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i. II. l.-. KMSOO. 


Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1883, by 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Rights Reserved. 






Origin and Character of the Conqueror The Triumvirate Copartnership 
of Pizarro, Friar Liupie, ami Diego de Almagro for Continuing the 
Dis . of Andagoya Departure Attitude of Pedrarias Slow 

Di -vehement of their Plans Ileturn and Reembarkation Pers 
enee of 1 i/ar dlo Island Fate Defied Discovery 

of Tumhex and the Coast Beyond Return to Panama Pizarro Y 
its Spain A New lition Aboriginal History of Peru T 

Rival In , -tablishment of the Spaniards at San Miguel At- 

hualpa at < axamalca --The Spaniards Visit Him there Seizure of 
the I nea -Pacification of Tern Arrival of Almagro Death of 
!i i- I. tuple Judicial Murder of the Inca A Ring s Ransom 
Downfall of the Peruvian Monarchy Disputes and Violent Deaths 
of the Almagros and Pizarros ................................... 1 



JT i r,:;;. 

Administration of Pedro de los Rios He is Superseded l>y the Licen- 
be Antonio do la Gama Barrionu- \\ A Provinee in 

Xueva. Andalucia (Jranted to iV-dr. . dfl h 
tagena ( \ with th.- N.-iti arthed- 1 

U l Bohio . of the Settleii! .lonsol. 

to Rebuild B -ian Is ( 1 by .Julian (ivr 

ture of Tlu- pie of Dabaiva Onre 

:-ch of the < Hittering Phantom, Francisco (Y-sar 
and Others Audi I at Panam 

tion Complaint! of the Co) in th- e 

ihopcoi da del Oro Miraculoii- .n JJihli- 

1 .................................................... 







The Dukes of Veragua Maria de Toledo Claims the Territory for her 
Son Luis Colon Felipe Gutierrez Appointed to the Command- 
Lauding on the Coast of Veragua Sickness and Famine The 
Cacique Dururua Enslaved He Promises to Unearth his Buried 
Treasures Messengers Sent in Search of It They Return Empty- 
handed But Warn the Chief s Followers He Guides the Spaniards 
to the Spot They are Surrounded by Indians Rescue of the 
Cacique Cannibalism among the Christians Sufferings of the Few 
Survivors The Colony Abandoned C3 




Alvarado Sets forth to Honduras to Join Cortes Mutiny among his 
Men Gonzalo de Alvarado Appointed Lieutenant-governor His 
Meeting with Marin and his Party The Second Revolt of the 
Cakchiquels Gonzalo the Cause of the Insurrection Massacre of 
the Spaniards Alvarado Returns to Guatemala He Captures the 
Penol of Xalpatlahua He Marches on Patinamit His Return to 
Mexico His Meeting with Corte"s 74 




Puertocarrero in Charge of Affairs Revolt at Zacatepec Escape of the 
Spanish Garrison The Place Recaptured Execution of the High 
Priest Panaguali Sinacam s Stronghold Its Siege and Capture 
Jorge de Alvarado Appointed Governor The City of Santiago 
Founded in the Almolonga Valley Prosperity of the new Settle 
ment . . . 87 




Alvarado Returns to Spain He is Arraigned before the Council of the 
Indies His Acquittal His Marriage He Returns to Mexico 
His Trial before the Audiencia Francisco de Orduna Arrives at 
Santiago And Takes the Residencia of Jorge de Alvarado The 
nfedcrated Nations in Revolt Juan Perez Dardon s Expedition 
to the Valley of Xumay-^The Spaniards Attack the Stronghold of 


i . r . 

and J The Tlaee Ar . .p. 

tuic.l us of ( "pan 

l.y HenUUido de Ghavet < iallant Condu* valry - - 

Ah Condition of I 




in Guatemala Alvarado Prepares an to the 

nds Hut Turns liis Attention toward Per u < )ppo-ition of 
th , ury Ollicials The I ll 1 1 rings News < 

luialpa s Hansom Strength of Alv; Armament \\> 1-. 

rto Vie jo Failure of his Kxpeditinn His lli-turu to < 
mala Native lit -\.>lt3 during his Alisence The Visitadur Maldonado 
Ar .- Jit- l- ind.s No J- ault in the Adelaiitado lint is 

Aft is Ordered to Take his lU sidcncia Alvarado in Honduras. 122 


THE F.CCI. irs IN cr ATI .MALA. 


Franeisoo Marroquin Arrives at Santiago He is Appointed p 

lie Colonists- Tin- I n-lat.- Invites Las Casas to Join 
Him Marro<iuin s Consecration in Mexico The Church at Santi; 
vat -d -liedral Hank I illiculty in Collecting the Clunvh 

The Merced Order in Guatemala Miraculous Image of Our 
Lady of Men ! ................................ 133 



Diego Mendez de TTinostrosa A]>pointod Lieutenant-governor Salcedo 

Tmjillo His Offic-> ]-.ed ly \ asco d 11- : . ! ath 

-Thi for the Go\ di- 

o and Juti^aljia Valleys l>iego Mem! 

ation of tlu: i . i- 

"iispirator Arrival of ( lovernor All 

jilhj Iiisl>eath- Aii : .it the Head or s 

-s of t ..111 Trujillo- 

1 "li iiy in the Pi of Xula C 

; to 1 , dro de Alvarado -H, d liy : 

lowers Alvando . in Honduras- Ih FOOD 

- 1 i ai;ture fur ............................... 344 






iMalefeasance of Castaneda Diego Alvarez Osorio the First Bishop of 
Nicaragua A Convent Founded at Leon Las Casas Arrives Cas- 
taneda s Flight Arrival of Contreras Proposed Expedition to El 
Pesaguadero Opposition of Las Casas Departure with All the 
Dominicans The Volcano of El Infierno de Masaya Fray Bias Be 
lieves the Lava to be Molten Treasure His Descent into the Burn 
ing Pit Exploration of the Desaguadero Dodtor Robles Attempts 
to Seize the New Territory Contreras Leaves for Spain His Arrest, 
Trial, and Return His Son-in-law Meanwhile Usurps the Govern 
mentAntonio de Valdivieso Appointed Bishop Feud between the 
Ecclesiastics and the Governor Alonzo Lopez de Cerrato Takes the 
Eesidencia of Contreras Missionary Labors in Nicaragua 1G6 




Diego Gutierrez Appointed Governor Desertion of his Soldiers He Pro 
ceeds to Nicaragua The Advice of Contreras The Expedition Sails 
for the Rio San Juan Friendly Reception by the Natives His Men 
Desert a Second Time Reinforcements from Nicaragua and Nom- 
bre de Dios The Historian Benzoni Joins the Party Gutierrez as 
an Evangelist He Inveigles Camachire and Cocori into his Camp 
He Demands Gold under Pain of Death Noble Conduct of the Ca 
cique Cocori The Spaniards March into the Interior Their Suffer 
ings from Hunger They are Attacked and Massacred Benzoni and 
Five Other Survivors Rescued by Alonzo de Pisa 187 




The Adelantado s Match-making Venture Its Failure Alvarado s Com 
mission from the Crown He Lands at Puerto de Caballos And 
Thence Proceeds to Iztapa His Armament He Sails for Mexico 
His Defeat at Nochistlan His Penitence, Death, and Last Will 
< uiracter of the Conqueror Comparison of Traits with Those of 
( :<n-t<5s While above Pizarro He was far beneath Sandoval His De 
light in Bloodshed for its own Sake The Resting-place and Epi 
taph Alvarado s Progeny 201 

rs. u 

rilAl TKI! XIII. 


1020 1529. 

Origin of the Chiapanecs They Submit to the Spani the M 

--liu; !i,-n Required i<> I a \ Tribute 

Marin I nd t of th ince ! 

-with: I > The Panie->t!-i< kenArt: -Capti 

!i ld.i . hamulans lli^- in Jjevilt-- ! !. 

rnal Diax. in Peril 

I- li^ht and Surrender of the Chamulan> Marin Retun. itu 

of the ( hiapanees- Their Subjiu by 

go de M jos Third Rebellion -T!. -netion 

lw Pi; o in t M llis Disoomfitare Founding of 

Villa Jleal-.laan Knritjre .:man Takes the Rettdeada of 

s Hi> Maleadministration -Jl. i 



l.vjii- 1.143. 

Decrease of Indian Population at the Isthmus And in Honduras Treat- 

nt of Spanish Allies in Guatemala Torture and Uutehny of 

11- stile Native TiTmr Iii>j>ired hy Alvarado Karl y I tion 

n-observano :, ( ;ia of Panam;l 

Abolished The Andiencia of J,- Keyei and Los Coniin .al>- 

lishcd- Dugoit \v Code- Ti ! of 
H An i 1 1.- Tak. > < 1 Treasure Acquired 
by Slave LaU>r Liberates a Number of Indians 




Adininisti-ation of I .1,1, - s Int. ronnnunication Pro- 

of the Site nf Panam, !o Dios and 

ineree i ; ,ii- 

Vela Lands in Peru Con/al.. I i/an-oat ; 
H ad ol Uion hissoli. ; ;l ,,f i. . s and 

he Vi \\\^ 1; al ,d l) ( . a th a: . 

(juit-. ||. |- 

Panama ] ,t of t 


with the i 






Cause of the Revolt Preparations of the Conspirators Assassination of 
Bishop Valdivieso The Rebels Defeat the Men of Granada Their 
Plan of Operations The Expedition Sails for Natd Gasca Arrives 
at the Isthmus with the King s Treasure Capture of Panama Blun 
ders of the Rebel Leaders Hernando de Contreras Marches to 
Capira He is Followed by his Lieutenant Bermejo Gasca s Arrival 
at Nombre de Dios Uprising of the Inhabitants of Panama Ber- 
mejo s Attack on the City His Repulse His Forces Annihilated 
Fate of Hernando and his Followers 274 




Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor Revolt of the Cacique Lem- 
pira Dastardly Artifice of the Spaniards Establishment of New 
Colonies Condition of the Settlements Mining in Honduras 
Return of Pedro de Alvarado Montejo Deposed from Office Alonso 
de Maldonado the First President of the Audiencia of the Confines 
Maltreatment of the Natives Rival Prelates in Honduras Their 
Disputes Las Casas Presents a Memorial to the Audiencia He is 
Insulted by the Oidores His Departure for Chiapas Maldonado s 
Greed He is Superseded by Alonso Lopez de Cerrato The Seat of 
the Audiencia Moved to Santiago de Guatemala. ...... 289 




Mourning for Alvarado Grief of Dona Beatriz An Anomalous Govern 
mentA Female Ruler A Beautiful but Treacherous Mountain 

A Night of Horrors Death of Dona Beatriz Destruction of Santi 
agoA Ruined City Burial of the Dead Gloom of Conscience- 
stricken Survivors Joint Governors Removal of the City Resolved 
upon A New Site Discussed Another Santiago Founded Maldo 
nado Appointed Governor Action of the Audiencia Relative to 
Encomiendas Controversies and Recriminations Removal of the 
Audiencia to Santiago President Cerrato Offends the Settlers His 
Mode of Action o ^ 


THE i:rci. : vi AS. 



A Convent Founded by the Mere.-d Order riudad Real Appointed a 

; force the 

lution dr.! ontro- 

\vith the Audieneia of the Confines He ] i 

::t i with Septilyeda Hifl Appeal to the Con- of 

1 liilip The Audieneia Transferred from Panama. I uaJa 

;tli of the Apostle of the Indies r The Domi 

in Chiapas .................................................... 




A ^ 1 Wanted A Poor Pivlnte and Unwilling Titlio-pay- 

ers Two Contentious Bishops Charitable Institutions rounded 
Dominican ( on vent. Or > --TYanciscans Arrive Their l.alsors 

Mtlinia, Founds a Custodia Disputes l<-r ::iid 

poininicans La Tierra de ("Jucrra Las Cu^ -tern His ]" 

in Veni I ../ He Goes to Spain Decrees Obtained by Him 
and an Indignant Cabildo llcturns 1 - in \"era 
-ubmission and Heavy Tributes Cam Expedi 
tion to Florida Ominous Opinions An Indifferent Captain A 
Dominican Martyr 341 




Quesada s Administration The Oidor Zorita .lives into 

Towns Kxpedi; lure- ! 


tiate lirixeno Fami!! . I 1 . rthipiake iu < 

Tlie Ami: of the Confii. And 

iala < 
! l>y Vi; .. of 

; he I k>mil and Fran 

Villalpando and ( Idrdol 

\dinin; .it Valverde, Ku- da, r 

an ilia Indi. 




Revolt of the Cimarrones Pedro de Ursua Sent against Them A 
Second Revolt Bayana Caught and Sent to Spain Regulations 
concerning Negroes Commercial Decadence Restrictions on Trade 
Home Industries Pearl Fisheries Mining Decay of Settle 
mentsProposed Change in the Port of Entry Its Removal from 
Nombre de Dios to Portobello Changes in the Seat of the Audien- 
cia Tierra Firme Made Subject to the Viceroy of Peru Defalca 
tions in the Royal Treasury Preparations for Defence against Cor 
sairs and Foreign Powers 386 




Drake s Attack on Nombre de Dios Panic among the Inhabitants 
Stores of Treasure Retreat of the English They Sail for Carta 
gena And Thence for the Gulf of Uraba Visit to the Isle of Pinos 
The Ships Moved to the Cabezas Islands Second Expedition to Carta 
gena March to the Isthmus Drake s First Glimpse of the South 
Sea Ambuscade Posted near Cruces The Bells of Approaching 
Treasure Trains The Prize Missed through the Folly of a Drunken 
Soldier Capture of Cruces Thirty Tons of Gold and Silver Taken 
near Nombre de Dios Voyage on a Raft The Expedition Returns 
to England Oxenham s Raid Drake s Circumnavigation of the 
Globe His Second Voyage to the West Indies His Final Expedi 
tion His Death and Burial off Portobello . , , 404 




Revolt of Juan Gaitan His Defeat by the Licentiate Juan de Caballon 
Expedition of Caballon and Juan de Estrada Rdbago to Costa Rica- 
Settlements Founded Distress of the Spaniards Juan Vazquez 
Coronado Comes to their Relief Further Expeditions Flight of 
the Natives Capture of the Stronghold of Cotu Administration of 
Diego de Artiego Cherino The Franciscans in Costa Rica Martyr 
dom of Juan Pizarro The Ecclesiastics in Nicaragua Fray Juan 
de Torres Condition of the Settlements Slow Growth of Trade. 424 



1 Col -1700. 


Leon Abandoned D iptionof the 

TheSaerii Mouse T nudii- >oters i 

aragua Church Matt.-r- vince 

. ijeet t j> of Lima 

sion of I j-uption of J-il Intierno <! Ma-a assacre of 

tiiiards in Costa Rica Maid iitioii to Talamanea 

[iaaion to Tologalpa Its Failure His Forfchar Attempts 

to Christianize the Natives Ma- >f SoUdien and Eocleeui 439 




Buccaneers at Santo Domingo Tortuga the Head-quartan of the Pirates 
Their Modes of Life -Francois L Olonnoi : ililnisr es- 

sel Cast on the Shore of ( !! , J ort \ml 

Re:. i the 1 Honduras -II.- GaptlU i J edro- 

I lans a Kaid on iiuateinala His Coin: i >esert Hiin- 

s a Dios II ilition to I<--a_rua- 

And to Costa III - IFaei. ult 
the Island of Santa ( atari; id At; lago 
atariua Itetaken l>y th-: Spaniards 451 


PANAMA, PoKTolil.l.i.o, AM) I IKACr. 

1601- ItiTO. 

An Audiencia again .lisTied in Panainii Its Presidents Captain 

1 a 1 i on I ortoU-llo Growth of PortoU-Ho and i 

Otlirials In .minunicatiou 

; land Trading Cliureh M Q I anain;i I 1 

:iid the Oidon-s Ti i lv\:l l;.pute De- 
etrueti ratitu: Adini: -His Downfall and 
iuse The Annual J:"air at Panama 4 





Morgan s!: to A Tl-.e ( astle 

.ana lUuwn into t. are uf ti .ies 



Committed by the Buccaneers The President of Panamd Marches 
against Them He is Driven Back Morgan Sends Him a Specimen 
of his Weapons Ransom of the City and Return to Jamaica The 
Buccaneers Prepare Another Armament, and Resolve to Attack Pa 
namaCapture of Fort San Lorenzo March across the Isthmus- 
Morgan Arrives in Sight of Panamd Cowardice of the Governor- 
Battle with the Spaniards Burning of the City Torture of Prison 
ersBravery of a Captive Gentlewoman The Buccaneers Recross, 
the IsthmusDivision of the Booty 482 




The New City of Panamd Portobello Sacked by Pirates A Buccaneer 
Fleet Assembles at Boca del Toro The Corsairs Plan a Raid on Pa 
namaThey Capture Santa Maria And Thence Sail for Plantain 
Island Massacre of their Captives Desperate Conflict in Panama 
Bay Some of the Marauders Return across the Isthmus The Re 
mainder Proceed to the Island of Taboga And there Capture Sev 
eral Prizes They are Asked to Show their Commissions The An 
swerThey Sail for the Coast of Veragua Their Repulse at Pueblo 
Nuevo Then: Operations on the Coast of South America Some of 
Them Return to England They are Tried and Acquitted 517 



Dampier and his Comrades on the Santa Maria River They Meet with 
Spanish War Vessels Their March to the North Sea They Fall in 
with a French Ship And Sail round Cape Horn to the South Sea 
They Attack Realejp They Sail for the Island of La Plata Here 
They are Reenforced They Proceed to the Coast of South Amer 
ica Where they Gain Intelligence of the Treasure-fleet The 
Pirates Sail for the Pearl Islands Their Defeat in the Bay of Pa 
namd rRaids on Leon, Realejo, and Granada Piety of the Filibus 
ters Further Operations of the Pirates 543 




The Scots Colony They Propose to Establish Settlements in Darien 
Subscriptions for the Enterprise Departure of the Expedition Its 
Arrival at Acla Sickness and Famine among the Colonists They 

CONTF. xv 


lure Cartag Ts Indian Out 1 >n- 

;i;un;i Pearl Fisheries Mini: 

.ing into the II:. ure of HmUi V ml 

Maltr- t of their Crews I ora D <>n of War 

u s Operations on the I>thmus Alison s Voyage round t 
rldVernon s Second Expedition 1 .0113 Result 



The Sambos of Mosquitia Their Territory A Mosquito Chieftain 
CroMiud King Treaties between Spain and England The 1 
Occupy Mosquitia Galvez Captures an Kn.lish Settlement on the 
Black River An Armament Despatched from Jamaica to Mosqui 
tia Surrender of the Spaniards Colonists Ordered to Leave the 
Coast The Governors of Nicaragua The British Defeated at Fort 
San Carlos Th- >ture Fort San Juan But are Compelled to 
] [t-treat Church Matters Missionary Expeditious to Talamanca 
Affairs in Costa Rica .- 595 




Buccaneer Settlements in Yucatan The Pirates Engage in Wood-cut 
ting Governor Figueroa Ordered to Expel them Raid of the Wood 
cutters on Ascension Bay They are Driven Back by th> rnor 
Their Settlement in Belize D< d by Elgin roa Th< urn in 
Stronger Force Further 1. ; ditions against Them The Wood 
cutters under British Protection Th< Attacked by Governor 
Rivas The Boundaries of BelL/o Defined by the Treaty of A 
sailles Stipulations of a Eater Treaty Further Encroachments of 
the English 




Piratical Raids on Trujillo and Puerto de >s Condition of the 

,ts Church Matters > .pedition to 1 

-Martyrdom of th- >ors of the Fran I in 

Honduras 1 e of the 1 Trujillo 1 ihe 

Ihitcli Fort San Fernando de Duma 1 d Its Capture 1 

English And l! <:dvez- ues 

.cd by Bu- s Their Fin 





President Castilla Port Santo Tomds Founded Factions A Gambling 
President Condition of the Colonists Grievances Patronage of 
the Crown, the Audiencia, and the Cabildo Disputes Defensive 
Measures Rule of President Caldas Reorganization of the Audien- 
cia President Barrios and Bishop Navas Political Dissensions A 
Troublesome Visitador The Berropistas and Tequelies A Line of 
Bishops Wealth of the Regular Orders A Prelate Bewitched The 
Bethlehemites Royal Order concerning Curacies The New Cathe 
dral and Festivities Succession The Progress of Chiapas 649 




Early Efforts at Pacification Priests and Soldiers Sacrificed Massacre 
of Mirones and his Party El Prospero Expedition Indifference of 
the Orders Bishop Navas in the Field A Tripartite Campaign 
Determined upon Expedition of President Barrios Meeting with 
Mazariegos Velasco s Operations The Expeditions Return Fur 
ther Expeditions Fate of Velasco and his Command Failure 
Ursua s Enterprise Progress of Paredes Negotiations with the 
Canek Opposition of Soberanis Ursua Takes Command Treacher 
ous AHurements The Itzas Conquered Peten Garrisoned Jealousy 
of Soberanis Unsatisfactory Operations Questionable Possession. 672 



The Tzendal Rebellion A New Miracle Atrocities A Novel Hier 
archyThe Tzendales Repulsed Segovia s Operations President 
Cosio Assumes Command Fall of Cancuc Spread of the Rebel 
lionIts Suppression Decadence of Chiapas Earthquakes Riots 
-Venality of the Clergy Establishment of the Archbishopric 
. Heresy Boundaries of Provinces Abolition of Corregimientos 
Another Great Earthquake Quarrels over Removal Expulsion of 
the Jesuits 








1:11 hi- , OF AM . DEI- : OP 


v PEL I ix UEUtO 5 .LL<> 

J>I.\M> FATK Ih:i n.i I KRYOFTi 

J;^ PANAMA i Vans >r\i^\^ i KDixioN- 

\L Hi>i.-i;v Of l i.i:r- Tin; RIVAL 


TII EtDfl \ I<IT HIM Tn. 

PLKT Ai Ai. MACRO PKATH 0] :n:u J. 

Mri:i- INCA A KIM. - 1 i DOWMWI.L OP 

ini: I ll, ;:rnv DISPUTES A.M. \ IDI.I.NT DI.AIIIS OP THE 


IN a socit-ty liki- that of Panama, \vluTc 

so unjust and morality SO dial)lical, \\v 
- -t nothing than that tli i worst niun should 
]>rv. the ninst >iu-M-<stul. Alii \vlio cai 

ly to J )ari-n. ami \vlioni \vc ha\v iVnju. nt ly . 
countered in the wars upon tin- natives, was one \vh<> 
n<>\v the ai-eiia as tin 1 r<>n<]ueror of Peru. 11 

origin was of tin 4 !<>v Brn in la>tardy, he \\ , 

laid hy his m r <>n the diuivli steps, whence ho 

VOL. II. i ( l ) 


was taken by a swine-herd to be suckled by a sow. 
Escaping this master he fled to Seville and lived no 
one knows how, until he took ship to Santo Domingo, 
no one knows when. Thenceforward to the day of his 
assassination, his merciless courage found congenial 
occupation; neither his ignorance nor his beastly in 
stincts nor his infamous cruelty and treachery stand 
ing in the way of fame and fortune. 

He was now not far from fifty-three, having been 
born at Trujillo, in Estremadura, about 1471. After 
both had become famous a distant kinship was traced 
between Pizarro and Hernan Cortes. The develop 
ment had been, in every respect, in keeping with the 
origin and environment. Except Pedrarias there 
was not a man in all the Indies more detestable. 
Innately he was the coarsest of all the conquerors. 
I have not seen of his a single noble sentiment ex 
pressed or a single noble action recorded. The Chris 
tianity which as a Spaniard he was obliged to wear 
had in it not the slightest tincture of piety or pity, 
and the civilization under which his genius grew 
developed in him only the savage cunning which he 
afterward displayed when in pursuit of human prey. 
Under this same influence Cortes and other captains 
of a generous, lordly nature might wade through hor 
rors to a determined goal, while appalling tragedies 
and blood -reeking treacheries were not what their 
souls delighted in. But incarnate vulgarity was 
Francisco Pizarro, and a devouring sea of iniquity, 
beside whom beasts were heavenly beings; for when 
man sinks to his lowest, we must enter the domain 
of hideous fancy to find his prototype. 

Up to this time Pizarro had displayed little of that 
signal ability, that marvellous determination and readi 
ness of resource which carried through one of the 
most remarkable undertakings of any age. Soldier of 
fortune arid petty farmer were the only distinctions 
he could boast. No talents of a higher order than 
those exhibited by the other captains in Darien had 

01. [ZATION 01 riOX. 3 

appeared. , perhap ill liis 

tr aatives, and a m 

j in his intercourse with his comrade J I 

:ade of adlilirahle >t llll l< >r . Hi til inner. 1.; 

ohedient, merciless, remorseless; and as In- had n 

manif <mhition to excite tin- j* 

.ell of JVdl al ias he h;i(l heel) a Useful tool of li 

vernnr. (ireat deeds do not always spring fi 

3 nf soul. It may have heeit mnvly o 
drclinc of pliy>ical ; ;i h advai. 

that Pi/.-in-n s mind \\- a > Ird ious refle 

^hat at various times he had heard >f tin- 

uthward of th- ! thmus, >f wliat Panciaco had 
kid, and ;1 [slanders, and Tumaco, and la 

all of what Andaimya had reportx d concerning J>iru. 

It was known what Cork s had done in tin- north; 
might not the same feat be accomplished in the souti 

Whencesoever sprang the purpose, on the return of 

A nda_L unsuccessful from I l\ru, IM/an-n determined 

undertake an expedition in that direction. 
Fot withstanding a Inn^- careerof BUC< ul rnhl 

lie had little to venture, except that wortl lo 

his life. Two requirements were necessary, nmn 

;d the const -nt ..ft lie <jovernnr, hoth of which ini^lit 

be obtained through Fernando de Luque, acting n- 

Panama, and fnrmerly school-master of the cathe 
dral of Darien. leather LiKjin-, or Loco as he Wl 
la illed fur this lolly, had inlhiciice with JVdra- 

r\u<, ami the pi-oceeds of his piety thus fir amounted 
t> twenty thousand C !lam lie joined with him- 
!f a cuiiirade. I )ie- o de Alma^ri . and winn r 

the priest and the governor l>y a promise of OB :rth 
each, the company was eonip! Alma^i-o \\ ,-i ^ a few 

>lder than IM/.aiTo. and with an : n perh.q 

lie was likewise a foiindliii lll-fa\ 

I y natui e. tin- loss of an hut increased a sinister 

n that had played from intai OV6T h: 
it i> hut faint praise to of him that his 


impulses were nobler than those of Pizarro. Though 
fiery he was frank, and abhorred treachery ; nor could 
he nurse a wrong more easily than his colleague. 
Pizarro was to command the expedition; Ahnagro 
to take charge of the ships; the vicar, besides his 
money, was to contribute his prayers, while the gov 
ernor was to have an eye watchful for himself. 

In a small caravel with about a hundred men and 
four horses/ Pizarro sailed from Panama November 
14, 1524, leaving Almagro to follow as soon as he 
could equip another vessel. After touching at Toboga 
and at the Pearl Islands, Pizarro coasted southward 
past Puerto de Pinas where terminated the voyages 
of Vasco Nunez and Andagoya, and entered the 
river Biru in search of provisions, but finding none 
put to sea, and after buffeting a storm for ten days 
again landed, and again failed to procure food. The 
ground was soft, and the foragers suffered severely. 
At a place subsequently called El Puerto del 
Hambre he waited for six weeks with part of the 
men, all on the verge of starvation, while the ship, in 
command of Gil de Montenegro, went back to the 
Pearl Islands for supplies. When his forces were 
again united he put to sea and landing at various 
points found food and gold abundant. Presently the 
vessel required repairs, and fearful lest if he should 
return the expedition would be broken up, Pizarro 
caused himself and all his followers, save only those 
needed to manage the ship, to be put ashore, while 
Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, went with the vessel 
and the gold collected to Panama". 

Three months after the departure of Pizarro from 
Panama, Almagro followed with seventy men, and 

1 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says 80 men. Francisco de 
Jerez. Pizarro s secretary, Conq. del Peru y in Barcia, iii. 179, places the 
number at 112 Spaniards, besides Indians; Zurate, Hist, del Perv, in Id., at 
114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies compare Gomara, Hist. 
I i d., ]41; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. fical, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; Benzoin, 
Jhst. Hondo Nvovo, 118; Oviedo, iii. 382-90; Quintana, Vidas, Pizarro, 50. 


ome <-h. Mini the loss of ;ni eye in fi<Jitii 

. he found liis colleague, left \\ i i ] i liim h 
plus men, and returned \vitli his ! to the 

iuhera. By this time Pedrarias, although i 

had in (1 Miid Milieu n\ 

th It. The ships were wanted for Xicara 

he sa; -id halt Iho men emharked in thi id 

it hern venture were dead. Alma-To \vas finally 
ad to i;vt rid oi liini hy paying iiini a thousand 
p< J izarro was ohh-vd tn return, and the tin 

oiatea hound themselves l>y oath. mnized 1 
ih irament, that the entire retui-n> and emoh: 

of the expedition should be equally divided; Falh 
LiKjue dividing the wafer into t! parts and eadi 

ldn one. 

Nearly two years were thus oreupied when the t\ 
ptai; [e iMjiial hy tlie new eoiiti , md eaeh in 

niniand of a ship, einharked a -ond time with 
Hartoloine liiii/ as pilot and one hundred and >i\ 
men. landing well out sailed directly to the I, 

n Juan, the fartlx >t point y< t di red. ^leetii 

here with fair sue . Aln ; to Panan 

with the plunder; Ti/arro with i: of the nuii 

i on shore; while J uiz with the oth el 

ntinued the discovery aid th juater. and 

5 reported .- more o[)iilent people with a 

hi cu! than any \< t f. iuid in the [ndi< 

Am- : \\-onderftil ohj. which he had seen 

n l:i idin^ 1 1>.I r raft. ma<le hy lashil 

\vith vines porous tiinhers, which \ 

laid with a tlM,r .f ]-. . and na\ hy lateen 

ils. r rh le of the r, isj.laved >pun 

wool, and scales lor \\* i-hiiiL 

those upon the shore ran IM and fro leaping and shout- 

J, the hairy exiles, chil- 

d) T the .M-a-foam. t ndants of the Mm. 

called th 
envenom r land. 

* M D 8 rd All; a} j el. ] 1 id 


been successful. Pedrarias was deposed; and with 
Pedro de los Bios, the new governor, had come fresh 
aspirants for adventure and a grave, eighty of whom 
were soon launched with Father Luque s blessing in 
the Peruvian expedition. 

During the absence of the vessels death had taken 
fourteen of Pizarro s men, and the remainder now 
clamored loudly to be carried to Panama. But this 
was not to be considered. Refreshed by Almagro s 
stores and cheered by Ruiz tale hope revived, the 
phantom of despair took flight, and joyous expectation 
thrilled the hearts .of those who had so lately dreamed 
of death. 

How happy was Pizarro as he went to prove the 
golden report of good Ruiz! A storm which drove 
him under the lee of Gallo Island, and obliged him 
to repair at San Mateo Bay, only made the populous 
cities and cultivated fields of maize and cacao the 
more beautiful to behold. And the gems and precious 
metals that glistened everywhere, how they made the 
black blood of the pirate to tingle! But little could 
be done with such a force as his against ten thousand 
warriors that opposed his landing; for with increase 
of wealth and intelligence was increased power to de 
fend possession. The soldiers were not pleased to have 
the ships go back to Panama without them, and the 
leaders came almost to blows over the quarrel; but it 
was finally arranged that Pizarro should remain with 
the men on Gallo Island, while Almagro with one of 

7 O 

the ships should seek a stronger force. Some sent 
letters denouncing the commanders, and begging that 
the governor might be informed of the miserable con 
dition of the men; which letters, of course, were not 
delivered, none save one which Juan cle Sarabia in 
closed in a ball of cotton which was to be presented 
to the wife of the governor as a specimen of native 
industry. 2 


2 This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and begging from the 
governor relief, was signed by the writer and his comrades; after which 


fill lest tin- men iiii^lit seize tli- i 

Yip. ! i/.arro <!< ihed it fco] anana 

himself \\ith onl 1 Jin 

missile proj, -cted 1)\- ili nek horn 

Tli- mor indignant that tin- kin ulj< 

should IK I held in continued j .f their liv- 

li\ i heir unprincipled 1 ;i<! ed tl -diiiou. 

!. ;:ii<l >* iit tin- licenl T;il ur with t hips 

l.rin-- the wanderers \m\\\ Father Luque, how- 

er, Pi/.an-o not to abandon iln- enterprifi 

Tlir iiTi-ival of Tai ur at tii- island j>l, in a 

in* it ion. And \ m al; 

hidcoi il the man s natuiv, which 

darker deformity as we j>r< I, \vlicn liu rises und 

iraiion of liis rgy in delia of destiny. 

r rii impudence of his obstinacy commands our 

miration. What is the situation. H 

iai d. \ onder are the organized arm 
of 1 ,-i-ii with tlirir tens of thousands of {i--liiin^ men. 
r rhu ru[)turo between the ruling ]x>v, preliminary 

re dire convulsions, lias not yet occurred. 
Humanly i d it as in- lolly for Pi/.ai-ro 

to dream of sei/.i, tis powerful realm, or any 
oi it, with his handful of ,hou, \vou his 

ipt to drink the ocean dry, or to po< 1 ar- 

na \" iiat shall ay in \ icw of th<- j-oiilt? 

And sui c I am it is no upright dei .y tint aids him. 
When Tai ur landed and toll the i "n 

l">ard the; ships, .Pi/arro ci ied u St"].;" Drawing 1 

rs tin" in the 1. which ran aa 



And ni.;y l>r 


In ll t : l,>,<t, ] ! rujians Lrivcs . ^ag 

in : 



sword he marked a line from west to east. Then 
pointing toward the south he said : " Countrymen and 
comrades ! Yonder lurk hunger, hardships, and death; 
but for those who win, fame and wealth untold. This 
way- is Panama, with ease, poverty, and disgrace. 
Let each man choose for himself. As for me, sooner 
will I hang my body from some sun-smitten cliff 
for vultures to feed on, than turn my back to the 
glories God has here revealed to me I" Thus saying 
he stepped across the line, and bade those who would 
to follow. The pilot Ruiz was the first; then Pedro 
de Candia; and finally eleven others. All the rest 
went back with Tafur to Panama". Ruiz was ordered 
to accompany him and lend the associates his assist 
ance. Pizarro then crossed his army of twelve on a 
raft to the small island of Gorgona, at a safer distance 
from the main shore, and there awaited Almagro. 
Alone, anchored on a cloud-curtained sea, near a fear 
fully fascinating shore, they waited five months. 

This rash act of the now thoroughly inspired Pi 
zarro was viewed differently by different persons at 
Panamd. The governor was angry at what he deemed 
suicidal obstinacy. Father Luque was enthusiastic, 
and Almagro was not idle. The general sentiment 
was that in any event these Spaniards, so chivalrous in 
the service of their king, should not be abandoned to 
certain destruction. To permit it would be infamous 
on the part of the governor, and a disgrace to every 
man in Panama. Thus forcibly persuaded, Pedro de 
los Rios permitted Luque and Almagro to despatch 
a vessel to their relief, lout stipulated that unless it 
returned within six months they should be subject to 
heavy penalties. 

We may well imagine that Pizarro was glad to see 
the faithful Ruiz, although his force was not greatly 
increased thereby. And now he would go forward; 
with an army of ten thousand or alone he would 
match his destiny against that of Peru. Passing 



o SanOuund. 


Gallo, Tacames, and tl;e=Cabo Pasado, the limits of 
former discovery, twenty days after leaving Gorgona 
they anchored off an island sacred to sacrificial pur 
poses, opposite the town of Turnbez. More brilliant 
than had been their wildest hopes was the scene sur 
rounding them. Stretching seaward were the bright 
waters of Guayaquil, while from the grand cordillera 
of the Andes, Chimborazo and Cotopaxi lifted their 
fiery front into the regions of frozen white. Tame 
enough, however, were a new earth and a new heaven 
to these souls of saffron hue, without the evidences of 
wealth that here met their greedy gaze, of wealth 
weakly guarded by the unbaptized. All along the 
shore by which they had sailed were verdant fields 
and populous villages, while upon the persons and 
among the utensils of the inhabitants, seen principally 
in the trading balsas that plied those strange waters, 
were emeralds, gold, and silver in profusion. 

Two natives captured in the former voyage and 
kindly treated for obvious reasons, were put on shore 
to pave the way, and soon maize, bananas, plantains, 
cocoa-nuts, pineapples, as well as fish, game, and 
llamas were presented to the strangers by the people 
of Tumbez. Shortly afterward a Peruvian nobleman, 
or orejon, as the Spaniards called him, from the large 
golden pendants which ornamented his ears, visited the 
ship with a retinue of attendants. Pizarro gave him 
a hatchet and some trinkets, and invited him to dine. 
Next day Alonso de Molina and a negro were sent on 
shore to the cacique with a present of two swine 
and some poultry. A crowd of wonder-stricken spec 
tators surrounded them on landing. The women were 


shy at first, but presently could not sufficiently admire 
the fair complexion and flowing beard of the Euro 
pean, and the crisp hair of the ebony African, whose 
laugh made them dance with delight. Never were 
pigs so scrutinized; and when the cock crew they 
asked what it said. Molina was promised a beautiful 
bride if he would remain, and he was half inclined to 

iVAL AT Tl MI -KZ. 11 

I 1 . Til cacifjlle of Tlimhez jlially 

jle and I Ie lived i 

his (! >!d ;md silver amon._>- liis 

utei. C is among the buildings of Tom* 

he/ \ -inple hllilt, <f roll^h Then- \ 

a fe surrounded l>y a triple row of tfall In 

the valley without the, town \ IIILC 

toll i ( apac, ih p wliich v 

a temple with it- sacred vip/i: (!>(<, 

ti< iiitilVil gardens ilr<lirati-<l to th; sun. 

\viin iidi facts as these must l>" nl>- 

before leaving this plac 8 ^t day IVdro 

( andia wa ! ] . irmitted to M-O aslioi-.- -I-IIKM! caj)-a-] 
Candia was a < /alicrofc ordinal :!id 

strcnii tli; and when lie presented himsrli in hn^ht 
mail, \vith liis clattering steel \vra]> and ar(|U<-K 
vomiting lir* 1 and smoke, ilin little wonder th 

j>coj)l< should tulvo him ioi 1 on<- of tlx-ir child, 

the sun. Returning t<> t!u- ship Candia 1 

the truth of all Molina had said, and more. ] L 

I as a heavenly guest, and eondueted tlirm: 
the temple which he affirmed was laid with |lat 
u old; \vlic the SjKiniards were wild with deli u -lit, 

vs an ancient chronicler. Pizarro thanked God that 


it had been permitted him to mak- this -^i-ear discovery, 

and he cursed the luckless fortune which ]>r 

his landing and taking immediate j>< n. l>ut 

God did lor Pizarro r than .Pizarro could do for 

liimself. Jlad the ji\- ( - hundred he then BO desi] 
n 1i\e thousand, the jn-ohahilitv dl would h, 
n lo soon as vent uivd. 

Continuing southward some di-tance I \ ( ] tl 

site of Trujillo, a city subsequently founded ly him, 
the evidences <>f wealth and intelli^vnee i \\hile 
diminishing, and the i-e; n imperial city \\h 

dwelt the ruler of all that region 1 

Pi/.ai . Panama, carrvin_r hack with him 


two native youths, one of whom, called by th. m- 

Felipillo, hecame notorious during tl 


The men had been ordered to treat gold with indiffer 
ence, that the future harvest might be greater. 3 

The pirate s paradise was found; it next remained to 
enter it. Pizarro reached Panama late in 1527, and 
instantly the town was wild with excitement. Father 
Luque wept tears of joy. But although Pedro de 
los Rios forgot his threats of punishment he did not 
regard with favor another expedition, which would 
tend to depopulate his own government and establish 
a rival colony. This selfish policy of the governor 
hastened the defeat of its own aims. Unable to do 
more at Panama, early in 1528 Pizarro set out for 
Spain. Through the aid of Father Luque fifteen hun 
dred ducats had been raised to defray his expenses. 
It was not without misgivings that Alamagro saw 
him go, and the ecclesiastic himself was not without 
his suspicions that foul play might come of it. "God 
grant, my sons," he said at parting, "that you do not 
defraud yourselves of his blessing." Pedro de Can- 
clia accompanied Pizarro, and they took with them 
specimens of the natives, llamas, cloth, and gold and 
silver untensils of Peru. 

Two notable characters were encountered by Pizarro 
immediately on his arrival in Spain. One was Her- 
nan Cortes, revelling in the renown of an overthrown 
northern empire as Pizarro was about to revel in the 
overthrow of a southern. Cortes told Pizarro how he 
had conquered Mexico and gave him many valuable 
hints in empire-snatching. 4 The other w T as no less a 

3 Garci!aso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xi., tells the most 
extravagant stories concerning Tumbez. Avia gran numero cle Plateros, que 
bacian Cantaros cle Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para 
el .servicio, y ornameiito del Templo, que ellos tenian por Sacrosanto, como 
p;ira servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar las planchas deste Metal, por las 
paredes de los Templos, y Palacios. See also, Xerez, Conq. del Peru, Barda, 
iii. 1G9-81 ; Zdrate, Hint, del Perv, Barcia, iii. 2, 3; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 143; 
Pizarro y Orellana, Farones Ilvstres, 138; Benzoni, Hist. Mundo Nvovo, 120; 
fferrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii. ; Oviedo, iii. 

4 Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortes and Pizarro became great 
friends ; that much fatherly advice was given by the former to the latter. 
Cortes, they say, although the younger, could teach his brother-conqueror 

THK 1:; 

!i;m the Uaehiili-r Enciso, who, -1 ill m 
ii: ize 1 the i famous di- 

Peru and imprisoned him <>n the old di; of in- 
juri - ia. I!. -I. . I order, Pi/.ai 

j>; d himself before the emperor at Toledo with 

nil the impudence <>f ui. 1 m< rit, and 

tl. pointnient of -j nor, r;i j it a i 1 1 general, and 

;d : _|-ua/il >r of all lands which lie had discov. 

ini- lit discover i nr a distance of two liundn I 

mill lVi;i Saul Hi rnnieiit \\ 

independent iVom that of .Paiianut, witli tho 
lit fco eixict for: . niaintain i orces, ^rnnt en- 

miendaSj and enjoy the rights and j)i-. I of 

al)sol;r itlioi-it. Hi- sal.iry \vas to le 7-jr>,000 
maravedis, to he drawn from tho resources of h 
<>\ vci iuncnt and without cost to the crown. Jn 


lor these privil. he was to enlisl and equip 
for a Peruvian- Q t wo hundred and fifty men, 

hundrs. d of wlioin In- t- lilx i draw fro- 

s. r his a he v. -tied with 

inucli ; though it ha<l hoen stipulated that for 

A!n hoiild he asked tlio office of adelantad , 

thus dividing tlie honors. As it was, he ohtained for 
ro only the post of captain of tl: - of 

.. \\ith an income of 300,000 maravedis, and 
lor Father Liiquo the bishopric of Tunihc/, with a 
,0 thousand -!lan Pai lolum- lluix. 

i and pilot of the South Sea: .Pedro de 

( andia, eominander of artillery, and the hrave tliir- 
tc n wli< dlantly stood hy their captain at tl 

! de of ( inr;^ 1 to the ra 1 1 k of kni^h: 

an- rs. 

Pi/.ai i mnission \\ . I o]. -do July 

. 152 r riiencc IK- pi-. led to Trujillo, his nath 

pi where he W&B j lined hy lour hrot : i- 

do, Juan, and Gronzalo Pi/arr d I- rai rtiu 

de Alcantara, all except the first like himself ill* 

a sh; 

. which ail 


imate, all poor, ignorant, and avaricious. Fernando, 
however, possessed some superiorities, and played a 
conspicuous part in the conquest. He was a man of 
fine form, repulsive features, and infamous character. 
As arrogant, jealous, and revengeful as he was capa 
ble, he soon acquired unbounded influence over his 
brother, and was the scourge of the expedition. 

Small as was the force required by his capitulation 
with the crown, Pizarro was unable to raise it. With 
the assistance of Cortes he managed to make ready 
for sea three small vessels, in one of which, by eluding 
the authorities, he embarked, and awaited his brothers 
at the Canary Islands. By liberal bribery and the 
solemn assurance of Fernando that all requirements 
of the king had been complied with, and that the 
specified number of men were with his brother who 
had gone before, the other two ships were allowed to 
depart, and the three vessels arrived at Nombre de 
Dios in January 1530. There Pizarro was met by 
Almagro and Father Luque, who when they learned 
how the royal honors had been distributed, and saw 
the insolent bearing of the vulgar brothers, upbraided 
him for his perfidy; and it was with difficulty that 
Almagro was prevented by fresh promises from with 
drawing from the partnership and engaging in con 
quest on his own account. 

Crossing to Panama, an expedition was organized 
with one hundred and eighty men, thirty horses, and 
three ships, though all had been procured with no 
small difficulty. On the day of St John the evangelist 
imposing ceremonies were held in the cathedral; the 
royal banner and the standard of the expedition were 
unfurled and consecrated; a sermon was preached, 
and to every one of the pirates the holy sacrament 
was administered, thus giving this marauding expe 
dition the color of a religious crusade. The Pizarros 
set sail early in January 1531, leaving Almagro, as 
in the first instance, to follow with reinforcements. 
Tumbez was their objective point; but turned from 

: I.\ : ].-, 

their pur by ad for a trial 

of their I, the Spaniard.^ landed at a v.hich 

ailed Sail Mat urpri>- < 1 a village in t! 

provin t Goalie, and secured, besides pi 

ilver, and emeralds fco tin- vali; thou 

sand j> , which enabled them nd hack i 

\icara_ and the oils* r to Panama, 

for reinforcements. 

The Spaniards then continued their com ard 

Tumbez l>y land; and burdened as they v 

\\ and armor, marching over hot. sands und. 

an equatorial sun, tin- journey soon ! aint ul in 

the extrem< To add to their torment 
epidemic broke out among them, from which mar 
died, with curses on their commander. Hut their 
hearts w ;laddened om> day by the approach < 
ship from Panama having on hoard tl 1 oili- 

appointed to accompany the expedition, who: a J i/arro 

in his lia : had left in Spain, and soon they \\-ci 
joined by thirty men under ( aptain ] >;izar. 
Meeting with no resistance from the nativ. j, 1 i/ai-ro 
continued his march until lie arrived at the ;jfnlf of 
(Juayaijuil, opposite the i>le of Puma. I ion 
of this island was deemed desirable pvp- >ry t 

the attack on Tumbez. \\liile meditating >n the 1>< 

method *{ capturing the inland, J.^xai-ro d 

by a \i-ii from i who invited the Spaniards 

to ta up their al>ode with him. It ajp< that 

then- reditary felld between tll( k ](. pi.- 

of lAuna and those of tlie mainland: and although 
forced to submission by the powerful incas, t! 
anders never cedsed t< intlict such injuri lay in 

ir power on the town of Timlin 1 /. The friendship 
of the strangers would ^ive them i^n dvanta- 

hence 1hr invitation. I i/arro ^ladl\ 

]>rotrer-d hospitality, and ] M^- over to the i>land 

ith his ai iny he awaited the arrival of 

before attacking Tumb, 
.1 >y tluir an ;i.d ap[!aivnt intimacy with 


the people of Tumbez, the strangers soon became 
intolerable to the islanders, who caught in a con 
spiracy were attacked and driven to hiding-places by 
their guests. Nevertheless, but for the opportune 
arrival of Fernando de Soto with one hundred men 
and some horses it would have gone hard with the 
Spaniards. Pizarro now resolved to cross at once to 
the mainland and set the ball in motion. 

Not least among the speculations that stirred the 
breast of the Spanish commander was the rumor that 
from time to time had reached his ear of discord 
between the rival candidates for the throne of the 
monarch lately deceased. Civil war would be a prov 
idence indeed at this juncture, not less kind than that 
which gave Montezuma s throne to Cortes. 

Tradition refers the aborigines of Peru to a time 
when the entire land was divided into petty chief- 
doms, composed of wild men who like wild beasts 
roamed primeval forests. After the lapse of ages, 
time marking no improvement, there appeared one 
day on the bank of Lake Titicaca two personages, 
male and female, Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, of 
majestic mien and clad in glistening whiteness. They 
declared themselves children of the sun, sent by the 
parent of light to enlighten the human race. From 
Lake Titicaca they went northward a few leagues 
and founded the city of Cuzco, whither the chiefs 
throughout that region assembled and acknowledged 
the sovereignty of the celestial visitants. Under the 
instruction of Manco Capac the men became skilled 
in agriculture; Mama Ocollo taught the women do 
mestic arts, and the migratory clans of the western 
slope of the cordillera thus became cemented under 
the beneficent rule of the heavenly teachers. Orig 
inally the dominion of Manco Capac extended no 
more than eight leagues from Cuzco, but in the 
twelve succeeding reigns, which formed the epoch 
prior to the advent of the Spaniards, the empire 


of the incus, or lor< f Peru, was gr< ex- 


1 1 naturally fMlowed from their celestial origin and 

si ace that the inca- \v 

diviiii well 1 as so\ s. Not alone 

tlu-ir >n, but e _f coming beneath their 

touch (I. Their Mood was never contami 

nated by inert,-;! internii\ 8, and their dr it 
was unlawful for to assume. The empire under 

lluayna Capuc, twelfth monarch from the Foundation 
of tin; dynasty, emb; re than five hundred 

lea^ ie- of w< :-n sea-coast, and extended to II 
summit of the And< Tins politic arid wailike 
jirince died about the beginni f the I .VJG. 

Jlis father, Tupac IncaYupanqui, during whose rei^-n 
tlie imperial domain had been enlarged by the addi 
tion of Quito on the one side and of Chile on tl 
oth( .hibited martial and administrative talents < 
a hi- h ord This vast inheritance, together with 
the wisdom and virtue s of the father, descended : 
the BO In addition to a wife, who was also I 
sister, ,1 Fnayna Capac had many concubini Tl 
lawful heir to the throne, son of h r-wife, w, 

named Iluascar, next to whoi heir apparent stood 
Manco Capac, son of another wife who was his c in. 
Hut his favorite son was Atahualpa, wliose mother 
was the beautiful daughter of the last reigning mon 
arch of Quito, and concubine of Kuayna C 
l- rom boyhood Atahualpa had been the constant 
companion of 1. . who on his , h-bed, con 

trary to custom, divided the ivahn, or ord< i 1 

that, < ( Hiito, the ancient kingdom of his vun<|i:isli. 
ance , slioiild be given to Atahualpa. while all 
-t should be! > lluascui 1 . Four 

of tranquillity elapsed, and the impolitic m of 

Huayna Capac bid fS > prove si d. lluascur 

Land his brother app< ! content. l>ut 

now a martial spirit was manifest in Atahualpa. 

( : radti to his standard the ilo\\xr uf the 

.. AM. VOL. II. 2 


Peruvian army, he marched against Huascar, over 
threw him near the base of Chimborazo, and pressing 
forward again defeated the Peruvians before Cuzco, 
captured his brother, and took possession of the im 
perial city of the incas. 

It was in the midst of this struggle that the Span 
iards gathered before Tumbez bent on plunder. We 
see clearly now, that had they attempted invasion 
before the opening of the war between the rival 
brothers, their effort would have been what it ap 
peared to be, chimerical and absurd. But these few 
swift years had ripened this land for hellish purposes, 
and the demons were already knocking at the door. 
Crossing to the mainland, not without some slight 
opposition, Pizarro found Tuinbez deserted. Gone 
were the gold of the temple and the rich ornaments 
of the merry wives. " And is this your boasted Tum 
bez?" exclaimed the disappointed cavaliers. "Better 
far and richer are the elysian fields of Nicaragua; 
better have remained at home than to come so far for 
so barren a conquest." After some search the cacique 
was found. He charged the destruction of the town 
to the islanders of Puma. As he professed willing 
ness to submit to the Spaniards, and as Pizarro 
deemed it prudent to hold Tumbez peaceably, he 
gave the cacique his liberty. This was in May 1532. 
Keeping a watchful e}^e on his disaffected soldiers, 
Pizarro set about planting a colony. He selected for 
his operations the valley of Tangarala, some thirty 
leagues south of Tumbez and near the sea, and thither 
repairing with his men erected a fortress, church, and 
other buildings, partitioned the adjacent lands, dis 
tributed repartimientos, organized a municipality, and 
called the place San Miguel. So thoroughly had the 
work of devastation been carried on by the islanders 
on one side, and the soldiery of Atahualpa on the other r 
that the Spaniards met with little opposition. 

But these were not the men to waste time in estab 
lishing friendship upon a devastated seaboard when 

TAL DI.-RlTTIo } .) 

tl --Id of wealth somewhere th< out. 

( )lie tli: rollhled I . ho\\< I )y I . ri ivals 

h 11 informed that Alm;i!4T<> still i- 

al)li>hi: >r liiin J. i/arro 

IP 1 Alni.-i :nl h ! no rival tl. 

SM drawing in hi KS he WTOJ ro bi 

liiin for tlir l<)\- ( - <>f (J.d and the king, if .-uch \ 
his plans to change them and < 

;old COIL , liu 

shi[> 1 

Meanwhile tlic rumors of ! t \vccn the rival 

priii- (vonir more dc-iinrd. It io\vn that A 

tin- Spaniards landed at San Platen the war v 
in hile ri;-:arro \ .larchin :ith\v;:i 

Fin nl >cz with one hundred and e; ., At I pa 

was also marching southward to I (. u;; itli 140,- 

000 men to i lluascar with a i oiv 1 :;0,00 

And Atahualpa the victor now in the val 

Caxamalca, heyond the cordillera, hut not more than 
twelve days journey hen< J izarro it 

liiin: perad to thr .ich is to 

mine many 1;. 

5 Hhlurinns of the ]\-nivi;in ooiifjncst point with emphasis to pol: 
m ; country tot 

:i und r conditions. As it Imp . I : . . . .^ow th 

of success, or that wit ;- 

.M ii . 1 1 tin ii- \tahun! 

illll ill: 

v ! 

2 7: /, 

n, in / i, in / 

/ /. . ]. 

. . 
. . 

secj. : . 


BU} . Oil, 


It is the 24th of September when Pizarro sets out 
from San Miguel with one hundred and ten foot- 
soldiers, sixty-seven horsemen, and two Indian inter 
preters. Atahualpa is well aware of the presence ^of 
the Spaniards, of their works within Peruvian domain, 
and of their approach. And he is curious to behold 
them. There is nothing to fear, unless indeed they 
be gods, in which case it were useless to oppose them. 
Along the way the natives cheerfully provide every 
requirement for the courteous strangers. 

Arrived at the western base of the cordillera the 
sixth day, permission is given to all who may choose to 
withdraw from the hazardous venture beyond. Nine, 
four foot and five horsemen, avail themselves of the 
opportunity and return to San Miguel. On the 
march next day Pizarro is informed that the general 
in charge of Atahualpa s forces garrisoned at Caxas, 
a village lying directly on the route to Caxamalca, 
is prepared to question his progress should he attempt 
to pass that way. Hernanclo de Soto, with a small 
detachment, is sent forward, while the main body of 
the little army await results at Zaran. Proceeding 
wonderingly by the great upper road or causeway 
of the incas, which extends along the rugged Andes 
the entire length of the empire from Quito to Cuzco, 
and so wide that six horsemen can ride there abreast, 

sented the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer whom 
would be difficult and dangerous. Viios querian, que fuesse vn capitan a 
ello con cxercito, otros dezian, que aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, 
eran valientes, y que la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de 
sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos pedian mayor 
fuerca. Jlerrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix. According to Balboa the arrival of 
the Spaniards caused some anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. Cette 
nouvello inquieta tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets 
en leur disant que ces etrangcrs 6taient probablement des envoyes de Vira- 
cocha, et depuis cette e"poque ce nom est rest6 aux Espagnols. Hist, du 
Pcrou, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s<5rie ii. torn. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that 
Atahualpa who was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to 
make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and return to 
his own country. In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del Peru si trouaua in 
Cassiamalca, e inteso com era entrato nel suo paese gente con la barba, con 
certi animali terribili e scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredanclo il 
tutto, mando vn ambasciatore a Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se 
non lasciaua i suci vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese, che lo farebbe mal 
eontento. Hist. Alondo Nvovo, 121. 


Soto finds the Peruvian gv 

ory of i he worl monarch v. 

11. : informal ion of the mak< univ and 

II. :rtir- iour, and n be! 

the Sj h captain to proceed on his In i I 

] . hie errand. At this juncture . 

ri .vith an invitation from the inea for t! :i- 

iards to visit him. While mi the way ] 
.changed of the res 

paniards draw near the Peruvian mpment, 
another m< iger from the inca \\ ^ to know < 
what day the siraiiu .vill enter ( axanudea, that a 
suitaM .{ion may he jnvpaivd. 

At length Iron i the t- ! liei^his a 1 Cax 

inalca, through oju-nings of tin; foliage, the vrhi 
t nts of the Peruvian host are se< iiing I or 

miles along the fertile vail; It is a sight at which 
the heart of the stoutest cavalier might heat despond- 
,nd that without prejudice. lut t auda- 
cious Spaniards halt only to don their brightest armor, 
and unfurling their banner they maivh down tl 

untain. Next day, the 15th of November, Tiza: 
divides his force into three companies and enters tl 

.vn about the hour of \ Some two th- id 

houses sui-round a triangular pla. raordina 

i in by solid masonry and low 

an<l entered from the streets through gat From a 
large ; .ad B > tin 

on one , while on the otlr 

t. Without the now d 

ilie temple of the sun, and on an emii. r by 

another and more 1 ormidal brtreea of hewn 

iral wall, which thrice 

the place imp Jdiery, while i 

iVom tin- plain i< made by a winding stair 1 

n the vill;, ,n,l the lYruvi;. 

1 ague distant . iway runs, form! ;d 

er tl i iiiierveiiii: 

-A ill h. 1 tb. miards march throiiL. 


the silent streets in which no living thing is visible 
save a few knots of ancient, witch-like crones who 
predict in low mournful regrets the destruction of the 
strangers, the adventure at this point assumes ghostly 
shape, like the confused manceuvrings of a dream and 
Caxamalca a phantom city. Quartering his troops in 
the plaza, Pizarro sends Hernando de Soto with fifteen 
horsemen, 6 and the interpreter Felipillo, to ask the 
inca the time and place of the approaching inter 
view; and lest accident should befall the embassy 
Hernando Pizarro is ordered to follow and assist as 
occasion requires. Over the causeway toward the 
imperial camp rushes first one cavalcade and then the 
other, past manly men and modest women who gaze 
in mute astonishment as the apparitions emerge from 
the murky twilight and sweep by and disappear midst 
clatter of hoofs and clang of arms never before heard 
in this quarter of the earth. Presently is encoun 
tered the Inca s army drawn up in distinct battalions, 
archers, slingers, clubmen, and spearmen, standing 
expectantly. 7 The royal pavilion occupies an open 
space near the centre of the encampment. Within 
a short distance are the bath-houses, and a rustic 
dwelling, with plastered walls colored in various tints 
and surrounded by corridors. On one side is a stone 
fountain, and a reservoir into which flows water, 
both hot and cold, from rivulets and springs through 
aqueducts which intersect the valley in every direc 
tion. On the other side are the royal gardens and 

As the horsemen draw up before the royal quarters 

G Herrera says 24 ; others 20. In the narratives of these early adventurers 
rarely two arc exactly alike concerning any occurrence. Among them all, 
however, we can usually arrive near the truth. 

7 There were in reality, according to the Spanish Captain/ 80,000 war 
riors in the encampment of the inca, but the cavaliers reported to their 
comrades only 40,000 in order not to dishearten them! Li Capitani ritor- 
norno al signor gourenator, e li disseno quel che era seguito del cacique, e 
cbe li parea che la gente ch egli haueua portriano esser da quaranta mila 
huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar animo alia gente, perche 
erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono ancora quello che li haueua detto il 
cacique. Rdatlone d vn Capitauo Spagnvolo, in Ramusio, iii. 373. 


the in ! on an lit 

of liis tent and surround- d 1 >\ of C 

while beautiful da Miani ire ilif about tl 

Around i ] discipline, and t 1 JUIM! 

i tin- nobles toward their chief ar 

at the iirst glai The irica, although arr 

mdily tlian liis at f ily distil! 

the iai. imperial In-ad-dr or borla, v, 11- 

vian monarchs in place of a crown. . a 

crimson woollen fringe, which Ovic.lo <! 


tassel of the width of the hand, and about < . n in 

length, gai I upon the crown in the form of a il 
ln-usli, tin; frilly; v .11 

to the eyes, and partially covering tli ^o tliat tl. 
wearer can scarcely se< \\out n\\> \ r ]>art 

of it with hi-; hand. Flic Christians \vlio 
many tales of liis rraft and irrocity, look in vain lor 

tary jKission or ciinnii The 1-i.rla, 
according to Jei lirov, duot i >ver 

the features of Atahualpa; aside from this. 1 r, 

his face is grave, ]>assi<>nl ;nd cold. Witli a 
h an on either { llernando de Soto rid 

forwai-d a i w p, . and witliont dismounting ] 
ll ully addresses the inea through l- .-lipillo, tl 
interpreter. * I come, n v [)rinc-i^ fr 

tl: of the Christians, who through \ 

now rests at Caxani, ardently loii^in 

ki.-s your royal hand, and deliver you ; ssage iV^m 
his ],: >ii i r, tlie kin^- of Spain." 

with ej lowneast, the inea as if listenii. 

not. as if unaware uf any extraordii oc- 
rurreix A liai rassin^ par i noitlem; 

-t the au^u.-t monarch an Lt 

Ifi Well/ 
At this juncture Hernan do Pi/ai-ro ri- id 
joins in the parl When informed that a broth 

nish captain has ai-rived. Atalinal; 

hi and Bpea&S: " Say i ;ir COmmi at 

I last, bui tO-BD w i will \ , ; I axa- 


malca." Hereupon the ambassadors turn to depart; 
but the inca, slow to speak, is slower still to cease 
speaking, and the Spaniards are motioned to pause. 
" My cacique Mayzabilica informs me," continues 
Atahualpa, "that the Christians are cowards, and 
not invincible as they would make us believe; for on 
the banks of the Turicara he himself had killed three 
Spaniards and a horse in revenge for outrages on his 
people." Checking his rising choler with the thought 
of the stake for which he played, Hernando Pizarro 
explains: " Your chieftain tells you false when he says 
that the Christians dare not fight, or even that they 
can be overcome. Ten horsemen are enough to put 
to flight ten thousand of the men of Mayzabilica. My 
brother comes to offer terms of amity. If you have 
enemies to be subdued direct us to them, and we will 
prove the truth of this I say." With an incredulous 
smile Atahualpa drops the subject and offers refresh 
ments to his visitors. But at this moment the atten 
tion of all is directed to another scene. 

Hernando de Soto is an expert horseman and 
superbly mounted. He marks the smile of incredu 
lity with which the broad boast of his comrade had 
been received by the Peruvians, and in order to 
inspire a more healthful terror, he drives his iron heel 
into the flanks of his impatient steed, and darting off 
at full speed, sweeps round in graceful curves, pranc 
ing, leaping, running; then riding off a little distance 
he wheels and dashes straight toward the royal pavil 
ion. The nobles throw up their hands to shield the 
sacred person of the inca; a moment after they fly in 
terror. But when with one more bound the horse 
would be upon the monarch, the rider reins back the 
animal to a dead stop. Not the twitching of a muscle 
is discernible in the features of the inca; though for 
their cowardice in the presence of strangers, we are 
told that the nobles next day suffered death. The 
cavaliers decline food, saying that they, too, are hold 
ing a fast; but chicha, or wine of maize, being offered 


tl. in g ;uid 

Atahualpa brooking no i ,il,thc Spaniards without 

(I. inting drink it oil , and lowly rid. k to 


-A it wears a\v;iy, while Atahu lies 

dreaini of th ilight apparition, Fran< rizar- 

ro matures liis plai 1/n s there v in t: 

brief -y of lliu in .up to in 

in attempting here the rare trick, fche .^j aniards 
nevertheless determine i it. Tli of 

tin- pr "d perfidy and butch, ry are an, d with 
nmat idacity and < :;t<-d \vitl; indif- 

10 hunian rights and human sufierin^ which 
would do honor to the chief of anacoi In issuing to 
his oil !irir instructions i\,r thu day, which 

nothing l.-ss than to seize the ii ffld murder I 
attendants, I i/.arro : "Tin- project is ; i- 

:i at first glance one mi ^ht ima^i: "J oadmi. 
; to us the rites of h , tlui Indians will 

not arrayed in hostile humor. Xo more ran 1 

Imitted to the plaza than . he ca-ily vaiKjiiishud; 
id with the inca, whom his soldiers N bip ; 
>d, \vithin our gras]>, we may dictate terms to tl. 
Farther than this our 

Atahualpa has permitl ir in:-i;4-ni, -h 

he could crush at ] to advance a to the 

border of his sacred pn- ; he will scai er 
us to <! t, in peace, did we wi>h it. 

make r lli in n; r, 

God will never who liu lit 1 

tended l,y pi :l rly 

clari ill tin- loth of November, i- 

hi: n soon clears the atmospl. ,y 

i oi Arms and ai put in o 

burnished; the h- d with hells ami 

jingling trappings, that 1 tnajpr 

A stimptii 1 in one . 

1he I M u m^ into the pla/.a in which tlic in.- io 

Ti liy is divided into thn Had- 


rons under Hernando de Soto, H-ernando Pizarro, and 
Sebastian de Benalcazar, and stationed within the 
halls on the three sides of the plaza, The foot-sol 
diers, with the exception of twenty men reserved by 
Pizarro as his body-guard, occupy rooms adjoining 
the court, but few being visible. Two small field- 
pieces are planted opposite the avenue by which 
the Peruvians approach. Near the artillerymen are 
stationed the cross-bowmen, and in the tower of the 
fortress a few musketeers are placed. Thus the Span 
iards await their victim till late in the afternoon, when 
from the tower they behold that which causes trepi 
dation not less than courage-cooling delay. Three 
hundred warriors in gay uniforms clear the way of 
sticks or stones or other obstruction for the royal pro 
cession, which is headed by Atahualpa, seated on a 
throne of gold, in a plumed palanquin garnished with 
precious stones, and borne on the shoulders of his 
vassals. On either side and behind the royal litter 
walk the counsellors of the realm, and behind it fol 
lows battalion after battalion of the forces of the inca 
until thirty thousand soldiers in martial array occupy 
the causeway from the Peruvian camp half way to 
Caxamalca. Surely the projected seizure in the midst 
of such a host were madness, and without a miracle it 


would seem that the Christians must abandon their 
pious purpose. The miracle, however, is not wanting. 
Just before reaching the entrance in the city, Ata- 
.hualpa pitches his tents with the intention of passing 
there the night and entering Caxamalca the next 
morning. This, the death-blow to the high hopes of 
the day, Pizarro determines if possible to prevent. 
Despatching a messenger to the inca, he beseeches 
him to change his purpose, and to sup with him that 
night. The inca assents, saying that in view of the 
lateness of the hour he will bring only a few unarmed 
attendants. And to his subjects he remarks, "Arms 
are unnecessary in our intercourse with those 
in so holy a mission." Hence the miracle. 

o o 

IT 01 

Tl. r in com] ith 1 

up the in, 

!i the (hi! 
X ^>n of he 

styled t ;an i. 

I with armor and 
and >ih walking, others in lit: 

IT several i -. Around his iie<-k o-. 
t, the inea ^ ears 1 of 

* o 

under the 1 magic l>r; 11, cold. 

k (jf the ] :i pi 

:<>n of enkin 

d procession 

diualp: Ion in the 

1 th< 1 ruvian sold the reiuain- 

in Profound quiet fills the j 

hidden hehind tlie l<>nns of his o\v; 


ut descei :e litter, 

an iiKjuiri; . "Have t 

At this moment a \ 

\ al\ hy the int< :, cm 

: n on the ] hand he i 

and i Ap[ 

ho inea, : 
\vith tL trines of the trinity, 

8 T as there arc 1 

unnueror, others as falling ii. 

:i lie 

and i 

i 1 1 

]K)CO3 tSp- 

!, Ill 

i Jose h #rfMi 


i oss and a b 


and delegation of authority, and ending with faith, 
hope, and charity, as manifest in the person of the 
pirate Pizarro. 

The contemptuous smile which mounts the features 
of the inca at the opening of the address, changes 
to looks of dark resentment as he is told to renounce 
his faith and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the 
king of Spain. "Your sovereign may be great," he 
exclaims, fire flashing from his eye, "but none is 
greater than the inca. I will be tributary to no man. 11 
As for your faith, you say your god was slain and by 
men whom he had made. Mine lives," pointing 
proudly to the setting sun, "omnipotent in the heav 
ens. 1 2 Your pope must be a fool to talk of giving away 
the property of others." 13 Then after a moment s pause 
he demands, "By \vhat authority do you speak thus 
to me?" The priest places in his hand the bible. "In 
this," he says, "is given all that is requisite for man 
to know." The inca takes the book and turns the 
leaves. "It tells me nothing," he exclaims. Then 
exasperated by what he deems intentional insult he 
throws the book upon the ground, 14 saying, "You 
shall dearly pay for this indignity, and for all the in 
juries you have done in my dominions." It is enough. 

10 Lui exposa longuement les mysteres cle notre sainte religion, en citant 
son discours plusieurs passages des 6 vangiles, comme si Atalmaipa avait su ce 
que c e" tait que les e" vangiles, ou eut 6t6 oblige" de le savoir. Balboa, Hist, du 
Perou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sorie ii. torn. iv. 315. 

11 Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria tributar siedo libre. 
Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149. Ma che non gli pareua come He libero di dar tri 
bute a chi non haueua mai ve duto. Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Soi 
libre, no debo tributo & nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco por superior 
a ningun Rei. Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv. 

12 Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca morian. Gomara, Hist. 
Ind., 150. , 

13 Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran pazzo, poi che daua 
cosi liberamente quello d altri. Benzoni, Hit. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Que no 
obedeceria al Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el 
reyno, que fue de su padre. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149-50. 

Poi gli dimandb, come sapeua, che l Dio de Cristiani di niente haueua 
fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce. II frate rispose, che quel libro lo 
diceua, e lo porse ad Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo 
disse; ^a me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per terra, il frate lo 
ripiglio. Benzoin, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Le moine en fut si irrite" qu il 
re"clama & grands cris vengeance pour 1 offense faite a Dieu et a sa sainte loi. 
Balboa, Hist, du Per on, 315. 


( Ml !( kin I the h"ly 

"XYhy (! cri 

II In- pick- Up tl Tl I 

vohim "In ( J d s na: Kill the impious 

c! ia 

Th MS commander needs IM second exhorta 

tion, rnfurhn; bite banner, tl ill "; ! t, 

In- springs from I:!- rei real : th .t in-l in the 
disdia Li- m t, and l"ii<l rings the v. 

jantiagol ry Sii.-mi.-ird rushes t tin- c 

To their brutal instinct \v;is nddrd a spiritnnl drunk- 
cniH-ss which iok thnii out oCtlic y of manhood 

and made them human i u-nds. AV- wonder how u 
could BO In-li l.iit g] r still is our v. how 

iiK-ii so l)( li>-\ in-_C could so lichax r rii -mis iill tl 


place w nh reverberating noise and smoke; with shrill 
! >t trumpets and jin^lin^ <>! lel!> the ho] n 
ride upon the panic-stricken crowd; the infantry with 
clan;j; of arms appeal 1 and all unite in <juick sue >n 

in sheathing their sharp swords in the uiij 
* bodies of the n .s. At first they tun y. hut 

. point they are met l>y a blood-thirsl 
nearest tli. . hut soon the ja 

"ke<l l>y hea[>s of deaa hodi The car: 
ul. And al-o\-e all 1hc din of i 3 In ard 

the shrill voice of the man of (lod crying to t! 
diers, "I hni^t! thrtisl! thrust with the point of your 
s\ t ly striking you l-r ak your 

lildly aflinns that the incn threw th. 
in ii, th;il 

cpin vit 



!, 11 i i, iso 

: s it tl. 

,-, ii. lil>. i. 

t tint > 



When the first fierce charge is made, Pizarro, who 
with twenty chosen men had assumed the task of 
capturing the inca, rushes for the royal litter, but 
quick as are their movements the devoted followers of 
Atahualpa are before him, -and crowding round their 
imperilled sovereign, struggle to shield his person. 
As one drops dead another hastens to take his place. 
Each one of Pizarro s guard strives for the honor of 
the capture; but for a time they are prevented by 
the surges of the crowd which carry the monarch 
hither and thither and by the desperate defence made 
by the Peruvians. 

Fearful lest in the darkness which is now coming 
on the victims should escape, one of the Spaniards 
strikes with his sword at the inca. In warding off 
the blow, Pizarro receives a slight wound in the hand; 
then threatening death to any who offer violence to 
Atahualpa, he hews his way through the fortress 
of faithful hearts which guard the royal person, and 
thrusting his sword into the bearers of the litter 
brings down the monarch, whom he eatches in his 
arms. The borla is torn from Atahualpa s forehead 
and he is led away to the fortress, \vhere he is mana 
cled and placed under a strong guard. 18 Meanwhile 
the butchery continues in and beyond the plaza, And 
in the slaughter of about five thousand men which 
occupied not more than half an hour it is said that no 
Spanish blood was spilled save that drawn from the 
hand of Pizarro by one of his own men. 1D Following 

bewaren, dat sy niet braecken, mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen 
souden van noode hebben. West-Indische Spicyhel, 362. 

18 Cargaua todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en sn litera, por 
prendeiie, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria de su prision. Gomara, 150. 
Ses gardes prirent la fuite de tous les cote s, et les Espagnols, ayaiit entrain^ 
1 Inga dans leur camp, 1 vi mirent les f ers aux pieds. Balboa, Hist, du Pcrou, 

1<J The Spanish Captain places the number at over seven thousand be 
sides many -who had their limbs cut off and were in other ways mutilated. 
Rima sero in quel giorno morti da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che 
haueano tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite. Relatione cV vn Cap itano 
Spagnvclo; llamusio, iii. 374. Decimos, que pasaron de cinco mil Indies 
los que murieron aquel dia. Los tres mil y quinientos fueron a hierro, y 
los demaa fueron viejos invtiles, nrugeres, muchachos, y nifios, porque de 

AT TI 31 

their instill nd UK- ni^ht 

in rioi!!)-- ;ind drunh r .riius during tli il t 

tropical twilight, ihe com) U 

mplished; the sun of the IE i lurid, blood- 

Ij tr ir ei, t , 1 izarro and At 

hualpa sup together that ni-ht!" 1 

\\V have seen how tin; opulent empire of P 

mid; lm\v its powerful chieftain was t rously 

taken captive ly a crew ! Spanish invade. : D 
witness for a moim-nt how pi-arc- was inadu liyainlxt- 

the Prince of P( 

S<> suddenly 1 rll the blow that Atalmalpa failed to 
-it nation. It was but an aliVay of the 
liour; the idea of his subjugation 1 not yet i-vcii 
him. At tin- banquet he pi-aisc-d th- .-kill 
with which the bloody work was dour, and to 1; 
lamenting followers he said, "Such are ih 
of war, to conquer and to be conquered. By 1 izarro 
and his comrades the an prisoner \\ 

a di.-li iit Ibr the gods. Jlis women and his ii 
W permitted to attend him, and fur his life or 

prolonged imprisonment he waa t<>!<l to have no fear. 

ia renido innumerable 

1 los (]iic trnian ] 

. ii. lib. i. cap. 1T>. Thifl l :utal nuis.-nen 

tku Uie moet important battles of hi 

so litt! < 


1 la liiano ; i inii . Kar 

" ( ;utu la : ia di 

infrli o tutt : in Ijal 

MI. i <l > A 

!.-k, lit 1.1. n BV ili 1: 


p iiininnnciit of l>lin<l adulation is found i: 
lii . the l 

nt, hilt tit. 


iT>r. This ; i in the autl, rso 

. and i 


Meanwhile the Spaniards were exhorted to watch 
fulness; they were reminded that they were but a 
handful of men surrounded by millions of foes. "Our 
success/ said Pizarro, "was miraculous, for which God 
who gave it us should be devoutly praised." The 
Peruvians made no effort to rescue their chief; and 
while the sacred person of their inca was a prisoner 
they were powerless and purposeless.. Thirty horse 
men were sufficient to scatter the imperial army and 
rifle the encampment. And while Pizarro preached 2 
Christianity to his chained captive, his soldiers were 
out gold-gathering, desecrating the Peruvian temples, 
killing the men, and outraging the women. 23 It was 
quickly discovered that the wealth of the country far 
exceeded the wildest dreams of the conquerors, and 
soon gold and silver ornaments and utensils to the 
value of one hundred thousand castellanos were heaped 
up in the plaza. 24 

Atahualpa was not slow to perceive that neither 
loyalty nor their vaunted piety was the ruling passion 
of his captors, but the love of gold. And herein was 
a ray of hope; for as the clays went by a dark sus 
picion of their perfidy and evil intention concerning 
him had filled his mind. Calling Pizarro to him he 
said: "The affairs of my kingdom demand my atten 
tion. Already my brother Huascar, having heard of 
my misfortune, is planning his escape. If gold will 
satisfy you, I will cover this floor with vessels of 
solid gold, so you but grant me my freedom." Pizar 
ro made no reply. The Spaniards present threw an 
incredulous glance around the apartment. The room 

C Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida, y de la F6 
Catolica, que oia muy bien: como hombre que tenia nruy bien entendi- 
miento. Pizarro y Qrellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156. 

_ a Hallaron en el baiio, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil mugeres, que aunque 
tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con los Christianos, muchas y buenas tienclas, 
infinite ropa de vestir. Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. 


<Vali6 en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil ducados. Garcilaso 
de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii. Los Soldados no se descui- 
daron en visitar los quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas 
riqueza de oro, y plata. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156. 

A KlXii S T. 33 

in length hy ;i in width. 

Inferring from their silcMc.- that tin* <><> 


small and <li the |>r of IMM-- confine 

ment,!; laimed: "Nay, I will fill tl 

! i with ^ old, if you will let i 

And to make the offer the m< Mtin^-h ppedto 

the wall and on tip I shing out h: mm 

mark nine feei iVom the; iloor. Still li >nitt 

were silent. At last he hurst out c " And it 

that is MI >t en< >u<_di/ pointing to a smaller a par 
joining, I will iiil that room twice full with silver." 
The }>n.]><al was accepted. It w;is safv i^ h to <lo 

BO, although the infemous Pizarro never for ; -nt 

intcMdfd his royal prisoiuT should leave his hands 
alive; lor hy this nn-ans mi^ht th<3 \ 

riMjiii-t- 1>r mosl speedily collected, and if sticvessiul 

a j)ivtc\t lor hrcukiii ^ tin- promise <>t liherat imi ini^ht 
-ily he found. Two months were allowed th j>- 

tive in which to Bather this enormous treasure. Hol 
low vessels and all utensils were to 1, itrihiited in 

manufactured form, not melted down. V;d- eh 

were to enrich the collection, and the friend-hip of 
the inca was t< <-rown the visionary ransom. 

Jniniedia: the recording of this stipulation 

hy the notary. Atahualpa sent out in every direction 

\\ith instructions to gatlier and hri 
inalca .with tin- ! ihlc delay, the r> 

articles i oi- tlie IVIMSOMI. The t < of the hi 

PC cli; l!y ].. I in the royal palaces of Cux.c. ; nid 
(Juito and in the temples of the sun t hr- >u--]iout t 
empii-e. All - rnors and suit; : to 

he ir dacrity in t! utiou of tlii^ on! 

Meanwhile the pir were i: 

Mach 1 of them w lord v. I on hy 

male and female attendant Tliey di-ank iVom \ 

gran < !c oro, quo 

l i . <k: 

:. ii. 
Ill-, i. 

r. Aic. VOL. II. 3 


of gold and shod their horses with silver. Their cap 
tain was king of kings; one king his prisoner, another 
his prisoner s prisoner. One of the chroniclers states 
that shortly after his capture Atahualpa received 
intelligence of an important battle won by his army 
on the day of his fall. "Such are the mysteries of 
fate," exclaimed the unhappy monarch, "at the same 
moment conquered and a conqueror." Huascar who 
was at this time confined at Andamarca not far distant 
from Caxamalca hearing of the capture of Atahualpa 
and of the immense ransom offered for his release sent 
to Pizarro offering a much larger amount for his own 
liberation. Pizarro saw at once the advantage to be 
derived in acting the part of umpire between these 
rival claimants to the throne, and consequently the 
overtures of Huascar were encouraged. But Atahu 
alpa although closely confined was kept fully informed 
of the events transpiring throughout the empire, and 
his word was yet law. Pizarro imprudently remarked 
to him one clay, "I wait with impatience the arrival 
of your brother in order that I may judge between 
you and render justice where it may be due." 26 Shortly 
afterward Huascar was secretly put to death; and 
Pizarro had the mortification of finding himself out 
witted by a manacled barbarian. 

While waiting the gathering of the gold, Hernando 
Pizarro with twenty horsemen raided the country 
with rich results. Three soldiers, it is said, were sent 
by Pizarro under the inca s protection to Cuzco, where 
after desecrating the temples and violating the sacred 
virgins they returned to Caxamalca with two hundred 
cargas of gold and twenty-five of silver, the transpor 
tation of which required no less than nine hundred 

Time passed wearily with the imprisoned monarch.. 
The influx of gold at first rapid, soon fell off, and un- 

25 * J attends avec impatience 1 arrive e de votre frere. pour savoir quelssont 
ses droits, rendre justice a chacun et tacher de vousmettre d accord. Halboa, 
Hist, du Ptrou, 317. 

.rni:i:ix<; TH LD. 
fortunately for Atahualpa much of it was in Hal p 1 

which incr- I the hulk hut slowly. N the! 
j the matter went Pizarro felt jib 1 in ^ranti; 

the prisoner an ion of time. In February 15; 

AlmagTO arrived at ( axamalca \vith twohundie 1 men, 
fifty oi wliojn were mounted, and demanded f<>r him- 

elr and company e<niital>le participation in the spoil, a 

cording to compact. This Pi/arro ref . l!it agfl 
to divide what should he then-after taken. Th dlS- 

]>ute \ finally settled by allowing All 

-one hundred thousand pesos, and for his men 
twenty thousand. 

Y-t more slowly came in the gold; the people 
now hiding it; the Spaniards d 1 the death > 

Atahualpa with the liberty to devastate and pillage 
after the old maniiei 1 . 1 hey determined the, ii: 
should die; : hut first they would melt down and 
divide the gold; they determined to kill the inea, hut 
iirst he should have a fair trial. It was no diilieult 
matter to frame an indictment. Hua 
pretended in-ii; delay in the ran.-om, j ,d 

acec-pt haptism ; these ehar-vg, or any oi thein, we! 

amply sufficient. Then l^elipillo , ., .hvd one of At- 

ahualpa s wives, and did what he could to h; 


The native artisans to whom the task was allotted 

weW occupied mere than a month in running in 
the unm of .u old and silv< r Coll 1. 

It was in value 1. .539 castellanos, in pur- 

17 1 ; that 1 ir.l fmui thp ! of 

A tain: M l.y ; 


tli Ifu.-. 

it, dit-.n. (rune <lr.s fciniiifs d Al :te 

fpi iulrei\ se c.xninii. 

inu^cr ivit-s>. 

iir. !e los ; s, cscri 

1 i Valverde < 1 lin .le im\> I 

w> os, Agustin ^arat. . \ I -o 

[>CZ clc CJOIIKI: .c.s do aqucll lUtua del 


chasing power to over twenty millions of dollars at 
the present day. " It is the most solemn responsi 
bility of my life," exclaimed Pizarro, as he seated 
himself in the golden chair of the inca, to act as 
umpire in the partition, " and may God help me to 
deal justly by every man;" after which prayer the 
pirate s dealings might well be watched. And first 
he gave himself the golden chair in which he sat, 
valued at 20,000 castellanos, golden bars, 57,222 cas- 
tellanos, and 2,350 marks of silver. Next his brother 
Hernando received 31,080 castellanos of gold, and 
2,350 marks of silver, nearly twice as much as was 
given to Hernando de Soto, his equal in rank and 
talent. Horsemen received 8,880 castellanos in gold 
and 362 marks of silver. Some of the infantry received 
, half that amount, others less. To the church of San 
Francisco was given 2,220 castellanos of gold. 30 Father 
Luque had died shortly before the departure of Al- 
magro from Panama; no mention is made of him or 
of his legal representative, Gaspar de Espinosa, in the 

Hernando Pizarro and Hernando de Soto were 
both opposed to harsh measures with regard to the 
inca, treating with the contempt they deserved the 
thickening rumors of revolt. But Pizarro and Al- 
magro, impatient to pursue their ambitious schemes, 
had long since determined Atahualpa s fate. The ac- 

molde: pondre aqui algimas dellas, para que se vean mejor. Gardlaso de la 
Vega, Com. Beetles, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest estimate 
of this treasure as being in all probability as near the truth as any. Many 
different amounts are given, some of them as high as four millions. Hallarou 
cinque ta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte 
y seys mil y quinietos pesos de oro, suma, y riqza, nunca vista en viio. 
Gomara, Hist. Ind., 154-5. 

5 The Spanish Captain says that every foot-soldier received 4,800 ducats, 
equal to 7,208 castellanos, while horsemen received double. Those who were 
left at San Miguel received 200 pesos each. II signor gouernatore fece le 
parti, e tocc6 a ciscuno fante a pie, qtiattro mila e ottocento pesi d oro, che 
sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che 
gli furon fatti. . .A quelli Christian! che erano restati in quel luogo doue ha- 
ueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette dua mila pesi d oro, accioche lo 
partissero, che ne tocc6 dugento pesi a ciascuno. Relation e d vn Capitano 
8pa0nvolo, Ramusio, iii. 377. Chaque cavalier recut neuf cents pesos d or 
et trois cent soixante marcs d argent. Chaque fantassin cut la moitie" de cette 
stxmine. Hist, du Ptrou, 327-8. 


CU>ati UK! t lid both I 

they not so diabolical Pizarro and AJ d 

\ jud-es. A moi i<_r the eh, ted in- 

BU ion, u.Mirpation and putting to death the 1 

i ul sovereign, idolatry, wagin !ul- 

ry, polygamy, and tin- embe//.!.-ment of the pub! 
revenues since the Spaniards had taken poaa 

11. iintry! \Vhat more cut tin-- irony could \\ 
])i csciit of the Christian and civilized idea of human- 
ity and i lits of man tin n n1 <Ttain<-d than t! 

do^uo of crimes by which this barbarian mi; 
unjustly die, every one ot whieh the Spaniard m- 

3 had committed in a tenfold d. 

in-- these dominions. The opinion of th< 

ien. w It is unnecessary to say that the p; 
was I ounil guilty. lie was condemned to be burn 
alive in the plaza. 

At the appointed hour the royal captive, heavily 
chained, was led forth. It v, nightfall, and t 

rch-lights threw a dismal glare upon the 
1 y the i: ide walked the ini a: Vi- 

nte, \\ho ii I pouring into the umvillii 

ear of his victim his hateful consolatioi I ^^n t 

funeral pile, Atahualpa ^ ^formed thai ifi id 

ccjit baptism he 1 mi^ht be kindly >t rankled i. id 
cf b d. "A cheap escape from much Mill 
it the monarch, and permitted it to 1-e 
The name of Juan de Atahual[ia w \vn hi: 
iron collar of th< rroto was then ti 
( brisl iac the new coin 

81 1 .v that th h w;is < 

: to the soUlit-rs, \\hiic liy . c o <lci to th 

tin- oiliuia \\hii him. 

I killinu tli 


D : 

i SOlul 
:i los 1 



and the spirit of the inca hied away to the sun. Thus 
one more jewel was added to the immortal crown of 
Father Vicente de Valverde! 32 

With the death, of Atahualpa the empire of the 
incas fell to pieces, and the Spaniards were not slow 
to seize upon the distracted country. It is said that 
the gold and silver obtained by the conquerors at 
Cuzco equalled that furnished by the inca. Official 
statements place the amount at 580,200 castellanos of 
gold, and 215,000 marks of silver. 83 After another 
distribution government was organized by the Span 
iards with Manco Capac crowned inca of Peru for a 
figure-head, behind whom and in whose name the 
grim conquerors might unblushingly pursue their work 
of destruction. Sebastian Benalcazar took possession 
of Quito, where he was shortly afterward confronted 
by Pedro de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mex 
ico and governor of Guatemala. 

It appears that Alvarado, having fitted out a fleet 
of twelve ships for a voyage to the Spice Islands, was 
turned from his purpose as will be hereafter related, 
by the reported marvellous successes of the Peruvian 
adventures. Believing or affecting to believe that 
the province of Quito was without the jurisdiction 
of Pizarro, he determined to conquer that country for 
himself. His army on landing presented the strongest 
front of any in Peru, but the march across the snowy 
sierra was one of the most disastrous in Spanish colo 
nial history. 34 Although the distance was short the en- 

J The philosophy as well as the religion of the early writers is ever found 
equal to the emergency. Y aunque parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron 
los quo intervinieron en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida 
del Guaxcar, como queda dicho. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 1G6-7. 
33 Comencaron vnos a desentablar las paredes del templo, que de oro, y 
plata eran: otros & desenterrar las joias, y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos 
estavan: otros a tomar idolos que de lo mesmo eran. Garcllaso de la Vega, 
Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii. 

Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores dicen, que llevb 
consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece decir, que & muchos de los que 
fueron con el, les oi, que f ueron ochocientos Espafloles. Garcilaso de la Vega, 
Com. Beaks, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii. 


ti: ii with tin- dead; n liaii hun 

dred Spaniar. ;id t v. . . t hou>and Indians j bed 
i Inoiigh how* -urvived to enable A! inal. 

blearra aente with Almagroand Benalc&zar. 

A portion oi tin- ve&& ml the entire t t Al 

rado were transferred totheassoci for o; ^divd 
thousand castellan* Alvaradotben vi l ; i.:arro 

at J achacamac, wh< the latter was . the 

dt vrlnpinrnt of d C^tiii r which Alv, 

i-adn tool; hisdcjiartui-e. Benalc&zar remain 

and uveiitiially became -overnor of that 

After this in the history of Peru conies the i-ud 
between tlie associate coiKjuurors; for here as el 

no BOOner are Hie savages slain than their 
( all to fighting among theinsi 1 Alma- 

and I i/.arro are old men, old irieiids, i-ojmrtii 
t instead of dividing their iinnn-n-.- acquisition and 
devoting the brief remainder of their da pea 
fid pursuits, so deadly becomes their hatred that 

icli seems unable to rest while the other li\ 
Hernando Pizarro reports proceedings in Sj ,-md 
Almagro is placed in command of Cuzco, while IMzan 

founds his capital at Lima, The kin^ c-onlinns J i- 
xai ro in his conquest and makes him MarjU los 

Atavillos, and grants AlmagTO two hundred leagues 
along the sea-sin Commencing i rom the 

limit of Pizarro 1 ritoiy. Hernando Pizarro tai 

Almagro s place at Cuzco. AYhilo J>t-nal is 

( v hiito, Ah; > in Chile, and th -s of Pizari 

di\ided be1 n CllZCO and Lima, the inca, ]\Ian<- 

With two hundred tin, 1 men 

he I 3 Cuxco, Lima, and San Migurl >imulta- 

neonsly. and ma>sacre> tl h rs on plantation 

The Spaniards are reduced to the g mity. 

Cu/co is laid in a>hes. and IM/arro. unable to G 5p6T- 

witli liis bi-other Sernando, despatches >hi[s i 

.1 anama and Nicaragua for aid. 


r J he. chief poinl of dispute IM t\\ 


is the partition line dividing their respective govern 
ments. Each claims the ancient capital of Cuzco as 
lying within his territory. Almagro, returning from 
a disastrous expedition into Chile, makes overtures to 
gain the friendship of Manco Capac; failing in this 
he defeats the inca in a pitched battle, takes posses 
sion of Cuzco, makes Hernando Pizarro his prisoner, 
and captures his army. Instead of striking off his 
head as urged to do by Orgonez, and marching at 
once on Lima, Almagro falters and thereby falls. 

Meanwhile Hernan Cortes sends his imperilled 
brother-conqueror a vessel laden with provisons; a 
kingly gift. Gaspar de Espinosa, Father Luque s suc 
cessor, presents himself about this time in Peru, and 
is sent to Almagro by Pizarro to effect a settlement 
of their difficulties, but the latter remains firm, and 
the sudden death of Espinosa terminates the present 
overtures. Finally by many solemnly sworn promises, 
which are broken immediately, his point is gained, 
Francisco Pizarro obtains the release of his brother; 
then with seven hundred men, on the plain before 
Cuzco, he engages and defeats Almagro s force of five 
hundred men under Orgonez, captures Almagro, whom 
he places in chains, and after a mock trial puts him to 
death. Hernando Pizarro is afterward arrested in 
Spain for the murder of Almagro, kept confined a 
prisoner for twenty years, is liberated, and dies at the 
age of one hundred years. 

And now appears on the scene, as heir to the feud, 
Almagro s illegitimate son Diego, who henceforth 
lives but to avenge his father s death. There are 
those who will not serve the murderer of their master, 
men of Chile, they are called, and so they see distress 
and carry thin visages and -tattered garments about 
the streets of Cuzco. These to the number of twenty, 
with Juan de Rada their leader, meet at the house of 
young Almagro, and bind themselves by oath to kill 
Francisco Pizarro on the following Sunday the 26th 
of June 1541. Almagro s house adjoins the church, 

of>I>Y T; \ATIe 41 

while Pizarro on the oil he pi They 

liini as he ).-. church after n. 

But t!i- governor does not attend church that 

TOSS tin- s<ju;ii< and through an oj.cii 

tlic court-van!, from which e I to 

i upper room, win TO Pizarro is at dinner with 

nil friends. Suddenly the diners hear a shout 

in below, ".Long live the king! Death to tyrant 

A.CC med to danger I i/.arro acts on tin- instant, 
directs his chief office i- Francisco de Chaves to make 
last the door, and steps into an adjoining room with 
his half-brother, Martinez de Alcanta: > arm him- 
If. ( ihavefi -prints forward and closes the door, hut 
in [ of securing it he parleys with the assailants 
who are now at the top oi th- . A sword thru 

into the of 3 breast cuts short theconf -e, and 

the body is tiling helo\V. 1 < vin^ hlood, lno>t of 

the 14- 1 i ily, climbing over a corridor and droppin 

ound; two or three who had come forward 
with Chaves an* quickly despatched by the conspir 
ators. Although his armor is ill-adjusted Pizarro 
springs forward sword in hand. "How now. villaii. 
would you minder me?" cries this v m >f a hun 
dred ii-lr r riien to Alcantara, "Let us hold 1- ly 

traitors, for I swear to God we two are 

<>u-h to slay them all." men of Chile i all hack 

re him, but only fora moment; a^ain crowdin 

rward one after another of th- uspirators i- 
stretched <>n tin; ground. The coiKjiiest how 
too unequal to continue; yet after Alcdnt two 

]>. nor, and every p t 

th u](>n the iloor. Pizai i o still li^lr. 

on. At length Ivai! :aep !, gn 

conn I, named Xarvae/., and hui ls him a 
Pi, *8 s\\-<rd. It i Xarvaez, but it i- 

victory for Almagro; for while the swor*l of Pizarro 
i> sheatlh-d in the body of the luekl- >n>pirat(.: 

th ! .>f another stri him in the throat, 

and brings him totheil<>or. "Jvill him! kill him!" cry 


the assailants as they close round the fallen chieftain, 
thrusting into his body their swords. 3 * True to his 
religious instincts, the expiring hero raises himself on 
his arm, traces with his own blood upon the floor the 
sacred emblem of his faith, sighing "Jesu Cristo!" 
then while he bows his head to kiss the cross which 
he had made, a blow more dastardly than all the rest 
terminates his eventful life. Thus perish in sanguinary 
brawl, each by the hand of the other, these renowned 
chieftains, whose persistent steadfastness of purpose 
and manly courage under difficulties were equalled only 
by their avarice, treachery, and infamous cruelty. 

