of the towns the island is mostly divided into very 
small holdings. Inherited lands cannot be devised by will, but 
must follow the law of succession. Purchased property may be 
devised if there are no direct heirs to inherit it. The eldest son 
has, as his birthright, the house and about two acres of land 
(five vergees) : he has, in addition to this, one tenth of the landed 
estate and rents. What remains is then divided, two-thirds be- 
tween the sons, and one-third between the daughters. This law 
has effected a very minute subdivision, and even the consolida- 
tion of estates by purchase is much obstructed by a law that 
makes land liable for the debts of the former owner, even those 
contracted after he has sold it. One must know, in buying prop- 
erty, or in taking it on long lease, not only that the person selling 
or leasing, and his predecessors also, are solvent at the time, but 
that they are likely to remain so. With all its inconveniences, 
this law has had the effect of tying the people to the land more 
completely than is usual elsewhere. The soil owns the man 
rather than the man the soil. The surplus population is taken 
up by the professions and by commerce, and very largely by 
the Newfoundland cod-fisheries. Many small estates are rented, 
and the rents are high, often fifty dollars per acre for entire 

There are very few farms of over fifty acres, — not more than 
six or eight in the whole island. From fifteen to twenty acres is 
the usual size of the larger holdings, but the majority of families 
make a comfortable support from very much less, — often from 
two or three acres. Nearly every one living in the country culti- 
vates some land, no matter how little: if only a small garden-plot, 
he still raises vegetables for market. If he has two or three 
vergees, he keeps a cow^ and some poultry and swdne. Conse- 
quently, one's wanderings in any direction outside of the towns 
are among an almost purely agricultural people. The ''gentry" 
invariably cultivate their own estates, and indeed one is at a loss 
to learn where the gentry ends and the peasantry begins. The 
best names in the island are borne by the smaller landholders as 



well as by the larger, and cousinship links the population into 
a very compact community. One result is a much higher grade' 
of intelligence among the very small farmers than would be ex- 
pected: noblesse oblige, — to the extent that all feel themselves to 
belong in a higher social plane than their possessions would in- 
dicate, and that they strive to maintain their rightful dignity. 
The island directory, which contains the names of many who, 
from the smallness of their holdings, would be called peasants 
in other parts of Europe, is headed "List of the names and ad- 
dresses of the Resident Gentry." The ambition of this people 
to maintain a good position is furthered by their situation and 
natural circumstances. Their soil is fertile; the sea-weed is 
abundant, and is a capital manure; the climate is absolutely 
a perfect one ; and they have the best market in the world (Covent 
Garden) almost at their doors, to say nothing of their own town, 
which of itself should be able to consume all their staple products. 
Add to all this the possession of a race of cattle popular through- 
out the world, and of which the surplus is eagerly bought at high 
prices, and we shall understand why the position of the Jersey 
farmer is exceptionally favorable. 

Provincial pride always reaches its most stalwart growth in 
islands, and in Jersey it attains proportions which are perhaps 
justified by a peculiarly isolated position, and by the tenacity 
with which old traditions and customs are still preserved. This 
incentive seconds that of family pride in stimulating the farmer, 
large or small, to the gathering of worldly gear, for which the 
soil is his only resource, and there results a thoroughly good agri- 
culture, which has important lessons for us all. "High farming," 
in a small way, is as well exemplified here as in Belgium. In- 
deed, when we consider how much greater are the requirements 
of these farmers than are those of the Belgian peasants, and how 
comfortably they are supplied, we must confess that petite culture 
here reaches its best development. . . . 

The high farming is not of the sort practised in England, where 
a large capital is employed, and where everything is done on an 
extensive scale, but rather that of garden cultivation, where every 
acre is made to do its very best, and where deep ploughing, heavy 
manuring, and careful attention produce their greatest eft'ect. It 
is not to be understood from this that the farms are always neat 
and trim, and kept polished as if for show. On the contrary, 
they are very, often untidy, and have an ill-kept look about the 
fence-corners, and tumble-down old thatch-covered stone sheds; 

but, as everywhere in this climate, the ivy creeps over all neglected 
ruin, and decks even the end of an abandoned pigsty with such 
masses of enchanting green and blossom that one is glad that the 
business of the fields and stables has left the farmer no time to 
improve away this wealth of roadside beauty. In our ruder 
climate, decay is more or less hideous; but under these softer skies, 
when man abandons his works. Nature takes them into her 
tenderest clasp and blends them with grass and tree until they 
seem a part of her own handiw^ork. 

There are generally clusters of houses about the parish churches, 
and at no point is one often out of sight of habitations. Fre- 
quently several houses are grouped together, and the whole of 
the cultivated part of the island is more like a straggling village 
than like the most thickly settled of our farming neighborhoods. 