The bloody work accomplished, the conspirators 
rush forward and cry, " Long live the king ! The tyrant 
is dead! Long live our lawful governor Almagro!" 
The Almagroists continue in power till the latter part 
of 1 5 42, < when they are exterminated by Vaca de 
Castro, sent as commissioner by the crown to quiet the 
country. Almagro is executed, and the name becomes 
extinct. Juan Pizarro is killed by the Indians while 
capturing the fortress of Cuzco, and after the defeat 
of Vasco Nunez Vela at Anaquito had been avenged 
by the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro at Xaquixa- 

guana, the affairs of Peru lapse into the hands of the 


viceroys/ 1 

35 His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this time nearly 80 
years of age, and that he killed five persons and wounded others before he 
was stricken down. Como eran tatos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia 
muerto a cinco, y otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de 
ochenta anos, no pudo defense tanto, que no le diessen una estocada en la gar- 
ganta, con que se desalet6, y desangrb, y vino a arrodillar. Varones Ilvstres, 

36 It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history of the Peruvian 
conquest, indeed the only one that can lay claims to fairness and complete 
ness, is Mr Prescott s. The chief original authorities have already been 
given. Pizarro forms a leading figure in Quintana, Yidas de Espaiioles Cele 
bris, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three volumes, reprinted 
at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and dramatist since 1801, Quintana 
intended to produce a lengthy series of biographies of the national heroes who 
had already entered into his song ; but the demands of other studies and Of 
his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as senator, interfered 
with his work, and nine lives are all that have been recorded. While declar 
ing his intention to be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate 

predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic fancy with biographic 
facts. The list may be greatly swollen by si 

*^ JL. \J \J -L 

such works as Acosta, Hist. Ind.; 

Ai ;;iTir 43 

La A 
h Sea, i. 

. ii. 1..1 -, Z/oAorpe, I 
dl i:;i 67; / y., iv. : 

1C, iv. n;i 512, v. 1-21 dri.l, 1788, i. 

ii. rj:; 

, r<V"x, 71-171 ; 


rip. (/ .-I///.. ; /My/* ,s />r- - , 7 ., iii. 4 

, 141-7 /., xv.. 

, SI KM; //// ni. 7 

lo ; Unrir\i M<"t., xi -aw, in 7>o^. // ,1. 

J-(> . 51: K, in Pacheco and Col. Doc. t x. : 

Tr<i"< mada, i. Gil; and the many royal ccdulaa and letters of the 1 
and otl. 




MENTION has already been made of the appointment 
of Pedro de los Rios as governor of Castilla del Oro 
in place of Pedrarias Ddvila, of the arrival of his fleet 
at Nombre de Dios in 1526, and of the death of Pe- 
clrarias at Leon in 1530. The new governor was 
instructed that the conversion of the natives rather 
than their conquest should be his main purpose; they 
were to be treated indeed as vassals of the crown but 
not as slaves; and his Majesty the emperor Charles 
V. was pleased to declare that in the foundation of 
new colonies he had less recrard for his own awran- 

- . Oo 

chzement than for the spread of the holy Catholic 
faith. Pedro de los Kios was a man unfit to govern a 
community of wild and turbulent adventurers in a 
strange and half -settled territory. Instead of pur 
suing the right course at the right moment, he seemed 
to go out of his way to commit blunders. As occurred 

4. , 

at liis I* - in 

im h 

be was often i >\\\i(l \ ; in ; hour of 

trial. H: -k <>f amhition and ever-p .rd 

>wn ] nal i .nd sa iniiii- 
i-t mt i<>ii in prve taint- and m. itful. 

Th i fames \\ nt a- 

the rulers of ( a-tilla del Oro that it is lnita t 

i5n to allude to it; hut 1 inir>t 
bes iar >urj> d tliu ^ <>f all his j 

lli> avarice was only i <! ly that of his \vl 

Avli ( )vi-!n fcella us, held him under complete con- 

1 and governed th province through the^nvt-rn 
He appropriated all that he could lay hands on,wh< 
public or private jimpcrty, and his m.iL in oil. 

jo notorious 

of the cmjxTnr. Hc^ \v, .-joined from cro.- 
boundaries of his province, ord<T- >urr- rtol 
royal t irer the l^earl Islands, the r uies of 
, it will her uhered, \\ 1 under his 

hy the crown, and !l needful aid 

Pizarroand J)5e-" <!< Alma^ro in thepros- 
itinn of ih-ir exploring expeditions. 
lUit it was no part of the policy of Rios to huill 
\\\\ other ierritories at. the r\p of his own, and his 

fled <>f these instructions, uni with the mal 
inlluence of the crafty Pedrai whom the : 
\vitted lu<>< n , per 

his downfall. 1 Such, finally, v, the C 
before t! uncil of the Ti j, that :ue 

n of his three \ term of oil; 

IO d- la ( 

his r and the governor, d 

-ult. ] i Spain and denial, 

{ h. fore tl. ineil of the Indit-s. ( )v u 

iif\- for the city nf Panama, and .1 

1 // . iv. 111.. i< 


the iu-stig;. 


de los Bios was fined, despoiled of office, ordered home, 
and forbidden ever to return to the Indies. 2 His wife, 
whom he had left behind, refused to make the jour 
ney to Spain without the company of her husband, 
and as he declined to return for her, she remained at 
Panama to the day of her death. 

After the condemnation of Rios in 1529, the licen 
tiate refused to surrender his badge of office, retain 
ing his post as governor for about five years. 
Notwithstanding some complaints of his summary 
method of dealing with judicial matters, a few even 
going so far as to say that if Rios chose to return he 
might do so with impunity, the general verdict of the 
colonists was in his favor, and during his administra 
tion many public improvements were made. An 
inordinate craving for wealth was, as usual, the cause 
of his removal, 3 and in the spring of 1534 he was 
superseded by Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo, a 
soldier who had gained some distinction at Cartagena. 
Barrionuevo had received his commission nearly two 
years before, and set sail from Spain in command of a 
force of two hundred men, furnished at the expense 
of the crown. He was ordered to touch at Espanola, 
where the governor was instructed to furnish all 
needed supplies; and the expedition arrived at Nombre 
cle Dios with ranks somewhat thinned by disease, and 
by casualties incurred through rendering assistance 
in quelling an Indian revolt in Santo Domingo. 

Amidst the throng of adventurers who, dazzled by 
marvellous reports of the wealth of the incas and of 
the fabled treasures of Dabaiba, petitioned the emperor 
for grants of territory south of Castilla del Oro was 
Pedro de Heredia, who had already done good service 
at the settlement of Santa Marta and elsewhere in 
the Indies. To him was assigned in Nueva Anda- 

2 He died at Cdrdova. Oviedo, iii. 123-4. 

3 Of his subsequent career it is known that he served under Pizarro in Peru 
and afterward retired to his estates in Cuzco. Cartas de Indicts, 761-2. 

NUEVA AX1>AU < IA. 47 

hicia ;i province whose limits id. <l I M. in 1: 
River Atratatothe .Ma^dalena, and from th- \rth 
Sea to thu equator. Sailing from Spain in 1532 with 
thr -Is and ahont one hundred men. In- landed 

a port then called ( alainari, hut to which he ^a\ 
tin- name of Cartagena. 4 It \ ahout th 

( )jeda s command was annihilated in 1509, and hi -re 
that Xicuesa a ed the defeat of his latu rival hy 

] tutting to the sword the people. 

Aitefr a brief rest the Spaniards inarched inland and 
iinc ere Lui^ to a town where they met with >tmt 
resistance. The natives made good use of their 
poisoned aiTOWS and clubs of hard wood, man, matron, 
and maid li^litin^ side hy side, and though all desti 
tute of clothing or any defensive arm<>r, confronted 
the lire-arms and swords of the Europeans without 
flinching. A few prisoners were taken (luring the 
skirmish, one of whom, on the return of the party i 
Cartagena, offered to act as guide to some of the 
la. towns in that vicinity , thinking that hi 
mn>t Mirely he there overpowered and exterminated. 
On the way they were attacked hy a 1. lody of 

natives wh, alter a sharp cont* driven into a 

neighboring stronghold, enclosed with several thick! 
planted rows of ti In hot pursuit the Spaniar 

l ll.. . and forced their way into the enclosure nde 
l>y >ide with the fii /niv. lYesh hands of Indiai 
ori arriVed and, turning the scale, dr Mit th 
vadei-s, and in the]>lain beyond, whe] is room for 
6 use of artillery and ,,lrv. n here pre--ed 
-m so hard that they held their ground with difti- 

culty. During the fight Heredia, b 

from his men. \\ -irroundejl. and would surely ha\ 
heeu killed had not one of his sol \\av 

thrU _;h the enemy s i-anks, and tin his >w..rd 

thi-oii- h the hody of one, and cir howstrin 

of another, held tl in check till others could com 

*0n aoeoun; .ncc to the harbor of Cartagena in Spaiu. 

11 //-. rO| HI), ii. cap. iii. 


to his assistance. Finally the savages were driven 
back, leaving their town in the hands of the captors, 
who found there provisions and a little gold. 

Returning to Cartagena, Heredia fell in with a 
vessel newly arrived from Espafiola with troops on 
board that raised his command to one hundred foot 
and as many horse. Thus reen forced, he penetrated 
the province as far as the town of Cenu, in the valley of 
a river which still bears that name. Here was found 
in two boxes or chests gold to the value of 20,000 
pesos, and in a place which went by the name of " El 
bohfo del.diablo," 5 a pit with three compartments, 
each about two hundred and fifty feet in length, was 
a hammock supported by four human figures, and 
containing gold to the value of 15,000 pesos, amid 
which, according to Indian tradition, his sable majesty 
was wont to repose. In a sepulchre near by, gold- 
dust was unearthed to the amount of 10,000 pesos. 

Well satisfied with the results of his expedition 
Heredia returned to head-quarters, and was soon after 
ward joined by a fresh reenforcement of three hun 
dred men. The tidings of his success soon attracted 
numbers of dissatisfied colonists from Castilla del Oro, 
and toward the close of the sixteenth century Carta 
gena became a place of considerable note, 6 the fleet 
that supplied the New World with the merchandise 
of Spain touching there on the way to Portobello. 
The latter was but a small village, tenante d chiefly 
by negroes, and possessing, next to Nombre de Dios, 
the most sickly climate of all the settlements in Tierra 
Firme. So deadly were the exhalations from its rank 
and steaming soil that a small garrison maintained 
there to guard the fleet was changed four times a 
year. Notwithstanding its unwholesome atmosphere 

5 Ilerrcra, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the Spanish translation for the 
tthrase applied to it by the natives. The word bohio belongs to the dialect 
cf the country. 

6 In JJerrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv. , it is stated that the city was then very 
populous, had a considerable commerce, and contained two castles heavily 
mounted with artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house, and 
other public buildings. 


an annual fair was held there lasting forty < 

3 streets we] d wit !i mere] 

;u every <j I r <>! 1 1n- Indi< \.,t m 
aft rd the Peruvian herd limb! mountain 

side iii <ji! ray llama, disco 

mi. and tin- ]>la<-. I ecame, l<>ra few \ 

iii til-- \ redundant mart of commerce in 

11, rid. A flee! . freighted \viih all that \ 

(juii-ed t.i he I - -al and artificial wants of an 

opulent community, called tin- 


CASTILLA i>. o. 

if a])])caiv;! in si^ lii lln- tiva^ui 1 

and pearl-fisheri< conveyed ly land from J > anam;i 

to C} md thence down the Ki)( ha to I or- 

-t and c\]) : ; oll nf }l\< trl l i- 

li;id .lly - ted, 1 rdro dr I li;i 

lied l\\^ I lMtln r Alnnso t<> t! ill of Trabii 

.KM-IUTIM! in i Acost J )G-10. 



to rebuild there the town of San Sebastian. 8 The site 
selected was some leagues south of the ruins of the 
settlement which Ojeda had founded, and where his 
lieutenant Francisco Pizarro and his band suffered 
from hunger and pestilence before Vasco Nunez led 
them to the South Sea. On a spot distant about 
half a league from the eastern shore of the gulf, among 
some hillocks near which were groves of tall cocoa- 
nut palms, 9 the settlement was founded, sorely against 
the will of Julian Gutierrez, who, having married 
the sister of the cacique Uraba, had accumulated a 
fortune by bartering for gold such cheap baubles as 
the natives most preferred. 10 Inciting the natives to 
harass Heredia s party at every opportunity, Gutierrez 
proceeded to build a fort on the banks of the Rio 
Caiman, at no great distance from San Sebastian. In 
this enterprise he was joined by a number of male- 
contents from Castilla del Oro, who had been on the 
point of embarking for Peru, but were persuaded to 
take service under Gutierrez. Chief among them 
was one Francisco Cesar, who soon afterward figures 
prominently in the history of Cartagena. 

Heredia at once marched with all his forces against 
Gutierrez, and bid him withdraw from the limits of 
his province. The latter replied that he was acting 
under instructions from the governor of Castilla del 
Oro and could not neglect his orders. Heredia pre 
tended to be satisfied with this answer and withdrew 
his troops, but returning after nightfall stormed the 
enemy s camp and put most of the garrison to the 
sword. Gutierrez and his Indian wife were carried 

8 According to Herrcra, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the new town was named 
San Sebastian de Buena Vista. 

9 In JJerrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the somewhat remarkable 
statement that the nuts were of such size that two of them were often a 
sufficient burden for a man. He probably adheres to fact, however, when- 
he states that on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first 
discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro s fifty days sojourn in 
that neighborhood when waiting for the return of Ojeda. 

9 And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who afterward 
carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives. Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva 
Granada, 133. 

[E G< JBA. 

Cc -ar v, i* h ir- 

and i ward 

vice und, r 1 1 redia. N >[ \ h >n reach* 

. whereupon Barrionuevo immediai d 

over t ombre do J)i<>>, took ship for ( 
j rocured t! of his lieutena: nd 

an arran; lit with LVdr- which 

A ,iade thu southern l>.undary of ( !a 

1 ( )i 

In the vicinity of a temple in the vail v < 
( Eliver the coloni f San Sebastian di d 

nu i Dinl ; f them oi .t da; 

;ird tin- lajjx- of cenl nri( 

I! tlio natives hurled their raei<jiies in i 

])ostur hy Mile with their i;iv<>rit best 

rvants, and dearest friends; and in t! 
van! "iitained th mains were placed all 

their i^ old, ovms, and arnmr. This, pei ehance, n> 
li;, ;olden U lllple of J )auaiia. 1 . 

\\l\\c\\. had already <<(, thr lives <>f so many Sj 

id was yet to cost the lives of hund. 
they pur this glittering phantom far south toward 

th -f the province. South 

I y the t ory of the <-aci<|Ue J )ahail>a. \\ 

nan; ;1 applied to ti >kirt- the l,a;ik 

of t forming a \ n\ >[)iir of t! 

llera. \veen the ^ulf and the town of th- 

was a Fo tt-n or fcwelv) a in length, d< 

with] , and matted with tropical TON h, 

t! liich ilowed to 1 h- i mountain 

ith fallen t . and 
neighborhood wit of la- d m, 


:d. r fl. i the natives, with th 

li^lit | . their \ 

th- d with his h< 

I it lay an I .d bi 

unknown and whore ti 


tortuous bed of a mountain torrent afforded for a 
brief space during the dry season the only means of 
access to the realms of the Indian chief. The sierra 
of Dabaiba had for many years barred the progress 
of Spanish exploration and conquest, but there, if 
report were true, lay hidden stores of gold that out 
shone even the riches of an Atahualpa or a Monte- 
zuma. Closely guarded indeed must be the treasure 
that could escape the keen scent of the Spaniard, and 
great the obstacles that could stay his path when in 
search of his much loved wealth. 

The first to attempt the conquest of this territory 
was Francisco Cesar, now a captain of infantry, and 
one whose skill and gallantry had gained for him the 
confidence of his men. Starting from San Sebastian 
in 1536, in command of eighty foot and twenty horse, 
he travelled southward through a pathless wilderness. 
Ten months the party journeyed, and arriving at 
length at the Guaca 11 Valley were suddenly attacked 
by an army of twenty thousand natives. While thus 
surrounded and cut off from all hope of retreat, there 
appeared above them in the heavens the image of 
Spain s patron saint. Three hours thereafter the 
enemy was routed, and the Spaniards proceeded at 
once to look for gold. After much tedious search, 
a crumbling sepulchre was discovered, wherein was 
hidden treasure to the value of thirty thousand cas- 
tellanos. The remnant of Cesar s band then returned 
to San Sebastian, accomplishing their homeward 
journey in seventeen days. 

Less fortunate was Pedro de Heredia, who in the 
same year organized an expedition to invade the 
realms of the cacique Dabaiba and to gain possession of 
his treasures. At the head of two hundred and ten 
mail-clad men, Heredia set out from San Sebastian, 
and directed his course along the banks of the Atrato. 

11 Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama 

Por rico mineral a cada lado. 
Castellanos, Varones Jllustres lud., 394. 

in;REi>iAs i;xri:DiTio v 

ived ai the verg ><. tl h 

\vliicli lie- 1111; :t his \\ ^t In- could, with IV 

<j and vexatious delays lor the felling of 

and tl (ruction <>! rafi hrid^v UK 

round, impassable else f "i u or lea>t. Kain fell 

in toirei -nous snakes an<l of v. 

and nicsijui haunted t! my >olitud > 

fires could be kindled, and famine and ilence -n 

familiar guests in the Spanish camp. Son 
natives v, ho served as guides \\ used oi* liavin^ 

])ur|)oscly led them a>i They answered : "A\ 

from the river to the mountains in three days, v/lii! 
you and your horses iv<{iiire as many moiil! 

Wh. 11 the storm cleared away a detachment of 

SjKinia \vas sent in advance to reconnoitre, tl -t 
remaining in camp to await their report. After ;i 
few d, march they arrived at a spot \vheiv the 
smol pirini^ emhers and Ilie skins of anil 

indi--.: 1 a recent encamjiment of savages. After 
diligent search huts \vere discovered huilt amidst tl. 
Ixm-! is of the forest-trees, the natives thus securii 
th Ives from venomous reptiL After a slight 
.ncc two of the natives were captured, and from 
their information the party brought hack news to fch< ir 
comra liat they were travelling in a wronij direc 
tion. IIc>redi;i and his men, too much dispirited to 
make any further effort, turned their laces homeward 

and arrived at San Sehastiun empty-handed and in 

sorry j b, the return journey occupying forty s, 

and the ent : .j-edition ahoiit three 

The survivors of the t\v< Spanish companies soon 

came clamorous f<>r fre>h ad\ cntui-e, and in 1538 

Franci co ( :, with Heredia s permission, < d 

a I oivr aboui * ((Ual in numhcr fco his lirst command, 
resolved this til at all hazard tin i- 

of the mystei-ioiis sici ra. A leaving San 

an, ( marched alon^ the coast in the dir 

Bio V rde, thence turning eastward t d 


the corclillera. The party suffered severely, and on 
arriving at the Guaca Valley mustered but sixty-three 
men capable of bearing arms. Nevertheless Cesar ad 
vanced boldly on the first town which fell in his way 
after ascending the sierra. The inhabitants, assured 
by interpreters that the invaders had no hostile in 
tent, brought forth an abundant supply of roots, corn, 
fruit, and such other provisions as they possessed. 
The horses were treated with special care, and hom 
age was paid to them as to superior beings. 

While the Spaniards were enjoying here a few days 
of repose the chief of the district, Nutibara by name, 
quietly assembled an army of two thousand men, 
thinking to crush, this presumptuous little band, for 
no tidings had yet reached him of the dread prowess 
of the strangers. A stubborn conflict ensued, termi 
nated only by the death of Quinunchu, brother of 
Nutibara, who fell by the hand of Csar. Santiago 
on his white horse again appeared in behalf of his 
followers, and to him was ascribed the glory of the 
carnage that followed. The conquerors soon ascer 
tained that the country for many leagues around was 
rising in arms against them, and having now secured 
treasure to the value of forty thousand ducats they 
returned by forced marches to San Sebastian. 12 

News of Cesar s expedition was soon carried to 
Cartagena, whence in December 1537 the licentiate 
Juan de Badillo set forth to explore further the 
region south of the gulf of Uraba. A force of three 
hundred and fifty men was collected, with five hun 
dred and twelve horses, a number of Indians and 
negroes, and ample stores of provisions and munitions 
of war. Francisco Cesar was second in command, and 
the treasurer Saavedra one of the captains. Starting 
from the port of Santa Maria near the mouth of the. 
Atrato they arrived, with no adventure worthy of 

12 In Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 142, it is stated that during 
this expedition Cdsar reached the town of the cacique Dabaiba, but 110 men 
tion is made of his finding any gold there. 


ii ie v;ill rt 

Mid at the head of Sixl 

ten, \\ a i ! n !>.; p- 

pe-rl ahout nightfall, DOSted his nidi in ivadi: 

ilt at (! !v. The (! ]MT- 

heir (! i, determined atici] pa, 

aii;l iMl en the Spaniards una\ lut 

itiii 4 were repulsed. 

ii continued his march through theGc 
Val! rrivi: : i lie ddinai (JuiniM-lii. 

Jt\\:i> IKTC that CVsar, oil liis \\r>\ < i. liad 

in hcd treasure to the value of thirty thousand 

ca MHO-. ! hence one reason t <>r - .this 

rout In June the expedition arri\< t the \al! 
N ori . 11 with i-iinks somewhat tliinnrl ly laini: 
and rless enronnters with tlie nativi ]\! 

iiiLC \vitli a i riendly cacique they <|iie>lioned liini 8 
the \v :l)outs of the great ti IT6 of 1 )ahaih 

lie replietl: " There is no treasure, for they have i 
nerd of any; Imt wlien they want ^old to ])iire] 

od or -in a caj.iive, they jiirlc it up in di 

ather i roin under the i-o<-ks in the river-beds." 

\ploi-ini;- parties w .-nt in all directions, luit with 

little Stic- r riiey COllld Hot scale tip siel I 

or e idierous in. and they \\ ,-on- 

ntly hai-assed ly l>ands of India Acosta ivl 

that one d inent sent out toward the inotintai! 

in a woterly direction passed underneath a \ii! 
lnilr amidst the overt ing hoii^l 

bence the natives plied them \\ith arrows, 
hot wa 1 iiid 15-hted fagota 

T!ie caciqu i Xoi-f. anxious to be rid of tl. 
Spaniards, pi I ! Jadillo wiili ^ld to the valu 

of two thm-and ] . and oll .-rrd to conduct him 

i auriferou n. then known as the .IJuriti. 

. t of the swarms of troublcsom* * in it <or- 

hool. / /.. -J.vj. 

., JG4. 


Valley. After a six days march they came to a 
native stronghold, which was captured after a sharp 
struggle, the chieftain, with his young wife, being 
taken captive. The latter was released on payment 
of a large ransom, accompanied with a promise from 
her husband to act as guide to a spot where rich 
mines were known to exist. With a heavy iron col 
lar round his neck, and fastened by chains between 
four stalwart soldiers, the cacique led the way till he 
came to the verge of a precipice, whence he threw 
himself headlong, dragging with him his guards. Un 
happily the fall did not prove fatal, and the Span 
iards, though sorely hurt, had yet life enough left to 
drag their bruised victim into the presence of Badillo, 
who at once ordered his slaves to burn him alive. 

Want, sickness, and the ceaseless hostility of the 
natives had now spread havoc in the Spanish ranks. 
Many who had come in search of wealth had found 
a grave; and the survivors, worn with hardship and 
disgusted, with the meagre results of their long- 
protracted toil, threatened to abandon the expedition 
and set their faces homeward. The discontent was 
greatly increased by the death of Francisco Cesar, a 
much loved and well trusted officer, and one who, had 
fortune cast his lot in a wider or nobler sphere of ac 
tion, might have become one of the foremost captains 
of his age. Nevertheless, the march was continued, 
and on Christmas-eve, after a journey lasting one 
year and three days, the expedition arrived at the 
province of Call, in the valley of the Cauca River. 
Here the soldiers well nigh broke out into open mu 
tiny. Badillo confronted them with drawn sword, 
exclaiming: "Let him return who chooses; I will go 
forward alone till fortune favors me." Nevertheless 
the men crowded around him still clamoring to be led 
back to Uraba, whereupon he ordered a division to be 
made of the spoil, hoping thus to put them in better 
heart. To complete his discomfiture it was found that 
the treasure-chest had disappeared. This last was a 

\ri i; i OF r 

! tin- worthy licentiate v. 

I of the tin-, Aloin- and broken-h< d In- 
. to 3 opayan, some t\\ the 

nth in t ! Thence lie mad his \\ 

au, \ there arr< I, ami , U-in :it 

a pri JOB ( ar :i;i. the city i mm whicli he ha I 

(! ! in pursuit of fame and ricli 

at Suvillr, ! 1 rial was concluded, i 

and a pauper. 

The eh, of peculation against Badillopn 

be unfounded, for the chest containing two th- i^aiid 

lill!. ; It-llano- :({ di d: 

r J"hc share of each foot-soldier was ascertained 
1>- llanos, from whi<-h it would a]>pear that 

t!. niards lost about h;,lf thr-ir uum!>< r 1> 

arriving at Calf. The remainder of the band follow -d 
the course of theCauca KMver northward 
Indian province of Umbra, where most of them took 
under one Jorge Robledo, who made furtli>T 
ex] itionson the ri^lit bank of the C auca in 11. 
mountainous region which now bears the name <>f 

In iri. js 11 the audiencia real y chancillerfa of t 

of Panama was established, th h 

included a presid four oidorc s, a fiscal, a r r, 
two secretaries, and for local government tl 
and three mini.- ofjii>tico. r Fhe territory und- 
Ihe jurisdiction ol the aiulii-ncia original! d 

Peru with the exc >nof the port of B ntur.- 

lut ftcrv.ard bounded by ( 

;d Ih OC . and was di\id. tl into tin- t! 

"\ ii: lla del ( )n>. 1 )ai-i<-n. and \ - 11 

of which i included under tl te nai -f Ti- 

-I^ irmc. 1 hiring the administration of j ) . 

we ha\ ii intcrdi. 1 forbidding law- 

:i<l magistr ide in < ilia del Oro, 

15 In 1 535, / , C w/. D(jc. t viii. Jo, coiilinucd by ( km< ntc, 

To! _,j4. 


and the minions of the governor decided civil cases 
always in favor of the party who paid the heaviest 
bribe. There was no appeal but to the governor him 
self except in cases where the amount exceeded five 
hundred pesos. A transcript of proceedings might in 
such cases be sent to the audiencia of Espanola, which 
at that time held jurisdiction over the inferior courts 
of Castilla del Oro. Some few years after the demise 
of Pedrarias the prohibition was removed, when 
there fell upon the fated land an avalanche of lawyers. 
"A magistrate," writes Oviedo to the emperor, "is 
worse than a pestilence, for if the latter took your 
life it at least left your estate intact." After the 
establishment of the ~audiencia of Panamd certain 
changes were made, but they were of little benefit to 
the community, for in 1537 we find the alcalde mayor 
holding the threefold office of presiding judge and 
attorney both for plaintiff and defendant, "passing 
sentence/ as Oviedo says, "on him. whom he least 
favored." 16 The government of the three provinces 
was in fact little else than a legalized despotism. Com 
plaint was sometimes made to the emperor, but the 
colonists soon found that the complainant was only 
made to suffer the more for his presumption. "Only 
that an ocean lay between Charles and his down 
trodden subjects," exclaims Vazquez, "nineteen out 
of twenty would have thrown themselves at his feet 
to pray for justice." 

The corruption extended to the municipal officers, 
and the provinces became rapidly impoverished. To 
make matters worse, multitudes of vagrants, the scum 
of the Spanish population, had for years been swarm 
ing into the New World settlements. At one time 
the hospitals and churches of Panamd were insuffi 
cient to shelter the hordes of poverty-stricken and 
houseless vagabonds that crowded the city. As they 
would not work, many were near starving. 

Charles knew little of all this, if indeed he cared. 

u Carta al JEmperador, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 64-82. 


"f liis i rue condi- 

tion of allairs in Tierra J- irme. it may be tnenti 
that n the appointment of IVav Vicefll aza 

ond bishop of ( ilia del Oro, h 

joined by the monarch to render aid to the faithful 
JVdr 1 );ivila in securing tin- com nd 

i reatnmnt -if the n;it i\ It is prol 

tin (1 l)5sliop worked a little tn<> con tioii-ly in 

the cau.-e oft! to suit tli.e 

S it has already IMM-II stated, he dird nf j. 
supposed to have been adniinisi , hy 


Of Tomds dc Berlanga, who filled the epis 

copal chair a ie\v years niter IVrn/a s decease, 17 it is 
stated that during his return voyage to Spain, in 

7. l. eiii;^- overtaken l>y a lienvy >tonn, h 
himself in J >ntiiical rol>es, and kneeling with the 

t <>f the company chanted a litany t<> the virgin. 
Jn response th red ontliewax- - what 

at iir -mall hoat, hut proved to he a ]. >\ c. .utain- 
inir. as was supposed, merdiandi T\: !e niodei 1 - 

d and the captain readily assented to the l)i>h< 
proposition that it the l><>x contained a >aint s ini; 
01- nther saci-ed thin^, it should become the property 
of the prelate, but if it held anything of monetary 
value it should br claimed by the former. Soon t 

S calm; the box was opened, and t : ire 

enniio-h, was the ima^v of Oui- j.ady of the Immacu- 

( oncej)tion. On his arrival in Spain In-rl 
]laced the ima;_re in the convent ol Medina de Ivio- 

> where hear ard founded a simitar institute . 

17 In ]I-rn-r:i, d.-.-. iv. HI. 

uiliv t fath i t tin- luUrr in I .">."!. 

Midi tout . uthorr, 

(K- \v;> 


I I jm.-nn;! in 
;il !y t uthority in elm j; to 

a into thu 
ilK-t uf 1 : 


chanting his first mass there on the 19th of January 
1543. 18 

18 So says Gonzalez Davila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551. Teatro Ecles., 
ii. 57-8. 

With the trio of travellers and observers, Benzoni, Acosta, and Thevet, 
may be classed Juan de Castellanos, whose Ehgias de Varones I lustres de 
Indlas recount not only the glories of the military, ecclesiastic, and civil 
conquerors who figured in the early annals of the region extending over the 
Antilles, the Isthmus, and the northern part of South America, but give 
special histories of the New* Granada provinces. Himself one of the horde 
which came over from Spain for glory and plunder, he had as cavalry soldier 
taken active part in a number of the expeditions so graphically described. 
With the acquisition of a fortune came a sense of the injustice exercised in its 
accumulation, and remorse perhaps for ill-treatment of the Indians, mingled 
largely with discontent at the poor recognition of his services, caused him to 
join the church. He received the appointment of candnigo tesorero at Carta 
gena, but resigned it after a brief tenure for the curacy of Tunja, erroneously 
assumed by some writers to be his birthplace. Here he found ample time to 
seek solace by unlocking the gates of a natural eloquence, and letting forth the 
remembrances of glorious deeds and events. The gown is forgotten, and 
the old soldier dons again in fancy the rusty armor, though he modestly, too 
modestly, refrains from intruding himself. It is in prose that he first relates 
his story, but finding this too quiet for his theme of heroes and battles, he 
transposes the whole into verse, a work of ten years. 

His is not the artificial refinement of the epic writer, whose form he follows 
from a love of rhythm, but merely versified narrative, with a generally honest 
adherence to fact, though form and metre suffer: 

Ire con pasos algo presurosos, 
Sin orla do porticos cabcllos 
Quo haccn versos dulccs, sonorosoa 
A los ejercitados en Iccllos ; 
Pues como canto casos doloros&s, 
Cuales los padccieron muchos dcllos, 
PareciGmc decir la vcrdad pxira 
>in usar do ficion ni compostura. 

The ease and variety of the lines indicate the natural poet, howerer, and 
even when form departs the sentences retain a certain elegance. The first 
part was published as Primera Parte de las Elegias, etc., Madrid, 1589, 4, 
used by De Bry in his eighth part on America, and given in the fourth volume 
of BiUioleca de Autores Espanoles, 1850. The second and third parts, pro 
vided with maps and plans, and dedicated, like the first, to King Philip, 
remained in manuscript in the library of the Marque s del Carpio Pinelo, 
Epitome, ii. 590 till issued by Ariban, together with the first part,, in 
1857, as a special volume of the above Biblioteca. A fourth part, perhaps 
thq best and most important, as it must have recorded the latest and freshest 
recollections of Castellanos, was used by Bishop Piedrahita for his history, 
and has since disappeared. He found the original with Consejero Prado, 
and refers to "las otras tres partes impressas." Hist. Conq. Granada, preface. 

LAN< v, ri! : HTA. ci 

Tin- : 1 i>:ir into (}> tones, 

acconlii! int to 

si:bjects under tip 
h of .- :a. i 

.c rhy: 

. itli ;i lini.>]iiii;.r couplet. Toward tl. B continu- 

blank verse i The facili: 

Jon than these hi: , triplets of cloi:i 

rl. n hicli i 

n. \ ". .il faults, of v, liurs of Li course, to 

iiul; i: id contradiction, y due to t dineSS 

tli which he . from chroniclers and f. iu 

the e\ei, : . His own versions may, Mufioz slui 

faithful recitals, so far, at .ry 

i, while everywhere are to be found clear, vivid <ns 

tee, and peopl 

i \vith the monks and missionaries who assistc< tlio 

; to become chroniclers of general history, of * <>ns, or of 

:id as brethren of the hood abounded nan re numerous 

en.H; ; .;h to form tlic most perfect record of events that could !; but 

>!o fact remains that so few lia\ D preserved, i:: :ui- 

script. I lanada, which includes the southei-u part of the Lsthmus, A\ 

loi. tout a public chronicle. The coiKpieror Quesada. had p 

> had left a history just begun, whi ) com; in 

two -\ ither saw the li^ht, and Castellanos jK>etical roc- 

part. They < ! in manuscript, ho\ i. with 

t!i .1 > Simon \. d to uml \v. 

i;i I.">7Hie had .irly joined the Franciscan - 

iranada I! as tea :id mi 3 to 

th . in.-ial. Tiie . thchisti . ..hichl. 

;athering material and Three stout folio 

lily completed, <MC!I divided into seven histo; 

1 las ( 

to Vea< . ucla, came to bo published; t 
>, on Sa:ita Marta, and on 1 D adjoining Darien, remain. 

ilemy. i !ume<\ on geograph; . 1- 

i on tiie origin of the Indians, and proceeds with 
th id namin-, of . a. I iimio r >t coosid- 

, as one of 1 1 . 
ti\ : i >on the conquest an 

i and condition of : 

y litt 1 . :y tiie :it 

for ti. faih;ri 

.!y to 1 The 

ii to the co:i niclers of the !y 

f.m It <; to sta .ts. 

.nk of leai.; of 


the province to Bishop Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita, who wrote 50 years later. 
A creole of Bogota by birth, his whole career as priest and prelate is bound 
up with his native country. While yet a student he gave evidence of a lit 
erary taste by writing comedies, of which no traces remain however. His 
ability procured rapid advancement in the church. While governor of the 
archdiocese, till 1661, he incurred the enmity of a visitador and was obliged 
to appear in Spain for trial, but passed the ordeal, and received in compen 
sation the bishopric of Santa Marta. It was while waiting the slow progress 
of the trial that he found time to write the Historia General de las Conqvistas 
del Nvevo Hey no de Granada, 1688. In 1676 he was promoted to the see of 
Panama, where he died, 1688, at an age of over 70 years, revered for his 
extreme benevolence and sanctity. In the preface to the volume, just then 
passing through the press, Piedrahita admits that it is merely a reproduction 
of Quesada s Compendia, and of the fourth part of Castellanos Eleyias, both 
now lost, and the text shows indeed but little of the research, speculation, and 
variety manifest in Simon, whom he excels however in beauty and clear 
ness of style. He confines himself more to the special history of New 
Granada than Simon, and instead of learned dissertations on America in 
general, he devotes the first two of the 12 books to an account of native customs 
and ancient history. He then takes up the conquest and settlement of the 
provinces in question and carries the history to 1563. The first title is bor 
dered with cuts of Indian battle scenes, and the portraits of seven leading 
kings and caciques, while that of the first libro has 12 minor chiefs in medal 
lions. The title-page of the third libro, again, which begins the conquest, 
bears the likenesses of 12 Spanish captains. At the close of the work is 
promised a continuation, but this never appeared. 

A modern publication covering the same field and period as the preceding is 
Joaquin Acosta s Compendia Ilistdrico del Descubrimiento y Colonizacion de la 
Nueva Granada en elsiglo decimo sexto. Paris, 1843. Lacking in critique it 
nevertheless fills the want of a popular chronologic review, and exhibits con 
siderable labor. Acosta was an officer of engineers in the Colombian service 
who had taken an active part in scientific investigations, and written several 
archceologic essays. 






MAND L Q ON Till: < 01 \ i. MINE 

TIIK CACIQUE Druuni \ : Hi: 1 . s TO 1 

,- Tin 

Tin: Cm. iLLOWZBS H] 




Tiirs far in North America we liavo foil 
Spaniards in their pacification and s- tllcinnit of ( : 
tilla dd ()ro, Nicaragua, ami Honduras. ]> 
1] -.Titorius is situated tli<> province of A 

subsequently called Xm-va ( aria^o. Tlmu-h i-irli iii 

metals and r to ])aiien. !i was tlie indomitable 

fierceness of tin- natives, and the ruggedness and ster 
ility of the count ry. that this, the spot on Tirrra Kiri: 
^ here the fir- u-ni] ii lenient was made, wa 

the la>t pn>\ in ntral America that heeanie 

snhject t<> I Jii-njM-an domination. The Xe\v \\ oi 
was informed l>y the council of the Jndies, in I ."> I 
that permission was granted ly the crown to liirt>lom 

Ion to plant a nt upon the coa>t of \ " ra- 

^ua, if he were so inclined. But this i nition 

1 1: tinent of t! lelantado in that r 

me too I; 1 \\;is then pro- d ly an ill;. 

from which he never recovered. 

In 1 .VJG the admiral Uie^o Colon died in Spain, 


and was succeeded by. his son Luis in those hereditary 
rights which had been granted by Ferdinand and Isa 
bella to the first admiral. In 1 5 3 8, being then eighteen 
years of age, Luis Colon brought suit before the 
tribunal of the Indies to establish his right to his 
father s titles and dignities unjustly withheld by the 
emperor. Wearied with the interminable litigation 
received as an inheritance from his father and grand- 
sire, Luis abandoned, in 1540, all claims to the vice- 
royalty of the Indies, receiving therefor the title of 
duke of Veragua and marquis of Jamaica. 1 Not 

Ion of after Don Luis died, leaving two daughters and 

-i-i . 

an illegitimate son. From this time the lineal de 
scendants of the great admiral were denominated 
dukes of Veragua, and after passing through several 
genealogical stages, the honors and emoluments of 
Columbus fell to the Portuguese house of Braganza, 
a branch of which was established in Spain. The 
heirs of this house are entitled De Portugallo, Colon, 
duke de Veragua, marques de la Jamaica, y almirante 
de las Indias. 

Maria de Toledo, vice -queen of the Indies and 
mother of the young admiral Luis Colon, after the 
death of her husband, Diego Colon, demanded from 
the royal audiencia of Espanola a license to colonize 
the province of Veragua. 2 The audiencia referred 
the application to the emperor who ordered that the 
matter be held in abeyance until after the arbitration 
of the claim of Luis then pending before the crown. 
But the high-spirited vice-queen would not brook the 
delay. The right of her son to govern that land was 
beyond question; it was his by inheritance from his 
grandfather, confirmed by royal decree to his father. 

1 Cliripst6bal Colom, declar6 a este almirante, su nieto, por duque de 
Veragua y marque s de la isla de Sanctiago, alias Jamayca, 6 almirante per- 
p6tuo clestas Indias, e le hizo merged de lo uno y de lo otro por titulo de 
mayorazgo, 6 con ello le con9edi6 otras me^edes. Oviedo, ii. 498-9. See 
also Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo, i. 447. 

2 In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated that the vireina asked 
permission of the Consejo de Indias to arm vessels for the purpose of subju 
gating the natives, but that her request was refused because the fisco had 
not as yet decided the question of privilege. 


1 Jut tin 1 I- :ed l r- 

and equip ; 

ii and without money was i:;, 
Th , lio\. equal to the 

Amoi: the red of Santo Dornii! 

o o 

tin the glory of ( JIM! ail<l tin- !>: 

e true i aith liad left tin; cloi 
and embarked in a mission to th< w Y\ 
our Juan do Sosa. "I knew him," 
era! ; , when liu was a poor man in f i 

Pirn But being more solicitous for gold than for 

souls, he went to Peru and after r Pi- 

/ar :me in for a share at the distribution of the 

.Caxamalco, r< ing as his portion 
enormous sum of ten thousand castellan* Thei. 
tlio worthy j)r u-st returned to Spain, and Bel in 

Seville, where he resolved to spend the remainder of 
his life in 01 did luxury. But alas for constancy 
of purpose in cavalier or cle rigo when women a 
eupidhy unite to undermine his resol\ The vi< 
queen soon gained for herself the sympathy of t 

iastic, and for her enterprise i 

and cooperation. ] fe advanced the n< Is, 

and though prevented l>y the character of I lling 

king control of the expedition, he sail iih 
the t, which was placed under the conn of 

a wealthy and honorable young man nan: Vlipo 

, 3 son of the i iror Alonso Guti 
The chi :ptain of the dition under ( 

3 one Pedro de Kneina>ola who had in 

r ri.-i-]-a i or about t v. H s. " And wlmi 

. " I also knew, for he had grown rich 1 
iiiLj a public: house lialf way between X- 

i;i." ^ ith a lin ^uadrou 4 manned by 

7. ol)tuvo con> conqiv 

. ( . 1 

of ; 



four hundred well armed men, Gutierrez embarked 
from Santo Domingo in September 1535. 5 The pilot, 
whose name was Liaiio, held a southerly course, and 
on approaching Tierra Firme turned to the westward 
and passed by Veragua without recognizing the coast. 
Continuing their search along Honduras, the vessels 
sailed around Cape Gracias d Dios and proceeded 
westward as far as Punta de Caxinas. 

At length the pilot became aware that he was out 
of his course. The ships were put about, but soon 
encountered a heavy gale, during which they became 
separated. The fleet, once more united off the island 
of Escudo, cast anchor near the spot where Diego 
de Nicuesa suffered shipwreck. Gutierrez sent a 
boat s crew to reconnoitre. They returned in eight 
days, bringing hammocks, earthen pots, and other 
utensils. The exploring party affirmed that accord 
ing to their belief the land was Veragua, but the 
pilot Liano insisted that they had not yet reached 
that province. Another party went in boats to the 
Cerebaro Islands, where meeting an Indian they in 
quired by signs the direction toward Veragua. He 
pointed toward the west, thus indicating that they had 
again sailed past the ill-fated coast. The pilot treated 
the assertion of the Indian with contempt. In good 
Castilian he swore that the savage was a liar, and 
insisted on continuing an easterly course. Arriving 
off Nombre de Dios he confessed his error, and 
acknowledged that they had left Veragua far behind. 
Turning again toward the west they at length discov 
ered a large river, which some said was the Belen; 
others declared it to be a stream west of the Belen. 6 
At the mouth of this river was a small island where 
Gutierrez disembarked his men, built some huts, and 

5 Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some authorities make it 1553. 
The former date is probably correct, for in a letter addressed to the emperor 
in 1534 Andagoya states that he has been advised of his Majesty s orders to 
the governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panama, and begs him to recon 
sider his command. Andagoyd, Carta al Key, Oct. 22, 1534. 

"This stream was the river Conccpcion, about two leagues west of the 
river Veragua and four leagues west of the Belen. 

CO 67 

landed i 1 portion of tin- <; On 

inland n a favorable sit r a 1"\vn \ 

I and mm 
foi and Imild lion- A large and coin! !< 

aliin was er I For t be goi ernor, and thi 

llowed by stoivhou- nd dwcllm-. r the 


-A isters followed this i bird Mipf 

plant lement upon the coast of V< milar 

those which had attended. Columbus and Xi< 

Th <>t the colonists were damaged l>y i 

: tli(^ sudduii swelling of tliu 
away tln-ir ho . drowning some of tlu- ui n<l 

cultivation of the soil A\as juvvi-nicd l>v 1 n qu 
inundatioi Their supply of provisions grew daily 

men, unaccustomed to the dim;. 
and died, and soon the four hundred were reduc 
o hundred and eighty. To add to th-ir di.- 

Spaniards drank copiously from a poisonous spri 

omin^ aware of the deadly nature <i 
: in cons.-ijueiice of which th<-ir lij^ 1" 
ir ^ums disuasel, and the <:t }). 
liital in many instances. 

The colonists i elt greatly the necessity i in- 

. and the clcrigo Juan de Sosa with 01 
-els coasted as tar as Xomhre de Dios in 

ivlurned iinsin- il. Felij .- ( 
n- d the town Vvhidi lie had luiilt Conc-p- "hut 

from the sufferings of the pe< j l- . ^)\\ 

to ha\v called it Allieion/ 7 It soon becam ut 

thai to remain in that locality was death >n- 

cerned, and ( Jutid r< :: determined i 

more favorahle sj>. :rth -r iVom lh- i. 
land.- of the coast. Fora 

out in :-al directio; r the . le purj 

f.od and (\aminin-- the coin 


la ]itnliT.i ll:ii::ar lie 1:. 
todos toiiiau ti. ,ulo. Uclnlo, ii. 


In one of these excursions the Spaniards encoun 
tered a cacique named Dururua who received them 
courteously, and entertained them, after his rude 
fashion, with bounteous hospitality. But the follow 
ers of Felipe Gutierrez proved no exception to the 
rule in their treatment of the natives. One of two 
evils was open to the heathen, either to submit and 
suffer wrong and robbery, or to resist and be slain 
or enslaved. Dururua placed at the disposal of the 
Spaniards his entire wealth, but even this was insuffi 
cient to satisfy their cupidity. After his resources 
were exhausted their demands did not cease, but heap 
ing up the measure of their iniquity they invaded the 
homes of the natives, compelled them to search for 
gold,, and after infamously burning their cornfields 
returned to the settlement. Open, hostilities having 
broken out, the governor sent against Dururua a force 
of one hundred and fifty men under Alonso de Pisa, 8 
who captured the chief with many of his followers. 
The Spaniards demanded gold. Dururua answered 
that if they would give him liberty he would bring 
them four baskets of gold each containing 2,000 pesos. 
The cacique however was held a prisoner, while an Ind 
ian was sent under his direction to bring in the treas 
ure. At the expiration of four days the messenger 
returned empty-handed. Others were despatched on 
the same errand, but all returned unsuccessful. The 
wily Dururua affected great indignation against his 
followers. He called them traitors, and requested that 
he might be allowed to go himself upon the mission, 
bound and attended, when he would not only make 
good his w^ord respecting the gold, but secure to the 
Spaniards the friendship and service of all his people. 

In chains and guarded by a band of thirty men 

8 An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being sick delegated the 
command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa, who was to be accompanied by 
the priest Juan de Sosa. This latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with 
the men, and the cl6rigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as 
general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved him severely, 
stating that it was unseemly for a priest to carry arms. Many profane words 

PJ V. C9 

Dururua set forth to 


a hand ; village, \vh- 
dig in a cert ah >t. T! 

were I d): 1, hut only about lialf an ounce of gold 
A\ . jola, wh 

then struck tli -ique in the face, calling lii; 
impostor, and other vile ephj Dururua s< 

aiiinned that he liad 1 !UTC a large id tl, 

his people must liavo i - ed it on th 

f ) -Di n the vill He hogged for one i : 

Encinasola, hliuded by cupidity, gave 1 :it. 

All this while the slnvwd cacique had not 1 
idle. Each messenger had heen d tchcd v a 
mission to a certain quarter of his d<miini:i to rally 
i orces for liis rescue, and an attack, v/hich had been 
planned for the very night when the last 
iind the gold to be made, was ca 
tion. r .J1ie Spaniards were surrounded hy a force 
>ix hundred liostile Indians, their cani[> hurn it 

of their nuinher killed, and in the confusion 

flowed th(^ cliief was rescued. The natives then dis 
appeared ironi the vicinity, removing all pro\ 
and l-aving behind a wasted country. 

On iheir march homeward many of t 
died of starvation. Some dropped by the \ 

:d were left to perish; others, notw: -Hiding tin- 
horror with which the act was regarded 1 heir 
countrymen, led upon the b( f th .diai: 

One Diego L . Davalos in a fit of choK r div\v hi 
s\\urd an<l sle\v a nati\ i-vant. r .l wo S[>an! 
who were following at s tee hchii. 11 

coming up to the b< cut olf some p< ii 

th -I for their >u]>]M-r, their c. .injKinioil 

partaking of the lat :i the day ; 

lowi uother native i killed for fo i it is 

language 1 

, brother of Alt-:. 


related that even one of their own countrymen was 
slaughtered and devoured. 9 

When the survivors arrived at Concepcion and pre 
sented themselves before the governor, but nine ema 
ciated and haggard wretches could be counted, and 
these must ever be regarded as infamous from having 
so preserved their lives. The governor on being 
informed of their conduct placed every man of them 
except the informer under arrest, and tried and con 
demned them all. Two who were considered most 
culpable were burned. The others were branded 
with a hot iron in the face with the letter C, this 
being the initial of his Csesarean majesty s name, and 
the mark used in branding criminals doomed to per 
petual slavery in his service. 

Thus we see in every attempt made by the Span 
iards upon the coast of Veragua only a series of 
horrors, each fresh trial proving more calamitous 
if possible than the one preceding. Yet further the 
company of Felipe Gutierrez diminished. Oppressed 
by famine, forty at length revolted and set out for 
Nombre de Dios, the greater part of them perishing 
by the way. The governor finding it necessary to 
give employment to those who remained or else to 
abandon the settlement, sent Pedro de Encinasola 
with a few men eastward in search of food. Fortu 
nately they found several fields of maize which had 
not yet been destroyed, and hearing of a great quan 
tity of gold in that vicinity, started in quest of it. 
As soon as their hunger was appeased they sent a 
messenger to notify the governor of the proposed 
excursion. As life was more endurable while pillag 
ing the natives, the governor and the remainder of 
the men also sallied in quest of adventure. They 
passed through several villages, but the inhabitants 
fled at their approach. Following an Indian guide, 
they arrived on the fourth day at a certain high hill 

Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se le comieron. Her- 
rera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi. 


where they had 1 >ld were I mines of sur- 

S. ( ll 

informed tli;i ; In.n i .tain p! .1111- 

danee of o-old could 1 Tliu Spania. lid 

directed, but found onl\ id turn 
ing iierccly upon the guide, ac I liim of tri/iii 

witli tin-in or of ti The poor {-.- ly 

a 1. hither to turn for relief, at 1> 

upon a rock which overhung the brow of a j o, 

threw himself headlong into the c .1, and tin r- 

minated his miserable exist* 

Meanwhile the famlshi under Ei: la, 

despairing of life if they remained loi in i 

country, broke their r . many of tin 
oil* to Xombre do DioS. The governor determine 

to make one more attempt i lieve his pe< Jle 

patched Father Juan de S 

alcaldi; Sanabria with six soldiers, four negro. . 1 
two natives for Nombre de Dios, to obtain recruits ai 
suppli< In three days this party reached the ri\ 
IJelen, and then, unable to cross, followed its coin^ 
southward, cutting their way throu^li id 

liii" % throii di morasses until id;, 

c? O ^5 O* v 

they succeeded in reaching the opposil 

tinning their joui ney they encoun I aln^ their 

s of their former compai, 
ho had j)erisljed while attempting to r< 
de Dios. A little stale food which had d 

ii some wre<-k or di I shij :u 

I roin starvation. At length they C8 ;i- 

nant of those who had d< :i Cui. 

.-live men, and these .t,ha d, 

and naked as tin- nativ Their pr d 

by hostile band d th l\es reduced 

y. Unable to proceed i arther, tl >rtif; 

11 the s of tli 

they v. ami aw- topment< 

Meanwhile fc] -uffei ot I 

A ;ia, if possible, in<-i 1. "I 1 


Marcos de Sanabria, one of the survivors," says 
Oviedo, "that the mortality at- Veragua was at one 
time so great that dead bodies lay unburjed within 
and around the huts, and that the stench arising from 
putrefaction was intolerable." He relates of one 
Diego de Campo, a native of Toledo, who seized with 
illness became convinced that death was near and 
that soon his own corpse would be added to those 
which lay strewn before him rotting in the sun, that he 
determined, if possible, to escape that horror. Wrap 
ping himself in a cloak, he resorted to a spot where a 
grave had been prepared for another of those who 
were to die, and stretching himself within it soon 
breathed his last. Not long afterward the owner of the 
grave, being obliged himself to seek his last resting- 
place, found there another; but leaving the occupant 
undisturbed, he directed that his own body should be 
placed in the same grave, and thus the two found burial. 
Failing of relief from any quarter, and receiving no 
tidings from Father de Sosa and his companions, 
Gutierrez was at last obliged to abandon the coast 
of Veragua. This of all others appeared the most 
difficult act for a Spaniard of those days to perform; 
he could die with less regret than he could give up 
a favorite enterprise. Taking ship for Nombre de 
-Dios, he there obtained some intimation of the where 
abouts and condition of Father de Sosa and the 
remnant of the Veragua colonists. A vessel was im 
mediately sent to their relief with a supply of food 
and other necessaries which were contributed by the 
people of Nombre de Dios. The survivors, twenty- 
seven in number, were thus rescued, and the govern 
ment of Felipe Gutierrez in the province of Veragua 
was at an end. 10 He crossed over to Panama, and 

10 In ITerrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is a severe and somewhat unjust 
stricture on the conduct of Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of 
the party became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a final 
and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting his former good name, 
and embarked secretly with a few friends for Nombre de Dios; but it does not 
appear what he would have gained by attempting any further enterprise with 
the remnant of his starving band. 


shortly at I>ar1 I, win- 

ernor l>y rro, 1 

(jii. with that ; 

Tlio worthy her .Ju:m in d- 

<lis"-ust a! I his t tow; : i, vowing 

that il rain i dl hrir to the spoils of an 

Avalth -houLl n<>t he squandered in ambi- 
ti >ua Bch< 3 of colonization. 





IT will be remembered that of all the native tribes 
of Guatemala the Cakchiquels offered the stoutest re 
sistance to the forces of Pedro de Alvarado. When 
the Spaniards took possession of Patinamit they pre 
ferred to abandon their capital rather than submit to 
the domination of the conqueror. 1 Sinacam, their 
chief, was still uncaptured, having taken refuge in the 
mountain fastnesses of Comalapa, and it may safely 
be concluded that he never ceased from his efforts to 
harass the Spaniards. The unsettled condition of 
affairs at this period may be inferred from the fact 
that there is no record of any session of the cabildo 
from May 6, 1525, to October 4th of the same year. 2 
The numbers of the colonists were, however, being 
continually reenforced. The trouble which occurred 
in Mexico during the absence of Cortes, caused many 
of the settlers in Anahuac to turn their faces toward 

1 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 683 et seq., this series. 

2 At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh enrolment of citizens 
took place, and it is worthy of note that Alvarado first became one himself on 
that date, as el Sr Capitan General heads the list which contains more 
than forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as the date of 
the enrolment. Hist. Chyapa, 8. 


A I S IX < \A. 

Cn wliilf i newly arrived E in or 

the V. Ind: joined tin; followers of Ah 

!o, who now considering i!i;it his hold upon 1 
country was secure , informed the munieipal r m- 

tia _r< that he intended to depart at once for fi >. 

Reports had ivaehed Guatemala of th !i of 

Co; in Jlondura d if this were t rue h< 
;i j <. \\.-i-ful patron and friend, and inn>t i. 
hack io protect his own interest His ]>ur; 
to proceed afterward to Spain and >rt hi 
to his sovereign from whom he hoped to obtain 
nition and reward. 1 1 

liis brother Jorge and many other Span 
iards of the Cortes party had secretly info: him 
of tli urpation by the factor Salazar of the g 

of Mexico, urging him not to absent nim- 

f 1- ngur, and promising to establish him asg nor 

in pla</o of the former, until positive in -iiiou 

should 1 coived whether Cortes \v< 

Th that the mantle of his great i! ; ht 

/ha] is i all upon his own shoulders, made him 
ions not to miss this opportunity, and he lost no time 
in beginning the journey. But it was already i 
portt-d in y -o that he would arrive i >re 

Ion d he had ])r<H but a short distance wl 

veil an intimation from the factor that he 1 
better ap] h no further. ]f, 1 r, lie 

to revil ie capital, Salazar infoi iued him th 

would gladly nu- t him on the way, ; I the 

tion of ]>utting him t d*-ath. 1 Ee soon after- 
it this was no idle t: 

of fifty h. >ot had air Q de- 

him, an<l he could not nient 

c.\] .all band of sold 

oni>ts had bt-cn able t<> >j !iim , 
1>. able to compete with th S. A cntu: 

Le parccio . 


: so iju; rly, he had a 

tine n\ _ .nJ a handsome count u. , 7. 


as he was,, Alvarado was not the one to encounter 
almost certain death, and though sorely mortified he 
was compelled to retrace his steps. 

About the close of 1525 he was informed of the 
safety of Cortes, and received from him despatches 
with instructions to join him in Honduras with all 
his available forces. At that time, it will be remem 
bered, the latter proposed to return to Mexico by 
way of Guatemala, but afterward resolved to make 
the journey by sea, landing at Yera Cruz in May 
1526. 4 Alvarado at once prepared to obey his orders, 
but his purpose was resolutely opposed by the col 
onists. Municipal and military officers, citizens and 
common soldiers all alike objected to his entering 
upon a campaign which would strip the province of 
most of its defenders. Even his own brothers en 
deavored to dissuade him. But remonstrance was of 
no avail. .The alcaldes and regidores he addressed 
in intemperate and abusive language, 5 while to his 
brothers he hotly exclaimed: " Offer me no advice; all 
I possess was given me by Hernan Cortes, and with 
him will I die." 6 Discontent was, however, widely 
spread, and Alvarado s personal safety appears to have 
been in danger, for the cabildo requested him to enroll 
a body-guard for his own protection, as the stability 
of the colonies would be endangered should any harm 
happen to him. 7 

With great difficulty the adelantado levied troops 
for his expedition. His men were discontented, and 
utterly averse to engage in an enterprise which 

*Nist. Cent. Am., i. 581-2, this series. 

5 In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it was alleged that 
he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on account of their opposition. To 
this he replied that he had merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning 
of the year, according to the usual custom. Ramirez, Proctso contra Alvarado, 
12, 00, 83. 

G liamirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12. 

7 Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17. Eemesal is of opinion that Alva 
rado himself petitioned for a body-guard to go with him to Mexico; but a more 
probable explanation of the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico 
had extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on foot. 
Consult fiamirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, S3; and Eemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7. 


. be 

th 1 hip nn<l risk <>f ]1 Wln-n 
be point df -ef tin;.;- forth, fifty 

thnii iniif inied, MIK! set1 ing 61 !it " 

mad while tlr f the soldier 

u< ! in preventing the conflagration from 

spreading. It was a and riillian h 

! ii<-h js>urd forth from Patmamit under th- 1 f 
night and shrouded by th <>ftl 

J5 f]v their departure 1h-y slrijpcd the 

all it- ornanients and jc\v-li-y, and f<>n-il,]y c< ll<-d 

i t to accompany them. Taking tiio road 

fehey sacked the villages which L ir 

mutr, and on their an-ival in tliat j)rov5iK-e, co; p- 

in^ 1]icinscl\ -ai e fi-om ]>nrsuit, displ; ir 

liafivd of Alvarado l>y lioldin^ a ]: 1 an I 

lian^in^ in cfH^y tlioir commander and tliose wln> 

Lad remained laitliful to liiin. Tli<-n th< *u 

to ^Mexico plundering and destroying on their \ 

withstanding this defection, the adelantado soon 

aftri-ward E rth to join Corti s, 9 leaving his brother 
Gonzalo to take command (hirin< liis al)sen- Of 1 


journey, which was probably an uneventful one, fr\\- 

ineie .- narrated, lie ; d tln-on^li tlie pro\ - 

tnces of CuZCatlan and ( ai-ri and ent 

CLolir in Honduras, where, at a pla< 
Choluteca Malal;. narrated by Bernal J)iax, 10 he 

8 Alv;ir;!(1o i v the ,,, ami also tin 

in: -,,,! t(. 1,. :. I 

liit|Ui-l in;iniiMTi|)(. 

of Limit; wli. MI, 



tl IX 

: wlii!. I , :rg 

> as tli 

, until 

: hLs o\ 



heard for the first time of the return of Cortes to 

It has already been mentioned that in 1525 the 
settlement of Natividad de Nuestra Senora was aban 
doned on account of the unhealthiness of its site and 
the refusal of the natives to furnish provisions, and 
that Cortes granted permission to the Spaniards 
to remove to Naco. 11 Captain Luis Marin left in 
charge of the latter colony, after remaining for some 
time in doubt as to the fate of his commander, de 
spatched thence a small band of horsemen to Trujillo 
to ascertain whether he yet survived, and, if that 
were so, to gather information as to his intended 
movements. 12 Bernal Diaz, who was one of the troop, 
relates that on reaching the Olancho Valley they 
learned that Cortes had already embarked from Tru 
jillo, leaving Saavedra in command. Marin s brief 
sojourn in Honduras had already made him impatient 
to return to Mexico, 13 and he at once decided to re 
turn to that province by way of Guatemala. Thus 
it chanced that at Choluteca Malalaca, his party met 
with Alvarado, who expressed unbounded delight on 
hearing of the safety of his old comrade in arms, and 
felt much inward satisfaction that now his superior 
could not interfere with his own schemes of conquest 
and aggrandizement. 

The lieutenant-general then commenced his home 
ward march, accompanied by Marin a nd about eighty 
of the colonists of Naco. Returning through the 
territory at present known as the province of San 
Miguel, they arrived at the Rio Lempa at a season of 
the year when the current was so greatly swollen by 

teca Paver which bears the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names lead? 
to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood of Tegucigalpa as 
the Malalaja flows into the main stream just above that town. Brasseur de 
Bourbourg calls the town Malacatan. 
11 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571, this series. 

2 Both Sandoval and Cort6s had written to Marin, but neither letter 
reached its destination. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcrdad., 21$. 

Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que dexauamos atras, y 
.con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219. 

I: . LO Dl >0. 

l ins iliat to ford it In this 

y thry felled a hu;_;-e ceiba-tree, out of whieh, 
with infinite labor, tln-y fashioned an innnen 
and after t->ilin-j; for 1 ! with rain and 

ravenous with hunger, thus made r d tli .\ tf . 

O O 

They had n<>\ province of Cuzcatlan, 11 

wh Te Alvarad<> I mind th. it during liis d- lay in (1m- 
]ut--c;i tlic whole country had risen in rebdli 

i al 1 attics were 11 resulting lavorahly to 

tin- Spaniai. nd on the Gth of August ]~) 2^ ; 
a final and <! rate conflict, the Indians were mui 
M illi tn-rihle carnage and soon afterward tcndn 
their submission. 18 The Spani then contini; 

their journey by forced man-lies and reached (iua 
mala without further adventure. As they drew n 

lalj iia 17 they were met with the un\veleonie 
tidings of the revolt of the < hiqu ,nd oil 
iiativ, nations. 13 

During the absence of Pedro do Alvarado in Hon 

duras,, his brother Gonzalo, left in charge as his lien- 

.ant, had made good use of the <>pj t<> 

;i himself, imposing excessive tribute and rd- 

14 E era do tal gordor, l i^ r) on, quc c: s otra 

>. // . Tli- i is the 


15 J)enia! iiicinory li;is hcru failed him. lie Rt: -assing 

f. Ml[ ;i till V CIlttTrd the 

ml that IHTO the Indians ki 
:idi d thu c .th( rs of 1 ag for 

I jia.s.~-cd through the MCC \\ . 

it was cithrr 
r \vhich Alvaradu .- i>as- 

/ . ii. 


1 S 77. i : 

: did i. 1 in r- 

ig to c 


;: .M Ml thr 

18 , 

.r aviso 

& I .,71. 


ing neither age nor condition in his inordinate craving 
for wealth. To him must be attributed the great and 
general uprising of the natives which occurred at this 
time. 19 His crowning act of oppression was to com 
pel a large number of Indian boys to work in certain 
gold-washings near Patinamit, 20 requiring of them to 
procure daily a certain quantity of the precious metal. 21 
For a few weeks the amount was punctually furnished, 
but on account of the tender age of the children, who 
were but from nine to twelve years old, the measure 
fell short, whereupon Gonzalo insisted that the defi 
ciency should be made up by contribution, and threat 
ened the natives with death, exclaiming with angry 
gesticulations : " Think not that I have come to this 
coast to dwell among a pack of hounds for any other 
purpose than to gather gold to take with me to Spain." 
This outrageous demand was also compiled with, but 
the bitter hate of their oppressors, which had long 
smouldered in the hearts of the natives, was now about 
to break forth into a flame. 

Among: the nations of Central America the name of 


the supreme being was represented by a word that 
signifies ( deceiver/ or in the Cakchiquel language 
demon. 22 In time of need or peril this personage 
appeared to them, as Oviedo and Vazquez would have 
us believe, and until the Christian Spaniard made firm 
his footing in the land was consulted and obeyed in all 

19 Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado or the ordinary 
alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be attributed. Recordadon Florida, 
MS., 20. Escamilla is of opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, 
was the one to blame, Succ&ion Chronologica., 12, while the former author 
remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was confounded with Gon 
zalo. He also states that the latter was ordinary alcalde, but this was not 
the case, for as may be seen in Artvalo, Adas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17, the 
alcaldes were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza. 

20 Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. Chronica de Gvat., 69. Fuen 
tes y Guzman, 200 boys. Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. The gold-washings 
were those of Chahbal and Punakil, the former word meaning, according to 
Vazquez, the washing-place, and the latter, plateado 6 dorado. 

21 One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes. Vn canutillo de oro 
lavado del tamauo del dedo menique, according to Vazquez, Id. 

22 In the nati ve dialect Caxtok. J 


\Vliy \\ I 

./ hid hi > votaries >i rih<- mi- 

(l>in. " iuli has gniii in ( a>t i!< 

What iearyou? lam the thunderbolt 
11 in, and ash< I toi !i th< Hi and ymi 

will I di-sti-uy it you ]>i ards, Live, n 

sl; ; indon the laws of your forefi ; con- 

>ke the nation and termina .urwor Tli al 

was not in vain. Fn>m ( ]ia[)an-;: Oli 

a ( n[ one hundred anl thirty-nine 1 

UK; Indians rose in revolt. 2 An army oflliirt \ u- 
sand \varriors v ;iiickly and -nd 

UK. Spaniards now sea 1 . d anxui^ the dil: 
lli iJK-uts \VCTC taken <-<>ni}>k f rly hy >ui-j-ri~ T. 

ralcd trihcs divided thcii 1 fo] 
divisions, one of which occii}i ie nnmntain j 

n- P Tor 11 ic jiurjjose of holding Ah. 

hand in check, while tlx- other i ell on the un 

^ colon i daughtering the | -portion of th 

together with a number of their .Indian alii 
who d iled to Quezaltei o and Olintep 

n Juaivos, dm ., ii. 2SD. Tho whole Innd from Cu^ontlan to Olint\;. 

; the ! < i, . in-l Xiucas, 

ueti ariaiu c \\ith the ( akrlii^iu l n ami with \ . 

., iv. i il MUiiiiK iit -1 1-y th 

ing tri i nt ami 

I Xin; 
\ iiiu at 1 

>Ul uf \ is aut: 

4 of t; 


ads to 

as aba -.<[ ar.L- 


J ith of swasnotaw: 

f a municipality 

in tl; 
i at thi;i \i: 

. AM. VUL. II. G 



The Indians were now in possession of the country 
from its southern boundary to the district of Quez- 
altenango, but a swift and terrible vengeance was 
about to overtake them. Alvarado was already with 
in their borders. Having crushed the rebellion in 
Cuzcatlan he swept northward with the fury of a 

A^\] ^oCerquin 

, u ,. . ^f | ,* i n . - ,-- MSS^ 

g Teguoigalp.ii- ^ ^ l ^1m ^, 


tempest. Scattering like sheep the bands that first 
offered him resistance, he met with no serious opposi 
tion till he arrived at the pefiol of Xalpatlahua, sit 
uated about three leagues from the present village of 

ment were abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous 
defence; that Gonzalo with GO Spanish horse and foot and 400 Mexican and 
Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec, while Baltasar de Mendoza 
with the rest of the army remained for the protection of the city of Santiago, 
Gonzalo de Ovalle, with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Pan- 
choy ^nd Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops were 
quartered in the open plains during the months of June, July, and August, 
and suffered much from the heavy rains; and that the detachment under 
Chaves sustained four attacks from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle 
engaged twice with Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks 
and ditches. Recordadon Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 291. I cannot 
accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz makes no mention of Alvarado s 
being joined by any Spaniards in the series of engagements that took place 
during his march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says fuimos por 
nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro de Alvarado auia dexado 
su exercito, porque estaua todo de gtierra, y estaua en el por Capitan vn 
hermano que se dezia Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde 
los hallamos, Olintepeque. Hist. Verdad., 220. From this it is evident that 
Vazquez account is correct and that the Spaniards had been completely driven 
out of the Cakchiquel district. 


At this ])()!! 

ii nlui impregnable fortress, com- 

not only tin. lii-li I, litir al-<> tli 

II nountain drlilrs, and ln-re ll: id 

! in 1 orcr. For fchreedaysthe Spaniard 

(1 i lon-ii M- tin- approach* 

Two furioi, -anils <li; it 

1> light in hope of it 1 irpri 

v. Ised, and it only h-. : fchai "a 

the third day A Kara do sue in hi 

])ividing liiv men into two parties, 1 ilcd t 

] i.< i :vnt points MI 1 h< inoinciit. In 

of the contest the adelantado, f ingr( t, 

ill id row the corps und<T his con in IMIK!; tl 

ord(. ivd meanwhile to pi ;lt 

more . The ruse was BUCC il. r Jlic d 

fend ted at the point . and Alva- 

r.-ifio, ]vj])idly wheeling i-oiind h: unin, crossed 1! 
ditch .cl the hei^hi The Jnd iMi. I 

in . (hr<wn into <lisor<ler, driven <l<wn t! 

height . ly pursued by tl Only 

dit closc d upon their llying coluini r- 

rnage < . 2G 

The am >w continued its march uni until 

it arrived at the plains ! Cai. H 1 

ohstii:: I l>h i >attlc was fought with a Lti ^o 

3 collected iVoin t! iri i Hindil: 

The contest was Ion-- maintained v nht- 

lul result, but w ival of 

the 1 IVi i(jin i ( lazhualan, \. , r- 

!:a ! ! all 11 

Innin ! 

on t 

1 l;ill<ls nil l or,; -0 


i hrrii! 

., ii. 




on his countrymen with such forces as he could col 
lect and caused their overthrow. 

Alvarado now advanced rapidly toward Patinamit. 
Fierhtinsr his wav through numerous bodies of the 

o o / o 

enemy who sought to oppose his passage, he arrived 
in a few days at the plain in front of the city. Here 
the combined forces of the confederated kings and 
chiefs, mustering in all about thirty thousand war 
riors, were drawn up to give him battle and strike one 
more blow in defence of their native soil. In vain 
their effort. These Spanish veterans were invincible, 
and the Indian hosts were almost annihilated in 
sight of their capital. 28 The Spaniards following up 
their victory at once forced their way along the narrow 
causeway that formed the only means of approach to 
Patinamit, and putting to the sword the few defend 
ers left, took up their quarters there for the night. 23 

On thje following morning, however, they evacuated 
the city and occupied a position on the plain, where 
building for themselves a number of huts, so they re- 

tianos a predicar el Santo Evangelic. Gnat. , ii. 292. Cazhualan had been one 
of the first to give in his allegiance, an act which offended the greater part of 
liis subjects, who revolted against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A 
fierce conflict ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who fled 
to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their allegiance, Cazhualan 
visited Alvarado, who promised him assistance. Thenceforward he remained 
a faithful ally of the Spaniards. Fuentes y Guzman, liecordacion Florida, MS., 
19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly afterward sent a 
force to his aid, and Petapa was soon reduced to obedience and made sub 
missive to its cacique. Fuentes states that the Guzman s of Petapa are 
descended from Cazhualan. liecordacion Florida, MS.. 24-5; Juarros, Guat., 
ii. 296. 

28 This great battle is simply but graphically made mention of by Bernal 
Diaz in the few words, Y les hizimos yr con la mala ventura. Fuentes, fol 
lowed by Juarros, locates the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that 
on reaching the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and carried 
the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same night the army 
arrived in Guatemala. Rccordacion Florida, 24. Vazquez correctly writes: 
En la vltima de las quales (batallas) entraron la Ciuclad do Patinamit, los 
Espaiioles, que. . .fuo hazafia muy memorable esta victoria. Chronica de Gvat. y 
73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal Diaz. 

29 This capital had already been repaired, and the buildings elicit an ex 
pression of admiration from Bernal Diaz, who says : Y estauaa los aposentos 
y las casas con tan buenos edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que man- 
tlauan todas las Provincias comarcanas. Hist. Verdad. , 22ft 

3u Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection of these dwellings 
gave rise to the present-city of Tecpan-Guatemala, which is to-day inhabited 
by the descendants of the citizens of Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv, 693. 


ma hied for d days, during \\ liidi Alvarado vainly 

induce tin- revolted ;ni 

lle^i.-me Twi -,- ! prop 

hnt no reply l>-ii iuchsaf .1. h< ned onward 

( )lintej here he arrived toward t ! id of 

1 526, I 1 - now at li urn to M< 

Although lie had not sure, her killing or 

capturing Hnaram and 8 lerhul, In- murdered that 

t h- rihle punishnieh 1 safety. 

Official I)ti.-i:i<-<s \vas promptly despatched. 
al<- and regidorea v, d. two of t In- former, 

named Hernan Carillo and Pt-dro I^P- 
nominated asAlvarado s lieutenantsduring hi>al- 

A !>; CUrador T one I )iegO B-<-<-rr;i, was appointed )>\ tlio 

caoildo to represent the inl ofth finMe 

and, liis ai-ran^- iiiuiils being <-oni]>lctrd, 1 t i o; 

journey accompanied l>y Marin, liis brotl 
< n<l more than eighty soldier II<- pa -l 

ihr<ui /]i SOCOHUSCO and Tehnain with 

sucli hreaihles- speed that two of his men. en !<-<l 

hy tin- hardships of the recent campaign, died <n the 

he drew m-ar io the <-apil;d lie 
( lori -, whose friendshi[> was soon to b 

31 !V l::c:< 000 that tills tin: 

nnl r tlir- city. M Hut B 


r<-<ln> <!< Alv:r. AS 

TS in i .. ( :: 

aii l in tli<- coiKji). : On 1 

from the books of the c:il>ildo that ]. 7 aul 1 

\vl a -/rant of 1 
utious th 

of 1<K) : 

him b of the conquest of < 

; ami 1-cc. 

\\ith ( rW. 
AVI i 

AVhcn Ah rn, tl: 

liim. (i, was ma/h- jir; 

was so li 
of t!; let that IP 

iuj>a^. !! di< 

1 m l.-.t-J. /./ ,/ , - H: Artvalo, 

/., U: . //,./.. 17 


and whose lofty pride was ere long to be humbled by 
the very man whom that great conqueror now wel 
comed with open arms and entertained with princely 
hospitality at his palace in Mexico. 33 

And here, for a time, we must leave him to tell of 
his great achievements; to gamble with old comrades, 
to cheat them and lie to them, just as he had done 
three years before. Then he will bid farewell to 
Cortes forever, as it will prove, and go on his voyage 
to Spain, where we shall hear of his reaping honor 
and distinction. We shall hear of him also, under 
the consciousness of broken faith and dishonorable 
conduct, shrinking from and glad to avoid a meeting 
with his old comrade to whom he owed all that he 
possessed on earth. 84 

33 Cortes nos Ileu6 a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia aparejada vna muy 
solene comkla. >ernal Diaz, Hist. Vordad., 220. 

31 The Iiccordadon Florida de la Historia de Guatemala by Don Francisco 
Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript work in three volumes, two of 
which exist in the archives of the municipality of Guatemala city. They 
comprise seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history of the in 
digenous races, the substance of which is taken almost entirely from Torque- 
mada. The six following books treat consecutively of the conquest clown to 
the time of the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with respect 
to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and Alvarado s life and career; of 
the founding of the second city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in 
Guatemala; and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The next 
nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys of the province, among 
which may be mentioned those of Las Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. 
In these descriptions the author deals with all matters of interest connected 
with the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is devoted 
to the historiography of the spiritual administration of these valleys in the 
writer s time. According to Beristain the first volume was sent to Spain to 
be printed, but nothing more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in 
Antigua Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz. Juarros 
states that he wrote in 1695. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 309. He had at his 
command a large number of rare documents, but did not make such use of 
them as an unbiassed chronicler would have done. His admiration of the 
conquerors was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties 
which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged him to 
indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his prejudices in this respect, 
that as regards the conquest, he could not be considered a reliable historian 
were there no other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in 
many instances his narrative is at variance with that given in Alvarado s own 
letters, the necessity of receiving his statements with additional caution is 
apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: Lemen- 
songe qui regne continuellement dans les re"cits de Fuentes, Hist. Nat. Civ., 
iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept Indian versions of 
events, as the other was disposed to ignore them. The style of Fuentes, 
though not wanting in elegance and descriptive power, often becomes flowery 
and sometimes inflated. 




1527-1528. TV CIIAKCK OP Ai -Ki.voi/r AT . 

OF Tin: Si-AM.-ii CAUKISON Tin: PLA( OP 

Tin: II n;ii I : 




OF the two lieutenant mini s appointed ly 

Aharado on his departure from Olim 

was tht: on.- in whom In- had i r li.i 

Tin al ility which lie had displayed ldi r and 

a magistrate fully ju>tiiii-d tliis confidence. A a< 
to Alvarado, he was second only to ilia 1 

c.-iptain ill val id inilii skill: and the i. im 
portant posts in tin: !:!, I were usually a him, 

wliilf thu lact that he w; cted jidorofthefir 

Jil!). and iillud that office by ippointmenl till 
his jiromot uui io the r.-snk <! alcalde and li.-uteii;. 

:ur, is * \ idenc -ity I \--rnmcnt. 

Jn character he was in 01 Sped too like his coin- 

in beiB -nd ruthless in 1, 

the n;i -. l I I is hi-h hre.-diir^ \\as disjilayrd \>\ 
iinc deportment and court- mien. whil< i- 

]iaiiion he could 1- r most charinin-- 01 

1 ! inorial ns and Tlas. .in 


. iL iiin: 
4 i le nos* /, 

1 ) M .ii. 41. 



disagreeable; his flashes of wit and humor were as 
much enjoyed as the lash of his sarcasm was dreaded. 
With the assistance of his colleague Hernan Carrillo, 
he began vigorously to establish order throughout the 
province. His first care was to carry out the instruc 
tions of Alvarado relative to the suppression of a 
revolt in the town of Zacatepec, news *of which had 
arrived before the captain general s departure. Though 
a portion of the natives of the Zacatepec province had 
joined in the general insurrection, the garrison sta 
tioned in the town itself had hitherto been able to 

overawe the inhabitants : but toward the end of August 


1526, incited by their high priest, named Panaguali, 
one inspired by the presiding genius of the nation, 
they suddenly rose- upon the Spaniards. Threats of 
the displeasure of their god Camanelon outweighed 
with them even the dread of their conquerors ; and the 
chief priest, taking advantage of a violent earthquake 
which occurred a short time before, so wrought upon 
the fears of his countrymen that he prevailed on them 
to attempt the extermination of the foreigners. The 
garrison barely escaped a general massacre, being com 
pelled to make their escape from the town by cutting 
their way through a dense crowd of assailants, who 
attacked them one evening about sunset. In the 
struggle one of their number, together with three of 
the Tlascaltecs, were captured and sacrificed. Next 
day the fugitives were joined by one hundred friendly 
Zacatepecs, and by rapid marches reached Olintepec 
the 31st of August. 2 

At daybreak on the following morning Puertocar- 
rero marched against the insurgents. His force con 
sisted of sixty horse, eighty arquebusiers, five hundred 
and fifty Tlascaltecs and Mexicans, and one hundred 
Zacatepecs. He had also two pieces of artillery. 

2 Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also states that 
Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison; but I think that some other 
officer was then in command, as a Piego de Alvarado \vas regidor of Santiago 
.this same year. See Arevalo, Adas, Ayunt. Guat., 16-18. 

f>. 89 

( )?i arriving within lit of tin- town the arm\ 

camped ill Hey t Wo I- , 1 from the viili: 

of I cuhil, 3 to r< md reconnoit n>. Ihinando <!< 

( haves being seni forward with Hi valry capfui 
two natives, who information that IVuhil v, 

;i!ly deposed and that in Xa-at.-jn ,- ;) ].< ilion of 

tin- inhabitants had declared for the Spaniards, and 
having made their escape, ^ ain< i li- 

neirfiDoring corn land Puertocarrero now moved 

to U<-nl>il, and 1hr-n-c sent UK >f enc<>n 

inrnl h> the i rii-ndly nativ- 3, < Mit liundrcd <t wli- 
shortly afterward joined him. The Spanish army 
now nm<tnvd lii teni hundred and ninety ni n. and 
with this force the commander was (juite ready 
meet the opposing eight thousand. Jle a<lvanced, 

th- ard the town, and wlien about half a 

distant sent messengers to oifer j ion condi 
tion of sun-endc i-. They were received witli disdain, 
and when others Were despatched on a similar :id, 
they were on the point of being sei/.ed mid sacrificed, 

and only made their escape by trusting to th 

of their I 

The Spaniards now took up their i<>n on 

ing ground a quarter of a lea^ur from Za< iec. 
Iliere they were almost immediately iled b\ 

body of two thousand natives who, inning l r:m a 
.hoi-ing wood, attaekrd them In-iskly, but ;ii t r 

bri< u- - lr were fonvd to 1 arly n. 

laoi-nin^ three thousand warrior-, advancing tr -m the 
direction of t! * \\n. came down upon them, taking 

<>d aim with poisoned arrows, while tl, t the 

anjueb , T some time rendered almost harm- 

58 by , which drove the smoke i 

their r their weapons were u< <l with 

more eiled, and the Indians U^an to retire with 
1 3 . wh< i Spaniai ds incautiously advanced, 

thereby suff. riugdefeai r when the Spani>h I 

3 Quo hoy no sc cncuentra cl nicm ;io dc Cl. Jnarros, Gu<it., ii. 207. 


were in the center of the plain, the detachment from 
the town, suddenly wheeling round, attacked them 
in front, while those who remained under cover of 
the woods assailed their rear. Puertocarrero was 
compelled to withdraw from the field with all possible 
haste; but this could only be done by traversing the 
greater portion of the plain, and was attended with 
great loss, the troops becoming entangled during the 
hottest part of the engagement, in canebrakes and 
creepers. At length the retreating army reached a 
secure position between two converging eminences, 
and here the conflict ceased for the night. 

On the following day the Spanish commander,, 
drawing up his infantry in a hollow square with the 
artillery in front and the cavalry on the wings, gave 
the enemy battle on the plain. His lines were too 
strong to be broken by the Zacatepec warriors who 
rushed in a dense mass to the attack, but were driven 
back by a well directed fire of artillery and small 
arms. Forming into two columns, they next assailed 
both wings simultaneously, but with no better success. 
Again massing themselves in a single phalanx, they 
made a furious attack on the right of the Spanish 
army. The struggle was long but not doubtful. 
Volley after volley mowed down their ranks in front, 
while the horsemen charged repeatedly on either 
flank. At length they took to flight and were pur 
sued to the entrance of the town, where Panagfuali 


and two other priests with eight of the principal 
caciques were made prisoners. 

The campaign was now at an end. Puertocarrero, 
aware that the loss of their priests and their chief 
tains would assure the submission of the rebels, 
retired to Ucubil, whence one of the captives was sent 
to the town with a final summons to allegiance, and 
with strict injunctions to return as soon as possible. 
A submissive reply was returned, and on the fourth 
day after the battle the Spaniards entered the town 
with all necessary precautions against attack. Having 

x OF :.i. 


1 ill ird-hoi. ad piil 

! tin- caciques and 

aj>! f thu 

: f . T I in 1 !:< plaj 

and 1 - plar. d n trial ill 

promot : the 
inn. All that the poor wretch could ur 

: hat IK- had 
of his <jrocl; but Cain, .11 had im\v no j 




^^r <c^ 



As a matter <>! < be lii^-li ] 

i. and iniui. 1 in full 

\ i-\v .en nati\ . bu1 n<\v I 

ntly lin|n-d tu cap 16 Sj rds I 

MS., 4-12; J narrow . ii. 

J!7-. !i i>. ;ilios ;, 

in tl: 


(, astillos. 
o, ano: 


The suppression of the Zacatepec rebellion being 
completed Alvarado s lieutenant 5 next turned his 
attention to the stronghold of Sinacam. This fortress, 
built of stone and lime, was situated in an almost in 
accessible position in the Comalapa mountains. 6 In 
the fastnesses of this range, seamed with gloomy 
canons, numbers of the Cakchiquels had taken refuge. 
Far down in the sierra is a precipitous ravine through 
which flows the Rio Nimaya. 7 The stream when it 
reaches the valley below is of great depth, abounds 
in fish, and is fringed in places with beautiful glades 
and stretches of fertile land, which can be approached 
only by difficult and dangerous paths. 8 Here Sina- 
cam s followers planted and gathered their maize in 
safety, while river and forest supplied them with ad 
ditional food. No better place for a stronghold could 
have been selected than that to which the chief of the 
Cakchiquels had withdrawn the remnant of his once 
powerful nation. 9 

At the head of a numerous and well appointed 

who later took a prominent part in the conquest of Copan, is represented in 
the female line by the family of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From 
Sancho de Baraona, who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary 
alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry officer Hernando 
de Chaves was ever placed in command when dangerous enterprises were to 
be undertaken. His daughter Doiia Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married 
Rodrigo de Fuentes y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de 
Aguilar. Juarros, Guat., i. 349-51. 

5 Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado not only 
conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but on his arrival at Olin- 
tepcc united his forces with those stationed there, and marched against 
Patinamit, which he took after a series of engagements, and then went in pur 
suit of the caciques who had escaped. Chronica de Gvat., 72-3. This is utterly 
at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz, who took part in the cam 
paign. Nor did Alvarado after his arrival at Olintepec undertake any further 
operations before his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority, 
who says: l y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias (that is at Olintepec), y 
luego fuimos a Soconusco. Hist, Verdad., 220. 

6 Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning great tree, and 
derived from the enormous cedars which grew in -the ravines. The range is 
situated about eight leagues from Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan 
Guatemala, near the site of Huyaalxot. Chronica de Gvat., 70-71. 

7 Passa el rio grande, q se dize Nimaya, por sus muchas aguas. Id. 

8 For an account of a priest s descent into this ravine see Vazquez. Id. 
9 Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification had been previously 

built, dans la provision d une guerre avec les Quiche s, and adds that accord 
ing to public rumor subterranean psssages connected it with Patinamit. Hist. 
Nat. Civ. , iv. G93-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that the Quiche s aided 

SI I TOLD. 93 

oc 10 Puerto- ro look up ,-i suitabl ion be 

fore it. 11 and for 1 \YO months pi d t!. in 

In. During this linn- he 

of : answered only \\-\\ h oonl 

while artinj r th< t th 

who felt secure; in his position and h;id no 

hunger, were r< I <-\ 

trunks of hurled < ; on them fr>m i 

overt y \vliile the harassed 

hy repeated BO iVoin the natives, who, \v! 

they perceived any want of vigilance in th- 
the Spapiards, s\ down from the mouni with 
inconceivable rapidii; I upon the weakest j of 
tlieirlii; 3 quickly] :ned the shelter of th 

ix.ld. 13 

.Hut iailure only mused the Spaniards to i 
termined effort. Tin ainon;.;- them many w] 

i part in the storming of Mexico, and had 
fought under Alvarado at Patinamit. The m 
oftli lantado a veterans had been t ny 

a doubtful I, and they were no\v ahoutto 
evidence of their valor. It may be that a itor rc- 

iled to the he.-ie- erS SOlllC SCCTCt _p-a t 1 1 , ] OT 

rtiide but the stormii i the i oitr 

in its crcctirin in order to prov * in case < 

. Its mil. 
i. 2 

10 1 -to V\: cron- 

nrti :.< .< i- 1 ;i.- ; -o clc I 


th;it t i to 200 

;_ . 

11 ;- 

tc to 1 t that 

liii;. of \:i /.<\ the e 

;at of t!ie M ( 

1 (!) t!lr Spot. \ 

that tip 
JOllos coi :i liast.. 

al t 

; eur d(. s of this c; 


was none the less a desperate undertaking. Its fate 
w#s sealed however. Puertocarrero divided his forces 
into four bodies and stationed them at the most favor 
able points ; but before ordering the assault sent in his 
last summons to surrender. The messengers who bore 
the letter to Sinacam narrowly escaped death. On 
receiviDg it the chieftain tore the paper to shreds, and 
throwing the pieces on the ground with many expres 
sions of scorn and contempt ordered the envoys to be 
put to death. At this moment, however, the attack 
was made. Puertocarrero who had observed all that 
was transpiring suddenly advanced his men. The 
ramparts were scaled, and a foothold won within the 
fortifications. No hope now for the garrison; the 
struggle which followed was severe but brief. The 


discolored ground was soon heaped with the dead and 
dying, on whose prostrate forms the triumphant Span 
iards trampled as they pressed on in pursuit of the 
panic-stricken natives. Sinacam and Sequechul, to 
gether with a larger number of their followers, were 
captured, and few of those who survived the massacre 
made good their escape to the mountains. 15 

15 Brasseur de Bcmrbourg states that Sinacam escaped by one of the subter 
ranean passages before mentioned, and after living a wretched life for several 
years, wandering about the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. 
Hist. Nat. Civ., 095-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated 
May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take Sinacam and 
Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the Spice Islands on account 
of their rebellious proclivities, or to execute them. Alvarado replied that 
he would do what was most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died 
in Jalisco before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as. they 
were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado would not be 
likely to execute them at the instigation of the cabildo. Chronica de Overt., 
30-2. The author of the Isagoge states that they lingered in prison for 14 
years, that they were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during 
the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. Pdaez, Mem. Ouat., i, 77. 
Brasseur de Bourbourg s account of the fate of -these princes is that Siuacam 
died in 1533, while Sequechul was put on board the fleet and perished miser 
ably off the coast of Jalisco. IJist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes gives 
so different an account to that of Vazquez relative to the capture of the strong 
hold, that, as Juarros remarks, every one would suppose it to be the narra 
tion of an entirely distinct event. Guat., ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam 
was yearly celebrated by the festival of the volcano, at which a mimic 
representation of the event was performed. In the great plaza of Guatemala 
an artificial mound was thrown up and covered with branches of trees and 
rocks in imitation of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built. 
Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the principal men 


The st< nisinir ; !iijin-l hold oc- 

curred on Saint (Vcili ! ay, the L -jd of N r 

\ 526, .-Hid : rward th nt v. rly eel - 

:i imp- -II. On annivt-r- 

f tli .hit find on ihu eve pr 
aiidard-h: displayed the r<>yal colors in tlio 

] } <>f the pr. :it, the royal audiencia, t : 

municipality, and noUes, while the .Mexicans and 
Tlax-altecs, who liad contributed to tin- vi<-t<>ryin no 
small degree, joined in the procession, d< 1 in 
bright colors and armed vvitli the weapons of their 

In the month of March 1527, anew governor arrived 
in Guatemala in the person of Jorge 
1. rot her of the great conqueror, and ,- a gift<-d witli 
ahilii f no common order. He had ah \voii 

repute in the conquest of ^Ie: and had n a 

prominent part in the political dissni>ioi! hich 

curred in the capital during the ; -ice of Cort 
in Honduras. During the military opera in 

Guatemala, more especially in the tir.-t cainpa in 
Salvador, he had proved himself possessed "t tm 
soldierly qualiti- Th<- ]reit-rment was 1> 
him ly i nor of Mexi -id that he should 

have been \- -rmitted to sir -de Puertocarrero u 

]rol>iiMy due to his 1>; i\<r and t!) the iVi 

ship of ( ort Nevertheless he was a man eminently 

fitted io rule. 1! ppointment was at 

nized 1)V tlie cal)ildo,and he w. led innnedh. 

f olli 

of hi lie r M-l in M> rm wr 

t iu 1 
.;itin_( , l !!t 

f Tlas- 



// ; iio 

, L ui. 
JJoc., ; 


Soon after his arrival the cabildo met to discuss a 
matter of general interest, which had long engaged 
the attention of the colonists. This was the selection 
of a permanent site for their hitherto unstable city. 
The choice lay between the valleys of Almolonga and 
Tianguecillo, 17 and after a long and wordy discussion 
the question was decided in favor of the former locality. 
A spot was chosen which had the advantages of a 
cool and healthful climate, a plentiful supply of wood, 
water, and pasture, and where the slope of the ground 
would allow the streets to be cleansed by the periodi 
cal rains. The governor then presented to the muni 
cipality a document, signed by his own hand, conveying 
his instructions as to the laying-out of the future 
city. The streets were to intersect at right angles, 
their direction corresponding with the cardinal points 
of the compass; space was to be reserved for a plaza; 
and ground adjoining the public square was set apart 
for the erection of a church to be dedicated to Santiago, 
who was chosen as the patron saint of the city which, 
was henceforth to bear his name,, and whose heart w T as 
to be gladdened in after years, when the day of his 
anniversary recurred, by religious ceremonies and 
.festivities, by tilting, and by bull-fights whenever a 
supply of bulls could be procured. 18 Locations were 

17 The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and it is significant 
that this is the first meeting mentioned in the books of the cabildo as being 
held there. Of the instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof. 
Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes, says: Lo otro 
digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos. . .habia de haber pueblo fundado, 
donde los cspailoles tuviesen poblacion sentada. Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 
27. The valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present Chi- 
maltenango. Juarros, Guat., ii. 304. 

13 Rcmesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered one bull to be 
bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which indicates the scarcity of cattle at 
that date. In 1543 six were purchased. Hist. Chyapa, 27. This author is of 
opinion that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because of the 
devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. Id., 4. Fuentes gives as the reason 
that the Spanish army entered the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, 
and states that he personally took their city under his protection, by appear 
ing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the army, while march 
ing along the valley of Panchoy. Juarros, Guat., ii. 273. For further 
opinions and information on this subject consult Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 
74-5; llemexal, Hist. Chyapa, 20-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 275-7; Escamitta> 
Notldas Curiosas. de Guat., 12; and Pelaez, Mem. Guat. ii. 223-7. 

[AGO FO 07 

jned ior a ho-pital, a rhapcl and shrine,* a 

a fori : approprial adjoinin;. pla;-. to 

marked out for the municipal and civic huildi; 
and fora prison; and the ivniaindcr of UP 
then to he divided among prex-nt or futm 
according to the <-u>tms piv\ ailing in Xew Spain. 

Ai tcr this document had lr<-n puhhdy nad and 
entered 1 > y the notary in tin- books of the cahildo, all 
malitie completed -king j 

-ion of the future city as though it already < 
According to the usual formality a p<M \ -d. 

and the r, ]laciii^ his hand upon it. j 

with great solemnity, "1 take and hold p sion, in 
tin 1 name of his ilajesty, of the city and provii ,n<l 
of all other adjacent territory." 

Four days after the completion of this ceremony 
twenty-four persons enrolled themselves aa citbs 
and so prosperous, at first, were the affairs of the new 
tlement that within six months one hundred and 
fifty additional householders joined the community.* 
] hiring the remainder of the year 1.VJ7 and for many 
months ai terward the Spaniards were occupied with 
municipal atfairs, or busied th- with th- ej 

former i -1 the name of the hospital de mi n<l 

1 and shrine were to be d< - loe 


:1 l. .LN Saiiti:i _ " v. a.s made ; 1 "f the ] 

.-I iu l. i. l J v i anii^vi: 1 1< 

ribcd 1 K A 

Gules, the 

en 1 !, and l-niinli.-hiug a 6^ 

( >i\ Bfld, A] erest a 

other <i 

live ol 
and a v/nod-eut of it, f-uine\\ hat dillen-nt, is to l>e s.-i-u in 

a }.j>. l;!S and l. i 

21 1 that the names of the same persons of; 

nj] ;ir iu rnora 1 

itlmut j>rrjui. 

in l."J7, sin icrjui .cha 

( il)d i i. Ada - . ! . And .-iL-ain in 

<|ue | 


Mueho.s estau < - dos vc/.es, porqu- 

ad.juiri. :nduil,cstaral. la pi ii: 

IJiBT. -j. VOL. II. 7 


tion of dwellings and with dividing and putting under 
cultivation the rich lands of the adjoining valley. 

In March 1528 Jorge de Alvarado, in virtue of the 
authority granted to him by the governor of Mexico, 
claimed the right to appoint new members of the 
municipality. As no valid objection could be offered 
by the cabildo, the nominations w r ere immediately 
made, and eight regidores were elected in place of 
four. The most important measure adopted by the 
new corporation during the year was the redivision of 
lands and the adjustment of questions that would 
necessarily arise from such a change. The grants 
were so unfairly distributed that, while many citizens 
had far more than their share, others had none at all. 
The discontent of the latter made it imperative for 
the municipality to take action. On the 18th of 
April all previous regulations were revoked and all 
divisions of land cancelled. An order was then issued 
for the redivision of the valley into caballerias and 
peoriias, 22 and a committee appointed to redistribute 
the grants. 

A measure of this kind could not fail to meet with 
much opposition, and as will be seen later the division 
of lands and the system of repartimientos caused much 
dissension among the colonists; yet in the present 
instance the cabildo acted with all possible discretion 
and fairness in the matter. Those grants of land 
which were less fertile, were of greater extent than 
the more barren portions; men distinguished for 
their services received larger shares to correspond 
with the degree of their merit; growing crops were 
the property of those in possession at the time of 
the redistribution; and if any occupant had made 

2 - The caballeria was the amount of land granted to a cavalryman, and the 
peonia that bestowed on a foot-soldier, who was termed peon. 5 The former 
received COO by 1,400 pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that 
quantity. Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Gnat., 48. Remesal states that the caba 
lleria was GOO by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account that is not in accord 
ance with the book of the cabildo. Hist. Chyapa, 39. Even the more accurate 
Juarros is in error in stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 
600 pasos. Guat., ii. 341. 


improvements and was rem< t, Iiis 

JSOr u; (iiired to inal-. no 

on the new land ned to him. Compl 

deeds T promised by the cabildo in the i;;i::i.- of 

; the citi. <j ordered to end- 

and kerp in good condition the portion of the sir 
corresponding with their allot n. i-bitant 

f artisans were regulated; and such was the 
thrift of the inhabitants that within little more than 
a year after its foundation the town \\ irround. d 

with eorniields and orchards, and the vail f Al- 
molonga soon became one of the most flourishing col 
onies throughout the breadth of Central Ameri< 

23 As these grants were considered as rewards for services ; >-d to tho 

kin _ r f<>r ;i ix-riml of liv- < .mlinnrd at u later date upon 

the bolder proving that ho had served fur that length of time. 





SOON after his meeting with Cortes in Mexico Pedro 
de Alvarado returned to Spain. Arriving early in 
1527, he soon learned, as we may well imagine, 
that charges of a serious nature were being preferred 
against him. Gonzalo Mejia, the colonial procurator, 
had accused him before the India Council of obtaining 
wealth by embezzling the royal dues, and by unfair 
appropriation of the spoils of war. The amount thus 
secured was estimated at one hundred thousand pesos. 
Many acts of injustice were also laid to his charge, 
all of which Mejia affirmed could be substantiated by 
documents which he laid before the council. The result 
was that an order was issued directing a formal inves 
tigation to be made both in Madrid and New Spain, 
and directing that his gold which amounted to fifteen 
thousand ducats be seized as security for any fine in 
which he might be mulcted. He was required more 
over to appear at .court, in person, without delay. 



Alvarado had IK\V n< i-k hefore liiin, Imt 

then/ was inudi in his favor. ]l it renown, his 

handsome presence, 1 and ivmarkaUo con .tioiial 

powers won for him many friends, anioii;^ o- 
Id I.- I Yam-isro de losCoboS,who personally 

interested himself in lu s defence, and \vitli such sn 
cess that the conqueror of Guatemala v. --quitted, 
liis o-,, Id restored, and ho soon had an opportunity to 
plead his own before the emperor. 

Once in the royal presence the cavalier docs not 
licsilatc to inj onn his Majesty of his many doughty 
deeds during the conquest of Mexico, and to mention 
that tlic subjugation of Guatemala was ach I at 
his own expense. 1 The king listens with marked at 
tention, particularly when he advances schemes f.r 
ship-building on the southern shore of Guatemala for 
the discovery of the coveted Spice Islands, and for 
the development of South Sea commerce . 3 The royal 
favor is won, and honors and appointments follow. 
The cross of Santiago is bestowed upon him, and ho 
is appointed a comendador.* lie is also made gov 
ernor and captain general, as Arcvalo tells us, of 
Guatemala, of Chiapas, Cinacantan, TequepampO, 
Oinatan, Acalan, and all other lerritori 

1 (larcilaso do l:i \" >crts that Charles in lr ns at Arnn- 

chaii sec Alvannlu pa uul stnu-k with oil -ance ask> 

who 1. .^ tulil that it was Alvurado lit- sai.l, 

:i\])rc talle do av. r li.-cho lo que tie el me han dicho, and onl ho 

- against him to In: dis; ?/, ii. 58. 

j.rtilioiu d the kin;, l-r the .LTt v.-ni: 

, \\ hi. h 1 t his 

own COSt. The ad lantado > !:.. l. Itii 

April l.VJ .i. that in n) D -f hi-. t did Alvarado speak the truth, 

which ion he Mud would be wrroborated in ill r-toft! at 

1 .idM]-, <. M . . . . . / .r., xi: A 

f-iinilar stat< in. ht was inailc:: sion of the cahildo of Mexico held -Tan. 

.: I id the chit f procurator v. 

to ! Alvaiv .Isc 8t;i -o 

1 i miino que ania- l)asta la mar del x 

conn . iv. lib. i iii. 

* 1; mcsal says that h" had l-cf- :i iron! hy 

the soldiers, U-en in the habit of wearing at to 

.: who held that title. HitL Chyapa, 1J. See also Ui*L 



and belonging to that province. In return he enters 
into an engagement with his royal master to send 
forth expeditions of discovery and thoroughly to ex 
plore the waters of the South Sea. 5 

The favors which he thus received from the emperor 
were due in part to his marriage with a ward of the 
secretary Cobos. It is true that he was already 
betrothed* to Cecilia Vazquez, a cousin of Cortes, but 
a mere vow could not be allowed to stand between 
him and high connection. Cortes had been a true 
friend; but Alvarado could now win stronger support 
than ever the conqueror of Mexico could bestow on 
him, and what mattered friendship when help 6 was 
no longer needed? A few months after his arrival in 
Spain, he had offered himself as a suitor for the hand 
of the accomplished Doiia Francisca de la Cueva, 
daughter of the conde de Bedmar, and niece of the 
duke of Alburquerque. Secretary Cobos received 
his offer approvingly, arranged the marriage, and at 
the ceremony gave the bride away. 7 

Alvarado was now prepared to return to the west 
ern world, and on the 26th of May 1528, 8 entered his 
appointments and despatches at the India House in 
Seville according to form. While he was there wait 
ing to embark Corte s arrived at Palos. But. the new 
adelantado was no longer so anxious to meet his for- 

5 Cortes was much displeased with this agreement, as he considered the 
search for the Spice Islands and the navigation of the South Sea to be his 
exclusive right, fiamirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, p. xvi. 

6 Corte s le embiaba siempre Espafioles, Caballos, Ilierro, y Ropa, y cosas 
de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le avia prometido do Casarse con 
vna su Prima-Hermana, yasi le 11190 su Teniente, en aquella Provincial Tor- 
quemada, i. 322. 

7 Dona Francisca lived but a short time after the marriage. Reniesal says 
that her death occurred a few days after marriage; Zamacois, Hist, Mej., iv. 
4C5, and Ramirez that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only 
mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married her sister 
Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49, imagines that this second 
marriage took place shortly after the first, whereas it was at least ten years 
later. Consult Arcvalo, Doc. Antig., 179, and Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
Doc., ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the same mistake. Hist. 
Nat. Civ., iv. 701. 

8 Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of the cabildo, the 
year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528. Hist. Chyapa, 39; Arevalo, Actas 
-Ayunt. Guat., 83. 

TRIAL OF AI. \DO. 103 

HUT commander aa he had limi when li. 

liis aid through tin- wilds of ilondur. JI<- Li. 
how deeply IK- had wounded his pride in the 

iiid In- rcceixvd with a fe< lil 

relief t! i that Cortes had gone direci to I ."id. 

Ju October l.VJS, the g nor of (Jr. 
accompanied hy a nuinhtT <>t nob iitlenien, iVid: 
and relative H arrived atY.-ra ( ru/, and h; 

niiu^ on to Mexico liojx d soon to reach the cap! 

of his own province. Hut the offi of th 

ii-y ini ornicd him that he in.-i d hi- in n< 1 
ive; f>r now the investigations were not to be lightly 

L It was a serious matter, that of accoui 

;ioii how much he owed his }/ 

And n- 1 hand were those immaculate men, 1 
oidoiv- of ^Fi-xiro s first audieneia, who were jeal< 

for the ri^lits <>f the kini; , and more jealous my 

other suhjects sliould he permitted to on: 1 tin 
1 *jMin tlie heels ofAlvarado lli--y en1 

loruinent in whieli was a c-1. wliieh r< 

thus; "You will also inform your>el\v.s whetlier i: 
true that, when Pedro de Alvarado was in Gu;; 
mala, there was not proper care in the collection 
the fifths, and that lie did not piv-.-nt him- If to l 
treasurer with the portion pertainin;: <>." Tl 

Guatemalan ^overnor was at once informed that 

mi dit answer to the charges on i-. him. 

The celebrated trial which followed was protraci I 

as loi 3 party fad ion, envy, and piT-onal eamity 

ild make it last. The more imp 
were thn embezzlement of royal iifths and soldie 

ty, cruelty, and illegal warfare; l)iit a; 

Alvarado s ].iv\i<>us life that could he used against 

him was pertinent, The total number of 
preferred, was thirty-four, and there were ten 

-ses for the prosecution. On April C>, I 
examination commenced; on the 4th of .Inn.- Ah 
rado jire-eiited his reply; and on the loth 1 

9 Jttrncsal, Ili*t. Chi/tijui, !_. 


examination of his witnesses who numbered thirty- 
two, the chaplain Juan Diaz being one. Eighty-four 
questions were submitted, and in addition to verbal 
evidence twelve documents were filed for the defence. 10 
On the 5th of July the defence was closed and the case 
submitted, but all efforts to obtain a speedy decision 
were unavailing. The oidores would have the gov 
ernor of Guatemala feel their power yet a little longer. 

Soon after Alvarado s arrival in Mexico, his brother 
Jorge, who had been left in charge of the province of 
Guatemala, received from him a copy of the former s 
appointment as governor and captain general. 11 At 
the same time the adelantado, being so empowered, 

10 Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the discovery and 
preservation of the Proceso de Residencies contra Pedro de Alvarado, we are 
indebted to the licentiate Ignacio Rayon, oficial mayor in the Mexican 
archives. The confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office had 
become so great that in 1846 the government decided to reduce them to 
some order, and entrusted the work of so doing to the director Miguel Maria 
Arrioja, whose co-laborer was Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 
useless, was the Proceso contra Alvarado, the historical value of which was 
at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was merely to copy and 
add it to his collection of manuscripts. His friends, however, advised him 
otherwise; and through their assistance Ignacio Trigueros generously offer 
ing to pay expenses, and Jose" Fernando Ramirez having obtained permission 
from the government he published it in Mexico in 1847. The is the 
official investigation into Alvarado s conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and 
consists of the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment of the 
natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal dues, and the testimony of 
the witnesses on both sides. Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is 
of great value in establishing numerous historical points narrated by the early 
chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the Proceso, a biographical 
sketch of Alvarado s career by Ramirez; fragments of the Proceso contra, 
Nuno de Guzman, preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and 
notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of which represents 
the death of Alvarado. The account given by Ramirez of Alvarado s expedi 
tion to Peru is the same as that of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the rea 
sons he assigns for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez 
was minister of state during the empire under Maximilian. 

11 There is a copy of this document in the Adas Ayunt* Guat., 80-4. 
Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to be subject to the audiencia and 
chancilleria real of the city of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to 
lie from Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of Mexico, 
with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to appoint and remove 
officers of administration at will, and to try and decide all causes, civil and 
criminal, to make general laws, and particular ones for each pueblo ; to estab 
lish penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might wish to 
send away from his province to appear before their Majesties, and in case of 
their refusal, to visit them with penalties which their Majesties in anticipa 
tion confirmed. His annual salary was to be 502,500 maravedis. 

constituted Jorge liis lieutn The 

1 1 ><! .. iv the < . w<-re duly i 

hy tluit hody; wln-p-upon Jor^e declared that 

-< th- powers In 4 had hitli<Tt h Id 

from tin 4 LTovernor of Mexico, 12 took the oath in tin; 

nil manner, and asMinu-d the duties laid upon him 

hy his ne\v appointment, 

The audiencia of Mexico was quickly notified of 
these proceedings, and in July 1 is known in 

Santiago that a judge and captain general had 1>< 

appointed to take the lieutenant-governor s resident 
A hold though unsuc al attempt was made to 
avoid the threatened in ition. Jorge compelled 

the procurator, syndic, and notary public to draw up 
a formal representation, urging, in the name of the 
cahildo, that JYdro de Alvarado and no other person 
should !" obeyed as captain general and governor. 
This adion had, liov i , no effect in averting his 
sp< fall from power. On the 14th of August Fran- 
Cisco de ( )rduna, the official appointed hy the oidor 
arrived at Santiago, and ] i it ing his credent! 
took the unary oath th- same day. 13 

The audiencia could not have selected a man more 
unfitted for this important oilice, or one less likely t 
jiromute the interests of the colony. 1 [e came at a 
time wh^n of all others prudence and dispassioni 
action ded. The redistribution of land- and 

the a>>i _niment of encomiendas in spite of all c-florts 
to the contrary had caused discont -m : t \\--coin- 

re jealously regarded hy the conquerors and t 

;dy di vided into factions. Torecon- 

13 And somewhat contomiituotisly : V- (jue no quicre usar ilellos, si 


13 1 oo <! >l was m 

. in. lil). v. cap. \ i. \vas 

ahililo of M xicu, and sh- 
:. \\ > liml him ico in 

in rej: 

in I.VJs. ri.,i;i this time h- 
iatorrn; !;*-n in I rhi u 

b conqueror, IB far from I In the MUM testimony 

also !iy to Alvurudu. 


cile differences was not Orduna s object. His policy 
was to be guided by self-interest, and by enmity to 
Alvarado and his party. A man of coarse nature, 
irascible and unscrupulous, he was often guilty of gross 
indecency in speech and of unseemly personal violence ; 
after acts of gross injustice he insulted all who claimed 

One of his first measures w r as to call in question 
the legality of Jorge s administration. The alcalde 
Gonzalo Dovalle, a creature of Orduna s, brought the 
matter before the cabildo, claiming that all reparti- 
mientos which he had assigned, and all suits which he 
had decided, from the time that he had received from 
his brother the appointment of lieutenant-governor, 
were annulled. The question was a delicate one, inas 
much as the cabildo had recognized the authority of 
Jorge, and their own powers and rights were thus 
endangered. Nevertheless they did not venture to 
oppose the jurisdiction of the audiencia, and within 
three months after Orduna s arrival he found himself 
in control of the ayuntaniiento. 


The natives were not slow to take advantage of 
the discord among the Spaniards, and during the lat 
ter portion of 1529 it became necessary to send out 
numerous expeditions to suppress .revolt or repel 
encroachments. 14 Several of the confederated nations 

14 In the minutes of the cabildo dated loth September, it is stated al pre- 
sente estan. los mas de los espanoles de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, 6 
sobre el pueblo de Xumaytepeque a donde han muerto ciertos espanoles, y 
estamos al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, 6 Tesulutlan, 
Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estan todas 6 otras muchas de guerra. Arevalo, 
Adas Ay wit, Guat., 128. The Libra deActas deAyuntamlento de la Ciudad de 
Santiago de Guatemala comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago during 
the first six years of its existence, copied literally, by Rafael de Are"valo, sec 
retary of the municipality, from the original records in the archives of the 
city. The work was published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt 
that the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work, owing to 
their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted that the transcriber did not 
indicate in his publication where he considered the originals were defective, 
or remark upon the obliteration of different portions, the only instance of 
his doing so being on page 7. Ilemesal states that until the year 1530 the 
cabildo had no bound book of records, but simply loose sheets, many of which 
must have been lost, Hist. Chyapa, 33 ; and Juarros refers to minutes which 

Til MAY WAR. 107 

which had BUfil d d<-f<-at at the hands of Alv, 
on hi urn from Honduras 11 bewail to make inro;, 

on portions of the province which hit! had always 

n held in subjection. Th 11 of 

Xiiiiiay WBS the principal scat of the or, ak, a I 

point a foree of eighty foot, thirty hoi- 
and one thousand native auxiliaries was d 
under command of Juan Perez Dardon." 

Tin 4 march of the troops was uninterrupted until 

they reached the river Coaxini<juilapan. IT J 1 
found their pa 6 disputed hy a lar^e fore.- p.: 
(.n the <>pp hank. Not deeming it prudent to 

attempt the crossing in the face of the enemy, I)ard<m 
withdrew his troops, and making a rapid detour under 
cover of a range of hills, arrived unperceived at a 
point above on the stream. By the aid of a wooden 
bridge which he hastily threw across it he j 1 his 

army over, and marched into the vail f Xnm 
Jlere he encountered a strong body of the enemy, 

who, alter a spirited opposition, suddenly retr 

p eminence, 1 ^ hotly pursued by the Spaniards. 
The latter { ailed more than once in their attempts to 

1" n<>t appear in >\s cilition. I cannot, tlu-ivf -co with Brasscur 

that it oomprend tous 1< 

iniuial. .duraiit , pri-nuL-rcs anincs. 1,\ >. M !.">. i 

many of tla- ordinances aiv of minor interest, the work i lue, inasnnich 

.nd social state of 
-ts. while from others ; 

\vhich the Spaniards lived. A considerable muni" ma- 

ti Ui the holding i-f and >n to i 

. and the amount of land 
id oth< lations for th- 

mm ion uith regard :u. The K 

ndditimially vajual)!- u-lusi\-e in assi^niir, 00 

tanT ! .dso th: 

\.\\\\ & -.ilyinu a \ ivi>. 

lin;_ r s and \ ih-nt <! 


idcnti i the ( 

16 Dardun h: Alvara i was app^ in - 

him intia;_ro, founded in 1.VJI. that 

of a , aaasuba! 

in , 

1 lajini.jnil. : oin the 

18 Bn t .ourbourg assume-s that it was surmounted l.y a i\u treat. 


carry this position, but the natives falling short of 
provisions and becoming enfeebled through hunger 
were at length dislodged with great slaughter. 

The town of Xumay now lay at the mercy of the 
Spaniards; and the chief of the confederated tribes, 19 
finding himself unable to cope with the enemy, deter- 
mided on stratagem; but his astuteness could suggest 

nothing better than the oft-tried ruse of making 

-. ^ 

treacherous overtures of peace. Dardon was not to 
be imposed upon by so trite an artifice, and apprised 
him that he was thoroughly aware of his design, 
whereupon the cacique threw off the mask, and re 
solving to make one last effort, attacked the Spaniards 
with all the forces he could collect, but was routed 
with heavy loss. On entering the town Dardon found 
the place abandoned, and in vain sent a number of his 
prisoners with promises of pardon to their country 
men on condition of their return. They had even 
less confidence in the word of the Spanish commander 
than he himself had shown in the good faith of their 
chieftain. It was therefore ordered that the place 
should be burned, and parties were sent to hunt down 
the scattered fugitives, many of whom were captured, 
and among them a number of caciques. All were 
indiscriminately branded as slaves, and hence a village 
afterward built near the spot, as well as the Rio 
Coaxiniquilapan received the name of Los Esclavos. 20 

While the confederated tribes were thus again 
being brought under subjection, an expedition directed 
against the stronghold of Uspantan 21 met with signal 
failure. Shortly after Orduna s arrival the reduction 

19 Tonaltetl by name. 

20 Juarros, Guat., ii. 88-90. This author makes the rather doubtful asser 
tion that the place was called Los Esclavos from the fact that these were the 
first rebels whom the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbonrg more 
reasonably assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded. 

2i Brasseur de Bourbourg says: The town of this name situated between 
the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan preserved more than other places 
the ancient rites of Hunahpu and Exbalanque", and the temple of these gods 
annually received a certain number of human victims. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 


of tliis place was derided on l>y the cabildo; and a 

for I sixty foot and three hundred experien* 

Indian auxiliaries 2 - was despatched fur that purpose 
under command of the alcalde (Jaspar Ari T 

mountainous district in whirh this fortress wassiti 

,- on the borders of tin- pn-s.-nt departments of V< 
Pa/ and Totonicapan, and was inhabited by fierce 
roaming Iribes that were continually ui J the c<n- 
qui-ivd (.Juifht s to revolt. Surrounded with d< 
ravines, and occupying one of those naturally fortil 
positions that were ever selected by the natives a> 
refuge a-ainst the Spaniards, Uspantan was d< cnied 
almost as impregnable as Patinamit and the moun 
tain stronghold <>f Sinacam. 

No sooner had Arias taken up his position in front 
of this fortress, after capturing several towns that 
lav on the line of his march, than he received ne\vs 

that Ordufta had deposed him from office and appoinl 

another alcalde in his place. 2 * Indignant at this pro- 

diiiLf, he resolved to return at once to Santi 
del ing his command to Pedro de Olmos, a man 
in whom he had confidence, but wl 1 the result 
proved, was unfitted for the post. Heeding not tin; 
instructions left him, or the advice of his fellow-sol- 
diers, he determined to carry the place 1 >y storm, hop! 

* 2 Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian allies as three thou- 
. Nat. < to., iv. 700. 

alle.l l.y .Juarr.>s, < Arias Davila. Cunt., i. 3H. ,. Tliiso; 

1 \\ itli a certain < ;la or Davila, wht-ni Aha- 

uhilo in Honduras sent to confer with 1 cdraria.s at Panama. 1 hc nan 

: tiiu minutes of the cabildo of O 

u till Ma; b 18, 1528, v, h. a lie was nominated for tlu- Mi-. 

omission of his name for so lo; ; iod may bo explained l.y hia abs^ 

in Panan 

24 . 1 Diaz, Caspar Arias was a firm supporter of Alva- 

; >and hi.i party. 11 uco, probably, hi.s dismiss;il from . 
2i The reception which Arias ;th at Santiago is agoo<l illustration of 

;.p<-arinx 1 i> and petiti that 

itored to him, Ordufia past !y called him a 

turbcr of the peace, laid violent liands on him, and, while ordering him to bo 
carried oil to prison, struck him in the face. 1 >> 

miiento de su n li 

January 1 .">:;<) Arias a.^ain ) r reiln-ss, but though t ng was 

"i-, he does not seem to 1 ! it. as his n. 

appears no more as alcalde. Arivalo, Actas Ayant. (Jaat., ILi J 


thus to win for himself a reputation. The result was 
most disastrous. While the assault was being made 
at the single point where an entrance could be effected, 
his rear was assailed by two thousand of the enemy 
placed in ambush in anticipation of the attack. The 
surprise was complete. In the brief conflict which 
ensued a large portion of the Spaniards were wounded, 
Olmos himself among the number, while the slaughter 
of the auxiliaries was fearful. .To complete their dis 
comfiture a number of prisoners captured by the enemy 
were immediately stretched upon the altar in sacri 
fice. 26 Then the allies fled and made their way back 
to Santiago. 

Nothing now remained but retreat; and sullenly 
the small remnant of Olmos command, ill-provided 
with food and overladen with baggage, turned their 
backs upon the stronghold of Uspantan to fight their 
way homeward. Day by day they pressed onward, 
constantly assailed by the enemy posted in ambus 
cade along the route. The final struggle occurred on 
approaching the district of Chichicastenango.. Here 
three thousand of the enemy had collected to dispute 
with them a mountain pass through which lay their 
only line of retreat. No hope for the Spaniards now, 
unless they could cut their way through this dense 
throng of warriors. Provisions and baggage were 
cast aside and each soldier, grasping his weapons, 
prepared for the conflict which was to determine his 
destiny. The fight was obstinate and bloody, but 
sword and arquebuse prevailed as usual against the 
rude arms of the natives, and at length the Spaniards 
rested unopposed on the opposite side of the range, 
the survivors finally reaching Utatlan, haggard and 
gaunt with famine. 

Orduiia, recognizing that his indiscretion had been 
the cause of this disaster, hastened to repair his mis- 

20 Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d allids, ayant <td pris vivants, 
se virent emmene s dans la place et sacrifids solennellement a la divinitd bar- 
bare. Braswur de ttourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700. The name of the idol 
was Exbalanque". 

Vv AU AT i ,0. Ill 

ta! 1 1".- met. with much difficult 

cicnt in IK-- li.-id already i himself unpopular 

with nmst of the coloi . l>ut at tin- ln"jinnin _c of 

December he left the city accompanied l>y forty 

, tliirt\ horse, and four hu: 

and Tlascaltec allies, 87 tin- latter commanded l>y Span- 

i>h olli As Orduria IKK! little i ailli in his < 

aliilii leader, and his soldiers had none, i 

command of tl . intrusted to the tr irer 

Fran de ( a <t< -llanos, a man of spirit and ability. 

On arriving in C hiehic;: ,ango Ordui, 
to Uspantan with a summons to surrcnd The 

reply was of a practical nature: the emissaries w- 
immediately put to death. 

Th must now be brought under subjection 

by force <>f arms, and Ordufia sent forward ( ;; -tella- 
nos with the greater portion of the troops to undrr- 
take the fighting, while he himself i 
quarters at Chichicastenango. H The latt !i- 

1 his march against the important stro: I of 

Nebah. On arriving at the river Sacapulas he found 
for some time an impassable obstacle, <n account of 
the ] jiitous nature of the ravine down which it 
ilowed. J>y moving up stream, he discovered at I 

17 Ace tram the number of rds consisted of 31 horse and 

30 foot. tire. iv. HI), vii. cap. v. 

M In / drc. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy of the rcqucrimiento 

ordered by the king to be deliver) i i<> t!iu nutivca \\hrn suinim-nr.l to allc- 

giai. inilarfun:: ->\ in the a: 

: s time. This r.nnal summons was fre(|iii -nt .y onii 

at th i tlio < 

in tin- \\ar \\hiie a 1 t\ man, tlir.s d- and lnu.. 

proceeding. At niirht one >i with sound of drum, ; 

Indi thi.s to\\ n ! ^\ :u yu that tl. ;md 

horn this IM,| 

.-aid tendrr yur to him and i 

tliuler the , 
i t then hi 

y could, in 

uehillo, r 

! J. 

unt ol 
$, 1-J-J-:: i \vliieh : 

.hot Juuuai\ aDd.Urduua oil 

l- .ii : uary. 


a spot where he could descend, and throwing a bridge 
over the river made good his crossing. Ascending 
the opposite slope, he encountered on the summit a 
body of five thousand warriors gathered there from 
Nebah and neighboring towns. They retired on his 
approach, and took up a position at a narrow moun 
tain pass, whence they were driven only after a 
sharp and protracted struggle. 

Castellanos then advanced without further opposi 
tion to Nebah, which like many other Indian towns 
he found to be a natural stronghold. Such reliance 
did the natives place on the protection of the preci 
pices which surrounded it, that they did not think it 
necessary to post sentinels, and all collected to defend 
its only entrance. This over-confidence wrought 
their destruction. While the assault was being made, 
a few Tlascaltecs and Mexicans succeeded, by cling 
ing to tendrils and creepers, in scaling the height in 
the rear of the town. Then approaching unobserved 
they set fire to some houses. The conflagration 
spread ; the defence was soon abandoned ; and the Span 
iards rushing through the narrow entrance were soon 
masters of the town. On the following day all the 
inhabitants were branded ; and such was the effect of 
the fall of this fortress, that the neighboring villages 
as well as the large town of Chahul surrendered with 
out opposition. 

The Spaniards then marched on Uspantan, where 
ten thousand warriors belonging to that district, aided 
by an equal number of allies, disdained submission. 
This place was also practically impregnable, and again 
but for excess of confidence the garrison might have 
remained in security. But when they saw the little 
army under Castellanos impudently sitting down before 
their door, the men of Uspantan resolved to go forth 
and sweep them from the earth. The Spaniards took 
up- their position, the infantry being divided into two 
equal bodies, and stationed on the wings, while the 
horsemen occupied the centre somewhat in advance. 


the was ni ami the 

I with he i 11 v 

;ht and left, fell up -n the 
hnul .-Hid overthrew them witli -T 

si r. So many prisoners <>t hi^h portion 

: that UK. submission of Uspa- id tlic all 

; /ns \ tired, and Castell 

and reduced to slavery a lar^e number of his r 
ret I to Santiago about the beginning of 15:30. 

During the same year the confusion CM ! by 
( ); rnaleadministration held out a 1 

stubborn Cuzcatecans of even yet winning back tl. 

independence, and once more they rose in iwolt. 
] )i !c Rojas was sent hy tlie captain general with 
a small force to aid the Spanish settlers in that p 
of the. province in suppressing the insurrection. i ! 

re successful; but when about to accept the 
surrender of a fortress that lay 1 :id the river Lemp:i 

heard the unwelcome news that a party of ! 
were approaching from the south. II ,-mini -d 

to inoitre in person, and his curiosity was >< 

gratified, for while doinjj so he w; prisiMier with 

Dumber of his follov. The intrinlejx ] 

; :iy of two hundred men d hed by IVdra- 

rias 1 \ivila, under ]\Fartin ] for tlie pin; of 

taking pnss n ol Salvador and making that pr 
iner .-in a] !a^c to X ieara -Mia. If a man of ability 

had been in oh of this expedition it is not im; 

abl pin-, lit have bee roni] 

but j lstetr, though by name a soldier, had ni 

nor military skill. In the hour of trial I 
deft men; ;md it has already been related that 

about halt of his foive joined the colon: 


At (he ; of a precipi mountain raii--e : 

Gr, ! tios 5- the cir< pan, where li- 

ruins of an .11 which are \xt an ob of 



interest to travellers. Fuentes, writing about the 
close of the seventeenth century, describes it as a space 
surrounded by pyramids of stone, eighteen feet in 
height, at the base of which were sculptured figures 
attired in Castilian costume. The place was garrisoned 
by thirty thousand troops well supplied with provisions, 
and was guarded, at the only point where approach 
was possible, by a deep fosse and a barricade of earth, 
pierced with loop-holes. To this stronghold Hernando 
de Chaves, who had been ordered to quell an uprising 
in the adjoining province of Chiquimula, now resolved 
to lay siege. Drawing up his forces in front of it he 
approached within bow-shot of the town at the head 
of a small band of horse and demanded its surrender. 
He was answered with flights of arrows directed 
with such good aim that he was glad to make his. 

On the following morning an assault was made 
upon the intrenchment, but without success; and 
though the attack was renewed again and again dur 
ing the day, and the arquebuses and cross-bows of 
the Spaniards spread havoc among the defenders, at 
nightfall no impression had been made, and Chaves 
was compelled to draw off his forces sorely discom 
fited. He had exceeded his orders and was acting 
on his own responsibility in attempting the subjuga 
tion of Copan. He was compelled to admit his rash 
ness; but the question was now which way should he 
turn in his present dilemma? To capture the strong 
hold with his slender force was all but impossible, 
while failure and retreat would bring disgrace upon 
the Spanish arms and dishonor on himself. When 
brooding over the difficulties of his position the wel 
come news was brought that a spot had been dis 
covered where the depth and width of the fosse were 
comparatively small, and on the following day he again 
led his men to the attack. The struggle was long 
and doubtful. The Spaniards obstinately refused to 
withdraw, though time after time, as they attempted 

nox OF co n.-, 

to scale the rampart, the\ re r< Celled hy la 
thn or crushed under fallh 

Tin- day was at lasi derided I .c desperate coiir- 

ilry soldier, one Juan Vazquez de < >- 

< d at the ivpulx- of hi arades, p! 1 

the spurs into liis horse and rode him -lit at ti 

ditch. The steed cleared the i rikingthe b 

de with his harhed cl The works could n 

withstand tin- shock: palisades and earth .^av- 
tin- frightened horse, ur-jvd on by his impetu< 

: ed through the dehris and plunged amidst tl 
in irriors, scattering them in every direction. 

Other horsemen camo to Osufia s support. The W hole 

Danish force fallowed, swarming through tin- 1 :i, 

and formed in line inside the del s. The < 
t -t which enMied was no e >tion 1<> the usual i 
of Spanish warfare in America. The horsemen >pi-ead 
terror ,-md death through the ranks of the n; s, 
vrhil Idiei-s l oll(.\ve(l u]) the work of earn. ] 

The caci(|iie rallied his scattered troops upon a .< 
lody of reserves ]>o>tcd in a favorable position, ai:d 
attempted to retrieve the day, hut the r. 
brief; their i-aiiks were soon broken, and ( opan 
in the hands of the victors. Not even yet, 1 
did the chieftain ahandon ho] Leaving h: d 

to the foe, he retreated to Sitald on the confin 

domain. I [ere he I allied ,-dl the men he could inr, 
and soon at the head of a formidable army he i; a 

desperate ell ort to win hack Copan. Twice he nssailed 

the Spaniards with desperate coii nd t\ 

driven hack, his hcst warriors l.rin-- lei i I on tl. 


field. At length, convinced of the useless! of fui 

ther r- . he tenden-d his suhmis>ion, and fro: 

his mountain retreal s,-nt the ti-ihutaiy oil* rin^( d 

and plumage, 1 lis Mirrender v. raciously acce] 
lv Chaves. who received him with the con ii 

and courtesy becoming a conquero 

.s G uat. (cd. London, IS 23), 300-7. J: , iv. 703-4. 


About the middle of 1530, Pedro de Alvarado 
returned to Guatemala, having at length extricated 
himself from the net spread by his adversaries. Com 
plaints that the audiencia was misinterpreting the 
king s instructions remained unheeded; representa 
tions that he was being unjustly deprived of oppor 
tunities to prosecute new conquests, and to reap some 
benefit from the great outlay he had incurred, had 
brought to his enemies a secret satisfaction. But 
later the political aspect of affairs had favored him. 
The audiencia and a strong party of their supporters 
were hostile to Cortes and spared no effort to prevent 
his return to Mexico. 

None of the enemies were more active than the 
king s factor, Gonzalo de Salazar, w r ho seized and im 
prisoned a number of the leading men of the opposite 
faction, and among them the brothers of Alvarado. 
Indignant at this proceeding the latter challenged 
Salazar to mortal combat/ 1 and insurrectionary move 
ments in the city excited the alarm of the oidores and 
their partisans. At this juncture information was re 
ceived that Cortes was already on his way to Mexico. 
A compromise was agreed upon, and Alvarado was 

31 JRemesrd, Hist. Chyapa, 48. Cavo makes this remark upon Remesal s 
account: It seems to me more probable that the disagreement was between 
an oidor and that conqueror, since it is certain that three years previously 
the emperor ordered the factor to leave Mexico. Tres Stylos, i. 104-5. A 
letter of Bishop Zumurraga to the king dated August 27, 1529, disproves 
Cavo s inference that the factor was not in Mexico at the time. The bishop 
also gives a different version of the challenge. He states that the president 
Guzman, Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the news 
lately received that Cortes had been highly favored by the king and was on 
his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked that he believed he would soon 
return, whereupon the factor passionately exclaimed, El rey quea tal traidor 
como a Cortds embia es hereje y no cristiano. For a few days nothing was 
done to call the factor to account for such treasonable language, but on the 
18th of the month Alvarado appeared before the audiencia and requested per 
mission to send him a formal challenge. That body, however, defended Sal 
azar. and on the following day their president Guzman made reply to this 
effect: Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero, si lo es, que el 
Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de 
decir tal palabra, and Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The 
bishop adds, y no s6 quo haran del, and that he has three witnesses worthy 
of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who heard the factor use the lan 
guage. Ztimdrraga, Carta, in Packeco and Cdrdenas, xiii. 17G-7. Zamacois 
gives almost the same account as the above. Hist. Mc j. , iv. 485-6. 


continue hi 

1<> Santiago. 83 

Such : ii given l>y !! 

m the in\ t it i 

h* waa c lied to disgi much < ( bis dl-;^<< 

in making so-< 

influential ]>< . and that he 

dust I. I when ho left LCO, str 

lii ilth. Alas Tonatiuh ! ] 1 

injured hi^ liv. .an \\-\io Jiad ial! 

.On the llih of April 15:jO th 
at ! and was 1. dy v. mod; i<;r to I 
a 1 e attributed all the ( light 1 
() i. On the Bam* r he presented to the cabil 
lii !nal appointment under the i 
The document v/as acknov, ! \viili bee 

y. It was j.. .;id, !. I and othc: 

IP . and finally enthroned in turn on the h 

;eh i di promising ta obey it , 

command. Then placing his ri-ht hand on tho < 
of the order granted to him l>y lii 

-toinary oath and took his seat 
i the ral.ild 

( I] ii \\-as no\v at an < 

hi.> i San; no time v., b in 

o ^ 

] ding him. H> 

tl Rter his nan no more in the ehr 

- Tliis rck-ast- must on 
that in ].">:;! the sccon 

Ziua;! 1 
!o of all the vuli; \\ hich 

his .n 

lent and : lores. Jl nsscr 

I h;iu ] > han sill-) ile c 



do u pic, y dc a cauullo. dec. iv. lii. 


of his age. But we may conclude that one who had 
shown such animosity toward the Alvarado party, 
and had been so successful in winning the hatred of a 
community, would not escape unharmed from the fire 
which he had built around him. Either this, or he 
had been doing that which best pleased those in 
power, in which case his punishment can scarcely be 

To wring redress from Orduna was, however, an 
easier matter than to correct the disorder which he 
had produced. The colonists were divided into nu 
merous cliques, entertaining bitter animosities toward 
each other. The unfair distribution of repartimientos 
had developed feuds which threatened bloodshed at 
any moment; and those who had taken part in the 
conquest of the country saw with anger new-comers 
preferred before them in election to public office. 

The independent spirit of the artisan and operative 
placed them in direct antagonism to the more aristo 
cratic orders, who hated them for the extortions they 
practised and the disrespectful indifference they dis 
played. Numbers of mechanics, having acquired re 
partimientos and wealth, charged what they pleased, 
in defiance of law, and worked only when they felt 
inclined. 84 But even this class was divided against 
itself, and year by year the religious processions were 
attended with disgraceful tumults caused by those 
engaged in rival trades being thus brought together. 
The community was even threatened with dissolution. 
Many had left the province in disgust to settle in 
Mexico or Nicaragua, or to engage in mining ventures, 
and others were preparing to depart. The sites 
allotted for residences were unoccupied by their own 
ers; the streets were almost impassable, and horses 

84 The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the object of correcting 
these abuses. The inconvenience caused by artisans closing their workshops 
was so serious that, on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them 
to exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of their Indiana 
suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed, and again in April 153G. 
Adas Ayunt. Guat., 88, passim; Remesal, IJist. Chyapa, 171. 


and line s roamed ;tt lar^v, causing < n of 

crops, while blood-hounds were let loo 

hunt down the Unfortunate natives almost within 

:lit of Santiago. 

Such was the condition of a flairs when AJvarado 
returned, and there is no doubt that hi ar 

rival d the colony from destruction !!< recog 
nized at once that the ex ion required prompt 
and vigorous action, and struck at the root of t 
evil by prohibiting, under pain of death and con- 
ion, all serious quarrelling, whether by w<.nl or 
writing. Other measures for the correction of al>u 
and the reorganization of the affairs of the provii 
quickly followed. A new distribution of ivpartimien- 

was ordered, and the conditions of mil 
vice were regulated. Whoever had two th rid 
Indian^ 1-iicd to him must always 1 rovided 
with a double set of weapons and two ho: and be 
ready to take the field at an hour s notice, lie who 
had one thousand must posse- -in^l t arms 

and one horse. The encomendero of live hundred 
nativ. < must be provided with a cross-bow or ar<p. 

. and with sword and dagger, and must furni>h a 
horse if he could. 

The laws existing in Guatemala as to the* acquisi 
tion, tenure, and conveyance f land would, under a 
proper administration, and in a territory rich as v 

it province in natural resources, have aSSl }>ros- 
] rity to all but the unthrifty and inijirovi ld- 

miniii-- mel with fair return, and notwii 
ra\ - of wild 1 1 he industries of 

and a;j;n"ulture w> ->l ully conducted. 3 * 

35 Fucnm assos t * contimioe, y las dissc 

<! nri . phcar ciiica/i 

.;int;iilr>. . hro- 

\ so mi;/ aldo 

i ami Ma. xxl-inares 

ami iiiL-n-a.-e >1 tin- lu-nls was 1. 

by the ; : wild beust.s, which Ji iiials, and 


Though the settlers were few in number, 37 they 
were sufficient, when acting in concert, to hold the 
natives in subjection. The citizens were for the most 
part required to do duty as soldiers in time of need. 
None but citizens could obtain a title to land; nor was 
that title confirmed until after a long term of service ; 
nor could any acquire, even by purchase, more than 
his due share of the public domain. 33 But such was 
the mischief wrought by the maladministration of 
Orduna that most of the Spaniards were on the verge 
of destitution. 

On the 25th of September 1529 we find that the 
payment of debts was suspended for four months by 
order of the cabildo, on the ground that the horses 
and arms of the colonists would else be sold to others 
and the services of their owners lost to the province. 
Moreover the high price of all imported commodities 
added greatly to the distress of the more impoverished 
settlers. A dozen horseshoes sold for fifteen pesos, a 
common saddle for fifty, and a cloth coat could not be 
had for less than seventy pesos. The distance from 
the confines of Guatemala to Mexico, whence all such 
articles were obtained, was two hundred and seventy 
leagues. Two portions of the road, one of forty-five 
and the other of sixty leagues, led through a wilder- 

unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great destruction was 
caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was the densely wooded slopes of 
the Volcan de Agua. The loss of cattle was so great that the city offered a 
bounty of 25 pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed the 
monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went forth to hunt 
for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful. He was finally killed by the herder 
of the mares. Itemcsal, Hist. Chyapa, 173; Album Hex., 417. Notwithstand 
ing the depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly that in 
1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton for four and five cents. 
Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 188. There are two competitors for the distinction of 
having first introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vaz 
quez, the auditor Francisco de Zorilla imported stock at his own expense, and 
had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to him in 1530. Juarros ascribes 
to Hector de Barreda the honor of being the first importer, and to him was 
assigned in the distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle de 
las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he there established a 
stock-farm. Chronica de Gvat., 162; Juarros, Guat., ii. 354. 

37 In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150 according to the 
records of the cabildo, Remesal, Hint. Chyapa, 22 ; but in the neighborhood 
were many settlers who had not been enrolled as citizens. 

38 None were allowed to hold more than two caballerias. 


imp.. le during the rainy rea X>1 to 

Hen riv 

During tin. 1 remainder of tl; ar If) DO I i- 

of DOte occurred in tin- pr< Tl 

n;i; iitly in 

tv inMirrection would he hut tiresome i ition. 

Luis Moscoso wa 
and twenty men to the district hey.nd ; L 

and after pacifying the native s founded there, le 
nient which Juarros declares to have been the town 
of Sau Miguel. Diego de Alvarado, at tli ul of 

a liuudred and .^ y men, conducted ai. litioii 

to Hondui-as and ioundt-d in the northern part of tl 
riiory the town of San Jorge de Olancho/ but 
o\vin-- t< iamine and misfortune in April of t >llow- 
hi"- year In- was obliged to return with the si. 

O v 

.inant of his command in such sorry plight that 
was forced to ask the cabildo to receive and provide 
ibr them. 

rros entertains no doubt of this: in the first; .*a- 

.y onTr.-poiKU \vith that M lu-ru .V nilt hi :ul see- 

on the 

; ; l.. in[i;i ] .v\ Loi 1 is 

I U-t-n in 

in .Inn i .. ii. ; i by 

in ;i h-tii-r tO< 5 . . 7. 
40 Cullcl by .11 Jorge do Olunchito. 




ONE of the first matters which engaged Alvarado s 
attention on his return to Santiago was the discovery 
of a site adapted to ship-building, for he was now 
resolved to carry out his intended voyage in search of 
the Spice Islands. In accordance with the emperor s 
instructions, he sent parties to explore the seaboard 
for that purpose. At a distance of fifteen leagues 
from the city, near the modern port of Istapa, a suit 
able spot was found, in the vicinity of which was an 
abundant supply of excellent timber, and the work 
was at once begun. 

According to the terms of his commission from the 
crown, his discoveries and conquests were limited to 
the islands and mainland of that portion of the south 
sea bordering on New Spain, and thence in a westerly 
direction, and he was forbidden to form any settle 
ment on a territory already assigned to others. 1 He 

1 Vos damos licencia . . . para que por nos . . . podais descubrir, con- 
quistar e 1 poblar, cualesquier Islas que hay en la mar del Sur de la Nueva 
Kspafia, questan en su parage; 6 todas las que halldredes haeia el Poniente 



wa- appointed governor and alguacil n 

and until otherwise ordered was to le i 1 with 

iull civil, military, and judicial pov. \v 

lands which lit- might lind. During the royal -p 
lire ho was also to receive a twelfth of all pmli 
which might in the future result from his exploration 
Whether the ezpeditioD Was to !>< titt-d out entir 

or only in part at the adelantado s expense 

not easily determined; 1 lut in a letter to ( V. 

sent in lf)3 J, wherein he states his intention to Imild 
and equip a ileet of twelve vessels and rai>- a force < 
i our luindred men, he declares that the cost of 
armament will exceed forty thousand castellanos, and 
that this outlay will exhaust his private mea; lie 
claims of course that he is thus expending all h 
resomve.s solely with his usual desire of serving the 
emperor, and avers that he has information of rich 
islands near the coast from the discovery of which 
his Majesty must derive great benefit. 

While the construction of his ileet was yet in 
progress, rumors of Pizarro s conquest and of th. f 
idous wealth which had fallen to his lot were noi -< d 
throughout the province. Alvarado was not < 
scrupulous as to ways and means, as we well know. 
Already he had proved false to him through wl. 
friendship and favor he had been raised to his high 

it ion; could he not now replenish his d< 

and aKo win glory in the land of the inc; Was it 

la, no siendo en el par; hs tiornw en quo hoy hoy ; c 

<lo mi.smo. . . ; 1<: !: 

l;i dielia costa del Sur, 1 

T;I <|ii tt& dail.i < sonas. Ca f . . . , ~o 

aii l /. Dot-., xiv. 

H iv. 111 . "hat 

in these | (ions Alvar;. led \<\ ror with a c< 

luit tl. in his to tlx 

in Gar : lile dwelling on the lalx.>r 

! is 
!>], h | man of Alv.-iradoV aid h;. [ 

:ri\\ luyal in 

eont , of the coin; :on to be th of 

the i 


not better thus to employ liis armament than go on a 
wild-goose chase for islands no one had ever yet seen? 
And surely with a few ship-loads of Peruvian gold, 
which it would not take him long to gather, he could 
serve his sovereign as w r ell as with never a maravedi 
in his treasury. It was fortunate, it was indeed prov 
idential, that now, when the fleet was almost ready, 
and the men equipped and prepared to embark, this 
princely quarry should have been started to the south 
of him. 

On the return of a vessel despatched for supplies to 
Panamd the reports of the immense treasures discov 
ered in Peru w r ere confirmed, and the enthusiasm 
knew no bounds. "Come," said Alvarado to the colo 
nists, "come with me and I will make you so rich that 
you may walk on bars of gold." 

Among: Alvarado s numerous enemies the most 


powerful and active were the treasury officials of 
Guatemala, who, though frequently divided among 
themselves, were constant in their opposition to the 
governor. Already they had reported him to the 
home government, charging him with neglect of duty, 
with levying forced contributions, and with disobedi 
ence to the royal ordinances. They now addressed a 
letter to the emperor, informing him of Alvarado s 
designs, representing the evil consequences that must 
ensue from an invasion of Pizarro s territory, the dan 
ger of withdrawing from Guatemala so large a force 
of Spaniards, and requesting that there be sent out to 
the province some trustworthy person with power to 
prevent the departure of all who held repartimientos 
and to act as governor during the adelantado s ab 
sence. They also informed the audiencia of Mexico 
of his purpose, and of the strength of his armament. 
Though fully aware of these proceedings, Alvarado 
gave no heed to them. He calmly continued his 
preparations, informing the royal officials that Guate 
mala was too limited an area for his ambition, and that 

QOW Seek M of 

Meanwhile h i would insure thi the provii 

ing "H 1 oard his il 
whom he had already BOCUl 

At this juncture c ite which AI- 

varado did not dare to di.- !<!. It u ;i on 

from the aiidieiiei;i ( .f M- >rl>iddini him 

until he had received his final instruc; , the 

ipen Though sorely \ t thi 

\vhich he attributed to the machinations of Cortc-s, he 

theless submit to further dela; II iin 

addressed a letter to Charle ^n. -T permission to go 

ice of Pizarro, a^surinic him that, 
what he had learned of the dill ic 

that conqueror, he was convinced of his inal/i 
compl maided the conquest of Peru. In a p 
vius despatch, wherein he had a 1 for his fi 
instructions, he prayed that they he granted ; lily 

ihle. "For," he - . "alter exhausting 
private means, I have contracted lieavy a in order 
our Majesty all expen The fleet, he in 

forms him, is well provided with st< md provi 

the force of men almost complete, and. hetVr to 

insure the success of ti dition, he declai that 

he. will take command of it in perso; 
cieiit numher of Spaniards in the provii; 

tinst any possible n; rising of the nativ< li 

, lio-. r, that th is littl r of an ont- 

ak, "for," as he i -. -marks wi: 
" I have ever oh your M; 

the kind treatment of the Indians." 4 

niwhile Alvarado had found it in 

ileet ior shelter to the hay of 1 

whence h< bed Garcia Holguin with t\^ ip^ 

i- the }u! ot . tainin;_r the a 

s Hi IT-T.-I. dec. i\*. li 

that tin- ;UK , -1. 

* / ;v. lib. 


state of affairs and the nature of the country. 5 The 


adelantado soon learned to his cost that the bay of 
Fonseca was no secure haven, and after losing two 
of his vessels there during a heavy gale, sailed with 
the remainder for Puerto de la Posesion in Nicaragua, 
the modern Realejo. 6 While here awaiting the return 
of Holguin, he fell in with the pilot Juan Fernandez, 
one who had long been engaged in fitting out vessels 
for the trade between Nicaragua and Castilla del Oro. 
While transacting business in Panama", Fernandez 
had listened to the marvellous stories of Pizarro s 
conquest, and journeying thence to Peru had there 
conversed with men who had been present at the cap 
ture and ransom of Atahualpa. No wonder that the 
tidings which the pilot now brought from the land of 
the incas fired the imagination of these gold-loving 
adventurers. More than 1,300,000 castellanos! Not 
even the treasures of Montezuma had yielded such a 
harvest. If Pizarro, with his diminutive force, had 
secured such booty, what might not Alvarado now 
hope for with his powerful fleet and veteran army? 

Neither king nor audiencia should now thwart his 
purpose; nevertheless he must have ready some pre 
text for entering Pizarro s territory, if indeed he could 
not obtain permission. This was soon furnished by 
Fernandez, who informed him that the province of 
Quito, believed to be the principal depository of the 
treasures of the incas, had never yet been visited by 
Spaniards. It was no difficult matter for Alvarado 
to persuade himself that this region lay without the 
domain granted to Pizarro, and the self-interest of 
Fernandez, now appointed pilot of the expedition, 
prompted him to encourage such a delusion. 

5 Alvarado, Cartas, in Squier s MSS.,xix. 13-27; Herrera,dec. v. lib. vi. 
cap. i. Hen-era mentions but one ship. 

6 There is no information, or none of value, as to the first settlement of 
Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alva 
rado was compelled, through lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may 
have been the origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word Real jo; 
Ogilby, 1671, Realejo; Dampier, 1699, Rialeja; Jefferys, 1776, Realejo, as bay 
and city. Cartog. Pac. Coatt, MS., ii. 204, a. 

Tin: rAnTici 

Soon after t rrival <>f the ileet in Xi<-ara 
ol- uin rejoined the adelantado at i la 

JV .11 and confirmed the gi ! t be pil 

A year had al 1 ipsed >iiiee Alv; 

a 1 p to the emperor iv<ju- linal 01 

hut still no a: r came, and liis pati well- 

nigh exhausted. J EC had 1 u compelled 

mori his privat ate in order to meet 1 

c.\j if maintaining his lari^u f ho cost 

nf liis ai iiiaincni had I MTU vastly incr-as.-d during all 
these weary months of waiting, the total outlay peach 
ing tl :n of 130,000 pesos de oro. 7 1 rovis KMis w 
oinin^ scarce; the vessels were th d with 

iction iVcm the teredo; and his followers, begin 
ning to lose i aith in the enterprise, were on the point 
of desertion. At last a m^>en<nrcr arrived hrin^i 
the lon^ L.oked for despatches. Tin 1 instructions made 

i the original capitulation pt in i- 
to rout ] [e was now authorized to explore the land 
lyin t ^ to the south of Pi/arro s territory, l>rtweeii 1 
thl :ith and twentieth degrees of latitude. 8 

The fleet now numbered twelve sail, ci^ht li-m-_r 

els of one hundred tons or more. 9 Three had i 
built on the shore of Guatemala; B d had 

pui i from the estate of Pedraria> I >;ivila; and 

.lainder were procured from the colo: of 

7 F,qu;il iii ; ^ing power to more than a million and a half of dollars 
at t 

8 Ah. mprror fi 

i : * Mi di 

\ . M. c la 

lim -3 los secretos 

conQaifftar^ y poblar^. In 

thai . in /. 

i.) hail any i sail in a southerly tli: 

- v. lil>. \ i. cat , i., I ( mi /. l < rn, ii. 1 1, ami others al: 

;itula! .-;:il t \\;inl : it is 

tliat they aid not 8< 

of vessels is variously < 1 1 : Re- 

!<); .luarros, 8, < 12. \ DUO I t : 

:i the i 

s the 

lleim M as of :KX> 
built by order o: 


Nicaragua. 10 His troops consisted chiefly of well 
tried soldiers. Many of them, weary of an inactive 
life, or of the now tame and bootless warfare of the 
conquered provinces, were enthusiastic over the pros 
pect of renewing their deeds of conquest in a new 
land of promise. 

Among the many distinguished persons who took 
part in the expedition were Gomez and Diego de 
Alvarado, brothers of the adelantado, and Captain 
Garcilaso de la Vega, father of the future historian 
of Peru. The total number was little short of three 
thousand. Of these two hundred and seventy were 
infantry, and two hundred and thirty cavalry, all well 
equipped. The ships were manned by one hundred 
and forty sailors, and on board the fleet were two 
hundred negro slaves, 11 and two thousand natives, 
male and female. Experienced pilots were engaged, 
the services of a bachiller were secured, and several 
friars were added to the expedition, "in order," says 
Alvarado, "that through the influence of these holy 
men our consciences may be cleared of guilt." Final 
preparations were then made for departure. 

During the absence of Alvarado his brother Jorge 
was again to be placed in charge of the province of 

10 Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of two vessels in 
which a force of 200 men was about to be sent to the aid of Pizarro. This, 
however, was most likely in the form of an appropriation with the consent of 
the owners of the vessels. The adelantado in Carta, in Squier s MSS., xix. 
13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as he says, that 
they were bought at the request of the owners and paid for to their entire 
satisfaction. He adds however the saving clause, that, even had they been 
seized, such an act was justified by the importance of the undertaking. This 
letter also appears to have escaped Herrera s notice. 

11 In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors mainly agree, but the 
number of cavalry is variously stated, and even the official letters of Alvarado 
are contradictory on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. , gives 500 as 
the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions 600, with 
240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made in Guatemala in 1536 
his whole force was 500 and his cavalry 230, Information echa en Santiago 
Set. 15, 1536; and this is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, Caria, 
Squier s MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his de 
parture from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450 men including 260 
horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from Puerto Viejo to the governor of 
Panama, says that he set sail from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 
were cavalry. 

.ind the <-al>ildo of 3ned 

han. iiid t 

to the lieutenant I n a 

einpemr tl. In, while 

lion to the crown, d\. 

enormous exp< of t n; l>ui 

Majesty that it ]\:\> !"< 11 willii incurred in vi< 

i importance <>f the undertaking, t!. 

<f wliich he promises shall ecli; 

nieni " God willing," he writes, " I ^ dl th 

day, and my course shall be in accordance \ >ur 

^laj 3 wi-hcs." 

( )n the *j:Jd of January l."J34 the L; t. and i 
powerful arinainciit that had hitherto I" en e< 
nn the shores of the South Sea set sail from 

la Posesion, and the folio winff month en I the 

7 O 

fCaraques, proceedingthi ten leagues ilu-i! 

nth to Puei to Yirjo. The adrlantado B :<! 

I himself to the emi rforthustn on 

J i/airo s triritory by stating that contrary wimU and 
currents prevented his sailing further t<\\ a rd th i h, 

that the safety of his ileet we dangered, that his 
supply of water \ hnost exhausted, and that nin. 
his Imrs.-s h;ul perislied His inaivh 

tin- sierra, during which he lost a 1 p<>rti>n 

n, the transf.T of a part of his ships and his eiii 

force to Almagro and Benalcazar, the associ of 

.1 i/.arro. have nlivady IM-.-H nienti<>n d in tin- 

.IIi-liM ll dthat he would lead his army thr 
the province of Peru and drive Pizarro from 

o. 14 I I was now -lad to return to Gua 

after disposing of his armament fora MUM t! 

CO I the cost of the lli-et. To add to his m.-rti 
ion he ionnd on arriving at San in- 

o o o 

a full Ivanulo s i lie 

en: y i-j, 1 .".::."">, aftx i bit 

i.. this volir 
1 . . ; u . t j t j. . 

I to tl. 

., AM. VOL. II. 9 


ning of March 1535, that the silver bars given him in 
payment were one half copper. 

No sooner had Alvarado sailed for Peru than the 
natives in many portions of the province rose once 
more in revolt. Bands of Cakchiquels, thirsting for 
the blood of their oppressors, roamed over the central 
sierra; in the districts of Sacapulas and Uspantan 
seven Spaniards and numbers of their slaves and ser 
vants were murdered; the Indians on the southern 
seaboard both of Guatemala and Salvador were in 
open rebellion; and war and war s turmoil again pre 
vailed throughout the land. The struggle was brief 
but desperate. Crushed though they had often been, 
the dreadful sufferings of these unfortunate people 
drove them to madness, and they fought with sullen 
indifference to life, but with the usual result. In 
January 1535 Gonzalo Honquillo was sent with a 
sufficient force to quell the uprising in Salvador; in 
Guatemala the insurgents in district after district 
were again compelled to taste the bitterness of hope 
less bondage; and by the time of the adelantado s 
return resistance was well-nigh ended. 

Notwithstanding the ignominious failure of his ex 
pedition to Peru, the adelantado at once began prepa 
rations for further schemes of conquest and discovery. 
In a despatch to the India Council, dated November 
1535, 15 he states that he has three vessels ready for 

/ t/ 

sea and four others on the stocks, and that he has 
sufficient men both for his ships and for land service. 
" So many Spaniards," he says, " have returned from 
Peru in reduced circumstances that, if the expedition 
were only intended to furnish them with employment, 
it would be doing his Majesty a service." 

Meanwhile the representations made to the emper 
or by the treasury officials had not been without effect. 
On the 20th of February 1534 a royal cedula was 

15 Alvarado, Cart a, in Squier s MSS., xix. 21. 


hat ;i \ lor 1 once <! 
nala to examine into th :iditi<>n 
isury and the ailair- <>f ivernmenl 

church, and to hear minplai :nl rectifj :nwl. 
ry. J I is authority fell sboH ! 1 hat of a ju. 
of leiieia. He could not intrH .-r h tip li- 

nary jurisdiction <>t the governor <r hU lieutenant, 

nor "W veil the audieneia of J (> all(\ved 1 

eide iii matters of graver import, but must u\ i <r 
instructions to the Jndia CounciL 

r riius it was that about the middle of the 
1535 the oiclor, Alonso de Maldonado, arriv. 
Santiago, and publicly proclaiming in due form the 
ohjoet of his \i>it, . jied fifty d; EU9 the limit of 

the investigation. No complaints, however, eith 

a civil or criminal nature, were pn-ferre.1 against 
adelantado; and tlie visitador liavin^ rep I to t 
royal coun.-il to that effect, returned to Mexico, 
former remarking with much inward sati ion, not 
uiiM-a^nned with a litll.- venom, that the oidor had ac- 

implished nothing by his v lMt. 16 But tl: 
ministers were not satisfied that ju>tice had 1 

done; and Maldonado, being ord in the f<>llo\\ i 

16 ^ i la cil.dail dr Bfezioo rill haccr cosa ningrin 

rid, r.. .s M.^ S., xix. 17. This inv. ..K-l 

wit!; .-s JiiJicult of cxplanati"!!. Malaonjuio fl official 

re juioiiialinH, ami \\ ore strictly nritluT those of a 
a jr. n-sidfin-ia. Tin; k ini iitinnnl in t 

niutivc.s of liis visit; yet 1 :hr ol-jn-t of hi- 

Tlic (lit; 

at any tini- by .^] t of tho 

. . n, hut without susj>f:nlin^ r , in tlu; t of hi.- 1 duti. 

wliose con<ln> to be investigate i. I .. inijuiry was strictly so. 

ami th- had HO DOWer to DMt Mat lli-scfuty. init the 

:nal <h-])o>iti.)ns to thu India ( ouncil. Ity \vhi.-h trihunal ju.l^ii!- 
passed. T :icia, on the other haml. ;on of a 

per.- rm of office; the exuninati 

r, ( "I. Doc., ii. .viii. \\\. ] 

v itnessen and non-inter \\ith the authoiity of the penoawhoM 

1 \\cn- 
that to which Vi /awassul 

1 nml the names of witnesses disclo- 

It may l>e remark. ! that the elr 

: val in : .iala as jm-/ <lo ] 

fully s:. Alvara Oia- 

..rm resiJc-u. . , this bories. 


October to take Alvarado s residencia in strict form, 
returned to Santiago, and on the 10th of May 1536 
presented his credentials to the cabildo and took 
charge of the government. 

At the time of the oidor s arrival the adelantado 
was absent on an expedition to Honduras. The con 
dition of affairs in this province had now become so 
distressful that, as will hereafter be related, the set 
tlers were compelled to apply to him for aid. Nor 
was the appeal disregarded. He had for some time 
been in correspondence, as to an exchange of territory, 
with Francisco de Montejo, who, though already 
appointed governor of Honduras, was still residing in 
Mexico. Could he but gain a foothold there, his 
schemes for transcontinental commerce with the Spice 
Islands might yet be realized. Nothing definite had 
yet been determined; but now that he had an oppor 
tunity of rendering a service which would give him 
almost a claim to the king s consent to such an 
arrangement, he did not hesitate to go to the relief 
of the troubled province. There we shall hear of him 
again, founding new settlements and infusing fresh life 
into a community that was on the very verge of dis 




] . > MAiiroQriN Ai:; co ITi: is APPOINTED 





V\ iu;x Pedro do Alvarado was laving waste T 
fair jn-ovinco of Guatemala with iire and s \vm-d 
<!uriiiL .i*ly years of the con<|ii<->t, lie paid li 

I icc( I to the presence of the ]>ri >tly order. One of 
tin- Trial s, named J > < iitaz, of whom mention has I 
i<>iv been made, took up his abo^le at Our/.-d >, 

id there lived in security, instillin nd I. 

into the native In-art, 1 while aimthiT, Juan de Toi 
for a time at least, lal>ivd in the vineyard m 

less circumstances at Patinamit. The spiritual 

wants of the Spaniards themselves were mini 1 

ly i lie iji-my chaplains and j ai i>li pi But tl 

: i--;d >tall was. not lai iriul to tl 

welfare even <! the colonists. On tli 
N be cabildo of Guatemala repi d 

i-(.yal oilir.-rs tliat half the coloni>t>, 1" ii 
usualh ! in war, rfi|uin-d th> 9 of th 

el dnrin-- their cam; while the population 

of i t hat i idi that two i ri. it 

-t .ll-ht to l e-id- tin They 1 

1 s . i. CSS, this scries. 

I U3) . 


fore, that a suitable number of ecclesiastics and a 
sacristan be appointed with fixed salaries, and that the 
necessary church furniture and ornaments be supplied. 
This demand was made with some urgency, and the 
treasurer and auditor were given to understand that, 
if it were not complied with, the tithes would be 
retained and devoted to that purpose; whereupon his 
Majesty s officers declared that they were willing to 
grant the tithes for the year then current, but that 
future necessities must be provided for in accordance 
with the orders of the king. 

The spiritual needs of the community were partially 
relieved by the arrival, in 1530, of the licentiate 
Francisco Marroquin, who accompanied Alvarado on 
his return to Guatemala during that year. A few 
months later he was appointed to the benefice of 
Santiago, and after he had taken the customary oaths 
the cabildo assigned to him an annual salary of one 
hundred and fifty pesos de oro per annum. 

Of patrician birth, and possessing talents of no 
common order, the licentiate gave promise during his 
early manhood of a useful and honorable career, and 
not until in after years he had dwelt long among 
communities where lust of power and greed for wealth 
permeated all classes of society, did the darker phase 
of his character appear. After receiving an educa 
tion befitting his rank and ability, he graduated as 
professor of theology in the university of Osma, and 
\vas ordained a priest. Meeting with Alvarado at the 
court of Spain, he was so impressed with his glowing 
descriptions of the marvels of the New World that he 
requested permission to accompany him on his return 
to Guatemala. On arriving at Santiago he at once 
assiduously applied himself to the study of the native 
languages, and soon became especially proficient in the 
Quiche tongue. 2 Marroquin s appointment was con- 

2 Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first to apply the system 
of studying that language to the Indian dialects. He translated the Catholic 
catechism into Quiche". Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 150. 

iii-d ly tin- hidiop of M-\i <, hy \vjnun ]) 

ie provi - :id vi neral of 1 he provic 

sin the /. ;il ;iltd rapacity \\ith which | 

th<> spiritual and material Deedfi k that in 

1533 llf v. ppoint.-d 1.;. of 

Guai !a. In 1 ). <-ciii ! follmvii. 

appointment was confirmed by his holiness Paul III. ; 

Th<> chid anxiety of the nc\\]y appoint .1 ] . 
\\as to provide ;i snllicicnl nninh.-r of eccl 

the requirements of his extensive dio<v J hr 

Jar prir.sts residing in (jluatcinal;i at this period , 

lia\ en \\ inadequate to il. ;-k of c<n- 

-i<n whidi IK.- contemplated, and lie i\At th 

. of aid from tlmsr of thu c.-tahli.-hcd 

widest] who first came, a few friars had, in< 
visited thv province, hut found thm- a< ;il>idiiii;--ila- 
Jn I. or possibly at an earlier d -onv 

i oundrd near Santiago l>y the Dominican friar, i 

mingode Betanzos/who navell. d on foot iVom ^1 

8 (, Ddvila, Tcalra ; i. 1 {-J. Tc .<la mentions that 

CO .Jimenez, one of the IL 1 t, an - ivcl in _\ 

,;<:d the fi; i. l.iit <!<-. -lined tlie position 

lo humildc. . .tic 

lula dated MuylM, 1. .at a bishop had 

;it that, dali . I 

cm] I o dc B< 

: 1 to accept t< T, tlic mitn- rwjuin 

of Alvarado. 1 [ * . ( 

MS., ii. ::.". 1 7 hull cunliniiin^ the \>. [>oiiitui 

jninti <l in I in. 

Vazquez rela&et thai Toribio Motolinia, n Torqr. 

.\th of the first 1 J I 
;ionso: . but this i ;1. Accor 

:- nick-r ho j,r I l>apti/< d ;.: 

namit in Ioth iron. 

that > in M- me during J. 

, ami was a! on tl 

same o ion. / . :i / /., K>4t-t .-<.( Ji tfno4 

:ia. Consult 

., i. ]>p. xlv.-eliii. Aco 
1 > louii . iii. -1 

6 In 1 \ lu g to (i \vho s a hos; \as 

i at the sa 

u in this in;. 1 in 

quc&t of Ah.. a hi.s i 

i in. 11 "<-!.. L hi/df 


with a single companion. At the beginning of the fol 
lowing year however he was recalled, and as there 
was no one of his order qualified by rank to take his 
place he locked up the building and intrusting the 
keys to the padre Juan Godinez retraced his steps. 

Thus Marroquin was left to contend almost alone 
with the idolatry of the natives and the godlessness 
of the colonists. The work was difficult and progress 
slow. The settlers were too absorbed in other matters, 
in house-building, gambling, and drinking, to give 
much heed to religion. The church was unattended, 
the church rates were unpaid, and the neglect became 
so general that eventually laws were passed to enforce 
due observance of religious rites. In May 1530 it 
was publicly cried in the streets of Santiago that, by 
order of the governor and the cabildo, all the artisans 
of the city must, on the day of Corpus Christi, walk 
in procession before the holy sacrament, as was cus 
tomary in Spain. The penalty for non-compliance was 
fixed at thirty pesos, one half of the amount being 
assigned to the church and the remainder to the city. 
In February 1533 a law was passed making attendance 
at divine service compulsory, every citizen being re 
quired to attend mass on Sunday, under penalty of 
three days imprisonment or the payment of three pesos 
de oro. This measure of course served but to widen 
the breach between the bishop and his flock, and in 
June of the same year we learn that the regidor 
Antonio de Salazar stated to the cabildo, that there 
were no means of paying Marroquin the stipend allot 
ted to him. Notwithstanding all discouragements, 
however, he resolved that the settlers should not lack 
for spiritual guidance. 

At the beginning of the year 1536 Bartolome de 
Las Casas was residing at Leon, there engaged in a 
controversy with Rodrigo de Contreras, the governor 
of Nicaragua, the story of which will hereafter be 
related. In 1531 he had passed through Santiago on 
his way to the South Sea ; and Marroquin had then 

1 A 137 

an i unit; of 1 

If of In< In eommo! ;h t! 

enlightened <>f the <-<>l<;n : would lain li; : 

d him iij) his abode in their midst. But I. 

bound on < 

! hoiiL^li liis -lined t> pn>ve I utilr. 

Jb journeying toward Peru, armed with 

!ul;i forbidding the conquerors in that land, and all 
their followers, to deprive tin- n;, 3 of their li! 
under any pr wh r. No entreaties could 

induce him to abandon his undertaking, and embark- 


ing at Realejo he reached his destination at the end 

of the year. There, what man could do, lie did; but 

h were the political disturbances then prevailing 

that his efforts were lost. Urged by memb 

own order, he reluctantly abandoned the iield and 

u n ied to Nicaragua. 

To him tin- prelate now applied for aid, represent! 

th< *, need of a larger force of -siastie<. and b 
^ m^ him to come to Santiago and ivopeu th 
convent. The invitation v. !. and Las ( 

with his fellow Dominicans established their order 
permanently in Guatemala. 

But Marroquin was not yet satisfied, Atthi ly 
period in hi reer he was an enthusiast in t 

^c, and he now resolved to <_:<> to S 

nice of the emperor. I>ut iirst lie nr 
> consecration, and on the 12th of January 
:7 he s.-t forth for Mexien, \\1 about t\ 

inonilis l;iier, th* 4 ceremony, the 1 n-st of the kind t 1 

d in the Indies, was conducted with due .solem 
nity and splendor. 8 

The hi- 3 labors were now directed to tli- 

\ of the parish church of San > to cathedral 

ik. 1 Ie therelbl e proceeded t Ul- 

tion and compl bablishmei diocese in 

su consagracion con ost rno aparato, ossi por ser la 

Erir: la ma^: 

5 C- 


accordance with the commission granted to him by 
Paul III. He prescribed that the dignitaries of the 
church should include a dean, an archdeacon, a pre 
centor, a chancellor, and a treasurer. He established 
ten canonries and six prebendaries. He defined the 
church revenues; ordained that preferment to minor 
benefices should be open to those born in the country, 
whether of Spanish or native race, and that the 
appointments to them should pertain to the bishop. 
Divine services were to be celebrated in the manner 
observed in the cathedral of Seville. Prebendaries 
were to have a vote in the chapters, and these were 
to be held on Tuesdays and Fridays. On Tuesdays 
general church matters were to be discussed, and on 
Fridays internal discipline was to be considered. 7 

When on the point of departing for Spain, the 
bishop was advised by his friends that the journey 
would be attended with great risk; for already the 
North Sea was infested with pirates, and a large 
number of Spanish vessels had been captured by 
French corsairs. Moreover the expenses he had in 
curred in Mexico had drawn heavily on his slender 
purse, and he did not wish to return to his native 
country wholly destitute of means. Resolving there 
fore to abandon his voyage, he forwarded his power 
of attorney to Juan Galvarro, the procurador of San 
tiago at the court of Spain, instructing him to send to 
Guatemala a number of ecclesiastics and to pay their 
passage and outfit. He also addressed a letter to the 
emperor/ informing him of the great need of mis 
sionaries, and stating that he had asked aid both from 

7 R/emesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was signed, Episcopvs 

8 Ar6valo, Col, Doc. Antifj., 182-5; Marroquin al Emperador, in Cartas de 
Indicts, 413-14. The bishop s signature, in his letters addressed to the em 
peror from 1537 to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537, 
he signs himself Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis; on August 15, 
1539, Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis; on August 10 and November 25, 1541, 
Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis; r and on June 4, 1545, and September 20, 1547, 
Episcopus Cuachutemallensis. Cartas de Indias, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 

ORGANIZATION or Tin: i>io, 

M< bo I )omh. ,ut li;td i 

although it had lioen promi-ed. 

.During ili. ly part of the Charles had al- 

ppointed th Ip-dml pi Mar 

quin remarks that his Maj !iatl in 

matter, and n- uffieientlv COL 


those who had so long shared with himself tin- la! 
of supporting the church at Santiago. Tl he <! 
da it would be unreasonable for him bo dism: 

UL; h he is at a loss to conje< whence the \\ 

port his diocese would le derived. ]! well 
the pcrvci .-o temper of the colmi>ts and tlieir 
antagonism to the cause of the church. N ln-1- 

he forwarded to the calnldo a pr<>\ i-in limn! him 
l>y viceroy Mnid<i/;i ordering the church titln < 

which were usually paid in kind to be delivered ly tin; 
s direct to the hishrp at places wh- lue 

In- ival and available. 9 His mind was lull i 
as to the manner in which this regulation w<>uld 
i ived ly the encomenderos. r Fhe tone "f ! 

indicates misgiving, united with a rare spi 

ion, and he appeal s rather as a pleader than 

a claimant for his ri^ln "Y"it will 

what is <lue in a ]>i <])er manner: if not, I com 
mand that no scandal he rai- d ahotitit." 

N-r were his apprehensions unfounded. 

in Guatemala \ a still-i; le. Tl. 

uld not go to church, and they did no1 iiil<-nd that 
delivery of the till, hotild cost them anythi 

if they could avoid it. Tl id no; spare 

Indian- to carry thei ice of many 

pjiointed. The hi>hop nm 

.em. ;iid not the ee . d 

the provi; .md they did not Bee tl (her i i>d or 

* The tit :.l in kind, \V<TP of lit unless --e<l at 

1 c I y the ; .in a 

co and 
. ii. l i 

Uiug of tl. :an con 

todo aiuui- y vuluuta.l. Ai 


the emperor had any claim upon it. The cabildo 
immediately appealed to the viceroy, and meeting 
with no sympathy in that quarter addressed them 
selves directly to the emperor. 11 Their representa 
tions gained for them some concessions, whereupon 
they pressed the matter further and protested against 
paying tithes at all. Though the bishop was now at 
a loss whither to turn to obtain the means for carry 
ing out his various plans, he none the less labored 
with unceasing perseverance, 12 and on his return to 
Guatemala, at the end of 1537, brought \vith him two 
friars of the order of Merced, Juan Zambrano and 
Marcos Perez Dardon. 13 

After the conquest of Mexico, certain members of 
this order obtained the royal permission to proceed to 
the newly discovered countries for certain charitable 
purposes. When the subjugation was completed many 
of them settled in towns built by the Spaniards, but 
no convent of their order existed in New Spain at 
a very early date. To Bishop Marroquin they are 
indebted for the establishment of their first monastery 
in North America. This was founded in 1537 14 at 
Ciudad Real in Chiapas, and in the following year 
frailes Zambrano and Dardon organized a similar 
institution in Santiago. 

When, as will be hereafter told, the city of San 
tiago was almost destroyed by inundation in 1541, 
the friars of La Merced, then six in number, were 

11 Arcvalo, Col. Doc. Anttg., 14. 

12 The bishop s humility and pardonable boastfulness are sometimes a little 
striking. Speaking of the provision for the delivery of the tithes, he says: 
Sino se pierde por mis deme ritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que 
los demas perlados, que en estas indias al presente residen. Id., 184. 

13 During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests in America this order 
took no active part. A few individuals, however, found their way to the new 
world, among whom was Bartolom<5 de Olmeclo, who accompanied Cortes to 
Mexico. li&mesal, Hist. Clujapa., 148. 

14 On March 17, 1538, according to Gonzalez, Ddvlla, Tcatro Edes., i. 144. 
Remesal states that the convent was not formally organized until a year or 
two later, and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th of 
August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens wished to assist in 
the building and furnishing of a convent and church for the use of the order. 
Hist. Cliyapa, 148. There is some doubt as to the exact date. 


compelled for a time to remain . ruii; 

<I< (I city, for such was the indil 

tiers thai no land \ I to them in tl. 

I lm<rn. i inally, thror of t ! 

bishop, an all nt v> d, and in t! 11 

of their new convent they A <1 1 

the Dominicans who trai; 

tli -i. al of tiif Indian towns under th 

1 rom tliis time they inciva-ed in number, gradually 
extended the iield of their labors in < and 

having disti i :ird tln.-ni by the Lislmj) \, 

d in alter years to found convents in various 
pans of the country." 

In the church of their order at Santiago v <n 

in. "f Our Lady of La M< !, for which miracu 
lous properties \\ere claimed. The story tated 

in <ioeiinients in the archives of the oonvenl 

Hows: As a westward-bound \ ! was about to sail 
I roui the ]> rt of Sanla ^lai ia in S[)ain, a >n 

dt I in the ^arb of a traveller apj d the 

tt, and placing in his hands a closed box ehar^vd 
him t> deliver it unopened to the superior of the con- 
vi-nt in (Guatemala. r J l ~[x-ct and bearii 
man imjiressed the seaman, and he faithfully d: 

I the conimiion. On receiving tl 
tl. ipc-rior carri.-d it to the chuivli, accompanied by 

th- friars, and having opened it in their pr 

v was disclosed. Great v, j<>ic- 

ii: \pectcd boon; but their ha] 

mplete when they markecl the divin- ity - 

the conntenaiKv. and prre.-ived that an exquisite iVa- 

d from the holy im 
beir nnmbur notierd that I rom a wound in th- lit 

Md Inid oo/ed. Divine manifestation \. 

I cc ._.-! li/t-d, and many the atilicted W( 
their i\\ by the application of the ich 


I jleslaay to* dc . 

,</ ., i 


Domingo Juarros may be considered the leading Guatemalan historian of 
modern times. He was born in the old city of Guatemala in 1752, and died 
in 1820. He wrote very fully on the subjugation of his country by the con 
querors. Although his work is called the history of Guatemala city, it gives 
in reality the history of all Central America, and provides lists of all promi 
nent officials, civil and ecclesiastical, and biographical notices of leading men, 
whether soldiers, priests, or rulers. The first volume treats of geography, 
settlements, church matters, and the history of Guatemala city. The second 
is devoted to the ancient records of the country, its conquest and settlement. 
The author was a secular presbyter and synodal examiner, and quite an 
able and intelligent man. His connection with the clergy and his rank gave 
him access to both ecclesiastical documents and government records. His 
work is full and clear, and displays considerable research, but unfortunately 
he follows Fuentes too closely, and this latter author s partiality to the con 
querors renders him too biassed to be faithful as an historian. Yet Juarros 
frequently displays compassion for the Indians, is always ready to retract an 
error when he detects himself making one, and is ever cautious against dog 
matic assertion. He draws largely from Remesal and Vazquez, and quotes 
several other of the earlier authorities ; but strangely enough, while mention 
ing the manuscripts of Gonzalo de Alvarado and Bernal Diaz, and of writers 
in the Quiche^, Cakchiquel, and Pipil tongues, he does not allude to Alvarado s 
letters to Cort6s. This omission, and his numerous direct disagreements with 
Alvarado s own statements, lead to the inference that neither Juarros nor 
Fuentes consulted these despatches. Juarros work is remarkably free from 
church bias. Though a priest he censures undue zeal or carelessness on the 
part of friars. Miracles receive attention, however, and so do stories of 
giants and other marvels. His arrangement with regard to the order of 
events is bad, and the want of logical sequence gives the work an appear 
ance of incompleteness. The first edition was published in Guatemala by 
Don Ignacio Betela, and the two volumes appeared respectively in 1808 and 
1818. A later issue was published in the same city in 1857. J. Baily trans 
lated the first publication into English, in a slightly abridged form, which 
was issued in London \>y John Hearne in 1823. In this edition omissions and 
inaccuracies may be noticed. 

Francisco Vazquez, the author of the Chronica de la Provincia del Santis- 
simo Nobre de Jesvs de Gvatemala, was a friar of the Franciscan order, retired 
lecturer, calificador del Santo Oficio, and synodal examiner in the diocese of 
Guatemala. His work was published in the city of Guatemala in 1714, and 
according to the title-page and preface there was, or was to have been, a second 
volume, consisting of two books, the existing one containing three. This 
work, which is rare, although mainly devoted to chronicling petty details of the 
labors of obscure friars, throws much light upon the early history of Guate 
mala during the conquest and subsequently down to the end of the sixteenth 
century. The author, having had access to the city archives at the early 
date at which he wrote, was able to avail himself of documents which have 
since disappeared. Fortunately he quotes such evidence frequently, thus 
enabling the historian to establish historical facts which otherwise, in the face 
of conflicting assertions of chroniclers unsupported by evidence, he would be 


has Q] much material from 

him little or ; lit, \v! essly exposes his re 

Kiippos. The jeal u-hieh , between the Krai. and 

cause of th: . irness. In 1; 

;;h-T prot.-is that, when I ms of praise to any who 

.-lory, he i> but gi vis. 

will hardly apply to his adulation of Alvarado and other conquerors, and 
of their actions. It easy to find in the < lore, 

: or secular, an uneoniproinMng champion of t >nduct, in fa. 

the reliable and TI oof the erueltiMpimotiMdbj them. JM 

of the conquerors he a.sserts that the vices and <;n .fa few were at 1 . 

:id without one symptom for tlie natives, inaint 

that their refusal to receive the faith was the cause of the incessant v. 
On this subject h< s: " It causes me much pain, disgust, and aiilirtion to 

!>ooks which attempt, with artificial piety, to ; ;:s that the 

Indians M ere innocent and inoil*< I that the Christians A 

, it being certain that these races while in a condition of p;> 

iitehers than Llood-thirsty wolves, more cruel than lamia-, har- 
an-1 infernal furies, and, were it not for subjection and fear, t .ul<l 

ier have become Christians nor now remain so." 5 .-on- 

taint d in his work is badly arranged; the sentences drawn out 

:h, a fault which, in addition to a lack of proper punctuation, renders tho 
recital of facts frequently confusing. Information of the neighboring provi: 
can, in a less degree, be obtained from this volun. 




WHEN Salcedo set out for the Freshwater Sea, 
hoping to gain possession of the province of Nica 
ragua an expedition which, it will be remembered, 
resulted only in his humiliation and imprisonment 1 - -his 
lieutenant, Francisco de Cisneros, left in charge of the 
government with a force entirely insufficient to uphold 
his authority, was overpowered by his enemies, and 
for a time anarchy prevailed throughout Honduras. 
Captain Diego Mendez de Hinostrosa, despatched by 
Salcedo from Leon to quell the rebellion, succeeded in 
restoring order, but only for a time. Before many 
months had elapsed Diego Mendez was placed under 
arrest and the regidor Vasco de Herrera appointed in 
his stead. The new ruler, of whom it is related that, 
being guilty of sedition, he had fled from Spain to avoid 
punishment, soon gave the settlers cause to repent of 

1 See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 606, this series. 


I i M tiist tind 

! be ( Mancho Valley, \vl withoi; 1 
made war on !napp d and 

ir sul.j: Mini returned with tin-. ip- 


In i lary I.VJ;> ! , Trujillo. 

Before his departure i mm \i; i In; i it his 

to Spain, to just ify he fore (he emperor hi 
duct in the di- ith IVdrarias. hut 

only h\ >rimand tor his cruel 

Shattered in health and ! :i in 

:rit, lie did not ventu 6 tin- iisui ju-i 1 IV 

ntt-ntcd liiinsrli \vit ! 

of Diego ]\Icndt z, who at once J rinii- 

nal complaint against Ilcrivivi and his accompli - 

endeavoring to please > tli p.-n-t i-s p; 

arrest of tli<- aer ill-^-.-d, hut im pun- 

ishniciit on the wron^-dorr II 

Jed io the audit Micia of 1 \inaiiKi, and I ) 
a \vait i-d an opportunity tor ; 

liii: meanwhile to ho lui^-ly d\^ d with t 

rnor s pusillanimity. 
To app the popular discontent the 

promi-cd to conduct tin- Val! 

\\] -h gold-mines were lnTi* \-cd I t. r ! i 

c-xpfdition was d lon-j h- 1 

liotlii Tin hv 8Uch an und : hut at 1 

moved by the clamor of tl and th nin;^ 

, who intornicd liiin that th- p <>pl W 
in i for revolt, he or I pr. 1" 

. ( >in- hundred and twenty 

with a ntiniher of na :-nt l i>r \ he 

mines \. in readine w to emha It in 

tio: I^iei tod, ( ahallos. aii<l ? 

inland a di>: of t \v. 

u. I he journe\- was t" jomplished 

B in ord< f that the nati 

ith him t tliosi- 

d(.d in (1 

Ills AM. VOL. II. 10 


spared the fatigue of a long overland march, and, 
to create the impression that they were no longer to 
be maltreated, orders were given that the branding- 
irons be destroyed. But before Salcedo had time to 
give further proof of his humane intentions, his death 
occurred at Trujillo on the 3d of January 1530, 3 and 
the proposed expedition was deferred. 

There were now three rival claimants for the gov 
ernorship- -the treasurer Andres de Cereceda, who 
a few months before the governor s decease had been 
nominated as his successor, and also appointed guardian 
to his infant son; Herrera, who, though he held no 

/ / O 

valid claim to the office/ had the support of the regi- 
dores; and finally Diego Mendez, who urged that the 
authority conferred on him by Salcedo at Leon had 
never yet been legally revoked. Cereceda, knowing 
that he had the good wishes of all peaceably disposed 
colonists, demanded his recognition from the cabildo, 
but was strenuously opposed by Herrera and his 
faction. After much wrangling it was finally agreed 
to submit the matter to arbitration ; and it was decided 
that the two should rule conjointly, with the condition 
that the latter should hold the keys of the royal 
treasury. Arrangements were also made for a parti 
tion of the late governor s property; and each bound 
himself by oath not to lay his cause before the author 
ities in Spain. Meanwhile Diego Mendez was silenced 
with threats of death and confiscation of property. 5 
Thus for a time a truce w^as declared between the 
rival factions; but Cereceda had neither the firmness 
nor the capacity to oppose his colleague, and soon 

3 It is stated that Salcedo s death was caused by a sore on one of his legs, 
and by the rough treatment received while imprisoned at Leon; but his friends 
nspected that he had been poisoned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii. 

4 The only document which Herrera could produce in support of his claim 
was a memorandum without date , signature, or witness. The appointment 
of Cereceda, on the other hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 
witnesses. Ccrezcda, Cart. a, in Pquier sMSS., xx. 3-5. See also Oviedo, iii. 192. 

5 Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night and severely 
wounded at the entrance of his house. He would have been killed had not 
e ome of his friends come to his assistance. Cerezcda, Carta, in Squier s MSS., 
xx. 4, 5; Oviedo, iii. 193. 

ffAttoa POI 

! in nil thin;> > to his will. i in fix- < 

i he slaves which belonged 
-n, 1 Herrera demanded for hims< IT the 

li(! impelled fin- child s guardian i 

only to couM-nt, hut t> ts -alii that he would not 
the matter to tin- empt-mi Ka.-h, h- r. 

red that the other mi;_dii Telly d< <-h 1< 

to Spain. A ship then happened to he lyin^ at Ti 
jillo ready for an<l( 1 ! ;. u-jirrtin^ tliat his 

rival \vmild >ciid dcspaldn s, onlm-d all h 

ihdrawn. il<- was outwitted, however, hy 

his inoiv a-tutc colleague^ ir a caravel which arri\ 

in port during the same ni^-ht w,-, unknown 

. and her sails transferred to the other vessel, 

Avhirli immediately set ,^ail for Sj>ain. ( . da, 

openly charged the trick upon Herrera, who of eon 

,ntly denied it. The event proved that tl 
ship earned letters from the cahildo, recommending 

Jlcrrera s appoini ineiit as sole ruler, together wit! 
missive iVoin Jlenvra himself, in which he claimed 
that he had rendered ^ood service to the crown and 
liad only admitted a rollea^ue in order to prevent dis 
cord and riot. Moreover he repres< I the allairs 
of tin- province in a most i-ivorahle li^ ht, Mating that 
the mines were din^ly i-i( h and aski -r ships 

and supplies with which to complete the \pl;ration 
oi the territory and inoiv 1 nlly develop its , 

The proposed expedition had meanwhile l>een < 
itched to the Xaco X alley, and a settlement iotmded 

there named Nne-tra Sefioradela Encarnaciort A 

jiar(y of sixty men, under the command of Captain 

>1 that 
i un!a\\ tally nl was 

ition. ird the boy died, and ..a.sdi\; 


<1 hiuisi If liy sayinu that ! -i\ en his con- 

in tin . Consent i < ^e lo 

<JU>- ;i si fi, , nd<> ID <J^ >r 8O8C- 

j_ .-i]li..s i ( |u.- no al- 

r^ sliDi: .,inc Upon 




Alonso Ortiz, had also taken possession of the valley 
of Jutigalpa,some twelve leagues distant from Trujillo, 
a region of which the governor remarks in his letter 
that " there is no river or ravine where gold does not 
abound." The natives of the latter district gathered 
their crops, and removing all their provisions fled to 
the mountains, there to await the effect of starva 
tion on the Spaniards. Ortiz, however, sent messen 
gers assuring them that he came not to make w^ar but 
to settle peaceably in their midst, and by kind treat 
ment induced them to return to their habitations, thus 


affording one of those rare instances where the com 
mander of a military expedition forbore to enslave or 
plunder the natives who fell into his power. 

Although Herrera and his partisans now held 
almost undisputed control at Trujillo, they were far 
from being satisfied with the situation. They well 
knew that their old enemy, Diego Mendez, was await 
ing revenge; while Cereceda, though quietly watching 
the course of events, was ready for action when the 
proper moment should arrive. Their greed for wealth 
and lust of power had brought them into disrepute 

8 Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii. 

liLOODV ! 

all the C pt the 

>D, and i ceri iin im-mlnTs of 

ninii 1 amon^ their enemie Fearii 

ild Invak out into open 

pp abandon Trujillo and e-taMi.di in 

tin- province a new and indopeud< lony. ( 

knowing th; :ch a i. ire \v<uld he i atal to I 

-perity of th dement, strove to jn- ly 

enci lura^ in^ intermarriage I-t ween t ; milies </! \ 

rival (Tnjui ^ and divid i a ]><>rt;<>n of 

ihc slaves which had i alli-n to liis >}\i\ di\i- 

Salrrdo s pro} irri 

A revolt ^ hirh occurred ahout a ; d. 

am "f the <-aci([u.- Peyzacura, afford 

II ri an opportunity to carry out his intention. 
Th<- I ndians of this disii-ict were employed in working 

tain mines not iar distant i roin Trujillo, and I 
Ion-- endured their honda^v without murmur, l.ut t 

o o 

ot their taskmasters, who, "with one f Q the 

stiri U])," as Ovi-do tells us, "ready to ahandon the 
jn oviin-- iredonly to enrich themsd\ .-dily 

it length drove them to ivh.-llion. 
era! Spaniards were murdered, and as t! i 1 ec- 

tioi )ii spread thi ou-Ji tlie adj. inin ry, it 

became necessar) despatch i 

re order. An expedition was prepared of which 
I I trrera insi i taking i-\i: . inviting h: 

<-ia nd all others who .- inclined to join him, 

enroll themsel : md. r his command. A feelii, 
of discontent and umv>t ji-r\-adi <l th> inniuni: 
and many of the leading olni>ts -atherin^ t 
th in theii I- t \\ ith tlm go\ I >ut 

instead of marchi insi the hM i! !; I 

Ilowers to the territory of a fi iendl in. 

morality hat m 

!. In commenting on the rmli: 


ir l-.s i mport.. ;irte 

it-mas por cl :. o se 

,\. 7. 


and there for several months they wasted their time 
and substance in revelry and ostentatious display, 
leaving Trujillo unprotected and the rebels unpun 

Meanwhile Diego Mendez had not been idle. Soon 
after Herrera s departure it chanced that Cereceda 
was called away from Trujillo, and taking advantage 
of the absence of both governors he presented himself 
before the cabildo* and demanded that some means be 
devised for protecting the province against the evil 
effect of their divided authority. Both rulers were 
notified of this measure on their return to the settle 
ment. Cereceda gave no heed to the matter, knowing 
that it was not intended to affect himself, but Herrera 
at once accused his old adversary of plotting against 
him, and induced the cabildo to forbid him, under pain 
of death, to make a second appeal. But Diego Men 
dez had already won over many of the most powerful 
adherents of his opponent, and resolved on yet more 
decisive action. Having regained the certificate as 
lieutenant-governor, which had been given to him by 
Salcedo, and taken from him upon his arrest at Tru 
jillo, 10 he boldly appeared a second time before the 
cabildo, and claimed recognition of his office. Her 
rera now caused sentence of death to be pronounced 
against his rival, who thereupon took refuge in the 
church. After some attempt at negotiation, which 
terminated only in mutual abuse, the governor threat 
ened to disregard the right of sanctuary, and eject 
him by force. 