The country-houses are almost invariably built of stone, and 
the older ones are roofed with thatch or red tiles, — often with a 
combination of the two, — thatch on the upper part of the roof, and 
tiles near the eaves. Each place is well provided with outbuild- 
ings, such as bake-house, stable, cow-house, sties, sheds, barns, 
cider-house, store-houses, etc., conveniently arranged, and pro- 
portioned to the size of the farm. The fields contain usually 
from less than one to three acres of land, and are divided by huge 
banks of earth, often studded with trees. As land increases in 
value, these are in some cases being levelled, and their place sup- 
plied by hedges. Orchards abound, and well they may, for cider 
forms the chief beverage of the poorer classes, and its importa- 
tion is forbidden by law. This accounts, too, for the prevalence 
of the cider-house. 

Some of the agricultural customs are peculiar, especially the 
Vraic Harvest and "La Grande Fouerie." Vraic is sea-weed, 
and the supply is almost unlimited. Probably more than thirty 
thousand leads are secured every year. The ''vraic venant" — 
that which is washed ashore by the storms — is free to be taken 
at all times between sunrise and sunset. The "vraic scie" is 
that which is cut from the rocks, and the harvest is regulated by 
law or by a hallowed custom. There are two cuttings each year, 
the first beginning with the first new or full moon after the first 
day of Februarv, and lasting five weeks, and the second begin- 
ning in the middle of June, and terminating absolutely on the 
last day of August. For the first month of the summer cutting 
the privilege is confined to the poor, who, however, may take only 
what they can carry in their arms beyond the line of the spring 


tides. The first day of the cutting is a general holiday. Crowds 
collect about the rocks and cut all they can (using a kind of 
sickle), throwing it into heaps until the tide turns. It is then, 
as rapidly as possible, carried beyond the reach of the advancing 
waters. When the day's work is done, the different groups meet 
at some house of refreshment and have a dance and a frolic. 
Some of the vraic is applied directly to the fields and ploughed in, 
and some is dried for fuel, the abundant ashes remaining being 
sold at about fourteen cents per bushel for manure. 

"La Grande Fouerie," or the great digging, is a custom pecu- 
liar to the Channel Islands. It is an application in field culture 
of the practice of ''trenching" common in gardens, — that is, of 
a complete inversion of the soil for a depth of fourteen inches or 
more, — but it is mainly done with ploughs. Neighbors join forces 
for this work, and make it a sort of " ploughing-bee." The plough 
is drawn by four, six, or eight horses, according to the depth 
desired. . . . 

Charming though this little island is in every respect, and how- 
ever engaging to the general tourist, it is only the farmer who can 
fully appreciate its most celebrated attraction, — the one which 
has made it noted throughout the agricultural world. I refer to 
the beautiful and excellent Jersey cow. . . . 

The origin of these cattle is exceedingly obscure. They prob- 
ably came first from Normandy and Brittany with the early set- 
tlers, perhaps a thousnad years ago; but their characteristics are 
quite different from those of Ihe animals of the mainland, and 
are doubtless an outgrowth of climate, soil, and habit. If we 
could imagine France to have been the centre from which the 
cattle spread with the movement of the Gauls to the east and 
south, and of the Normans to the Channel Islands, we should 
find a remarkable instance of the development of original char- 
acteristics in opposite directions. Throughout Eastern France, 
Southern Germany, and Northern Italy the cattle are very largely 
— in some wide districts almost universally — of solid color, with 
black switches, mealy noses, and rather coarse horns. They are 
somewhat larger and more beefy than the animals of Western 
France; and, as even the cows are regularly worked, their product 
of milk seems to be neither very large nor very rich. In the 
Channel Islarids, while the same general characteristics are to be 
traced, the question of color has obviously been disregarded, and 
a large majority of the cattle have more or less white disposed 
in patches, white switches more often than not, white legs and 


feet, finer horns, and much less size and fleshiness; on the other 
hand, they are, for their size, ver)^ large milkers, their milk is of 
an extreme richness, and their leanness and general want of force 
are such as might be expected of animals which do no work, not 
even the comparatively light work of roaming over pastures. 
[Here follows a careful section upon Jersey cattle, for the benefit 
of American farmers.] 

The typical beauty of this race includes as a prominent feature 
its constant tendency to vary in its marking. A herd of differently 
colored Jersey cows, of good breeding and in good condition, may 
well be thought to furnish the perfection of bovine beauty with 
which to set off the attractions of ornamental grounds; and, in- 
deed, the marvellous charm of the scenery of the Island of Jersey, 
where the vegetation of every clime grows in luxuriance, and 
where the ivy clothes every neglected stump and stone and every 
mound of earth with its abundant fohage, is emphasized and 
greatly increased by the beauty and varied coloring of the ani- 
mals tethered in every field and orchard. . . . 

Small though the Island of Jersey is, our two weeks were all 
too short for more than a glance at the island, with its peculiar 
manners and customs; but ''fresh fields and pastures new" in- 
vited us to Guernsey, and with real regret we gave up our little 
house, with its charming view, transferred our daily drives to 
our lasting memory, set sail on a summer sea, and saw this charmed 
land fade into a dreamy blue cloud behind us. 