But the administration of Vasco de Herrera was 
drawing to a close. By promise of reward to those who 
should join his cause, Diego Mendez had secured the 
alliance of at least forty of the citizens of Trujillo, 
while the former could muster but twenty or thirty 
men, most of his followers being engaged in quelling 

10 The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by the cabildo, and 
deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who, being an enemy to Herrera, was 
easily induced to return it to its owner. Cerezeda, Carta, in Sguier s M$S. t 
xx. 15-18. See also Oviedo, iii. 198. 

n: T. 

in 1 he ( Haneho Yall 

l"ii;_ i alive, id tl 

ilvcd lo . him. \Yitliin tl 

nvh the conspir. m-i 1 >y ; 

:id on a Sunday . 1 ii<- Slli of < )( 

1 53 1 . ;d>out two hour-, into the 

puhlic s<juar<\ and In^aii >h< nit in^ t h 

la, who as yet liad no ini oi i he p 

at his own dwelling in consultation with certain < 

iVi: to the he>t mean- of harmony in 

the province and reuniting the 

i be noise th< ized i h< .-nid, h,-; 

to th<i plaxa, were met with cri< 

the kin;/ and his rliirf-just ir- who OOm< 

: a passage thron^li tlie ci-owd l-li- 

]!( i lyin- woimdod iroin a d r-thrn^t in liis 

side, while round his neck tin: ral>Ui h;nl fast : 
rojM/, ! ..! purpose of dragging him through th) 

The rnor and hi- COmp mioi - i> re i 
to a place of safety; but lie wa8 1" \ ond h.uin id, 
and in a few hours he lnvath-d hi.- la>t \\il.hin ; 
walls of the >anetuary from which h< t thr- ; 

a f lorth liis rival to execution. The nml) v. 


n oi\!cr"(l to disp. hut refused to < it- 

HIL;- "J^on;^ livr the kin- and the communif ; 
idiiiL; liim^elt unalile in eoiit i-.l t IK- ri. 

i to slioxv B of ho>(il .ward him^-lf, 

( !a made ]i\< escape, though wi inch d, 

cuhy, and aur-mpted to regain his lmus,. : hut was in- 

hy J )i Mende/. \\ ho, ai ined with la; 

r, di-manded his <\\ -j, lition as li- ul.-n- 

,<>\ rnor. 1 Ie refused bo listen to him. u h >n 

itt. i 1 , who was on borsebackj h;invd h: 
on explaining that he had CODE 

his luwt ul ruler, hut againsl a i\ rant, v, h 

oilier and d.Ti. d i he law. As h- 

V; ! [ez, : 

sin-rounded h\ >f ri 

a threatening attitude. Now, for the firsi time dur- 


ing his administration, Cereceda displayed a little 
firmness, and still refused to grant to the assassin the 
office which he claimed at the point of the dagger. 
Many of the by-standers then urged that Cereceda be 
at once put to death in order to avoid all future dan 
ger. Seeing that his life was in peril, he replied to 
Diego Mendez, "What I request of you, sir, and I ask 
it as a favor, is that you let the matter rest until to 
morrow, that it may be decided what is best to be 
done for the interests of his Majesty." He was then 
allowed to retire to his dwelling. 

The leader of the revolt construed this vague an 
swer into a full concession of his authority, and array 
ing himself in the habiliments of the man whose corpse 
lay yet warm in the church of Trujillo, he paraded the 
streets at the head of his ruffian gang, and on the fol 
lowing day, over the grave of his murdered victim, 
bid defiance to the governor, telling him to discharge 
the members of the cabildo and appoint reliable men 
in their place. Fearing to provoke an attack by 
gathering an armed force around him, Cereceda re 
turned to his house, accompanied by a single friend. 
During the night he sent a letter to Diego Diaz, a 
brother of Vasco de Herrera, then engaged in quell 
ing the insurrection in the Olancho Valley, informing 
him of what had transpired, but in language so care 
fully worded that, if his letter were intercepted by 
his enemies, they would find nothing on which to base 
a charge against him. The usurper meanwhile threat 
ened to hang all who refused to obey him, and summon 
ing into his presence the caciques of the tribes which 
had been enslaved by Herrera, demanded their sub 

On the following day Cereceda ordered the cabildo 
to assemble in secret at his own residence, in order 
to devise, if possible, some means of bridging over the 
present crisis. None could offer any practicable 
suggestion; but it was remarked by one of the 
regidores that, since Diego Mendez refused to obey 


the . uld be advisah! 

| I- the ollieo nj lid 

AVhil t in ion, tlic chief of the c 

informed l>y li; Juldo had been . 

veiled, presented himself at tin- In 

hand ;nil demand dmittano Tl 

not coura r refuse, and the meeting soon ; 


broh accomplished nothing. 

Die _>;o Aleudez now unfolded tin- royal stand in 

thr ]Hilli- MjiiMiv. and cnnqu llcd the ],. > s\v 

allegiance to liini as th</ir lawful nilr-i-. JI- 
a 1 ! tl licts issued by Hen-era and Cerec ico 

lli death <>[ Salcedo illeiral, and enjoined tli 
Iroin exercising authority. He dissolved the 
appointed new memlx r> iVm tin- i of liis o- 

rtisans, <>l>taincd j)os>c->ion of all the hooks and 
l, i]er< belonging to the municipality, and i.,k the 
>ath of office. He then sei/-d the r in \vhich 

tin- appointment of Salcedo and the nomination 
hi> successor had hren ivcnrded, iinpi isned thcro;. 
notai v. and hid him, undrr threat of tortui 
the I appointment invalid; hut to tlie civdit of 

that oilirial it is recorded that h< 

Qttplianc l- ii .-illy he ordeivd the an-e>t of the 

governor; l>ut through the int iitioii of Iri -i 
allowed him to ivmain a jii-i-oin-r at his own lion 
in whi-h, rdi.-ved of his shackles, 1 

niiiied. Such was the dread and an\ 
!a iliat, < luring his <-a])t ivity, which lasted thii 
en days, it i< related that his hair and heard turned 
from a glOSSy Mack to silxcry v. hi; 

I iorc the an-ival of Cereceda s n n 

emiary de>j, ;l t ched hy 1 )ie--o ^Imdex arrived at I 


era lo q 


: Reyaoi s^oos m.-.l ! f 

cseribuno, t^iic yu lo di_;o a^bi." U 


Olancho Valley and with little difficulty persuaded 
the followers of Diego Diaz, who were already disaf 
fected toward their commander, to join the standard 
of the usurper. Finding himself thus deserted by his 
men, the latter at once returned to Trujillo, intending 
to claim the right of sanctuary; but was arrested 
while dismounting at the church door, by six armed 
men stationed there for that purpose. . 

At length Cereceda and his officials, finding that 
their pusillanimity was bringing them into general 
disfavor, resolved to strike a decisive blow against 
their common enemy. Their partisans were secretly 
assembled, and among them were found eighteen loyal 
and resolute citizens, who swore to arrest the pretender 
or die in the attempt. It was resolved that the effort 
be made at once, before those of the opposite faction could 
be apprised of it, and on the same night, after a sharp 
struggle, in which half of the governor s men were 
wounded 1 and one of their opponents killed, Diego 
Mendez was captured, and on the following day sen 
tenced to be beheaded and quartered. Most of the 
conspirators were then induced by offer of pardon to 
return to their allegiance, but though their lives were 
spared, they were punished by loss of office, imprison 
ment, or confiscation of property. Two of the leading 
accomplices, who had been present at the assassina 
tion of Herrera, 13 fled from the city, and with the 
assistance of some of the natives made their escape to 
a small island near the coast; but returning to Tru 
jillo some two months later, on hearing of Cereceda s 
clemency, took refuge in the church, wdience they 
were dragged forth to execution by order of the gov 

On receiving news of the seditious tumults which 

12 Oerezcda, Carta, in Squier s MSS., xx. 39. Ovieclo, iii. 207, says that 
only seven were wounded. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. x. , mentions but four. 

13 Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que did la pufialada al Vasco de 
Herrera 6 Ic echo la soga al cuello, con la que fiie" despues ahorcado el mal- 
fechor; y el otro Alonso Vazquez, alcalde 6 capitan de la guarda del tirano. 
Oviedo, iii. 208. 

had BO 1 I! 

ruler of tin- province ( .in 

) :i oilierr who had d ,d 

in many a hard-fought h,r with 
Th vrrnor arrived olf the . with 1 

on tin- 29th of ( October I 532, hut his -hi; 

driven on shore l.y a >torm, when six I. .111 

port, and tliirly of those on hoard \\ - d. 

Alhiti > win lining, but with the] -( all 

]ii A oon arrived from Trujill 

and on the following day he was received and dulv 

(COgnized hy the authorities amid 11 joici of 
the cii ho now lioped that ti-an<juillii uld 1 

.l>ut the jirovince was y< -t destined 

und a period of misrule; for nine davs ai t<-r liis 

arrival, the new governor, advan.-rtl in years, <li -d 
at Trujillo, leaving Ceivrrda still at the head of 


The feeling of dissatisfaction which had loi;-- ].: 
vailed was ii. iiied hy this m-w di r. \] 

g 1 reports of the ^-reat wraith of t lie iu-i-j;hhorii 

provinces had heen n i ahroail. and many of tl. 
now th: ahandon the fcerrit 

liopin-- to better their fortune wher For sev- 

they had horn living in extreme <h>eom- 

i oi i n bordering on destitnt ion. I h-y had neither 

Hour, oil, wine, nor any other f t! *nmoditi< 

n-nally iin])oi-te<l iVoin Spain. For th] - no 

Spanish \ 1 had an-i\-ed at Trnjiilo. The m- 

t without clothi nd the h. without 
sh . Many of the had neither shirt> nor 

IMM!S; and the BCai 

|uir-(l for the common needs of life, that a sh< 
]aj -old I oi- a | \\-orth 

. add to the di-t; of the Spani 

i.- nii >n-_r the Indian-, -[.read 

.1 ho house and from town to to\\n. and 

11 I .> aud - . 1 1 J 17. See 

also :. 2ia 


swept away at least one half of the native population. 15 
There was neither physician nor medicine ; and though 
the settlers escaped the visitation, so great was their 
loss in slaves that many were compelled to abandon 
their usual avocations. 

In order to distract the attention of the colonists 
from their forlorn condition, Cereceda set about estab 
lishing a settlement on the road to Nicaragua, with a 
view of opening communication between the two seas. 
He despatched into the interior a company of sixty 
men, with orders to halt, at a certain point, until joined 
by himself with an additional force. His departure 
was however delayed by the arrival of two messengers 
from Alonso de Avila, 16 contador of Yucatan, who was 
on his way to Trujillo, having been obliged to flee 
with the remnant of his band from a settlement 
which he had formed in the interior of that province. 
On the arrival of the party at Trujillo, Cereceda 
afforded them all the assistance in his power. He 
then set forth to join the expedition awaiting him on 
the road to Nicaragua. After proceeding but a short 
distance he was overtaken by a messenger bringing 
news of the arrival of two vessels from Cuba, and of 
the intention of Diego Diaz de Herrera to take this 
opportunity of making his escape in company with 
others at Trujillo. 17 

Cereceda returned in time to prevent the depopu 
lation of the city, but such was the general discontent 
that the question of removal was universally discussed 
and the governor was at length compelled to give up his 
settlement. After much deliberation it was resolved 
to depart for the Naco Valley, leaving at Trujillo a 
garrison of fifty men. The remainder of the citizens, 

J5 Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los qne Servian a los chripsti- 
anos en sus haciendas, como de las naborias de casa. Oviedo, iii. 213. 

16 Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier s MSS., xxii. 50; Oviedo, iii. 212. See also 
Hist. J\fex., ii., this series. 

17 Herrera endeavored to persuade Avila to accompany him, and proceed 
in quest ot new discoveries. The latter, however, declined, and on the 
return of Cereceda was sent on with his men, by sea, to Yucatan. Oviedo, iii. 

mustering in all about nn- hundred and tlm 

in- i them M l lv f In ! * > and li --k, 

forth <u their march through lli- wilder . ( )n 

ichih pot when- ;i river il<>w-> t linni"li 
defile, they found their pa jtrncted by a barri 

cade erected by t ici.jue ( i/imba. who thought 
thus to prevent the invasion of his territory. 

natives were routed at the first onset, and t ho 

taken captive suffered mutilation, their hands 

l)eil)-- Cllt oil , ;ui(l Were s! I -pel M j, M[ \vitl) Cord- iVoIU tl; 

neck The Spaniards then j)ressed forward, sutl eri: 
many ]riv;itiou-;. thouo-li always l.uoy. d up with the 
r of finding abundant stores of pn -h- 

their destination. .IJut- in this they \\ ;ed 

t . disappointment. Arriving at Xaco, waywoi-n and 

famished, they found the place, abandoned 

cept a few inlirm natives unaMe to escape l.\- on of 

illness. C -!a then put ott the mask, and changing 
his policy toward the natives, who throughoul all that 

<-ountry had lied at his ap| h, he 

in back by kindness, and at length sue -d in 

cau-in^ the ivturn of a nmnher BUfBcient to plant 
con-ideraMe tract of land. 1 3 The liar how 

led, and, l>ein^ reduced to the last < . the 

Spaniards were compel! >ve to the t . t the 

mountains, where they hoped to ohtain food 
the natives who had lied there for rei ir. 
their departure from Xaco, then-fore, they i 
to the province of Zula, where t Ebutraea B 

which t 1 -lined JJuena Etaperanzi 

i was the ] i of affairs when, in the - 

1535, (In >al de la Cueva \\ by Jorge 

Alvarado. feo di>- f a K)l > the nortil< m 

<f which c lunication mi^ht 1 

11 the proviD mala and ! .11. 

1F < . iii. 21 r. 

"Tin- ( v )uiin . litnon-a, an<l 7 

turnc.l. 1 

. illos. :? from ljuinl. 



passing through the province of Zula, Cueva s men 
were observed by a party of natives, who informed 
Cereceda of the presence of Spaniards in that vicinity. 
The latter thereupon despatched Juan Ruano, with a 
small band, to demand of the intruders whence they 
came, and by what authority they ventured within 
his territory. The messenger was first met by the 
advanced guard of twenty men under Juan de Arevalo, 
who informed him that his commander, with the main 
force, was but two leagues behind, and that their object 
was to search for the best route for a government road 
from Guatemala to Puerto de Caballos. 

When Cueva was informed of the condition of the 
colonists at Buena Esperanza, he requested an inter 
view with Cereceda, and proposed that the men of 
Honduras should cooperate with him in his explora 
tions, promising in return to assist them in their min 
ing enterprises, and to protect them from the natives. 
The governor gladly accepted this offer, and took com 
mand of a force composed of a portion of Cueva s troops 
together with all his own available men. 21 It was pro 
posed first to march against a powerful cacique, who 
had for ten years held captive a Spanish woman, 22 and 
after subduing him and demolishing his stockade, to 
explore the country in the neighborhood of Golfo 
Dulce, and examine the harbors of San Gil de Buena- 
vista and Puerto de Caballos, in conformity with his 

But the time had not yet come when harmony was 
to prevail in Honduras. Wars with the savages and 
contentions among themselves had been the fate of 
settlers in that territory from the beginning; and the 
quarrelsome followers of Cereceda were little disposed 
to join hands in peaceful fellowship with the members 

21 Cereceda was to be captain of all the other captains. Herrera, dec. v. 
lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, 
but this is manifestly an error. 

22 Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as having been cap 
tured by Cizimba, que auia diez auos " tenia por muger, at the time of the 
massacre at Puerto de Caballos. dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix. 

Cu< va was ii 

the Go! 

J u l>ut li.- wi>h d to jil;i:it a cojo 

in tl: i- of Honduras, mid\vay 1 

T< > this p 

raised The ut IHT ] ,| IM- MJ-J 

I m m Hie alliai [ in 

land. Thereupon Gen i romplained Indi 

( ouncil, and l>e---vd ill.- ai and . ( n, 

ad violation of contract. H ti- 

tioned the emperor for men, arms, >lii; .ml 

wine i or .inn-nial ])Ui < })OSCS. !! allii-iu-d tl 

of liis men had not tasted sail forth 

and lay ill in conscMjiirii- }! reqiK I that 11 
kii; .ii tli of the product of the mi:. uld 

I to one tenth. He also asked that a hnunda 

lin<- 1 . and Honduras 1 M5.-h 

and that a road be op between the two i 

J^I.T: ( ahallos to th- l>:iy of Fmi^-r 

it would serve as well for the I 

and Nicaragua, the distance bcin^ only lilty 1 
and the --i-ound iavoi ahle. rejuirin-- only that 1 1 
he cut away and tlii- earth levelled in jtlaec.s. 

iiion of Cereceda Ihe em I his oo 

d \\ ith favur, and . the 

Meanwhile the remnant of the H" 

who remained at Trujillo also clanioi ed \ 

population, and for a gover&or. r fl 

the city |- od hai-hor, and a dry and \v 

son nation; th;, !i mines lay und< 

vicinity, and that tl. fruit ful and \\-ell I. 

13 Ho. . .sinificnuan 

licaua;/ mcnos 

us niinas IJIK 

vn liu.-rt.) laa 


They attributed their past misfortunes to bad govern 
ment, and charged Cereceda with abandoning the 
settlement without sufficient cause. They were now 
so few in number, being reduced to thirty capable of 
bearing arms, that they were in constant fear of attack 
from the natives. Their stock of weapons consisted 
of but twenty swords and fifteen pikes, the governor 
having taken with him all the cross-bows and arque 
buses. As they were not in communication with 
Mexico they requested to be placed under the juris 
diction of the audiencia of Espanola. They asked 
moreover for two brigantines for the purpose of trading 
with the Islands and also for one hundred negroes to 
work their mines, for all of which they promised to pay 
liberally. They promised that if a capable governor 
were sent out to them in command of two hundred 
men, they would establish a settlement near the 
Desaguadero and open the rich gold-mines which lay 
in that vicinity. Finally the municipal council de 
clared that unless relieved within a year they would 
disorganize the government and give the people liberty 
to go whithersoever they might desire. 

If the colonists of Honduras could barely sustain 
themselves when united and living at Trujillo, it was 
not to be expected that their condition would be im 
proved when divided and scattered throughout the 
country. One good man, who could have held in 
check the spirit of lawlessness, and have ruled the 
factious populace with a determined hand ; a man with 
the principles and temper even of a Pedrarias, would 
have given peace and prosperity to Honduras; but 
internal dissensions, and finally open disruption, had 
brought disaster upon all concerned, and had reduced 
the people, both of Trujillo and Buena Esperanza, to 
the verge of ruin and starvation. 

Humiliating as it must have been, Andres de Cere 
ceda was at last compelled to appeal for aid to Pedro 
de Alvarado. In the petition which he drew up, he 
craved protection from the natives, failing which, he 

APPEAL TO A;.\ :>0. Id 

depopulation <>i the whole provinc I H 
in; are the i. -1 th md th.- 

adelantado was besought "for tip- I of God and 
their Majesties," to come to tlx-ir >uecor. 2i Tl. 
treasurer, l)ie<_>-<> (ian-fa <!< ( - sent in com 

pany with Juan Unaim ; t< Saul . where Alvar; 

then resided. and representing to him the deplorable 

condition of the people of Honduras, j ui-- 

ance of relic! . As soon as ]HM],I,. ;m armed in: 
\va M-inUed, consisting of Spaniard- and friendly 
Indian-* and with the adelan at their h ad 

forth t tin- relief of ( Jereceda 

During tin- delay which occurred hetnre tlie arrival 
of Alvarado in Honduras, th tiers wlm rmiaii 

at]>ueiia Esperanza, being unable or unwilling t-> hear 
tin ir suffering uy louder, ^ ero on the point of 
abandoning the colony, and on the ."Hh ot ^lay I j3G 

J * Hcrrcr that ;if r -iirs in the province were in a s ht, for Ccre- 

i.-i;it<<l;i huni.-iii.-i ],ni-. i l".st ;ill 

dec. \i. lib. i. c;ip. viii. M< \\ho.-it; I been: 

; li<>n<lin;i .^{e;ik.s in very 

time 1: in Zulu and Nae<> he iu \ 

le, Ol the L 7 "i- L S towns in , lie 

did not le one. !! destro; hin^, even the . 

mares. ! ; _ r ht away in iroi. 

nit. Jle ;ind lii.s advi i Avihi and ;t 

had l:ii<l ion of Honduras. Pacheco 


soenrrer :i los DoUadonV chripstiaHOt, OQ6 est;iban n U >n- 
dur. rra, e dar <>td<-n .se acaba.s> los 

abaii. i. -14. 

to, iii. Jl J that ti irred in 1.~>. I. J. Celis liim.sclf st 

that ;it him to ( , 

and i "I. i 

- that ( , Us went of his o\\ : -tas coaaa 

ilega :ei-iniii ro 80S.- 

a iual mala a [iedir soerro a 
I si , i. cap. viii. 

: M /v-; 

jiiently J lit in :i elaim lor 800 cast 

horses employed durin 

mala. (}\i the -llh i ;i judicial ii. i was ! fore 

the, mayor, at 1 .tl.allo.s, to a*eert:iin \\ ! 

. as h- 

d that 


".nder no his supp!ie> 

otlii H)-oO. In Gr. 

e uiul 
in //., li. L H. 

iii;r. CLXT. Ax. VOL. II. 11 


a formal meeting was held before the notary Ber 
nardino de Cabrenas, 28 to take the matter under con 
sideration. Cereceda, addressing the alcalde and regi- 

CD C^) 

dores, stated that they were aware of the condition 
of affairs in the province, and of the impracticability 
of holding it much longer, on account of the small 
number of the Spanish colonists and the want of 
supplies. He had therefore, he said, despatched Diego 
Garcia de Celis, the royal treasurer, to solicit aid from 
the governor of Guatemala, and had also asked the 
assistance of the emperor and of the audieiicia of 
Mexico. Seven months had elapsed since the depar 
ture of Celis, and nothing had been heard from him. 
He demanded therefore, in the name of the crown, 
their opinion as to what should be done. All present 
recommended that the country be abandoned, and the 
Spaniards allowed by the governor to proceed whither 
soever they pleased. To this Cereceda assented, and 
orders were issued accordingly; the alcalde and regi- 
dores ratifying and confirming the governor s acts and 
their own, in the presence of the notary. 29 

The resolution was at once carried into effect;. but 
within four days after leaving Buena Esperanza the 
colonists were met by Celis with a letter from Alva- 
rado promising speedy relief. Had the envoy returned 
but a single day later it is not improbable that Cere- 

28 There were present, Andre s de Cereceda, the alcalde Alonso Ortiz, and 
the regiclores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel 
Garcia de Lilian. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 

2< *Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4. The 
foregoing is the account given in Cereceda s official report to the viceroy of 
Mexico. Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the matter. 
He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an absence of four months, the 
treasurer Celis did not return or send any message, agreed to abandon the 
place. Loading their Indian servants with what little effects they had left, 
they proceeded on their way, after tying Gereceda and two of his friends to 
trees, because he forbade them to take away their slaves on the ground that 
it was contrary to royal orders to carry them from one province to another, 
although he himself had done so and had allowed his friends the same privi 
lege. But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming from 
Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and made friends 
with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In a letter to Alvarado dated 
May 0, 1536, Cereceda says nothing about being tied to a tree, although lie 
complains of gross ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists. 


>;:M have lost liU life, for h-- had become 
t ivmely unpopular am i he men of 1 1 .;,.; ; 

1 indeed gone BO t;n- e liim from his lim. 

though 1 hroijM-h fear I)) tin- COD 
Jled him. 

I!; - thr adelantado 1 : i sho\\ 

del lion in which he was held by those whose duty 

it \v,-i g t<> obey him. "Th vpelled me," ] 
"from my house and from tin- settlement, although I 

in a condition to rise from my h d. to \\h 
J had heen confined lor days on account of a Imil that 
prevented my sitting down, ept in a chair which 
had been ma !< -pccially lor my i md tln-n only i 

-hort tim In spite of all this, tln-y hu 
out of my ahodc with the greated rderi 

m- unattended as I was, in tin- direction of i 

, whnv they would provide me with ;u. 

Trujillo. This was, however, only a j-i I in on! 

[ of me, their ohject heiii._>- to cairy off 
sla 11 the Indians who had served in the distri 

wliich they had attempted to do h. 

pel me from tin 4 village. Fearing they mi-lit kill 
me, I made a virtue of necessity, and ahandoii; 
f I had, DTOO N FlO 

-o they soon ivcalled me, and I returned on 

horse! ack, hut with great difficulty, suir.-rin^ so mi; 
IVom my enforced ride that it will, I fear, he .-it 
th< nths hel Miv my health i i>hed." 

( and ( YTis were fir f5rom beil i go< 

The t reasurer v. 

a desire to -ii]>plant him, and perhaps not without 

he had 1 appointed hy the em] nd 

.t in rank to ih \ eni In! to 

Alvarado, ( eda takes the oj 

his spleen the t r> asm 11 - hii. 

l.-avori produ<-e the imj-f 

had it in his jo\\ , r to proem 

lantado ^vemoiship oi 1 loud dxing 

him>elf the credit of being the on havi: 


heart the welfare of the country, and of being a faith 
ful servitor of his Majesty. "But," he continues, "in 
order that you may see that there are others who 
desire the welfare of the province, I resign in your 
favor the governorship with which I have been in 
trusted, believing that ? in so doing, I am performing 
a service to his Majesty." 

Alvarado,on his arrival, was well received by the set 
tlers, who were fain to believe that there were better 
days in store for them. The astute Cereceda, seeing 
himself virtually without authority, again pressed him 
to accept the governorship, so that the province might 
not go to ruin. By this artifice he hoped not only to 
escape punishment, but to confirm the impression in 
the adelantado s mind that it was to him and not to 
Celis that he was indebted for the offer. Alvarado 
accepted the governor s resignation, and assumed the 
reins of power, to the great joy of the colonists. He 
at once set about pacifying the country, sending out 
a strong force, stationing guards at the mines, and 
bringing the province into a condition of safety and 
prosperity. In the name of the crown, he assumed 
the title of captain-general and chief-justice, and with 
out loss of time proceeded to establish new colonies. 

He built at Puerto de Caballos the town of San 
Juan, and on the site of the village of Thaloma, seven 
leagues from this settlement, founded the city of San 

O - 

Pedro del Puerto de Caballos. He determined the 
limits of its jurisdiction and distributed among the 
Spaniards the natives and native villages in its vicin 
ity. 30 Captain Juan de Chaves was ordered to explore 
the province toward the south and west and to select 
a favorable site on the proposed line of intercommu 
nication between Honduras and Guatemala. After a 

30 It was intended to establish here a large settlement. The city was 
founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various officials were appointed, 
sworn, and inducted into office. Sites for dwellings were assigned to the 
alcaldes, regidores, and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be 
changed except by the emperor s orders; and it was decreed that none should 
reside elsewhere until the emperor s pleasure was known. Honduras, Funda- 
cion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 530-8. 


journey IK; arrival 11 

watered \ alley, \\ here 

namiii .: it in token of liis thankfuln 


I Jut while tin- adelantado was winnii: -l\ lam 

Mini u . iini !i _r new adherents in Honduras. In- was in- 
I that his residenria had heen < i l>y T i<|.,r 
Maldonado, and soon ai t<T\vai <| received an nnl.-r I IMIH 
the viiM-roy instructing him to proceed to Spain and 
appear lri .>iv the tlimn- Maj 

iill le tli< r-l,y adxanred. This wa& unl>okcd | . 
ll- had already petitioned tin- kii -a 

to return for the jnirp of iitlii. ;t an e\[M-dition 
on a lar- e scale for South S< 9Um- 

nioi appenr at court, whilr hi leiiria \ 

he taken during his ahsenee, made an intrieatr- n 
; of it. There was no alt<-ri; , ho\\ \ r. hut 
ol -y: and once more Alvarado -ut for Spain, fir 

<iii"- to the eahildo of Sant ia- o ;i 1 \vlu-n -in 


li- 3 the i-caxiiis for his departure, and reman 

that although he docs not return to his native land 
rich in -old. having spent all that he had -j-ain -d dur 
ing his career in Mexico and (ii; he has D 

that liis services will recommend him to th 

i avur of the rourt. 

31 Tin incut v Comayagua 3vS 1< I from Gna- 

i. II; / 1:1 . i. -aj). \ 


Ixiii^ to foiuhu-t B 

;.ui int .11 \\hich 1. land* 






THE sense of relief which was felt by all the colo 
nists of Nicaragua, when death at last put an end to 
the administration of Pedrarias Davila, was of brief 
duration. A new taskmaster soon held them in bond 
age almost as grievous as that of the great despot who 
now lay buried in the church-vaults at Leon. Fran 
cisco de Castaneda, who then held office as contador, 
and some months previous had been alcalde mayor/ 
claimed that he was legally entitled to the vacant 
governorship. 2 The cabildo knew of no valid objec 
tion, and upon Castaneda s promise to rule with mod- 

1 A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y depucstole del do alcalde 
mayor, por las diferecias que traia con Pedrarias. Hcrrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. 
cap. xv. Oviedo, iv. 112, still speaks of him as alcalde mayor e contador 
when he takes charge of the government. 

2 Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian poderes del 
Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al otro. Uerrcra, dec. iv. lib. ix. 

cap. xv. 


EDA <)R. 

>!i ;m<l fairne-s ] appointed and duly ivc. 

nized. 1 

Before ;i month had <-lap>-d the colon i.-t- found 
th -m -till d)(.ui,.d (on and miM-iil.-. 

Without regard to the rights of th< id with 

an eliVont. -jiudlrd only l.y tliat of liis pn-d 
tin- new tyrant ivfu>-d to convene the cahildo j.t 

IODM- intervals, and then only to di>cu-s : 

aMe to his d\vn wishes. * The deci-ion .( ji.-ndi 
]a\VMiils was nr-le.-t ed ; IMMII- d-niand-d. and 

those \\lio refused to rout rihllte \\ 
unniereii ully that they abandoned their ju-oju-rty and 
iled the country, leaving their enOOmienOJB 
\\> I. 4 Slave-hunting, \\ith its att.-ndant horr>: 

\\, ininon throughout the proxine N-;. 
i orhiddeii to kidnap, nor was any limit jilao-d .n 
their c:ij)tui-i the. only resti-iction was tl he 

nior should receive a >liare. The kind s tilh 

\\ere fraudulently rented." Castafieda \\. --n si 
d of inakin- fraudulent entries in the 1. 

the treasurer Tohilla, \vlio><- death had itly 

cunvd : nor had he even i/iven himself the trouM 
taking an inv-ntory of the contents of the ti 

At length certain of the regidores m, t i; 
council and petitiom-d the kin^ to send them a j 
of ieneia, statin&r that unle>< i-eli.-t \\ 


tin- province would soon l>e depopulated. Castafieda 

was pre.xeiitly informed of his dan^ei . hut g 
lieed fco (he \\amii 1 ! had 1ml aim in li 

* II -hat after th- Irnrias Sji 


}\-<: iliM-al 

i as hi- 
., in 71". 

ieccasc oc< 


I,; 10C. 

\ V. 

fraii.i s los auia dalo a 

^ liiK .s. // 


gather riches by whatever means, 6 and this object he 
pursued with unshaken purpose. The natives did not 
regard the Spaniards with greater dread than did the 
Spaniards their chief magistrate. Many of them 
departed for the newly conquered regions of Peru, 
and even the friars, who had faced the hardships of 
the wilderness, and the peril of torture and death at 
the hands of savages, were compelled to abandon their 
labors. 7 

Until 1531 the vicars of the church of Panama 
held ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the province of 
Nicaragua. 8 In that year Diego Alvarez Osorio, a 
precentor of the cathedral of Panama, holding the 
title of Protector of the Indians, was appointed the 
first bishop of Nicaragua. His elevation was due to 
his eminent services in the church and probably also 
to the fact of his being, as Kemesal remarks, "a 
noble cavalier of the house of Astorga, learned, vir 
tuous, and prudent, with much experience in whole 
some government measures." The prelate was or 
dered to found a Dominican convent at Leon, and 
the treasurer was commanded to furnish the necessary 
funds. The royal tithes which were formerly appro 
priated by the diocese of Panama, were now to be in- 

6 El qual se di6 todo el recabdo quel pudo a enriques^erse; 6 pudolobien 
ha9er, pues no le qiiedo quien le fuesse a la mano. Oviedo, iv. 112. 

7 Among those who left the province were Sebastian de Benalcazar and 
Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the Isthmus in March 1531. In their 
company went Francisco Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerunimo Pon- 
tevedra, friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of Guate 
mala and Nicaragua. Navarro, lielacion, in Col. Doc. Ined., xxvi. 238. 

8 During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one Maestro Rojas, a 
patron of the church, imprisoned the ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of 
heresy, but the former held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained 
in confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by Fray Francisco 
de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite authority by the bishop of 
Panama. His power was transferred to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from 
him to Pedrarias, who tried. the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him 
to office. Squier s MSS., iv. 

9 Hist. Chyapa, 105. It appears that he was not a friar, being spoken of 
as muy magnifico 6 nruy reverendo senor D. Diego Alvarez Osorio. Pacheco 
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116; see also Alcedo, iii. 322, who adds that he 
was a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and Gonzalez 
Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235; Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 49. 


creased, 1 and applied to the support of the 

and hospitals of Nicaragua. 

I nder tin- nil i of C !a it d difficult 

to collect tin- tithes, the greater port ion of them I 

!ni l>y his oilicia!>. lint a true friend to human 
ami ion was n<>\v mi his \\.-iv to the proviu 

1 Jartolome ({c IMS ( ^, n alter 1 i though in- 

effectual labors in Me\i< burned to Nica nthe 

ir L532, and was received with open arm- l.y () 

rio, wlio invited him to remain, and to aid liim ii ib- 

lishii!"- the Dominican convent, and also in his lal> 


on behalf of the natives; but above all to use bis au 

thority in putting an end to the mal< f ( 

!a. Las Casas cheerfully cone d. Ac<>n\- 

^as founded ; residences were huilt for the IVi 
arations w. iv made for the erection of M cathedral, 
and converts l>y the thousands w d into the 

fold. lint neither threat nor per-ua>ioii had the ! 
influence on ( astaneda, who had heen trained in t 
school of IVdrarias. and now hid i air to 1 r his 

instruction. llelief cam- Nc -m-ived 

L on that Elodrigo de Contreras had heen appoint 
governor of Nicaragua, and \ i . M>\\- on his \\-.- 
tiie pi-ovince. ( ieda then-n; gathered u| 

rains and il< d t J < ru: | d t !. 
paftola; wasth rrestedand Spain ;bu1 ith 

closed 1 reer In-fore any earthly trihunal awaiv 

him the i 

Contr \\-a-anoMeeavalier nd the 

son-in-law of iVdraria-, \\ dau-^h Maiia d- 

iVinl lormerlv 1 lied to \ asco Nun< z 


1 J.dl.oa. I o inpaiiieil him to the pn\ ; 

\\itli her infant children. 1 l.-rnando and P.-d 
Jlis administration m, .1 o| 

10 Xow tithe wax, anil lln 

odis, ft 
of the i M las igle- 

11 ! :IH utiouof LasCaaaase* .284,309. 


Ovieclo; a refreshing circumstance, as it is the first 
instance in which that historian speaks in praise of a 
governor in a Spanish province. 12 His conduct is at 
least in strong relief with that of his two predeces 
sors, and apart from certain accusations brought 
against him by the ecclesiastics, with whom he was 
ever at variance, the annals of his time portray him 
as a just and humane ruler. He at once began the 
task of establishing law and order in his territory, thus 
gaining the confidence of the settlers, and all traces 
of evil wrought by the absconder Castaneda were 
speedily effaced. 

The project for opening up communication with 
the North Sea by way of El Desaguadero, as the Rio 
San Juan was then termed, and of taking possession 
of the native towns on its banks, had long been dis 
cussed by the colonists. The new governor though 
averse to such an enterprise was anxious to retain the 
good-will of the people, and despatched to the court 
of Spain Juan de Perea to obtain the emperor s 
consent. 13 

But the subjugation of the natives was too often 
followed by their enslavement, and Las Casas was 
still in the province 14 laboring in his favorite cause. 
In the pulpit, in the confessional, and in places of 
public resort the padre denounced the expedition. He 
even threatened to refuse absolution to the vecinos 
and soldiers should they dare to take part in it. 15 The 

12 En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras iu6 a aquella tierra estuvo 
exer^itando su officio, como buen gobernador, 6 tuvo en paz e" buena jnsti9ia 
aquellas tierras e provin9ias, que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, 6 
procurando la conversion e" buen tractamiento de los indios para que viniessen 
a conoseer a Dios. Oviedo, iv. 113. 

13 A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of April 1537, and 
contained also permission to make the conquest of the islands in lakes Nica 
ragua and Managua. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xxii. 515-34. 

11 Before the flight of Castaiieda Las Casas visited Espanola whither he was 
summoned to negotiate a treaty with the powerful chief Enrique. He returned 
once more to Realejo, and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, 
but was driven back to port by stress of weather. 

15 See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of the governor before 
Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the prelate s death, before the lieutenant- 

IXTKIK ,ICCf> llox. 171 

ly perple\,-d. Las Casas undoul 
edly held din et ingl ructions from tli ! which 

justified his in nee, while th. r had ; 

1 the sanction of the cro^ n. hi<-h 

should tli. . ( )n the one hand \\ <>f 

e;ain, on the oilier the th n.-d han of tl ir<-h. 

Contreraa \\; < l\ed that tin- pi-. -hould not 
! ly tin- Intermeddling of a priesi : hut, nn 

out at the he;id oi a hand of liftv i he 

found that liis own ollir.-i-s \\<>uld not ohev hii. 
til- iorhiddcn to jtlunder 01- nial tin- ; 

Jle WBS <-ol])J)L lle<l thel efo]. ifl! to J.eoli and 

acknowledge hiniM-h dei. ated. L; ia QOW u-ed 

all tlio wc-i^ht of liis inilucnce to undennine t 

era authority, 1 " while ( ontivi 

to 1)- taki-n hei t-iv J>i>hop ()soi-io with regard to t 

condiici of the pad] At this juncture th d ! ! 

the prelate solved the ditlicult After ]. 

sujj)ort Las Casas i ound liinisdf unahlc in oppo 

single-handed, the authority of thr goi t-rimr, \vho >till 

had the tacit sympathy of B ofthecoi 1; 

therefore determined to abandon a field v, here his 
ions were; of little avail, and a in\ i 

! i whieh it has already heeii wa- 

him hy l^raneiseo de Sfarroquin, li>lmj ot (i 
mala, to of the eoi. ot San: 

departed from .Leon taking with him all the l)<>mini- 

08. M 


liil M: -cs he: 

who was . 

1 solili, 

peat- rt" nl conquest of the 1 , iu 

< *dre eaonda* 

< ia. // ;. hi , i. 

I as Casas. t 
sunl cro umvil: 

I witnesses tea; 


as jiinl liis ci iuj am i-e asked to remain 1 >y t lie reffi 


.it ll, ll 


In 1537 certain of the ecclesiastics are again con 
nected with the history of the province, but in a 
manner not altogether consistent with the dignity of 
their profession. While travelling through Nicara 
gua three years previously, Fray Bias del Castillo 
heard strange rumors concerning a volcano situated 
near Lake Nicaragua, and known as El Infierno de 
Masaya. In the crater at a depth of a hundred, 
fathoms was a molten lake incrusted with cinders, 
through which fountains of fire sometimes rose far 
above the surface, 18 lighting up the South Sea by 
night, and plainly visible to mariners twenty leagues 
from shore. Concerning this spot a legend was related 
to Oviedo during his residence in the province by the 
aged cacique Lenderi, who had several times visited 
the place in company with other chieftains of his 
tribe. From the depths of the crater came forth to 
commune with them in secret council a hag, 1 nude, 
wrinkled, and hideous, with long sharp teeth, and 
deep-sunken, flame-colored eyes. She was consulted 
on all important matters, determined the question of 
war or peace, and predicted the success or failure of 
every enterprise. Before and after these consulta 
tions, were hurled into the crater human victims who 
submitted to their fate without a murmur. 20 When 

macion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116-46. It is evident that 
this event occurred about the month of June 1538. Remcsal, who is not 
generally over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala casi 
al fin del afio de treynta y cinco. Hist. Chyapa, 111. Why Helps, in his Life 
of Las Casas, 185, without venturing to give a correct date himself, should 
boldly assert Herrera makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong 
date (1536) for this, yet the main statement may be true, 5 1 am at a loss to 

18 En medio dessa laguna 6 metal saltan 6 revientan dos borbollones 6 
manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal continuamente, sin ningun punto 
cessar, 6 siempre esta el metal 6 licor alii col orado e descubierto, siii escorias. 
On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such intense heat that 
within a league or more of the volcano all vegetation was destroyed. Oviedo, 
iv. 81-2. 

iy Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the devil; but 
whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the devil himself in female 
form he does not say. E segund en sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques 
tan feo 6 tan llcno de colas e" cuernos e"bocas 6 otras visages, como nuestros 
pintores lo suelen pintar a los pis del arcangel Sanct Miguel 6 del apostol 
Sanct Bartolom6. Oviedo, iv. 75. 

20 E que antes 6 despues un dia 6 dos que aquesto se hi9iesse, echaban alii 

r.i. 173 

the Christians made their appearance ll 

hurnin^ pit denounced tin- intrude- 
nt to show herself again till they v. 

t IM- land, and as (In- Datives were not oii-di 


to expel them, she soon abandoned her \ 

The worthy friar concluded that tin- molten in 
in the depths of the crater must I 11, <r at le 
silver, in a f i usjon. He was then travelling 

toward IVru hy order of his superior.-, hut kept his 
own counsel until two years later, when we hear of 
his journeying on loot from Mexi< of 

more: than four hundred leagues, intent on exploring 
the niy>teri<>ns crater. He now took into his mnfi- 
denee a I Yaiiciscan friar, Juan cle Gandaho, and the 
two agreed to impart the ^n-at secret to a Pew <>f the 
wealthier Spanish settlers, in order to ohtain means 
for earrvin^ out their project. Rumor was soon i 
throughout the province. At Granada and Leon m- 
a --et n hied in the streets and plax disc the IB 

ter. Some! conceded that Pray Bias was probably 

in the ri-4 ht. Other- i-ted with a CTeduloUBshr 

that the molten mass consisted of inm <>r of sulphur, 
the latter theory lx in-- most in favor, from t 
that specimens of native sulphur were common in the 
\ ie mity. I hit while e\poun<lin_j-, in the realms of the 
Atahualpas and the Monte/umas. the doctrine- of him 
wh it forth his disciples without purse or scrip, the 

-tic could never hanish from his mind i 
viction that providence had n-sei-ved tl t oi- 

him and his fellow-laborers," and n<>w alter his 1. 
and toil-oiix. joui iiey, he was not t be turned 
from his pin po The in iry impleim-ni 

retly prepai-ed. ( hains, pulleys, iron ! id 

other appai; made ready in a villa 

lour leagues distant from the volcano. A In lire ]. 

uhre 6 dos 6 mds 6 algr, >s 6 

: . aijiu-lL.s .jii 
Ovit if. iv. 71. 

Ire: quc ] i .scubra: 

-s ni i ;inilla. 


rick and a cage were manufactured by the friar s 
own hands at a safe distance from the Spanish set 
tlements, 22 and dragged up by natives to the mouth 
of the volcano. Guides w r ere procured, and it was 
agreed that Fray Bias himself should first descend 
into the pit in order to avoid all dispute as to right 
of discovery. Should he return to the surface in 
safety, his comrades were to follow. Stipulations 
were made as to the division of the treasure, the 
friar claiming for himself the largest share, though 
contributing nothing to the expense. 

On the 13th of April 1538, 23 the ecclesiastic and 
his comrades rise betimes, and after confessing their 
sins, attending mass, and partaking of a substantial 
breakfast they climb the steep mountain side and stand 
on the verge of the crater. Grasping in his left hand 
a flask of wine, in his right a crucifix, and gathering 
up the skirts of his priestly robe, his head protected 
by an iron cask, the daring friar takes his seat in the 
cage, is suspended in mid-air, and slowly lowered into 
the burning pit. The natives who are present flee in 
terror, having no faith in his assertion that the evil 
genius of the fiery lake will vanish at the sight of 
the cross. As he lands on the floor of the crater a 
fragment of falling rock strikes his helmet, causing 
him to drop on his knees and plant his cross with 
trembling fingers in the haunted ground. Turning 
his eyes upward, after much groping and stumbling 
among shelves of rock, he beholds the cage in which 
he had descended swinging far overhead. Neverthe 
less his heart fails not. Catching the guide-rope he 
drags up his portly person to a spot from which he 
can give the appointed signal, and at length is brought 
unharmed to the surface. 

22 E porque faltaba tin cabrestante 6 no lo mandaban ha<?er por no ser 
descubiertos, el frayle lo hico por su mano en el lugar ques dicho que estaban 
todos los otros aparejos. Oviedo, iv. 78. 

23 Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this date, and some of the 
friar s associates, terrified by their first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned 
the enterprise. Oviedo, iv. 78. 


A ; v. day 3 later ,-nmt mpt i- mad 

much difficulty a small quantity of the molten 1 

dit to the surface in an iron moi 1 

of th discovery spread through tin- oeighb 

\\\ jr set i lenient 1 1 undivds . r Bpectati 

nmnd the cr luit tin- ad\ p th 

1. They take formal possession <f tli> aind, 

move their machinery thai none may^haiv the i 


; y prixe, and for a time imagine themselves p 

d of wealth \vhieha thoii>and >hip- can: 

Soon ai trr the departure of the Momini-- ; !!- 

resolved t<> earry out tl plorat ion "{ i 

J > ladero. Captain l)ie- Maehue; 

14 In 1. "_ :. .luring: li: 

clui. n.liu t. 1 stand 

tlic caci^U thcchroiiU-k i avoloM 


officer and one whose humane disposition gave assur 
ance that the inhabitants of the native towns would 
not be maltreated, was placed in charge of the expedi 
tion. Two ships were fitted out on Lake Nicaragua 
and a force of two hundred men followed by land. The 
dangers encountered 25 during the voyage are not re 
corded by the chroniclers of the age; but we learn that 
the vessels were borne in safety down the stream, 
passed thence to the North Sea, and sailed for Nombre 
de Dios. 

News of their arrival was soon brought to Doctor 
Robles, then governor of Tierra Firme, and with his 
usual policy this covetous ruler attempted to gather 
for himself all the benefits of the enterprise. The 
rnen of Nicaragua were cast into prison, and an expe 
dition despatched under Francisco Gonzales de Bada- 
joz to take possession of the territory on the banks 
of the Desaguadero. After remaining in the province 
for six months, during which time a fort was built and 
treasure obtained to the value of 200,000 castellanos, 
the invaders were driven out by Contreras, and their 
leader sent back a prisoner to Panamd. 26 A second 
expedition, despatched by Doctor Robles under com 
mand of Andres Garavito, also failed of success. 27 

A brief period of comparative quiet now occurs in 
the history of Nicaragua, and for the first time the 
inhabitants of one province at least are satisfied 

crater of which was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava 
which excited the cupidity of Fray Bias. The descent was difficult, but 
Indian women managed to pass up and down in obtaining water. With regard 
to the depth of the lake Oviedo remarks: Este lago, mi paresper (6 assi lo 
juzgan otros) estd en el pesso e" hondura que estd el fuego que dixe en el poco 
del momte de Massaya. . .110 le hallan suelo por su mucha hondura. Machuca, 
assisted by his friends, furnished the funds needed for exploring the Desa 

25 The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name of Machuca. 
Squier s Nicaragua (ed. 1856), i. 82. 

20 Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada Ravago, whose narrative 
of the affairs of the province, written in 1572, appears in Squier sMSS., xiii. 4. 

27 According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends with Contreras, 
for speaking of the former he says that one day, while engaged in a game of 
canas in the city of Leon, he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was 
one of those who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco Nunez de Bal- 

\\-\i\\ ir ml "N 

1 > v the 

on to interfere in (1, of i 

HP After t IK ]).: in 1542 of th 

of 1, of which lllent i,)j| v here ]]>; 

is placed under the jurisdiction of i 

of 1 ( oiiih: .ind nil who hoi. I offi 

11 arc ordered to surrender their enc 

Tl thereupon transfers 1 

\vile and children, and i 

at i ;h for Spain, to prevent, if , 

us results to his inl .r in 

most of his fellow-rulers his \\-ealih e ,ilv 

of human ei -Is. Ariivii. the Isthinr 

th. <lviees from Pedi-o de Menda\ i. 

dean of Leon, have hreii Panama i-eeoinnieinl- 

in^ his arrest, and he is compell, d fco 

a prisoner, The ehar n- 

not I natui-e; for although his old oj^K)- 

iient, Las ( ill in Spaii ity 

him, we learn that I; K>n i 

n;^ hoth oi and property he returns in eom- 
with V^asco Nunez vela, landing in : ra i ii, 

in January 1 .") I i. 

Meanwhile Pedro de losRios, 

, -in-law of ( out; u-urped t!. 

go\ erni . nd -onm: 

he 1, to he hostile to his o\Yll pOTtj, Vi 

knowing that he may be the one to suffer i 

the 1. of Ivle.^, detel lllil, lltlel, 

ur proc ; to ( Iranada, win-re h 


. .-UK! <; 


lli.vr. C; XT. AM. VOL. II. 12 


the support of the cabildo, imprisons Rios in the 
convent/ But the following morning the cabildo 
intimidated by the threats of Dona Maria, the gov 
ernor s wife, repent of their conduct and are prevailed 
upon to issue an edict calling upon all the settlers, 
under penalty of death and confiscation, to rise in 
arms and demand the liberation of Rios, or, in case 
of refusal, to tear down the convent. The warlike 
dean is not prepared for this sudden change, but 
nevertheless determines to resist, assuring his adher 
ents that all who may suffer death in this most Chris 
tian cause will surely be admitted into heaven. The 
people throng the convent, and the friars are soon 
engaged in deadly strife, during which two of them, 
together with four laymen, are mortally wounded. 
Unable to withstand the attack, Mendavia at last re 
lents and sues for peace. A compromise is effected, 
by which Rios binds himself not to injure the dean or 
any of his party, either then or at any future time, 
whereupon the treasurer is released. No sooner is he 
outside the convent walls, however, than he forgets 
his promise, and arrests, hangs, quarters, and exiles 
indiscriminately. The dean himself is put in irons 
and sent to Spain, w r here for several years he is 
kept a prisoner without trial. 80 

When the news of these proceedings reached the 
audiencia of Panama, Diego de Pineda was de 
spatched to Nicaragua as juez cle comision, and with 
such tact did he reconcile the disputes between the 
two parties that order was quickly restored, and the 
quarrel between Rios and Mendavia was soon for 
gotten. A few months later Contreras arrived in the 
province, 31 but his secret enemies w^ere still at work, 

29 It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church could imprison a 
royal treasurer, but such is the fact. Le vino a prender. . .pidi6 favor a la 
Ciudad de Granada donde el estava (Rios), lo prendio i meti6 en el monasterio 
de la Merced por ser casa cle piedra. . . .Squier s MSS., xxii. 144. 

30 On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the emperor: Dos anos 
que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta en manos de mis adversaries. Ha 
6 meses que me pusieron en esta carcel arzobispal, and asked to be tried at 
once, and punished or acquitted as the case might be. Squier s MSS., xxii. 148. 

31 It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the return of Contre- 

and of i ,,i the ni-ulv 

iirnria df 1. >nlin< 

] 1 kc 1. lenci M! al><> tli 

treasurer I Ii< Although the 1 . 

tin- governor and 

I Tlral i-i.-tinn, to li; 

nothing <>n \vhirli t> base an 

r <>f o officials, and BOOH al-and in- 

i ion. w 

A 1 riid nimv Mtt T llian Iliat \vhicli \\ d 

death of Uisliop ( )s>ri< and ; of 

I A \ ! \ iio\v arose lu-t\\ . \ be 1 nd o 
tical authoriti In 1.V14 leather Antonio de \ 
divie-so oint.-d t<> tin- vacanl 

His appointmen ie duly conlinuL-d 1- 
l.uill, and in X JM-I- ol ih.- following ; 

(<!. itcd at ( rracias ii ])ios ly li 

tlie c\ ring 

K>me i iitinii into tin- iii MS nolliiir 

\\licu bishop Valdivieso i:i one of hi.s 1 ttci-s 

I ; d . Lnifl de < In In 

l.y him ; 

/>.<. , \ \ M. I I P|>- 1<>. 

w One Pedro < .in a o innn n t<> \ \ 

Janu.ii-y In, I mpl ii; 

<! < . i licdi. i Lii . JITri :.i. h.-i iid< 

J/> s I wlu-:. in inn 1 tlt-ni. 

J Kt-iit li:i-k to Lto;i t 

;<lit nci;i ijuc ii" 

. / L > ;iinl < iii-il> a- 1 . \. 


nml the Antonio <\<- Valdi^ ieao and < 

a 1 )<)ininican in tin* coiivrnt of was 

an inin.-ttr \s \\< I him 

117: / 
lil. \ i. 

i, 1-ut J:i"S v...i.,M lid l.; ; 
him a ] ;.ain hal . Mivu-s 

M rnli i 

ka: Po 1 1 
la t M. ]: imppt 

.is ai>]> int-.l in ! 


teaga, " 

\\li- i 

!.",! I, ;.n,l. : i. Ktmtwl, li 


of Chiapas, Marroquin of Guatemala, and Peclraza of 
Honduras. The prelate, who professed to be an 
enthusiastic admirer of the great apostle of the 
Indies, insisted that the new code should be enforced, 
and spared no effort to rescue the natives from 
bondage, incurring by his policy such determined 
opposition from the governor and his officials that he 
deemed it best for his own personal safety to take up 
his residence at Granada rather than at Leon. 

From the day of Valdivieso s arrival to the down 
fall of the governor some three years later, the history 
of the province contains little else than a series of 
mutual recriminations and intrigues. The colonists 


with a few exceptions favored the cause of the gov 
ernor, declaring that "they wanted no prelate except 
to say mass, and preach to suit their fancy;" and when 
the bishop threatened to establish an inquisition in 
Nicaragua he was menaced with assassination. 34 

The complaints against Contreras appear to have 
been due mainly to the jealousy and self-interested 
motives of the ecclesiastical faction. His conduct had 
borne the scrutiny of the inquisition and of the audi- 
encia. Notwithstanding the provisions of the new 
code he had been allowed to retain his encomiendas. 
Even his enemies could not accuse him of maltreating 
his slaves. It was not to be expected that he should 
surrender to the bishop the power and property which 
higher authority had permitted him to retain; and yet 
this seems to have been his chief cause of offence. 
Though Valdivieso and the Dominican friars were 
loud in their denunciations of those who held the 
natives in bondage, they were themselves by no 

34 Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i en entrando en elle me 
embiaron a decir que si entendia en cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me 
darian de pufialadas. Squicr s MSS. , xxii. 146. On another occasion, when 
President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada preparing an 
expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to officiate in church because a person 
wr.s present whom he had excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez vised insult 
ing language, causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso s conduct 
caused, such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the street and threat 
ened to hang him. 

CO 181 

1 milling ] /in slav 

j-rop in 

"Niea: i, ;ii)d when tl; ^lii of c 

taken from them hy tl ;idiencia of 

nod to leave the provh . md c 
eir clam< r until their pn>j 
tin-in K\on the incmher> of the audiencia, w\ 

eial duty it w. ciiiurcc tin- ob& 
v laws, had caused 1 b< :jiic of A 

\vlio liad ivudrivd assistance t the Spani 

litioiis ast J^a-an<!<.ii and J rxul 

[>irit { il]. cod r J*Ii- j resident and 
n wi-ni so far a- to expl iln-ir ojiinion tli 

tin. Jndians under cnntrd of the jri in 

for tin- <T<)\VU was a nn mea 

constituted tlic pi-iiK-i;.;.! source <! iili 

tin idit tin- |)i-o\ i and without, slav r tin- 

co] ba would soon he rcdiict d to be y. 
HM\V th ;c privation and 

times th; ncd with actual i ainii Tl: 

collected from th hich h 1 Ibyrightto 

1 his oi n;_ r 

th -titulc l)iit was i uimd utterly in;. 

i for their maintenance 

The m. erioufi accusatinn ! ( 1 i>n- 

hut one that i on i 

,t he appropriated the est 

" their wives and children d< -tin, 

I his family 
than one third of the province, and that the B 

and territory of the entire di 

foi-inei lv divided anioiiiT iiuli- 

vi -, had ] ! into the hand- of h! 

ail ;rd even laid t hi- charge that he had 

B d 


so lo dcjamos. TcuUi 


polled the settlers to take part in enterprises which 
he himself had in fact only been led to sanction by 
the clamor of the colonists or the urgency of the 
occasion, as was the case in the exploration of the 
Desaguadero and the expeditions against the forces 
of Doctor Robles. 36 

Meanwhile the oidor, Herrera, was sparing no effort 
to insure the governor s downfall, and with that pur 
pose sent private reports to the emperor and the 
council of the Indies. In one of these 37 he recom 
mended that no one should be allowed to rule who 
possessed Indians, either in his own name or that of 
his wife, children, or servants, and that the govern 
ment be vested in the hands of a person whose duty 
it should be to visit, at frequent intervals, every set 
tlement in the province. He also recommended that 
the children of the caciques should be placed in con 
vents, there to be trained in the Christian faith, and 
that the adult Indians should remain in their towns 
for the same purpose. 88 In short his object, like that 
of Valdivieso, whose cause he never ceased to advocate, 
was to place the entire native population under the 
absolute control of the ecclesiastics. 

In the beginning of the year 1547 the bishop 
removed to Leon, and no sooner had he done so than 
the cabildo reported to the emperor "the great trouble 
they had in defending the royal jurisdiction on account 
of the opposition of the bishop, who insulted and 
maltreated the officers of justice, and held the laws 
in contempt." 89 It was even thought necessary to 
send to Spain one Antonio Zdrate to advocate their 

30 Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de Contreras, porque 
siendo gouernador de aquella provincial, salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacioii 
con gente de pie y de cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero, 
y otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excesses, assi contra Caste- 
llanos, como contra Indios. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi. 

37 Dated at Gracias a Dios, December 24, 1543. Squier s HISS., xxii. 128. 

38 Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He desired for himself 
the office of ruler, and it was fortunate for the province that he did not obtain 
it; for when in 1548 his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was 
proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues. 

39 Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. Squler s MSS., xxii. 40. 

Ti 183 

. whereupon Y-il<li in<-il 

of i be In<Ii< me i bree \ mmuni 

lion iii which In- accused him of being a i 


criminal, in order t<> desl roy bis mflu< 

J I< "p T 

am;i, informing him of 7A\ purp> .m- 

mending his arrest. The en mi-d 

(lan^-i-r, and mai make ^ ait 

it is not recorded that he i Ail in mpli 

in^ thu ohject of hi- mi ion. 

The simple whicli Contreras liad so Ion--- main- 

oo o 

the machinatio! 

dra\vin an cud. In UK- iiiin^ of tli 

1 548, the licentiate Alonso Loj>ry, <! ., fur: 

president of the audiencia in E^spanola, and D a}>- 

jio mtcd to tliat o! tlie Conlincs, ai-rivrd a1 ( 
J)i One of his lirst acts wa^ to fcake ti 
of the governor, wliereiipon iindin^ that the i 
f< r of his enconiiendas had !>< n i r tin- j 

;e ot th<- new code, tliou^li bei publication in 

the province, " lir diM-iaivd them con! 

treraa at once ivpaii-cd to Spain to seek 

for BOme time alter his departure his enemi 

ostant dread lest he should ] ahisauthoi .n<l 
ret urn to take vengeance on hi TL 

and regidores of Leon, having no\ with 

tin- bishop, nrdrivd llieir s v to pivpar lisl 

itiol! drp I 

16 of their nnmher liad the com 
each iffici -n-in^ that liis si- iiatinv mi-ht 
cost him his li J r wa en r d th 

tire family <! the fallen ruler he recalled to Spain, 

for of] n- Hernando and Pedro it was e 

ihev ha<l commit bed many i =n<l of hi \ in- 

law. Alias ( ion/alo, the al;., 

a 1)111)1 . mhliii"--h()ii> . 1 inallv i 

o *i 


; pobliflhed in Xi.-ar.-i r ua in 
41 This report 

ace. int-il tluT.-in of those already mei. 

\.\ii. JS-JOO. 


oidor was confirmed by the council of the Indies, and 
Roclrigo de Contreras returned no more to Nicaragua. 42 
His children, however, still remained in the province, 
soon to figure as the leaders of a revolt which threat 
ened, for a time, the very existence of Spain s do 
minion in the western world. 

Although the ecclesiastics were held in little respect 
by a majority of the Spaniards, there is sufficient 
evidence that they labored faithfully in their calling. 
When Fray Toribio de Motolinia came from Guate 
mala, in the year 1528, to join certain Flemish friars 
then resident in Nicaragua, he founded at Granada 
the convent of Concepcion, 43 and having a knowl 
edge of the native lansfuasfe, was successful in his 

o * o * 

efforts, giving special care to the baptism and conver 
sion of children. His stay was of short duration ; but 
by others the work of christianizing the natives was 
continued with vigor. Gil Gonzalez is said to have 
baptized thirty-two thousand. 44 Hernandez and Sal- 
cedo also baptized large numbers. Pedrarias, inasmuch 
as this great work had been accomplished without 
his intervention, affected contempt for such summary 
methods of conversion, and ordered an investigation to 
be made by Francisco de Bobadilla, a friar provincial 
of the order of Mercy, and by the public notary Bar- 
tolome Perez. Diligent search was made by these 
officials, but it was found that the barbarians had either 
forgotten or never understood the truths of Christi 
anity, and Bobadilla was obliged to perform this holy 

*- He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing further is recorded 
of him until that year, when we hear of him as serving in Peru. He finally 
appears in the act of swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of 
July 1557. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Jndias, 742. 

43 This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans, as the Flemish 
friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in company with Fray Marcos de Xiza 
to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra Firme, Espanola, and Mexico. Vazquez, Chron. 
Gvat., 21-2. Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that 
came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he labored in company 
with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place and date of his death are unknown. 
Notas, Datos, Bioy., in Cartas de Indias, 762. 

44 Gonzalez Ddvila, in Teatro Ecles., i, 233. 

T!,i rbaj 

an in t! rovince 

duriii t nine <!,, and later, ! 

ptember 1 538 and 
fifty-two thousand live hundr> ad fiffc; 

baptized, though , ; l>y n ild 

they !< ealled converted." 

( )n 11 til of An >. I leriKindo de Al\. 

: 1 1-Yay Juan de 1 adill; da 

Solltll Sea l>y way of ( !< >i!>,i. ; and 

.\\lu-rr wc-ll n d. \\ "ln-ii CI d 

th ivc-s ado ]])(([ them with r<>s nd hmu^ht 

oilrri >f whatever t hey v,-du<-d m< 

l i\-jy Lorenzo de 1 ^ nvi-ni<l;i and thii 
It-It Yuraiim i or tin; jiroviin-c ot ( 
rontinnc th(^ work >i c ion in th>- j-i 

many may have fallen victims t<> their pim; d. I 

; ion th(5 sad fate <f the martyr 1 
PizaiT AVhile lahorin^ in one of the n. ivm. 

di.- a of Nicaragua, he \\ . d 1>\- dnmL 

dnriiiLT tin; <-elehratioii ol 

dr;i I over the rocks, 1" I till he was almost 1: 
. iiid then han-vd; his mu; 

rk ly burning (Town a church which he had 
own e.\[M 

During the infernal dissensions which have ju 

I, hands of hostile India: m- 

o]"jiortunity v. inually conimi 

depredations on the l>ord md . 

* !! 

H; in M,-^. 

, no e pueden 
ai ;0. 

<c named Xuee 

a 7\n, 


ing those of the natives who were at peace with 
the Spaniards, the cacique Lacandon being especially 
troublesome and refusing all overtures of peace. No 
progress could be made in forming new settlements 
or improving the condition of those already estab 
lished. After the explorations conducted by Captain 
Machuca, we read of no important enterprise until the 
year of the governor s departure. In 1548 the con- 
tador Diego de Castaneda organized an expedition for 
the conquest of the district of Tegucigalpa. 48 Through 
the treachery of the guides, his men were led into 
marshy arid difficult ground, where they soon found 
themselves surrounded by hordes of savages. Re 
pelling their attacks with much difficulty they made 
their way to the Desaguadero, and passing down that 
channel in barges landed on the shores of Costa Hica, 
where they founded the settlement of Nueva Jaen. 4 

48 Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo Davila, who accompanied the expe 

49 In this chapter there have been consulted various documents in Pacheco 
and Cardenas, Col Doc., i. 536, 563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 110-46; Cartas 
de.Indias, 710, 762, 775; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 36, 742, 857; 
Col. Doc. Incd., xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; 1. 116; Squier s MSS., xiii. 3, 4; 
xxii. 34-149; Oviedo, iii. 176-9; iv. 76-92, 112-15; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. 
cap. ix.; lib. ix. cap. xv. ; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.; dec. vi. 
lib. i. cap. viii. ; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v. ; dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix. ; Itcmesal, 
JJlst. Chyapa, 105-7, 193-9, 203-6; Andacjoya, Nar., 39; Vega, Hist. Descub. 
Am., ii. 244-6; Gonzalez Ddvila, Tcatro Edes., i. 234-5; Coyoltvdo, Hist. 
Yucathan, 345; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 252; Juarros, Guat., i. 49; MoreHi, 
Fasti Novl Orbis, 112; Benzoni, Hist. Hondo Nvovo, 105; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., 
i. 135; Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 347; Kerr s Col. Voy., v. 175; Levy s 
NIC., 67-73; Squier s States Cent. Am., i. 82. 





lh I \ir\i:\<:r.\ -Ti: 

:: Tin; Kio S \x Jr.\ : 

XATI\ MI.N JM.SKKT A - ;. TJ.MI:- ! 


Tin, PAKTY i.i-T-II. :;UK 


\TH Nnr.i.i: ( r OF ] , i-K Coco; 

MAl;i][ INTO THE I.MliKloK TllKIK . v , 

AR] OTIIK.. . iv- 


BETWEEN the l\i<> S;m Juan an-1 the ]m>vincv <f 
V( : ;;i l;iy a tci ir< ry w] I ;m<l - -ly 

oded sui-l-ifc had hitherto |>n\. t 

Sjiani.-li roiKjiiiist and coloni, :i. C- ! or 

Nil* \a Cartage, l>y both of whic.-h n; ion 

9 known, 1 yi-t ivmainol alii; i terra in- to 

prans. J hiring his la . in th- r 1 ."> 

< lumlms liad touched 1 p .ini its north 

ern shore. At the Golfo ])ul--. on s<m: 

ist, it \vill !>< remembered that (iil Gon 

liis hand wen- o-lad 1<> lind shelter in tlir i 

rni and ilood.- Vague ivj.orts of a s iiu-nt 

1 It is inc clir- iiifh-rs time of ( 

mainland \v.-is . 


<lr<l in strea: 

<\ Set- 

ducU of t 

., i. 4^1 .">, this scrica, 

( 187) 



named Cartago, founded early in the sixteenth cen 
tury by some band of roaming adventurers, are men 
tioned in several of the early chroniclers; but when 
and by whom it was established, is a question 3 on 
which there is no conclusive evidence. 

The exploration of the Rio San Juan, which had 
opened up a passage from the North Sea into the very 
heart of Nicaragua, awakened a more eager desire to 
possess this unknown region; and to the pride of con 
quest and discovery was added the all-pervading 



v^ ^>* ^ ^Vv^^PI^Si^ 


COSTA RICA, 1545. 

passion of the Spaniard, for it \vas believed that the 
armies of the great Montezuma had invaded the terri 
tory from a distance of more than six hundred leagues, 

3 1 am inclined to believe that the original founders of Cartago were set 
tlers from the colony established by Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba at Bru- 
selas, on the gulf of Nicoya in 1524, and abandoned three years later by order 
of Salcedo (see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 512, this series); more particularly as its 
first site was known to have been close to the harbor of Caldera, and therefore 
not far from the landing-place of Cordoba. It was next removed to a spot 
near the Rio Taras, and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by 
some that Cartago was the first city established in what was formerly called 
the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this statement, basing his asser 
tion on a report made in 1744 by Jose de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis 

and had 1 lit thence n 
In L540 1) ;i ci; 

l>;-other t<> \-\ lip,- ( rutiem !)<> five y< 
coin! ! the ill-fai ion t., \ 

ajl>>int<-d ernor f lliis provin : 

I forth nil ;m \\hirh \ 

to prove even more than tin- on 

l>v lii - kinsman. 

< rutierrez ]: 1 first to IN; afiola, \ 

rai-ed a eompany <>f ahout t\vo hundred men at 
llu-iKv i or ,Iainai<-i, 1 ! M base i})}>li 
onies <>! Tit-i-i-a Mi-nn-. Here a mutiny 1- out 

anion^ liis men, tlir 1 ..f nil liis i n-v 

si. Arriving at Nombre de Dios he fell . ml 

\vliilr lyiu;^ at llu- jioint of death liis men 
and crossing over t<> Panama look sliij) I oi- \\-r\\. 
]\<- ring from liis il!i : . he I -und liimsclf \\ 
but five men and alm it means. He gathered 

courage. ]io\ i-, and lit; mall 

for the Rio San Juan, and so made his way tot] 

of Granada. Falling in with one .R-, a siic-e>>lul 

ITO. I\cfcn-ing to r continues : It appears 

lirt ] hat the 

:;H _ . I 


t!ic nil. ill rn I 
i further vhcn he .- 
I .jiKitri 

nlloil ; import. 

b lt lii 


1 }>y the fact that I : (as his r.: 

not a 

! ::i.-ly. in \.~>~~<. / 

>.">. .Molina, ii 

.Il lnl 
:<\ CM] Tiller ; I in reir. inl t> Coluilil 

V.I i. iiii. 


is 6: , the \> 


.-I th;i" 
In . vii. lii i. i\ 

inasinu ;onc of 


adventurer from Peru, he succeeded in borrowing from 
him three thousand castellanos with which he hoped 
to retrieve his fortunes. 

Gutierrez now endeavored to enlist men in Nicara 
gua, but disputes between himself and Rodrigo de 
Contreras, the governor of that province, caused a 
further delay of tw^o years. Contreras declared that 
his province extended to the border of Veragua and 
that there was no intervening territory for Gutierrez 
to colonize. Gutierrez on the other hand affirmed 
that the boundaries of Veragua and Castilla del Oro 
had been placed far south of those originally appointed, 
and that in consequence there existed a large domain 
of which he was appointed governor by a charter 
granted to him from the crown. Though the limits 4 
of Costa Rica as set forth in this document were 
somewhat indefinite, Contreras at length admitted 
that his opponent was duly authorized to take posses 
sion of the newly created province. He then endeav 
ored to dissuade him from his purpose, representing 
the country as rugged and his scheme as foolhardy 
and dangerous. "But if you persist in the occupa 
tion of that territory, take my advice," he said, 
"and keep one hundred well armed men upon the 
sea-shore, always ready to forage, sometimes in one 
direction and sometimes in another, for the people 

4 The first boundaries appointed for the province are those mentioned in 
the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein 
they are described as extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of 
Veragua, running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande), provided 
that the coast adjoining said river on the side of Honduras should remain 
under the government of Honduras, with power to Gutierrez to conquer and 
settle any island in said river which should not be previously located by 
Spaniards; and the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages of 
said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not approach to within 15 
leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua, because this territory of 15 leagues being 
reserved, as well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the govern 
ment of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries both in that part of the 
river granted to Gutierrez and in the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake, 
should be possessed in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nica 
ragua. Molina, Costa 7?. and Nic. , 7. The author claims to possess a certified 
copy of unpublished documents stored in the archives of Spain, in which he 
states the conditions of the charter granted to Gutierrez. See also Oviedo, 
iii. 170, and Levy s Nic., C7-73. 


;m<l in tlii v onl 

i< > 

r n. 

law. hut it M -ueh al< 1-ad 

sue . .Hid the ewnt proved that i ! nd a 

politie. Iii a lof- : u that ill c <1 wiili 1 

bure conduct Gutierrez replied: "Tl mm- 

nl province v, I upon ni<- l.y tin- 

that I Illicit people and not pillage ! if 

D a<h to I trust in (i 

that to nif it may he more propitioua" Ii was 6 

doctrine, but doctrin* would Dot win. ( 

a force of H\ V men, h< with t 

ir the mouth of the KM Sun 1 - 

iidii!"- the liver f -r ahoiit three 1- ; 

O C3 

the ] came in sight <>f e deserted 

tli- ieani])in ( ^, were \ h< 

;<M to the value 11 hundred 

and i I in return some i 

;nk-t<, and an earnesi exhortation t<> j- 

the true faith. The native rli n-ftain- 
\vitli th< it- visit, and on returniii _ nt 

ii.-h, and the dried il f \vild I 

A gleam of BUCO ; hus at \\r>i { 

Inni/ation, hut he \ Doi 

.vliieh nied id: !le 

in tin- attempts of the Sjiau: d-li>h 

in the Xc-w World. 1 1 
I purji hut irascihl. 1 sin 

r of eonti-ol. A 
Tin; d: a: aihiv d- i tiofl tl; 

]Ji fn.m hun--er and t ! 

} i life, they ahandolied the 

5 It is st 




away to the sea- shore, where they fell in with two 
vessels from Nombre de Dios and so made their way 
back to Nicaragua. 

Left with only six followers, 8 his nephew Alonso de 
Pisa, one sailor, and four servants, Gutierrez had no 
alternative but to follow his recreant band. Digging 
a hole in the earth, he buried there several jars of 
salt, honey, and other stores not needed for his voy 
age, and embarking in a small river-boat descended 
to the sea. Soon he descried approaching the mouth 
of the river a brigantine, which proved to be in com 
mand of one Captain Bariento, with men, arms, am 
munition, and provisions from Nicaragua. Thereupon 
he turned back, conducted the vessel to his settle 
ment, and handing to his nephew all the gold that 
had been collected, amounting to eight hundred cas- 
tellanos, bade him return with the ship to Nombre 
de Dios and there purchase arms and procure re 
cruits. Girolomo Benzoni, the Italian chronicler of 
the New World, was at Nombre de Dios when Cap 
tain Pisa arrived early in 1545, and being, as he 
says, young and strong, filled with high aspirations, 
and desirous of enriching himself, he determined to 
return with the vessel to Nueva Cartago. 9 Other 
adventurers, lured by the promise of wealth, deter 
mined to join the expedition, and soon twenty-seven 
men were pledged for the new colony. 

On the return voyage the brigantine encountered 
a gale near the entrance of the river and was driven 
to the islands of Zorobaro, a short distance from the 
coast. There they remained for seventy-two days, 

8 E despues que alii estuvo un auo 6 mas, porque faltaron los bastimen- 
tos, se le amptin6 la gente 6 se le tornaron a Nicaragua ; 6 este gobernador 
se quedo con seys hombres solos . . . Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo 6 
con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales de les dar de 
comer 6 oro, sin hacer mal ni daiio d ninguno de los nuestros. Oviedo, iii. 180. 

9 ; E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in questa Citt& volsi csser 
vno di que gli, ancora ch io fussi ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era 
andato nella prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per ispatio 
di quindici amii, dicentlomi, che in modo alcuno, mi lasciassi vincere di andare 
a tale impresa, e die non volesse dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano. 
Benzom, Mondo Nvovo, 84-5. 


i mins, i <>f tl: 

: killed ley 1 Such was tin- 1.1.-. of 

hat. during all tliis time i did 

:ir hours of sun-hiii 

hoi c mi the mainland dii pr- 

l)ii nvh midst nd 

untain, dnrin-- which time h< d Ol dls 

and berries, he r.-turned empty-handed FinalK 

heir way to tin- ncampmcnt of (Iuti< 
who, lieini; determined at all lia/.ard to people his 

ritory, immediately sent the ship lia- 
d 1 )in- I . .1- nmre recruil :i ri l - to t 

amount of ! n liumlrrtl llaiu r J lie nnm! 

ly increased to eighty m 

r riius r-- ; uforco(l he ! <>t hi> |>i nv- 

in< With foui- canoed ho ascended the 1 
and after uiakii distance of ahnnt ten 1 

landed at an Indian vill uli n-li I the 

of San Francisco in honor of the saint on wh< 
natal day the spot was reached. I leiv the j -irty 

waa met l>y c n eaciiiues, who ln-mi^ht ] 
<f fruit but no gold. The governor received them 
kindly, informing them throi r thai 

rs had in their JM> rel which v. 

nf the utmo thai they had oome a 

nd sonic of them for no other purj ihan 
rev< a! it. In return for thi C hri.Miaiis m 

have o-old. 

r rhc chiefs re then invited to a be \ 

consisting of f,\\l ami jM.i-k : hut d httl. 

relish for Mich fond, and merely hand- d it 

to their ndants to le . After the 

n exho .n in \vhi 

ms hai-an^ued h 

id hrothers, I am c> hither to f; 

m the chains of i<l>la ly wliich tin 
l>onn<l. I am com 

uh l (In-i-t. the 

HIST, i :., VOL. II. 


save you. With me I have brought holy men to 
teach you this faith, which to accept, and implicitly 
to obey our sovereign emperor Charles V., king of 
Spain and monarch of the world, and us his represent 
atives, comprises your whole duty." To these words 
the chieftains bowed their heads, but without making 


answer, neither assenting to nor rejecting the munifi 
cent and disinterested offer of the Christians, who for 
a little yellow earthly metal gave in return the ineffable 
joys of heaven. 

Nevertheless, the savages were slow to bring in 
their gold, and the governor, forgetting the lofty sen 
timents with which he had regaled Contreras prior to 
his departure from Nicaragua, looked about him for 
some means by which to enforce his injunctions. 
Being informed that two of the caciques, named Ca- 
machire and Cocori, 10 who had before presented him 
with treasure to the value of seven hundred ducats, 
were now encamped on the opposite side of the river, 
he summoned them into his presence, at the same 
time pledging his word for their safety. Reluctantly 
the chieftains came, and no sooner had they placed 
themselves in the power of the Spaniards than Guti 
errez ordered a strong iron collar to be fastened round 
their necks, and chaining them to a beam in his dwell 
ing, taxed them with stealing the buried jars of salt 
and honey, and demanded restitution, or, as an equiva 
lent, a large amount of gold. They answered that 
they knew nothing of the matter, and had no need to 

tj O 

pilfer articles of which they possessed an abundant 
store. Camachire procured gold to the value of two 
thousand ducats, which was greedily appropriated by 
the governor, but served only to whet his appetite. 
In place of thanks, baptism, and restoration to liberty, 
the cacique was dragged before a burning fire ; a large 
basket was placed beside him, and he was told that 

10 Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: E cada dia traian oro 
al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna espiriencia, prendio a uno 
de aquellos caciques, que estaban. de paz, que se decia el Cama (cl qual era 
muy rico), porque no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia. iii. 180. 


iliin lour (I, ,ld < nou^-li 

iill it six times be should be bun. :h. n T! 

i;iblin<_r native pnmi>ed m\\> . 

Ills sl;i to collect the I I 

Jndian to be t ;m<[ believing him 

comply in i^od faith with d, Guti 

milted him to be led every day tot 

J his daily h;dif. J It -t ui iiin-- on o 
in tli- liatli, tin- soldier having t he captive in dial 
;lected |o SeCUTC liiin pl o[" and tl 

ni- ht he made hi- 68Ca] 

Cocori, who i-ciiuiim-d ;t ]ii-iM(.T, had i 

tr the brunt of the g . ATtei- liein-^ 

quently importuned lor ^:ld, \vhich lir ahvays 

clarc<l himself unable to ohtain, 

spot \\-hci-e blood-hounds were chained; bid to ob 

\\ell their lin^e teeth and !_deaiiihi<_ ;id t! 

cued that unless ^old were soon 1 >rihe ( ,iiiiii-- beshoi 

he torn and devoured by tl, 

dithe indignation of th<- cliiel tain unc ; 

ir. "You lie. bad Christians." he 

en have you made the same threat and y t I li\ 

I would rather die than liye in bondage ainon-_r 

such vipers which I e |y wonder how 
:r." r I1ie noble iiatr. 
i pad; animal. Thus did Die^o Gut 
iil hi pn imise to people th, an<l i o pil- 

la-v it. 

It was soon noUed abroad that the ho 

1 brought to the shores < 

of i he M-ospel v, to be dreaded t! 

the evil spirits which they had COB 

the iiei_rlil)orii tciques, fearinj k th 

iards, laid waste their own land-. d> I tl. 

11 I:i i 


crops, burned their dwellings and withdrew to the 
mountains, until starvation should compel the intruders 
to abandon the territory. The governor soon found 
himself in evil plight; moreover he possessed a tem 
perament singularly adapted to inspire distrust, dis 
content, and melancholy among his followers. Again 
they threatened to desert him arid return to Nombre 
de Dios or Nicaragua, leaving him in sole possession 
of the boundless forests, sole ruler over naked and 
hostile natives. He had but one alternative to push 
on boldly into the heart of the province in the hope 
of finding gold or at least a store of provisions. After 
some persuasion the men agreed to accompany him. 
The sick and disabled were sent back to the sea-shore, 
where Alonso de Pisa was stationed with twenty-four 
men, bearing orders that he should march through the 
forest along a track which would be designated by 
placing crosses along the route. Dividing a scanty 
stock of grain among his soldiers, now mustering but 
forty capable of bearing arms, Gutierrez plunged 
blindly into the wilderness. 

On setting out upon this hazardous raid, Benzoni, 
who affirms that he realized fully the situation, re 
marked to a comrade, "We are going to the shambles." 
Whereupon the other, a man of more sanguine tem 
perament, made answer: "Thou art one of those who, 
we intend, shalt have a principality in spite of thy 
self/ 12 For six davs no human habitation was seen. 


Through dense woods they journeyed, climbing the 
mountain sides by clinging to the roots of trees, and 
making the descent by sliding down their steep de 
clivities. Leaves were their chief food, and some half- 
picked bones, which the wild beasts had abandoned, 
furnished them a rich repast. 

The temper of the governor was no more happy 

12 Et cosi partissimo, e & pena die fussimo saliti dalle case, io indiuinai 
qnello c haueua da essere cli noi altri, clicendo a vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo 
alia beccheria; e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di quegli, 
clie gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo dispetto. Benzoni, 
Mondo Nvovo, 89. 


than his sir Yrrivin 

divided. ( rutiero a of an I 

train which r. 

some native \ i! <>! which 

He replied that In- did not know; wheiviip, ,n t 

ernor taking it lor granted that tl)> 

1 his head to ! f l,y 

TJi me question was then put to ( 

\ vd tlie Spaniard- of lnrd< 

same reply was made. Ajjfuin t niel 
the order to kill. As tl r appr. d 

him the In-,-: [ue instantly laid down his hurd 

\\vd liead, and calmly it-d 

\v. ly ih - iiohlc ! [ th 

and his own infamous condtiei itierrez coiinl 

nian<ie<l th r>rdci-, and tlic chieftain s 111 -- v 
I nrthcr misery. OH the ^j.ot wh( re tl 

occurred thi .Idit-rs w- d fix>m exh 

I, whilu lli nipaiiy advanced. 

Boon afterward E - ! by the Indians. r i i 

re now killed and their < !i\id 

n, the- governor iviV, 

more \vhole-ome viands \ 
IT his own usr. 11 

l>ut the c; < of Diego Gut; .h 

: so a(T ri tluif n and 

In- \\i-rr lil . lirin.L, th- ^" . 

tutti n< iu pun 

_;;,, [,, 

con ; Idle su 1 ; si :r 

i jv 

.1 iiiin n. .th:: 
11 ! 

UD an. I cat ol 
inc l, 
with i: 

: he had t. 

a tr- 


closed. The party was now upon the southern slope 
of the cordillera, on the banks of a large stream which 
flows into the South Sea 15 and the time was July 1545. 
A small band of disaffected men miserably clad, and 
destitute of food, had thus wandered far into the in 
terior of a wilderness. Whither were they bound, and 
what the insane hope that urged them forward? Gu 
tierrez who had been twice abandoned by his soldiers, 
was now resolved that these men whom he had brought 


with so much labor and expense from Nicaragua and 
Nombre de Dios should not escape him. Alarmed by 
their loud murmuring at the place ca]led San Fran 
cisco, he had hastily departed, cutting off, as many 
other Spanish leaders had done before him, all hope 
of ever returning except as a successful man. Could 
he have pilfered from the natives and thereby obtained 
food and gold, thus keeping his men in heart until the 
arrival of Alonso de Pisa, all would have been well. 
But until reaching the southern declivity of the moun 
tains the country was everywhere deserted. So rugged 
had been their path, and so toilsome their march, that 
they were now exhausted, and the natives whom be 
fore they had so much longed to meet and make their 
prey were now congregating to prey upon them. 

A day or two later the Spaniards were approach 
ing the vero-e of a forest. An Indian hidden behind 

the trees to watch their movements was observed 

running off at full speed to give the alarm. Next 
morning at daybreak they were attacked by a horde 
of natives who "advanced," as Benzoni relates, "with 
horrid howls and screams and noises with the buc- 
cinus shells and drums all painted red and black, 
adorned with feathers, and golden trinkets round 
their necks." "In one half of a quarter of an hour," 
continues the chronicler, "during which we killed and 

* o 

wounded a great many Indians, we made them turn 
their shoulders." 16 They soon returned, however, and 

15 The Rio Grande. 

10 Et hauendo combatttito dall vna parte, e dalP altra per ispatio di mezo 
quarto d liora, e hauendo noi altri ammazzato, e ferito molti Indian!, e alia fine 

Th 5 pania ..11 

jiii -kly l)ut 

six v, -lain. ( !ly uonndr 1, a 

liis li.-ad, hands, and i rrt \ 

his hody and hon. llir the r< 

which he- had prop .-.<[ t, siihju. 

I : :nnl)l-d upon Hi i- 

hnt lor which circumstance no hi- of 1 

X<-\v World \vuuld i produced ly h 

11 l- r," "1 he stonrx iVnin tin- sa\ !! 

upon it with Mirh force tliat it look j if it h 
liannnrivd 1)\- a smith." After hair-1 

"ii which tin- hi>f >riaii l "in!ly lin 
d ti wiili his ii\v conn l.y i 

an-ival of Aln>o d- Pi . and 

ni-ut and day the Mirvivors niad.- tlidr \\ ay ! 1 . 

San Juan, ami th nharked 

fatf [tare le spaHe. /. " >ntanns states 

atire la:;lr . 

: tlorh, nn-t vrrs. 

be swaei 

i harsi SS. 

; the g 

:;ial s*u person ic amlalia tullido dc gota 6 


ron l >s in-l; .1 those 

H< ; that t were 8urpris 

c slain, s< escape, 

:!)! that ! h:nl so 1 1. iii. Lsl. 

! < elapsi ecn 

; t his i coDoeri 


;>t tha: 

-fHiu-is i lijni>< 

that u> tli<- ]> tlic c 

: >lc, aii l took jilua.sun: in 

to nit- ami never \\oiil-l \ 

1 of t . ainl I can 1 

i OS tO t 

M^O in 
L He i * to 

i >r aca 

> o niii dosagobi s cnscficn a roba: 

seqi; .-sto vi; 


pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el contrario de las 
palabras. iii. 178. 

Other authorities quoted in this chapter are Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. 
xvii.; Denzoni, Hondo Nvovo, lib.ii. 83-92; Bejarano, Inform?; Haya, Inform?; 

StaCruz, Visita Apost., MS., 14; Rdchardt, Cent. Am., Ill, 112; Salv., Diar. 
Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876, C18. 

The time of Diego Gutierrez fight with the Indians and death, as given 
by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official manuscript extant that places it in 
December 1544. It is the investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the 
25th of June, 1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy of 
it. Peralta s autograph note in Peralta, llio San Juan, 9. 





1 ..i\VN 111. I. \NIS AT 1 

\-Hls A i .8 FOB 



vnniTii WHII.I: Ar. ivr. I > IIi-:v. 

. I>oV.\L Ills 1 >LI.U:HT IN Kl.oul.~HL]> L..K ITS o\VN SvKL - 1 Hi; KE8T- 


OF tlie c-vciits in riuairni;il;i during the thrc( rs 

su<- .iu^ tli arrival of ]\la]<l< 

IH c So!!K \vliat silcllt. Jll 8 1* to tl; 

dated 1 tnber 10, L 537, the viceroy Mendoz 

that IK- Lad received from the oidor a report \vh 

the province is i I...- at j>- 

condition, and that other accounts 1 
ch- (1 him represent!: intry to he well ^ 

iied. ]f this wc-re so Maldonados cha soon 

cl;a!iu d i>r the worse, for later we shall lind in him 
much to his discredit. 

i.irlyin 1338 a royal decree w, rived in 1 

y of Santiago, ordering that all who held i-ncumi. 
to marry within three y. -m the d 

of their n t i(icatin, or to lori .-it their Indians in 
! married person This order met with | 

Cot. D law was BOOL 

. !_ , ! uiul Novembers, 

13 to n in tlii was to be at 

fcri i luduui>, ui. 

I Ml] 


approval, and the cabildo petitioned the king to re 
consider the matter. Eligible women, they said, could 
be found only in the city of Mexico, so remote from 
the province of Guatemala that the expense of the 
journey was beyond the means of most colonists. 
Many declined to marry because they would not link 
themselves with persons socially their inferiors, 2 while 
the small number of Indians assigned to some would 
prevent their supporting a family. 

On his return from Spain in the following year 
Alvarado reports to the cabildo that, in company 
with his wife, come twenty maidens, well bred, the 
daughters of gentlemen of good lineage, and he ex 
presses confidence that none of this merchandise will 
remain on his hands. But the venture does not meet 
with the success the adelantado anticipated. At one 
of the entertainments given in honor of his arrival, 
and at which, relates Vega, 3 many of the conquista 
dor es were present, these damsels, who, concealed 
behind a screen in an adjoining apartment, were wit 
nessing the festivities, commented on the appearance 
of their prospective husbands in the most disparaging 
terms. " They say," remarked one to her compan 
ions, "that these are to be our husbands." "What! 
marry those old fellows?" was the reply. " Let those 
wed them who choose; I will not; the devil take them! 
One would think by the way they are cut up that they 
just escaped from the infernal regions; for some are 
lame, some with but one hand, others without ears, 
others with only one eye, others with half their face 
gone, and the best of them have one or two cuts across 
the forehead." " We are not to marry them for their 
good looks," said a third, "but for the purpose of 
inheriting their Indians ; for they are so old and worn 
out that they will soon die, and then we can choose 
in place of these old men young fellows to our tastes, 

2 Y otros que antique haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos est^n en edad que 
todavia se sufra casarse, no las querran por las enfermedades contagiosas que 
de la tierra se han pegado. Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14. 

3 Commentaries lleales t it 58. 

TIILY WILL NOT M.\l:i:v. : , 

in tli manner ihaf im old hrob-n ] 

ch. 1 for and sound." 

NOW It chanced t lie of t lie nM fell 

! \vh;it \v;is s;iid and told 1, 

with them by all D 

>ok to himself tin- dau 

his residence in Spain Al 

u comm :i from t il 17, 

153 . the Lp-ant of the twciit y-litth }>;irf of :dl 
nnd lands \\liidi IK- ini^lit discov-r, with the ti 
count, and tli- ig&Or 1 j - 

ppointed governor and captain u 1 for 

r all such territories, and was au 
on tli<Mii ilir- t ri : 1: iiior, 

.uacil mayor in perpetuity, and 

ence ly judges or r offi 

] rtainin^ to the litting-out of liis il- Tl. 

dit ion was to 1 t liis own exj> ml li 

a \. . dii 

i nds. 4 From a 1 
also learn that ho was .- 

explorations northward, 1 and ror 

dii 1 all the principal of/ieial the \ 

aid in the anv>t and puni^lii: 

rdinates \vl ben disco\-eii 
ma . hould i ulfil missi >n - ini 

-, or di>olcy him undrr any j :n- 

>uld I ly the ei 

Tl: privi I in c 

j in the conqu d Qi 

llarly in ni 

ly his \\ il e 1 ). iz d- 

r , l0S-( . // . ! 

// vii. HI), ii. - 

rit-so, por I:i eost.a ! os 


> ttood 


and on the 4th of April landed in state at Puerto de 
Caballos, with three large vessels well filled with pro 
visions, materials of war, and all things needed to 
equip a second fleet on the shores of the South Sea. 
He was attended by a large retinue of cavaliers. 
Among his troops were three hundred arquebusiers 
all well armed and accoutred. 8 

Collecting a large number of natives he at once 
began the task of transporting his ponderous freight 
toward the coast of Guatemala. Anchors each weigh 
ing three or four hundred pounds, artillery and 
munitions, iron, chain cables, heavy ship tackle, and 
cases of merchandise were dragged along by Indians 
yoked together like draught-animals or carried on 
their naked shoulders, to be conveyed a distance of 
a hundred and thirty leagues across a mountainous 
and difficult country. Forty-three days were con 
sumed in making the journey to Gracias d, Dios. 9 
Numbers of the unfortunates succumbed and dropped 
senseless, only to receive the curses of the commander 
as he ordered their burdens to be placed on the backs 
of others, who were constantly arriving in fresh relays 

sister of his former wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to 
legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos and the power of 
the emperor a bull was granted. Such an authorization was rarely obtained. 
Oviedo, iii. 214-15; Alvarado, Carta, in Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antiy., 179; Ga- 
varrele, CopiasdeDoc., MS., 43-4; Gomara, Hint. Ind., 269; Torquemada, i. 
323. Ilemesal, who is in error as to the date of this marriage, has this remark 
respecting the dispensation. Licencia que se da raras vezes. . .Y entoiices 
parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido el primer matri- 
monio coiisumado. Hist. Chyapa, 17. See also Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 

8 Alvarado, Carta, in Artvalo, Col. Doc., Antig., 179; Herrera, dec. vi. 
lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado brought 400 men; that he touched at 
Espanola and took in supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March 
12th. iii. 214-15. In Datos Bioy. the number of men is given as 250, including 
hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included 300 arquebuses, 400 pikes, 
200 ballcstas, much artillery, and rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000 
ducats. Cartas de Indlas, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his 
own letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states -that 
there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of exactly the same 
tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes the commencement, which is the 
same as that of the letter preserved by ArtSvalo, it was either a duplicate, or 
Ilemesal commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in Copias de Doc. , 
MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April. 

9 Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo surrendered to Alvarado his 
claim to the provinces of Honduras and Higueras. 

lair; Tn ilr In- ] 

port of 
ships li;id a! 

Alvarado -pared \\ > in < m- 

iif , not only using nil his o< !, n t, 

Trowing la; 

Ahoid-, Au;_ni>t I T M 

had lor SOUK- time past IM-CU i : in : 

])loivd regions lar to t >rth 
with UK- marvel] of th . citi 

nnd their \vondci-l\il wraith. T 

1h<- Itciiiciit beoai JIali 

(lain: :clnsive ri-!it that 

intry, and anioiiM- th.-m A! 

liurri i-\vard the JM-.-J).-; .r hi 

1 lef >re the middle of l.Viu h 

nioi-rcMl l>y iiuincrous rccrui id a ; 

had been c d, and equi 

"While nt Santo DominffO OH tnni v 



11 cns.-.s \vcre enormous. i oslosgastos 

quc liizo (JUG in ].- 1.;. 

. . .ni lo.s trili. 

v, ill, in v. 




. v .1. ii., this so: 
11 hips. 

K!UJ -S incluiling a ;: 

I : soak" 

QM l .small; . { : I8ta; 


ies. ! ,-<crts ; 

nt in 
lo as sailing : : 


with everything that foresight could suggest. Leav 
ing Don Francisco de la Cueva as his lieutenant- 
governor, the adelantado sailed from Iztapa, 15 and 
landing at Navidad in Jalisco proceeded to Mexico, 
where he entered into arrangements with Mendoza 
relative to the expedition, and their individual in 
terests in it. 16 The agreement was not concluded with 
out considerable wrangling as to terms, and Alvarado 
probably considered himself somewhat overreached 
by the viceroy. 

Having remained five or six months in Mexico he 
was now prepared to set forth on his expedition, 17 
when an insurrection having broken out in Jalisco his 
assistance in suppressing it was requested by the act 
ing governor Onate. Contrary to advice he entered 
the revolted province with his own troops, not waiting 
for other forces to join him, and attacking the peiiol 

is even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men. Viceroy 
Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men and GO horses. Carta, in 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom 
he brought from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies ; Herrera 
that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses ; Bernal Diaz, C50 sol 
diers besides officers, and many horses ; Tello, 300 Spaniards ; Beaumont, 800, 
and 150 horses, and Benzoni, 700 soldiers. 

15 Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his expedition to the coast of 
Jalisco, there to wait for him, and went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo, 
iv. 20, also entertains this view ; but Mendoza and Gomara, Hist. Ind. , 2G8--9, 
distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the former s testimony is 
conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional information that Alvarado sent a 
messenger to the emperor with an account of his expedition and drawings of 
his fleet. Oviedo had an interview with the messenger and saw the draw 
ings. Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado discovered 
Acajutla. Chronica de Gvat., 159. He had already done so as early as 1524. 
See I fist. Cent. Am.,, i. 070, this series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as 
the date of his sailing. Hist. Verdad., 23G. The time of his departure was 
about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year the cabildo 
requested him when on the point of departing with his fleets to take with him 
the imprisoned princes Sinacam and Sequechul. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 30. 

16 In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 351-G2, is a copy of the agree 
ment between Alvarado and the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter 
addressed by Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king, 
in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share in the dis 
coveries without his knowledge or solicitation, iii. 540. Mendoza states that 
this share was one half. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507. Article 
20 of Alvarado s capitulation with the crown authorized him to give Men 
doza one third interest in his armament. Vazquez, Chronica- de Gvat., 159. 

17 Acordamos dcspachar dos armadas; una para descubrir la costa desta 
Nueva Kspaiia, 6 otra que fuesse al Poniente en demanda de los Lequios y 
Catayo. Mendoza, Carta, in Oviedo, iii. 540. 

ATI! 01 ADO. 

in met with the <1< which ] 1\- 

i. ls \Vhile coverin-j; the ; 

.<! .i tli i;ird, his i ry M . in 

Hi;/ 1 u j. 

1 that, tin- animal l>t i hold a ii<l roll: 

: ilck Alvarado. who W&S toil! 

ing liis horse, and crushed his <] ]j -1- 

ening to ] found him ; 

hie, and as BOOD Bfl he had somewhat r 

liiin on a litter to Guadalajara, !!< suffered j !v, 

: his f anxiety wa jn-ocin-r a \\\-l - wli 

lie could n-licvc his hunlriH-d M>U!. Borne al 
this lii t. joiii ih-y, his -ins weigh* een m- 

.ivily upon him than hodily fort un\ ;m<l it \\ ith 
ivli-f that he greeted tin- arrival of a i riar who had 

n sinninoncd iVoin a neighboring ti. him, 

und.-r BOme ])iiu- 9 <n tin- ra . the COIKJ 

of " iemala coin 1. and lin^eri: 
days ivrriv. :ch consolation as \ 

ild /\\ It was t f July l ."> 1 1 thai 

d hi 1, having ma h he 

a}>] Juan do Alvarado of i <i M, 

and MaiTo(jnin of San . his . 

Hi >n did not perinit lull details, hnt 

uctioiis that the will should 1 
with whom he had communic 

the ] tnance <r c< - f -r tl 

hi ;1. 1 !e oi dei-ed hi- body to 1 iii t 

adalajara, tlienee i 
;)iti o, and I !ly interred 
J Domingo, in th y of M 

of his funeral enough of hi- j 
"V. .1 \\li. sangre por la 1>oca dccia: 

: t-> T 



dalajara or Mexico was to be sold by auction; and he 
left strict injunctions that all his debts should be paid, 
subject to the discretion of Bishop Marroquin. 21 All 
his remaining property was bequeathed to his wife, 
and summoning before him the captains and officers 
of his vessels he ordered them to return to Guatemala 
and deliver them into her possession; but this injunc 
tion was never executed. After the adelantado s de 
cease, his men dispersed in different directions, some 
remaining in Mexico, others returning to Guatemala 
or making their way to Peru, while the fleet which 
had been constructed at so great an expense and at 
the cost of hundreds of lives, was appropriated by 
Mendoza. His estate was so encumbered that the 
viceroy did not suppose that any one would accept as 
a gift the inheritance with its liabilities, 22 and in 
another letter stated that no one cared to do so. 23 

Duly authorized by tFuan de Alvarado, his co- 
executor, to settle Alvarado s estate, Bishop Marro 
quin framed a will, bearing date of June 30, 1542, in 
accordance with what he represents were the wishes 
of Alvarado. It is quite voluminous and is, with the 
exception of the preamble, given in full by Remsal. 
Much is done for the relief of Alvarado s soul, which 

remains were still at Tiripitio, * dode esta- en ten-ado, que es en Tyrepati. 
The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was buried. He 
also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a chaplaincy in the church at 
Guatemala, that masses might be there said for his soul. Some years after 
the death of the bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father s remains 
transferred from Tiripitio to Guatemala, where they were interred with great 
solemnity in the cathedral, Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 100. Gonzalez Davila says, 
1 En el ano 1542 el Obispo comeco h executar el testamento del Gouernador 
D. Pedro de Aluarado, and erroneously adds . . . y el Obispo traslad6 su cuerpo 
de Mexico & Santiago. Teatro Edes., li. 148. 

* Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 394-5; Beaumont, Cr6n. Midi., iv. 274-6; Remcsal, 
, Hist. Chyapa, 161-2; this last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in 
carrying out the intentions of Alvarado s will, ordered the payment to be 
made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos ordered him to 
furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz remarks, Some say a will was 
made, but none has appeared. Hist. Verdad., 236. 

22 The viceroy states that Alvarado s debts amounted to 50,000 pesos de 
minas, to which must be added 15,000 more expended by himself on his ac 
count. Carta, in Carias de Indias, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin, 
August 1541, gays that he left at his death debts to the amount of 50,000 
pesos. Id., 429, fac-simile V. 

23 Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507-8. 

Cl OF A 

at \\ 
rin-mn Tl; 

I ixl 
itid altar-. th ! his in; 

<!< I ih- bequ -f insigni 



I ii ,-i vault beneath tin- high altar 

< ilKlf clliala til lit* (I- Al 

iinally laid : him v. 

<>{ 1: 

. t lidii-h iii charac 
h - his <>|>jnit ( lorte s \> 

and nohilif y <! soul : Al\ara< 

herous, and dish* iVank<! 

r, and la\ .r.s liL a[)fd upon him \ 

31 In the v;il r S.-nr .l\-;inulo liad a !.: s \\irli 

n-icil sl;i\-c<, c .llccti-il in tho fl! 

i*-.l tin: ju iiu;i]>:d l>.nl> ;ui<; " 

without i: 
on. ] -lit- lii.-!i..p i 

1 (lui ll on tin- l;iinls tlii-y 1 

.ii!y in tin; .- 

and Iii- .11 altar in the 

mil . I. which tl < 3aid masses I 

i-l-inim s-t fi 

liis pla: . lio\\i-\.T. until I 

., <lurin;_: \vhii-h tiint- tin ir ; 

i Alvani 

hidi . , Ian. DCS, h It 

Was aj par. nt! 

\\ Inch -t ami in 

, l.uilt nil tin- as.- 

,H that all t; 

l.y tl 


thr .-. 

\\ i 1 1 1 

dimotii". in / 

Hl> . AM , V i . II. 14 


ingratitude. In the breast of Cortes beat an affection 
ate heart, stern though it was, and he seldom failed 
to win the true regard of his followers. The conqueror 
of Guatemala was void of affection even for women, 
and his choice of wife or mistress was inspired by am 
bition or lust. To govern by fear was his delight. 
Cortes was cautious and far-sighted; Alvarado im 
petuous, never anticipating other than favorable re 
sults. In versatility, as well as in mental and moral 
qualities, Cortes was far superior to the adelantado 
instance the mutiny at Patinamit. Cortes would have 
suppressed it, had such a thing ever occurred under 
his command. Alvarado s career hardly affords the 
means of fairly estimating his qualities as a commander, 
for he never met his countrymen in the field. Never 
theless, though his victories were chiefly owing to 
superiority in arms and discipline, he displayed on 
several occasions genuine military skill, and his quick 
perception, coolness, and presence of mind, which no 
extremity of danger disturbed, ever enabled him to 
act promptly and rightly in the most critical positions. 
That he never sustained a reverse in arms, from the 
time he left Mexico in 1523 until the disaster which 
caused his death, indicates generalship of no mean 
order. As a governor he was tyrannical, 25 and his 
capacity for ruling was inferior to his ability in the 
field. 26 

Judged even by the standard of his age it must be 
said of him that, while ever proclaiming disinterested 
ness and loyalty to the crown," 7 none of his contem 
poraries were inspired by a more restless ambition, and 
lew actuated by more thoroughly selfish motives. 
Success appears to have rendered him callous to any 
sense of shame, and in the last effort of his life he was 
prompted by boyish egotism and foolish pride, being 

l, Hist. Chyapa, 172. 

2G Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador. Gomara, Hut. Tnd., 269. 

27 In a letter to the council of the Indies he says: Pues todo lo que yo 
estubicre sin ocuparme en algo en que sirba a Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal 
gastado. Carta, in Squier^s MS., xix. 31. 

Till! \\TAT.n V. o n 

sji jeal o|)]>u>iii.,n to tl i throi; 

\\-\: : he had been i to his hi 

A perusal <>f the despatcl (luring- liis ],, 

:1<1 \\illiout other evid< >n- 

clil tllilt lie was 1 he victim of Q 

dir him hy his countrymen, who d< 

bo the emperor, misrepn 
and decried hia conduct. lint hi iier I 

dr< ! to Cortes during tlie days of their iri-nd 
reveal more e u Tuctly the true character of the 
Th \\ G see portrayed his and; 

mind in d . his eapaeil lie 

lit in bloodshed, hlendrd v.ith th 
tli- j-an^-ely }>revalent ;mi>ML, r his countrymeD, tb . 
Avh -viiiLj: th<- devil to the nitern . he v. 


glorifying God, and winning lor himself ial 


Alvarado loft no legitimate oflspring, for though 1 

28 lie wrote to the emperor requesting that ii t-lian n- 

had 1 tliat ( 

a-ditiitt il. ll i. lib. : 


29 1 give . ith a copy of Alvarado s . i: 


\ 1 : 


i Roma 1 ido 


. vunulu. 

", CoplaA de D< 


li was to serve uuiil no waa \ 

^ ; gusto, qti ara 

Yai :ig08tO 


i do.-,!a 

uplos, Lfyrs. 

. -- 1 
talidad (.; 



had two children by his second wife they both died in 
early childhood. 30 Numerous illegitimate children, 
however, survived him, among whom may be men 
tioned Dona Leon or, Pedro, and Diego de Alvarado, 
his offspring by a daughter of Xicotencatl, the lord 
of Tlascala. 31 

30 Juarros, Guat., i. 347. 

31 Dona Leonor married Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward Francisco de 
la Cueva, brother of Alvarado s wife. Pedro was legitimized by the em 
peror. This was, according to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Veraad. , 237, the natural 
son, mentioned also by Saavedra, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 
247-50, who went to the court of Spain to claim moneys due to his father, 
and whom Saavedra recommended urgently to Las Casas the councillor of 
state. Diego was slain in 1554 by Indians at the defeat at Chuquinga. Mar- 
roquin informs the emperor that Alvarado left six sons and daughters desnu- 
clos syn abrigo alguno. Cartas de Indicts, 429, 432-3, 709-10; Cromara, Hist. 
Ind. , 269. Another son named Gomez, by an Indian girl in Guatemala, is 
mentioned in the will afterward framed by Bishop Marroquin. Remesal, Hist. 
Chyapa, 185. For an account of the presentation of Xicotencatl s daughter 
to Alvarado, see Hist. Hex., i. 227-30, this series. 



1520 l. iU 



TKIKI M.\ KIN \ rs Tin 

His WITH ! | -Tin: 

ART n < .\rrri:K or THI: Sn LD OF < 

Mr: r- I ll l. ll: J I^E OF THK 

YRDS i<;irr J niK 

CHAMI -M\n ro Si; . OLTOF 

TiiKCiiiA; --TimuSuBJUOATi 


Firi.u--Hi>. ] i- OF Vi, 

\x TAKI:S THE ll \ OF MA/.A 

FOR many centuries ln-tniv tin- ! -innin-j- of t 
Christian era, and proliaUy for two OF three liuii l. 1 

! Jati-r. tli- 8 where nov. :il tli<- ruins oi 
tque in ( liiapas 1 was tin- cei of on 

i-l ul monarchies in tin- \\ rn wni-U. the - 
Maya empire of t:i. ( lianes. T. Votai e cull 

hero, who, acrc.nli; , .Mava traditio; .iinin;^ his 
descenl from ( han, tin- scrjn-nt, first intr-Mlnct-rl rivil- 

into Ann-rii-M, and 

aa a god, d the found, 

dyna.-ty altoiif three tliu>ainl \ ^o. a 

1 ( > a, aa appears from several 


passim. > iiifaui; 

Iso * sweet w:i 
i Mazariegofl ! from 

anecs furtilitJ ihemaclvesagaiii^t 

! _ . 

1 i v - : , this 



It is related in the oldest records obtained from 
the archives of Mexican history, that the Tzendales, 
a tribe dwelling in the neighborhood of Palenque, 
shared with the Zoques the northern part of Chiapas, 
while the southern and central portions were occupied 
by the Zotziles and Quelenes and also by the Chia- 
panecs, who, though at first confined to a narrow 
strip of territory, finally overran the entire region. 3 
Whether the Chiapanecs came originally from Nica 
ragua, or were a detachment from the great Toltec 
swarm that swept southward into Guatemala, or were 
descended from the mythic Chan, is a question that 
is yet involved in some mystery. We know, however, 
that after their arrival they built a stronghold which 
proved impregnable until the advent of the Spaniard 
with his superior skill and weapons, and that here, for 
centuries before the conquest, they maintained their 
independence and extended their possessions. 4 

It is probable that, as early as 1520, Spaniards pen 
etrated into this region under the auspices of Monte- 
zuma, while friendly relations were still maintained 
between that monarch and Cortes. After the fall of 
the Mexican capital, dismay at the achievements of 
the great conqueror was so widely spread that many 
independent tribes sent in their allegiance, and among 
them the Chiapanecs. 5 These different territories 
were soon portioned out in repartimientos, and Chiapas 
was assigned with other districts to the Spanish set 
tlers in Espiritu Santo. No sooner, however, was 
the attempt made to render these repartimientos prof 
itable by the exaction of tribute, than the natives rose 
in arms. Many settlers were killed, some offered in 
sacrifice, and all the efforts of the colonists to pacify 
the revolted districts were unavailing. 6 

3 Id., i. 681-2; v. 603-4. 

4 For the aboriginal history of these people I would refer the reader to my 
Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. v., passim. 

5 MazarieyoSi Mem. C/iiapa, 5, 6; Cortes, Diario, xix. 390; Jtiarros, Guat., 
i. 10; Id. (ed. London, 1823), 210; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 16; Ite-mesal, Hiat. 
Chyapa, 264. 

6 Mazariegos states that harsh treatment drove the Indians to revolt, citing 

Tn 1 ritn 

of ( aptuiii J . 

.(1 \vl. d ]) 

man ahutit thir 

id "I with i 

3 mark ith t iu 

tmanship and c >nal p<\\ 

di . and without ;n- 

iprudent t> mar inst t 

lender force at hi-; oinimand, Marin 

>m Co: 
witli an auxiliary hand of thi; d in- 

l to prorcd to Cliia[>as with all tl, 
uld inn ami rsfahlish tlu-r. a Spanish t \\ n. 

\l MrniiiL;- to Esplritu . v >, Marin lost i 

lit his ordr After soi l.y 

; a road through the in; 

lie arriv ik of the rivi-r ! 

;ii 7 and >]o\vly marched up th 

Id of the Chia] n to t 

rds i V tlie name of Chia ]) 

fortl i lie coi eld ; 

3. -\cmrdi: .1] .1 )iax, v 

ition, they co; I of i 

jiiehiisicrs, GO fo I with 

-7 hi . ahout 80 Mt and th< 

[rinci; -liiil, 

in ha<l al-o a field ; in rh; 

oni IK,- .sup; 

ra and un aa slaves at t 

i>eso8 fi 

.cse st;. 



regard to i : " tlic - 

! -. 


ll|> tli 

a thai 


The escribano Diego de Godoy was his second in 

The Spaniards now continued their march with 
much caution. As they approached the populated 
district, four soldiers, one of whom was Bernal Diaz, 
were sent to reconnoitre about half a league in advance 
of the main body, but were soon discovered by native 
hunters, who immediately spread the alarm by smoke 
signals. The army soon afterward reached cultivated 
lands with wide and well constructed roads. When 
within four leagues of Chiapas they entered the 
town of Iztapa, whence the natives had fled, leaving 
an abundant supply of provisions. While resting 
here the videttes reported the approach of a large 
body of warriors, 9 but the invaders being on the alert 
placed themselves in position before the enemy came 
up. The battle which ensued w^as indecisive. The 
Chiapanecs, deploying with much skill, almost sur 
rounded the small Spanish force, and at their first 
discharge killed two soldiers and four horses, and 
wounded Luis Marin and sixteen other Spaniards, 
besides many of the allies. The contest was main 
tained with great fury till nightfall, when the natives 
retired, leaving numbers of their men on the field so 

7 o 

severely injured as to be unable to follow their com 
rades. 10 Two of -the captives, who appeared to be 
chieftains, gave information that the confederated 

states that there were five other horsemen, who, however, could not be 
counted as lighting men. The artilleryman he describes as muy cobare, 
and informs iis that the natives of Cachula, Iba teblando de miedo, y por 
halagos los llevamos q nos aytidassen a abrir Camino, y llevar el fardaje. 
He also asserts that the levy was held in lent, 1524, adding Esto de los ailos 
no me acuerdo bien. His memory w r as correct, however, as is proved by 
Godoy s despatch to Cortes, which will be frequently quoted later. 

9 The Indians of Chiapas and its district were tlie terror of surrounding 
towns, and were incessantly at war with those of Cinacantlanandof the towns 
about Lake Quilenaj^as, robbing, killing, reducing to slavery, and sacrificing 
captives. They even waylaid merchant trains on the roads between Tehuan- 
tepec and other provinces. Bernal Diaz states that without exception they 
were the greatest warriors of all New Spain, superior even to the Tlascaltecs 
and Mexicans, 

10 The number of natives killed as related by Bernal Diaz is so dispropor 
tionately small that some error must have ci^ept into his text. He says, Ha- 
Lamos quinze dellos muertos 1 , y otros muchos heridos q no sepudiero ir. Hist. 
Vcrdad, 178. 

id- of all ti. 

new tin- attack mi t he follwiii"- ,1, 


All night \ .nt watch < Th- 

arms: and the IK ddled a 

died, v. <! within r 

There \\-as not one "f the Spani. did 

] ni^lit attack and divad j Xund if tli 

ivly wounded ; t heir 1- ad fnm 1 

of Mood: and the unllincliin;^ firmness of 

pa i had dulled their self-confidence; lut no call 
arms aroused them from theirfitful sluml><Ts, and 

sunrise they wearily l>uekled ..n th rmor and [< 

d to renetv th it. 
During the engagement of i!n jnwious 

lior>einen, di-re- ai-ili ii _;- the in-. F Ma 

,iis, had -ut! 

\i>in-- their lances too early in tlu; i 

: \\iv-ted Iroin their . and t 

tin Ord iK\ 

charge in s<jua:U of ii\ their 

out of i-each, and not to them until ti ny 

(airly 1 iddeii <lo\vn and their lrr :i ]>i eken. 
Tin- field-piece was loaded, and I 

ing now completed, the Spania -nl 


I, leforc the invad 1 in ,t of 

uphold, the enemy appra! iii C 

order, and advancing to 

They \ armed with javelins, \vlii 

they hurled fr.>in impl m -i. 

: witli lo\\-s and aiTOWS, and \veaj)ons siniil 
toothed swords; with slii. and 1. 

than th t the Spaniard^: 

api oi: ton r- .ichinLT from head : 

Mild P ll 

under ; MM in <ini< jut 1. in ai 

11 ] .. >as coull in tnith l>o call-.l a , 

s strongly built, . :- than 

.!. Braascur 


and ordered the artilleryman to open fire. But the 
gunner, who had entertained his comrades during a 
long inarch with stories of his brave deeds in Italy, 
blanched before the coming onset. His legs trembled, 
and grasping his piece to support himself, he was 
unable either to train or fire it. At length the loud 
execrations and angry shouts of his comrades, heard 
above the clamor of the foe, roused him from his help 
lessness, and with shaking hand he discharged his 
cannon. But his clumsy \vork was worse than his 
inaction, for the only result was the wounding of three 
of his companions. 13 

At this mishap Martin at once ordered his cavalry 
to charge, while the infantry were rapidly formed in 
column. After a long and obstinate contest the 
Chiapanecs were finally routed; but on account of the 
nature of the ground pursuit was impossible. Ad 
vancing toward the town the Spaniards unexpectedly 
discovered after ascending some hills on their line 
of march, a still larger host of the enemy awaiting 
them. The Indians had provided themselves with long 
ropes and deer-nets with which to entrammel and 
capture the horses. In the ensuing battle the invad 
ers sustained unusual casualties. Several of the horse 
men lost their lances; five horses and two cavaliers 
were slain; and so continuous and well directed were 
the discharges of javelins, arrows, and stones that ere 
long nearly all of Marin s command were wounded. 
At this juncture a hideous object appeared in the cen 
tre of the Chiapanec ranks. An Indian woman, nude, 
wrinkled, and obese, her body painted all over with 
ghastly designs rendered more effective by tufts of 
cotton, had arrived upon the battle-field. No Empusa 
could be more frightful. The creature so ran the 

de Bourbourg suggests that these aprons were made of india-rubber. Hist. 
Nat. Civ., iv. 574; but Bernal Diaz, 178, says, Co buenas annas de algodo, 
and Gomara, vnospaneses rodados de algodon hilado. 

13 Bernal Diaz contempt of this man is expressed by an epithet particu 
larly offensive to a Spaniard, nuestro negro Artillero que llevavavanios (sic) 
(c[ bien negro se podra llamar). Hist. Verdad., 179. 


t --was re l>y tli ir di- 

;<l her presel; 

insure thriii victory. 11 I Jut the nat: 

recognized tl ignificanee of h< rival, and \vn 

ii; ly ilieir 1- -s in a compact hody, dai:: 
their way Up to lid , "and h, 
I goddess/ 9 as I >< rnal I )iaz aliin 

Though disconcerted the natives do IK.; yield, rely 
ing on their numbers and th -ir con 

O O 

hard-pressed Spaniards, supported ly t nd 

lion of their priest, 1 " iHit wit!i r 
Tiie cavalry ngain and a- ain ride thr- 
criisliin^ ilirin <lo\vn and trampling t un<! 

until their ranks are broken and e d. A :th 

the Chipanecs seek safety, some on the neig! 

iiid others l>y swimming the (!<[ and ra; 
31 a/a ;>an. 

Vftcr devoutly thanking God f->r tlie \ id 

singing the salve iv-ina, the Spani Ivancr t-> a 

small villa^-t? n<t la;- from the city <-h 

tlirir camp lor the night, greal p 
to p .t snrp: A n< W con 

uncxp.-cf.-d ([uarter. Ahoiit midnight tea India: 

the rivrr in canoes, and allow them 
quietly captured. llrou^M hd or.- 3 j 
that they are natives <! Xaltepcc, and I. 
I jUered and ,-uslavcd ly the ( 

^ bcfoi They to aid tl 

Mipplvin-j; them with canoes to d ; he i 
pointing OUl a ford, and. mo inform Kfarin 

many of tli<- forces of the Cliiapain-.-s, haviu 

d into t anxious to tlirow nil 

yoke, and that, they will - o o\ > him in I 

eli _ :K lit. 

M;;rin at once accepts the oil . :id it 18 
that twenty can< ;ill J) hrou-ht earlj in t 

morning. The reinaimh r of th ;i- 

14 < \ 

14 V ili.v m -i I / /. 


out further interruption, though the enemy is heard 
mustering on the other side of the river with noise 
of drums and concha. At daylight the canoes arrive, 
and the army proceed to the ford. The crossing is 
effected with great difficulty, the water being breast- 
high and the stream rapid. As they approach the 
opposite bank, the enemy rains down upon them such 
showers of missiles that again hardly a man escapes 
unhurt. 16 For some time they are unable to effect a 
landing, and Marin s position is critical, when fortu 
nately their new allies cause a diversion by assailing 
the- Chiapanecs in the rear. The cavalry are thus 
enabled to gain a footing on the bank, and the in 
fantry soon follow; the natives are put to flight in all 
directions. This is their final struggle. The summons 
to surrender is immediately complied with, and the 
Spaniards enter the city without further opposition. 17 

All the neighboring towns were now ordered to send 
in their allegiance, and such an effect had the subjec 
tion of the hitherto invincible Chiapanecs upon the 
different tribes that resistance was not even thought 
of, Cinacantlan, Gopanaustla, Pinula, Huehueiztlan, 15 
Chamula, and other towns tendering their submis 
sion. The conquest of the country was now consid 
ered complete, and Marin had already apportioned 
out certain repartimientos when harmony was inter 
rupted by the conduct of one of the soldiers. 

While at Cinacantlan, whither the army had pro 
ceeded, Francisco de Medina left camp without per 
mission, and taking with him eight Mexicans went to 

16 Nos hiriero cesique d todos los mas, ya algunos d dos, y atresheridas. 
Id., ISO. 

17 Three prisons of latticed timbers were discovered in the city. These 
were filled with captives who had been seized on the roads. Among them 
some were from Tehuantepec, others were Zapotecs and Socontiscans. Many 
Indians also were found sacrificed, and in the temples were hideous idols, y 
hallamos muchas cosas malas de sodomias que vsavan. Id. , 180. 

18 Called by Bernal Diaz Gueyhuiztlan, also Guequiztlan, Gueguistitlan, 
and Guegustitlan, which are probably misprints. Hist. Verdad., 180-1. 
Godoy spells it Huegueyztean. Mel., in JJarcia, i. 168. The first author writes 
for Cinacantlan, Cinacatan; Godoy, Cenacantean; and Herrera, Canacantean. 
dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix. 


. v, 1, nnnded --,,],! ,,f the I 

the name of Mann. A I v. triii n hi 

Lut not satisfied with these I, i/,-d th< 
the ex; ;tion ol tfting a n. T; ( hanni- 

lans, how man, and M.-dina v, 

t Lack to Cinacantlan, wh-iv In- \\ , u 

X<> \planation> on tin- part OJ riii 

illed to parity the indignant people <>f ( Ihamula, 
liad, moreover, indurudt! ,.( JIu< -hitri/tlan 
thnu in tin- revolt. Jlis in \ of 

d with driiaiir On tin- J .Mh <! Maivh ( , 
Ava nt into tlir dis.-tiii-i-tfd district with ;i BID 
. Lut found the attitude of th- 
jr tliat he drrnird it Lrst to avoid liostilil nd 

urned to report, ^[arin w,. bthisti 

in a beautiful valr surrounded Ly pinr ;j no 

eat distance iVoni Cinacantla Hr nw <-Mn>id- 

d it i ay to reduce ( hanmla Ly force of an . 

and demanded of the Chiapaiiers a conth] .\o 

hundred warriors, which \\ as at onre supplied. 

were ,-dso sent to thr friendly ;tiu of ( 

liritiiiLi an eijiial iiinnLer. 
On Hie :JUth of March, ahoiit ten o clork in : 

19 ( lojoy in his d i to C<- itos th; was released 

that on their ivtuin -"ii.-.l i 

.t him. 1 
him ^nanl ( a por I 


IS.M-H a M. i fpio ( 

.sftcur . 

.i. lil). ;ti"ii <if tii- 

/informs \\uaa8oldierofhi .ilinu . 

tiio >^ his h 

i it lat< T. which lu- doca on jwge I 
: d; he \\-as kill-.l 1 
.lars of Mhirh event set- 

:unn him x-s \vh 

:uluras expedition, i< 

who. s- 
them, mailc him walk ; ie groii 

is ae los Espaftoles, was foun^ 

:i Cliii4 >ut three leagues frv 

//., I 


morning, the troops arrived at the foot of the eminence 
on which Chamula 22 was situated. The ascent, at the 
only point where attack was possible, was impracti 
cable for horsemen. Marin therefore ordered the cav 
alry to take up a position on the level ground below, 
and to protect his rear while the assault was being 
made. 23 The infantry and allies then scaled the height 
and were soon in front of the fortifications, which they 
found to be of a formidable character. A palisade of 
strong cross-timbers let deep into the ground and 
firmly bound together was the first obstacle to their 
entrance, and behind it was a bulwark of stone and 
mud nearly twelve feet high and four feet in thick 
ness, into which were inserted strong beams. This 
again was surmounted, along its whole length, by a 
wall of heavy boards six feet high, supported by 
strong crossbars on both sides, all firmly lashed 
together, while at intervals loop-holed turrets had 
been erected commanding the approach. At the 
strongest part of this bulwark was the single entrance, 
which was approached by a narrow flight of steps 
leading to the top. 

Though astonished at the strength of these ram 
parts, the Spaniards did not hesitate to assault them; 
but during the whole of the day all they could effect 
was the destruction of the outer stockade. Repeated 
attempts were made to mount the steps, but at each 
effort the assailants were driven back by the long 
heavy spears of the defenders. Incessant volleys of 
missiles were directed against them; their ranks 
suffered severely; and it soon became evident that 
some other plan of attack must be adopted. 24 The 

22 Called Chamolla by Herrera, and also by Gomara. Conq. Hex. , 233; 
Chamolan by Ixtliloxchitl. Horribles Crueldades, 71. 

23 Godoy states that the horsemen were divided into three troops, which 
were stationed so as to form a cordon round the hill; Bernal Diaz that the 
cavalry attempted the steep, but were found to be useless, and that Marin 
therefore ordered them to retire, as he feared an attack from the towns of 
Quialmitlan (Huehueiztlan ?). 

24 Yno les podiamos hazer dano ninguno con los grandes mainparos que 
tcnian, y ellos a nosotros si, que siempre herian muchos de los nuestros. 
tiernal Jbiaz, Hist. Verdad., 181. Godoy on the contrary says that the 


only] ieahl which 

ii the wall with j)icks and s mi 

ls. Nativ 
im plum- > the valley \vl 

I had hern I. under the ] of t 

cavalry; and the 1. s now < rue; 
era! strong fram< ieli capable of holdin 

men. 25 Ti juished up t< t: 

<-o\vr of them the Spaniards I L tol 

it. The Indians poiuvd on them Idirnin-- pit 

inLC water, fir and hot eml> ;d lii 

died (hem with heavy rod .akin^ it I 

\vithdi\-iw them i<>r repail Then in mocker] 

they threw golden ornament > J " at th 
in;^ Spaniai ds, and with taunting word- m. 

"IS it gold you want? We -bundai. 

why come ye not in and take it?" 

But their sutv.-s \\.-is <>{ short duration. The i 

soon s; Aliened, and In the pick ; W- 

lar v. plied against th .11, n< Imost ] 
Al oiit the liour of vespers 2 - two 

de, and the assailants, ru.-diini; 1 thr in 

a hand to hand encounter \vilh ll. lamr. 
horc themsrh . ith such unyieldi; 
the eross-howmen placed their i 

! of the foe ami disc- . d them \\ithoin 

aim. The conte.-t wa 

sustained luavy loss from the cannon and cross-bows. 1. 
, i. It); 

; no montinn of the Iniildin^ of these sli. 

s also t 

doy K: ban 


account of tl 
3 las almcnas 
as, 6 ( 

vn ] o. 


k in tin- afternoon. 1 



of rain, and so murky became the sky that the com 
batants could barely distinguish one another. Marin 
withdrew his men under shelter, and, the storm abating 
in an hour, again advanced on the stronghold. No 
missiles were aimed at them as they approached the 
barricade, but a serried line of spears confronted them, 
and no orders were given to storm the position. At 
length Bernal Diaz with a single comrade crept up 
to one of the openings, and peering in found the place 
unprotected. Then mounting the ramparts he beheld 
the Indians in full retreat by a precipitous path leading 
to the valley below. The Chamulans had fled, but 
not all. The two Spaniards were soon attacked by a 
body of two hundred warriors still left within the 
enclosure, arid but for the timely arrival of the Cina- 
cantlan allies Bernal Diaz had never lived to write 
the True History of the Conquest of Mexico. 2 The 
retreating host was at once pursued, and a number of 
captives were made, principally women and children. 
No gold or other valuables fell to the lot of the 
Spaniards, but they found in the town what was of 
more benefit to them a store of provisions- -for, as 
Godoy relates, the men had not tasted food for two 
days. 30 

On the following day, the 1st of April, Marin re 
turned to his camp, whence he sent six of his prisoners 
to the Chamulans summoning them to allegiance, 
bidding them to return to their stronghold, and prom 
ising that all the captives should be released if they 
submitted. These inducements had their effect, and 
the deserted town was soon again repeopled. 31 

29 Bernal Diaz was slightly wounded by a spear- thrust in the contest which 
occurred before the rain-storm, and was only saved by the thickness of his 
cotton corslet. He claims to have discovered the ruse of the Chamulans in 
planting their spears in position, but on this point his narrative is doubtful. 
Godoy says, I hallamonos burlaclos . . . i subiendo el Albarrada, no Jiavia 
Horabre dentro. Rel., in Barcia. i. 168. 

30 Hallamos harto de comer, que bien lo haviamos menester, a causa que 
los dos Dias no haviamos comido, ni teniamos que ni aun los Caballos. Id, 
Ixchitlochitl, contrary to Bernal Diaz, Godoy, Gomara, and Herrera, states 
that they obtained much booty but few provisions. Horribles Crueldades, 71. 

31 Godoy states that 200 Indians had been killed on the first day of the 
siege; while on the second so many fell that they were not counted. The 

or THI: 

<ls now advanc< 

\vhei inhahitant <, <\\ JCOU1 

( hanmla, n. l.ut .-i feeble r A tli 

it. 8 .d of tin; towns in th> 

iinnioned rarrender, hut no answer 

turned, .MIX! Mann, not venturing to ni.Mivh 

> i 

tli- ith liis Blender force, returned to Li 

rinacanflan. I Im- I nn discii->i.n W.MS held 
ing the carrying-out oi ( or truct 

found a town. Opinion was divided; hut the final 

ion, supported l>y Marin, v, hat it \v> 
rotis to do so o\vii. the 

iiiiiii and the want of ncc< 

Ma riu no\, \ liis fare homeward. Man-li; 
jdon^ the hank of the .Ma/ajian h- ] 1 tin 

number of towns, in all of which he nn-t with a fri -mlly 

and was "; d with <>. ;l)iiii->ini. 

1 irsing a portion of Taha>e<> h- eno i 
hands <>f ivfi -y nati hut reached K-piritu 
into in safety at the beginni f April l.V_M. 

I ) n this date and the close >f ! 

known of the events which occurred in Cliiaj ml 

much eoni usion exists in the ments of 

chronicle; .Durin tin- \\\\ is litt 

1 l>y \A\\< Marin t<> ! is a ^c^ .ret 

ht yc;, 
i ula waatranst 

lad, 181. 

this opinion was \in:uiim<>us. In tl: 

nal I>: 
hiivin-, \vi.-!i.-,l t .in. ( 



( lii.-.ji ^ H On t 

:.ich v. a tlu- L 

h.irscs tli. 
follout .1, in wliirh < 

nt jar him ami (Jrailn in ir.ns a: 

M llt 

wa >leaed ly th- 

liapaa, aiv 
i. 1. 

HIST. CE>T. AM., V.-L. II. 15 


reason to doubt that the natives again rose in revolt, 
but we have no particulars as to this outbreak, except 
that Diego cle Mazariegos was sent against them from 
Mexico with a well appointed force, and quickly re 
duced them to submission. 83 

For a time the Chiapanees yielded to their fate, but 
the exactions and cruelties of Juan Enriquez de Guz 
man, who had been appointed captain of the province 
by Marcos de Aguilar, 84 drove them to desperation, 
and during the latter part of 1526 they once more 
broke out in rebellion. Again Mazariegos marched 
against them from Mexico, at the head of a powerful 
corps, 35 supplied with five pieces of artillery. Retiring 
to the stronghold of Chiapas the Indians made good 
their defence for several days; but at last the Span 
iards battered down their fortifications and advanced 
. to the assault. Still the Chiapanees flinched not, and 
fought until they could no longer wield their weapons. 30 
Then followed a tragedy as strange and appalling as 

3i>! Both Herrera and Hemesal state that this first expedition of Mazariegos 
was undertaken in 1524, and in this statement only, and in the number of 
the forces, do they agree. Herrera s account of the campaign of 1524 is copied 
almost word for word by Hemesal in his narration of the one in 152G; and 
the former author as lightly mentions Mazariegos second expedition as Re- 
mesal does his first. The latter may, however, in this instance, be relied upon, 
as he quotes from the archives of Mexico. The entrance of Pedro Puertocar- 
rero into Chiapas from Guatemala is mentioned by both authors, as an inci 
dent of the campaign which each describes, but it is impossible to believe that 
Alvarado could have spared that officer with a body of troops during the 
eventful year 1524, when fully occupied with the conqiiest of Guatemala. I 
have, therefore, adopted Remesal s chronology. It is strange that he does not 
seem to have had any knowledge of Mariii s expedition, as related by Herrera. 
This somewhat perplexes Juarros, who remarks that Bernal Diaz narration 
is circumstantially so different from the relation of Remesal as to induce a 
belief that the latter had been misled by false information. Ouat. (ed. Lon 
don, 1823), 210-11. 

^Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221-2. Guzman was a near relative of the 
Duke of Medina Sidonia. Id. 

35 Mazariegos was cousin to Alonso de Estrado, then governor of Mexico. 
Eemesal gives the names of more than 80 officers and soldiers who accompanied 
the expedition. Noticeable among them is that of Juan Enriquez de Guzman, 
who appears to have returned to Mexico after the outbreak. In the -same 
list appear the names of two priests, Pedro de Castellanos and Pedro Gonza 
lez. Hist. Chyapa, 2G5. From Bernal Diaz we learn that Mazariegos was 
instructed to take Guzman s residencia. Hint. Verdad., 222. It was the 
performance of this duty, perhaps, which, at a later date, made Guzman so 
bitter an enemy of Mazariegos. 

30 Pelearon, hasta que pudieron leuantar los braos. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. 
v. cap. xiv. 


-led oil the p V. 

ion of tin- Tanehi Vm 1 

thi l.lanched 

Spaniard-, who>e business was hutcher\ . 
wh wen inethin>_r nn 

than lay within tin :i of ai !< : 

here w, dune ly alM.ri-inal A 

which in tin- way of chivalry, of lofty E 

-mined deliverance iVom ai at, ha> f. 

parallels. And what is moei significanl aboul it, 1. 

they known all, it was the l.e>t tin lid 1. 

oselves, to . from ( 

any cos This is whal they did: 

Scorning to yield them>el\ 
population of the town ru>he<l to the \, 
which overhung t; ! a/.ap:m, and th 
and wives. pareD :nl children, I 1 in cL 111- 

hrace, hurled lhem-el\ -e> headlong, thousands of t In-in, 

upon the n>cks In-low or into tin- swift-running ri\ 

Tl: aniards a ipted to inter! lut of a 1 ! t 

multitude only two thousand could d." : 

P6 removed to a plain a I down tin- ri\ nd 

;n tl. ttl. nn-nt >[>i un-- t :n- to\l n i 

1 Indies, which hecanie in tii. popul.. 

While ^Fa/ar: [Died a 4 

liold of the Chiapanees. ] , c.nij) 

liad ap] I on tin- tield. i < I 

invaded the province from tin 

87 Q in:i< .1 dclloa en *los ve/t-s cj- con- 

1 _ !, \\1. U* t 


ami JiM-.-t 

; t,, 1 us in all America, coir 


is aware that 

\\a.s in Spaiu at t: 


and Mazariegos regarding him as an encroacher, now 
marched against him. He found the interloper sta 
tioned at Comitlan, and his lamb-like followers would 
probably, by way of variety, have indulged in a con 
flict with their countrymen, had Puertocarrero been 
strong enough to meet them. But his forces were too 
few to hold out any prospect that it would terminate 
pleasantly to himself. Besides, Mazariegos was hu 
mane and prudent. He spoke the intruders smoothly 
and in a Christian spirit, represented to them how 
glad he would be to receive them as brothers, and 
generously offered them repartimientos in Chiapas. 
So no blood was shed. But many of Puertocarrero s 
men deserted him, and he retraced his steps in angry 
mood, having engaged in an expedition worse than 

The control over the province was a matter of dis 
pute on more than one occasion. That it was in 
cluded in the governorship of Guatemala is evident 
from the provision extended by the king to Alvarado 
in 1527, but the fact that he took no part in its con 
quest would seem to invalidate his claim. That nev 
ertheless he acquired a certain amount of control 
appears from a cedula issued April 14, 1531, and 
quoted by Kemesal, in which he grants permission 
to the settlers to deal with escaped slaves as if they 
were branded. Again in 1532 we find that the cabildo 
furnished him with two cannon for his South Sea ex 
pedition, though the members confessed that they did 
so only through fear of his causing them fresh trouble. 40 
The country, being now subjugated and free from out 
side interference, lay ready to be portioned out to the 
conquerors in repartimientos. This process occupied 
some time, and the rest of the year was passed in re- 

40 Hist. Chyapa, 279. The colonists of Espiritu Santo also laid claim to 
the territories of Chiapas and Cachula, as is seen in a royal ce"dula of 1538, in 
Puga, Cedulario, 115. Juarros says that Puertocarrero being informed of the 
disturbances in Chiapas considered it his duty to repair thither and endeavor 
to restore tranquillity. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 214. 


aizing the province am! if- col >ni 

ii. It \ lienl to found 

and <>n the ! Maivh I 

of Ind! constructed ;i nuinl><. 

di>tant ;il)()Ul ;i le;i- i, .if tl 

town of Chiapas. A meeting was tin n h<-l<! .hieh 
the lieutenant-governor explained th;it tl. 

had .1 was not i. ily int 1 t<> !>< | 

main-lit . ;ni(l that if a limn 

, the cnlnny should 1 

time, in the nainr <>t his }. :,- 

municipal nilivrs. and a 1 ward 

incut nf citizens took }1 

lii-in nnlrd. The town was named Villa 1 
]\Iazaii native city, Ciudad Eleal of La !ia. 

The newly appointed cabildo then \\cnt im 
and the appointmeBts f J.uis d- \,\\\\ 
general, and ( i iin<> de ( , 

I and acc L 41 

But it \Vii 11 (liseo\ 

unfavorable. It was Imt, un 

the nei ;hhnriii _r swamps, and i; with u. 

and ha Tl. 

|)laili of Jlllev Zaeatlan, 4 - t \\cl\e 1 .t. 


1 Iei-e were rieh, arable, and 

\vii iverand ninm-mus >t ; .hun- 

dant >U}iji]y nf water. ^\ lown was I illy laid 


jiartinh. nte<|, and the territory ] iii 

nd peoni; It 

hildo held on the 17th of AT 
. that all who desired htain land Iron, 

-lintild do BO 1 V J>lirel: 

:d-d to them l>y i-. 
\ -Hi i lie approprial ion of their prodi, 

! ].\ .// rros, II 


tion by animals. Any Spaniard who sent his servant 
to gather maize from their fields was to forfeit ten 
pesos de oro for the first offence, and for the second to 
lose his servant, who was to be publicly flogged. Reg 
ulations passed during the early part of the following 
year required that all encomenderos should assemble 
the sons of the caciques at their residences to be 
instructed in the doctrines of the church. Christian 
ized natives were to receive Christian burial, and 
others were to be decently interred outside the city. 

The administration of Mazariegos appears to have 
been based on humane principles and to have had in 
view the welfare of the settlers. But this condition 
of affairs was of brief duration. In 1529 Juan Enri- 
quez de Guzman was ordered by the audiencia of 
Mexico to take his residencia, and appointed captain 
general and alcalde mayor of Chiapas. His investi 
gation was conducted in a spirit of vindictiveness 
which can be accounted for only by the fact that the 
latter had previously been his juez de residencia. He 
stripped him and his friends of their repartimientos, 
and gave them to his own creatures; he appropriated 
his dwelling and town allotments, and when the man 
whom he thus despoiled soon afterward set forth for 
Mexico, gave further proof of his enmity by changing 
the name of the town to Villa Viciosa. By a royal 
cedula of July 7, 1536, its name was again changed 
to Ciudad Eeal. 43 ; 

Guzman now exercised his power without restraint, 
and laid the foundation of permanent evils. All offi 
cial positions were filled by favorites of his own to the 
exclusion of those entitled to them; the encomiendas 

43 A coat of arms was granted to the town in 1535. It was as follows: 
A shield with two mountain ranges with a river flowing between them; above 
on the right a castle, Or with a lion rampant against it; on the left a palm 
Vert in fruit, and another lion rampant, all on a field, Gules. A decree of 
the state congress of July 27, 1829, again changed the name of the place to 
Ciudad de San Cristobal. Pineda, in Soc. Mcx. Geog., iii. 371-2. Consult 
also Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., i. 188-9, where will be found a wood-cut 
design of the arms; Itemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 271, 272-3; Mazariegos, Mem. 
Chiapa, 18-19; Juarros, Guat., i. 12; Pineda, Dencrip. Geog., 48. For mean 
ing of viciosa see Hist. Max., i. 145. 

LK 01 N . 

,ken from those to wh<>! 
iicd, ;ui<l distrihut. un<! 

and in ;i ii-w months t IK- wl 

in li Af ;i later d 

of tin- two alcaldes, the procurad< 1 the 

city majordomo hrcamu salahlr. 44 
divided info DUmerOUS ivparlin. and in 

principal town a lieutenant <! t In- alcalde ]; 
ned. " X<l. . < for t 

bion of justice, but ratli-r to .-upcrinlcnd ]T 
and scandalous repartimi - and t ilcct 
di r Tlii- rnmeni !; 

was o[)p;-cssi\- ,- ( n<l cxli ; to the c> 

it the i-iiin <f tlir towns of (lii. : tril- 

Tlf |>roviiic sul>j-ct to til ral ; 

tli- ic-ncia of ; hut their coiitn l 

cised with little att -nt! ini] nieiit of i 

in. This st 1 until 1 ! 

ludioncia of the Co: > wa 
C. hiapa \ included in its ju 

of ;il"uaril innyor Cgos; tho> 

.ch; tJ; 
!i:ilf a |K-S I ; 
and lat r i r 1,110 \n ----- . / 

pas ! -omit of ! I >ia/. has ! 

: t the . 

.ition, i.s also worthy .lit. I 

Mit of the proceedings, th< !i was 

t!an, has not yt t ;i; 



f July l")-:5. In IT 
1 it in Madrid, in his o>l!. 

ility of their sta 
in mind t! 

wrote fix- 

penrs t 

iii. lib. v 






THE old Milanese chronicler, Girolamo Benzoni, 
mentions that during a journey from Acla 1 to Nombre 
de Dios about the year 1541, his party entered some 
Indian huts to obtain a supply of provisions. The 
inmates thinking they were about to be enslaved 
attacked them savagely with hands and teeth, tearing 
their clothes, spitting in their faces, uttering doleful 
cries, and exclaiming guacci! guacci! which Benzoni 
translates as " the name of a quadruped that prowls 

1 Benzoni spells the word Aclila and states that the town was situated at 
a distance of about two bow-shots from the shore. Hondo Nuovo, 77. For a 
description of its site see Jlist. Cent. Am., i. 418, this series. Girolamo Beii- 
zoni, in 1541, joined the Spaniards in their forays for gold and slaves, and 
traversed the Central American provinces. Regarded doubtless as an inter 
loper he does not appear to have met with the success he expected, and in 
1556 returned to Italy determined to vent his spite by an expos6 of Spanish 
greed and cruelty. In 1565 he published the work entitled La Historia del 
Mondo Nvovo, dedicated to Pius IV., and containing 18 wood-cuts, withliis 
own portrait on the frontispiece. The second edition, somewhat amplified, 
appeared in 1572, followed by quite a number of reprints and translations, 
particularly in German and Latin. The well known version by Chauvet on, 
doctor and protestant preacher at Geneva, the Novce Novi Orbts Historice, 
Geneva, 1578, was frequently reissued. The dedication praises Benzoni for 
exactitude and impartiality, and notes by other writers are added to confirm 
and explain the text. De Bry gave further value to this version by means of 
maps and fancy plates. Purchas, among others, treated it with less respect 
in offering merely Brief e extracts translated out of lerom Benzo. Amends 


I) IN! 

,t in 

h fond, and f ll, 

nting to a med tl 

that (liciv \\ ere DO - -\ b< r Indian La! -n th -ir 

lin<- "! route, !<>r 1 Sp.-nr liad c-illiur killed <>r 

slaves of the entire 

In Honduras slaves w< ill kidnapped, and 

M-ht in ls.-,7, wlu-u t!ir i .nly full I was i- 

Iniiral Smyth, uml 
] < S..IHCU h;it l ;n:l-. 

li:. i| t \ I lflitly t. 

\v World, tli. thvindK-d int 

at Hi" 

..r to 1 

he all 
. .-nt.s 01 int iKi, 

d rumors current jimon^ gossips. lh: 

ho tr. iiato 

il suo j.iu li 

i hi., iii. I .il. ]_ >. 

a-liilad. .n juit ; 

Ollt hi 

the \v.ik, mu.-ii . f i s facts 

r by llu- rhronidcrs, ;i: s of a mail 

not iml)!i. d ui;h : 

II naturally 

nnl th :in. 

And . . u ii.. . 

and things, and who is . 



him i 

eras st- 

i ad 1 



by ship-loads among the islands or in Nicaragua, so 
that in the vicinity of Trujillo, where formerly were 
native towns with from six hundred to three thousand 
houses, there were in 1547 not more than a hundred 
and eighty Indians left, the remainder having fled to 
the mountains to avoid capture. At Naco, which a 
few years before contained a population of ten thou 
sand souls, there were, in 1536, only forty-five remain 
ing. At a coast town named La Haga, nine leagues 
from Trujillo, and containing nine hundred houses, 
there was but one inhabitant left, all having been sold 
into bondage save the young daughter of the cacique, 
who had contrived to elude the slave-hunters. 3 

Cruel as was the treatment of the natives in every 
part of the Spanish provinces, nowhere was oppres 
sion carried to such an extreme as in Guatemala. 
Here little distinction w T as made between the allies 
and the conquered races; even the faithful Tlascaltecs, 
who, after the conquest, had settled with the Mexi 
can and Cholultec auxiliaries at Almolonga, being 
enslaved, overworked, and otherwise maltreated, until 
in 1547 there were barely a hundred survivors. 4 The 
natives of Atitlan, who had never swerved in their 
allegiance to the Spaniards, were treated with equal 
severity. After sharing the hardships of their mili 
tary campaigns, they were compelled to supply every 
year four or five hundred male and female slaves and 
every fifteen days a number of tributary laborers, 

3 For the condition of the native settlements in Honduras, see Montejo, 
Carta*, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii. 223-4, 228, 240-1; and 
Squier s MSS., xxii. 24-6. 

4 By c<5dula, dated July 20, 1532, they were exempted from other than a 
nominal tribute of two reals, Juarros, Gtiat., i. 74; ii. 343; but this order 
was unheeded. In 1547 the survivors drew up a memorial to the emperor 
representing their past services and sufferings, and petitioning for their rights. 
The document was written by a friar and referred .to the licentiate Cerrato, 
who was instructed to see that justice was done to them. Memorial, 15J+7, 
MS., in Centro America, Extractos Sudtos, 41-2. An attempt was made at a 
later date to impose tribute upon their descendants; but the Mexican govern 
ment confirmed them in their rights in 1504: Fueron amparados en posesion 
de su libertad, y se Iibr6 en Tenuctitlan & 6 de noviembre de 15G4 real pro 
vision, que conservan los naturales de Almolonga en folios de pergamino 
encuadernados en forma de libro, empastado con tab las fiuas, y forrado en 
terciopelo carmesi, etc. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 167. 


Mini fr->m 1 and pri". 

!i. They \\ ^mvd to furnish, l><--id 

(|(l;i!l! [ cloth, id poult n 

grievous were fche burdens laid upon tJH in t!i -en 
the caciques were impoverished, and their \vivt- eom- 

of bur* lull a lid till< . ! the 


Midi was the tr "lit to which the most faith- 

ful allie^ of tli- Spaniards were subjected, I fell 

err nay we n .pect to iind in(lirt-d on I 

who, undeterred by <! . du and 

their OppreSSOl No words can depict tli> 

of il, haploss rac> ^ holrsale ^lau^htrr, ha; 

, and burning, torturing, mutilatin d brand! 

l il]. .\vcd the suppression of a n-volt. Starv,-r ion, 
liai i, blows, iainting- uinlur intolerable lun 

18 of air, and untimely death, were their !<>t 

in time of peace. During Alva: hue th 

of life ^ aton and in ickenii In th 1 tield 

ing auxiliaries were I -d on human llesh 

belli"- but ibr food; childl ell Were kill* d ami 


d: nay, even where there was no want < f p 

i were slain ineivly l .r the 
hands, which Were este< ( <lelica-i -< by the anth 

3 races. Xor were tin- marital relal of 

tin- i: my mere considered than it they had b< 

nat.uix? the brutes \vhieh the Spaniards ii of 

i in ])ra<-iic JI holds wnv rendci .-d des 

>rn iVuni husbands and dan-lit 
]>areiii d among th< 

n. while the children \ . WO1 k at 

. and t here pTi>!n-d !<y t mds. 

Tim.- the \\ -juilation |>i 38ed, and it is 

I by Las Casas that during the lirst ti. or 

!i \ t the eon<|iie-t the d ;ieti"ii of 

5 Iu tli<> tim- trilnto of o;i. 1 . 400 xi.j\iipi!^, ;r 

W8 ].;ii.l until l->\ 2. /, 

\. *_ _ . 

I WllS tilt ! 1, Jl H. 


Indians in Guatemala alone amounted to four or five 
million souls. 6 

None of the conquerors of the New World, not even 
Pedrarias DaVila, were held in such dread as Pedro 
de Alvarado. When the news of his landing at Puerto 
de Caballos was noised abroad the natives abandoned 
their dwellings and fled to the forests. In a few days 
towns, villages, and farms were deserted, and it seemed 
as if the whole province of Guatemala had been de 
populated by enchantment. 7 The plantations were 
destroyed by cattle; the cattle were torn by wild 
beasts; and the sheep and lambs served as food for 
the blood-hounds, which had been trained to regard 
the Indians as their natural prey, but now found 
none to devour, 

6 Regio, Ind. Devastat., 38-40. How populous the country was may be 
imagined from the fact that Alvarado represented it as exceeding Mexico in 
the number of its inhabitants. Et ipsemet tyrannus scripsit majorem esse 
in hac provincia populi frequentiam, quam in Hegno Mexico, quod & verum 
est. Id. Las Casas also states that, when the Spaniards first entered the 
country, the towns and villages were so many and large and so densely popu 
lated that those who marched in advance not infrequently returned to the 
captain demanding a reward for having discovered another city equal in. size 
to Mexico. Hist. Apolog., MS., 28. 

7 It will be remembered, however, that Alvarade procured relays of Indians 
from Guatemala to pack his material and supplies from Trujillo to Iztapa. 
Enough were left, remarks Remesal, upon whom to wreak his vengeance, and 
the Cakchiquel and Quich6 princes, who appeared before him to do him hom 
age, became the first victims. They were reproached with the reforms brought 
about in their favor, during his absence, as of crimes worthy of capital pun 
ishment; for daring to complain to the governor they were accused of rebellion. 
Nameless adventurers, who had been unable to extort enough gold from them, 
or take from them their vassals to work in their fields and houses, pretended 
that the ill-will of these chiefs had caused their ruin, and loudly demanded 
that the adelantado should grant new repartimientos according to their ser 
vices. Alvarado, who was wounded to the quick by the appointment of 
Maldonado, listened to all these complaints, and now displayed his usual bru 
tality. Prince Cook, Ahtzib of the Cakchiquel crown, he ran through with 
a sword. Tepepul, king of Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, and the Ahpozotzil Cahi 
Lnox, together with a large number of lords, were cast into a prison on some 
frivolous pretext. When on the point of sailing from Iztapa, Alvarado being 
requested by the municipal council to determine their fate, settled the matter 
by hanging the latter and putting the former together with a number of the 
leading caciques on board his fleet. All of them perished miserably on the 
coast of Jalisco. Among his other victims was a lord called Chuwi-Tziquinu 
and 17 other Cakchiquel princes, whom he took with him from Santiago under 
pretence of conducting them to Mexico. When a short distance from the city 
he caused them all to be strangled. Remesal, Hist. Chj/apa, lib. iv. cap. iv. 
v. xx.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 797-801; Pelaez, Mem. 
Guat., i. 77. 


\ }\- as l 525 intelligence of t he ii-n-iMr i 

with \vliich depopulation was j 

iperor, and on the 17th of Xovemher he issued a, 
lula for protection of the fa>t < in^ i 

Jn I .) I .) In- ordered the council of the Indies to draw 
up regulations for the rmncnt of the provin. 

,-ind that Ixxly issued a decree regarding the treatment 

of nati\ -vhich, although the protection of tin.- in- 
of tlu. throne may he a so;ii \vhat ])roinincnt 
consideration, exhihhs sympathy and enjoins i ra 
tion toward the oppr< I ra<- Other ce*dula 

1 at brief intervals, 1 hut that all were inoperative 

*J > >> A .--,-. /. :>:, in 8oc. M >rj. t Doling v. . 

In t mible to this <lt !mt it 

re toil in mines and at other labor and the want of fo"<l ami ]>! 
clot hi m.; hail caused the d> ;it h of such numbers that sonic parts of the country 
hail In-come depopulated, while whole ili-tri abaiuloiie-l by the n;.l! 

A , ho had ; the mountains ami forests t j><- This 

,-ipply to the!. dominions in the. west t n mi l ;inam;i 

iorida. inquiry to be made relative to the killing, robb. 

and i!l -L;d lu-amliii;. 1 that the ] .tors shoul 1 be de- 

r to the council of the Indies. pi-ovisos were that si 
should I-- d to their native, country, and if this were not p 

be placed in ,able liberty, nor were t be 

heavily worked or made to labor in the mines or cl inst 

ill. In future expeditions of d: 

:th him tv, who v. dil- 

kindly tn-atment ir the Indians. Natives wh 
!y incl ; at the same time t:.e pr 

moi-ality and Lf>od customs \ >t left out of si^ ht, and i 

M lic: :.d by the priest they mi.MiL i 

Oni>:ian J-iui-i :ly no discov- 

it of thei nd on any of 

Indians to act : lib. iii. c:ip. lii.. that 

6 brai. vin^ been HP 

:md that, you; and tend. | \vns 

by hmi they j 1 from hui 

p. / :. M /<. / " .. i. brandin : 1m: 

vhoh.-id peaceably sabtnitled, ofthena; 

i >y \\\: 

tlie mamlati s of tin ul;i,and in addit 

d the - | the branding of Indians as 

1 >. U; them a-; vas.- any on .111- 

d to u mal>. ] !. not 

to b !y of governi: 

i of the _ rs of proviib -. N 

d in p>ld-mi: ]>ayn. 

- to belong tO 
1 1-ivi-d nf t:ie km . i acquired by inln-ritance, if they \\ : .iti- 

Id not 
bas in weight. In 15oG it was ordered that I who hud Ix-en a 


is shown from many incidents .which have already 
been related. 

Distant legislation was of no avail. The branding- 
iron still seared the captive s flesh, the pine-torch was 
still applied to the rich victim s feet, and the lash 
still fell on the toiler s uncovered back. The enco- 
menderos, bent only on amassing wealth, worked their 
Indians until they were on the verge of death, and 
then cast them forth from their houses or left them 
\vhere they fell dead in the streets, as food for prowl 
ing dogs and carrion birds, until the odor of corrup 
tion infected the settlements. 11 Nor did the homes 
of the living escape destruction or their property 
violent seizure. Their dwellings were pulled down to 
supply building materials, and the produce and wares 
which they brought each day to exchange in their 
market at Santiago were taken from them by the 
servants of the Spaniards, or by soldiers, w r ho repaid 
them only with blows or stabs. 12 

to move from place to place were not to be prevented from doing so. Other 
laws passed the same year were to the effect that no Spaniard of any rank 
could be carried about by Indians in hammock or palanquin. Negroes ill- 
treating Indians were to receive 100 lashes, or if blood were shed, a punish 
ment adequate to the severity of the wound. Native villages and settlements 
were not to be inhabited by Spaniards, negroes, or mulattoes. A Spaniard 
when travelling could only remain one night, and Spanish traders three days, 
in an Indian village. In 1538 laws were made ordering that caciques were not 
to sell or barter their subjects. This year also a modification of previous en 
actments limited the use of natives as pack-animals to those under 18 years 
of age. The Indians were, by all possible means other than coercion, to be 
induced to live in communities. In 1541 viceroys, audiencias, and governors 
were ordered to ascertain whether cncomenderos sold their slaves, and if any 
such were discovered they were to be exemplarily punished and the bondsmen 
thus sold restored to liberty. Kecop. de Indlas, ii. 192, 194, 201-2, 212, 277-8, 
288-9. These laws were general and applied to all Spanish America. Vaz 
quez states that, in the year 1714, there existed in the city archives of Guate 
mala royal cedulas, issued in 1531, 1533, and 1534, authorizing the branding 
of slaves taken in war or obtained by rescate. Chronica de Gvat., 37-8. 

11 In December 1530 the cabildo of Santiago was compelled to pass a law 
ordering the burial of the dead. * Los Indios que mueren en sus casas, no los 
entierran, e los dexan comer de perros, y aues, e podrir dentro de la clicha 
ciudad, de que suelen venir 6 recrecer muchas dolencias u los vezinos y hab- 
itates. 5 Itemesal, Hist. Ch?/apa, 30. Christianized Indians, whether servant 
or slave, were to be buried in consecrated ground at the depth of the waist- 
belt of a man of good stature. Others were to be buried an estado deep, out 
of reach of dogs, under penalty of 20 pesos de oro. Id. 

12 In 1529 laws were passed prohibiting such acts under a penalty of 25 
pesos tie oro, the proprietor of the servant to forfeit his ownership. If the 
person offending were an hidalgo the fine was 100 pesos de oro; if not he wa3 

l:AKTOLOM! : ; ]>] 230 

us nofwr Midii)-- the ordinances enacted hy 
tin- cm: r for tin- | i of the nati\ 

tli- i 1 hull i I in I ."):; I hy his holi- 

1 aul III. > i lie Lid; liherty 

the provi r nun! rapidly < 

1 and the condition of the survivors grew ^ 

arrived in the \--\v World. 
1 :i of the poorer and none of tin.- wealthier 

iiiiar .-.I to iind there an ahidh 

p: Spain s holde-t and nio>t reckless 1< it 1 

ami voyaged westward with the placid sal 

lion of ruilians ivl 1 from law s control, and now 

in the check of an ellectual executive pov. 
rded themselves as ma- of the 

In \~)\-2 Jlartolome do Las Casas placed in tl. 
liands of emperor the manuscript of his well known 
:i the . iiclion of the Li<! nd through 

the exertions mainly of that never-tiring i; ;ry 

a r junta composed ofecclesiast ljui-i>ts v. 

hcl previous year a! Yalladolid I MJ- the 

; of drawing up 1 e^ulal ions for the hetter gov- 

f the provinc- The great aj> of th-- 

ln! ; led his favorite cau>e \vilh all the lire of 

loquence, ur^in^ that the natives of the N 
rid were l>v th law of nature i 

ace to the now somewhat trite maxim "Mod 

allow evil tha ; >d may coin 

1 1 insular, to I he least, to hear 

such from the li Dominican," while 

100 lad ! !H-l.-. i 


i ui:<l m\i it [>\\\t- 


VIII. < 1 in ti. . u ua 


tliat tinu- in full M 
M l>..iiiii, 

as Gas,. junta . 

that ii. 


3 r et the dark looming cloud of the inquisition cast, as 
from the wings of a fallen angel, the dun spectre of 
its huge eclipse athwart the hemispheres. 

The ordinances framed by the junta received the 
emperor s approval, and after being somewhat ampli 
fied were published in Madrid in 1543, and thence 
forth known as the New Laws. 15 The code contains 
a large number of articles, many of them relating 
almost exclusively to the enslavement and treatment 
of the natives. It w r as provided that all Indian slaves 
should be set free, unless their owners could establish 
a legal title to their possession. 16 None were thence 
forth to be enslaved under any pretext. 

Proprietors to whom the repartimientos had given 
an excessive number must surrender a portion of them 
to the crown. On the death of encomenderos 17 the 
slaves were to revert to the crown. All ecclesiastics 
and religious societies and all officers under the crown 
must deliver up their bondsmen or bondswomen, not 
being allowed to retain them even though resigning 
office. Inspectors were appointed to watch over the 
interests of the natives, and were paid out of the 
fines levied on transgressors. Slaves were not to be 
employed in the pearl-fisheries against their will under 
penalty of death to the party so employing them, nor 
when used as pack-animals was such a load to be laid 
on their backs as might endanger their lives. Finally 

they were to be converted to the Catholic faith, and 


it was ordered that two priests should accompany 
all exploring parties, to instruct the Americans that 

15 The full text of them is given in Leyes y Ordenanzas, Icazbalceta, Col. 
Doc., ii. 204-27. There are extracts from them in Herrera, Remesal, Tor- 
quemada, and other chroniclers. For further mention of the new code and 
its workings see Hist. Mex., ii. 516, et seq. this series. Prescott says: The 
provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or less generally 
le ss accuracy, in the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them in 
extenso. Peru, ii. 255. The historian is himself somewhat inaccurate on this 
and other points. 

10 Before the new laws were passed Indians captured in war or guilty of 
certain crimes could be legally enslaved. 

17 .For a description of the repartimiento and encomienda system, see Hist. 
Cent. Am., i. 262-4, and Hist. Mex., ii. 145-52, this series. 


1 the 

Bul it liis Imlii. 

;o\vled;_; liiin t! 
wh doctri had in less tln-n half a century 1. 

ailation o t, portions 

of ! 111. 

the provisions of tlio new cod re otln 
.r,l to many of the Spaniards 
re t ichisement of i 

Flu 1 audienciaof Panama was abolished and 
\v tribunals were to bo established, one at 

which now first be^an to bear the i 
Lima, and was thenceforth the metropolis ho 
itli American continent; the other termed 1 > 
audh- los Confines, at Comayagua, with juris- 

n over Chiapa-. Yucatan, ( uia da, I londui 
Xi- iia, and tin- province >f Ti- Firme, kni\vii 

(!>] (): From tlie decision <-f th- 
tri MI tho-e of the audieiK -f ^F 

and Santo J ))min;_;-n, th- j to be in criminal < 

d. Ill civil suits the losing parly mi 
;id a second trial, the I- it of which is i 

n<> ne\v evidence was admitted, a:id the 

e was conducted by the oidores who i 

first judgment. If the amount !--d t-n thousand 

do oro, there I;- ^ht of appeal to the council 

I ndi< ^EoreoV i w w< w- 

iiKjuire into the administration of tl. 

lor and other civil functional and t<> suspend 

tin-in iroin oiii ior1 1 uneil 

Iinli. ;i. 

Such \\ the main features of the new code which 

: from the family of man. Tidii 
! ! ] of 

and o; 
. * \M., VOL. II. 10 


throughout the New World, and from Mexico to Los 
Reyes the entire population was in a state of ferment 
bordering revolution. To deprive the settlers of their 
slaves was to reduce them to beggary. Slaves con 
stituted the chief source of wealth throughout the 
provinces. Without them the mines could not be 
worked, towns could not be built, lands could not be 
tilled. The soldier urged his right of conquest, and 
many a scarred veteran, worn with toil and hardship, 
threatened to defend by the sword which had helped 
to win an empire for his sovereign the estates now 
threatened by these vexatious regulations. 

The colonists were soon to learn that the new laws 
were not to remain a dead letter as had been the case 
with the royal ordinances. In January 1544 Vasco 
Nunez Vela, the first viceroy of Peru, arrived at 
Nombre de Dios, and finding there some Spaniards 
returning to their native country with stores of wealth 
acquired by the sale of their Peruvian slaves, ordered 
them to deliver up their treasure, 19 and but for some 
doubt as to the legality of such a proceeding would 
certainly have confiscated it. 

After crossing the Isthmus the viceroy liberated and 
sent back from Panama at the expense of their propri 
etors, several hundred Indians who had been brought 
from Peru or were unjustly held in bondage. Bitter 
were the remonstrances against these high-handed 
measures, but Vela merely answered, "I come not to 
discuss the laws but to execute them." The condition 
of the natives was not improved, however, by their 
liberation, for we learn that numbers died on board 
ship from starvation and ill-usage, while others, cast 
ashore unarmed on a desolate coast, fell a prey to wild 
beasts or otherwise perished miserably. 

A committee of the most noble and influential of 
the Spaniards waited on the new viceroy to gain from 

19 The version given in Prescott s Peru, ii. 260-1, is that the viceroy found 
a ship, laden with silver from the Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain, and 
that he laid an embargo on the vessel as containing the proceeds of slave 
labor. There is, however, no absolute prohibition in the new code against 

VA800 v 5 VELA. 213 

him, if pos>il>lc, some concessions. They ur^- 
inasmuch as the [ndianshad IM-.-M converted to ( In 

tianity, it would he a great loss to the rhuivh fco 

enfranchise them, and that if enfranchised they would 

always he in danger of perishing Iron) stars at ion. 
They daivd not ivturn to their own trihes, lor the 
caciques inllicted the jx-nalty of death on all who had 
ie Christians. These arguments served hut to 
rouS the wrath of the vie- roy, who di>mis>ed tin- 
deputation saying, "Were you under my jurisdiction 
I would hang you every or Them-, ! , >rth none 

dared oppose him further, liven the oidoivs "f the 
newly established audiencia of Los E who had 

accompanied him from Spain made no pr. . and 
oil liis departure, for Peru remained for some time at 
Panama in-fore they could muster courage to follow. 

In Tierra Firme and in the i-lands of the Spanish 
West Indies the new laws were partially obeyed, 
although complaints \\ still fr- ut of the ill- 

atmeiit of natives, of their hcing jumislied witli 
stripes if they dared to complain, and of the arrival 
in Panama, of cargoes of sla vesfrom Nicaragua. I ! 
pri arnest in their j)r- ations, and their 

reports fco the empei-or abounded in lofty expl -us 
of concern for the cause of Chi ml of humanity. 

Th lf>ia>i ical and secular ii 3ts \\ i ever at 
Variance. Should the alcaldes i-nnler any di-cision 
that threatened to work ad\vr>. 1\ against tin- author 
ity of the church, they were eXCOmiQUnicated, and 

thus ]< iid- j-ed incapable, in the e\/s of tl. -pie, of 

di^cliar- in^ th> lunrtions of tln-ir office. Tl rv- 

emor and the l>isho[) were continually at war, the 
lat leaking under his jn-rtendcd /.< al for the- << 

Version of tin- Indians, and the former under the j.. 
t of upholding the di-nit\ of the crown, the r< 

tin 1 . ill working the mint <. al- ntionr 

VJ. ]\}>. \. . ;i|,. i 

the substitution of a- for such 



purpose for which each was too often striving- -that 
of gathering into his coffers the gold of his Majesty s 
vassals. 20 

20 The emperor was memorialized by the clergy and by the civil authori 
ties, each party sending its petition without the other s knowledge, each 
slandering its adversary and. using such falsehoods as would be most likely 
to injure the opposite cause. Abreo, in Cent. Am.; Extr. Sueltos, in S q 
MSS., xxii. 48. 




i.i> Ci; \M.V XoMr.ui; DI: DIGS ,\ 

MI -rni . VKI.A I IN P] 


Los Knvr.s AM. AIM:! PHI V I:I;OY His Ki 

sr.\ JiA< HICAO -jo PANAMA s KXI-I.I.I n...\ His Hi - 

OF THE rj:viNCK MELCIIni; VjiKUl );. . s I -x 



OP IV!ro Vaxqucz, wli<> succecsl^l Barrionuevo 

nor of Castilla del Oro, little is knnwn; l>ut "! 
J )< <; . >r J u 1 tics, tlio suc<-css< >r < >f \ icz, under \vli< 

administration the govennnrnt \- nt inm-d till 

L546, it is allr^-rd, nnd pi-olialdy \\ith ti iith, that ho 

>ii _;-lit more harm to his fellow-man in a t\\vl 
month than the malign ^nius Irarias r\ 

coinplish in ,-i drradr. Jn I: *eed for wealth 

j ivalK-d only hy tin- ;dl--_. d< i 

i, - liios, and in th. uto running \\ith which he 

cloaked his evil deeds he \\-as without JM i iii ;i 

amunity whore the |revailinL; <->d.; of m u- ht 

<>f ( Iid nor iv^ard for man. A.ppoin1 
oidor of t nidit of Panama in 1.">3S, ho held 

for S -veral and th lit ion of that tril 

nal was probably due in j mal- 

There arc n<> e\j. licit details 
which v. mgh: I wo learn 


in every instance he contrived to baffle the scrutiny 
of his judges. The licentiate Vaca de Castro was 
first ordered to bring the offender to justice, -but called 
in vain on his fellow-oidores of the audiencia of 
Panamil to aid him in so doingf. On the establish- 


ment of the audiencia of the Confines, the trial was 
yet unfinished, and as the aggrieved parties still 
clamored that it be brought to a conclusion, Ramirez, 
one of the oidores, and the first alcalde mayor of 
Panama", was ordered to take his residencia. Robles 
appears to have escaped punishment, for he soon after 
ward figures as senior oidor of the audiencia of Lima. 
He returned before long to Panamd, and we leai n 
that on the capture of that city in 1550, by Hernando 
and Pedro de Contreras, some of Gasca s treasure 
was captured at the house of Robles, who thenceforth 
disappears from the page of history. 1 

When Pedro de los Rios set out for Nicaragua he 
left orders with Captain Hernando de la Serna and 
the pilot Corzo to make a survey of the Rio de los 

La^artos, now known as the river Chagre, for the 


purpose of facilitating communication between the 
two seas. They were directed also to examine the 
river Panama, flowing in the opposite direction, and 
to explore the country between the highest navigable 
points on the two streams. This was done with a 
view of discovering the best route for a grand thor 
oughfare across the Isthmus, over which the tide of 

commerce might flow between Spain and the Spice 
Islands; and although this object was never realized, 
the discovery which reduced land carriage to a dis 
tance of nine leagues proved most useful in the subse 
quent intercourse of Spain and Peru. 

The project for interoceanic communication by way 
of the isthmus of Panama was first mooted more than 
three hundred and fifty years ago, and to Charles V. 

1 Gasca, Carta al Consejo, in Col. Doc. Intd., 1. 107; see also Herrera, dec. 
vi. lib. v. cap. iii. 

im;mv.\ 247 

.1 >;i 1.1 v l>el< merit of ii ion. Tl 

:ii lii-si propo-ed was to unite the ]{io (Irande \\itli 

the ( ]];. hich except i: mu^ hl 

rable lor v of li-l .t draught aa far B& the 

proem town of Graces, and so make tin- CODQOCti 

oil the Pacific Side Heal 1 tile modern city of J aiiaina. 

Andagoya, who 1ms already l)ecn mentioned as tin; 

6 who in 1 .VJ J conducted an expedition to ]>iru, 

lirected to mal jurrey and to i urnisli estimates 
of the j>rol>al>]<- oost, \\\< report was unfjavorable; lor 

in a despatch addressed to the emperor, about 1 .V 

beliri that there was no monarch in 
all Knrope rich enough to furnish the means to c;i 

out such an enterprise. 9 

In the same despatch Andagoya also reports ; 

versely on a question which had been for several y<-, 

under discussion- -that of moving t<> aiiotlier site tho 
population of J^uiama. In a letter addressed to Fran- 
C18CO 1 ixarro in 1531, Antonio <! la (iama decla. 
liis intention oi making such a change; lor ever >i: 
the city had bern founded by Pedrarias, coinplai 
liad bei-n made of its unhealthy climate. 3 A royal 
iula was afterward i-siied oi d.Tin-- that the citi/eiis 
should meet and discuss the (jth-stion, and Anda 

- that tho matter was <lreidcd in the nc-ati 
for. he tells us: "There is no other port in all the 
South Sea \\lier Is could anchor alongside the 

streets. 11 Moreover he ailirms that "God himself 
had selected the sii 

The- chronicler Benzoni > who travelled in J)ai ieii 
W& n L54] and 1 556, mentions that th id lrni 

: ,>. I^)n,i> . 4, it i 1 th;r i inmlf liis 

survi V in i.lx-.liri: . -1 jot! U% I vautl 

iiilip t. 1 the i uniting the two oa 

! : l.iit wln ii th- M;T\ v was onl- 
In //. I//;., i. . !iii> I. tlii.s s. -iuTt i- 

iillu-u! in ri ii>ti-u-tiii j tli- d ftdXM nuis 

. 1 an account f tli> ic.l li\ 

iliti n in tli- ini<l(lU of tlic nint-tri-ntli rmti. 

3 J . \.\\ i. ;nl //( - iv. 

lil). ii. 


Panajnd, 4 to Nombre de Dios was about fifty miles in 
length, and that during the first day s journey it was 
tolerably smooth, but the remainder of the route lay 
over rugged and difficult ground, through forest and 
through streams sometimes almost impassable dur 
ing the rainy season. 5 Merchants doing business at 
Nombre de Dios usually resided at Panamd. At the 
time of Benzoni s visit to the former town, about the 
year 1541, it contained but fifteen or twenty whole 
sale merchants, the remainder of the population being 
principally small tradesmen, innkeepers, and sailors. 

The trade of Nombre de Dios was extremely fluctu 
ating. Fourteen or fifteen Spanish vessels of various 
sizes, the largest being about three hundred and sixty 
tons burden, arrived there annually, with miscella 
neous cargoes, but laden principally with wine, flour, 
biscuit, oil, cloth, silk, and household merchandise. 
The prices obtained for goods depended altogether 
upon the supply. When the market was overstocked, 
prices frequently ruled lower than first cost in Spain, 
and cargoes were sometimes forfeited by the consignee 
as not worth the freight. On the other hand, when 
an article was scarce, an enormous price could be ob 
tained for it, sometimes its weight in gold. 

When a ship arrived at Nombre cle Dios the cargo 
was discharged into flat-bottomed boats, and carried 
by way of the Chagre as far as Graces, about six 
leagues from the South Sea. Here the merchandise 


4 Benzoni goes somewhat out of his way to make PanamA appear in a con 
temptible light. He says that it contained about 4,000 inhabitants and had 
about 120 houses built of reeds or wood and roofed with shingles, but he 
does not explain how such a population contrived to crowd themselves into 
that mimber of dwellings. 

5 In his description of a journey from Acla to Panamd by way of Nombre 
de Dios, Benzoni mentions that his party was accompanied by 20 negro 
slaves, whose business it was to cut away the undergrowth and branches of 
trees that barred their path. The same writer also alludes to the danger 
incurred by travellers during the rainy season through the frequent crossing 
of the Chagres en route across the Isthmus. He relates a story of a Spaniard, 
who while fording the last branch of the river, mounted on a mule, and with 
gold and jewels in his possession to the value of 4,000 ducats, was carried down 
stream, lost everything, and was saved only by tying himself to the branch 
of a tree, arriving at Nombre de Dios with only his waistcoat. 

AM A. 

mule 1 , w 1 1 o < o 1 1 \ it 

1 ;i. : ;:n;i, wheiie.- il 

b of th ith 1 

Ahoiit fli - : of Hi h n-niury t! 

nuns of Darien had becom< ito-way betw< 

,nd Panama the moai iiiij <>f 

Ani -ri ituat d iij.oii tin- world s hiidiu; id 

in tin- yety -centre of the ^[ i < lil i > l 1 ( - ( >l"nial j 

portals must, ilow tlir ti - oi I J| 

iVcin the south, the ]n-odu<-ts of Mexico, Nicai 
and < ial;i iVoin I he north, and fche 1 

lli< 1 of tin- Spice Islands from tin \ Tims 

] ^anamd ! the metropolis of i wo 

Americas, l>ut tli- hal: .- liou^- and t 


t\vt-rn . TII Jviif >].- and :a. 

i-a\v adventurer who at the opening () f ],i s < 

1 forward with < r cxni-ctat i<n into irk 

im<--rtain i uturf m< < 4 returned for 
elated with siieecss or 1.. I ite.j through laih, 

Into the lap of tlii D-ntral lint 

alth. I !-r merchants were princes; her wareroon 

h rich merchandie kind 

fi-oni ry <|Uart-T oi tin; Tl 

Ilow and white i roni 1 

of > cochineal and d 

liK-s of Spain and .Portugal, tlu) 
i I- rane-- and Italy. 

of this commercial rnetr 

acres the southern 
"lining for Spain many <>f t ] 

he lux 
1 .rid. \\ ut P Fran ill 


ii hi 
<;!>. ii. . 


is more than probable that but for prompt assistance 
from Panarnd the brave -Manco Capac would have 
succeeded in exterminating the Spaniards within his 
territory. While a central position and a command 
of both the oceans gave to the city her wealth and 
importance, the same causes exposed her not infre 
quently to social and political convulsions, and to 
attack from foreign powers. An insurrection in 
Guatemala, a rebellion in Peru, a system of restric 
tions on Asiatic trade were immediately felt in Pan 
ama, and upon that city fell the heaviest blows aimed 
by the English, French, or Dutch against the Spanish 
possessions in the New World. Between 1545 and 
1671, at which later date the old city of Panamd was 
burned, it was sacked and partially destroyed no less 
than four times. In other chapters I shall bring 
together such facts as I have been able to find relating 
to the lives and fortunes of the Spaniards of Darien 
and Central America during the three centuries which 
elapsed between the conquest of that country by the 
Spaniards and their renunciation of allegiance to 
parental authority. This epoch opened and ended in 
attempted revolution. The first was futile, the last 
successful. The first was attempted by brave, strong, 
and daring men, but Spain and Charles were stronger. 
The last was attempted by weak, degenerate Span 
iards, but Spain and Fernando were weaker. 

Upon the death of Francisco Pizarro, the Alma- 
grist faction maintained the ascendency in Peru, 8 
until dispersed by Vaca de Castro on the plains of 
Chupas. Young Almagro then fled to Cuzco, where 
he was arrested and beheaded as a traitor. 9 Yaca de 

8 Among other marauding expeditions planned by Almagro was a raid on 
Panama and Nombre de Dios for the purpose of plundering both places, and 
making the former a base for future operations against Nicaragua and Gua 
temala. He intended moreover to destroy all ships on the Pacific side that 
could not be utilized. Vaca de Castro (Licenciado Cristdbal), Carta al Empe- 
rador Don Carlos, ddndole cuenta de la sublevacion y castiyo de Don Diego de 
Almagro el mozo y de otros importantes asuntos (Cuzco, Nov. 24, 1542). Curias 
de-Imlias, 478, 483-4. 

9 On the very spot \diere his father met a like fate. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. 
vi. cap. i. 

hail hut ju I in Peru. I {, 1 lif \v 

him a comm 11 from tile <To\VIl t > al hit! Upon. 

an. ;li- tlit- di-c<>rds betw< rival nd 

in the event of the dec of I- raiicix-M Pi/arm, 

uas instructed to assume t .rnment. Gn/.alo 

Pizarro, who had heen appointed governor of Qui 

iinc of his brother s murder ali- >n an 

expedition of (liscov.-ry to tlir river Aina/on. ( )n his 
urn, learning of Ki ancisco s t < H ,-; 

lii- bo vaca de Castro, l>ut tli-y were dediii d 

ntlicial, \vh<> was fearful lest theturbuL M<1 

disposition of tin- last of th-- 1 i/ar; 
should in with hi- adininisf ration of 1 1 -v- 

ernnn-iit. (ionxalo, an^vivd at the ivhull ircil to 

Plata and e j -d in working the rich silvrr-inii 
in that locality. 

to tliis time- Charles, occupied l>y tlie atl airs of 

\a-t empire at home, had paid hut little it ion 

1< the welfare of the coloni- In general terms the 
Spanish ^<>\ ci-nnieiit had Bel limits to the cruelty and 
opp ion <>f tlie natives l>y the ei.iKjU I 1 ! 

intentions of the sovereigns and their councils 
from tlie be^innin^ humane and pi. I I 

have ..i ten ol.scrved. But as new issue U- 

>tantly e-ro\\iii 4* out of these new condit; and 

v many of the n.yal decrees concerniiiLT the allaii s 
ot tl Indies \ impracticabk I there! 

inoperative, the eoixjuerors were left iii a n 

lown their own rules of conduct according to 


their immediate n. s; or rather to act indepen 

dent of all rule, heii rued hy the d: .f th- 

judgment or ic st, [fsu inded tiiese law- 

tfoi-ts, the mi-d.-eds of the>e adventurers \\-< 
ohl ted hy their u old. If unsu. \d, th 
u-ually iell \i<-tim> to their cruelty or cupidin. and 
their i.on. let t to moulder in the wild. rn< : 

that in the earlv hi>toi-y of the Spani>h colonies it 
\\as onlv at rare int Is and in a 

that anv notic. d.en of disobedient 


To one crime, however that of disloyalty- -the 
Spanish monarchs were never insensible. So long as 
the prerogatives of the crown were strictly regarded, 
excesses were overlooked. The next most heinous 
offence was civil strife. Native Americans, a race 
midway between Castilians and brutes, might be 
slaughtered by the thousand upon slight cause; 10 but 
the lives of Spanish marauders were far too valuable 
to be given up to internecine strife. 

In Peru, however, it was different. The passions 
of the populace had been roused by contending fac 
tions, and the license hitherto granted to the con 
querors rendered them all the more impatient of 
restraint. Although the people were worse prepared 
for stringent measures than the more orderly colonists 
of Mexico, the person upon whom devolved the 
execution of the obnoxious laws lacked the wise and 
politic discrimination which governed the actions of 
Sandoval and Mendoza. 

On the 4th of March 1544, Vasco Nunez Vela 
landed at Tumbez on the Peruvian coast, and as the 
fame of his high-handed measures at Panama had not 


preceded him, was accorded a loyal reception. His 
popularity was short-lived, for the viceroy imme 
diately liberated a number of slaves and on his jour 
ney to Los Reyes would not even allow his baggage 
to be carried by Indians, or, if compelled to do so, he 
paid them liberally. Such conduct caused huge dis 
gust throughout the province, but Nunez was deaf to 
all remonstrance and even caused the arrest of some 
of the malecontents. 

Many now bidding defiance to the vicegerent took 
up arms and urged Gonzalo Pizarro, the sole surviving 
brother of the conqueror, to place himself at their head. 
Nothing loath, Gonzalo proceeded at once to Cuzco, 

10 Espanoles hai que crian perros carniceros y los avezan a matar Indies, 
lo qual procuran a las veces por pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros. 
Morales, Relation, MS. 


llli accumulated by min : 


1 pil "in ]. numerous I T! 

. ;il 1.; jtile Was planted before hi- 

loudly affirmed that he \. true and lawful 

su of the kiir_r, Hint tin- viceroy had -led his 

dons, and liiai he only aimed in hold in c 
his iniquitous pur] until the will of the CIIIJM-. 

lid 1 :ned. Vasro Nunez at l.-n-lh dr 

upon himself the indignation of his own part; 

in-ti^ation of the l.;icliiller C< i, a meml 
of the audiencia, mutinied and <lecided to ]! ;ho 
viceroy uj)ou a vessel to be con d lark to Spain. 
]\Icanwhile tlic colonists florkrd t<> the standard of 
ii/alo from every direction, until he soon found 
himsrlf at the head of twelve hundred brave and dis- 
ci]ili!M. (l trooj On the 28th of Octol> 15-11, 
.-imidst ilie acclamations of the populace, h 

]/ima head of his army, and the royal audien- 

-"lv d. Scarcely had the shi|> whidi v. 
rry Yasco Nunez to J^mama set sail from Lima, 
v/hen Alvarez, the official in charge, not dai-in-- to 
ap]cai in Spain with a viceroy as a prisoner, tin 
himself at his feet, be ^ and placed T 

ship and all on board under his command. Dei 
thus une\ peet<-dly released, he disembarks I at r J um- 

inail force, and marching northward 
; Quito, called upon all loyal sul>j 1 ally 

iorthe prote.-tion o! kind s authority. lie th 

marched at tlie head of about live hundivd men 

i MigueL M 

^ ; ii;:a!o Pixarro, who had been narrowly \ 
the movem< of the viceroy, now mined to 

11 In //< i. Ill), vii. at Gon/,;ilo was 

unitur ^1. and eh: 

it waa tr .umplial entry. 1 i/aiio liin, s eliul in a fiiHsuit 

mil, \\ith a liohly i-nn "re liini was borne the 

lanl ol i . 



bring matters to an issue. On the 4th of March 
1545, he departed from Lima and marched against 
his opponent. Vasco Nunez, fearful of the result, 
abandoned the^ town and fled to Anaquito, whither 
he was followed by the revolutionists, and on the 
18th of January 1536 a hotly contested battle was 
fought, resulting in the defeat and death of the 
viceroy. 14 

Even before this event Gonzalo Pizarro had assumed 
the dictatorship of Peru and resolved to make himself 
master of Panamd, his dreams of conquest extending 
even to the provinces north of Tierra Firme. 1J En 
listing in his service one Hernando Bachicao, 16 he 
placed him in command of six hundred men and a fleet 
of twenty-seven ships. 17 Arriving at Tumbez, Bachi 
cao landed a hundred troops, whereupon Vasco Nunez, 
though in command of two hundred well trained vet 
erans, fled to Anaquito, a portion of his forces desert 
ing him and joining the standard of the revolutionists. 
Proceeding thence to Puerto Yiejo and elsew r here, he 
seized several vessels and enlisted a hundred and fifty 
recruits. Calling at the Pearl Islands he was met by 
two messengers from Panama", sent to request that he 
would forbear to land an armed force in Tierra Firnie. 

14 Vasco Nunez was decapitated by a negro on the battle-field, and his 
head borne on a pike. Some of the soldiers were brutal enough to pluck the 
grey hair s from the beard and wear them in their helmets as trophies of the 
victory. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii. See, also, Fernandez, Hist. Peru, 
pt. i. lib. i. cap. liv. 

15 He ordered galleys to be built at Arequipa, which with the vessels 
already in his possession would make him master of the sea from Chile to 
Nicaragua. Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xv. 

16 Named by some authors Machicao, and in Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, 
Machicano. When Gonzalo Pizarro made his entry into Lima, Bachicao 
caused the artillery, ammunition, and equipments to be carried on the backs 
of Indians, thus showing his contempt for the new code of laws. Benzoni, 
Mondo Nuovo, 210 (HaL Soc. ed.) See, also, Gomara, Hist. 2nd., 214, and 
Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 718-20. Gomara says of him: Lo 
escojeran entre mil para qualquiera afrenta, pero couarde como liebre, y asi solia 
el dezir: ladrar, pese d tal, y no morder. Era hombre baxo mal acostumbrado, 
rufian, presumptuoso, renegador, q se auia encomenado al Diablo, ... buen 
ladron. . .asi de amigos como de enemigos. 

11 On board the fleet were Maldonado and Doctor Trejada on their way to 
Spain to render to the emperor Gonzalo Pizarro s account of the matter and 
await his Majesty s further instructions. Pizarro, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. 
Incd., 1. 195 passim. 


Bad replied that he intended hut to land hi- p 

and iv\ i-t ual hi- ll 

The pi-opli- of Pan, had lc. -ii repeatedly wan 

hy STaCS <!< Castro and Others that, their rity was ill 

danger of falling int.. tin- hands of Gon/alo Pizai 


and had Levied a force of BeV6D hundred nidi, tlmu 
ill-equipped and without experience or disci, 

Thrown off their guard however by I>a<-hi-ai- ans\* 

they alli>\\ fd him to enter the har!><>r without <>[, 
Bltion. Plr landed a portion of his forces and aim. 

A\ it 1 1 out resistance seized all the arms and ammunition 

in tli -i-nal and delivered up thr city to ]>illa 
Tin* ship-masters in port were ordered to join his 

and those, who ivtu-ed were handed at tliu yard-arm. 

A captain named Pedro Gallego was also < u.dfor 

disobeying his oi-drr to shoi-tea sail and cry Mva 

Pizarro! M 

All law and order were for the time at an end. ^\1 

were put to death without the- formality of a trial, and 

it : fen said that Badiicao hdieaded 8O1 his 

own oilicrrs on tin- merest suspicion of their di>aii 
tiou or even for pastim. 

( >u i\ in-- news of his li ut s mi 

nmpaiiied with letters of ivmoiistraiKv lV>m the 
citizens of .1 ananui, ( ion/alo at once deposed him i rom 
tli mmand I Ie WAS resolved, hov, .ill 

of the I-thmus. and despat<-li. d for this j.ur- 
I Vdro de Hinojosa, a1 the In-ad of hvohundi 
and lil ty men, with instiMj. and hold hoth 

I :.nam;i and d,- I )i, Hinoj liad 

nt tin- li:u-: -iiio n. : .i-uni > in ])<>rt \ 

lie il ] lie cosi 

iiiaiua. c ii"ii 
(ii (Jiisuiaii i-lu- nella, c itta, Uqoale lacuna 


I > n/i mi, j 

, lil>. v. c-ap. \vi., i: 

it-lit 1 


first landed in Peru in 1534, and had done good service 
under Francisco and Hernando Pizarro, was a man of 
no mean abilities. Endowed by nature with a clear 
intelligence, honest of purpose and faithful to his 
trusts, with a judgment sharpened by long intercourse 
with the stirring scenes of the New World, he was 
eminently fitted for command, and enjoyed in no small 
degree the confidence of his soldiers. 


The expedition sailed northward as far as Puerto 
Viejo, whence a vessel was sent in charge of Rodrigo 
de Carbajal with letters from Gonzalo to the principal 
residents of Panama begging their favor and coopera 
tion, disclaiming all connection with Bachicao s out 
rages, and stating that Hinojosa was now on his way 
with means sufficient to indemnify all who had suffered 
loss. If the force by which he was accompanied ap 
peared to them somewhat large for the purpose, it 
should be remembered that Gonzalo s enemies were on 
the alert, and that it would be unsafe to navigate the 
ocean with a smaller fleet. 