George E. Waring, Jr., was born in Poundridge, Westchester County, New York, July 4, 
1833. His boyhood was passed in Stamford, Connecticut, where his father was a manufac- 
turer of agricultural implements, stoves, etc. He was educated in the schools of Stam- 
ford and Poughkeepsie, N.Y. He spent a year in the hardware business in New York 
City, when he was seventeen, and then returned to Stamford and managed a country grist 
mill for two years, when he became a pupil of Professor Mapes in scientific agriculture. 
For several winters he lectured before farmers' clubs and other bodies on improved 
methods of farming. In 1851; he undertook the management of Horace Greeley's fa- 
mous farm at Chappaqua, N.Y., and soon afterwards acquired Frederick Law Olmstead's 
farm on Staten Island. This he soon gave up, having been appointed drainage engineer 
of Central Park, the improvement of which was being directed by Mr. Olmstead. He 
had charge of most of the agricultural work at the park until May, 1861, when he was 
commissioned major of the 3gth New York Volunteers and went to Virginia. He be- 
came, the next year, colonel of a cavalry regiment in the West, and he was frequently 
in command of cavalry brigades, often on outpost service. After the war he engaged in 
coal and oil enterprises, which were unsuccessful: and in 1867 he removed to Newport, 
Rhode Island, and became a market gardener and florist, and a farmer. He had control of 
" Ogden Farm " for ten years, during which time he wrote " Ogden Farm Papers" for the 
"American Agriculturist." He founded the American Jersey Cattle Club, and for many 
years edited the " Herd Book." He gave up his farming in 1877, and devoted the rest of his 
life chiefly to sanitary engineering. His work in connection with the sewerage of Ogdens- 
burg, Saratoga, Memphis, Buffalo, Philadelphia, Providence, Columbus, Washington, 
Omaha and other cities was of great importance ; and to most of these enterprises he 
devoted pamphlets or addresses. In his latest years his thoughts were engaged upon a 
scheme for the drainage of the great New Jersey flats, between New York and Newark. 



In 1895 he was appointed, by Mayor Strong, Commissioner of Street Cleaning for the City 
of New York ; and his great knowledge, experience, and skill, together with the indepen- 
dence of all demands of party which he courageously maintained, enabled him to reorganize 
the department, clean tlie streets of New York, and keep them clean, in a way which made 
his administration epoch-making in American municipal history. In 1898, soon after his 
retirement from this office, he went to Havana as special Commissioner of the United States 
Government to investigate the sanitary condition of the city and devise an adequate syst ., 
of sanitation. In Havana he contracted the yellow fever, ot which be died in New Yoj ! . 
October 29, i8g8, four days after his arrival home. 

Colonel Waring was a prolific writer, and his writings had a wide range. Many of thi 
devoted to sewerage and sanitary engineering are of a technical character, which confii 
their interest chiefly to the special student ; but in this field also he wrote much which cc 
manded public attention and interest. " Draming for Profit and Draining for Healtl 
" The Sanitary Drainage of Houses and Towns," and "Modern Methods of Sewage I 
posal" are among such writings. His Reports upon the Social Statistics of Cities, p 
pared for the loth census (1880) are of high value. His book upon " Street Cleaning ; .. 
.the Disposal of a City's Waste," published after his retirement from the Street Clean 
Department of New York City, is the record of his unique service in that office, treating 
subject of the cleanliness of cities both upon its sanitary and moral sides ; and this book - 
remain one of Colonel Waring's chief monuments. To the subject of agriculture he devc. 
such books as " Elements of Agriculture" and " The Book of the Farm." He translateu 
from the Dutch a valuable work on " Aerial Navigation." " Whip and Spur" is a collec- 
tion of stories drawn from his war experiences. He devoted a httle volume to " Village Im- 
provements and Farm Villages." To the first series of "Half-Moon Papers '' on Historic 
New York he contributed in collaboration withMr. G. E. Hill a valuable paper on " Old 
Wells and Water-courses of the Island of Manhattan." " The Tyrol and the Skirt of the 
Alps" and "A Farmer's Vacation" are interesting records of travel. The latter volume 
covers experiences in Holland, France, and the Channel Islands, in 1873 ; and from this 
is taken the interesting paper on "Old Jersey," reprinted in the present leaflet. It is ac- 
companied in the volume by papers upon Guernsey and Sark ; and no American has 
written more interesting accounts of the Channel Islands. The student interested in the 
history and life of these islands will like to compare Colonel Waring's account with the 
works of English and French writers upon the subject, to which reference may be found at the 
end of the article on the Channel Islands in the Encyclolpjedia Brittannica and elsewhere. 
Colonel Waring's paper upon Jersey and its agriculture is a good illustration of the enthusi- 
asm v\hich he felt alwavs and everywhere for everything relating to agriculture. For 
an account of the remarkable progress in intensive agriculture in Jersey and Guernsey 
since Colonel Waring wrote in 1873, the student is referred to Kropotkin's " Fields, Fac- 
tories, and Workshops." To the American, Jersey possesses a special interest in having 
given name to one of our own States. New Jersey was so named because Sir George Car- 
teret, one of the original English proprietors, was a Jerseyman. 


Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 


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