Accompanied by fifteen men, Carbajal landed at 
Ancon, a small cove two leagues from Panamd. There 
he was informed by some planters residing in the 
vicinity that two captains of the viceroy, Juan de 
Guzman and Juan de Illanes, were in the city enlist 
ing troops under a commission from their chief, who 
awaited their coming at Quito. They had thus far 
succeeded in raising a company of one hundred men 
and in collecting a considerable quantity of arms, in 
cluding six pieces of field artillery. " But," continued 
his informers, "although they have been ready to sail 
for many days, they appear to be in no haste to de 
part, and it is now believed that it is their intention 
to remain and defend the city against the insurgents." 
Under the circumstances, Carbajal did not think it 
prudent to land. Pie therefore despatched an emissary 
secretly by night with the letters from Pizarro. 

The citizens to whom they were addressed were not 
to be duped however, and at once placed them before 


th- ithori Tin Hi r was . in- ..nd 

forced t<> di-e all In* km Min 

and liis visi Tin- - lard of the city was inc; d, 
and t\vo well annrd brigantines were sent to capt 
tli- 1 tin ii at Ancon. Dut Carbajal was 
<juiek for them; suspecting from UK- <1< -lay of his m 

r tin- true state of affairs, In- slipped away, and 
hiding his vessel annmLC the Pearl Islands, then- 
awaited the approach of his commander.* 1 

In the mean time Hinojosa continuing his com 
northward touched at Buenaventura. There he learned 
that Yasco Nufiez Vela was then engaged, with i 

of Benalcdzar, in recruiting his army in 
that neighborhood. Landing a party of soldi- r-, he 
raptured eight or ten of the inhabitants, who gave 
information that the viceroy was at Popayan. and 
that owing to the delay of his captains, Juan de Illa- 

1 and Juan de (in/man, lie had determined to send 

his hrother, Captain Vela Nunez, accompanied by 
efficient officers, to hasten the arrival of troops from 
Panama. Moreover he had ascertained that tl 
viceroy wa^ huilding a brigantine, now almost com- 
]leted, on board of whicli he intended to place his 
brother, in charge of all his treasure,- 1 and to send to 
P;.nama, in the hope of obtaining a heavy ransom 
from some of Hinojosa s partisan-, an i! e Bon 

of Gkmzalo Pizarro, then a captive in his han<ls. \ -la 

together with his officers and a d.-tarh: I of 
n in charge of young Pi /arm, weiv then inarclii 
to tli i^t by dir it route<. to embark on board 

th 1. By a clever Btroke of strategy Ilin 

captmvd both parties, I tin , and pla- 

A < la Nunez and his command as prisoner> on board 

iition to otli r precaution o <le Casaos, the correi:i<: 

nia\ .aind, crossed : 

MS to rally for t: ng all th 

buses aii-l u hieli he could tind, i ! to tl ; . 

lo, tln-rrl.y ><.\\iug discord \\hi.-li was to 
...r of tin , //, lib. 

iity thousand diu-at.s according to !} /r.u/ti, Mvialu -\ 
Hie. . AM., VOL. II. IT 


the fleet. Then taking with him young Pizarro, 
whom he liberated and treated with marked considera 
tion, he set sail for Panama^ and after being joined by 
Carbajal, cast anchor in the bay with eleven ships 23 
and the two hundred and fifty men already mentioned. 
This was in October 1545. 

The city was divided as to the policy of admitting 
the insurgents. The merchants arid all who derived 
profit from the Peruvian trade saw everything to gain 
by the arrival of a large and richly laden fleet. Many 
of them furthermore held property in Peru, and trans 
acted business through their factors, upon whom 
Gonzalo Pizarro would not fail to inflict summary 
punishment if he heard of opposition at Panamd. 
On the other hand Doctor Robles, the governor, with 
his political adherents and all who derived place and 
profit from the crown, loudly disclaimed against the 
rebels, and called on the people to assist him in the 
defence of the city, under penalty of the royal dis 
pleasure. 24 In the end the governor s party prevailed, 
the opposite faction yielding in appearance at least, 
and the corregidor Pedro de Casaos receiving the 
appointment of captain general 25 marched forth to 
oppose the landing of Hinojosa. The entire forces 
of the royalist party now mustered, apart from some 
small reinforcements from Nombre de Dios, nearly 
eight hundred men, only ninety of whom were dis 
ciplined troops, the remainder being an ill-armed crew 
of citizen-soldiers. The army was well supplied with 
field artillery. 26 

23 Eight ships and three brigantines. Benzoni, Hondo Nuovo. 

24 Juan de Illanes, as soon as he saw the ships, cried out with a loud voice 
to the citizens, Come out of your houses, ye traitors, come and defend the 
lung s domain from these tyrants! When Pedro de Casaos sent word to 
Hinojosa to inquire the cause of his coming he answered that he came to 
pay the debts of Machicano. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 144-5. 

25 H errera , dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. Garcilaso de la Vega, in Hist. Peru, ii. 
244, styles Hinojosa govern or, and Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxx., says: 
Y el governador de aquella Provincia llamado Pedro de Casaos, Natural de 
Sevilla, fue con gran diligencia a la Ciudad de Nombre de Dios, i mand6 aper- 
cebir toda la Gente que en ella estaba, i juntando todas las Armas, i Arcabuces 
que pudo haver, los llevb consigo a Panama. The corregidor of a town was 
often styled governador by courtesy. Hence perhaps the mistake. 

^Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. 


I )roppin^ down with hi- ll< ( fco tl n, 

inoJM.-a disembarked two hundred men nnd T cover 

of hi .noli, landing them <n a rocky pr< >jfci in of 

Hx- shore, inaccessible t< the enemj avail !! 

then be^an liis inardi on Panama, ordering the i! 
to keep him company at a short distance iVom the 
shore with t^mis trimmed ready Tor action. 27 

At this juncture the cccle- os of the city issuh 
ill in a body, with mournful chants and sad coun 
tenances, their garments covered with cro- and i 
insignia of mourning, began to expostulate with loth 
anni< " Is it necessary," they cried, "for Christians 

imhue their hands in each other s blood!" At 
length an armistice of one day was agreed on. IL 

9 were given on either side, and the efforts of the 
]>ri to bring about an agreement between the j>ar- 
tii a were redoubled 

Hinojosa declared that he could not see why 1 
w;i< denied entrance into the city. 2S 1 le came not to 
make \\.-ir but restitution. Gonzalo Pizarro harboi 

DO -vil design; but lie was master of Peru, and he in- 
t n<l< (1 to be master of the only thoroughfare to Peru- 
thai which traversed the continent from Xombre de 
Dios to Panama. If the people of the Isthmus w. uld 

!.u f n themselves to the sway of Pizarro while he 
wielded supreme power in Peru, or Until matters w< 

iled by the crown, all would be well; otherwise war 
must inevitably follow. 

lVdr> de Tasaos and tlio men of Panama were not 
bisfied.* Tliey had just experienced a forei of 
what they mi^ht <-.\peet shotihl another of Gonzal 
ca]>taiiis obtain po- ion of the city, but their only 

is said that a kittle now appran: the officer in 

Xuiic/ was onlT l t-> lian^ him and tin- otln : :iers to ; .mi. 

/ r/i, lih. v. i-aji. x\xi. r rhi> ifiit is vrry iiu\> . 

28 He in: I ; ni;i that if they ha.. 

liki- Machicao, th :ainly oii^ht to atlinit liim. ll Q. vii. lii 


: Tln-y liad no faith in Hiimjosa s ]. Gonzalo Pizarro 

:-se juridical]]. -ll...< <lr T ninguno 

:,,; y . .icsaa avia hi 

Bacliie. d\ da.-(j dc (n Vega, ff\ ... -j-il. 


alternative was compromise, or the arbitration of the 
sword. It was finally agreed that the loyal colonists 
who had come over from Nombre de Dios to render 
assistance should return, and that Hinojosa should be 
allowed to enter the city with a guard of thirty men, 
there to remain for forty-five days. 30 His ships mean 
while were to retire to Taboga or to the Pearl Islands, 
to be revictualled and repaired. The articles of agree 
ment were drawn up by a notary and signed by the 
respective parties who bound themselves by oath to 
adhere faithfully to the terms stipulated. 

Although Hinojosa was thus restricted by the 
terms of his compact and for the moment could strike 
no blow for the conquest of Panama*, he was by no 
means idle during the interval. Maintaining a strict 
watch against surprise and assassination, 31 he took up 
his quarters in a comfortable well furnished house, 
loaded his table with choice viands, and throwing 
open his doors entertained all comers with lavish 
hospitality. His apartments soon became the resort 
of soldiers and adventurers of every clique. Gon- 
zalo Pizarro and the affairs of Peru were discussed 
over brimming goblets. Brilliant stories concerning 
the discovery and opening of mines of fabulous rich 
ness 32 fired the cupidity of the listeners, while a free 
passage was offered to all, and liberal pay promised 
from the first day of enlistment. 

By these shrewd measures Hinojosa had the satis 
faction of seeing his forces daily increase, while those 
of Pedro de Casaos proportionately diminished. The 
soldiers of Juan de Illanes and Juan de Guzman did 

30 Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. x., and Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 145. In 
Gomara, Hist, IncL, 218, it is stated that 40 men were allowed to land. 
Other authorities give 50 as the number of the guard and 30 days as the 

ai Con este concierto Hinojosa mandd recoger la gente a las naos, y los de 
Panama le hablaron y trataron con mucha cortesia, y le aposentaron en la 
ciudad y diziendole, que se trataua de prenderle, 6 matarle; aunque no lo 
creyo, todauia se hizo fuerte en la casa adode posaua, y poco despues, como 
bue Capitan, por quitar ocasiones de tumultos se fue a sus naos, y presto se 
entendio q aquel rumor no fue palabras. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. 10. 

3 - It was during this year that the wealth of Potosi began to be known. 


nsil)le to the wiles and genial hospitality 

df II IIP ., and those; captain- tliem>el. 

abandoned by the greater parl oftheir -Iv 

!e from UK- city and sei/ing a Vessel alt -mpti d 
make their escape to Peru. They were, ho\ r, 
captured hyone of the watchful captain itioned in 
the harbor, and not long after voluntarily joined them 
selves to Hinojosa and became his faithful adhere!. 
Such was the influence which ]Iinoj<>sa ac<juir> d by 
his careless and apparently unintentional display of 

dth, and hy his >kill in throwing tempting baits to 

u who never flinched from dang-T when they sa\v 
pr< i of gain, that in a few v s and hy a silent 
and bloodless revolution he became master of the city. 
Af the expiration of the forty -five days he E I the 
batteries and made a formal entry into Panama at the 

id of his entire force, amidst the acclamations of 
the greater part of the inhabitants. 

Hinojosa took no advantage of his easily won vic 
tor Jfe strove to maintain the strictest discipline 
among his followers, treated the citizens with the 
utmost liberality, and ordered that the soldiers should 

pert their rights and in no wi^e im with th 

allair ] Te then despatched his son-in-law, ]I 
nando Meji a de (.aiznian, in company with Pedro de 

.hrera, to take possession of Nomhre de Dios and 
guard the interests of Gonzalo Pizarro in that <]iiari 

AVhile the province of Panama thus quietly j-- 
into tlie hands of Iliuojosa the partisans ot the vi 
i-oy were not idle. Melrhor Verdugo, 8 * to whom 
one of the conquerors of Peru had heen ; :ied ; 
province of Caxanialca, proffi red his at rvicesto^ 

A\-la, on his tii>t landing in IV-ru. Be<-..n:i: 

53 In Jl>rr^ viii. lil). i. c-ij*. \\., it !inojosft s< 

committed i\i;inv n>l)l)ciifs. takin to hide them from i -luiii.-ii. 

strictly l >i! nythin ic kinl and 

rulers should be han< i auth 

, 1. Ins. .i, Bayt that llr. iiianui and 

I and (juarti-r his Hi 
81 A native oi Alava, and a : 
u, lib. v. to dc la \ j t, , ii. - 


afterward implicated in a plot devised by the royalist 
party to gain possession of Lima, he was arrested in 
that city by order of Gonzalo Pizarro. Escaping 
thence he proceeded to Trujillo, where he was fortu 
nate enough to seize one of Bachicao s vessels, laden 
with the spoils of Panama*. With the proceeds of 
this capture, and with funds realized from his own 
estate, he enlisted a company in the service of the vice 
roy. He then sailed for Nicaragua and requested 
from the governor, as a loyal servant of the king, men 
and means to assist him in quelling the insurrection 
on the Isthmus. Failing to draw from him a hearty 
response he next applied to the audiencia of the Con 
fines. With the magistrates of that tribunal he was 
more successful. Licentiate Ramirez de Alarcon, one 
of the members, took an active part in recruiting men 
and collecting arms and horses. 

In the mean time tidings of Verdugo s doings in 
Peru and Nicaragua and his intended expedition to 
the northern coast of Darien reached Panama*. Hi- 
nojosa, fearing that Verdugo might raise a force 
sufficient to cause him trouble, sent Juan Alonso 
Palomino with two vessels and one hundred and 
twenty arquebusiers in pursuit. Arriving at Nica 
ragua Palomino captured Verdugo s vessel without 
difficulty, but on attempting to land found himself 
confronted by all the available men in the province 
arrayed under the royalist banner, under the command 
of Verdugo and the licentiate. After hovering about 
the coast for several days, watching in vain for a 
chance to disembark, he seized all the ships on the 
coast, and burning those which were unserviceable, 
returned with the remainder to Panama", not knowing 
that his design was suspected. Verdugo made ready 
on Lake Nicaragua three or four frigates, and with 
two hundred choice and well armed troops 35 sailed 

35 Et non molto dopo Melchior Verdugo calato per lo Scolatio di Nicara 
gua con ducento soldati con animo di offendere la gente di Pizzarro. Benzoni, 
Mondo Nvovo, 146. In Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxiii., the number 
is stated at 100. 

MELCHOB vr:i:nuGO. 2C3 

tin I the river San Ju;m to tin- X<rth Sea, and 
althily aloiiM- the Coast, hoped to surpi 

tin- reU-ls before ])i- presence in that <juart<T became 

known. At tin- Jvio Chagre 1 

manned by negroes, i roni whom hu obtained valuable 

information as to the condition of attains at Xom 
de 1 )ios, the number of men stationed there, tin.- nai. 

of tin ir commanders! and a minute description of the 

building in which the officers were quartered. 

Hinojosa was on the alert, but not so his captains. 
Though warned of the approach of the loyal par 
th<-y were taken by surpri> Landing at nudni^l 
Yenlugo stole quietly to the house where Hernando 
I\l jia, l\ -dro Cabrera, and other officers were ]>< ,i 
fully slumbering, surrounded the jiivmisrs, and ihvd 
tlie dwelliii The dilatory captains, maddened at 
thus bring entrapped in their <>wii brds, sprang up, 
and >rizing their weapons rushed out of the blazing 
rdifice, and cutting their way through the eiirmy 
inadr their escape to the woods and finally to Pan 


.Mad Verdugo thenceforth conducted his affairs with 
kill and discretion which characterized I Iin : 

niovrinrnts at Panama hu would have ca that 

commander no little trouble, but he had n f tin; 

taci or -ein i-alship of Gonzalo s ollicrr. He imp) 
oin-d the alcaldes, levied arl.ili ary assessments Uj 
the in, rdiaiits, demanded heavy ranx>m ibr his p: 
oners, and soon made himself so obnoxious to the 
; that with one accord they petitioned Doctor 

Ribera, the mayor, to a-k pn from lliir 

The appeal was not in vain. Uibera at once entered 
into i itiations with Jlinoj- and it \\ 
that while the former levied troops at X ombre d- 

80 I ni;_-ht f;iv(.n-<l th(Mn, lut Vi-nhiffo s men mi.irht have 

tin ir i-iptup- yli:ul: ,:itcnt iu phnulerin-, the li- 

-7 . / r , ii. - l". 
; 11. TI. 

I his (tli<vrs t : 

but : him ly th 1 autl: 

Hot even \vhctlK. were alive. .K-c. viii. lib. ii. cap. iv. 


Dios, the latter should at once march from Panama* 
with a strong force. Verdugo impressed into his ser 
vice every available man, and withdrawing from the 
town, took up a position on the shore, where he was 
to some extent covered by the guns of his vessels. 
There he awaited Hinojosa, who with a small but 
picked company of veterans 33 was now crossing the 
Isthmus to join battle with the royalist forces. 

As soon as the rebel troops debouched from the 
woods surrounding Nombre de Dios, Ribera sallied 
from the town and opened a lively fire on the forces 
of Verdugo, the citizens taking fright at the first noise 
of the fray and scampering to a hill near by. Hino- 
josa s brigade advanced meanwhile with the steady 
measured tramp of trained soldiers, whereupon the 
men of Nicaragua, led by Verdugo, took to their heels 
also, leaving but one of their number wounded on the 
field, 39 and regained their ships, whence a brisk can 
nonade was opened on the town, but without visible 
result save loss of ammunition. The royalist captain 
then set sail for Cartagena, there to await a more 
favorable opportunity to serve his king. Hinojosa 
severely reprimanded Mejia and the other fugitive 
officers, and leaving them at Nombre de Dios in 
charge of a stronger garrison returned with Eibera 
to Panamd,. 

Nothing could have happened that would draw the 
attention of the court of Spain to the affairs of the 
New World more effectually than rebellion, as I have 
before intimated. The discovery and conquest of 
America cannot be classed as an achievement of the 
nation. It was a magnificent accident, in the busy 
reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Charles. Those 
sovereigns, absorbed in wars and involved in ambitious 


intrigues at home, with a vast continent thrust upon 

38 One hundred and fifty arquebusiers. Benzoni, Hist. Hondo Nvovo, 145- 
40; 140; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 219. 

39 Verdugo fu il primo & saltare in vn Brigantino, et solo vn soldato resto 
ferito, e questo fu el fine delle brauate di Verdugo. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 

o M-: LA 
by a, Gen t navi >r, could scai find 

do mere than grant permit- to adventu ib- 

jii ._ their own new territories in the w< 

crn world, and to receive when remitted to them t 
al iiith of the returns. But rebellion, of wh 
T magnitude or shape, is always dl il t 

sovereign. Therefore when tidings r- iin 

that the emperor s representative in I < ni had h. 
maltreated, and that a powerful body of i 
lield |)o Ion of that province, the monarch and his 
mini><ers were aroused The affairs of i 1 ; occupi 
for a time their careful consideration. Len- iliv d 


and close councils followed. At first, the kiii 
counsellors in their deliberations consulted only 
honor of the nation and strongly ad led s 
an armed force against Pizarro; but insun at 

home .-Hid insurrection in Peru were two v> 
<nt things. The Spanish government could me 
easily make war against a hundred thousand nn-n in 
Spain or Germany than against one thou>and in the 
wills of that distant province. 40 

Pedro de la < a/ 1 a counsellor of the inquisition, 
but a man holding no public is the one 

leett-d as the fit instrument for the oe >n. lie 
united a mild and insinuating disposition with i 
able iirnmess and tenacity, and a cool and bland 
exterior with a strength and sagacity but little HI>- 
perted by most of his country men. None knew b 
DOW to combine a subtle humility and held cauti 

40 La diticnltad do tanto nparat--, . . AjIDM, v Cav; lunioon y 

tail 1. .1 DO 

> de la 

41 ri in 141)1 in tho CaUilh ria d. 
near i\\< . :,,. 1 ! .1 a liU-i. 

famous seminary ( : \\ dc 1 s, and M;!>M 

i to the univrrsityof SaLirnaii : . \\< laprieetioj 

, ni<l in l.VJHvn.s aj>] r of the i- ion. 1 

. his gallant o of the city of \ alonoia, at a ti 

a at th 

t famii :uudaiid s 

1 \ n>in . Casca t n 

.d"iit he slin\vrd th> !1 and 

.ling political disturbance. Uah <*>, in Carlo* de Iiu: 


with unpretending manners and a pleasant address, 
and no man could have been found better qualified to 
undertake the task. He obeyed the summons of the 
court with reluctance, but once having engaged in 
the undertaking, his whole soul was absorbed in 
its execution. Before setting out he declined an 
offered bishopric; he would accept no salary, nor any 
title except that of president of the royal audiencia 
of Lima. 42 He was empowered with the authority 
of a sovereign, being allowed to levy troops, declare 
war, appoint and remove officers at will, make repar- 
timientos, condemn to death, condone offences, grant 
amnesties, and might send back to Spain if neces 
sary even the viceroy himself. 43 

On the 26th of May 154G, Gasca set sail from San 
Lucar with a small retinue, consisting of two oidores, 
and among: other cavaliers the mariscal Alonso de 


Alvarado and the adelantado Pascual de Andagoya. 
Had the emissaries of Charles appeared off the 
Isthmus in warlike guise, the captains of Gonzalo 
Pizarro would have opposed them to the last, but 
what had they to fear from a humble priest with but 
a score or two of attendants? Nevertheless, Her- 
nando Mejia was not without his suspicions of Alva 
rado. 44 He had but recently committed one blunder 
in allowing himself to be outwitted by Melchor Ver- 
dugo ; but after some hesitation he decided that if the 
priest came armed with such a commission from the 
king as Alvarado affirmed, it were better to treat him 
with the respect due to a royal envoy. On the 17th 

42 < EI Titulo que Ilev6, fue de Presidente de la Audiencia Real del Peru. 
Zaratc, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi. 

43 Llev6 las Ce dulas, y Recaudos necesarios, en caso, que convinese hacer 
Gente de Guerra, aunque estos fueron secretos, porque no publicaba, ni trataba, 
fino de los perdones, i de los otros medios pacificos. Zarate, Hist. Peru, in 
Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 209, says: Le 
diesen absolute Poder en todo, y por todo, tan cumplido y bastante, como su 
Magestad lo tenia en las Indias. See, also, Prescott s Peru, ii. 344. 

41 Alvarado hablo d Hernan Mexia, i le di6 noticia de la venida del Presi 
dente, diciendole quien era, i a lo que venia, i clespues de largas platicas se 
clespidieron, sin haverse declarado el vno al otro sus animos, porque ambos 
estaban sospechosos. Zarate, Hist. Peru } in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi. 


of July ( i intiii; :iiiii to land, ami 

]M<;J!.> liini a loyal jvn-pt ion. Drawing up his 

in. -n on tin beach, In- ]ut <>ut lor the piv> ni 

M 1 with a laiard of twenty arquebusiers, brought him 

a-hore, and amid the roar of cannon and mu>k-try 
conducted him to his own quarters within the town. 

M jia was not long in the company of the unpi 
t ndim ecclesiastic In -lore lie became convinced that 
beneath his calm demeanor Slumbered a power that 
would soon make itself felt in the land. Gasca ex 
plained the object of his errand and the scope of his 
authority. His purpose was peace, and his commi>- 
sion, which was dated after the battle of Anaquito 
and the death of the viceroy, authorized him to ^raiit 
pardon for all offences, no matter how heinous. 4 * It 
now therefore became all loyal subjects to oppose no 
longer the emperor s messenger. M-jia hesitated. 
At heart he was loyal, though in common with others 

had espoused the cause of the chivalrous conqu 
in opposition to the austere and unpopular rule of 
Yaca de Castro and Vasco Xufiez Vela. Xot ev 
Gonzalo Pizarro, much less his subordinates, admit I 
themselves to be rebels. Gasca did not press i 

,tter. He soon read the honest soldier completely 

and knew his man. His policy was rath T to throw 

around those over whom he desired to gain ;id- 

ency the subtle influence which a man of his k- . 

incisive penetration, invested with t\i !> of author- 

nd versed in all the wily craft and casui>try of 

i-dcr, knew well how to exercise, than to force an 

unwilling assent to measures which \\vre di> fid 

and might afterward be lightly di>rlainied. 

45 7>r;m/ </.r, 1 ! ..- . / /", ] t. i. lib. ii. rap. of 

.y until afti-r his laiidiii_ d 1 . l>ut 

sin- thn-c.l lii- ut, .-HIM i :n> wuull I 

him IK- would ivtnni to the CIIIIKM-IT. . ii. 

J7<>. ^-sca s 1 


fhun-hiuaii: Ki. r a M< rtlugo, 411 . con cicrtcs ( 

; !;i Ulira. *O df In 

. viii. lib. ii. cap. v. 


Mejia being left to draw his own conclusions and 
to act for himself, at length thus declared his resolu 
tion to Gasca: "I am a loyal subject of the emperor. 
If Gonzalo Pizarro is such he cannot question my 
course; if not, I choose not to follow the fortunes of 
traitors." He then placed himself and his men at the 
priest s disposal, gave him a correct statement of the 
military and naval strength under Hiriojosa s com 
mand, and even offered to march on Panama" and seize 
the fleet. 46 The envoy congratulated him upon his 
decision, and assured him that the king would reward 
him for his loyalty, but declined any service from 
him, other than keeping his resolve for the present a 

On receiving news of the president s landing and 
of his courteous reception, Hinojosa was sorely dis 
pleased. His lieutenant had been placed in command 
at Nombre de Dios for the express purpose of guard 
ing the northern coast against the approach of any 
expedition hostile to the interests of Gonzalo Pizarro; 
and now, after being surprised by a band of men from 
Nicaragua, and compelled to flee to Panama", he wel 
comed with royal honors, and without even consult 
ing his commander, a man commissioned to assume 
authority over all the affairs of Peru. Gasca shrewdly 
surmised that Mejia while clearing himself from the 
imputation of treachery would plead the cause of the 
king more effectually than he himself could do. He 
therefore ordered him to accompany Alvarado to 
Panamd and lay the whole matter before Hinojosa. 
The latter was pacified with no great difficulty. It 
was pointed out to him that, if it was the correct 
policy to allow the envoy to land, all would have the 
benefit of it; whereas, if an error had been committed 

46 Mexia le repondio, que la vandera que alii estabuo, la tenia por el Hey, y 
no por Pizarro, y q haria en su seruicio quanto le madasse. Ilerrera, dec. viii. 
lib. ii. cap. v. I que si queria, que llanamente se alcale Vandera por su 
Magestad, lo haria, i podian ir a Panama, i tomar la Armada, lo qual seria 
facil de hacer. Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. iii. 133. See also, Gardlaso de la 
Veya, Hist. Peru, ii. 270. 

JSCA AXD Till-: ! 

it v, i simple matter to order Hie prie>t and 1 
Oirades <>n board t lieir Thus 1-, ii-ed lie 

tve permission to his offi to return ami >rt ti 
pi nt across tin- I>thmus. 

Melehor Verdu-o, in the mean time, having tiivd 

of inglorious ease at Cartagena, had landed at Xom- 

hre do Dios, and there laid his humble dnfv at I 
feei of his Maj. envoy. Gasca informed him th 
the best service he could render his sov< n would 
be to r< turn to Nicaragua and there disband his i<,r 
The meddlesome captain protested veli .tlv, but 
he was not of the metal with which the priest pro- 
]<)sed to crush the rebellion. A band of blatant, dull- 
witted adventurers, whipped into fury by the superior 
generalship and soldierly qualities of Hinojosa and his 

ans, could be of no assistance to him. Kindii 
a i length that the president was determined to i 
him. verdugo withdrew his troops, and soon ; 
ward returned to Spain, there to lay his grievances 
before the emperor. 

On the 13th of August 1546 Gasca makes ] i- 
trance into Panama, and is received with much c< 
mony by the commander-in-chief, the governor, an 1 
magistrates of the city. Hin ; with all hi n 
penetrating common-sense, his pra- I i-\j 
and his thorough knowledge of the world, is no moi 
]roof against the seeming candor and mild winnin 
deportment of the unpretending priest than was M.ji a. 
A downright foe i- his delight. He will match 1. 

it or skill in military or political affairs again.-t tl 
of any man in the Indi. But when the soi jn 
]>o\\-er of Spain appears in robes of sacred humilit; 
and giving utterance in bland ace- to doctrin. 
worthy of the prince of peace, the .^ ity of the sol- 
diei- is at fault. The fo - become a pliair \v- 

ci-fnl, nay invineihle, but intan^iMe. Oppositi"ii to 
the subtle influence of the priest i> like waging con 
flict with the powers of air. 

At length 1 Lin< ills on the president, and 1 


him to specify the nature of the authority with which 
he is vested. Gasca replies that he is the bearer of 
glad tidings to the Spanish settlers; for his Majesty 
has been pleased to revoke the more obnoxious meas 
ures contained in the new laws, and to empower 
him to grant a full pardon for all that has occurred 
in Peru. Hinojosa then asks if Gonzalo Pizarro is 
included in this amnesty, and whether he will be con 
firmed in his position as governor. Gasca evades the 
question; whereupon the commander s suspicions being 
roused he at once orders a ship to be made ready, and 
sends a despatch to Gonzalo, giving an account of the 
priest s arrival, of his reception by Mejia at Nombre 
de Dios, and of the nature of the envoy s mission; 
assuring his former chieftain that he may rely on 
him to execute faithfully any instructions. 

By the same vessel Gasca despatches a Dominican 
monk, Francisco de San Miguel, to proclaim through 
out Peru the arrival of the royal commissioner, and 
his promise to condone the offences of all who return 
to their allegiance. He also addresses letters to many 
influential persons in whom he had confidence. Finally 
he forwards to Gonzalo a despatch from the emperor, 
accompanied by an epistle from himself, a perfect 
masterpiece of diplomacy, in which he touches but 
lightly on the overthrow of the viceroy, avows that 
if he be not loyal there is not a soul whom he can 
venture to trust, and begs him as a Christian and a 
true Spaniard to persist no longer in rebellion. Mean 
while, the crafty envoy sends a messenger to the 
viceroy of New Spain, urging him not to allow arms 
or horses to be sent to Peru, and to hold his navy in 
readiness for war. 47 

The arrival of this unwelcome news from Panama" 
caused no slight annoyance. A council of officers 
was summoned; the principal inhabitants of Lima 
were invited to attend; the letters were read in public; 

47 Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxviii. See also Herrera, dec. 
viii, lib. ii. cap. vi., and Gomara, Hist. Intl., 228. 

and nil wen- invited to express their opi 

!i prov< 1 much merriment s ami man\ 
tin l)iit they knew not the mail tip 

\\ith. Some declared for killing him outright; oth- 

for liiiLj liiin hack to Spain; ami on] ice 1 

ami then- was heard in favor of admitting him 
1 Vru. After Inn-- discussion it was finally determined 

id an cmhassy (o Spain and lay the niatt<T I. 
the emperor, and that a re-solution, signed hy .- .ty 
of tin- leading cavaliers in tin- city, should In- forw;, 
to the <-nvoy, stating that, civil dissensions havi 
iio\\- terminated, the nation was enjoy in;_ 
of peace under the rule of Gonzalo Pi/arro. and that 

the presence of his Majesty s representative would 
not only tend to distract the province hut might cost 
him his life. of Qonzal< > s lieutenants, though secretly 


a traitor to the revolutionary cause, was despatched 
t<> 1 anama with the missi Arrivin ir in that city 


the 13th of November, he repaired to Hmojoe 

Innisc Itefore calling on the pi-esident. r rhere !)<; 
allowed to read the governor s private despatches he 
threw them into the ilaim-. Proceeding them-e to 

the president s quart- rs he offered him hi arvic 

and it was agreed that Ilinojosa should he openly 
invited to join the ryali>t jiai ty. rnando M< 

also tried liis ]>owers of persuasion, arguing that 

the empenr s will had heeii made known it was th 
duty to ohey the president without awaiting the 

f the appeal to the throne, that matters w. 
now in a fair way for settlement, and that if this 
Opportunity should pass unheeded they might w 

Ion r another chance of escaping the consequ* 

of their treason. Hinojosa was unwillin pi 

this view of th- lie believed that the action 

of the revolutionary party \\.i- - -itial! 11 

therefore r< pliod that he had already informed t 

48 Wlnn i isca s emissary, first called ( he was ti. 

courteously t \\u asking him tu \.>e seated. 


envoy of his intentions, that if his Majesty should 
not be pleased to grant the petition of Gonzalo Pizarro 
he would at once render his obedience to the crown. 
But Hinojosa was at length entangled in the net of 
the wily priest and in company with his lieutenant 
called at the president s house, meekly swore alle 
giance to his cause, placed his fleet at his disposal, 
and hoisted the royal banner of Spain from the main 
mast of his flag-ship. 

Gasca now answered the resolution signed by the 
seventy cavaliers, inditing his letter to Gonzalo, and 
expressing his wonder that such an insignificant clerigo 
as he should be refused admittance into Peru. He 
begged them to rid their minds of all apprehension 
as to any hostile intent on his part. Then binding 
his officers by oath 49 not to reveal his purpose, he im 
pressed into his service every available man on the 
Isthmus, obtained loans of money, wrote to the gov 
ernors of all the Spanish provinces for assistance, 
despatched powerful squadrons to secure the port of 
Lima and capture Gonzalo s vessels on the coast of 
Peru, and on the 13th of June 1547 landed at Tumbez 
in command of more than one thousand troops. 50 

"Surely the devil must be in their midst!" ex 
claimed old Carbajal, 51 as Valdivia receiving this com 
pliment to his generalship put his army in array at 
Xaquixaguana, and Gasca withdrew to the rear with 
his train of ecclesiastics. The rout of the rebel forces 
could hardly have been more complete had his satanic 
majesty been present in person, and almost within 
sight of the capital of the incas the last of the 

49 The captains so sworn signed their names before the notary Juan de 
Barutiu. Panama, Pleito Uomenage, in Col. Doc. Ined., xlix. 

50 In Cartel d Miyuel Diez Armendariz, in Cartas de Indias, Gasca states 
that since the 1st of December 1546 1,000 soldiers, including several men of 
rank, had been assembled for the king s service; that he had at his disposal a 
fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at Panama; and that there 
had not yet been time for the arrival of reinforcements from Guatemala, Hon 
duras, Mexico, Espaiiola, or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were 
250 horsemen ready to embark. 

51 On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist forces, Carbajal, Gon- 
zalo s lieutenant, remarked, Valduia rige el campo o el diablo. 

A in i) Bior;n.\rin:R. 

Pi/an-*- .d.-d i the executioner, 

iii-- with his la>t In-rath t; POWD rich hy his 

brotl hminty and liis own, had deserted i 

enemi ;nd were now ^atlim-d around his scatt<>!. 
\\liilu ho himsrlf was left without tlir means of }>\\r- 

a mass for the wulfaiv of liis abandoned soul. ; 

52 Among those present at Gonxalo s funeral was Ilinojosa, who, after 

tlio royal cause, wasassa- I in ]^.~i 2. 

53 ; rtial biographer of the Piaon izarro ; 

>nes Ilvstre.9 del Nvevo J .Madrid, : >\\o. Tho 

ins t lie lives of Columbus,, ( i-os, Aluia- 

I .,: -iles, but the gre.. i tu the autl. 

; lu-.s and kinsmen, by the side of whom tlu 1 other heroes appear in < 

faint outline. Every incident that can in any May redound to 

is made to .shine with a lustre unsurpassed evm by tin; pearls 
gold for wliidi they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy in< 
is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the bloody d nd sh; 

ful : , hich characterize the name. This is intentional on \ t of the 

who not only suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the 

t of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. Hi.soh :> advocate 

for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the r Btoration of itlesof 

marquis as more fully set forth in tin >!, i Politico, ]>::i !i-hed the 

year, immediately after the Varones. The work is, in brief, the pl 

ot a learned lawyer, as the author proves L . suppl d with 

quaint and abstruse notes and profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers. 

HIST. CENT. AM., VOL. n. 18 







AFTER the downfall of Rodrigo de Contreras, his 
sons, Hernando and Pedro, the former a licentiate, 
and both held in high esteem among the colonists of 
Nicaragua, resolved to regain by force of arms the 
wealth and station of which they deemed themselves 
unjustly deprived. Of noble birth and reared in lux 
ury, they found themselves in early manhood reduced 
to comparative poverty and their ancient name sullied 
by their sire s disgrace. They knew well that they 
had the sympathy of the greater portion of the set 
tlers, and in the province were many exiles from Peru, 
veterans who having fought under Carbajal and Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, were always ready for fresh enterprise, 
no matter how dangerous or treasonable, provided 
only that wealth were in prospect. Chief among them 
were Juan Bermejo and Rodrigo Salguero, whom 
Gasca had banished for attempting to raise an insur 
rection after the execution of Gonzalo. Bermejo was 
an old friend of the Contreras family, being a native 



:ty in Sji;iin, and it \v;is at his in- 
tion that the two hmthers who at iir^t \. 
only <>n recovering their lather s ri^ht- and pr<>; 

in Nicaragua, no\\- determined to >ipt a feat i 

audacity of which lia parallel in tin- 1 >y of 
Spani>h colonization. This wa- nothing Ie88 than ti 

njiiot ofTierra Fin nd IVru. In the of 

! nando was to he prorlaimed monarch <>f 

latter province, which was lcli 
wealth than all the world In^ides. J r- paralioiis 

re made at Granada; men w< d; 

amis and ammunition Were procured; and when 1 

arrive(l that tl ntence of the drpo> t -d gov 
ernor was confirmed hy the council of UK,- Indies i 
conspirators removed to Leon, the youn-vr lntlnT 
nainiiiL;- at his mother s i-e>idenc( in (Iran;, 

impression that they had departed on some 
peaceful errand. 

Hernando witli his companions took a lioiise in 
>!). and thence mcssen^ were despal in- 

wlio were thought mo-t likely to join tli- 

a pretended merry-makii When all \\ n- 

l>led the youthful rehel pointed out how hard was th 
])iv>rnt condition in life, and how Imp-l.-ss their char 

iii ^ it. He denounced the conduct of the 
ncia, hy wl ordinances th who had 

((tiered and peopled the jtrovince v, now well n; 

! to beggary. He represented to them t! 
:ititled to the governmei u, wh: 

\ince, he claimed, helon^vd to his family ly 

i lights in; d from his grandfather Led 

J)iivila; 1 and he concluded hy inviting the >in 

him in an expedition hy which wealth in ahunda- 

t fall to their lot if v had hut th< 
p it. No further per>ua>ion wa< in-eled. and all 

their i it, electing 1 1 ernand 



1 I provin- 



Bishop Valdivieso was the only man who was likely 
to offer serious opposition; and as a measure of pru 
dence as well as to avenge the disgrace of Rodrigo 
de Contreras it was resolved that he should be put to 
death. The conspirators marched in a body to the 
episcopal residence. Some who held religious scruples 
tried to excuse themselves under pretence that they 
were without arms, but were compelled by their leader 
to accompany the rest. 2 Hernando in company with 
an apostate friar, named Castafieda, entered the house, 
while one stood guard at the door, and the remainder 
of the band surrounded the building. The bishop s 
companion, Fray Alonso, who had noticed their ap 
proach, at once notified the prelate, but his fate was 
sealed. He endeavored to conceal himself, suspecting 
the intention of the intruders, but was discovered and 
instantly stabbed to death in the presence of his aged 
mother, the point of Hernando s dagger breaking off 
in the victim s breast. 3 The dwelling was then plun 
dered; several boxes containing gold and jewels were 
stolen, and the party marched to the plaza, where 
Hernando was proclaimed " captain general of liberty." 
A messenger was despatched to Pedro de Contreras 
to inform him of his brother s success, and the rebels 
proceeded to the treasury building at Leon, and break 
ing open the royal chest divided among themselves its 

The leaders of the revolt separated their forces into 

2 Yporque algunos querian yr A, armarse, y otras de mala gana le seguian, 
los reprehendia, y amenazaua, dicledo, que los haria castigar como a delin- 
quentes, diziendoles; que no auian menester otras annas, i mando a luan. 
Barmejo, que matasse al que no le siguiese. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v. ; 
see, also, Remesal, Hi*t. Chyapa, 491. 

6 Hecho esto embio a Granada ft clar auiso A Pedro de Contreras su her- 
mano, embiandole la daga con que ania muerto al Obispo, sin punta, que se 
le auia despuntado al tiempo que le mate. Jiemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 492;- see 
also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and Gasca, Carta in CoL Doc. Incd., 
1. ; but Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. vii. cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of 
the bishop to Hernando himself, saying, i vn Dia entraron ciertos Sol dados 
de su Compaiiia, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez, i le mataron. 
This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was thirsting for personal revenge 
against the prelate, and the apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may 
also have had his secret motives for participating in the murder. 


three cninpanie id it was decid 1 that ^ ro 

should b> patched with a small band 1" Nicova 

i/e 1 and enlist all the men ! Ulld lind 

there, while Hernando marched with tin- niain body 
ilejo for a similar purpose, and Bennejo with 

about thirty men returned to (Iranada 1> i^atln r 
Cruits and destroy all tin- vessels <>n Lake Ni 

thus preventing any tidings of the rebellion from . h- 

iiiLC Ticrra Firme by way of Nomlnv de Dios. 

AJB -"n as news of the conspiracy was known in 
Granada, a corps of one hundivd niid twenty nn-n was 
lia^tily organized under Captain Luis C an-illu, and, 
when Bennejo approached the city he found liiinx-lf 
opposed hy a greatly superior ioiv,-; l^ut so skilfully 
Jiad ynun^ ]\ dro \von over most of 1 1 1- tiers to his 
Brother s cause, that many of the loyal party deserted 
their ranks and joined the revolution!^ After a 
brief contest, in which Carrillo and > -vend of his men 
were killed and others wounded, Bermejo took ] s- 
sion of the city. All the shipping on the lake v, 
destroyed, and the rebels marched to Realejo accom 
panied by JN-dro, who, notwithstanding the entreat i. 
of his mother, had resolved to join th- [ edition. 
Hernando, meanwhile , had captured there two \ U 
laden with mei chadise for Peru, and impressed their 
crews into his service. Sal^uero had been equally 
fortunate at Nicoya, having entei-ed the town with 
out opposition and enlisted some sixty recruil The 
i orccs of the revolutionists now mustered more than 
three hundred men. 

Knowing that su lepcnded <n proni] f 

ion, the ivl.d leaders determined to embark im- 

me<liately for Tierra Kirnn-. and at once arranged 

their plan of operations, l- !- m certain exil otly 

arrived lr>m Peru it was ascertainetl that the licen 
tiate ( Jasc;i was then on his way to Spain with a 1,; 

.lount of tfeasu] To seize it was to be their tii 
endeavor. If this were BUCOeSsful < nd t 

OVeniOr ot l > anaina Were to U put leatli. All 


army of at least six hundred men was to be levied 
at the Isthmus. Ships were to be fitted out and a 
squadron despatched to cruise off the coasts of Nicara 
gua and Guatemala and destroy all the vessels they 
could capture. The settlers who were unfit for mili 
tary service were to be plundered of their goods and 
sent, together with all the women and children, to Car 
tagena. Panama", Nombre de Dios, and Natd w T ere 
then to be burned to the ground. The cattle were to 
be killed and the crops destroyed, so that if an army 
should be sent against them from Spain there should 
be found neither means of subsistence nor ships for 
transport. The expedition was then to sail for Peru, 
where Hcrnando was to be proclaimed king; and 
Spain was thus to lose the richest portion of her do 
minions in the New World. 4 

Soon after the conspirators had taken their depart 
ure from Granada, the alcaldes ordered a bark to be 
built with the intention of sending news of the threat 
ened invasion to Nombre cle Dios; but alarmed by 
the threats of Dona Maria, who declared that her 
sons had information of their purpose, and were even 
now returning to destroy the city, they requested her 
to assure them that no tidings of the revolt should be 
sent to Castilla del Oro. Meanwhile the revolution 
ists, having completed their preparations, set sail 
from Nicoya for Punta de Higuera, in the district of 

On the 12th of March 1550 Gasca arrived at Pa- 
nanui, and at once proceeded to land the royal treas 
ure, which was valued at eleven million castellanos. 
He was bid to use all expedition in shipping it to 
Spain, for as he learned from his despatches it was 
sorely needed to defray the expenses of the emperor s 
European wars. His instructions were that he him- 

4 Gasca, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. Ined., 1. 117-23. See, also, Eemesal, 
Hist. Chyapa, 493; Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 371, and Herrera, dec. 
viii. lib, vi. cap. v. 


hnuld remain at tin Istliinus t ; tin- arii 

newly appointed viceroy, Mendo; Th 
.vhat ui .under hi- >onsihilit\ ucruni 
of tin- coming mid having already reached him, h* 

r of being attacked, as !; had with liin 
ae hundred and fifty \ md 1 

men OH hoard the >hips mustered ahout lmr hundi 
and iii ty men. NO lleet from Spain had yet arri\ 

\omhre de Dios, but nineteen t i-adin-j 

at anchor oil tliu town, v. I and |)ro\i>i-.n 

and arnird with the artillery hioii-ht IVom J .-i-u. " 
T\\ liundred mule-loads of gold and silver w- 

soon convey rd to the t>wn of Cnuvs on tlnj ( 

there to l>u shipped in barges, under ( charjf 

ior transportation to the North Sea, and still a la. 

amount of 1 iru awaited means of conveyance at 


The rehel expedition had now arrived at Punta <le 
Hi. where a caravel was captured, laden with 

n -a welcome prize, as the revolutionists \ 

already in want of provisions. Continuing their \ 
Toward Panama they captured another vos 

orning thence to Nicaragua, and v, informed hy 

! the licentiate s arrival and of i 
of his I M, It was now determined ;tack the, 

y al dead <>f night, surprise the ^ai i, put ; 
governor to death, and thus create a panic among the 

. As to ( ; . "th* . \ . "to 

po\\ d( r of him, an article of which th> 
much in need/ 

Sott honi-s after nightfall on the -JOth of April 
L550 llernando de Contrerafl an<l !! with the 

main hody of the revolutionists landed at a sn. 

these all tl :nt.s .ami t 

iiout 1: a mar: 

:ln ir \ . i Sjiaih 

(jue ; 
lil>. vi. cap. i. The p 

n t li .r ineaiis c. 

tluir labor. ( /., 1. 111. 


inlet about one league from the city, and under cover 
of the darkness made their entrance without opposi 
tion, shouting "Death to the traitor!" and "Long live 
Prince Contreras, captain general of liberty." The 
governor s home was surrounded, but as he had de 
parted for Nombre de Dios the rebels contented 
themselves with plundering his residence. A party 
was now ordered to secure the treasurer Amaya and 
seize the royal treasury, 6 while the remainder dis 
persing themselves through the streets, seized all the 
arms and ammunition they could discover, being in 
structed by Bermejo to tell the people that they had 
come not to sack the town but to seize the king s 
treasure and to inaugurate a reign of liberty. Some 
of them nevertheless broke open the stores and houses, 
and helped themselves to whatever they most coveted. 
A large stock of rich apparel was found among other 
merchandise, and many of the lawless gang now, for 
the first time since they had arrived from Spain, at 
tired themselves in a suit of new garments. 7 

A force was stationed in the plaza in front of 
the cathedral, where the bishop had taken refuge. 
As he refused to show himself, being in fear of assas 
sination, Bermejo entered the sanctuary and dragged 
him into the square. Meanwhile Ruiz de Marchena, 
the assistant treasurer, had been arrested, and by 
threats and maltreatment forced to deliver up addi 
tional treasure to the amount of four hundred and 
fifty thousand pesos. 

Bermejo urged that the bishop, the treasurer, the 
regiclores, and other principal officials be put to death; 
but Hernando, not wishing to shed blood unneces 
sarily, accepted their promise under oath to join the 

6 So confident were they of success that instead of removing the treasure 
to their ships they deposited it with the merchants and others, who bound 
.themselves before a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo or 
the Contreras brothers. Proveieron estos disparates, imaginandose, que sin 
toner contraste alguno, eran yd Sefiores de toda el Nuevo Mundo. Garcilaso 
de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 373. 

7 Remwal, Hist. Chyapa, 493. Vega, Ilixt. Peru, ii. 372, says they found 
so much. Spanish merchandise que yd les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar 
, todas. 


cause of the revolutionist hereupon the fin 
narked to the rebel leader, "If you are in fa-. 
of your enemies and against yourself you will find 

that these VttJ Same men whose lives you now sp 
will uj)on the tirsi opportunity turn about and hang 
i and all your followers." Hardly had the words 

been uttered when Marchena, disregarding 1 

-patched mes- TS to apprise GaSCa of the inva- 

While the city thus fell into the hands of the con- 
spiral . Pedro de Contreras with fifty men had 

/-d all the ships in the harbor of Panama, and 

Iguero with twenty mounted an|in-bu-iTs had 
bees despatch* d to Cruces with instructions to slay 
the licentiate and the governor and to bring back all 
tin- ure they could secure. The latter arri\ 
too late to execute his intent; but live hundred 
lars of silver were found stored in the village, ;, 
tin-re Salguero s men remained till noon of the fol 
lowing day, amusing themselves by plundering the 
custom-house and making merry over brimmi: ob- 

s of choice wine, paying the merchants lor their 
Is from the stolen treasure. 

Thus far all had gone well; and had the rebels 1 

-killful leader they might have accomplished tl. 
pin-pox- almost as elleetually as did llinojosa wl 
his superior strategy he made th< of 

province, a few y . ioiisly, without the loss 

of a single life. But BUCCeSS had made them 
confident. Already they had roused the ill-will of 
pie by plundering them of their good-, 8 

A- they were about to commit the serious blunder 
of dividing their force- into small detachments, thus 

idering themselves liable to be attacked and 
powered in detail. llernando with only forty men 
forth from Panama for \oinhre de 1 >ios, thinking 
this slender hand sufficient to cope with < com 

mand. 8 Arriviii"- at a pla< died I .a \enta de 

O 1 

*This is the number given in //// ./, ilcc. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., while in 


Chagre he captured one Gomez cle Tapia, who had 
in his possession a letter informing the licentiate of 
what had transpired. He at once caused him to be 
hanged, attaching to his feet a paper on which was 
written, "This man was hanged for carrying advices 
to Gasca." By some fortunate chance, however, he 
was rescued. A mulatto boy who when asked where 
his master lay concealed directed his captors to a 
spot where they found only his sword, was put to 
death in the same manner by order of a captain named 

At Capira, within a distance of three and a half 
leagues from the town, the men were ordered to 
encamp until Gasca with the king s treasure should 
arrive at Nombre de Dios. Berrnejo in the mean 
while determined to leave Panamd unguarded and 
marched to the support of Hernando, hoping to crush 
the foe in a single encounter and thus end all opposi 
tion. Believing that Pedro s slender force was more 


than sufficient to prevent any uprising in the city, 
he even withdrew some of the men, and enlisting a 
few volunteers among the citizens began his journey 
across the Isthmus. 

On the day after Bermejo s departure Gasca and 
the governor arrived at the mouth of the Chagre, 
and here were met by a party of armed men from 
Nombre de Dios, with news that Panama w T as in 
possession of a ruffian horde, though who they were 
or whence they came none could yet determine. 
Thus after crushing the rebellion in Peru, and bring 
ing these vast stores of wealth in safety to the shore 
of the North Sea, the licentiate found himself in 
danger, at the last moment, of losing not only, the 
king s treasure but his own reputation as an able and 
trustworthy servant of the emperor. He resolved to 

Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Intd., 1., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca 
must be in error, for Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he 
returned to assist Bermejo. 


illlbre (] I ,11(1 aft 

>>ld and silver beyond 
t all the men lio could in b to 1 

Of the capital. Flic. >i; \l\ _r ; 

putting out 1 a lie was compelled i 

dl inlet some league! it from the f<>\vn. and 

ih( d one of liis otlicei infill-in the 
of his approach and encoui them to i 

preparations for d-i . nee. Two d r h> 

in person, and was received with open anus 

tin- terror-stricken citizens, most of whom 1. 

I their stores and dwellings and ]>laced their 
on board the ships in readiness for ili-ht. It 
was ii.),. lained that Ilernando de Coni 

nid of the and that their ini -nt; 

w. declare him kin- - of IVru. G; ordered i 


nv-i!eet to lie brought round from a 
nid, where it had been left at anchor, and by thus 
NviiiLj that lie had no fear of the inva< 

red conlidf ]\Iany of the inhabitants h. 

I to the mountains, but now return* id oi h 

ir valuables on shore 1 rm tl. 
if the licentiate ventured to 
lire at Xoiubre de Dios they need li 
no fear for their own property. Finding that no 
!c was made on the t,.wn ( " M P ^ la ^ 

Hemando had returned to Panama, and rolled in- his 
imountini;- in all to five hundred and >iv 

! >thiuus: but when <n t 
artinv news arrived from that 

th. ellinii was already uished. 

A ! ; r B JO had evaCQ lin of 

the inliabi j, knowing that 

of Force and would probably overpower 1 

invad mined to take lip arms and 

bar their r A i bed 1 

inform the licenl f their ]ui-|>o church 

bell> w< lied t c;-.ll the citizen- I I thj 


royal standard was hoisted amid shouts of " Long live 
the king!" and "Death to tyrants!" Pedro de Con- 
treras, who still remained with the fleet, hereupon 
sent a boat on shore to ascertain the cause of the up 
roar. The crew were instantly made prisoners, and 
the men of Panarnd now resolved to attempt the cap 
ture of the vessels, and thus cut off the rebels from 
all chance of escape. One of the captive seamen was 
placed in the boat securely bound, and it was then 
rowed back toward the fleet followed by three others 
filled with armed men, the sailor being ordered on 
pain of death to answer the challenge of the rebels 
with the words "Hernando de Contreras, the prince 
of liberty." After a sharp struggle the assailants 
were repulsed, six of their number being killed and 
several wounded. During the conflict the prisoner 
managed to shake off his fetters, and plunging into 
the sea saved himself by swimming back to his ship. 
Preparations were now made for the defence of the 
city; intrench ments were thrown up; the main street 
was barricaded; and the women and children lodged 


in the cathedral where the last stand would be made 
in case of defeat. 

On hearing of this emeute in the city, Bermejo, 
who had now arrived at the village of Cruces, deter 
mined at once to retrace his steps, vowing that he 
would hang and quarter every one of those who had 
broken their promise not to take arms against him. 
Messages were sent to Hernando and Salguero in 
forming them of what had transpired, and urging 
their instant return ; but without waiting for his as 
sistance the rebel leader marched at once on Panamd, 
making the journey of fourteen leagues in a single 
day. Again he committed an unpardonable error, and 
one that soon caused the destruction of his forces. 
In his foolish haste to join Hernando he had left the 
strongest city on the Isthmus without a garrison, and 
now while his men were worn out by their forced 
march he resolved to make the attack that very night. 


] I:id he ! U< waited I m- the arrival of 

60 allowed his soldiers thin- for r all miuht 

have been well; but anger overcame his jud at, 

and in his thii>t for would li 

d lay. Knterin^ the main > In- found | 

fully prepared for del , .and on arriving at the 1..- 

de rocks \\ hurled down from the h< 
while Ixnvincn and arquebu oprii.-d a .-harp ii 

him to retreat and devise other plat, 

After consulting with liis officers it was resolvrd 
ire to the city at several points during tl.- 

lowing nighty and to fall on tin- inhabitants while tl, 
were m^auvd in extinguishing the llames. \o<jii. 

to !>< shown, and orders Wei ren that every 

inhabitant over twelve years of a houM l*e slau^-li- 
d without rc gard to sex or condition. Whili the 
rebels W( re in council one of the captives, overhej 
their conversation, secretly despatcned hi pro 

vant to ^ive information of their doi- n. \-iuith- 
ndin^the advice of the bishop, who d-vined it ]> 
await the arrival of Gasca from Xoinhre de Di . 
the UK 11 of Panama* determined to attack the 
bef they had time to ute their jlai. r Jl: 
- mustered in all 550 men, of whom 100 w 

who had fought in IVru, 200 \ ia\v 

sruits, and the remainder negroes, armed with 

lai: -r cross-bows, under command ol Spanish olli- 

Ahout noon they sallied forth to encounter the 

All kin v, that they were al>out to en in a 

doubtful and desperate struggle, bui tl. riesi ->w- 

I anioii^ them felt that it wafl better tlr risk 
his life than le tamely Lute-lured ly t! 

the hattle was to l.c fou- ht in open dayli 
could shirk duty. 

atly iiished at the audaeity ol 

the citi; . hut his discomfiture n f the ]r, 
had made him a little i ; utious and lie withdr 

hi- to a neighboring hill, where being joint 1 l>y 


Salguero s band, 9 which at that moment arrived from 
Graces, he awaited the onslaught. After a desperate 
struggle the rebels were overpowered. Ninety of 
them were stretched dead upon the field, 10 among 
them Bermejo and Salguero, the latter by a lance- 
thrust from the treasurer Amaya, who during the 
fight managed to escape from his guards. The re 
mainder were captured to a man and conducted in 
shackles to the jail, where the alguacil mayor, Kod- 
rigo de Villalba, caused them all to be stabbed to the 
heart, plunging his own dagger into many, and not 
even allowing them the consolations of religion. 

On the very day that Bermejo s command was 
defeated, Hernando receiving news of his proposed 
attempt to recapture Panama", sent a message approv 
ing of his intention, and for the purpose of causing a 
panic in the city, ordered him to spread the report 
that Nombre de Dios had been taken and Gasca and 
the governor slain. Leaving twenty-five men under 
the command of Landa to guard the passes at Capira, 
he set forth with the remainder to support his lieu 
tenant. Arriving the first night at "Venta de Chagre, 
he found that one Lozano, a settler in that district, 
had gone to warn the citizens of his approach, and 
ordered all his property to be destroyed. On the fol 
lowing day he was informed of the disastrous result 

9 When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some confusion en- 
STied, and most of the silver bars which he had captured were lost, being 
thrown into the river or stolen by negroes, who hid them in the rocks and 
swamps. Not only had Salguero captured the king s silver but also a large 
quantity of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it to be 
packed on mules taken from the settlers at Graces; but when he came near 
the city and saw the troops sallying forth he abandoned his baggage-train and 
hurried forward to join Bermejo. Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Ined., 1. 149; 
and Uerrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 497, states 
that when the silver was lost only a portion of Salguero s men marched with 
him towards Panamd, the remainder making for the sea-shore, where they 
were taken on board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that 
the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be worth at the 
present day some $12,000,000. 

10 Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Ined., 1. 149-50. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii. 
lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca 
says in his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panama were killed, 
though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather improbable statement, 
considering that the rebels knew they need expect no quarter. 

Tin: 1:1 !:I:MIXATIOX 

of the battle before Panam 

men, bidding them make their way fco ; 
where they might, perchance, be rescued by his 

>ther a lleef, him-elf with three companions <_ 
in the direction of Xat Meanwhile tne men I 

I -ari ng an attack from Gasca s tn> ahan- 
l their ]>ost and marched across th-- l-thm 
On approaching Panama they were att 1 h\ 

force, but made their escape during the night 
and also dii d their course toward the Bea-sh< 

Pedro de Contreras heard of the d.-f.-at <-f 
1 > rmejo, lie at once put to sea with his two 1 
and, abandoning the remainder, sailed i .>r Xata, but 
n- sooner was his departure known than lour vessels 
rted in pin-suit; and(Ja<ca, \vlioai-i-ived from Pan 
ama a day or two later, dcspa; I a strong for. 
land to piv\vnt the embarkation of the survi 
At Punt a de Higuera the labels ships were 
and captured, most of their crews escaping in the 
portion of them bein^ captured later, and the 
.minder dying as was supposed by starvation or 
ng killed by the nativ* Nothii: -ward 

heard of their i a Landa s men were slain or tak 
]n-is(! . and he himself was hanged and <|U ed 

at the same tree from which he had I I the 

mulatto boy. The man who had attempted fco Q- 
Tapia met with a similar fate, and the bodies of 

these two rebels were displayed piecemeal al the 

d between Capira and Veiita tie C h: 
only among all the captives were spai md th- 
re sent to Spain to end their d; ralle 

Hernando and his comra reached the c . and 

ng hotly ])iirsued, ])iit to in a canoe hopi: 

fall in with Pedro s ships, but \ di-iven la-k by 
s of weather. Ai t-r wandering aim- 
70 day-, the rebel chief, now -led by In 

and exposure, was drowned while att< inptin ford 

a river, and thus probal K I the hangman. 


When his body was afterward discovered it was rec 
ognized only by the clothes and by a golden ornament 
suspended from the neck. The head which was so 
soon to wear a crown, w r as severed from the body and 
placed in an iron cage in the plaza at Panama". Thus 
ended a rebellion which under more able leadership 
might have subverted Spain s empire in the western 
world several centuries before the term of her domin 
ion was accomplished. 11 

11 Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt, Gasca, having recov 
ered most of the stolen treasure, embarked for Spain, where he was appointed 
to the bishopric of Sigiienza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on 
the 10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was published 
at Seville two years after his death. His Carta al Consejo, in Doc. Ined. , 1. 
106-63, is probably the most reliable source of information concerning the 
events related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the principal 
incidents, differing only in the order in which they are related, and in some 
minor points of detail. Remesal is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees 
for the most part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zurate give only a 
condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the preceding 
authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken from Remesal, and that 
of Benzoni is borrowed from various sources, while Gonzalez Ddvila relates 
only the assassination of Bishop Valdivieso. 




\l:."l.v AKTlFin-: OF I 

< UK M.\i.i)MN.\i>o im; FlBSI 1 ; 


IV II- Ni-; i; \-> Till .. LAS CA 

M IA Ih: 




Ix ansv/cr to tlie ]x -tit ion of tlic s< ai Tru- 

jillo, tl. i|>eror apjxiinlnl as nuer of I Inmh; 
Higueraa l-Y.-mrism d<- ^[ontfjo, the >r <>t ^S u- 

;i. It is not ivconlt.-d thai ln-oii^lit him 

her i ceim suj)j)lirs in aid <! tlu- i-j-t 

in^ colony. On liis arrival ii< ;ml a small 

barving men, destitute of all resou r Y 

Spaniards who were ahlo to make tln-ir \ i 

]>n>\ ince liad ahv;idy taken their drpar 

Juan de Chavez, appointed liy Alvarad" 8ucc 

Bor, not finding ID Hondur ay profitable fi< his 

enterprise, had ahandnncd th- territory and returi 

( Juatemala. 1 r fl rn<r 

JNdi odcl l*!!^ 4 !^ <! ( ahallos, wilt-re I 

deil the repartimi 

1 In a 1 -Tiist I 1 

i that he wot well 

adapted to ru! , in Cyrtas (/. . 

. CK.NT. AM., VOL. II. 


stowing them on his friends or appropriating them 
to his own use, 2 and despatched an expedition to the 
neighboring sierra for the purpose of pacifying the 
Indians. As no attempt was made to enslave or mal 
treat them, many returned voluntarily to the settle 
ment. Montejo then visited Gracias d Dios, where 
lie ascertained that certain Spaniards, journeying from 
Comayagua toward Guatemala, had been murdered 
by the natives in the province of Cerquin. He re 
paired to the spot, and arresting the ringleaders caused 
them to be punished in the presence of their caciques, 
who were then dismissed to their homes, professing 
to be satisfied that their penalty was deserved. 

But their satisfaction was only feigned, and the 
colonists, who now imagined that they had established 
friendly relations with the Indians, were quickly un 
deceived. The most warlike and implacable of their 
enemies was the chief Lempira, a name signifying the 
Lord of the Mountains. He had long been a terror 
to the settlers, and a warrior of note among his own 
countrymen. With his own hand he was reputed to 
have slain in a single conflict with a hostile tribe one 
hundred and twenty of his foes. Such was the terror 
which his presence inspired that his enemies fled be 
fore him as from one bearing a charmed life, for in all 
the innumerable battles which he had fought he had 
never received a wound. Occupying a stronghold, 
known as the rock of Cerquin, in close proximity to 
Gracias d Dios, 3 he had bid defiance to Alvarado when 
on his way to the relief of Cereceda at the head of a 
strong party of Spaniards and two thousand friendly 

2 f Como su necesidad no era poca, tomd la mejor parte para si, y lo demas 
dio a sus amigos. Hcrrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, Juarros, Guat., 
i. 42, and d omara, Hist. Ind. , 64. Herrera also implies that he appropriated 
what remained of the live-stock and supplies brought by Alvarado from Gua 
temala for the relief of the colonists, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. 

3 In Squier s Honduras, 88, it is stated that this stronghold was situated 
in the present department of Gracias, which borders on Guatemala and San 
Salvador. Lempira s ancient territory is still known by the name of Corquin, 
the word being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley of 
Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya, and Merendon, 

-formed a part of the cacique s dominion. See p. 81 this vol. for map. 

OLD. 201 

Juan (] ( urn 

!a had mpii ! the 

lid n hut 

and tin 1 n. - Ji)\v hrlie\ed their ;n- 


Fired with the ambition t liver lii :nlry. * 
milled tli* 1 ii -i^ lil. -tli 

folio-, ing in all some tli 

:id inviti-d them to join him in an 
rminate the invader Jle pointed ou1 \ 
ice ! allowing thcinsd Ix-ld in sul 

l>v a handful <! B\ r;: I tln-m t 

the Spaniards, and oilrrin place himself 

thrir head ]r<uiis-d to l-ad l hem tu \ or 

<lo\vn his life in the attempt. It was resoh 
11 hostilities at o nd a nnmh 

were killed hefoiv any tidings <( the i, volt re; 

a I )](><. ( ajitain ( juipj 

despatched ly MOJ: 11 th ir- 

n, wlii-i-cupon I.einpi; 

d ]>llt to < h the 1; .t tO 

urrender, stating that lie acknowled 

and d no la\\ r than 1 1 own | 


( ih.-n laid si io the ]! hut . 

mmmoned IVom ( >maj 

Pedro del ] uerto d- ( ahallos th>- Jn 
-ii- defenc F>r >i\ months the Spani 

d the , ir nuinl mini 

iposure, and . 

the natiN So untiriiiLT the ] in 

i hat the ! divided in; lit 


parties, found little tin 

I nin ht hy ies tV<m -u. At I- ?:. th 

in 4 n) |>i d, 

ain hv a ! :n th 

\\hieh he had failed to win hy I A 

horseman was ordered to ap]>r<>aeh wit! 

>t of the rock and Munnmn i., nipii-a t lolloquj 


Under pretence of opening negotiations for peace, 
while a foot soldier who accompanied him, screened 
from view by the mounted man, was bid to take de 
liberate aim at the cacique and fire upon him when 
sure of his mark. The artifice succeeded only too 
well. The unsuspecting chieftain came forth to meet 
the messenger and while held in parley was brought 
to the ground by a shot from the arquebusier. His 
lifeless body rolled over the rock, and his followers, 
panic-stricken, made no further resistance, most of 
them taking to flight, and the rest giving themselves 
up to the Spaniards. 4 It is but just to add that the 
captives were well treated and that the governor, who 
does not appear to have been responsible for this 
outrage, succeeded by his humane policy in pacifying 
many of the fugitives and inducing them to return to 
their abodes and till the soil. 

During the administration of Montejo the settlers 
of Honduras again enjoyed an interval of repose, 5 
though his conduct was distasteful to many of the 
colonists, who still remembered with regret the time 
when slave-hunting \vas permitted throughout the 
territory. The arrival at Gracias d Dios, in 1538, of 
the licentiate Cristobal de Pedraza, bearing the title 
of protector of the Indians, was of material service 
to the governor in settling the many difficulties that 
arose with the encomenderos. He was cordially wel 
comed and received every assistance in the discharge 
of his duties. 

Montejo now turned his attention to the construc 
tion of roads and the development of the resources 

4 Hcrrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian is of opinion that the 
Spaniards would have been compelled to abandon the siege had they not re 
sorted to this or some similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable 
that Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them from 
the province or perhaps to exterminate them. 

5 On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain reports to the 
king that he has received advices from the adelantado Montejo and the licen 
tiate Maldonado, stating that the province was at peace and making fair 

LNIC IIK;II\V.\Y. 203 

his provi; . hidi had 
pr< i utui \Yheat had I . -ul- 

and thu p) f a 1 iy iii 

dtirtion v> \vhil. 

had attended tin.- ]>laiiti f the vi; I u 

I a 1. 

the exp< icy oi miMi-iK tiii^ a 
imals ! of ! and P 

Cahallos, l.y way of Coinaya The \vl. 

Imt lift; , and it \ 

out tliat tlie ruiid ini^ht a Qproi 

;lal>lc i or whet-led vehirl It v. laini 
it thi uld ])i-ove a inure l av<>. 

nsjiort of inerehandise 1>K , Spain and \\r\i 

;ii that l>y way nf Nombre do Di Pai, 

- on eitlirr side- Ix-in :id i.-asily 

Tho count t-y through whidi it 

iiion-ovcr, p 1 an Hunt cliniai min . 

a iVuiti ul x>\], ,e, and iiiany I 

r. I iis Maj->ty \V; d to 

jn-o.-M-eiition nf the work, as fch< 

icd on for Midi lahnr. 

tfi WLTU soon afterward induced to innn 
-lit near th >t ahandoiied ! . 

id Sandoval s part T thifl \. 

,in Juan del Puerto de ( aha! 
in many r favorable for a COmm 

kly dim; to 


Indian r. , wliidi 

Hi- ;t h of Lenijjii a, 1 be n<>r . 

h a >< I i ! :t ill the dl nf (/Oil): 

ith that \ r 1 ( I m.: . 

at ion midway 1 

A d in t! litre of 

di nd 

[ l.v a d roj . iih an Indian villa 


whence a D r ilo\\..-d not 1 1\\ 

* it 


Puerto de Caballos. Here was founded, in 1539, 
the town of Comayagua, 7 and so prosperous were the 
affairs of the new colony that a few years later 8 it 
was raised to the rank of a city. 

The settlements founded by the early colonists of 
Honduras were slow of growth. In a letter addressed 
by Pedraza to the audiencia of the Confines, dated 
May 1, 1547, he states that the seven Spanish towns 
which the province then contained 9 "were always in 
creasing as were the villages;" and yet we find that 
Trujillo, which had then become the largest of them, 
contained but fifty settlers, while none of the others 
numbered more than thirty. The absence of com 
munication with the South Sea, and the distance from 
the highways of commerce between Spain and the 
now world, no doubt retarded greatly the increase of 
population; for the agricultural and mineral resources 
of the territory were not inferior to those of other 
provinces which contained more than ten times the 
number of inhabitants. The want of good roads and 
of facilities for travel was also a serious drawback; 
and it is probable that to make a tour of the different 
settlements in Honduras, all lying within a radius of 
less than forty leagues, occupied, in the middle of the 
sixteenth century, almost as much time as would now 
be required to accomplish the circuit of the globe. 10 

7 Montejo, writing from Gracias d Dios on June 1, 1539, reports to the 
emperor concerning the settlement at Comayagua and the appointment of 
alcaldes and regidores. The town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them 
owning but few Indians. Juarros, Guat., i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of 
its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says the town was 
founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that it was built before Alvarado s 
return to Honduras, in 1539. Herrcra, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv; Conder s 
Mexico and Guatemala, ii. 296: Squier s Notes, Cent. Amer., 129. 

8 In December 1557. 

a These were Trujillo, Gracias a Dios, Comayagua, San Pedro del Puerto 
de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena Esperaiiza, and San Juan del 
Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in a dispatch to the audiencia dated December 
30, 1545, quoted in Squier aMSS., xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo s cap 
tains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo and the Olancho 
valley extended his explorations to the mouth of the Desaguadero and founded 
in that neighborhood the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate s ideas 
of the geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat vague. 
Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that name previously 
founded in Yucatan. 

10 Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel and the condition of the 


I [ondu 
a i :ioitiii ;nd l>ut I m- i 

action <>i t be n;iti\ :i<l t be \\, 

lahor could IKIVO been made to j 

returns. As far back 8 d;i\ .Irarias 1 Vi\ ihi 

it ii that those in the. ( )lancho 

niely rich, hut lor want of tin- i 

Hi >ul<l not be worked. With only t 1 ;-ru]> 

ir 08 the Spaniards in two months scraped iij) i t.) 

val :i 1 hotis lid with 

proper implements," Hern . " they mi-lit lia 

n out t\v<> hundred thousand pes< 
pi 1 it y of Gracias ;! ] )ios was due to fchedi 

h mines in its vicinity, and i n b< 

tlu-iiiust pr- in the proviii Tl 

:hatof San Andres <!< Xu ra- 

t U >/;, in a mountain west of the town and of the 

Co] vallt Gold could h< i d out of 

tl, th witli a stick. In another mine, )! 

one Bartolomd .Martin do Sanahria, more than a pound 

of - Id daily collect c(l l.y hims If and 

si;; Later the yield hecam i b 

appointed to collect the royal iii\ ith 
.v i to compel one fourth of the [ndia ithin a 

Ive mil lahor in them. ar ( 

mayau, ivs Oviedo, "they took out and 
v. hich yi-lded sixiy thousand ] , and fol 

thousand more were si!j!po>ed to have 1" 

that fi aea 

to 1 . i IK- jouni* San 

14 It road i 

ea^ \v in t: . l;i 1-a: 

_ ."> li-n-m-s in- 
:i Jci m in t 

guc of raosquitix s 
port ios comian 


allo s -O & lO8 

. :os HUKsls i <! < CCS 8U <X9 

11 Uvi lo 


While Montejo was engaged in various projects for 
promoting the welfare of the province, Pedro de Al- 
varado arrived at Puerto de Caballos in command of 
his powerful and well appointed force, 12 and proceeding 
thence to San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, soon 
afterward despatched a messenger to Gracias a" Dios 
to notify the governor of his arrival. Montejo was at a 
loss how to conduct himself under this changed aspect 
of affairs. As ruler of Yucatan his career had been 
unsuccessful, and in Honduras he found himself un 
popular. With his few and scattered followers ill-fed, 
ill-clad, and obliged to maintain a constant struggle 
with the natives, he was in no position to cope with 
a powerful rival. Although holding his authority by 
appointment from the crown, he \vas ignorant as to 
what extent the. visit of Alvarado to Spain affected 
his government. He knew not what representations 
had been made to the. emperor by his rival and had 
every reason to fear that the worst construction had 
been placed on his conduct. He had indeed lever 
felt quite secure in his position. More than a year 
before it had been the intention of the crown, in answer 
to the petition sent from Trujillo, to place Honduras 
under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of Espanola. 
This measure had been abandoned only on account 
of the great distance and infrequency of communica 
tion; and now after some previous negotiation for an 
exchange of territory 13 Alvarado had landed in person 
to demand the annexation of his province to Gluatc- 
m ala. He had long before expressed his opinion that 

that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which he speaks included the anoimt ob 
tained in several preceding years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there ire 
in Comayagna very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not 
allow the natives to be employed in them against their will they were worked 
only on a small scale. Montfjo, Carta, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii. 
221-22, 233, 251. This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt 
hastened his downfall. 

12 See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii.,and Hist. Mex., ii. passim, this series. 

13 By a royal cddula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy of Mexico was in 
structed to allow Francisco de Montejo and Alvarado of Guatemala to ex-j 
change portions of their respective provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad 
Real de Chiapas being particularly mentioned. Puga, Cedulario, 116. Its 
would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this proposition. 

VAKA1H) A 10. 

1 Iniidu !il not stand aim. , 1. 

it u :dd contri 

I hundn-d tho; ly, 

wh at that time it \; ! almost nothin 


Montejo on the other hand had ri oth< 

vi "Jn the hour of trial," h< I, u wh<;i I 

who!.- country was OVeiTUD by li- ives, he & 

many urgenl requests to Guat !a in. p, hut , 

\\-ii him, although IK- only lur the I 

I two hundred friendly Indian.-, and h- 
t his l>ai he might." II. 

^ In-IiiT that if Honduras were ann-x<-d ; 

mala, not an Indian would be found in the provi 
in , months, and that in 1 han two y 

:y would be beg I. 
A more than a month had rlaj> ince the 

h of liis mes> without any i 
1, Alvaralo determined to set forth 

Graciaa ;L Dios; and, collecting h in 

dir< -lion of the cajiital. .Montejo meanwhile \\-. 
ill at e llrkm-w well that any intimi 

dation would but work his own 

inwilling to throw himself on t orosr 

> rival. Arting on the ad\ i .ds, lm\v- 

r, he res* Ived i him eou. 

.(li to the nt w> him. 

At a ant about li ;ty 

the rival ;. -rs i, nnl Montejo i 1 that his 

a were m i han realized. " I 1 

had b.-cii informed/ said tin- e la, 

manner in whieh he had < 1 lldidir 

14 -" o and 

In :i ! 


i iKK) en 

that th Oe. 

assign* < I for tbo < 

v . iiirh 1 

tutted i 

-.suini . 


and of his subsequent career, and was further advised 
that Alvarado had at great cost and labor saved the 
province from destruction. It was therefore ordered 
that Montejo should immediately deliver up all the 
property which he had wrested from the people of 
the province and all revenues received by him since 
his assumption of office." 

Among the ecclesiastics then resident in Honduras 
was one already mentioned whom Montejo styles 
" The padre Cristobal cle Pedraza, the protector of 
the Indians, and .calling himself bishop." His official 
appointment to the see of Honduras Alvarado brought 
with him on his return from Spain. When Pedraza 
first arrived in the province, the governor received 
him cordially, placing at his disposal his own resi 
dence and a large number of slaves. To him he 
now appealed for aid in this his dire distress, and 
through the prelate s intercession 15 with Dona Beatriz 
matters were adjusted without further dispute. The 
revenues derived from lands and mines during the 
governor s term of office were estimated at twenty- 
eight thousand ducats, 16 and " of this sum," says 
Herrera, "Alvarado without solicitation immediately 
remitted a moiety, and two months later was easily 
persuaded to forgive the other half." It was agreed 
that Montejo should surrender to him all claim to the 

15 Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained his intercession by 
approaching him when he was in an amiable mood. He accuses him of boast 
ing that his authority was greater than that of the governor and that a letter 
from him to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also states 
that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from an expedition on 
which he had started, news having reached him that Pedraza was disturbing 
the country by his harsh treatment of the Indians, and that he had some dif 
ficulty in restoring quiet. Montejo, in Id., 248-51, 258-9. It is not improb 
able that this may have been the case, for in a letter quoted in Sguicr a MSS., 
xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a 
settlement in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant re- 
partimientos to those who should furnish him the means, claiming that he 
was specially inspired by the holy spirit to carry out the pacification of the 
natives by prayer and persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain, 
ambitious, covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his pro 
fession if it would serve his own interests. 

16 The amount was 17,000 pesos according to Oviedo, iv. 23. 



Alvarado ,-hould c n the Cindad 1 

: Suchimilco in M- 

111D11 : of t\VO tli !ld C 


In , tell to the emp . written BOOD r- 

\var.l. t inplains littTly of the wi 

which lie had suffered through the maehinatio: 
; lnii . lie himself ivi \\ his I 

lav lift is of more avail than the m- 

faithful servic Th . the 

wn, and ahout the c! -f L539 M<> 

tn the province aft brief and som ri- 

r, \vhile ahout t te time Alv 

turned to Guatemala, leaving Alonso de ( 

his representative in J I.<>nl and 1 
later took ship Spain \\ 

delay, ! ceived the papal hull of confirmation n 

:ILC ^ s tiin* 1 meanwhile 

; eontr for ije--ro slaves in t !:< i of 

the crown, with a, vi utilizing their lahor in thu 

! )|)iiR iit of th - mi: 

On 1 turn to the province in 1 I p 1 

uiKli-rtouL ,d tour tl. .h the province. 1,-, 

i ^hteeu inrnitl !! y of 

hardships which he endured and of the 

and] -stricken condition the colonists. 

." he "have II- arly all l! 

tains, 1 ri-or of il -aniards, who ha 

lly li:r 

.iixl th 
.1 lull!. 

uias u: . his tr 

Mnrrorjuin of 

i- of having ^J 



t ul 
, 111 Cartat dt Indii, 


tinned to enslave them for so many years. Many 
Portuguese, Italians, and other foreigners have propa 
gated disease and vice among them so that even Indian 
maidens of tender age are corrupted to a sad extent, 
while bigamy and polygamy are of frequent occur 
rence." Valdivieso, who was residing at the time at 
Gracias a Dios, awaiting consecration as bishop of 
Nicaragua, also relates that the church was held in 
contempt, that the Spaniards were as a rule extremely 
lax in their observance of all religious duties, and that 
they led a more vicious life than had ever been known 
among Christians. 

Though Pedraza brought with him from Spain a 
number of friars, they do not seem to have been very 
zealous in the work of reforming the settlers or con 
verting the natives. At times many days passed 
during which no divine service w r as held, and the 
cabildo attributed the omission to the neglect of the 
bishop, "who," they said, "was too busy with his 
worldly affairs to attend to his duties properly." The 
ecclesiastics appear, however, to have been very suc 
cessful in selling papal bulls among the Indian villages, 
a practice which was continued till 1547, when a royal 
cedula put an end to this shameful traffic. Their 
charges for saying mass or for funeral services were 
exorbitant. To confess a person residing at a distance 
of one league cost thirty castellanos, and to watch for 
a single night by the bedside of a deceased cacique, 
one hundred and thirty xiquipilli of cacao. Desirous 
of making at least some show of missionary zeal the 
prelate recommended that a cathedral be erected and 
schools established in all Indian towns which were in 
the neighborhood of Spanish settlements. The for 
mer recommendation was adopted, and notwithstand 
ing the protestations of the audiencia of the Confines, 
the site selected was at Trujillo, 19 the bishop s salary 

19 This cathedral was dedicated to the Conception of Our Lady and had 
five dignitaries with salaries ranging from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. Gon 
zalez D<ivila> Teatro Edes. t i. 304 et seq. 

Ai v DI-; i.os co: 301 

:ed at five hundred il ihoi: 

soon ;ii p< t r 1 that hi ;il ! 

d t<> t\vo thousand <Iu 

When ill oflaws ;dol: 1 tin- and: 

of Panama and appointed tin ;i-m-ia of the C< 

iin. AJonso de Maldonado was el litsi 

dent l through the rccoinnic n of La< ( 

th< remaining oidores 1- tin.- licentiates T) 
]Ierr of whom mention has l.ecii made in connec- 
n with tli- vince of Nicaragua, Pedro Ramii 

()u5noiics, and Juan Rogcl. Maldonado was d I 

tahlish t ] sal <>f g t at Com; -ia, 

which was thenceforth to he known as Nucva A ": 
(! Valladolid, lut iinding that location unsuitable ho 
selected as a more favoral dte < ; i 3 a .1 )i 
whore in 1 ,")-!"> the fhst >n of the tribunal v 

held. The arrival of Maldonado was c with 

much i\-joicii]M- among the settlers; but their joy v 
short-lived, for one of the iirst measures of the aiidi- 
encia was the publication of the new code of laws 
which, they declared, was to be strictly and immedi- 

ly enforced so far as it related to the inanumi 
of the Indians. 

In Honduras the new cod was r yarded with no 
! 9 disfavor than in the other provinces, and it v 

probably due only to the ^ population of this t 

ritory that we read of no such outbreak amon^ t 
colonists as that of Gonzalo Pizarro in Pei-u. of 

the Contreras hrotlu rs in Nicara Hi- 

were fain to content th> with making in 

tual protests, and with sending procurators toadv< 

r.,ii., rin-l // 

s an uidor of 
actii l;i. 

is B;I 

nt<.l I 

and all the oi 

: : . i: 1 , M 

\ue\as A 


their cause at the court of Spain. It does not appear 
that the natives were at all benefited by the regula 
tions enacted in their favor; for a year or two later, on 
the arrival at Gracias d, Dios of Las Casas and Valdi- 
vieso, the former declares that despite all the royal 
ordinances to the contrary, the Indians placed under 
the protection of the crown were so grossly maltreated 
that they preferred to return to the service of their 
former masters rather than enjoy their new and doubt 
ful liberty. 

On the first of June 1549 a royal cedula was issued 
ordering that the natives should not be used as pack- 
carriers, except in cases of extreme necessity, and that 
all employed in whatever capacity should receive pay 
ment for their services. These regulations appear, 
however, to have made their lot still more grievous, 
for the Spaniards, no longer owning them as human 
chattels and caring not for their lives, treated them 
even more harshly than before. At Gracias a" Dios we 
learn that they were offered for hire at public auction, 
and after being disposed of to the highest bidder were 
sent to the mines or to the sea-shore forty miles dis 
tant. They were driven together, Las Casas tells us, 
within a circuit of ten or fifteen leagues, and a guard 
being placed over them, were enclosed in a corral like 
cattle. They were then divided by an alguacil among 

the settlers, and after working: hard for a month re- 


ceived two reales, sometimes being required to serve 
an entire year for a single peso. When used as beasts 
of burden they were compelled to carry a load of 
seventy -five or one hundred pounds through a country 
abounding in swamp and forest. Their food consisted 
of a few hard cakes of maize, and at night, their blan 
kets being taken from them to prevent their running 
away, they were often left to sleep in the open air 
almost naked and without shelter. 

In addition to Las Casas and Valdivieso, the latter 
of whom was sojourning at the capital awaiting con- 

i a 

;:> hi-hop of X5<- re were n* 

I Iraria- ;i 1 !i ! jlUH 

( rual hi, and IVdra/.a of 1 I <ndur, . I i v. as i 
of course to he r\] 1 that all these di-iiilari 

the church should work in harmony \vitli each 
and much less with the memhcr- of the audidi<-i;i. 
Yv hile Las Casas and A aldivi- 
Unconditional liberation ol nll Indians, Marroiprm ;md 

Pedraza, who th posa Mnnirn- 

das, were < b t. ]>art with tin-in; and 

when Las Ca^as tlnvainird with excommunication all 

who should ivi usu to lu ivu up tln-ir bondsmen, ^1 

(jiiin assmvd tin- that ho would t tln-m 

<|iii<-k absolution. r rhe removal of tin- luttt-r was thru 
demanded l>y his op[)oni-nts, W!K^ wrote to the eni- 

ror denouncing him as i-vin^ of r 

I avor, having made his fortune at the expense of his 
Junior and that of the people 1 , in \ ion of the law 

and th(! eiuprror s ordc". l\-dra/a, on th 

:id, wliil, discussiiiM- the question of Mishi 
schools in the native villages, exclaims: Wou 

(I that to this purpose the efl oi 

!, instead uof the 

province, his discourse lein^ lik. that 
with rage, him-elf blindly cov< nd ambitious of 

honor profan For thirty years :-ivini;- ; 

hishopi-ic until at length he ohtain die 

force of a hun<lred tin. .d lit 

Tin- colonial had no sympathy with 1 

leaving him to complain and sotnel 

unheeded. r rin>se who \\ y his 

fri . throuu h 

>n. were unwilling to mil. his n 



<4 Casas ami Vallr 
M.i! " ; tin, 

;11 assist at 


* ami 
.1 L urta* (/f / 


The oiclores refused to listen to him or to afford him 
redress, and on one occasion when a certain colonist 
threatened to assassinate the prelate he was allowed 
to go unpunished. 24 In a letter to the emperor Mal- 
donado states that "Las Casas has become so proud 
since his return from Spain that it is impossible to 
deal with him, and the best place for him would be 
in some convent in Castile." It w T as proposed by 
Marroquin to settle the long-vexed Indian question 
by referring the matter to a commission composed of 
the viceroy of Mexico, the audiencias, the bishops, 
and other competent persons both lay and clerical, or 
to a committee to be chosen by them, and that their 
decision be submitted to the crown for approval; but 
Las Casas would admit of no such compromise and 
insisted that the new laws be immediately enforced. 
It was finally agreed that the bishops should present 
to the audiencia a memorial embodying their griev 
ances, asking for redress, and stating explicitly their 
demands in reference to the treatment and disposition 
of the natives. Soon afterward Las Casas read this 
document before the oidores, who, as he now had the 
support of all his fellow-bishops, did not venture to 
refuse him an audience. They were requested to 
render assistance to the ecclesiastical authorities in 
the exercise of their jurisdiction, and to aid them in 
punishing all who sinned against God and the church, 
by committing sacrilege or holding in contempt the 
episcopal dignity. It was demanded that the natives 
should not be forced to pay excessive tribute, should 
not be used as beasts of burden, or required to render 
any but voluntary service, and that all who were 
illegally enslaved should be liberated and placed 
under the protection of the bishops; for it was claimed 
that Las Casas and his colleagues were their pro 
tectors and held the right of adjudication in all cases 
of alleged maltreatment. It was urged that officials 
in charge of Indian villages should be held strictly 
24 Jb. 


-ponsiMe fur their tru-t ;m<l punished in - 
in; tin- new law.- pr.-rrihed. 25 Thu me 

morial concluded ly threatening tin- president, i l<> i 

and <t)i<-r officials with nimunicat ion, should tln-v 

ohry these orders \vitllill the s| 
llionl ll 

(Ireat was the indignation of tin- members of 


audiencia toward tin,- prelate who tlms dared pi; 

himself above the lii-liot tribunal in the land. I ], 

re accustomed to regard thr eccl aiastic 

who-e presence mu-t indeed he tolerated for appear- 

anc but whoso duty it was only t<> conduct 

i-( -liuiuii- services in which the wiv-s and children of 
the colonists might perhaps wish to particip;. nd 

make such pr< could in thec -ni 

of the nati That tln-y should pivsui: int- 

i fi-L with their own scln-nn-s lor sdt randizement 

9 not to In- t<l.Tati-d. Maldonado and th- oid>i 
^ave vent to their ire in such aluisiv.- la; 

three day- later Las ( and Valdivieso addressed 

a letter to tlie emperor, stating that m-ithrr in i 
davs o{ Alvarado or Nuno dr (iu/nian, nor during 


the rule of any of the former tyrants, w min- 

of the <-hur<-h so insulted and oppn . !, \ 
ever such enormous crimes committed as undT 
the ])!(>. ^it audiencia of the ( 1 oni m Th- bisho] 

inoiv \ pressed their leli f "thai tli- d-vil had 

tilled the old with ambition and covetousness when 

they came to the country," and declared that mil 
the enforcement, of the ne\v laws were intru-ted 
tl; \vn hands the province must ^o to ruii Mean 
while M"arroi[uin, who was in B0C1 bitter i 
La- ( a dso sent a de-patch t the court of Spain, 
win-rein he speaks of him as one filled with pri- 

r> Tli- ;i rial, v, , \aa 

Micwh; !iv 1" linini; 

nml nil: tfiat, < 

1:1. i; ;. piv?. memo: 

that oi Las Cast riving la than tin- nth- 

2 j -0. 

HIBT. CtKT. AM., VOL. II. 20 



envy, and hypocrisy, and denounces his assumption in 
daring to present so offensive a memorial to the audi- 

encia. 27 

Las Casas waited in vain for an answer to his de 
mands. Not discouraged, however, by the studied 
inactivity of the oidores he pressed his claims with 
untiring zeal, exasperating them by his pertinacity, 
and frequently exposing himself to gross insult and 
contumely. On one occasion, while entering the hall 
of the audiencia, he was greeted with shouts of 
" Throw out that lunatic!" At another time he was 
coarsely affronted by the president himself; 28 and 
when, notwithstanding all rebuffs, he made a final 
appeal, demanding compliance with the new laws, and 
administering to Maldonado a public rebuke, the latter 
replied: " You are a knave, a bad man, a bad priest, a 
bad bishop, one lost to all shame and worthy of pun 
ishment!" Though stunned, for a moment, by this 
answer from one whose appointment was due to his 
own recommendation, the prelate meekly bowed his 
head, and with the words, " I very well deserve all that 
your worship says, Senior Licenciaclo Alonso Maldo 
nado," quietly withdrew from his presence. 

All now expected that the president would be ex 
communicated. As the consecration of Valdivieso 
was to take place two days later and none could be 
present who were under the ban of the church, Mal 
donado resolved to make some effort at reconciliation. 
To repair to the house of the bishop and there tender 

27 Marroquin states that the memorial was mucho desacato i mayor desa- 
tino: i el, como mas atrevido i favorido (por haverlc dado credito a sus pro- 
posiciones i f undamentos sacados de su pecho lleno de Mpocvesias, sobervia, 
invidia, i avaricia), lo presento, requirio, i amoiiesto. Marroquin, Carta, in 
Squier sMSS., xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather favorably of Maldonado, but 
complains of his being remiss, wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as 
to the welfare of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between 
the members of the audiencia, and says: A mi no me satisfazen. mucho sus 
letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco. Marroquin, Carta, in Carta 
de ludtas, 440-1. 

28 Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting against being ex 
pelled* from the hall of the andiencia: Estos cocinerillos en sacandalos del 
conuento no ay quien se pueda aueriguar con ellos. Itemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 

riox. 307 

Lfl ;i humiliation whi.-h ],; 

, while it could lint 1 

after nil the indignities In- had Miif.-ivd, w.tiM 

to Tin- 

iition of 1 rimds it was finally arranged that 

hould in< though 1> ideni 

Sine;. Uncovering, and aking in 

fnl t >ne, Maldonado !. 
what: had occurred, hut the jr laic at once ln 

i-th: "Jlcncc! Awa; S*6u are excommuni d ! 

k his drparfuiv witlmut uttc-rin;.;- anotln-1 1 

AVhilr yut c-n^a^vd in liis contr^ with i 

audiencia, Las ( uivod ; > iVmn Ciudad 1!. 

it <!i.-<rdcr was I ii r in his <>wn dine- . md. wi.-h; 
turn t<> Chiajias as soon as ] nihl<-, once in- 
ur^ d tin- oidores to n-ndcr a. <lrci>ioii. In ord 
i id theme 3 of hi importunity th> 

^Ih compromised the matti-i- l>y conceding or- 

:i nf his de-mantis, but ivfux-d fco i him 

hi.- colleagues as protectors nf tin- India: - this 

w;, main point in his memorial, and without this 

ion the new laws mu>t le inoperative, or 

lilt of < lltion, the pi-i-l.ji- t iind that I 
otht^r pi emature I cfornicr-. he ha. I gained lit 

to his unpopulai 

oseofthe year I.VIT) the hish de- 
>r their several provin Of i idr 

I ; ! ,, -eoinpanied Las < C indad \l 

soon afterw;. in levying 

:d of ( >n to ] N-ru : and t 

as pr- > of 



!. I. 

\ . M. solo iniieiv liurlo a . 




president, who, together with Herrera, still remained 
at Gracias a Dios, busied himself in accumulating 


wealth, fearing that the day was not far distant when 
he would be required to render an account. He met 
with little opposition, for the remonstrances of the 
cabildo were entirely unheeded, and Pedraza the 
bishop was a man too much after his own heart to 
throw any serious obstacles in his path. Maldonado 
with his friends and relatives already owned about one 
third of all the encomienclas in the province, and re 
ceived besides his share of the tribute obtained by the 
oidores from the Indian villages, the ownership of 
which was for appearance sake placed in the name of 
certain alcaldes and alguaciles. The latter received 
one third of the gross income, and those employed to 
collect the tribute also received a portion and were 
permitted to wring what else they could from their 
hapless victims, whom they hunted like blood-hounds, 
day and night, enslaving all who were unable to con 
tribute their share. 

The condition of affairs in the province of Honduras 
soon became known to the council of the Indies, and 
by the recommendation of Las Casas the licentiate 
Alonso Lopez de Cerrato w r as appointed judge of resi- 
dencia and president of the audiencia of the Confines. 
For several years he had presided over the audiencia 
of Santo Domingo, and had there made the acquaint 
ance of the bishop, who well knew his worth and the 
zeal with which he labored in behalf of the Indians. 
It was one of his principles always to suppose them 
to be in the right until the contrary were proven, and 
little cared he for the good or bad opinion of the 
Spaniards. Neither threat nor promise nor supplica 
tion could divert him from the execution of his pur 
pose. Being himself a priest he was of course a good 
friend to the ecclesiastics, and assisted them in their 
endeavors to alleviate the sufferings of the natives; so 
that the settlers exclaimed, after he had been a short 


lime in the provine.-; ; ( )ur day ha- j ,1 that 

1 In- j riars has l>e-_nm. 

In L548 tin- licentiate arrived ai ( ra ! 

ami .-it once proceeded to take tin- re>iden< 

president and of the oidon- II..--I-1 and Hi-n 

A: r< r concluding his investigation h<- report 
<>rthat sine.- iln- establishmeni of the a 

!)< r. .yal deen-e nor ;my of the new laws hav.- 

I or enforced. On the contrary, the ] lent 

and oidorea have Iteen. tin- first t<> di>r- -_: i -d th-iii 

in nrdrr to ingratiate themselves with th- 


they liavr never t bought of liberating any 

abolishing the use of the natives as ! it harden. 2 


Cerrato had undoubtedly <-\\ 1 to find matters 
in a Ix-tter cornlition, for h- l.roii-lit with him imno 
to supersede the oidores who mi^ht he di>| I. 

Maldonado, however, appears to hi aped all pun 

ishment other than ls of office. 32 Herrera, although 

L.-i- ( and Yaldivieso had previously d dar d 

that he alone amon^ the old. .res wafl worthy ! h 
jiosition. was tlie only one tliat was lined, and with 
the exception of the piv-ideiit, the only one thai v. as 
not rein.-tated. 84 

Although Cerrato was accused l>y the settlers of 

31 i ///\-/. rtujrifin^ 480. Cerrato did not hcsitat to 

be liishdps .<( I 

of their tnaintainioff algna those of tin- CMIJH-I 1 of tli> >t 

mis sin 1 i^<> ! Iiiijuisirii ii. In hpi aking of tin.- 

nnuiifation liy tin- Uslmp oi N 

i l<- t< j .-iy him I ;,.!,. .-.i\ s that 1. iraza v. 

,n the heads of a thousand judges. CVrrtt/o, 

if he had IXTII toiind l.hniu-li-ss In- could not 1 

as < > was appointed by the crown lum. lie lo>t hulifeai 

sea // - . 

. d for havini, a; 1 a in huvin, .- 

tain nr^rtir.s !>.!<. i 

\vhd h. i have so \\t-ll ft-at 

BO short at :i dios y in 

too y j Q. ! ;oreM 

; with <, and a.-.-u>.-i him of :ng in 

tthlik union i: 

nt>f l^as Casas aii l \"auh . / /., \\;i., is duubtiuia 



partiality in the administration of justice, he enjoyed 
the full confidence of the emperor, 35 who gave orders 
that all matters of grave import pertaining to the gov 
ernment of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Guatemala 
should be referred to his decision. Moreover, the 
bishops of Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Chiapas showed 
their appreciation of his worth by begging him to visit 
their dioceses and aid them in their labors on behalf of 
the natives, as the oidores sent to those provinces were 
unable to enforce the new Jaws. During the brief 
term of Cerrato s residence in Honduras nothing oc 
curred that is worthy of note, with the exception of a 
revolt among the negro slaves at San Pedro del Puerto 
de Caballos, which was promptly quelled by a force 
despatched against them by the audiencia. 

In 1549 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was 
removed from Gracias d Dios to Santiago cle Guate- 


mala. The former town, now containing!; but eighteen 

O O 

settlers, was situated in a neighborhood where food 
for man and beast was difficult to obtain, and was far 
remote from the more important colonies. In other 
settlements the condition of affairs was little more 
prosperous. In Honduras, as elsewhere in Spain s 
western dominions, the apathy of the Spanish mon 
arch and the disorders caused by the ceaseless struggle 
for wealth, or the craving for insignificant authority, 
added greatly to the misery and privation which the 
early history of colonization throughout the world sel 
dom fails to present. 

85 Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He says that at first he 
promised well, but subsequently acted in every way contrary to his instructions, 
as if these had been mini que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en cstas 
provincias todo lo deys d vuestras parientes. He accuses him of giving the 
best repartimientos to his two brothers, a granddaughter, a son-in-law, and 
his followers and friends, and remarks that the people feared the coming of 
another boat-load of Cerratos. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Jndias, 38^42. 




-A lYMU.i: ! 


ruicKi viviuis JOINT Go-. v\r, OF < 

-MALI>ONAIM> AITHI vn-:n < ;<.VI:U\OR A 
TI\ -IU:M" 

-ANTIA(,0 Pi. 


ilio news of Alvarado s death irriv-l in 
i 1 daring the last days of Au^u^t L541, n- 

sti is of sorrow were on every aide; t- 

[raped in ll and tin- city ]ut on lial.iliim-: 

i or h()\vf\-cr liad ili i man tin iv are i--\v wlio 
takr j.lcasui in conventional mourn 
t th. of t IK- intelligence upon tin- ad<-l; 

J )ona 1 Beatrix, was so .- 

ali rct ln-r ; -n. Sin- " at li.-r t;i<-r and tOJ 
r liair, wtM-|)in- :inin-\ and -Toaniu-- in ry 

rrief. I* "! 1 da ither nor 

a(llro> - to th f Gu;; 

iil the cahildo !y. In t 

ps: You wil sed to tak 

< ,,!. I \tM 

\ 1 \ aradoV 

>al tho lirst geneni 

it was ;til th. 

scq. A cabildo waa ! 

. in t cm tw r/f India*, DernaL Diaz, 



refusing all consolation. She caused her house to be 
stained black, both inside and out, and draped it in 
deepest mourning. All efforts to appease her met 
with passionate outbursts expressed in language ac 
counted impious, 3 and she repulsed alike the appeals 
of friends and the religious consolation offered by the 
priests all of which was quite pathetic on the part 
of the bereaved woman. Meantime funeral obsequies 
were celebrated by Bishop Marroquin with all possible 
solemnity, prayers being offered each day for the re 
pose of the late conqueror s soul. 

But while due observance of mourning was shown 
for the loss which the colonists had sustained in Al- 
varado s death, it was necessary to decide upon the 
important matter of the government of the province. 
Francisco de la Cueva had been left lieutenant-gov 
ernor, but although this appointment was approved by 
the viceroy 4 and the cabildo was ordered by him to 
recognize Cueva until his Majesty s wishes should be 
known, the members took the matter into their own 
hands and elected Dona Beatriz governor. This anoma 
lous proceeding was discussed at a special session, and 
the reasons assigned for taking such a step were that 
it was deemed necessary for the peace, security, and 
interest of the country. As soon as the decision was 
reached the cabildo went in a body to the house of Dona 
Beatriz and tendered her the appointment. Her vio 
lent grief for the loss of her lord did not prevent her 
from assuming rulership according to the wish of the 
authorities. Thanking the municipality for the honor, 

3 An unknown author writing later during the same year states that Dona 
Beatriz dixo muchas veces que ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le haccr. Ilda- 
cion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 
269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq. , make similar statements. Gomara s 
assertion is disputed by Bernal Diaz, Hitt. Verdad., 226-7. See, also., for 
accounts of Dofia Beatriz grief, Carta del Obispo in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, 
Col. Doc., iii. 388; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 156; Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 
1837), iv. 466-7; Remenal, Hist. Chyapa, 166. 

4 In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to, and dated July 15, 1541. 
Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date, 
one day after Alvarado s death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to 
know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts to account 
for the discrepancy which his error produced. Hist. Chyapa, 1G5-C. 


1 the p. ii ,-ni(l jimmied to E 

M. iji V \\ith Zeal and (I her>e|f tO the Well . 

province in tin- j>re-rriled lunn <>f 

imony t installation immediately i nllo in tl 
presence f the li>hop and l-VaneUm <! la - \a, 

i- which th<- widow <>{ Alvarado t< the oath in 
(hi ni. ;ind thereupon appointed her hn>th<T. 1 Van- 

la ( Jueva, 8 deutenant-governoi him 

full power to act for IMT in all matter- ] .. i -t. lining to 
t -vcniniciit, . -t the di-|xal of i-. 

(fJudians which might become vacant; thi 
tive rved t.. herself I ler lu-ot 

nit-lit was rec< )_>! ii zed ly the cahildo on the i 

lay. Saturday the- loth of September. 6 

]>ut it was not i ated that this unfortun;:te ] ; ,dy 
.ould long enjoy her high [><ition. 1 lei- doom with 

5 Bishop Mnrroqxiin was of opinion that ;i fit person t<> have 

!v;ir;nlo in rh : the govfrnnu iit. In a 1< ng 

: IH, i;,j ] , lie describe* liim ;i> .|. 


.1 to tin- -nin]);ti: ing a ! tln-rs, 

. I 

itwa liislmp s iiilliifiii . ./.was 

liuly was fiinnt-n:ii. . him. 

real p \\<T in tli- 

6 Tln- . jiiKiintiuciit cf I)(.n a Beatrix, - 

1 Iciniifl 1 V < i..iii;i!;i, \\ !i<> int r i.-cil lu-rs lf 

to . : Y 


t -.s that she resigned the .- :ig 

il tlc- iipiKiintin . >givcsai 

of tin .pointim-nt t ln-r 01 

ni, Miarki; 

i toca. 

t . lirr;i| i>ointment was thatol tin-;, . Gonzalo 

l):tl>ly ppart-i 

sanencss. Although half a pag* Wa it 

was 1 uj>. 1 hi.- lil.iuk half p V :i 

ti:i aplcss l.-nly n this occasion was written tlnis: l^i 

\vn through the wor 
ln 1-scl i the olj 


>. J liis saim- :uith..r .stairs OD 

1 l>y ti. 

1 .;: "t agree with <>ve 

anth ttrilui- a Bcatriz such ainhitious s \vhil- 

: <lrs|.. I herself, but ivganl her a, 

incut a.s a pinvly <ii[>luinat; 


that of many others was sealed. The rains during 
this year had been excessive, and from Thursday the 
8th of September until noon of the following Sunday 
it rained continuously, while an unusually violent 
wind prevailed. 7 The reader is aware that the city 
of Santiago was situated on the slope of the lofty 
volcan de Agua. 8 This mountain is a beautifully 
symmetrical cone nearly fifteen thousand feet above 
the sea, and in its enormous crater was a small lake, 
which, owing to the heavy rainfall, had risen to the 
top of the enclosing sides. On the 10th of Septem 
ber, 9 about two hours after nightfall, a volcanic erup 
tion dislodged an immense volume of water, or the 
imprisoned lake burst its barrier. However that may 
have been, at this fearful moment down came the 
impetuous flood upon the doomed city, ten thousand 
feet below, and not more than a league distant from 
the top, bringing great trees and masses of rock 10 and 
hurling them upon the inhabitants. The wind and 
rain and darkness rendered the disaster all the more 

7 The base of the following account of the destruction of Santiago City is 
taken from Bishop Marroquin s narrative in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , 
Hi. 386-8, and from another and fuller narration without signature in Id., 
378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of it, and states: 
Estas nuevas truxo a la isla. . .Cuba, Johan de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo 
adelantado don Pedro, que aporto al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el 
capitan Johan de Lobera, su amigo 6 uno de los milites que un tiempo an- 
duvieron con el mesmo adelantado, me escribio todo lo ques dicho por su 
carta fecha d quatro de enero de mill 6 quinientos 6 quarenta y dos anos. It 
must, however, be remarked that the letter in Pacheco and Cardenas bears 
unquestionable evidence of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alva 
rado, who had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the gov 
ernorship Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271 was on his way to 
Spain. I conjecture that he was the bearer of this anonymous account of the 
calamity and allowed Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first 
person into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in. Santo Domingo. 

8 The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural hollow running down 
the mountain side. 

9 Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. 
xiii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 270, the records of the cabildo according to Kerne- 
sal, Hist. Chi/apa, 559, and Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 1645, give September 
the 11 th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both state 
that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first authority mentioning 
that the preceding Thursday was the 8th. 

10 < Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las llevaba como corcha 
sobre el agua. JReL, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383. The im 
mense stones brought down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city 
when Bernal Diaz wrote, (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463. 


. killed, not knowing wl 

:nn. Tln-r 

Span: >lonist ;unl I ndian nit v n 

\vii, t! amhlrr :it liis dice an<l tli -hipju-r 

kiiri linir at tin- shrn In that ni^ht of horror -a-h, 

- he -I n !--!(< I solitary from th- si-rthi: 
mi;_dit i aiicy himself the only survivor. Xnnili 
]>rri , and many were cast from mhr ;pon 

li; i-oiind, with mangled limits and l>odi-s cm . ll 

I)),ia Beatriz truly La Sin \ <}n- liaj.l.-ss 

on had signed herself the day befo 

first alarm, ^athcrin^ IMT maid mid ln-r, ha 

But of what avail was prayer? r J i 

\\ re upon lh< i m, and at the second outl.iir 

;>t down the chapd and huri^d hcin-alh it- ruii 

the lady-governor and JUT handmaidens. 13 I> 
rikiii Ivarado s house the flood had washed iy 

! witli their occupam r FI 
!lin_i4 other nx-mli- the household, a::d 

amon^ tli. -in Dona Leonor, the el ral daii-^h- 

of Alvarado. f ri (> J)ona JJi-iti-ix ; lr, hut 
t, of them were carrit-d away ly the tonv h 

i Leonor and SOUK- otl ped. A 1 

nnmher of Jndians <>f hoth - 1 ! : - to 

household \vn-e also dr< 1. T\ iiaplains \v! 

wnv in tin- li< >u>. \\ . -pt through a d 

n Y mu l>ni/" juc algnnoa despues ban 


with 1 

. liija . 1 <l.-l Aaelantado, -ult alao 

/. /....< , // 

iy ii{M>!i 1. 

>cks of ear ; 3 

in height 
-iuul ind xaggci \\ I:M 

ooka of t 

ados, ^ 

j>ago . ! MI the niiiiiiti s . 

. i 

i"p M;ilTMjuiu ! An<>U - 


.1.1) a y.a. contra 


carried for some distance to the plaza where they were 
rescued. Several attempts were made during the 
night to reach Alvarado s house, but only one person, 
Francisco Cava, succeeded. Dona Beatriz apartment 
which she had left was the only portion of the build 
ing left standing. Had she remained there, instead of 
rushing to the church, .she and those with her would 
have been saved. Many supernatural horrors were 
reported to have occurred during the night, the par 
ticulars of which are related by Bernal Diaz. 

While this blow was falling upon Alvarado s house 
and household, his kinsman Francisco de la Cueva w^as 
in extreme peril. At the first roar of the descending 
flood, heard above the raging tempest, he imagined 
that some violent disturbance had occurred in the 
town and rushed out lance in hand, only to be driven 
back, however, by the avalanche of water. Retiring 
with the Spaniards of his house to his study, he es 
caped the danger, though that apartment was the 
only portion of the building left standing. 13 

When day dawned the scene of desolation was heart 
rending. The water had passed away, and on all sides 
the ruins of the city were exposed to view. Most of 
the houses had been overthrown or swept away, and 
the few which remained were so filled with mud that 
they were untenantable. Whole families had per 
ished. 14 The streets were choked up with accumula 
ted debris, trunks of mutilated trees, and husre rocks. 

Scattered in all this wreck lay disfigured corpses and 
carcasses of drowned cattle. 15 

13 One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all perished. Such is 
the account given by the bishop. That of the anonymous writer differs from 
it. He states that Cueva escaped from the house and saved himself by getting 
upon a wall which had remained standing. 

u The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names of eight, and says that 
more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes lost their lives. The bishop, page 388, 
mentions the names of twelve settlers whose houses were completely over 
thrown or washed away, adding: Si bienalgunos destos se salvaron; and fur 
ther on informs us that Murieron, sin los espanoles cliches, mas de 600 indios. 
Vazquez states that about 100 Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan 
allies escaped unharmed. Chron. de Gvat., 98. 

15 E gran suma de ganado, que tom6 en el monte y otra que torn 6 en la 
cibdad, que se vinieron a ella huyendo. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 


\nd now he^-an ihe sad. Bad n-li for the d-ad. 
followed by mournful burial. Many of tl. 

found. The bodies ,f J)ona 15. -a t Y\Y. a lid t Ij. 

wh" perished with ln-r \\ recovered with on< 

ception. Her remains were interred with <! <lein- 
nity near the high altar of the cathedral, 1; and th 

ot her companions in death were reverently laid side 

by >idr ill oiK common ^ravt-. 17 \Vhih- tin- la>t I ll 
nf tli- rltiirch were duly ])ci-iorinrd ! . th.- h.-h,,..! of 
this hapless lady, lln- >trick-n < nmnunity 
llic cata>tr<ij)]]c which had hcfalldi th-ni B a niani- 

latimi f diviin- wi-ath; and thoii-di ini>t of tin- 


survivors looked upon it as a merited punishment f"i- 
tht-ii- own sins, then- were not wanting those wh> 


ributed the cause of God s an^vr t< tin- int< mpcr, 
Ian made USeofbyDojW 1 )-at riz in lu-r iV-n/ 

U ricf. ; So much insane foolishness can he wrapped 

in words of wisdom! The bishop endeavored to en- 
re hi> flock though in such deep d ion. A 

mud in the streets n\i< lil a) most up to the highest wiiulows. 

10 Xo mention is made of the rhnivh having i A ] 

of the hislmji icstmyi-il. causing th- di-sth :llor 

I 1 ., :i^S. According \<> Jlnnr.-al I Dona Beir 

jiiriitly ti tlifilral of tin- in-\v the 

which she ]>rnsh<-d : l.Tcd tlm iua^- 6 said weekly 

or the repose of her aouL //<> . < lii/"/-". l^l. I -m/mn < 

Minau truly ]roud, vain, and haughty; \\liil-<>. in 

Id", <l;it- d ) April 1. I." . !! , Ml lx.dy that 

.1 muy l)Uuiia. I 7! . 

Their remains W i in 1.~>SI) to tl:- 

. The insci-ij.tion. in hii:> 17, said that tli. 

\ < 1 ;d\ companions, all of whom perished ^itl 

in l. .l I. /. 181. Tli:> IttBCl iptioa i 

<jlle/. ( },, 

18 The lii.-li-ij.. In. \vever. th" i Irian addreu (" the MO] 

:hejm: : exxcoaraging them, he aaid: t^ueal 

a IMS .d.ia ile\.-iil". 

ttrihutes tin hl.i-j.. 

id adds that so 

d^urdity and intimate s il 

A llM !. 

I l>y the an"iiynii>us uiitei-t-n tl, 

\\hile inelin. 
, itiii-l .. 
ased \\ ith -\l\ar. *0. 


penitential procession was held and the litany chanted 
before the high altar. He enjoined them, moreover, 
to fast and pray on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Satur 
days. Further to cheer them he recommended all 
mourning to be put aside. 

Nevertheless the gloom which had fallen upon the 
community was not soon dispelled, and at every 
threatening change of the sky the panic-stricken set 
tlers sought safety on the hills. A unanimous desire 
to abandon the spot prevailed ; many of the inhabitants 
left it and went to reside on their farms, 19 while those 
who remained 20 expressed their determination to go 
elsewhere. To arrest total abandonment and dis 
persion the cabildo, on the 22d of October, issued a 
decree prohibiting any citizen from leaving under a 
penalty of one hundred pesos de oro. 21 And long after 
the capital had been removed to another site, a peniten 
tial procession, attended by the civil and ecclesiastical 
orders, left the new city at daybreak on each anni 
versary and visited the former capital in mournful 
commemoration of this calamity. Bearing crosses in 
their hands, chanting the litany, and praying for the 
safety of their city, the people marched in all humility 
to the former cathedral. 2 There mass was celebrated 
and the graves of the dead were decorated, after which 
the procession dispersed. 23 

The death of Dona Beatriz had left the province 
without a ruler. Cueva s position at the head of the 
government was no longer recognized, and in the crisis 

19 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 467. 

20 None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a large barrack was con 
structed on the outskirts of the town as a common dwelling-place. Pacheco 
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 380. 

KRemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 306. 

22 Torquemada attended one of these processions. He writes: iban cada 
Ano, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al de cl ancganiiento (y Yo me 
halle" e~n ella vii Ano. . .) pidieudo a Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion, 
y perdon de averle ofendido. i. 327. 

2a Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom was discontinued, 
although he left a fund to support its observance. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 
(ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo 
on September 9, 1542. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559. After the old church was 
pulled down the procession marched to the Franciscan convent in the old city. 
Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6. 


tin: cahildo un-t <>ii tin; Iflth and 1 7th 

imber, and afl i -ion - < 

hop Marroquin joint ernors provi 
Tin- hMiop in ;i iddressed to 1 be k: 

! hruary JO, I " I-, informs his Maj<->ty that in , 
rrpt m^ tin 1 appointment lie had n i ini in-m-i-d 

any itli, honor, or powT hut h\- tin; 

iial E Hairs, and at, 1 ; lv 

hrhi _ - noti<-- tlnj in-ci :it- 

in- :mor of great influence and abilii JI-- ! 

Ttaiii ind ividua wlni 
d -iin-d i ully capahlr and worthy of lillin^ i 

Th< idations be now rei , lioldin--- 


himself responsible should the kin-- be ] ! ! to , 

in rdain-r v.ith liis \ic\\ The hi>ho], i: r, 

intiiii that thr municipal government had ial! 

into u; hy liands, the i 

di-ath of hoimrahh- re- id< vho liad been memb 

bild Th 

od j n-ut and z.-aloiis in tin 1 royal Bervi 

]> in;.-d out, an I ; ieh vital importaii 

i oi such nn-ii to the wrltlire of the province, tl 

Marroquin iin[)loi-es liis M> r that t 

v, ho h,-i 1 i d should r. -nine offic 

\\diilo descrihi in; the country ,uil In- pict- 

colony hnost iii -t disa lul ion. 

Thf late ralaniity had involved th 

]>o ,d the contrast l)i-t.\v<- ii tln-ir | >n- 

<liti ii and th. which lln-y 1. 

ai ri\v d under Alvara de indu--.-! th di- 



waa a 

Baraona, a 



Te.<jan Guatemala " - 



f W^^igrlSlfe " i / ..| (l " upt 

(HVOLCAN B&^WSam XV iudadVie ^ Mttfo^ 

f "* ^ *mii/^ i^ 1} /"-^ atitlan 



. ob> 

1 Marro<|u m di>t rilm< d ;i ) >rtion <! tl. 

ieh had belonged t< t he adelantad< 

of the in< who were tlms induced i 


the election of the joinl governors the imj>< 

:t ([Ucstinn ,! iviiiov;il \\a l hy 1 1 

ities and citizen Tlnit the intei l the <-<.imt 

demanded Midi a >ti-[> \, lie :ilm<>t unanii iu- 

inn, - null tin- sel n of ,M new >ii 

nn-nl nttt iitinn. On this inaltci- oj.ininii 

and a] 1- x-alit i-s \\ proposed. Tl. 

in lavor of the valley <>f TiaiiL in the ]la 
( liiina: \\a- a- aiii revi^ l ami f .{>- 

]"; . \\hilc l>y others the valley <>f J *. tapa or that, 

Mi\<-o were preferred. r l her.- were, h<>v, 
tin- removal <>! tlnj city to any 

IV -in its existing Site. It Ava- U.nii in mimllhat i 

vall -y of Alni .nly cult ivated, and 1 1 

in its vicinity were <-;iitle farms whirh owi he 

(Vailing ]ov-rty and the m of the inhahi- 

loilld n)t l,e ahandom-d; :; " ,-ind 
investigation <! the advant d l.y d 

1 those of the valle\ 1 \ineln.y >n- 

w ltvill Lvandoappouitedll 

the <M 

if IK- assures 1 thirds oi 

:hl liavi- lc 1 t, I lit 


M ith the alltl 

, ii. 

oquin was at first in f 

^.^-rtl his 
1 . 

\\ it lin:. r self-; 


; s ami 


UIST. CAL., VOL. 11. .1 


sidered to be so superior that in cabildo held on the 
22d of October it was ordered that the future city 
should be there erected. 32 

At no greater distance therefore than half a league 
from the ruins of Santiago, on the site occupied by 
the present Antigua Guatemala, the Spaniards once 
more laid out a city. The customary assignment of 
lots was made, town commons set apart, and the na 
tives again made to toil in the erection of buildings 
for their oppressors. 33 Nevertheless the work did not 
progress with the rapidity which the authorities seem 
at first to have expected, 34 and though during 1542 
some progress was made, even the house of the ca 
bildo had not been completed in April 1543. The 
exact date of the formal removal of the municipality 
to the new city is not known, 35 but on the 10th of 
March 1543 a session was held there. 36 On the 12th 
of June following the host was transferred from the 
church of the ruined town in solemn procession, at- 

suspects that Antonelli s report had reference to some other occasion and dis 
credits it. tip.. Conq., iii. 390. For general map of Guatemala see p. 110 this 

3 2 Juarros, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that either the valley of 
Petapa or Chimaltenango would have been a more favorable situation on 
account of the frequent overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experi 
enced at Panchoy. Hist. Verdad., iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467. 

33 The cabildo considered it their duty more than once to pass laws to pre 
vent the Indians from being overloaded, llemesal, Hist. Chyapa. 3G7-8. 
Every month the Cakchiquels of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were com 
pelled to furnish 1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in 
the building of the city. Calcchiquel, MS., Brasseur de Eourbourg, Hist. Nat. 
Civ., iv. 790, The audiencia and viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of 
Alvarado s estate to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop 
appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution which he had 
made already, the annulling of which would cause great dissatisfaction. Carta, 
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 276. 

34 On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree ordering lots to be 
enclosed with adobe walls before St John s day, June 1542, under penalty of 
forfeiture. The time given being found to be too short, it was extended on 
May 21, 1542, to caster in the following year. JRemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 365-7. 

35 Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements, without quoting any 
authority in this instance boldly states that the 4th of December 1543 was 
the day on which the Spaniards took possession of their new quarters. Sp. 
Conq., iii. 390. 

36 Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the cabildo on that date 
is the first to indicate a session held in the new city; es el primero que se 
escriue en esta forma. En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento 
nueuo dellaS etc. Hist. Chyapa, 368, 

ALOXso ir. ICALD -0. 

landed l>y ill.- civil authorities, and all the 
:t in the city. 

A; ion held on ihe -J \<\ of May I 

\va-> | .| liy tin- c,-d,ildo that tin- citv should j 

the title of the one destroyed, 11 and tin- nota?-i s \\ 

Ordered to use in all documents tin- headinj < iudad 

de San . and no otln-r, under penalty of a line of 

n peSOS de oi-o. Tliis <! publicly pi 

claimed on the UJlli of June followiii"-. 38 


Meantime another change had taken place in 1 

\rnineiit. On the I d of Maivh L542 the vice) 
of N \v Spain appointed the oidor Alon>o de M;d- 
doiiado provisional ruler of Guatemala, pending in 
structions from the crown, and on the I 7th of M 
following the ne\\- governor presented his conmiis- 
the cabildo and was pLc, d in office- th me 


.Din-in^ the following year -\citeincnt prevail- < I in 

ateniala owiii -- to information ha\ in" been iv<-ei\ . . I 

^ ~^ 

in October of the new code ..f la\\> and ti tabli>h- 

nient of the audiencia of the Contin. Jt \ 
oil lv-d to make an appeal to the thro 1 nd 

on the 1-Jth of the same month tlie cabildo m< t to 
appoint procurators to Spain. The opinion of t! 
inhabitants having been taken/ a committee in\ 

with ])o\ver of electing reji. itatives was appointed, 41 

but it was unable to j m<l on the i of ! !- 

~^ * 

ruary L544 Hernan Bfendez ] nted a petition to 

the cabildo propo>i !!_; that a ma>s meeting !i--ll in 
the principal church in ord.-r that t 

itulad \ 

.is author was pros. ith a paint- 

. at tl. -t of the 

aus ig a scene truly l>oautii 

\\Uh that mar M -M Ol i - shouM bo chosen, 

Dot 1 iiMj>n>sil,l- ! is president ui the new 


Mciule/. .lc Sotoma;. 


of the people might be taken. 42 Nevertheless con 
siderable delay occurred, and it was not until the fol 
lowing August that the appointments were decided 
upon, when an examination of the votes showed that 
Hernan Mendez and Juan de Chavez were elected. 
The latter, however, declined to accept, and a still 
further delay was caused by Mendez insisting upon 
proceeding to Spain by way of Vera Cruz instead of 
through I 3 uerto de Caballos. At length, on March 
1G, 1545, Mendez received his papers and instruc 
tions, and departed for Spain. 43 

The bitter controversy which took place during the 
sessions of the audiencia in 1545 has been described 
in the preceding chapter, but it remains to be added 
that Maldonaclo and the oidores, although they had 
avowed their intention of enforcing the new laws, 
practically discountenanced their enforcement so far 
as they related to repartimientos. In a letter ad 
dressed to the king dated the 30th of December 
1545 they state that if all Indians were liberated 
whose owners had no legitimate title none would be 

42 In this document the petitioners especially brought forward as an in 
justice a regulation previously passed that only married settlers could hold 
repartimientos. /(/. The cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a rep 
resentation to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the diffi 
culty and expense attending the procuring of wives from Spain. Arcvalo, Col. 
Doc. Anttg., 13-14. It is evident also that in 1543 the cabildo again ad 
dressed his Majesty on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza 
acknowledges receipt of el pliego que venia con ellas para S. M. , and adds: 
yo escribo a S. M. . .haciendole relacion, como conviene al servicio de S. M. 
alargar las mercedes y no acortallas. Id., 180. 

43 Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts delayed his journey, 
and that on the 8th of June the cabildo revoked his appointment. No other 
procurador appears to have been appointed up to September 10, 1540, when 
receipt of the revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos ren 
dered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this later date the cabildo 
resolved to send a commission to the audiencia to solicit its enforcement. Hist. 
Cfajapa, 304-5. But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guate 
mala wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had been sent 
to protest against the new code, might be given a hearing. Sqnier s MSS., 
xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin, writing on September 20, 1547, mentions 
that many letters had been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies 
relative to his action with the audiencia in 1545. Carlo,- al Principe, in Curias 
de Indias* 446. He also states that Mendez was prejudiced against the public 
will and partial to Herrera and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and 
that there was also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time. 
Squier s MSS. , xxii. 44-5. 

Tli me i< Milt \v<uM . 

\\ 1, marr n-d and had (ami: 

they 1" -ant \ bran u 

1 ii 1 h<- iH \v I;L\VS v. ,1. d. ;t:i.| , 

CODC llal . 

mi kilted to i be r>l<ni 

Meanwhile the roversv relatii 

in<-ni of the I ndi beini 


The tribute which had been imposed \\\H>H tl 
Marroquin and Maldon d of complaint 

lliosi- functional^ iu<l L iind ; 

d himself obliged ; plain I 
d \vitlmut suiliciriit kn 
tli, te rli; were nee i-y. 47 

Am l>y Marroquin 

inrli <r tin- condition <>r th<- nat i 

that 1 1: ;rit V i 1 be lislinp Id ili- 

.de the 1 i-i dit to iniiict cMi-jnii-al punish: 

O I 1 

led that : 


... / 

Jn 1 

; is aimnallv. A 





settle their difficulties. He moreover strongly recom 
mended that for the purposes of better instruction 
and government Indian towns should be consolidated 
and subjected to a system of police. 48 

Meanwhile Alonso Lopez Cerrato had been ap 
pointed president of the audiencia of the Confines. 
It was already admitted that Gracias a Dios was not 
a suitable place for the seat of that body, and both 
Cerrato and bishop Marroquin made representations 
to the king advising its removal. 49 Accordingly his 
Majesty by royal cedula authorized the president and 
oidores to move to the city of Santiago/ where they 
arrived in 1549, and according to Remesal accepted 
Bishop Marroquin s offer of his palace for their use. 51 

Cerrato s administration as president of the audien 
cia caused grievous offence to the settlers of Guate 
mala, and in a representation to the king they charge 
him with being ungenerous, undignified, wanting in 
zeal for the honor of God, and unconscientious. 51 The 
grounds of their objection to him naturally originated 
in his action regarding the protection of Indians, and 
they bitterly complain of his nepotism in assigning 
encomiendas to relatives of various degrees. Justice 
at his hands they could not obtain ; consequently many 
of the best colonists had left the province and others 

48 The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued two decrees relating 
thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548, reports that the consolidation of 
native towns was already in progress and that it was a highly necessary 
measure. Id. , 89, 92. 

i9 President Cerrato describes Graeias & Dios as occupied by only 18 
vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon, nor druggist, while a great scarcity 
of both meat and fish prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of 
removal to the city of Santiago. Carta, in ti<iui(>r * J/-SW. , xxii. 87-8. Marro 
quin urgently advocated this city as the future seat of the audiencia. Id,, 45, 
89, 94. 

60 The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The letters of Cerrato and 
Marroquin above quoted bear dates of October 5, 1548. and September 20, 
1547, Februarys, 1548, and August 1, 1548, respectively. ."Uemesal gives the 
date of the cedula as May 1, 1549. Hist. Chyapa, 503. Vazquez, Chron. dc. 
Gvat., 222, June 16, 1548. 

51 The king by royal cedula, dated July 7, 1550, approved the purchase of 
the episcopal palace for the use of the audiencia. 77/W. Chi/apei, 503. 

52 The document, found in Arevalo, Col. Doc. An!i.<j., 21-4, is defective 
and without date, but was probably written soon after the establishment of 
the audiencia de los Confines in Santiago. 

irri i: OF TH] 

re pn-; I Ii>hop M.-in-.xjiiii 

. ith ( lerrato only . lings 

in the lat A hich were pullielv evinc. d i 

himself l>r a lon-^ time from the > 
the church, :; conducted by the jtivlat 

I lut th t tiers in ( iuatcmala were 

op] any EQeaSU which cla-h d v. iili th 

.. ;ni(l consequently i--ii 1 m.-n 

their n\vn point of \i. \v. Under 1:. tii ,<!ienci;i 
of the ( oliiilies, divided as it \v;i 

]i;id ! ^reai nt maintained their previoUfl p 

tion i-elativr to the natives; - 1 luit in CdTalo 

p Tcrivrd One \\ho 1VC .- ll !/.< d tlleli llieivll. 

ma and JM d loth the d- -t rininat in 

aiTot the exiBting destructn m y and the coura 

inllict punishment upon them tor any -TO.SS inl rin. 
inent of the la\\ 

ad, y cstuvo mu quiso ir A misah 

//., -J-J. piin ari l 

iily l>rr\\ in _ r in i 

i\\ 11 he ;m<l tlu- lic IT 

i in 111.. > aii l reform ing tributes, ju<- rv.-m 

liavian !n- ; -hi. . 1 o. . MM!.; .>1<18, i 


M i. !I7. 

nc-ia had < ! neither ne\ 

, ;ul no ;i l \i . them. 


II the trilmt- 

Iiniian> uei 
1" .i-ilaii lei iii ta>aeiuii i los the Imiiaus 

-piinini Ayagna by Corrato for loftd- 

alle-l l..rth a .ibiiM- 

jiiin \\. 


jiiin in 1 el ir...! \ 1 " : 

in con: D \\itli . ;oi>hij>. /-/. , 90, 




THE province of Chiapas was at first included in 
the see of Tlascala, and paid tithes to that bishopric 
till it was transferred to the diocese of Guatemala in 
153G. When Ciudad Heal was laid out, under the 
direction of Mazariegos, an allotment was assigned 
for a church building, and its erection was begun 
almost immediately. 1 The first parish priest of Ciudad 
Real was Pedro Gonzalez, who was appointed by the 
cabildo in 1528, with a salary of three hundred pesos 
de oro. On his death Pedro Castellanos succeeded to 
the benefice in 1532. 2 In 1537, through the exer- 
tions of Bishop Marroquin, a convent of the order 

1 As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to the building of the 
church. Hemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 277; Juarros, Hist. Gnat., 03. It was dedi 
cated to Nuestra Seilora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of 
the city was changed, San Cristobal was chosen as the patron saint, and 
this name was retained after it was erected into a cathedral. Remesal, Hist. 
Chyapa, 274; Nueva Esparto,, Breve Res., MS., ii. 390; Colic, Mem. y^Not-., 122. 

2 Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter receiving his appoint 
ment from Pedro de Alvarado in the name of his Majesty. The religious 
fervor of the Spaniards at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In 
1528 Pedro Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting his 
salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend church in proper 
time ; El Espanol que desde el Euangelio adelante estuuiere f uera de la Yglesia, 
tiene pena de tres pessos; while a third was to the effect that no citizen was 


ciri>A!< L 

: founded l>y i 

ri- and IVdro I J,-uii, j JI L On the IM 

May i! ition, d the cahild 

mem land on which to i oimd ;i n ry t l.ut 

though their requesl \\ It!. [ 1,111 

ri time/ Jn i 539 (fray Mai i I )ard 

superior, in company with Fr;y Juan /;:!il.;tiiu 
>k ]>(>.- n of ili ildii: I indii 

it it wjis sittiatrd too 1 ar iVoin tli. incur 

former petitioned lra m-w and for contribu 
and assistance in erecting a n.-w com 1 1 : 

(|U->t nirt witli a lilx-ral rrspons- 

. in afh-r \ itli i 

means of ,suj|M)i- 

Uy a jtapal l)iill is-in-d on tlic lOtli ..! Mardi I.IDS, 5 
Ciuda 1 I! al was appointed -tlu-dral city, ih 

cesc t be Milj-ct to tin 1 archbishopric >i S \ i .ml 

the pop- i vin<^ to hiniseir the!h<-nt of the; 
iii The salary of tin- li>hop 

o hundred ducats a year, paj able iVom i 

: : . while the pri\ ii and nin-s 

the bishopric \ ;il- 

in S]>ain. The clnnvh patronage a: 

or dignitaries were conceded t<> the n of [ in. 

I he lin, f tll d>o lel t to 1 

the einpero, 

ity ili: 

1 <>!i thos. 


:!!!. I 

was si : 

toabast filt 

-< ami a sugar- in ill. 
i. 1- 

in a cc.; ic bu: 



On the 14tli of April 1538, Juan cle Arteaga y 
Abenclano, a friar of the order of Santiago, was ap 
pointed to the charge of the newly created bishopric, 
but it was not until nearly three years later that he 
was consecrated at Seville, whence he issued a docu 
ment framing the constitution of his diocese. 7 The 


prelate did not like to take possession, for on his arrival 
at Vera Cruz in 1541 he was attacked with a severe 
fever, and though he succeeded in reaching Puebla de 
los Angeles he died there shortly afterward, 8 his dio 
cese remaining in charge of the bishop of Guatemala 
until the arrival, in 1545, of Bartolome de las Casas. 
Lying between the territory under the jurisdiction 
of the audiencias of New Spain and the Confines 
were the provinces of Chiapas, Soconusco, Yucatan, 
and Tezulutlan, so remote, even from the latter court, 
that a strong hand was needed to enforce therein the 
new laws. In 1543 the apostle of the Indies after 
refusing the bishopric of Cuzco, lest his avowed disin 
terestedness should be doubted, accepted the prelacy 
of this extensive diocese, 9 one fourth of the tithes 

7 In Nueva Espana, Breve. Res. , MS. , it is 
remarked that a copy of this document is no 
where to be found, but that Remesal makes 
mention of it as being identical with that of 
the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exor 
dium. In the cathedral of Chiapas no account 
of it exists. See Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202. 
The personnel of the cathedral was to consist 
of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor, and 
treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesi 
astics. Gonzalez Ddv da, Teatro Edes. , i. 189. 

8 Remesal states that the immediate cause 
of his death was taking poison during the night 
in mistake for water. Mazariegos inclines to 
the opinion that the fatal draft was taken while 
Arteaga was delirious with fever. Mem. Chi- 
apa, 45. According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, 
Abendano was a native of Estcpa. Some of 

ARMS OP THE CITY OF CHIAPAS. the mem bers of his chapter went to Santiago, 
and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute condition, but were provided 
for by Marroquin. They asked that their allowance be given them from the 
revenues of that church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor s 
decision should be known. Pachecoand Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9. 

9 In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545, Squier s MSS., xxii. 176. 
Las Casas claims Yucatan and Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin 
acknowledges receipt of the prince s letter assigning Soconusco to Las Casas. 
Id., 121. 


: 1 

<>f liis l.islmprir ;HK! an additional sum ~>00,000 

maravrdi s pavaM.- l.y the CrOWD I .ilu 
1 I I 

Sunday <! I and having l.y vii tu.- of a r\al < 

!i-cl tin- liberation 11 tht- Indian sla . 
brought to Spain from UK v - \\ -rld L jl>ail 

at San I j icar <>n tin- I 1 1 li of .lulv. I i 


l.y \\\< 

Ladrada. and forty-five I ) Miiiniraii t iiar>. indmli 
Tom . tli-ir \ i nd his BD 

i Quint ; 

1M, the ioih; HL-!I. ,., h. :><-, tii tth. 


to the bishopric of Chiapas. After touching at Santo 
Domingo where he was detained over three months 
awaiting a vessel, he sailed for Campeche, where 
he arrived on the 6th of January 1545. Las Casas 
soon aroused the opposition of the colonists by insist 
ing on the enforcement of the new laws, so exasperat 
ing them that they refused to acknowledge him as 
their bishop, on the ground that his papers were de 
fective. They could not, indeed, prevent him from 
taking possession of the bishopric, but they could and 
did withhold the tithes, thus compelling him to send 
to Ciudad Real for money to defray his expenses. 
His messenger reached Ciudad Real early in Feb 
ruary and the cabildo s answer is dated the 12th of 
the same month. They sent him a few hundred pesos 
which had been advanced by the public administra 
tors on the security of one of the citizens. 11 

From Campeche, Las Casas despatched by sea to 
Tabasco ten of the friars, but the vessel being 
overtaken by a storm foundered off the island of Ter- 
minos, and nine of the ecclesiastics together with 
twenty-three Spaniards were drowned. Las Casas 
and the remainder of the Dominicans soon afterward 
departed for Ciudad Real, where his reception was 
cordial and enthusiastic. He was escorted into the 
city under the pallium; a house had been prepared 
for his reception, and thither all classes flocked to pay 
him homage. 12 

The cathedral chapter consisted, on Las Casas ar 
rival, of the dean, Gil Quintana, and the canon, Juan 
de Perera, besides which dignitaries there were three 
priests in the diocese. The Dominicans, who were 
also kindly received, having reported their arrival to 
the provincial in New Spain, established a temporary 
convent and began their labors. 

In the enslavement of the natives, the settlers of 

11 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 211-14. 

12 Las Casas, Relation de entrada, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 

is ahundaiit 

III their Sul>-e<|UeHt t! them 1 

inurh harsh]!- nd cru -lty. 14 ) > -;:!\ 

tde to him ly the Indian- I . .1- protect i. ,n, hut th- 

ility of any ext 

natives w< . lie well ki id tl. 

1 on vigorous ii lirmlv 

his ei would be seconded l>y theaudie i h ir 

enforcement of the n-\v lav Las ( , 
hail misjudged the- character o( the 

>hall Bee hereafter. 

I ll" 11 ^ 1(1 apni-oadi of Imly week lie 

hui injudicious p of refusing absolution to all v. 1m 

should not forthwith liherate th.-ir slav< <! 

this t h" chief of certain sins I.T which he 

liims.-h right of granting absolution, i .< jmhli- 

<-at ion of this mea -lire eau-ed 

1 lit . I lich i urther im-r, i hy hi- r< ( i; 

:i to any rompromi- In their d 
applied to. the dean, who, failing 
hi>h(p. took upon himself the responf ibilii 
absolution in certain <-, I & 

di-an purposhi place him HIM! . hut \ 

latter Mi^pectinir hi- design refused to \\ h< 

Ujion the former, detei mined not to ho thus thwart. 
it hi- hailill and a i . \\ attendants with 01 

MI.- IS cxrf-siK yd .;ili<l<> en line, r i;>.i nay 

I a-; in Los Caaas 

mi. I >sed 

itin.L; 1 

1 triiuitr. l-i;: 

LVC.S h"W. 

. in / 

111 1. 
,; fully rnslav. 



bring the contumacious dignitary, if necessary, by 
force. The dean resisted, and with this object drew 
a sword, with which he wounded himself in the hand 
and the bailiff in the leg. 16 

At this juncture an alcalde, who among others had 
been attracted by the disturbance, added to the ex 
citement by loudly shouting: "Help in the name of 
the king !" Thereupon the citizens hurriedly gathered 
from all sides with arms in hand and prevented the 
arrest of the dean. Las Casas was beside himself 
with rage, and the settlers were equally exasperated. 
That throughout holy week they should be deprived 
of the sacraments for no other reason than that they 
held slaves was a measure without precedent in the 
New World, and their indignation was increased by 
the numerous letters of sympathy and condolence 
received from all parts of New Spain. The dean in 
the mean time had escaped to Guatemala where he was 
absolved by Bishop Marroquin and permitted to say 
mass. Las Casas made a requisition for him, but it 
was ignored, 17 and he was obliged to content himself 
with declaring him anathematized and excommuni 
cated. 18 

Las Casas was baffled but not defeated. He re 
ceived an invitation to assist in the consecration of 
Bishop Valdivieso at Gracias d Dios, which it will be 
remembered was then the seat of the audiencia of the 
Confines, and thither he repaired. The news of the 
occurrences at Ciudad Real had, however, preceded 
him, and with the exception of Herrera all the 
oidores were prejudiced against him. 1 

Las Casas found little sympathy from his brother 
prelates, Bishop Marroquin, as has already been shown, 
entertaining a bitter dislike toward him. Indeed, the 


16 Las Casas, Eel. , loc. cit. 

17 Las Casas y Valdivieso, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier s MSS. t xxii. 

18 Las Casas, ltd. , loc. cit. 

ia ln a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia informed the emperor ot 
Las Casas doings at Ciudad Real, and charged him with usurping the juris 
diction of the crown. Carta, in Sqider^s MSS., xxii. 111-12, 


apoetle of the I waa in some r- 

the nohle work to which IK- jiad de his 

impetuoui character and ardent / al hlindi 

- judgment and making him impatien rition 

and heedl ,f the rights of othe Thu- be made 

i aemies where tin- int< . .f h; nanded 

friends and active Mippor; \-\-\\- \\ an the 

prominent ecclesiastics in the New \V.,rld \ I the 

(jiirstion of slavery as lie regarded it. and 

his unqualified condemnation of jt 

their learning and piety. 
Under these circumstances it is not mere t! 


bated, his appeals to tin- audiencia w< 

din I ded and thai, meeting only with ivliutls. he 
departed in <li for his dio< 1 n th an time 

tli biers of Ciudad lu-al had by their importuni- 

liiveli the vicai- u iid al of Las ( irom 1 

eii The bishop was not disposed, how< \v 

the struggle, J Ii- la i tli in the eilicaey of t h- nc\\ l:i 
had r 1 a severe >hoek, for \^y thi- 

ml ot the detei inineil \; i hem t ! :hoiit 

the provil He had expected that th oidd he 

opj I, hut not to thi- nid now there \\ 

in ing the. hostile attitude <f t he 

Over the turbulent inhabitants of Ciu al he 

d no fiiither desire to rule, and had all 
third time a-ked the emperor to allow him to he 

ferred to Vera Paz, and that bishops be appoint 

i -i- the pro\ inee> of Soeonusco, Ch: ml Yn 

No i urthei- trouhl red 

1 ween the l>i>h>p and the e..l.>ni^ 

In I 5 17 I ias < --mharked for Sp Tl 

ion ot the new laws of which he mu>l have heard 


I his Buh> n \\\i\ 

.sal. l!i~t. < ^7. 1 am ii. 

1 kn-iv .*t that 


..s 011 li. -^i Joes not iiuli- 

B such hostility. 


before his departure, was a death-blow to his hopes 
in the new world. During: the first two. years after 

O t/ 

his arrival his efforts in behalf of the natives appear 
to have produced nothing more than a few decrees, 
comparatively unimportant. Later he resigned his 
bishopric, and retired to the college of San Gregorio 
de Valladolid, still continuing, however, to take an 
active interest in Indian affairs, although he had 
already passed his seventy-fifth year. From this re 
treat he soon issued to defend the principles which it 
had been his life-long labor to maintain. 

The conquerors had found a champion in Doctor 
Juan Gines Sepulveda, who contended that it was 
lawful to make war on the natives and enslave them 
in order to promote their conversion and prevent 
human sacrifices. Las Casas presented thirty propo 
sitions in refutation of this view in which he main 
tained that over a nation whose only sin was idolatry 
no authority could be justly exercised save by peaceful 
conversion. Though this was clearly a condemnation 
of the policy of Spain in the New World, the sincerity 
of Las Casas and the justice of his cause prevented 
the king from taking offence at his boldness, and in 
duced him to permit the unrestricted publication of 
his works while those of his opponent were forbidden 
to be printed. Henceforth he continued to be con 
sulted on all questions of importance concerning the 
Indians, his time being devoted mainly to the writing 
of his history. 

In 1555 Philip, who had lately ascended the 
throne, and was then in England, proposed to sell the 
right of the crown to the reversion of the encomien- 
das. Las Casas, ever on the alert, saw that this 
meant perpetual slavery, and determined to exert all 
his powers to prevent the measure. Through the 
king s confessor, who had written to him on the sub 
ject, 22 he made a bold and earnest appeal to the royal 

2 For a copy of the letter see Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 290, 
338; also Las Casas, Oeuvres, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective. 


Tin- appeal was not in vain, 
tli: Or the final einancip. 


II to the IS \Vorld 

Bentation to tin- ;n<-il of I ndi-s of th 
ine and prejudi h d 
nat ivea of ( mala l>v t! 
the andiencia of tli- Cmifin. Jn 1569, p 

. the and 

la. J Ie did not live to 

howev; r, for falling ill at Madrid, be died in .July 
, in his niin-ly -lid \var. II.- 

IM .-oiniiio ij, j in tliu convent chaj 
of At< 

Judi;-r<l ly liis v/orks Las ( 

philanthropisl ot Iiisa^o. Lik. all vi-_ 


on wliicli t ln-y d 
Unflinching <-oura^ ; - and tenacity with which 1: in- 

inrd i;i : 1 lis coin; -r tl; 

and hi i alihoi ivM*-.- for thrir <)); 

by his i aihuv to all". 

ferings, until it had become the all-al 


)ivd 1; y a<-t and word. I n j>u; 

could intimidate hii T<> Ivti 

1 1- lir>itati-(l not in I 

can T <>f an 

. ;lid i or t: 

t tViomls. the cnniit;, 
in !!. adinittol thai 1 

n Mil ra gainst his opp< md tot hi 

d his i ivju.-n: 

- with which 1 

unlii for dealing i 

Hairs t! Id. 

I A ; of 1 

aiTOgai ritahli" 

t hat thi oahly dii 


HIST, c II. 22 


his motives none can doubt, and while no defence can 
vindicate the name of his adversaries from the charge 
of injustice and cruelty, the errors of Bartolome de 
Las Casas are forgotten, and his spirit of noble self- 
devotion and high-souled philanthropy will make him 
known to all posterity as one of the greatest benefac 
tors of his race. 

The establishment of the audiencia of the Confines 
and the attempted enforcement of the new laws 
produced the same excitement in Chiapas as in other 
territories, but the transfer of this province to the 
jurisdiction of the new audiencia caused no change in 
its local government. The alcalde mayor, however, 
still the chief authority, ruled with greater rigor, and 
by the appointment of deputies in all of the native 
towns greatly increased the burden of their inhabi 
tants. 23 

Through the solicitation of Las Casas, Diego Ram 
irez, of whom mention has been made in connection 
with the history of Mexico, 24 was sent to investigate 
the alleged oppression of the natives and their oppo 
sition to their Dominican teachers. He appears to 
have been an upright judge, and favorable to the 
Indians, but even his efforts, supported as they were 
by various decrees in their favor, did not accomplish 
the desired object. 25 

After the departure of Ramirez, matters relapsed 
into their former condition. Within less than a year, 
however, Cerrato having taken charge of the audi 
encia determined to remedy these abuses, declaring 
that the natives continued to be destroyed without 
pity, the previous official visits having accomplished 
nothing. 23 

2:J RoUes, Chiapa, 27-8. 

2t //is. Max., ii. 570 et seq., tins series. 

25 fiamirez, Cartas, April 26, 1548, A},ril 20, 1540, in Pacheco and Car 
denas, Col. Doc., vii. 201-4; Fr. Torre, Carta, Aug. 3, 154S, in Squier s MSS. t 
.xxii. 94-6. 

* 6 Carta, Sept. 28, 1548, in Squier s MSS., xxii. 81-2. 

-TOXIO I ,L. 339 

Before the arrival 

i done to improve 1 1. 
condition nati? 

encoui. 1 by tL in i he i 

or during their j. nini- m point t ;it. 

.Inde.-d, it v, to believe Remesal, and in tl 

Stance we ni;iy certainly do I ml! 

morally and religiously more degrad 
ian than under ]>a^an domination. Id-.! 
openly practised, and to their former vie 

t tho Spaniards, which their chiefs, : 

jtrivcd in o-i cat part of their authority, were ] W 

less to restrain. Little cared the en ho 

souls or Bodies of the Indians if t! -juir- 

were but promptly paid. r l h labors oi the 1 mini- 

cans were ofc-ouis-- interrupted l>y th-- p< 

which they were subjected i of i ip- 

]><>rt of Las ( .- Alms were rel u- 

their supplies soon becoming exha 

ih. mpoi ary convent and proc.-cd.-d t 

town of Chiapas whence, having fixed upon int. 

their 1. of OJ .dually 

their labors <.\ r the provin< Tir d 

in tin ir way every obstacle that self ii 

could devise, but tl 

friars < . til opposition, and v. hen in I . 

came to their BUpporl th 

tablished ivents including t! 

Real, ami had visited and carri 
the n UK >tes1 pa; t he provin 

\nton i> 

I it in ( 

r inriii 
dili in P<> short a 

regret t .1 tl 


In- a- 
tliy oi - m * 


order to avoid a very long list. He was indebted to Conde de la Gomera, 
president of the audiencia of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official 
papers of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The advantages 
enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the work an exceedingly valu 
able contribution to Central American history. Its value, however, is less 
ened by the great number of typographical and other errors which it con 
tains. These are very important, especially where dates are concerned. 
While a large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of 
great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by reference to 
other authors. In the portion of his work which relates to the conquest of 
Guatemala, many inaccuracies are observed. In fact, Ramesal was hurried, 
and often biassed. His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant 
and inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his manuscript 
to Tortjuemada, by whom it was highly approved and its publication advised. 
This occurred in the city of Mexico. But meantime a storm was brewing else 
where. The work was by no means to the liking of certain parties in Guate 
mala. By means of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more 
particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade against the new his 
tory, these enemies raised up a tempest of indignation against Remesal and his 
book, especially in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and 
powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition \vas overcome. See 
pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born in the town of Allariz in Galicia, 
and on the 9th of October 1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at 
Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican order. Dur 
ing the time he remained in their convent, he failed not to observe the excel 
lent system of government under which the society worked, and occupied 
his time in perusing the acts of the chapters held in the convent. He was so 
impressed with the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded 
to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work on the 
origin of the province, written by Friar Tomas de la Torre, fell into his hands. 
This suggested to him to undertake a history that would embrace both secu 
lar and ecclesiastical matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he 
prosecuted to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when suf 
fering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully perused in a single "day 
the whole of the first book of the archives of Guatemala city, after having 
submitted to a severe surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he jour 
neyed over all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular, studying 
the books of the cabildos of different cities and towns. The evidence he thus 
obtained was in many instances at variance, he states, with printed books 
and histories of his own religion. The authors of these whose names he does 
not mention he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the ground 
that later research will necessarily produce different accounts of events. See 
his preface. Remesal was a fearless writer. Perhaps he had some leaning 
to the descendants of the conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce 
the acts of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner severely 
condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard to the cruel oppres 
sion of the Indians. But his statements are to be accepted with caution, 
especially where Las Casas or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort 
is spared to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and to expose 
the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To this end all sorts of prob 
able and improbable situations and adventures are described, wherein the 
religious eventually triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or 
omitted, the true versions of which it is evident must have come within his 
observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations, even the thoughts 
and feelings of the leading actors, are described with a minuteness of detail 
that is astonishing considering the lapse of time over 75 years. The account 
of the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be looked upon as 
a fiction, while the author s inventive faculty has had much to do with that 
of the opposition to Las Casas in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas 
doings in Gracias d, Dios seems also greatly exaggerated. 




>BAL \Y\\Ti:n A I 

] -Two CONTI.N; -CiiAKiTAr.u: Ixsnv 



! AM ]>( i. MI MOANS LA \ 

M His I- I;;-T I 

HIM . v LCD] : \SA 

-Pi:o< \vv 

CANCX& fl lv\ri:i>i i io\ ro FLORIDA 

AFTER the destruction of Santi -nd llic ] .il 
tin- city to a IKJ\V site tl 
Micilral and cpisci.pal rr^id,-; jr. 1 

means, how. . i<>r llu? < f \\ 

could not In- immediately prormvd. Tli- l-i-!ioj 1 

caused to lc built a ln-rini: . calk-d , c 

Lu vvliidi served temporarily ]>ari-!i elm; 

in tin- new -i \ . J Tlie removal <>f 

. Daoreover, a matter which did ii t d .d iij 
ber the decision of the cahildo or jnvl; 

Inith hi- M ; ud the pope had U> b d u 

inoineiitous a (juest mn. The necessity of perm 
nun to make such a chan-v was pointed "tit 1 

1 The .M cliun-h h.i l cost nioro tli.-m 10,000 pesos, r. 

onl . 


ami that h-- aid lii: 
:n- IR-V. *&> 

1 I 


cabildo by the bishop, who during a visit to Acajutla 
was informed by that body that the roof of the old 
church had been removed. 3 With regard to the build 
ing of the new cathedral few particulars are known, 
other than that the bishop was compelled for a num 
ber of years to appeal to the king for aid in its com 
pletion. 4 

Marroquin s bishopric, indeed, was not a rich one. 
In 1542 he represents to the king the objection of 
the settlers to pay tithes, which they regarded as an 
unheard of demand, and implores his Majesty to en 
force the payment to the church of one tenth of all 
tributes. 5 He, moreover, assures him that his salary 
of five hundred thousand maravedis was not sufficient 
to meet the demands of hospitality and charity, and 
requests that a portion of the revenues of Honduras 
and Soconusco be granted to him. 6 

But the colonists were not easily compelled to pay 
their tithes of cacao, 7 maize, and feathers, and in 1545 
the bishop again brought the matter before the notice 
of the throne, declaring that the frequency of disputes 

3 Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes of the cabildo 
he did not approve of the pulling down of the church, and ordered it to be 
re-roofed at his own expense. Arevalo, Col. Doc. Ant /r/., 190-1. Vazquez 
states that the old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the 
construction of the new one. Chron. de Gvat., 105. 

4 In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the subsidy of the 
novenos for the erection of the church be continued. The grant was extended 
for four more years. In accordance with a second request made in Septem 
ber 1547 the grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in 
March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos already 
granted. Squier s MSS. , xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez states that the building of 
the church lasted only three years. Chron. de Gvat., 153. 

5 He also complains of the government officials who maintained that he 
had no right to tithes during his absence in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1. 
Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 274-5. 

6 Id., 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the king for an in 
crease of salary from 500,000 maravedis to 2,000 ducados, the stipend given 
to the bishop of Guatemala and others. Squier s MSS., xxii. 29. The royal 
officials were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries and 
amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If they fell short of 
500,000 maravedis, the deficit was to be supplied out of the royal treasury. 
Rccop. de lad., i. G3-4. 

7 Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the diocese. Id. , 94. 
The payment of tithes on pita the fibre of the agave manufactured into 
articles of clothing etc. and balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches 
was under consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. Id., 132. 


IM clei ml the col nit 

was prejudicial ] 1 

poverty hurdi an<l his own ind. b1 

! that some compensation mi^ht he i him 

for hi> servi 1 the exp - whidi h< 

1 in liis vi t<> I londuras and (liiap 

theless the colonists maintained a stubborn >n, 

and in I .VIS in ha<l BO litt !< iin|r)Vi-l 

ro<|uin lor aid from the cr< 

Th T Marrotju ni to obtain .- 

di>triet (! his diocese \viduiM-l tin- breach 1 

and J^-is Casas, tin.- particulars of which ha\ 
been given, and was one of lh.> can .f ih 
which tli prelates hrajH-d upon c-adi P. Tl 

])rinc<- : ;t had issin-d a cu<lnl, 
t<> the hisliop of Chiapas on th- id of its pr 

iniity t<> that provin- This decision Las ( 

:;iinunicalcd to Marroquin in 1 5 id li- 
mutual vituperation, chai 
tory, and misrepresentations, ifnol untruthful] 

her side. Tl\ > of G mala 

of Soconusco ui -in^ tlu-in to app< al agail 
tlic i-oyal ccdula, and in a 1 ttet to tl 

i-ihcs tin- dio- of L 
idiii"- i roni sea to sea. and hr nou^li 1.. r.n- 

in half a dozen bishopri hile Lns ( , 

that the liishop of (Guatemala had appropriated d 

tri. -ndiiiL; ahno-t to Nicaragua, and 

s the asylum of \ id d( 

But though Marroquin was thus ini 

r-ulti. ith his llock and disputes with hi 

lishoj), he lahoivd hard i or the welfa] 

hy ioundii: rius diaritahle in ^tituti< I ad 

1. I: 

. ssnl I 

. 1-JO-l, 1- irlu** 


his auspices was established between 154G and 1548, 10 
the convent of La Concepcion, the first lady superior 
being Dona Beatriz de Silva, a nun of the Dominican 
convent of Madre de Dios in Toledo. 11 This institu 
tion was liberally aided by the crown. 12 

About the same time the hospital of San Alejo was 
founded by the Dominicans, 13 and in 1849 Bishop 
Marroquin founded that of Santiago. This latter 
establishment was designed for Spanish and native 
patients of both sexes. It was a spacious building 
containing four wards, so that the races and sexes 
could be kept apart. Marroquin, retaining the office 
of administrator, ceded the patronage of this insti 
tution to the crown; hence it was known as the 
royal hospital of Santiago. 14 While the bishop thus 
studied the temporal welfare of his flock, its spiritual 
good was ever in appearance at least his anxious care, 
and I find his requests for more ecclesiastics almost 
as frequent as his petitions for more money. From 
both Franciscans and Dominicans he received great 
assistance. This last named order had with the rest 
of the settlers removed to the new city, 15 having re- 

10 In 1546 according to Gonzalez Ddvila, Hist. Ecles., i. 149. Vazquez 
states that the convent of La Concepcion was not founded until 1577. Chron. 
de Gvat., 153. 

11 Remescd, Hist. Chyapa, 441. Vazquez, as previously quoted, however, 
states that the name of the first lady superior was Juana de San Francisco, 
implying that she was a Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author s 
whole account is a contradiction of Remesal s version. 

12 The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its founding. Gonzalez 
Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152. 

13 Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 585. Gonzalez Ddvila says that Marroquin 
Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alcxo, donde se cura Iiidios y Espanoles, que 
oy es Hospital Real, en aiio 1647 a misprint for 1547 Teatro Ecle*., i. 150. 
This hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no longer 
capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont to turn out into the 
streets to die like dogs. Guat. Santo Domingo en 1734, 55. 

14 Vazquez, Chron, de Gvat., 152. Consult also Remesol, Hist. Chyapa, 
5S4-6, where a somewhat different account is given. In claiming merit for 
his order this author represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital 
of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals received liberal 
support from the crown. 

15 The second opening of the Dominican convent took place about July 
1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states that Las Casas arrived at 
Santiago in 1535, there is positive evidence that 1536 is the right year. In 
the deposition, taken in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the pro 
ceeding of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre in his 

< ALS. MB 

Ceived from immiripalit ^mii- 

l>t- of -round whereon to r. build th 

provincial chapter of ! ill M 

r< aized and pted t ! fc of < ;is 

iviqiJarl;. ani/ed, and appointed 

sill:. i prior. At tliixlat.- then n- 

bera of the community 1>< pri< 

I- ray Tonia^ d< la Torre succeeded CasillaSj ly \\h 

tini- the nuinlii i- had increased t> <nlv ii 

Meantime the i-iv.-tl order of the I 
Jil p- I upon the fk-ld of laln.r. AY 

members arrived it is not possible i le. A d- 

ii Torquemada, l^ray Tnril.i. M.,tnlin: it 

in 1 .":;:;, l>y the cu>todia of the order in M . to 

found inoi! in ( Jnatrin;da, H ltit tl 

lu-nt lishnnMit of Fnin- ma in > 

due ilorts of Marroquin. At the entr< 

of ]>i >i\ iViar- it tVoin Sj-ain in 

1539, and arrived at Mexico in l .">!<>, th- 

havin-- been paid l.y him. 20 After r- ix 

inont 1 that ey pro- ! t . 

ina la, In it at T< . their 

( ^ca fell sick and di Tl. tnti 

lonco in. ntioiis th;it tin- ]>aclp 

the s;i "8 

264, Torque] 

A i:.i :;<lii)Lr<> i 1 .rt \\ c. n t he calillo ;upl r-srelat 

whii. h had <! nu-<l t : 

i < <|ual 

;rli;ih. !(H(li-l lO8UrCi> Cllhu. 

ml i;> 
On t: 
lini:i : 

i at I! maiia;- tft, 

torn. \ 

: these f ri.-ir Alonso do Casascca. . also ilc )M 



l.iui. \ azqufZ^L hron.<.l a. 


ued their journey and were received at Santiago with 
every demonstration of welcome. By private con 
tributions and with the assistance of the bishop they 
were enabled to erect a humble dwelling 1 , 22 in which 


they discharged the duties of their calling with as 
punctual and strict observance as if it had been a con 
vent of the highest order. After the destruction of 
Santiago appropriate ground was allotted to them for 
the erection of their convent, church, and other build 
ings, 23 and by June 1542 an unpretending monastery 
had been built. When the Franciscans had acquired 
some knowledge of the native tongues, they engaged 
in missionary labors throughout the country. 24 

The need of more friars was, however, urgent, and 
ere long Fray Valderas, with the approval of the 
bishop, went to Spain in order to procure more mem 
bers of his order. He soon accomplished his mission 
and returned with twelve brothers to Mexico, Un 
happily in their haste to engage in their labors most 
of them broke down on the long and toilsome journey 
to Santiago, and died. 25 At a later date, however, 
the want was somewhat relieved by the arrival of 
Motolinia with a considerable number of his order. 28 

The Franciscan order was now firmly established 

22 Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent badly out of repair 
built by Franciscans formerly in the country. Coventico, que por entoces 
apenas tenia vn lienzo de horcones. Id. , 59. 

23 Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment signed by the joint 
governors Marroquin. and Cueva. It is without date, but Vazquez infers that 
it was given during October 1541, when lots were being distributed. /(/., 167. 

24 They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting the Indians into 
towns. Fray Ordotiez remained in charge of the monastery; Gonzalo was 
sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo and Alva to the Quiches and Cakchiquels 
respectively. Id., 60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129. 

& Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384-5; Torquemada, iii. 338-9. 

26 Both the date and number of friars are matters of dispute. Torquemada 
states that Motolinia was sent in 1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, 
comisario general of the order, with tM T elve of the 150 friars whom he had 
brought to Mexico that year. Torqiiemada, iii. 337, 339. He follows Mendieta, 
Hist. Eclf.s.y 385. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., 
supports Torquemada as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24. 
Vazquez, on the authority of Fund, de la Prov. de S. Franco de Guat. MS., 
1583, Lizana, Hist. Yuc., a letter of Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the 
minutes of the cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in 
1544, with 20 or 24 friars. Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 102, 105-6, 440. 


in Cua Hum ei 

had been founded- into a 

Yucatan, 1 and i -1 <li, r tli- m- 

try. J Ir then returned to !M . d was SU< 

in liis oiliee of custodio by Fray Gon/alo 


The je.M lousy which existed between the Doinin- 
;iii<l FTUI ins \ xhibited in Gua 

<>i:;_dy as elsewhere, and the li 

currc<L and opposition off I by 1 
lishrd order to the new-conn-i- . \ 


that many of the Franciscans lefl theprovhi li 

I d- tin- rilorts of Bishop Marroquin thc-y would lia 
ahandoncd the iidd. 31 

Li 1547 the coinisario general states tl there 
Avere only twelve Frai, in (\\\ d re- 

(jii- "hat youir^ members of tin; order, 

j\iirin^ the native lan^uau e, b II. 

ini])! 1 :i the einjiei or the in- 

separate fields of tabor to the two or, to 

noted that the Train inimical to t 

Th< ((invent next f that at Sant: 

1 : then 1 1 otlii 1 : 

M -.">. !U(). There ia some do .-lingof 

tli- . vxlia in (Iiiati-nr * ea- 

(I in l.">."ii. following Mendieta. \ : the 

! and 1 !<>_ . 1 

! ! : 

.vim . 

into a 

iil in < .al;i in 1. )!;!>. l i_;., n a, in / < 

28 Tin- ori- 

- four or six. 

.lx>rs i: see // 


18 T ililo oi 


that ii: 

ser 103-0. 

. languages had 


Mercenaries, who are described as being detrimental 
rather than beneficial to the cause of the church. 33 

The disagreement between the two highest regular 
orders was not based entirely upon a struggle for 
supremacy. Each had its distinct views with regard 
to the method of implanting Christianity in America. 
The Dominicans, led by their unyielding chief Las 
Casas, would not recognize wholesale baptism as prac 
tised by the Franciscans, and they would not admit 
that the interests of the conquerors were compatible 
with the welfare of the conquered races. The Fran 
ciscans, with Motolinia as their leader, imagined that 
a system of ecclesiastical and civil policy could be 
adopted which would conduce to the interests of both 
the dominant and conquered races. This order did 
not object to the sword being called into operation; 
the Dominicans denied it as a means of advancing 
the gospel. The Dominicans were uncompromisingly 
opposed to slavery; the rival order not so, and I am 
inclined to think that the Franciscans honestly be 
lieved that under the pressure of the encomenderos 
and the impossibility of rapid manumission, more 
benefit could be obtained for the natives by a tolerant 
system of servitude, supervised by the religious orders, 
than by a sudden change. It is unnecessary to relate 
the bitter denunciations that each leader uttered 
against the other. While it is to be regretted that 
Motolinia in his fierce attack on Las Casas appears 
to have been guided by a spirit not altogether free 
from jealousy, 34 it cannot be disputed that the indis 
creet zeal of Las Casas gave dissatisfaction to eminent 
men even in his own order. 35 

It was through the exertions of Bartolome de Las 
Casas that the pacification of Yera Paz was achieved 
without the aid of an armed force. The native name 

33 Zapata, Carta, Destruyen i ??o edifican. Id., 40. 

34 Las Casas, in Quint ana, Vidas. 207-8. 

35 According to Motolinia, Hist. Ecles., 259, 268, Fray Betanzos wrote 
a letter to Las Casas attributing much evil and scandal to his mode of 

;.: , 

rritor !utl;iii. 

ir entrance into ( ruai 

fill llbdue it. and from t! 

r oj tli 

Its dimmsio! 

entered it nearly corr : \vii!i i1 

In l .".7 1 IVia >nvenl al ( oK-m r, 

\ era 1 alivady Loimdrd l.y royal 

(1 sixty leagues from 
ri\vr Xi; the ri\vr / 

;! I from south to noi-tli, inx-n 
northern slope of tin? ( anal and Jial.inal : 
The sui and moiint;ii! 

all:. unknown, and t! i diahitant 

lil Nevertheless \^\^ ( lasas I !-- 

it in d-!iancf of dan^ri 1 , 

Previous to pill)!! [ a 1 . 40 in 

which ]( condemn >n<pi<"4 l>y i o; nd 

I that to rivil : : 

tr; F subjugation. T 

illy up! .;-o hoth iVom the pulpit aii l in 

conv< I lii- teachi im 

al ridiculi- and cnmii 
of Santiago daivd hi: pul his priii 

M Meaning land f>f war; tli 
;t l>y th" ] )i-iiii: 


\ . i. 1 . .,;. < 
\vritLcii l>y <^ 


of t! 


t the t 

ies, IK 


40 i 


by accomplishing the conquest of Tuzulutlan. The 
undaunted padre accepted the challenge, and in con 
junction with Fray Rodrigo de Laclrada and Fray 
Pedro de Angulo, agreed to undertake the perilous 
enterprise on the condition that the natives should 
never be assigned in encomiendas, and that for a 
period of five years, dating from the entrance of the 
friars into the province, no Spaniards should be per 
mitted to enter the country. 41 

Las Casas at once proceeded to put his designs in 
execution, and by the employment of converted Ind 
ians and the establishment of frontier posts, opened 
friendly relations with the hitherto exclusive inhabi 
tants of Vera Paz, 42 and laid the basis of the future 
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of Spain. 43 

41 Las Casas, in Quintano, Vidas, 238-9. These terms were guaranteed by 
Maldonado in May 1537 according to Ilcmesal. Hist. Chyapa, 122-3. They 
were approved by the audiencia of Mexico in February 1539, and by the 
emperor in November 1540. Real CeduZa, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.Doc. t 
vii. 14G-5G. 

* 2 Pelaez, Mem. de Gnat., i. 153. 

43 Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account of the method first 
adopted by Las Casas, but one which, I apprehend, is more an invention 
than a true statement of facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues 
as composing verses in the Quiche" tongue, narrating the principal mysteries 
of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to four Indian 
merchants, who were in the habit of journeying into Tuzulutlan. The lord 
of Zacapulas was a formidable and powerful chief called by Remesal Don 
Juan. To him the four merchants were instructed to go and sing their can 
ticles, having been provided with various articles from Spain such as would 
excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable, and the interest awakened 
by their songs, the novel presents which they brought, and their description 
of the peace-loving men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited 
by the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was planned and 
Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the Indian traders. His mis 
sion was successful. The cacique was persuaded to embrace Christianity, 
destroy his idols, and be baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas 
determined still further to extend the work in person, and in December 
1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then extended 
their journey into the more remote districts of Tuzulutlan and Coban, being 
provided with an escort by the cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade 
them from their hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was, 
however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some opposition 
among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord of Coban, they completed 
their journey and returned early in 1538. Ifist. Chyapa, 122-4, 135-40. 
Consult also Fernandez, Hist. Edes., passim; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 
174-6; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 793-G. Now this 
account savors at least of inaccuracy. The efforts of Las Casas and his com 
panions, previous to his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the 
frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation. In February 
1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor, after mentioning the arrival 

N< ik of con ion could n 

^htv. Eiccomplished. Though L < 

n>nv; C tin- )>: ahility of bifi 

small numlxT of friar> in the . 

immedii .lion impossible, ? - >j- 

IOH v, iiis 1,. , and in, 

views, and although the work v qm under 1 

far as th ion of 

!, lie frit liinix-lf <-<>ni}> T. nd 

oprrali. lie liad liad a ]>.-r>on;il in; ith 

I inj)rro: Accordingly he left ( 

]ror- \vay of ^Mexico to S})uin. 

me Dominicans who brought with thci:i .l>s erra 



;i hi i.:;:r ! I ^> 
i, ha <1 tra Ki!. 

":o and 
r., xiii. : I -ogress 

ie spir: 

J hc in of the two lords of th i 

i coin; : 

. ! 1J, . that \ 

i ") the ; ipcror ; 

I. 1 t!ia ; 









On his arrival at court lie advocated his system of 
peaceful conquest with his usual vigor, but his action 
gave great offence to the cabildo of Guatemala. Two 
indignant letters w T ere addressed to the emperor attribu 
ting to him the existing troubles and turmoils. 46 The 
direct cause of these despatches was the receipt of 
two decrees obtained by the representations of Las 
Casas, the first of which was addressed to the bishop 
and governor of Guatemala and intended to remedy 
the prevailing neglect in the religious instruction of 
the Indians and negroes. It ordered that at a stated 


hour each day, all such as were not already instructed 
should be taught their religious duties. 47 The second 
guaranteed to Las Casas and his companions, in their 
labors in Tuzulutlan, freedom from interference on 
the part of the Spaniards. 4 At the same time he 
obtained other documents authorizing him or his com 
panions to take such Spaniards as they themselves 
might select into the converted regions. Letters of 
thanks, also, were sent to such caciques as had aided 
in the work begun, and lastly as a precaution against 
the interference of Alvarado, the assistance of certain 
caciques was secured to the Dominicans, and the 
adelantado and his lieutenant commanded not to in 
terfere with them. 49 

able to his design. The undertaking was extremely difficult, but through 
the curiosity of roaming natives and the friendly invitations of the original 
settlef s, the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500, including neo 
phytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted in this work by Fray Luis 
Cancer, who availed himself of the opportunity of visiting the interior as far 
as the towns of Coban. Hist. Chyapa, 143-4. 

46 These were respectively dated November 17, 1539. and April 20, 1540. 
In the first of these he is charged with insisting upon the liberation of certain 
slaves under penalty of their owners being refused the sacraments. Gavarrete, 
Cop. Doc., 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he was travelling about 
rather than looking after the Indians que estan tie guerra and nuiica los 
vio. Ni creemos que tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos. Arcvalo, Col. Doc. 
Antlg., 15-10. 

47 Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540, can be found in 
Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro EcJes., i. 146-7; and Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 152. 

48 This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also provided that in 
the event of the collection of tribute being decided upon by Las Casas the 
governor or bishop should appoint a proper person. Id., 153, et seq; Recu 
Cedvla, in Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-9. 

49 This decree, however, was not issued until January 28, 1541. Remesal, 
Hist. Chaa 155-G. 

sr rm: TKIAI 

1 >ut I A \ < aware that th< 

and exeention of a <i in tin- \ <>rld w< 

two different ID;I . I ! li;i<l learned 

that suhteii oimnonh -i !, d to ID rd 

pre\mt the enforcemenl ot .r delay it- .| 

ation until tli -r- - no lo nd 

tills without the rhar-v uf disloyalty h in-mT. d. 

r rii aony of kissing tin- riyal <>n! ,d j-1 

it upon the head was duly and ! v |- 

I ornied, but it it could ! cdleged thai hifi M 
liad leen misinformed, Around lr aj>j>eal \\.. 

established, and it- execution j>o>tj>on.-d until a trutli- 

i ul ement of the question could be submitted to 

the kii! This delayed the arrival <! the iinal . 

ci>ion until it became ino{)ei-ati\e, and th 

of ryal orders was at this time .v l>y tin; 

L;is Casas consequently repr 

abuses to the council and procured a iinal 
\vhich entrusted the ciijorcenn-ut of the pi 
ones to the audieneia <t .Mexico, authorizing that 
court to punish disobedience to preViow 

In 1541 iM-ay Luis Cancel- returned to Guatemala, 
and continued in \Ym Ta/ the w..rk of converei 
inaugurated hy Las Casas. From this time the pa- iii- 
tinn proju-r may he considered t> ha\ 
T\ eitions of Las ( <luri me he 

mained in Spain W( aa the reader ua alreadj 
mainly diiveted to the promulgation 

of la , In I 5 L5 he a --a in arrived in N 

take charge of his di. ill he h-i r i- 

and in July, being anxious t 

that had been made in Vera Pax, he vi> 

My.iut in? tins ." ptMig* 

Las Casas 
.1 fuiiilaiii-n: UCC80 do la ] 

con solo dos religioeos. 

:-c on his ill-:, 

!<,*/, / Jf /* 1 * 

Uui. < 


province. He found the condition of affairs to be so 
satisfactory that he caused the depositions of six 
Spaniards to be taken for the purpose of reporting to 
the emperor the true nature of the conquest of this 
formerly warlike region. From the statements of 
these deponents it appears that previous to the en 
trance of the Dominicans the inhabitants of these 
districts opposed all attempts to subdue them, 51 but 
that by infinite labor and care the friars had over 
come their ferocity and exasperation. In his progress 
through the country the bishop everywhere met with 
a kind welcome. Escorted by Don Juan, a son of 
the lord of Coban,, with many of his subjects, he pro 
ceeded from town to town, 5 " receiving offerings and 
presents at each place. At Coban he was gratified 
to find that a substantial wooden church had been 
erected, and that every day many natives eagerly re 
ceived religious instruction. Proceeding thence to 
the town of Tuzulutlan he there met Bishop Marro- 
quin, who was making a similar visit/ 3 and I appre 
hend that the two prelates did not entertain such 
friendly feelings to each othep as had been displayed 
to both of them by the natives. 

51 Bishop Marroquin states, that nearly the whole of this region to the 
northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado, and that a hundred Span 
iards settled therein. They afterward abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the 
more important affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was 
forgotten. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238. 

52 Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula, uno de los 
pueblos de paz que sirven a los espanoles en la ciudad de Guatemala, at which 
place four caciques of Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to 
Fatal and Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. Information, in Pacheco and Carde 
nas, CoL Doc., vii. 210. From the same document it may be gathered that at 
the time of the visit the friars in the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis 
Cancer, Juan de Sant Lucas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de 
Azcona, and two others whose names are not mentioned. 

53 Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly and ungenerous re 
marks against Las Casas: yo ae" que el ha de escribir invenciones 6 imagina- 
ciones, que ni dl las entiende ni entendera en mi conciencia: porque todo su 
edificio y fundameuto va fabricado sobre hipocresia y avaria, y asi lo mostr6 
luego que le fue dada la mitra. But I do not find that the bishop of Guate 
mala differs in any material point from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. 
He says, y media legua antes que llegase salio todo el pueblo hombres y 
mugeres a me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes . . . y alabe" mucho a Dios en 
ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principle, and admits fui-ther on that the 
friendly reception was due to the method adopted by the friars. He describes 
the land as la mas fragosa que hay aca, no es para que pueblen espanoles en 


I !ut La- CasaS li:il still to learn that bow< 

-I ul his own -Hurts li;i,l been In- <-ould nut ward ujf 

the oppres>ion of liis countrymen. Tin- span; 
now began bo enter tin- region, impose trilm; 

make slaves Bfl W8B their wo; ml in ()ct<.l..-r fol 

lowing K ray Luis Cancer wrote to bii -tin- pr 
being then at Gracias 4 l)i< in- - that more than 

o o 

seven hundred slaves of Loth & had been tal. 

1 roni the town of Tuzulutlan aloiir, an<l that the 

ti il)iit(! wliicli the natives of Vera I *a/ were cal! 
upon t> pay was intolerable. 94 Mot , ,n 

tind, greatly to his mortification, that his peaceful 

in of convc-rsioii was not necessarily unatt-nle.l 

ly Bloodshed, as \\as shown a few years later ly tliu 

martyrdom of Luis Cancer and two broth t the 

Dominican order. 

In lf> 17 Fray Cancer and Las ( returned to 
Spain, and ly their representations indue, d the em 
peror to consent to an expedition to Florida T 
eondneted ly the former on the sy>t< m ly which 
the paeiiic.-ttion of Yera ]*a/ was accomplished II 
.Majoty rxtended every facility to the friar, supply! 
him with funds and issuing an order which would 

i-nalile him to ohtain every encouragemeni and ai<l 

from the authorities in .Mexico. 66 The friar made i 

c-ll;i j-.or scr tan fra.LTosa y jv.l.i-. 19O9, ii. 

also M>i,-i-n,jn;n t in Souier * )i also states 

tha: asof great ami <l-ns. 

truth as large as r i 1 V liiin. 

. _ -}. {. 
6 * -Kl ti-ilmto <iuc ticiifii air ra et int<>! . catla ocheota cliaacloscientas 

fca0, ni. > lo.s /iquipi! 

!;i n.iin n -n mi: !, too, 

. from Tii/uliitlan a t>\\M il..i; 
la With r.-xanl to tin- tnl.utr li- 

.,11 si John ;iml thf ot 

mas. P ""!.""" 

M \\-i\n\. 

i f.,r tin- ],ui-i><.s,- .f K.- 
mala wraa 

ln.1, . tli<- 01 haviii 

an. I in ir.77 ti. metal, 

,\\n fumii with M 
goods were jiuivha.^ pose ol -, with the Indians, The mar 


preparations with great enthusiasm; yet he met with 
considerable delay, caused by the unfavorable light in 
which his dangerous enterprise was regarded in Spain. 
He had great difficulty in obtaining a pilot, and in 
deed, although he had hoped to procure the assistance 
of four or six colleagues, two only were found ready 
to risk their lives in the cause. "All Seville," he 
wrote, "is surprised at this undertaking; those who 
most fear God approve of it; others think that we are 
going to the slaughter-house." 

Writing these prophetic and ill-omened words on the 
very day of his departure Fray Luis sailed on his last 
voyage from Spain. Few particulars of his expedi 
tion are known, except the manner of his death. On 
his arrival in Mexico he obtained the assistance which 
the king ordered to be extended to him, and about the 
middle of 1549 set sail from Vera Cruz, accompanied 
by Frailes Gregorio de Beteta, Juan Garcia, Diego 
de Tolosa, and a lay brother named Fuentes. Con 
trary to his express desire the captain of the vessel 
landed him at a part of the Florida coast where 
Spaniards had previously committed depredations 
and thus exasperated the natives. Unconscious of 
this act of carelessness, 57 Fray Cancer, accompanied 
by Tolosa and the lay brother, proceeded on his mis 
sion, but the ill-fated ecclesiastics had not advanced 
far from the shore when they were assailed by Indians, 
and immediately beaten to death with clubs. 55 

addressed three letters to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being 
dated February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give the 
year, but there is little doubt that they were written in 1548. Copies of these 
letters are to be found in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 184-201. 

56 Jbtd. Remesal states that Cancer took no companions with him from 
Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican convent in Mexico three 
friars and a lay brother. Hist. Chyapa, 515. There can be no doubt, how 
ever, that two of these accompanied him from Spain. See Pacheco and Car 
denas, Col. Doc., vii. 199. 

57 Both Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150-1, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 515-16, 
attribute the catastrophe which followed to the action of the captain, who, 
they assert, was well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of 
Cancer. Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger, but re 
fused to land farther off under the pretext that four Spanish armies had dis 
embarked at that point without meeting with resistance. Omvres, i. 405. 

5a Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that the cacique of the 


Tliis d: tX>U8 termination of I 
\vhirh i ind Ills advor had 

milch V > hitt. r U[> which his opponent- did ! 

ill 11 t> hold out t< him. Y t this stout comhatan? for 
tin ,1 of Moodle-- pacilication yielded not an i 

in his principles, and al>ly defended himself 

S< jullvrdn ly maintaining that the previous cr 

duct of the Spaniards on tin- 

tin- t ly in Florida.- The career of I > < B in 
( 1. nd tin- appointmenl of Cei nor 

of Guatemala ha livady been 

lilHii-iiiu r village was <1 that the mnrdi-rod friars had i< 

:it liave ronvt rscd \\ith tlu-m, and that i cau?tl 

ictimB i itripped off and stretched npoo the wall 

while their heads vri Bed with cotton and 

vn pr.r .itr, d- 

>. ///-/. i ii .. Acoordiog to the a 

and HiiM> four i tt-injn . I :. aii, 

and FraiK : Jn tlirsr 

st thrir livrs. In a si . .,!,. 1 ;r 
j_aiiicd a lootliold in the foiintry, and in Itil J a | 

founded l>y the chaj.t ral at I;<>ni>. >18 I . . I 

I :x nat 
m>l l- family, and ]>ro!irinit in \ . !! 

la, thence to I ll, rto Etloo, \\ 
and a ; later j ! to < 

liande/, // i-t that on a voyage from v : 

was t-aptun-d l>y Turkish j.irates. jiul^ e 

jle-ndiiilfd and ile\out i ary, lil. ;ousai 

and saiiiruine of | 

M La- 
letter to the kiui:, dated January -. l.V.."i. while ui 

p. 1 int> Florida. LAsCM**. 

<)l. Doc., i. L 




CERRATO S successor was Doctor Antonio Rodri 
guez de Quesada, an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, 
and a man of learning and ability. Though appointed 
November 17, 1553, he did not assume office until the 
beginning of 1555. 1 The residencia of the former pres 
ident and oidores was soon begun, and completed some 
time in May. 2 Quesada was active in establishing 
reforms, and it w^as to the Indian question that his 
principal efforts were directed. The president deter 
mined to complete the organization of Indian towns, 
hoping thus to compel the natives to adopt a civilized 
mode of life and establishing in them a municipal gov 
ernment similar to that of Spanish settlements, the 

1 Jan. 14th, according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 222; evidently before the 
beginning of March. See Quesada, Carta, May 25, 1855, in Squier s MSS., 
xxii. 1-3. 

2 Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it finished. 



9 bei !)_< confided t tln-h- hereditary chiefs accord-* 

in rank 

At the reijiieM of the bishop and tin- Domini 
>\ incial, tin- audieneiu order- d ( )idor /or , call 

a meeting of friar-: and although we have no dir 


information as to its object, we may conclude t! 

lelated to tin- president s policy, for it v. >ndenii 

t In- settlers, 4 and. -hall it f.-r, i 

earning into rll -ct of QuesadaV plans was in 
part duo to tlir rilorts of Zorita \\lio WAS COmmissiOl 
for this j)urpose. 

Tlio ^-ork of organizing iln; nati\ as 1 

already Ix^n Ix^un in Xirarainia & I 1 - -\>r\i;. 

1555, by the licentiate Cavallon, appointed al 
vor of that province by the audimci 
In the be - inniiiLj of ^larch, Zorita rth on liis 

1 O 

official tour through the provinc From the 1. -u 

of the Dominicans \\<- learn that durin-_r >ix niontlis 

vi>ited on foot the most rii-V l p -rti^n- i i 
]>i-vince, moderated tribut- nd cori-cct.l abu- 
Jn uatherin;4 the natives into towns be found much 
diiliciilty, force In-in-- nccessai-y in BOO16 inMain 
coni])lisli their removal. This, however, was not 

the only opposition encountered, f r as mi-ht be . 

d he incurrecl the bitter hostility of th- 
Finding him incorru])tible they had recou \B usual 
t<> false reports. AVit nesses for any purpo -ulil 1 
cheaply bought; and since he would not 
Spaniards determined to drive him from the pi-,,\ in. 

There is no evident to the re>ult of this hostility, 
n<>r ha\-e we anv i urther records of - which 

d during Qaesada > 8 administration, s; he 

Tliosal - tluMli n wo to hn 

inunidad, a s t> -imt.iin tli-ir surplus rarnings, a 

nuts of tin- rstati-s of minors ami tin- ileceMetl: 
.1 thon; tin- mode of j>;r 
Ulul. ;i :i, thc\ 

.. 17. I 

5 ( . 27, 1555, ini mier s M i 

7 17, !" 

, Dee. , 100:>, iu ^ 


mention of a fearful epidemic which swept over the 
country in 1558/ and the seizure and pillage of Puerto 
de Caballos by four French ships during the same 
year. 8 

In the letters of the Dominicans already cited, no 
special mention is made of Quesada, but in February 
1558, the cabildo, in a despatch to the king, urge the 
appointment as governor of some person who should be 
a gentleman by birth, and have the sole management 
of affairs. 9 This would seem to indicate that, what 
ever the president s subsequent policy, it was satisfac 
tory neither to the ecclesiastics nor to the settlers. 

Quesada died in November 1558, and the oidor 
and licentiate Pedro Ramirez de Quiiiones took tem 
porary charge of the presidency. Ramirez rule was 
brief, and the only event of importance of which we 
have any record was the expedition in 1559 against 
the hostile provinces of Lacandon and Acala. Of 
the vast extent of unconquered territory lying beyond 
Vera Paz, nothing definite was known at this time 
except from the accounts of the march of Cortes to 
Honduras, nor had its conquest been attempted. 

As early as 1550 attempts at the pacification of the 
adjacent province of Acala were begun by the Domini 
cans of Vera Paz. For a time their efforts were suc 
cessful, but finally, incited by their neighbors and 
allies, the majority of the natives refused to receive 
the friars, and in 1555 the combined tribes destroyed 
the only mission thus far established and murdered 
Father Vico, the originator of the attempt, together 
with his companion Father Lopez, and a number of 
converted Indians from Vera Paz. There is no evi 
dence that their pacification was again attempted. 

7 Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which no remedy could be 
found. The country was almost depopulated. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 157. 
Juarros, Gnat. (ed. Lond. 1823), 148. 

8 They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted to prevent the 
seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks, and made many prisoners. 
The viceroy of New Spain was at once notified. Velasco, Carta, Sept. 30, 1558, 
in Squier s AISS., x. 1,2. 

9 Carta, Feb. 18, 1555, inArevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 25. 


Chief anioii _r the wild trihrs of (hi 


the Lacandones, who though \ in nun. 
ive, hardy, daring, and implaeahl<- in i 

nf tin- whit ritor ul -<l from 

tern front i r of \ I a/ alon-- t i Ix.nj, r 

nt ( hiapas as far as the DFOVinC [ - O . 

rliict lo\vn and stronghold w;is <-n a roc] in 

Lak- Lacsndon, distanl tw days journey fi 
provinc f ( hiajms and Vera I *az. Prom bhia ; 
tln-y issued in organized bands, and alon. 

raer of these t\v<> provinces 1M1 suddenly <>n tin; 
defencelee :tlcnicn(>, leaving a track <>f . 

and l>lood. drpi I iniird i ur i: 

ITS, nr is there any ivconl of a sin^l- instance of 

pursuit or punishment previous to i Emboldei 

continued su . tln-y extended tln-ir incui 
; flic interior. 1 n 1 552 t ln-y d< in 

Chiapas, one of tln-ni witliin lii teen lca;^u- 

al. Flic i -k \vas made at niuli 1 . ! Inn of 

the terrified inhabitant pc<l. A\ Li! \\^ 

tlieir captives the natives >l united deri>i : "Cln\ 

I upon your God to drt eiid you:" 
The l.Uliop of Cliia(ias mad 

candones, but HJI-Y were t \ d \\ i- 

I his in tgers killed. 1 Ic then a; 

audieiicia; hut the oidores, lor* ill tin 

the i ailure of tlie much-vaunted i wh. 

liad in a measure excluded the civil authority tVoia 

tin ritory ceded to the Dominicans, coldly n-pl 

that the crown liad >trieily jorhidd. -a the makii 

r on this jin-yin- IN p^i t- of tl I OOndi- 

!i of a: cordingly i. I Al ^ 

h hy hi-!iop and friars. In COnseqD da 

i January 22, 1 i ordered the and. 

( miiin. the matter, puni>h the I . 

and !t to 

\vn. Tin* instruct inn<, lm\\ 

f"r the audieiicia well knew that nothing >h<> 
an arm. ild ,-utlice, and thi did i 


expressly authorize a disregard of the existing in 

In the mean time the depredations of the Lacan- 
dones continued unchecked, and threatened to cause 
the abandonment of Vera Paz. Aroused at last to a 
full sense of their danger the Dominicans were fain 
to acknowledge that the cooperation of the sword was 
necessary to the planting of the cross, and so far di 
verged from the principles laid down by Las Casas as 
to declare in the provincial chapter held at Coban, in 
1558, that because of the sacrileges and murders they 
had committed, it was not only lawful for the king to 
make war on tlie Lacandones, but if need be, in order 
to protect his subjects, to exterminate them. 10 

In pursuance of this declaration they wrote to the 
king and suggested as the only efficient remedy the 
removal of the hostile natives to certain unsettled dis 
tricts beyond Ciudad Real, thus placing this city be 
tween them and the settlements of Chiapas and Vera 
Paz. In order to reduce the expense of their removal 
it was further suggested that an expedition be author 
ized and the Spaniards induced to join it at their own 
expense under promise that the Lacandones should 
be granted to them in repartimiento. In accordance 
with these suggestions a royal cedula dated March 
16, 1558, directed the audiencia de los Confines to take 
steps for the immediate removal of the Indians. If 
practicable it was to be done peaceably, but if force 
were necessary all harshness was to be avoided, though 
the prisoners taken were to become the lawful slaves 
of their captors. 

This decree was published in Santiago in the be 
ginning of 1559; and attracted by the prospect of 
gain thus held out, and the charm of adventure and 
mystery which attaches to the invasion of an un 
known and hostile province, large numbers of settlers 

10 Que no solo le era licito al Hey hazerles guerra, sino q en conciencia 
estana a ello obligado, y para a defender a sus subditos totalmete destruy ra 
los de Lacandon. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa } 6lG. 


in Guatemala and Chiapas offered 

expeditioa IV.-id. iit Uamin-/ \\ ppointed co 

mander-in-chief, aa In- had alread dn milita! 

ijnwii n. .1 altogether merited Early in I 

tin- respective forces arrival ;t t ( Ion 

inted ivndr/\ous. Th. I I Spanish oo1 

>tat-d Imi is >aid t<> have included many perSODS <>t 

quality. The troops IVom ( hiapas \vm- command 
< ronzalo J )<>\allr, and !. t he colonial n- 

pn>ed a native contingent of ri--ht hundred warriors. 

A thousand Indian- are said to have accompanied the 

Spanish i roin Guatemala, Suppli- all kinds w 

collected, and t\\o ln--antine- were huilt iii BI as, 

1 In-iii-- eapaMe >i holdin-- a hundn-d ni-n. 
A >!nall ai in\- of Carriers and attendants \\ M 

to transport the \>; and \\ait on th- S rds, 

d pivpai-atioiis were on a de Letter befitti 

itliet with Kuropeans tlian \\ith Ani -ii At 

Coinitlan a i \v was held whieh, ling to, 


Remesal, presented one of the most brilliant specta 
cles ever seen in those parts, for no expense had been 
spared by the Spaniards in their dress, equipments, 
and arms. At last, the flags having been blessed and 
mass said, the army set out. 

Fifteen days of toilsome march, during which a 
path had to be cut through the dense vegetation, 
brought them to the shores of Lake Lacandon. At 
their approach the natives retreated to the island, 
after catching and sacrificing a negro boy who was out 
after some corn which grew in the gardens on the 
borders of the lake. 

From their retreat the Lacandones closely watched 
the movements of the Spaniards, who in turn eagerly 
scanned the high bare rock with its white houses and 
dusky inhabitants, lest any signs of hostile prepara 
tion should escape them. 

While the work of putting together one of the brigan- 
tines was progressing, a few of the natives approached 
the shore in canoes and demanded of the Spaniards 
their object in thus invading their country. Return 
ing they made offers of peace, but as they denied 
having more than eleven canoes, the Spaniards sus 
pected their design. It was believed that they wished 
to induce the Spaniards to accompany them to the 
island, a few at a time, where they could easily be de 
spatched. The brigantine was soon afterward launched 
and as the Lacandones saw it bearing down upon 
them they took to flight. 11 Many were captured, in 
cluding the principal chief and the high priest. The 
houses and other defences of the island having been 
destroyed, a force was then despatched to pursue the 
savages, and to reduce the stronghold of the Puchut- 

*J 7 fj 

las, which was also an island fortress, though its exact 
position cannot now be ascertained. 12 

11 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 621, says many escaped in the direction of Yu 
catan through a large rivec connected with the lake which Pelaez, Mem. 
Guat., i. 101-2, supposes to have been the Zacapulas. 

12 In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether Puchutlas was in 
Lake Lacandon or in another lake. Relation, i. Fancourt in his map accom- 


the town of Topilti 

ambuscade, and a f t he Spaniard- \ 

hut tin- sava iinally put to r.ut, and a la: 

supply of p ions was found in the d 

A rrivin^ at Puchutla they found the nati 1 . .di- 

nessforaefenc Preparations wei-e immediately ; 

for the attack, and a raft wafl huilt as 1 1. ond hi 


antine had beeil abandoned in the w U, and tli- 
rain st the 1 .acandoiies had sunk in 
No sooner had the Spaniard- >tarted from ahore than 

Indians advanced in their canoes to meel them, 

and midway 1.- en the inland and the hank th- 
was a -harp encounter which resulted in th- : and 

iliidit of the Puchutla The fortre-s was found I 


he deserted, the savages having taken the j ution 

removing their familie- and property to a | 
sal No attempt was made to punish the n. 

or to occupy any port ion of their itory, and the 

e\l>edition returned to Ci mala ahout Christm 
hrin-iii j; with them one hundred and tilty pr 

In conjunction with the Spaniards, a large I of 
christianized Indians under the native g 
Vera Paz invaded the pmvinee of A -ala, admin: 

a evere ]>unishmeiit, taking many capti\ :id 

lian^in 4* the principal accomplices iu the murd 

iatheis Vico and J^oju-/. 

Thii^ . uded an edition which had the 

>wn nearly lour thousand pesos de oro de min 

hut ins to have heeii \\itliollt any ti\el plan, 
ductive of no ] i -al result other than 

Le.-p t i LVUflres in check tor a time. 14 It - bill 

1 O 

( S till t 

t ..tin i 

t tin- i>r"vinces > 


isly obscncs that T 
La sml. tliat - 
iara Ke 

-l>auol atrauoatulo con 


proved most disastrous to the colonists; for, though 
some are said to have received a reward for their ser 
vices, the majority were left hopelessly involved in 
debt for the cost of their outfit, a few miserable 
slaves being the only spoils obtained in return for the 
expense, hardships, and peril incurred. It was not 
long, however, before all the slaves, including their 
chief, effected their escape and returned to their 
country. Re-occupying their stronghold, it was not 
many years before they resumed their depredations, 
and, as we shall see, successfully resisted all subse 
quent attempts to subdue them. 

In 1564 the Puchutlas were induced, through the 
efforts of the Dominican Father Laurencio, to submit 
to the friars, and settled in Vera Paz. This success 
gained for Father Laurencio the title of the Apostle 
of Puchutla. 15 

In August 1559 the licentiate Juan Martinez de 
Landecho, Quesada s successor, arrived in Guate 
mala, 16 and entered upon office early in September, 
Kamirez being appointed an oidor of the audien- 
cia of Lima, and after undergoing the investigation 
of his residencia embarking at the port of Acajutla, 
whither he was accompanied by the principal author 
ities and citizens, who thus showed their recognition 
of his worth. 

The petition of the cabildo of Santiago that a gen 
tleman by birth and education should be sent to 
govern them, had at last been answered, and the 
members were profuse in their thanks to the crown 

saeta le bautizb antes que espirase. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, 
takes the more practical view adopted in the text. 

15 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 523-645, forms the chief and original authority 
for the foregoing events, and it is much to be regretted that we have no other 
account with which to compare his statements. In all subsequent descrip 
tions of this expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed 
llemesal. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. /tea., 51-80, copies him literally. Pi- 
nelo, Relation, 2-4; Juarros, Guat., 258-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159- 
64, al] follow him. Sqnier, Cent. Amer., 554-61, follows both Villagutierre 
and Pinelo. 

16 Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 26. Vazquez, Chronica Gvat., 222, says that 
he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558. 

MI-MI. \ A\D Till IMIMP. 367 

for this lavor. K\].erience had tan-ht . li> v . .Hint, 
in order t> proted and further the ini tin- roj- 

Onists, tli^y inu.xf control ; , majority of the nid! ; nd 

tliis wi itremely difficult, they had determii 

make an effort to have the political admini-t rat : 
and distribution of the Indiai 1\- in 

the president, Asweha\< the crown had ahv,-id\- 

leen petitioned t<> make this change, and it v. 

that the new president would COOlfl with the additional 
title of governor. 

This petition was repeated in the latter ]>;irt 
1 .")( (), an<l was successful; for in May of the follwi 

ir we find the eabildo attrilmt in;_f tlie in, 
prosperity of the country to the granting of th 
1 . 17 

r J1ie colonists were juhilant that the humane m 
Urea <>f Cerrato and of Zorita, which their < >n-tant 
eti orts had hitherto failed to accomplish, \ nw 

rtam ol deleat. Doctor Mejfa, one of the 
was ordTed to make an ollieial tour of the 

/orita had leeu tinder the former ndmimV -n. 
His measures counteracted the lenetit> of / 
lahoi The regulation of trilmte was enti u-ted to 

the encotnenderos and caci<jn ua the-e latt.-i- 

often hut the creatures of the former, the n Milt 
may le readily inferred. 1 

The Dominicans were the ol.ject of Mejfa s >ju-rial 
dislike, and he siihjerted them to Mich amioya: :!id 

cut ion that they \\viv on the point of abandon! 

province of ( Guatemala. The alcal md 

rs interlei-ed \vith them in their coi 
Indian- t ly chai^.l them with usurjiinLC 

7 D< -s ni;iili iis had I- Ji i l 1K5COO1* abun-l- 

. I ;..ii ana were contented. Carta,- 

Mir.;,. , cantiila<l do pescatlo ca*la semana, 

: hi mar tlniti leguas. Mai M pen*. 

:iiiias por i, un iv;, A doa reale*. 

icjcn vcndi-r! ,1. di. . |iie los e.-; 

/a. Las 6 a.sfw, I \ichccv Icncu, Col. 1A 


royal authority and receiving money from the natives, 
and, though the audiencia, in answer to the complaints 
of the friars, promised to protect them, little appears 
to have been done. Even the cabildo sought to make 
it appear to the crown that the religious exercised an 
arbitrary and prejudicial authority in the municipal 
council and elections held by the Indians. The de 
plorable condition of the natives and the persecution 
of the friars were made the subject of numerous let 
ters to Las Casas, who represented these abuses to 
the crown in strong colors, urging the removal of 
Mejia and the adoption of relief measures for the 
natives. 19 

Some relief was afforded by a royal decree which 
declared the natives no longer subject to the Spanish 
alcaldes, and which, according to Kemesal, 20 was issued 
about 15G3 at the petition of the friars. 

Landecho is represented as haughty, capricious, 
wedded to his own opinions, and unscrupulous in 
money matters. 21 Certain it is that though favoring 
the interests of the colonists he did not neglect his 
own, and they soon found that he was neither pliant 
nor considerate. They never ceased to extol his tact 
and vigilance, and declared him fit to govern Peru; 
yet within a year of this declaration, and while assur 
ing the king that they had no cause to change their 
mind, they observed that it would be well for the 
crown to instruct the president-governor to have a 
special care for the welfare of the people. 22 

The continued complaints against Landecho at 
last induced the crown to decide on his removal, and 

Casas, Representation, loc. cit. ; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 624-6; 
bildo, Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Arcvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 36. 

20 Hist. Chyapa, 639. 

21 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646, 

22 Que se le envie a mandar tenga especial cuidado del bien 6 aumento de 
Jos que en esta cibdad e provincias viven. Carta, Jan. 26, 15G3, in Arevalo, 
Col. Doc. Antic}., 32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the 
appointment of governors preference be given those having experience in the 
Indies, as with a new governor there always came a number of servants, de 
pendants, and relatives who had to be provided for, to the prejudice of the 
more meritorious conquerors and settlers. Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Id. , 36. 

FAM: a .. , 

GO Bri; nidur of 

1 1-- su i h .-(I in San . on the L d of A>. 

The residencia >! the president in 

1 ; mix r <>r the same yearj and r 

pension <>! tin- president and i idor ..* 

During Landecho s rale, a drought, whir] 

in 1 jr.:;, was i (]!o\\-cd 1\- such g 

iniidi sui} ci-in_r ;n tin- n nd 

in tlir early part of 1565 t .uniry \. ed 

ly pestilence and cai-tli(jual. Tin- -p; 

t have IK-CM (-unfilled tu tin- Indian 1,\vn of ( ina- 

itlan. in (liia; \vliidi it nearly depopulated, 1 

tin- efieol BfofH lie artlicjuakc v, < ! MK 

atiago and tin- adjacent country it \ 
tivc hulk to lii c and jn-uj To i 

*lle 1 I r: : ..-sal, // 


l i r of tli .ola. 

.. M^.. _ . 

;<ling to Rotncsjil. 
., ii. 4!>. Jh 

.-nvaitiii, I ,al. in tin- follou i:i:_ 1 

ni ri\ I of tl: illy 

P, the ^ .lit. 

i"*il. / 
Land ho was 

Ulld 1,1 til.. 

i to the roaM. 
that all tlic <iil"i--s \v 

aipl all lin.-d in nrmfl 4M) ]>cao. 


eecaiM-. and di ,1 th<- lining . 

Loai^i, \\h<. he ? [a j 

tradition that t 

ind !i\vn on! r of tli 

^h"iM i. I fptin personal ol> 

i proceed 

1 to tl. .1 and i 


rwni .<: y Gi 


ir t os tones a fanepn 
of i iBciciit to eoal Io 


:r houses, an 
tan; cu air, wlulo- 

. AM., VOL. II 


wrath of God the terrified inhabitants of the city 
chose the martyr Saint Stephen as their advocate, 
and erected in his honor a hermitage, to which a yearly 
procession was established. 29 

A matter of greater moment than the chatige of 
governors now occupied the attention of the colon 
ists of Guatemala. The transfer of the audiencia de 
los Confines to Panamd had been decided on by the 
crown, but for what cause is not recorded by the 
chroniclers. 30 A decree to this effect was issued early 
in 1563, and confirmed by a second one dated the 8th 
of September in the same year in which its jurisdic 
tion was defined. 51 

A line extending from the gulf of Fonseca to the 
mouth of the river Ulua formed the northern limit 
of the territory made subject to the new audiencia of 
Panama. This did not include, however, the cities of 
Gracias d Dios and San Gil de Buenavista with their 
districts, which together with the provinces of Guate 
mala, Chiapas, Soconusco, and Vera Paz were made 
subject to the audiencia of New Spain, 32 

Doctor Barros de San Millan, oidor of the audiencia 
of Panama, was commissioned by the crown to remove 

constant prayers were offered to appease the divine wrath. Hemesal, Hist. 
Chyapa, 647; Juarros, Guat., i. 88; ii. 333. 

29 Minutes of Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580, quoted by Itemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 

so At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting as procurator at 
court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter dated Feb. 20, 1564, ho informed 
the cabildo that the transfer of the audiencia had already been determined 
upon, and about a month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction 
with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the council deemed 
it a favorable opportunity to transfer the audiencia. Marroquin, Cartas, cited 
in Pdaez, Mem. Hist. Gnat., i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was 
established. Decadas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., viii. 35. The fore 
going facts would appear to imply that the transfer of the audiencia had some 
connection with political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of 
the crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected by the power 
ful influence brought to bear against this change, which is indicated by the 
letters of Marroquin. 

31 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646, gives May 17, 1564, as the date of the first 
decree, and Juarros, Gnat., ii. 49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted 
are those given in Panama, Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
Doc., xvii. 531-2. 

32 Marroquin, Carta, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and Panama, Eeales Cedulas, loc. 


de 1 >iifin id 1). 
])eeenilM<r i 564 was on ]i to ] 

1. tin- visitador Brizefio having hi-ou^ht th I<T 

and published it soon after his arrr 

This change, which scriu>ly ail I tin- ii 

Guatemala, waa vigorously opp l.y it- inh.-. 

taut Though informed early in l.M ,4. as v, 

n, that this measure had l>r-n resolved on, t 

cabildo refrained l r<>ni d.-ci-iv,- action till tho 

of ]>ri/cho, when the publication of his on!- ;ld 

reveal its origin. In this, h 
disappointed, lor in their l.-tt. Dcccnih- 

1564, they \vrite: u Your ^lajrsty, i- 

\vhieh have nnvc<l you, li, .-n ].! dtoor 

the andieiieia de ]us C onlines he removed to i ity 

of I ) anain;i. 

r.y making the audienciaof Nrw in the court 

of appeal.- For Guatemala and th<> 

under the former jurisdiction of tl. 

Confines ^n.-it inconvenience mid inji 
owin-- to distanc The-e facts w* red 

it ions to the crown, and were sup] v the 

reports of the Dominicans, who r ill- 

:nent to which the nati c\] 

without tln. re-training ]>resence of th 
I . we ]ia\ 

and iniluen. | court to l.>rin 
and tlie le-ult was to induce the CTOWn, 

. to order it-- r .Mi-lnnent in E 0, 1 

AntoniO < lonzalex, oid.r of the alldiei-eia of ( . 

ippointed pi-e-ideiit MII riving in Sai/ 
th tl. .i-ly in 1 ."iTO. 84 

Doe. .1 

0, say* 


. 12, 1570, i:: 
i as aln-;idv //* . 


of i this s;. 

of. I 


During the absence of the audiencia the country 
was governed by the visitador Brizeno, whose admin 
istration appears to have been just, and with the ex 
ception of church affairs, uneventful. There is no 
evidence that Gonzalez was given the extraordinary 
powers granted to Landecho, perhaps because the ex 
periment had not proven satisfactory, but according 
to Pelaez, a fiscal had been added to the officers of the 
audiencia during its absence. 35 Brizeno s residencia 


was taken sometime in March, and the only charge 
brought against him was the granting of certain re- 
partimientos at the suggestion of the cabildo of San 
tiago. The findings in the case were transmitted to 
the crown, and the cabildo immediately wrote defend 
ing the measure as necessary, and asking for his ac 
quittal. 36 

Gonzalez ruled until February 1572, when he was 
relieved by Doctor Pedro de Villalobos, who came as 
president and governor. We have no record of any 
event of importance during Gonzalez administration; 
but that it was a just one is proven by his honorable 
acquittal in the residencia taken by his successor. 

About the middle of the sixteenth century the 
affairs of the church underwent several important 
changes. Soconusco, which as we have seen was as 
signed to the bishopric of Chiapas, was subsequently 
included in the see of Bishop Marroquin, though 
again affiliated with the bishopric of Chiapas in 1596. 
Soon after their arrival the Dominicans sent to Soco 
nusco a mission of several friars; but unable to with- 

25, 1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the audiencia, 
and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez and the arrival of the audien 
cia at Santiago follows Ilemesal. 

33 Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 109. See also Juarros, Gnat., ii. 50; Remesal, Hist. 
Chyapa, 658 bis. The oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiate?!, 
Jufre de Loaisa, Vald6s de Carcamo, and Cristobal Asqueta. See last two 
authorities cited. 

Carta, in Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 44-5. Eemesal, Hist. Chi/apa, 659, 
says that he was honorably acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is 
followed by Juarros, Guat., i. 260. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., says Brkeflo 
went to Santa Fe de Bogota as president of that audiencia. 

:l)d U JVC 1 111 f. I 1 

the death of one of their mini 1 < dispirited T 
remainder as to cause the al>and< n .if t! 

The see of ( hiapas remain* d until ! 

when Father Toms ( lasil] n, n< 

doiil.t , of Las ( -, was appoint d t> till II- 

vi-iled tin- !_;reater par inch 

Uiilt an epix-opal ] alao !-d tin- 

provincial councils in Mexico in I -unl ! 

his <!<< in ir)( 7, tl i r-niaiin-l v.-M-aut 

until L574, \vlim Fray Domingo <! Lara 

natc<l as his successor. Tlic intrllr 

i rll strangely ujx>n the recipient; prayed la- 

nii"-lit <li<- In -fore it wa- confirmed: and T,rinuslv 

before tin; pope s bull came to hand, and while in tlu- 
midst of preparations ibr conscci 

The next occupant of tin- . IVdro t|.- 1 
called I roin the convent of Salaniai ly in 

February 1575 was actively eng 1 in di- ;-k. 

At his invitation tlx- Franciscans -nn 1 l i iar^ i: 

the pi oxince, and a convent and church \ 

(1. ( hiapas ha<l tin- rare foi one to ] in 

l- -i-ia a l)i>h<]) who was an h>n. ian, and one : 

Iv i oi- _T"ld or pow I indin^ himself too feeble 

for work he hc^ed the ki > nanx- anotl 

.In consequence of an order <! the i.iii^- i !, 

pri> not lc displaced l.y I ^inini 

wh> held a t injMrary di-] he j 

i-ia aj.j.ninted seculars to 1 78 h- 

mall chagrin of some of the IVi 1 . n 

iy Andres (!< UbiD as ap|ointed BU< 
.. and <-<.ntinned in <.llice until L601, when h 

Ilioted t< the >, Mi.- :11. 

Ai a Dominican provincial chapter held in : 

.sal lu- is somcr lo Ara. D;ivila sayt he 

/ and Ktmetal, J/iM. 

iftt, t; 


Ciudad Real, the convent of Santo Domingo de Chi 
apas was accepted as that of the province, and Pedro 
de Barrientos chosen as first vicar. At chapters held 
in Chiapas and Guatemala prior to 1600, it was for 
bidden the friars to sign their family name; to write 
to the president of the audiencia or to the oidores 
without showing the letters first to the superiors, and 
so in regard to writing to Spain under penalty of fif 
teen days imprisonment. No moneys were to be sent 
to Spain through the hands of the religious. 

Ciudad Real, where the last provincial chapter w r as 
held, had in 1580 two hundred Spanish vecinos. There 
were about ninety Indian towns in the province, with 
in a radius of sixty leagues, containing some twenty- 
six thousand tributaries. The largest one, Chiapas de 
los Indios, had twelve hundred Indian vecinos. 

In 1559, through the influence of Las Casas, the 
bishopric of Vera Paz was established, and Father 
Angulo appointed its first bishop. He accepted the 
charge and repaired to his see a year or two later, but 
died early in 15G2 before proceeding to consecration. 33 
The establishment of this see was unwise in the ex 
treme, and must be attributed solely to the represen 
tations of Las Casas. As already shown the country 
was barely capable of sustaining its inhabitants, and 
in 1564 the cabildo declared to the crown that it would 
be well to suppress the bishopric as it could not sup 
port a prelate; an opinion borne out by subsequent 



Angulo was succeeded by Father Tomds de Car- 

39 According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, the bishopric was established in 
155G. Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed 
April 21, 1560, and died at Zalamd, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala 
to be consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment in Guate 
mala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April 21st; went thence to Mexico; 
the following year was ordered to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls 
for his consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at Zalamd, Vera 
Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of September 1560, 
the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual 500,000 maravedis, until he 
had sufficient tithes for his support. I deem this author more reliable than 
the others as he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities for 
obtaining information. 

*Cabildo, Carta, Jan. 26, 1564, mArtvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 38-9. 

II OF MAI: 375 

Dominican. Tim date "I" lii- ap] 
ording to Gonzalez Davila wae April i, ml 

accord in- to LYin-al In.- continued in p< .til 

in l 

In 1555 ]>ishop Marroquin, now <>ld and 
with over twenty-five y <t <->nstant 
pri .IK! hishop, sought to retire, hut tl, 

dent Ou< recommended t<> t! 

]M -tit im IK- granted it was refused, and L< 

<> on holy Friday of 15G3, 4 " and lui. 

\\5tli tlic lii^ hust honors in llir ratli.-dral < 
]Iis 8U >r was JJrrnardiiin dc Villalpando, lii.-lmj) 
of ( ul)a, wlio ai-rivrd in Santiago in I."- I. 44 

Tin- FrancifiCana and J))niini<-ans in the inraii ti: 
]iad mad.- hut little progress owin-_ 
and dissensions hetwcni iln-m, and tin.- intn 
of the ;lar <-ler-y. Tlioii^h the Doin nl 

alwa; en ih,- principal cnnf- and j i in 

S atiago, tl ere less popular than the Fr 
v/h ) \\ o favored l>y 1 tishop M jiiin. 

early as i.">.")0 a strong i-ivalry >f j np i 

two orders in regard t< the ri 

sit. - churches and convents. T! 

determined l*y i -implu a<-t <>f taking ] 

many towns and district > d upon hy i 

< Pernandec, // 

iop in 1570. 

, to ! ra Lp 

< int. ! in I :. .i.">. !: 

-M tli. :ias, in l.> 

t v-hi! in Hill, li.- WM fcoM ** 

\ . -.1 i 
ed. 1 i ! of succession as icsal aa fur a I 

aiiU a 

; n, \\li- -^ i-on t! 

April I 

See alao Quetada, forto, Mayo 

vnzaU* DdvUa, Teatro Lcl<*. , 


" ]; . 004; Juarros, Guat., i. 276; \ - / 

., UK). 


ecclesiastics which they could not attend to them 
selves, and would not permit their rivals to control. 
Dissensions and mutual detractions followed, which 
the prelates of the respective orders were powerless 
to suppress in their subordinates. 

This scandalous example estranged both the civil 
authorities and the citizens, and Marroquin, finding 
his efforts to settle these quarrels fruitless, began to 
appoint persons to the vacant and neglected towns, 
in some cases depriving the ecclesiastics of those in 
their charge. This condition of affairs was duly 
reported by the authorities, and as a result the 
religious were reproved, and the selection of sites for 
convents and the appointment of clergy made subject 
to the approval of the audiencia, and the bishop was 
instructed to respect the privileges of the friars and 
treat them with, due consideration. 45 

In 1551 the Dominicans of Guatemala, Honduras, 
Nicaragua, and Chiapas were organized into an inde 
pendent provincia with the title of San Vicente de 
Chiapas. Father Tomds de la Torre was appointed 
provincial, and the first provincial chapter was held 
at Santiago in January. 46 Several convents were 
founded, mostly in Guatemala, churches built among 
the Zoques and Quelenes, and with the arrival from 
time to time of additional friars the organization of 
new districts was begun. In Chiapas the Dominicans 
in their labors continued to suffer occasional molesta 
tion from the colonists. The provinces of San Sal 
vador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica were visited, a 
convent was founded in the city of San Salvador, and 
two attempts were made to establish the order in 
Nicaragua. 47 

In 1559 a custodia was formed of the Franciscans 

l, Hist. Chyapa, 587-600; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 133-7; Quesada, 
Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier s MSS., xxii. 3-4. 

^Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 532-7, 560-3; Fernandez, Hist. Eccles., 142; 
Ddvila Padida, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 110-11. 

*R<-m?sal, Hist. Chyapa, 500, 520-3, 578-84, 596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636- 
9, 642-7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 98-9. 

! I.LAI X 

in (In;. ad Yn \vhieh 

virai Iternately <-h(.s-n. This 1.-, 

when t of < to 

ahlish a be provinria with the tit! 1 

ll"ly Name of Jous. Their iii al v. 

Father ( rOnzalo blende/. and the first provincial rhap- 
ter v. :ied in Santia-o (.11 the l^ili of 

to the diss.-ii>ions vitli tlic Domini .l 

themselves, many iViur- l-l t tin- province, so 

that in 15GG there were hut thirty < ;nl 

ivcn: In 1 .">74 the audi led a d 

i-inittin^ tlie Fi-aneiseaiis t i oiin.I convents in 
tlie provi of Izalcos, Cu- I[on<hu 

.Mout i ame time convents wen 1 in the 

villas of San Salvador and San ^li^iie! 

One of the iirst acts of JJislio}) A illalpan ! 

publication of the decrees of the la- uncilof T 

Ainoii-- other measures these i <* ju-ivi. 

of mendicant friars, and helievin;^ or 
li-ve that this extended to a total de; 

i-i- lii t administer the sacrament?, the .an 

eulai >\vns in i! [n vain w< re 

the pr< be Franciscan and .-n }>ro\in- 

and the audieneia, and the rej all 

that th -ular j>rie>i dian lan- 

irdless ,.f tlieir int. id in i; 

of di unlit to succeed 1 

in tl of a nuni 

majority *.f wh<>m were y- \v in \ . ii. 

li>hoj. lutely in I on 

(jii in t 

interim the prelate ].rr>i>tently cai 

uivs notwithstanding the- ojipo-it iMn <f the fri 
[onists,and th- 

.qua, Chron. 22S; 

, , 


I; 1 ?, 147, 5-; Juarro*, OV 99 

), 100. 


from abandoning the province only at the entreaties 
of the colonists, and the Indians in some instances 
refusing to receive them in their towns. 

At the solicitation of the king the pope restored 
the privileges of the friars, the extreme measures of 
the bishop were condemned, and the archbishop of 
New Spain ordered to send a visitador to examine 
into certain serious charges made against Villalpando. 50 
When notified of these decrees, Villalpando is said to 
have replied: "I have received my church not from 
the king but from God, to whom I am prepared to 
render an account." According to Juarros he left 
Santiago soon after and died suddenly at Chalchuapa, 
four days journey from the capital. 51 Francisco Cam- 
branes, dean of the cathedral of Santiago and after 
him Father Alonso de Lamilla, a Dominican, appear 
to have been appointed to succeed Villalpando. The 
former died before his appointment reached him and 
the latter declined the mitre. The see remained vacant 
until the appointment in 1574 of Bishop Gomez Fer 
nandez de Cordoba who was transferred from the 
bishopric of Nicaragua. 52 

Cordoba was a man simple in habit, humble in 
spirit, and pure in life. Foppery troubled some of 
the clergy, and the prelate, who could be stern when 
needful, took occasion to call up one of the would-be 
clerical gallants, and severely admonished him upon 
the extravagance of his dress. The mortifying lesson 
was not without effect, and he, with not a few others, 
carefully avoided such display ever after. 

In 1575 Cordoba set out on his official visits, and 
everywhere met with complaints from the natives 


50 The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the clergy, having in his 
household certain women who were neither his sisters nor his cousins; and re 
ceiving bribes through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and 
of doubtful reputation, appear to have been the principal charges. Remesal, 
Hist. Chyapa, 656. 

51 In Aug. 15G9, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 277; in Santa Ana, San 
Salvador, according to Gonzalez Davila, Tcatro Ecles, i. 153. See also Cabildo, 
Carta, July 9, 1567, in Artvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 41-2; Remesat, Hist. Chy- 
apa, 654-65; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 194-200; Juarros, Guat., i. 276-8. 

^ Remesal, Iliat. Chyapa, 706; Juarros, Guat., i. 277-8. 

n:rARS. :,; , 

their ] <-5ally among the 

u, iked to have the Fi 

char Hut t! in ] ion v 

Avilliu-- in gracefully yield aa was shown 1 
hich occurred in t! ,r. [ 

. \Mtin^ Guatemala lor tin- purp.. .iiiid 

Franciscan convent-, arrived in tin; lin!<- town 

and called t<> pay his i-. 

J lis advances \ -oily 

padn iking to Conciliate him, d his perni: 

Bay mass iii tlic town ami rnniuss B t th.- 

l- roin indifference tin- 
indignant, and ex] jed himsrlf in very m 

lai. J lis wort! vinlmt and 1. 

l<ud that a number of the Indians \. t-> 

the s|>. Thereupon Diaz : hu: 

tudc and deferentially withdrew, r in his 

. and ivpahvd to t! .l.ildo, \vh poo- 

]le flocked to him. Improvising an altar 1 th a 

ton he (hen in>i-t-d upon j 

service, taking care that the p; >hould ! inform 
and hiding him not to interfere. At 

ft, th ter, accompanied In 

rushe 1 in and ( ^a\-e unbridled 1 
calliii-- t he people dog - and the 1 
It was a strange ftaele an an-jry ] wildly 

ulatin^ in his black robe, .-urrounded 

11, who momentarily tin mlt. 

calmly reciting his orisons, holding the ho>t in up! 

hand- in the midst of the pe.-p! The p 

; a ted l>e\-on<l control, ordered 1, 

uhich they did, woundin t a few and - 

1 stamped 
At this point the enootnendero Leon C r- 

; i the con and the I 

d to assuage the tumult with w>nl 
Th- priest would 11. .t !> pacified until the I 
tried their skill a1 : rowing, wh-n 1 "ini: 

ly turned and ikd to ! , wlu re lie lu. 


undergo a siege until he promised to depart for Gua 
temala taking all his paraphernalia with him. 53 The 
Franciscan remained master of the field, and was 
eventually appointed guardian of Zainayaque, but the 
consequences of the unseemly quarrel were far-reach 
ing, and the discussions to which it gave rise went far 
to reform the character of priests put in charge of the 

Bishop Cordoba labored in Guatemala for twenty- 
three years, Fray Antonio de Hinojosa being ap 
pointed his colleague two years before the decease of 
the former, which occurred in 1598. During his ad 
ministration the king gave orders that no expense 
should be spared in supporting all the religious who 
might be needed for the conversion of the natives, 
and that money should be placed at the disposal of 
the friars for the purpose of administering the sacra 
ment to the Indians in places remote from the set 
tlements. The Franciscans especially multiplied in 
Guatemala, sixty-six arriving in that province be 
tween 1571 and 1573. In 1576 the audiencia was 
directed by the crown to make an annual grant of 
fifty thousand maravedis for each mission established 
by them. In 1578 Garcia de Valverde, who during 
that year was appointed president of the audiencia, 
undertook the rebuilding or enlargement of several 
Franciscan convents 54 and the erection of several 
churches. Such was his enthusiasm that he was 
often seen carrying stone and mortar for the work 
men, and his example spread among the inhabitants 
of Santiago, men of noble birth imitating the pre 
late s example. 

53 At Guatemala he presented himself before the audiencia and demanded 
redress. A judge was sent to investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed 
by Bishop Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so that 
they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the absolute refusal of the 
natives to have el seiior cura for their guardian. Vaaquez, Chron. de Gvat., 


54 Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco de Tecpan Guatemala, 
La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San Miguel de Totonicapan, and Espiritu 
Santo de Quezaltenango. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat. t 2G1. 

v. \\i> iv. 

Tn i]].- y 1 c.oo wh.-n .! 

Inted hi.^hop there v. . in G >iala I 

ivents of the Fran I l<urt.-<-u ( ,r 

1 >ominican ordei In I 578 a nunm-ry v ,1 

and occuj. ied, the funds liavimr been i>r d h\ 

from r he iir-t bishop of < J-uatemala I n I 
ool opened in Santi. 

cahildo, encoui its sue I t<> h,, 

univer.Mty established tin-re in order tl 

nii _dit complete their education without proc 

Mexico as was tln-ii tli< iig tin,- \\cailli 

class of Spaniards, 

Din-ing Valverde 1 [ministration the news 
Drat s expedition to the South Sea, of which m< 

tinn will ho made in mnnrrtion with the i 

famous adventurer, spread -n tl rliout 

e jn ovin On thi- o ion tin- j .t ! 

;atrmala showd himself worthy of tl. I im- 

])-. -.1 in ]iim. Ships and cannon were j 

small arms and ammunition were ohtaim-d f 

. and an rxju-dit i Jy d 

<f \ he enemy. X. > encounter 

and ihe commander of th 

ai-rot f.r non-fulfilment of his onl 

pi-ore. -d in <|iic>t .,{ the intrnd ulf < ( 

:iia wh< hey were >i!]>io^.-d fco b 

-(} \\ln-n news arrived d Drake s capture of > 
J)oinin;4-i> > review hfll in i\n* pla/a - 
and it V >und that the city emiM p;;- 
iive hundred i lid one hundred ]i. 

le a - 1 in ^ 

I when on his death-h.-d . d in! 

M Tli rcetl order, and 

the p:, 

* Tl itos, (netos); 

cotas); 400 ar< 

t tho i 

.utofi cental* from ^ 



his promotion to the presidency of the audiencia of 
Nueva Galicia. His successor was Pedro Mayen de 
Rueda, a man of strong but narrow views, and one 
who by his injudicious measures soon made enemies 
both of the oidores and the ecclesiastics, the members 
of the municipality, however, remaining firm in their 
allegiance to him. " Rueda," writes the cabildo to 
the king in 1592, "has given vacant encomiendas to 
the deserving, and strictly carried out royal cedulas. 
He has embellished the capital with many a fine build 
ing so that it is far other than it was. Nevertheless 


his enemies were too strong for him, and in the fol 
lowing year he was superseded by Doctor Francisco 
Sande, who came to the province vested with the 
authority of a visitador, but appears to have found 
nothing specially worthy of censure in the former s 
administration. 57 

The new president incurred the enmity of the 
cabildo by abolishing one of its most cherished privi 
leges, 58 and by causing the office of alferez, the 
holder of which became ex officio the senior member 
of the cabildo, to be disposed of for five thousand 
ducados to one Francisco de Mesa, whose chief recom 
mendation seems to have been that he was a kinsman 
of the president s wife. In November 1596 Sande 
departed for New Granada, of which province he had 

57 The licenciado Rueda, late president of the audiencia, is about to leave 
for Spain. He has exercised his office with care and ensured good Christian 
government as will be seen by the papers connected with the vista on his 
conduct now sent by Doctor SandeV Santiago Cabildo (Feb. 1G, 1595), in 
Arcvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 80. Contrast this with Juarros, Guat., 261. 
President de la Rueda was punished for having so badly treated the religious 
during his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from the 
house without clothes into the country, where he ate grass like oxen, and re 
mained in that state till he died. During Rueda s administration a bridge 
was built across the Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and 
had eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river was of 
great depth and communication was frequently cut off between the capital 
and the eastern provinces by inundation. Juarros, Guat. , 239-41 (ed. Lond. , 
1823). Conder s Mcx. and Guat., 201. 

58 That by which the appointment of fiel ejecutor was vested in the 
cabildo. The office was one of great profit and its duties were discharged by 
each member in rotation. The cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal 
license for many years, its concession being granted by cddula of July 9, 1564, 
and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. Juarros, Guat., 129. (London ed. 1823.) 

MIXIXC AXI) ( E. : >:>, 

appointed i Hi- successor 

Alonso ( Yiado de ( a-tilla, wh i nncd o! 

aber 1598, tin- reins of ]><> wer L.-iu^- durini: i 
interval in the hands of tin :ii<>r oidor, A 
. dj Abaun/a. 

During the closing yean of the sixteenth r.-ntury 
it wa- 1 be policy of the cabildo in their n-poi ts feo t 
kin^ to i-rju csent tlio industrial coiniiti": 
mala in as unfavorable a li^ht as jo>sillr. \ 

- tlicrc is sufficient evidence t hat tra i rift- 

mining almost lu-^lrctrd. and that a^ri< ultmv recen 
]ittl- ai tcntion. ]{it:h mines \\viv discovovd in vari 
]il;: hut Indians could not In; procured to \v< 

them, and mine-owners becoming every day ]< 
threatened altogether to abandon the field, thus causi 

the eal)ildo to petition for the impoi -n of >la\ 
lor the pin-pose of developing them. 
the falling-off in receipts ai bne smelting-worka t 
the royal oilieials resolved to exaci <>i\\\ I ith 

instead of the iil lh of the proceeds which h;id ]< 
been collected as the kiii /s du.-s. 

Tlic possibility of ;idin^ the COD of the 

province liy the opcnin-- of the j 

twelve leagues irom Santia;_ id th- poinl it 

\vill I .hered Alvarado - I- lill 

:ipped lor liis ])romised rxpeditio.-i t . I 

> the sul)ji*ct of many p< I he 

kii It .led to piv>ent many I aciliti* 

ve traffic on the South , and its contigui 

tala would nll ord nieivhants and 
opportunity of dealing in the product 
Ship-building es]eei;dly mi^ht i important 

industry. OS of iin< jiiality :i!i<l in limitl 

(|iianti uld he had in the district. L 

abundant; \\lii! I could be had in in- 

iich he U-cuj.. Dato . . 



haustible quantity. The pita, which furnished excel 
lent material for ropes and cables, grew profusely all 
over the coast. Pitch and tar could also be procured 
in the valley of Inmais, only a short distance from the 
port. So far, however, little success had attended the 
various attempts made to utilize these advantages, but 
in after years further efforts were made. In 1591, 
measures were also taken for opening another port 
named Estero del Salto, seven leagues from Iztapa 
and capable of accommodating vessels of a hundred 
tons. 60 

While thus struggling for new avenues of trade, 
the members of the cabildo were tenacious of those 
already in their possession. Neither the importation 
of slaves nor a reduction of the royal dues would sat 
isfy them, while cacao, the only product which really 
did pay and thus preserved the balance of trade, was 
improperly taxed. Writing in 1575, they alleged that 
for two years past this once highly profitable trade 
had been nearly destroyed by excessive taxation and 
that in consequence the prosperity of Santiago had 
been greatly diminished/ 


But commercial decadence was not the only mis 
fortune from which the province suffered. In 1575 
and the two subsequent years earthquakes occurred 
in Guatemala, 02 attended with great destruction of 
property. In December 1581 a violent eruption oc 
curred in the volcano west of Santiago. The land for 


miles around was covered with scoria; the sun was 

60 The king s grant of one half of the first year s tribute from the encomi- 
endas becoming vacant during ten years, was of great assistance in opening 
these ports. The president sends a map of the port and of the country for 
more than 15 leagues about it. Santiago Cabildo, Carta al Rey (April 20, 
1591), in Arcvafo, CoL Doc. Antig., 77-8. 

61 As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao trade could grow 
it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth 500,000 pesos, were raised 
within an area of two leagues square in, Salvador. Palacio, Relation in Pa- 
checo and Cardenas, CoL Doc., vi. 15. 

62 Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576 by which houses 
were destroyed and several lives lost. In a letter to the king he relates that 
he saw a large fragment of a church facade which had been hurled to a consid 
erable distance. Relation in Pacheco and Cdrdencia, Col. Doc. } vi. 23-4, 59. 


:nl tin- lurid il;ii: l;uli; 

il triTr tlirou^lim d. iu- 

ieving thai t 

. maivhrd in penitential j ion 1" Vil- 

ing their sins. T 

i and On th; 

\ were 1" In 158j and 1 .V nii- 

arthquakes, the nio>t \ i.L nt 

ju>! 1 ( hn>tin;is of tlu.- 1. r. J iil! 

nt, M-iJo cha>ins appeared in t . 
}>art of the city \ 
ini ants bcin- luri* d in tl In 1587 \vu 

ir <! another s-\ artln|iv \vhich ii. 

livrs were lost and fifty buildic 

tlu-ni the old Frai. 

63 f. de Las Casas in Col. Doc. /m </., Iviii. 140. 





IT has already been stated that Las Casas was the 
first to urge the substitution of African for Indian 
slavery, and as early as 1517 such a measure was 
authorized by the crown. The natives lacked the 
physical strength needed to meet the demands of their 
taskmasters, and negroes from the Portuguese settle 
ments on the coast of Guinea were largely imported 
into the Spanish West Indies. Numbers of them 
were driven by ill-usage to take refuge in the forests 
and mountain fastnesses, where they led a nomadic 
life or made common cause with the natives, and when 
attacked by the Spaniards neither gave nor accepted 
quarter. About the middle of the sixteenth century 
the woods in the vicinity of Nombre de Dios swarmed 
with these runaways, who attacked the treasure-trains 
on their way across the Isthmus, defeated the parties 
sent against them by the governor of the province, 
and lurked in wait for passengers, assailing them with 
poisoned arrows, and cutting into pieces those who 
fell alive into their hands. Organized as marauding 



lied in - ; : Du: 

< Juiana. At tin bey would uni :i,l 

ra\ it of coin 

side. ]1 hurnr 1. plan 

seized, mrivhaiidi in. 

Surh was the attendant terror that i, 

chastise their , nor did r 

travel tlic highway KcepJ in companies 

or more. 2 In tl ar 1554 many liundr <>t th 

were thus handed in T! Pirme al 
About this time the new vie* Ajid 

Hurtadode Mmdoza, ma rain s deCafiete, .j,j .. .rtun 

in-riving at Xoinhi ])i>> iVni Spain, m ru; 

liis capital, resolved en t! 

lav. Xot loni hd orc hi ival. I . !r. de I". 1 

a brave and distinguished soldier, had t 
in liis enemies in the pr< 
liad founded the of Pamplona . 
veri The viceroy, believing Ui tobeunji 
persecuted and ^nizin^ J nt litn- 

tliMi-ixcd him to raise i irch 

rs. Accordingly Ur>n jiupju-d up\\ard 
hundred mm, and ut iV Noml I 

r rin- cimarrones had mu.-tnvd ir 

of tlicir o\vn race, of singular CO1 \vho liad 

elected kin.i; hy tl occupy in- the mountains ! 

t\v> nd .1 \ieura, a: mil 

d-d >i\ Imndred. 

yd, jiriinarily * * npr> 

i untamed a the n; 

let. i li i !ii;irroii. 

jiH iit trouMrs ..t th,- oountrj , *n 

Indians of similar nanir, tin- Miu- 
. The 1111 
/ Dam . iso s le 

I n> < ii^in . 
li 1, itO. 

I In-iii himself an ness of 

cimarn.n atrocities in I 

i. !. . 

. Pent, ii. ills him Ikill. 


Bayano retreated slowly and warily, posting am 
buscades at every favorable point, and engaging tho 
foe in frequent encounters, the negroes fighting with 
desperation and the Spaniards advancing with the 
coolness of well disciplined soldiers. For two years 
Ursua 4 carried on the campaign with unwearied 
patience, and at last surrounded the remnant of the 
cimarrones and compelled them to sue for peace. Ba 
yano was sent a prisoner to Spain. In 1570 his fol 
lowers founded the town of Santiago del Principe. A 
cedula of June 21, 15 74, declared that on full submission 
and on condition of their leading a peaceful life the 
negroes should be free men. One of the articles of 


a treaty which was concluded at Panama binds the 
emancipated slaves to capture runaways and return 
them to their masters. 

After a short-lived peace the cimarrones again took 
the field, reenforced by maltreated or discontented 
negro fugitives from the mines, and committed such 
depredations that the king resolved on a war of ex 
termination against them and their allies. In a cedula 
elated 23d of May 1578 he appointed his factor and 
veedor Pedro de Ortega Valencia, captain general of 
the forces levied for that purpose, with instructions 
not to desist until the rebels were vanquished. Funds 
were to be drawn freely from the royal treasury. 
Panama and the adjoining provinces of Quito and 
Cartago were enjoined to provide all necessary sup 
plies, and the Casa de la Contratacion de Seville was 
to furnish four hundred arquebuses and a supply of 
ammunition. The Spaniards were only partially suc 
cessful, and in the following year the king found it 
necessary to address the president and oidores of the 
audiencia, urging them to renewed efforts, but in vaiir. 

4 Ursua was a native of a town of the same name in Navarre. He went to 
New Granada with his uncle, the licenciado, Michael Diaz tie Armendariz. 
Picdrahita, Hist. Gen., 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn 
that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was sent in 1561 to 
explore some rich Brazilian forests in the neighborhood of the rio Maranon, 
where he met his death at the hands of his own countrymen. 

SI : . , 

In lain; the cin in coin 

;i road iVoiu their o\vn town 1 
.K iver only a 1< 

las ( Iruces, t! ohjc<-i h, 

ii nl nierchan ( ) T h of A 

the kin-- peremptorily ordei 

d and th stion of tin; riii dead-Ts, I 

11 !! 

th< the ciinarrones in collusion with Ki 

for year- ^paniar 

Tl ^uliitions framed during tl. 

concerning negroes, \\ hi t h >nd or 

scrihed with tlie utm iiinut 

their social relations, and the 1 nnd.-r wh 

they were to lh It was pro I in th 

runaways that pardon should only ! .ded 

and never to the leaders of One ii! 

cost incurred in their < ire was to ho n. 

royal t; and tin; remainder ly tl: 

all expeditions v to he eond 1 

officers, the pi-op. the n so 

hat his reeov Id llo( IM- Jut! 1 to hi- 

rior hand 

To eng in the impo ion of it v, 

in ry lir.-t to ohtain yal lie pri\ 

doubly guarded, and s-ldoin il 1 to 

lent rival-, the ! 

wed on the Mn-li>h, who gradual! 

111. le. So the pi 

and Mil-dish alik md continually violal ho 

law and >! ting i he king al 

5 . \sanillu- . a. law of : with - nnd ; h- 


.irtes, -nestat: 

r. 1 Jn 

a though DO 


liand of t is c-Mt 

.k nnh-ss i : 

.Inly .".I. l.^il. i 

!iil .a. ! " t ; 

nam .ittiny out a vessel for carrying African *L. 


embraced also their intercourse with Indians, so as to 
discourage as much as possible their association with 
lawless bands, dangerous to Spanish security, and 
prejudicial to peaceable natives; for, with the pre 
sumption so common among lower races and classes, 
the negro failed not to take advantage of any privi 
lege he might obtain over his red-skinned neighbor. 7 

o o o 

Such checks proved of little use, however, since they 
also applied in part at least to Spanish task-masters. 
Indeed, in a royal cedula issued in 1593, attention is 
called to the fact that no one had been brought to 


justice for any of the extortions .or cruelties to which 
the Indians had been subjected. 8 Other stringent laws 
were issued, but they came too late, or were neglected 
like the rest. Under the yoke of their various oppres 
sors the native population of the Isthmus gradually 
disappeared, and toward the close of the century their 
numbers had become insignificant. 

In the affairs of Panama we enter now an era of 
decline. Progress hitherto on the Isthmus has been 
on no permanent basis. For a time the gold and 
pearls of seaboard and islands kept alive the spirit of 
speculation, which was swollen to greater dimensions 
by the inflowing treasures from Peru and Chile, and 
from scores of other places in South and North 
America. When these began to diminish, commerce 
fell off, and as it had little else to depend upon there 
was necessarily a reaction. 

Panama had comparatively but little indigenous 
wealth and was largely dependent for prosperity on 

to the "West Indies, and ordering his arrest. Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and 
Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 540-1. 

7 Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among the Indians in 1578. 
Peales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 501-2. In 1589 
it was ordered that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any 
way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes. If the offence 
was repeated the culprit s ears were to be cut off. In case of a free negro, the 
punishment was 100 lashes and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos 
was paid to informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were liable 
to a fine of 100 pesos. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 462. 

8 Iicaks Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 4-7. 


nial 1 "; .: ri Ql 
i I by a shew 

]>n>\ -I di hoth In- }>rovi> iinl i 

]>ire. Tli- ;it i\c< \> \\ liidi arri 
in reduced oumbei lm^<.T inten .ml \\itli < 

jlcte< I stores. In 15S1), ni ;ir \ 

tli. ; hmus laden with merchan< 
];I(T tin- i! (; mustered only .ips. 9 

predationa of buccai which will be h 

Drilled tills stale of ail airs may in ] il>- 

. but other causes v. <>rk. f j l; 

aiii liad ahvady apjH. ai cl \ t < 

Panam& in the character of a royal i .t; 1( a: 

\\ In- laid rotricti* mfl on their t rad- which could i 
iail to prove disastrous to the conn ial in 

llie city. 

Hitherto there had been a L .-md 1 
t.h the Philippine Islands, yielding often -Id 

in-- o to the fortunate trader." .1 : ic ciij.idi 1 
the monarch }>roni]>ti d mere and more i 

measures, until it was a! loH.idd 

and indeed to all the AV< s1 Jndies E in, 

the kiiiLC beiiiLC determined to 1, wn 

the Asiatic trade- monopolized 1 ilian n. 

In ir,S5 tlic miml)crof sliipswas 71 : in 1587, S:>: in l v. fM: i:. 
in 1 : in 1. : in K IT- 

., in l < 

and: :its th- tlir ]>r.vinc. 

a gift or loon, i ** h 

as tlu>u.L. h it cinanutf.l fi 
i tli.-it t!. . I sulicit.-il it. Ti.-it.i: vncatn 

iiinun: litedeM < 

/>,,r., ,|0. 

11 A Augu. 1 - 

Imi! . sha!: oemn> 

ill it 1 -- ! 

ogoe t 
h sea. 

. /A,.: . in. "- 


chants. 12 No Chinese goods were to be brought to Pan 
ama and the other provinces,, even from New Spain. 
None were to be used there, except such as were in 
actual use at date of the royal commands, and any 
surplus was to be carried to Spain within four years. 

Of course the American provinces were gradually 
developing home industries, and bringing into the 
market home productions that displaced to a certain 
extent goods from which Spain had hitherto made 
large profits. Thus Peru supplied wine, leather, 
and oil; soap was manufactured in Guayaquil and 
Nicaragua; Campeche yielded wax, Guayaquil, Kio- 
bamba, and Puerto Viejo, cordage for ships, and Nic 
aragua a good quality of pitch. Quito and other 
places manufactured cloths, and New Spain silken and 
woolen goods. Had Philip adopted a generous colo 
nial policy he would have fostered and profited by 
these new industries, but all fiscal regulations looked 
to the advancement of Spanish commerce without re 
gard for the development of trade within the colonies. 

Two commodities were watched and guarded with 
peculiar jealousy- -wine and tobacco. Peru produced 
a wine that found favor with many and obtained a 
ready sale. In an ordinance of Philip II. dated the 
IGth of September 1586, no wine but that imported 
from Spain was allowed to be sold on the Isthmus; 

12 A royal cedula of November 11, 1578, forbade the carrying of Manila 
dry goods. This is confirmed by c<klulas of January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, 
and February 13th and June 13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all 
trade between the Philippines and Tierra Firme. Memorial sobre Manila, in 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vi. 444. The ce"dula of 1593 is full and 
explicit: Toleration and abuse have caused an undue increase in the trade 
between the West Indies and China, and a consequent decrease in that of the 
Castilian kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from 
Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall any vessel go to 
China or the Philippine Islands to trade. Reales Cedillas, in Pacheco and 
Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 420. See also Decadas, Id., viii. 114. Another 
ce"dula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the license being still con 
tinued to New Spain at the instance of the merchants of Seville whose inter 
ests were jeopardized. The Portuguese had established factories in China, 
and though selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could under 
sell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of Chinese products 
themselves, and to sell them in the colonies at their own figures. Gran. 
.Manila, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , vi. 405-6. 


with wir 
The penalti iniVii 

n p Qishl 

Tl; ^-iied f<>r these meaMi! inju 

rious effect of iVruvian wine upon j.uMir hcahh, 

i tin- real motive waa the prejudicial 

upon the Spanish wii: ceo f 

monopoly of the crown, and one rigidly p 
sale. importation, or cultivation 1 n un< 

re penalties. 14 

Panama imported most of her provisions, and tin; 
difficulties in obtaining a. regular and <; 
were augmented by the monopolies ar<|uir"d l.v 

ilthy merchants \vlio were enaMrd to < 
market. Ne\\ -isuivs to correct tl, 

itinually adopted, and as oftm c\ 
lated. 18 The scarcity of provisions sometio 

- approach!] > laniii: .in .- 

sons lial-i IM> a;_;--Ta\-at< d l.y tlic en- 

travellers and adventurers who crossed the Isthim; 

Dg hi M liy t!i<- troasury n{ : 

KlOO, it v. . .at, a.s the im 

!vi;in win- li;nl 1"-, u forltiildm in \ 

:ii4 tliis n ii, ;iiul aj-pniiiti; s and 

I it, or in :ch A\ iin- with tli. it inij 

. is the injurious quality of tin- \\ in- . - also t 

Trujillo, (Juito, and 

., xvii. JHJ-ls. At a sul)s 

ivian win aocouii 1 

as< 1 trrasury. / /. , -1. 

;iiinislinici. ion of I s nn<l \<;n 

:md in 

:id Jin i :iti ii . thr . 

Ajiotl on ha: 

J of th: !r and no 

)5 T: . council ] an orv :n fiiti: nts sh 

ain artidrs in 1 a then-ill : 

vidcd. Wine, oil, ham, sii; 

S and <T< anioii^ the CO! 

.d \vas fully ajij-! 
1 1, l.v.rj. /;, . , < . .. ;:. / . ami < 

-i a creat want. . 

Lima tl 

things art- 
.d in 
. U, 1590. // 


Peru was the great source of supply and the trade 
with that country was the subject of frequent cedulas 
addressed to the viceroy. 17 

Pearls and gold were still among the leading pro 
ductions of the Isthmus, and the most valuable fish 
eries were at the old Pearl Islands of Vasco Nunez de 
Balboa. 1 Diving for pearls was performed by negroes 
chosen by their masters on account of their dexterity 
as swimmers, and their ability to hold their breath 
under water. From twelve to twenty under charge 
of an overseer usually formed a gang. Anchoring in 
twelve to fifteen fathoms of water, they would dive 
in succession, bringing up as many shells as they could 
gather or carry. It was a laborious calling, and at 
tended with great danger because of the sharks that 
swarmed around the islands and with which they had 
many a fierce struggle, often losing limb or life in the 
encounter. The divers were required to collect a cer 
tain quantity of pearls, and any surplus they were at 
liberty to sell, but only to their own masters and at a 
price fixed by them. 19 

Ever since their first discovery these fisheries had 
maintained their fame, and there was obtained the 
largest pearl then known in the world; one that 
became the prgperty of Philip II., and was described 
by Sir Richard Hawkins 20 as being the "the size of a 
pommel of a ponyard;" its weight being two hundred 
and fifty carats, and its value one hundred and fifty 
thousand pesos. It was presented by the king to his 
daughter Elizabeth, wife of Albertus, duke of Austria. 

The number and variety of pearls were such that 
this trade became one of the most prolific sources of 

17 On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to interfere with the taking 
of provisions from the valleys of Trujillo, and Sana to Panairui City, and to 
see that Panama was well provisioned. Recop. de Indias, ii. 64. A similar 
order was issued Feb. 18, 1597. Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
Col Doc.,xvii. 339-60. 

18 See Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 377,409-11, this series. 

19 II peut le vendre a qui bon lui semble; mais pour 1 ordinaire il le cede a 
son maitre pour un prix modique. Raynal, Hist. Phil., iv. 200. 

20 He visited the islands in 1594, and found them inhabited by Spaniards 
and negro slaves kept only to fish for pearls. Harris Col. Voy., i. 746. 


, iltli i ville alone in. -87 

sonic hundred pound- \ 

rivallin iind in : nd 

Indi 1 ; 

fair -ft l)oth in quantity and (jiialifv. 

the* industry. Notwithstanding tl. 

incasuivs the pearl-1 rapidly e\l. 

diving provt d a profitless lal> and not until 

d decades later was this indu.- 

( )oM had hem found and mined in di: nf 

the I>tlmius, notahly in ]3arien, tl. of & 

of Balboa s brillianl achievments, wb -ni-din^ to 

>ort of a later governor, i ;il had 

;n!-i! t-> le "weighed ly the Imndr 

!Mni .- definite is the information l r tl. >d con- 

nin^ the mines of \"- . incc >f ii 

sha]e, lyin^ l)ct\vei-n tliu two < d CO1 

L-ir-vlv of rilled and inacecs>ihl down 1 

i wliieh 1 all mountain ton I hi - i^ht 

(jnantities of the previous metal within 

Spaniards were not slow to ]. 
partly from lh,- tj-inkets displayed hy India 

the mines were Hooded with lal>o: \Vh 

<Ji- nu th of the native ]>roved nix^jual to t 

Spaniards enlist ed in their 

mon; liai-dy ne^n^, until in the p 
d;iy- >f mining, which eiilmina: it th 

theiv were t \\ oth Usand of them at N 
]*ninor ma^nilied the yield 

rordin^ to I )a!np: 

tli. bes< u"ld mines ever yet found." "I- 

their inexhau>til.K> riclu-s in ^old," ^ r ill 

Spaniards th- re kn< w not t .dth/ 

!1 I 

]ll } 

3 ^ , i. i;>S; Oyllly s A - 


The yield, if rich, did not prove lasting, however, 
and the number of mine-owners dwindled, though 
several causes united to this end, such as the attack of 
hostile natives or negroes who frequently swooped 
down on the Spaniards from their mountain fastnesses 
and despoiled their camp. The roads were difficult; the 
mining towns were sickly and for the most part aban 
doned during the rainy season, their occupants betaking 
themselves to Panamd. In 1580 there were but four 
of them in the entire province. These were Ciudad 
de la Concepcion, the capital, forty leagues west of 
Nombre de Dios; Villa de Trinidad, six leagues east 
of Concepcion by sea, but inaccessible by land; Ciudad 
de Santa Fe, where the smelting-works were estab 
lished; and Ciudad de San Carlos built on the South 
Sea, some forty or more leagues west of Santa Fe. 
These communities contained altogether about a hun 
dred and seventy vecinos; all employed in mining or 
in matters connected therewith. 

Mining towns wefe not, however, the only ones to 
retrograde. The town of Acla, which it will be re- 


membered was founded by Pedrarias in 1515, and 
rebuilt by Vasco Nunez two years later, 24 had in 1580 
dropped out of existence. And so it was with several 
settlements that at different times had risen with hope 
ful prospects. Either the climate killed or drove off the 
inhabitants, or rival towns sprang up under the patron 
age of some governor, and with real or fancied advan 
tages lured away the citizens. Nombre de Dios had 
maintained its position as the leading town and port 

The city of Panam received annually some thousand pounds of gold... 
There is greater Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa Maria not far off than 
within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or perhaps in the whole 
World. Span. Emp. in Amer., 210-13. We have a glimpse of the working of 
the mines in a report of the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them 
worked for the king s benefit. At these were employed, in addition to the 
overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred negroes, of whom 
seventy were freshly imported Africans, and one third of the number were 
women. The total expenditure for the year was a little less than $20,000. The 
several items of expense are given in Veragua, Eelac. de las Minas, in Col. Doc. 
Ined., xxxi. 365-72. 

24 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, 441, this series. 


i ( >i -j- d i< hidi 

tills Would have doomed m;m\ 

climate was j.oti! that | 

wa rally (! it the close <>f the ! 

. and it contained onl; 

Boodgj and y 

! part of the \car of 

din^ly lad, exposed i 
rly ^ales, hy which, desp: 

01 lar :/ \ 

and pirates could readily a ail it. T\> 
di>advant Ird many iutT< 

imvcil of the port <>f entry to < 

on tin coast of Honduras. Although the di 


from Nombre do Dios to Panamd \\ 

lea j, while that from Puerto do Caballoa to i 
jeca waa fully lii tho 

j) hy mule over the former rouU.- was thirty j 
id over the latter lnit iiin 

Garcia de Hermosillo was conn. hv 

kin^ in L554 t<> inquire into the merit 

and two ^ r m, lu 

minous hut pailial report, >howin 

lauifmL? the course of v. s go! T; 

to ]>roceed direct to tin- port of T 
on m lend in ^ that ships from X i \v 
iiz, IViiiuco, and the GrOlfo L)ul .>ulil tu- 

]>ort, and tl; How to !. 

Hid to If. of 1 :id 1: 

I to \\ -ru and elsfwh A cedilla v 

Upon addressed, iu ()ctol r 1556, to the and 
pai iola and the Confines, i -nor 

and the officers of tl i Ho 

direct .pinions .f ex] >ld 1" 

I inl ormation nh-tained from all famili, 

** \trnct will sli.iw th- tliis r- 

s :il dicli 
! iniiy 

im d mosillo, Mem 



coast and its harbors. Testimony concerning the 
facts and views advanced in Hermosillo s report was 
taken in 1558, and among those who pronounced in 
favor of the transfer as recommended were Oviedo 
the chronicler, Luis Gutierrez the cosmographer, and 
Juan de Barbosa, then governor of Tierra Firme. 
The cabildo of Santiago also bestirred themselves in 
behalf of the change, as one apt to improve commu 
nication with Peru, and, as they temptingly added, 
likely to increase largely the royal revenue. 26 

Communications between the home government 
and its transatlantic subjects involved vexatious de 
lays; such negotiations were always slow, and at this 
time there was some temporary disorganization of the 
council of the Indies to complicate matters. The 
subject would seem to have been ignored until quick 
ened anew by an address of Felipe de Aninon, who 
had. lived many years in the Indies, "on the utility 
and advantages which would result from changing the 
route of transit between the seas from Nombre de 
Dios and Panamd to Puerto de Caballos and Fon- 
seca." 27 The memorial, without presenting any new 
arguments, recapitulates with considerable force those 
which had been previously advanced, urging that im 
munity would thus be secured from the raids of cor 
sairs, and that even though Panamd and Nombre de 
Dios were abandoned, a dozen cities would spring up 
to take their place in a region whose mines were so 
rich arid whose soil was so fertile. At Nombre de 
Dios even Indian women, elsewhere so prolific, be 
came barren; fruits refused to grow, children could 
not be reared, and men lived not out the usual span 
of life. Their gold and silver were as nothing to 
the treasures that could be extracted from the mines 
of Honduras, for when these latter should be worked 

26 Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22, 1559, on May 17, 
1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when they denounced Nombre de 
Dios as la Sepultura de Espaiioles. Arevalo, Col. Doc. Aniig., 27-33. 

27 This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was written in 1565. 
Aninon, Discurso, in.Squkr s MSS. t v. 

by imported n with th- of quicksilver, 

^1 uld have th i kin^ d oi i 

Spain. The memorial >nrhi 

though ei;_;-ht hundred tl :nd pe>o- 
;<!<<! in openii 
would In. oil>ei by tli inilliMii 

.nnual revenue of the kh Ti 
iblishii where tlic port of cut :ly 

decided by the report of h-an J)a] 
ro\ r, Avliicli sliowud tliat \vliilu a i 

- aecessary a desirable sit bed close 1 

leagues to tlu 4 west of Noml>r< 
village of Portobello, containing, in L585j 
re than ten lior, Init possessin comma 
harbor, with good anchors sy of aco .ml < 

W!KTU laborers could unload v. -wii] 
sity of wading up to the arm-pi* 

XomhrcdeDios. Timber and pastur :it, 

tin- soil was fertile, and fresh water could !< had 

throughout the year. ^I<>i r it muld l>o 
inrtiiied against attack from C nd pril 

men, who, under Drake and others, had ah. m- 

mitted depredations on the. I^thn. will he h- 

related. "If it mi^ht l i daje 

fche surveyor, "it n >od that the ciiy oi Noml 

de D\o> be brought and builded in this harbo On 

<)tli of ^larcll l.V.7 the chfl was in; 

diar-v of 1he factor Franri>eo de Valve] 

lenient wa^ ioiinded which soon 6 ono 

important eities in Central Ann 

In I .">:_::) Panama bed by I b a 

hundred household. In L58I as 

vied by IMiilip "inuy noble y mtiy leal. 

I by 

,1 by the h< r the atmospl humid: 

il, and the. .-pivad of infivtioiis di 

-//>.. in P IT, KM .-i 

tnu*, v. 889, crr in 

t l. 


Small-pox, quinsy, dysentery, intermittent fevers, and 
other ailments were prevalent among the community, 
and at times the city was almost depopulated. 23 

In 15G4 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines 
was removed, as we have seen, to Panama 39 under the 
presidency of Doctor Barros de Millan. Great though 
short-lived were the rejoicings throughout Tierra 
Firme at this victory. The people of Guatemala 
would not consent to become a mere dependency of 
the audiencia of Mexico; and as already stated a 
decree was issued in 1568 ordering that the audiencia 
should again be removed to Guatemala, the change 
being made two years later, though, as we shall find, 
an audiencia was before long once more established in 

By a cedula dated February 26, 1571, Tierra Firme 
was made subject to the viceroy of Peru in all matters 
relating to government, war, and exchequer, but not 
in civil matters. 31 Little direct information of the 
/vorking of the new regime in the latter part of the 

29 Some physicans ascribed these diseases to the use of Peruvian wine, not 
withstanding the prohibitions already mentioned. To a statement made by 
the councillor of the corporation to the city council of Panama a medical re 
port is appended which reads thus: Muchas calenturas ardientes y podridas, 
muchos dolores de costado, camaras de sangre, romadizo y otras indisposicioiies 
de calor y humedad, por ser esta tierra mui caliente y hiimeda por cuya razon 
hierve dentro de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las 
dichas eiifermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y viruelas, y sarampion y ron- 
chas. Fecho en Panama en onze de Abril de mil y seiscientos. Reales Cedidas, 
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 219-22. 

^Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2; confirmed 
by Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222-3, and Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. >oc.,ix. 
89-90. Juarros, Gua t., states that it did not receive the royal approbation 
until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560 a royal c6dula was issued, vest 
ing the government of Tierra Firme in the president of the audiencia residing 
in Panamd. The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they 
could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to this measure. 
See Reales Ced., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xviii. 531-2, and Decadas, 
in Id., xiii. 36-38. 

31 A special cedula, dated July 30, 1588, on the appointment of Garcia de 
Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes him to take part in and preside over the ses 
sions of the audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the ad 
ministration of justice. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xvii. 467. Other 
c^dulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628 confirmed the one issued in 1571. Hie 
first of these three orders also made the provinces of Charcas arid Quito sub 
ject to the viceroy of Peru. Recop. de I/id., ii. 109-10; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., 
iii. 357; Montesclaros, Relation, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vi. 191. 


nt r, r 
d in la! p it. t 

I ehronie dlSCOnt nt fco tl ;! in all 

Anioi:-- them \\ in- 

narv r, I ."-^8, forbidding !ent and 

idiiiLT ;| t Panamd to vi.-if any j>ri\ 

t lor any pur] r da; 

J )eerml>er .". l , l 590, forbidding offici in th- I 

department I of a] 

at i time. Some of the Iau< r were 

ided lor illegal >]M-riilat ion with go^ 
which became so common that in ! 

ill t! i thi- ;nr. d 

to ;t one* hundred and fifty thousand ] 

79 the corregidor f l > anan. tne j-oini . i 

d that he alone ha mi 

v thousand two liu; d th 

\vliieh ] ,d eollreted and in withheld 

the tr< i-y. 33 T! : M _:- of pac jp< 

mean^ hv whi<-h m ml i the aiidie 

:ing of his ] 

iny; that in a Mn-le year < \\ 
th: i Tierra I irme \\iiljont ]> 
lie the ] .inlliiiL^ \ 

ill-lit . 1" ing the i . and in;. 

mercha brin ain, 

by |r< 
While th- .1 ion at the ] 

I roiu T 


/ . 

i bul*H5- 

II. 26 


thus in an unsatisfactory condition, the authorities 
were constantly in dread of invasion from foreign 
powers. Early in the year 1561 two caravels arrived 
with intelligence that a large fleet had sailed from 
. England for America, and with orders that prepara 
tions be made for a stout defence. The treasure on 
board the ships lying in harbor was quickly removed 
and secreted on shore, and no vessels were allowed to 
leave port until the arrival of the convoy fleet from 
Spain under the adelantado Pedro Menendez. It is 
not recorded that on this occasion the English made 
any attempt to land on the shores of Tierra Firme, 
but four years later, the monarchs of England and 
Spain being then on friendly terms, one Captain Par 
ker touched at the coast of Darien ostensibly for the 
purpose of trading with the natives. An armed 
flotilla was despatched against him, but the captain 
refused to depart, and when attacked not only repulsed 
his assailants, but captured one of the enemy s squad 

ron. 36 

Although, as will be told in the next chapter, the 
Isthmus was several times invaded by English adven 
turers between 1572 and 1596, it was not until near 
the end of the century that any really effectual meas 
ures were completed for its protection. On the 2d of 
May 1574 the king wrote to the audiencia of Panamd, 
that he had information of many privateering expedi 
tions then being fitted out with the intention of pro 
ceeding to the Indies. In 1580 three ships of war 
were stationed on the coast to guard against corsairs 
and it was ordered that criminals be delivered over 
to serve as oarsmen on board these vessels. In 1591 
a more powerful fleet was sent to the West Indies and 
fortifications ordered to be erected at the town of 
Cruces and other points on the Isthmus. At this 
elate Panamd alone could put into the field eight hun- 

36 The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in strong terms against 
Parker s conduct, but to no purpose. Queen Elizabeth not only justified his 
action but warmly commended him. Darien, Scots Colony, 56 (1699). 

AR 01 403 

<liv<l S; li infant i Four \ 

I for a f. rt at tin- moal 
( lhagre riv- Finally in I .". . 7, v. hi D 

of Drake s last ex] >rditi<m had thorough!] 

kii sens.- <>f the di :, ni 

cut from Spain to h bion "f tin- 

ami it was onli-r. d that thu CO 
ilio royal treasur\ 

was assailable from three difTrn-nt joii 
m Nombre de Dios, whi it <-<>ul<I only 1 

tlir iiL;li tliu mountain j .all 

in. ii could hold an army in 
in Acla, fourteen leagues of X)iiilr- d<- I ): 

v/1 men of war had fonm-rly and, and by 

way of the Rio Chagre, which was navi^d*!- 
boats as far as Cm road ; 

:iama presenting no serious ol 

1 Chinks, in Pacheco and ( is, <?oL Doc., xvii. 395- 3, 

p. 4 J thia vol. for map of territory. 





the town of Offenburg, in the Grand Duchy of 
Baden, is a statue of a man standing on the deck of 


a vessel and leaning on an anchor, his right hand 
grasping a map of America, his left a cluster of bulb 
ous roots, the meaning of which might puzzle the ob 
server until he reads on the pedestal the inscription: 
"Sir Francis Drake, the introducer of potatoes into 
Europe, in the year of our Lord 1586." Thus, in Of 
fenburg, is known to fame the great Armada captain 
and circumnavigator of the globe. The eldest of the 
twelve sons of a Protestant minister in straitened cir 
cumstances, he shipped as an apprentice OQ board a 
small merchant craft, and on the decease of the cap 
tain succeeded to the command of the ship. Tiring 
of his trading ventures he sold his vessel, and soon 
afterward served under Sir John Hawkins, in an ex- 


AT XOMBRK 1 OS. ; , 

IJiion t<> Mexico, \\] h< ] 
and some of his dearesl fi i< n Y< 

on the Spaniards, lie returned to 1 :iid. and in 

LVed lei of manpie from On.-, 

authorizing him to cruise in tin- Spanish A . 
After two 18, made rather f plor; 

11 profit, he fitted up two priv -3 and sevn-al 
pinnaces for an expedition Y<>ml>red< I , and 
Whitsunday eve, tin; 24th of May 1572, sail fr< 
Plymouth with a force of men. 

Drake first shaped his coin or tli- [slad 
wh lie left his ships in <-ha ilii 

]ia\\>c, and placing most of li in tin- pinL. 

arrix cd off the Isthmus at tli i.son <! P \vl. 
tin- treasures of the mine d tli 

lor shipment to Spain. 1 \\^ tin- prt 

X -mbre de Dios by ni^ht li.- ro 

Ik by marching* throii-h tin- main to 

the sound of drum and trim, A j 

spatehed to seize the kind s t rrasuri -li- 

s ordered to fa-t.-n to his j>il. 

The ailViiditrd inhabitants ii : i tha: town \\ 

in\ i by a force at t\vic< 1; 

N !)], ss they v. SOOn undi-r anus, and 

ir the governor s hoii> i >h;i 

r on the l^ii^lish, pMiiitin^ their wiap<ns so 1- 
that the Imllets oi ten ^ni/ed i round. T 

va n disc-liar i heir pi I id tl- 

close <|Uai i E th 

]ike and sword and hut-end - 
m with heavy loss to the mar! 
pri><>i; cap! . wh- 

t the sih in Wl 

rnor s residence, and that in t 

hou>.- i; i- the v, a lar- e q 

JCW( Is, and ju-a! i 

J); ord .-r<-d hi- men to stand t th- ir UTSIS, 

In Old < //" 

that iu au apartment uf tlu ^ hou^c was a stack ** 


companies of Spaniards were observed mustering for 
an attack. A report then spread through the ranks 
that the pinnaces were in danger of being captured. 
A violent storm of rain came on, and before the Brit 
ish could gain shelter their powder was wet and their 
bowstrings rendered unserviceable. The men lost 
heart and began to think of saving themselves before 
their retreat was cut off, many of them being wounded, 
and Drake himself shot in the leg. Their captain 
rebuked them, exclaiming: " I have brought you to 
the very mouth of the treasure of the world, and if 
you go away without it you can blame nobody but 
yourselves." He then directed a portion of his com 
mand to break open the treasure-house, while the 
remainder stood ready to repel attack; but, as he 
stepped forward, he dropped down in a swoon from 
loss of blood and was carried back to his pinnace. 2 

At daybreak the entire company embarked, and 
after making prize of a vessel of sixty tons laden prin 
cipally with wines, landed at the port of Bastimentos. 3 

long, 10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave information 
that the treasure-house contained more gold, jewels, and pearls than their pin 
naces could carry; but one must make due allowance for the vivid imagina 
tion of those chroniclers. 

2 The account given in HaTduytfs Voy. , iii. 778-9, differs materially from 
that of other authorities. The story is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, 
whose narrative the chronicles tells us was intercepted with the author there 
of at the riuer of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher 
Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erie of Cumberland 
for the South sea in the yeere 1586. He states that Drake landed with loO 
men, and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios, marched 
with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants fled to the mountains, 
but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish arquebusiers fired a volley upon the 
English, killing their trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, 
he says, the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned; sound 
ing the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the signal being unanswered, 
the men left in charge retreated to their boats, thinking that their comrades 
were either slain or captured. Drake and his followers then threw away 
their arms, and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. 
It is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the command 
of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a retreat before a handful 
of Spaniards. 

3 Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan Lopez, son of Tomas 
Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish cosmographer, in a map prepared by 
the former in 1789, for the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In 
the map following the introduction to D ampler s Voy., published in 1699, the 
word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of islands off Nombre de 
Dios. Bellin, Karte von der JErdenge, Panama, 1754, agrees with Drake, but 

M. 407 

ting - two days I 

ships at the I>1;: Pillos, wh he I Ills 

hrother 1 6 the river Cha^re as far 

\n of Cruces, where it will 1< 

treasure trains ] <l on their way from Panai 

the Xorth S< He thru proceeded to Cart,; 

where In* captured several Spanish \ . hut ; 

the town too strongly defended to ven; 
ail forthegulf of Uraba\ Th 

at a >pot remote from the line of travel, and hi li: 

their vessels in a neighboring creek, i :i-.l th 

fifteen days, hoping thus to c: niion^r (h- ,m- 

ianls the iinpivssion that they had dej>art.-l from 

ast. An dition was then un< iken to i 

ri\-er Airatofor the purpose of intercepting the c 
which, after the arrival of the f Cari 

Wei-e sent up the stream, lad-n with <h rc-han<i 

of Sj)ain, to return with the gold, silver, and other 
valuahle commodities collected dnrii, r. 

On tin >}}({ day of the \- ! 

that the ilec-t had not yet reached ( an 
upon the English a^ain vi-ir.-d the 1 <! I ; 1 

irin^ there va>t quantities of ji-ovi- . includ 
ing cassava bread, meal, wine, dried le, 
plentiful supply of live sto.-k, all intende.l 
of the Spanish settlement < and for r< lallin^ t! 
ileet. 4 I hese were secured for future u-e in &1 
h , huilt many lea Then nnd.-r t 

lance of cimarrones, who regarded the English 8 

lies against a mutual foe, Drake moved h 

eluded hay amid the ( !a up of thickly 

islands, near the gulf of S where tl 

liko Loj 

.mil // . . i. passin .series. 

Ti I iii .si 

lut :itiallyin B I 

;.<M>o .,,. s.u.l it this WM the ca> 

uiJ ti. riaoa wa t lal storing placr 


channel was so narrow and difficult that none could 
enter by night. 5 Here he was free from all danger of 
surprise. The rainy season had now begun, and dur 
ing that time the Spaniards did not convey treasure 
by land. A delay became necessary before any ex 
tensive raid could be undertaken, and the men were 
therefore ordered to erect a fort and buildings suitable 
for their accommodation and to land their ordnance 
and provisions. 

The restless spirit of the leader carried him on, and 
within fourteen days of his arrival at the islands he 
started on a new expedition to Cartagena, casting 
anchor in that harbor on the 18th of October 1572. 
A party of horsemen came down to the shore dis 
playing a flag of truce, and met him with fair promises 
of friendship and assistance. Suspecting treachery, 
the English put off to sea next morning, but remained 
for some days in the neighborhood to the great annoy 
ance of the Spaniards, who constantly endeavored, 
though without success, to induce them to land and 
thus draw them into an ambuscade. At length falling 
short of provisions, and seeing no prospect of cap 
turing any valuable prize, they set sail for the gulf 
of San Bias. On the return voyage, which occupied 
twenty-five days, they suffered severely. Baffled by 
contrary gales, their small, leaky craft, in imminent 
peril from the heavy chopping sea, their provisions 
exhausted, many almost perishing from want and ex 
posure, they had never lived to rejoin their comrades, 
but that in the last extremity they were fortunate 
enough to capture a Spanish vessel, "which," as the 
chronicler tells us,, "being laden with victuals well 
powdered and dried, they received as sent them by 
the mercy of heaven." 

Drake remained for several weeks in his lurking 
place among the islands. At length the welcome 

5 In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands are placed a few miles 
east of point San Bias and named the Islas Cabezas 6 Cautivas. By Burton 
they are also called the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas. 


sat 1 

mbr- t the ach 

march o d Panaii 

bllllrts of the Spaniard thii 

7\ had : 

lit of thrir number had a! 
this land of prom: amoi 
] )i through di> r uli 

h attack on a Spanish \ 
lay ill cf tlio < 

unhealthy climat< id unwh<> ne water. 

ndiT -uai d liad l).--ii !; 

iii-!i could be inir I iit o. 

ciiiiarroiics who accompanied t n <, 

tin- provisions, leaving th.- ! 

by their arms. 7 
^NFany days tl, 
through i e un h and cane-1 , crc 

: reams and toiling up mountain ^" 

tiK ivd little har<lshi|>. Hi^h ovi-rh -ad :ii- 

of ]> IK -d them iVoni t! 

vertical sun. The country abounded in 
1V; and ni-lit app 

i-ain-proof d with pah 

v.-ild j lantain L , under which they ecu 

>f wild bar s ilr.-h or otla-r 1 >iiu 

during the d; 

8 Ii. 8, -J1. it is stated that a poet-; \amin.i- 

hi tin; account in 11 

!ui<l with him \( 

coul.l havt- hat! little cliai. 


8 TI < carri kinds of weajx 

I \\ith ir- -^ *gn 

in \vii ; 

: of ga 

ur. y; ;. See also / 


On the third day of their march they arrived at a 
negro town, distant forty-five leagues from Panama* 
and thirty-five from Nombre de Dios, containing 
about sixty families, and well supplied with maize, 
fruit, and live stock. The town was surrounded with 
a mud wall and a ditch for defence against the Span 
iards, with whom the cimarrones were still constantly 
at war. Only one year before the place had been 
attacked by a force of one hundred and fifty men, 
whose commander had promised to exterminate the 
entire population. The assault was made just before 
daybreak, whereupon the males fled to the forest, 
leaving their wives and children to be massacred, but 
afterward mustering courage fell on their invaders 
and drove them in turn to the woods, where, their 
guide being slain, all but thirty perished of want. 
Here the English were urged to remain and rest for 
a few clays. Not far distant, they were told, dwelt 
the king of the cimarrones, who could bring into the 
field seventeen hundred warriors, and would aid them 
with reinforcements on learning their errand. The 
commander thanked them, but declared that "he 
would use no further strength if he might have 
twenty times as much," and after a brief halt contin 
ued his journey. 

Four days later the expedition arrived at the sum 
mit of a mountain, from which they had been promised 
a view of the "North Sea whence they came and of 
the South Sea whither they were going." Aided by 
one of the cimarrones Drake climbed a tall tree, in 
whose trunk steps had been cut almost to the top, 
and where, supported by the upper limbs, a bower 
had been built large enough to contain a dozen men. 
From this eyrie he gazed for the first time on the 
great southern ocean over whose waters the English 
flag had never yet been unfurled. It is said that lie 

9 The author of Selection of Curious Voy., iv. 15, states that Drake arrived 
at the summit of this mountain ten days after leaving the town of the cimar 
rones. According to other authorities the time was seven days. 

TIT: rn.\r 

re conceived Hi wlii 

w; rried t mpletion- 
the glohe; and as dreams of i;u :id \ 

nient \\ mingled with visions of gold -ingl- 

and of Spanish Balloons deep laden with \ 

lie ! 1.1(1 it God "to him 1 ;id 

leave to sail an Knglish ship in th The aid 

of the Aim: r er inv 

furtherance of more iniquitioua i arcs. 

For forty-eight hours more the route lay thr 
forest land, and heyond this the country \ 
with a species of grass, so tall that at its full ( th 
tin- rattle could not reach the upper M Thr: 

ii- it was l)iirnt, and so rich \\as Hi 1 that ; 
days afterward it Sprouted like ^reen corn, 
lisli \vere now nearin;^ the did of their march, and 
they journeyed frequently came in sight of ] 
and oi the Spanish vessels riding at anrhor in i 

Extreme caution became n -nd 

pronchin^ Panam;i, Drake, withdrawing his m- 

the road, led them to a grove within a i 

city, and near the highway to N>i de ]); 

Jlis arrival was well timed. A cimarron, 

rd to Panama dis ^ui-ed as a slave t" Ttain t 


ict night and time of night 11 when the pn 

in was to pass hy. returned with i 
thrill through every l.reast. at \ 

nvrof Lima was to start from J anaina en i 
Sp.-(in, and with him it mules laden with gold, 
live with silver, and one with pearls and jew ! 
other trains each of titty mules. 1 mainly with 

provisions, were to form part of the < dition. 

Drake at once put his men in motion toward t 
< re River, and when within two 1 

O ^ 

10 Tl. ^ of Panama usr-1 t > iinplny lumtcrs an<l e 

. .Is in tluit cuiiiitn-y, 1-v \\h<-m ti. turtoHi 

11 Tlu- ti-fas- i f]-\v;inU il fr..i. ; ,inA t<> to av 
the heat cucuuutcixd 1 "1-cu country ly. 


town of Graces 12 posted them in two parties, one on 
either side of the road, and in such a position that 
they might fall simultaneously on the van and rear of 
the train. The men were ordered to wear white shirts 
outside their uniforms in order to distinguish one 
another. After the arrival of the fleet at Nombre de 
Dios, trains passed frequently along the road from 
Cruces to Panama", and the strictest injunctions were 
given that none should stir except at the appointed 

An hour they lay in ambush; the treasurer was 
within half a league of the ambuscade, and the bells 
of the approaching train were distinctly heard in the 
silence of the night. The great prize was close at 
hand, and each man as he clutched his firelock and 
felt the keen edge of his broadsword held his breath 
while he crouched in the grass and listened to the 
sounds borne ever clearer on the still air. A train 
laden with merchandise was now passing directly in 
front of them, but such spoil offered no temptation 
when gold and silver by the ton was within reach. 
At this moment an untoward incident occurred. " One 
Robert Pike," as Burton tells us, " having drunk too 
much Aqua-VitcB without Uater, forgetting himself, 
perswaded a Symeron to go into the road, and seize on 
the foremost Mules,, and a Spanish Horse-man riding by 
with his Page running on his side, Pike unadvisedly 
started up to see who he was, though the Symeron 
discreetly endeavored to pull him down, and lay upon 
him to prevent further discovery, yet by this Gentle 
man taking notice of one all in white, they having 
put their Shirts over their Cloths to prevent mistakes 
in the night, he put Spurs to his Horse both to secure 
himself, and give notice to others of the danger." . 

12 Venta Cruz according to Burton s Life of Drake, 18, Burton s English 
JJeroe, 50, and Life and Voy, of Drake, 42, and Venta de Grazes in the map 
confronting p. 1 in Dampier s Voy. Probably both are identical with Cruces, 
or Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of Esquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 
in which no such place as Venta Cruz is mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map 
before mentioned calls the place San Francisco de Cruces. 


11 remained in am! 

]ia<l hap 1. The cavalier i .11 

li;i -ortthe circumstan 

it t IK i! i-l it he.-t that 

! ire l>r led aside while the remainder be all 

! Mat ill case of ; -k tl 

ition miii lit l)c engaged until tmoj .uld i 
>ned iVoni IV lit. The provision train 

quickly captured and a few hundivd poimd> 

Imllion 111 di-covcrcd among 1 

Xo time \va^ to ! li>{-, for one of the mo 

friendly-minded iowunl li: 

Hint by <laylreak the iM have tl 

neral upon them, at th< d of the entire ] 

.1 anaina. The leader of tli tTOnee ]roini- 

tliat it tliey would nt onc ii m;n-ch lioldly oil ( i 
would conduct tlicin to t sliijs l.y a ; 

sliorter route than tliai. by which they had c 
To some this ]>laii seemed ha/.urdoi ;n- 

iidcM 1 , with his clear judgment, Baw 

th miards at once, while h : 
condition, was less perilous than to be 
whenj .-nled with travel and disj.iritetl by fa: 

Al ter giviiiL;- them time to- m 
Dra 1 tve the order to advanc Theroaii -but 
feet v. id.-, be-in* 1 cut through i 


inclosed by a dense wall of un h. A cor 

]>any of Sol town as 

:ist mai audin-- hand- of cin 

t friai-s, C 

The Spanish captain bailed t . and 
that they \\ 

^se-loacb of silver, according 

to mal. 

th- .t. 


KO ;ih 

as oft 1: 

.. ^//iwl 

>j. v/ Drake, 


surrender, promising kind treatment. Drake answered : 
"For the honor of the queen of England, my mistress, 
I must have passage this way." He then discharged 
his pistol, and was answered by a volley which killed 
one and wounded several of his band. The English 
then attacked briskly, and aided by the cimarrones 
drove the Spaniards into the woods and took posses 
sion of Cruces. 

Much consternation was at first caused among the 
townsfolk, especially among some Spanish women of 
Nombre de Dios still suffering from child-birth; 15 but 
Drake manifested little of that fiendish cruelty dis 
played by the buccaneers of later years. Giving orders 
that none should lay hands on women or do violence 
to unarmed men, 16 he called on the sick women and 
assured them that they had nothing to fear. Little 
booty of value was found at Cruces, and at daybreak 
on the morning after making their entry into the town 
the party began their march toward the coast, reach 
ing their ships in safety, though hungry, shoeless, and 

After an unsuccessful cruise on the coast of Ver- 
agua, Drake returned once more to the Cabezas, and 
there fell in with a French vessel, the captain of 
which proposed to join him in another attempt, now 
being planned, to capture some of the treasure trains 
still passing across the Isthmus. After consultation 
it was agreed that twenty of the French crew should 
go in company with fifteen of the English, and that 
the former should receive half the proceeds of the 
raid. The expedition sailed for the Rio Francisco, 
and after ascending the river a short distance in 

15 In Burton s English Heroe> 56, 57, it is stated that at Nombre de Dios 
parturition was usually followed in a few days by the death of the infant.- but 
that children born at Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then 
brought to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also Life and 
Voy. of Drake, 47. 

16 Lopez Vaz, in HaHuyt, Voy., iii. 779, states that five or seven merchants 
were slain, and that the town was set on fire, property being destroyed to the 
value of more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless the 
work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in other authorities. 

ri:i;iLoi>; 81 : rox. 

itliout i 
in-ar Xomb: Dios, within a short distai] 

road. Th from ( | ill 1,-, 

.ilihLj 1 thu la>t ship! 

])rake liad , i\ to bell liat .- al rich! 
trail re thru on the way iVum Panama. 

he disappointed On the morning after rrival ; 

Us of the approaching train \. binctty ln-ard, 

and soon th< I in >i-ht tluv<- compani 

u-ith nty and one with fifty mule.-. laden \\ 

in-arly thirty tons of i^old and silver. J i 

i soldiers, numbering forty ii\v mm. \ 

oil al tcr the exchange of a few shots, one of \ 

\vouii(k d tliu l^ruich captain E unl the ad\". 

tur-i-s \ left in ])<>> n of tin- prL In t 

urs they liad seeiired all Hi Id tlu-y could . 
away, and buiic-d tli maindcr, wi !>oiH 
tns of silvrr, under fallm trees. Meanwhile the alarm 
liad been Li iveii at Xoinbre de Dios, and a B 
of horse and foot approached them fmni that air 
lion. All except the wounded otlicer and two of \ 
command retired to the woods and made their \\ 
bade to the river. 

Jkit what had become of the pinnaces? They h 
: -n ordered to return within four days and w 

n in slight. Looking seaward, Drake d< 

Sj h vessels erui>iii;j; oil the coast. Si. 

boats had been captur. heir crews to 

di.- the hiding-place of the ships that \ to ha 
Carried tl.M-m back home, wei-hed down with plun<: 
Of little use was now their n-,ld, with Mich d: 
pr - before them. The eimarrono ad 1 them 

to inarch overland to tin- spot where th- IJ, 

a diilicult journey of sixteen days at least, tl r 
.nd aCT :i> swolh n by winter n 

with many a tall mountain Kin-- between th< 
th. tshoi- 1 ^rake v ed that lon^ 1< 

they reached tin t their ships would be taken 
burnt by the Spaniard-. Nevertheless he told 


men to banish fear, and bid them construct a raft from 
the trees brought down by the stream during a recent 
storm. A large biscuit-sack served for a sail, and for 
rudder an oar rudely shaped with axe and knife. 

With three companions, all expert swimmers, the 
commander put to sea, assuring his followers "that if 
by Gods help he once more put aboard his Foot in 
his Frigot, he would certainly get them all into her in 
spite of all the Spaniards in the Indies." The raft 
was so low in the water that each wave broke over 
them/ 7 fretting a-nd chafing their lower limbs, while 
their bodies from the waist upward were scorched by 
the stinging heat of a tropical sun. Six hours passed 
by slowly and wearily, and night was now approach 
ing, while under a freshening gale the waves dashed 
higher and higher, threatening each moment forever 

O O O 

to engulf the four cowering figures. Little hope or 
life was left in them, for none could endure such hard 
ship through all the long days that must elapse before 
they could expect to reach their ships. At length 
when all seemed lost a sail appeared, and then another. 
Did they belong to their own missing boats or to the 
war vessels of the enemy? Better to brave any danger 
than fall alive into the hands of the Spaniards. Drake 
at once affirmed them to be the pinnaces expected at 
the rio Francisco, and so it proved. Within an hour 
he was on board; before daybreak next morning he 
had rejoined his command, and by sunrise all had 
embarked for the Cabezas, where they found their 
vessels lying safely at anchor. 18 

17 In Burton s English Heroe, 70, and in Life and Voy. of Drake, 57, it is 
stated that they sat up to the waist in water and that each wave drenched 
them up to the arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances, 
even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a remarkable feat 
of navigation. 

18 There is some confusion in the narrative of the old chroniclers at this 
point. In Clark s Life of Drake, 20, it is related that a frigot which sailed 
with the expedition to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of 
the river, w T hile on account of shoal water the men ascended the stream in 
pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the raft, if this were the case, 
and why leave the vessel in so exposed a position? In Burton * English Heroe, 
CO, it is stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas, and, page 
71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his men say led back to their 


Tl. id silver were now divided 1 lit in 

.Mil J 

dition despa 

huri -d :-, and i scue or brin 

anded officer and his two companions, i llyl. 

t foot on the shore of tin; ri<> Francisco wh 

e of in-; Frenchmen c forth t 

them, lie declared that within half an hour , 
[Drake had be^un his r t, tin; c id h: 

, ininir comrade, the latter half stiq :i wi: 

liad been taken l>y the Spaniards; that In- 1m 
had -s<-a]>ed only by throw! i <>\VM his plum! 
that the hidden treasure had probably b.-<-n r 

ground had been thoroughly searched. - 

th- ie men were orl -jvd fco pu-h tbrwar.l, and 

succeeded in unearthing 8OE -n baisof sih 

and dgcs of ,u<>ld, \vh ., ith th 

without adventure to tin- c.iast. 

r J hc Spanish ileet was nw read; il, hav! 

,cn on board the last load of i: nd 


3 to br gained h\ aaining lo; on t 

coast. Drake parted on Ljoud tTms with his I- i 
alli 3, and ai ter eapturin^ a \ i with 

visi< >n J, fitted out his >hijs t< r their h< 
Th- riniarroiii s 1 with 

themselves, and a profu>i>n of silk and li 
their wives. Sail was tln-n set: ttnd on a S .th 

forenoon, the mli of August i 

aiich-.r in Plymouth Sound. It was tin- hour of 
divim- service, as the chroniclt-i s t. 11 i \VS 

of the arrival spread throu--]i t ad in all t 

churches mm and women abaiuloneil thrir 

rigotand from thence directly to their Ships; : to thia authority 

>th ships aii<l ahvady at ti. >UZM v lay ac 

froi .,ish ci 


112 to 7 easels 

I at th tagena an Dioe. 

. and some or 
k. makes ii" inc; 

thuji 1UO vessels of all sizes. 
lii AM , VOL. II. 


and flocked to the shore to welcome their brave coun 
trymen, who thus returned to their native land with 
so much gold and glory. 

Among those who accompanied Drake in his expe 
dition to Tierra Firme in 1572 was one John Oxen- 
ham, who, three years later, planned a daring but, as 
the event proved, a disastrous raid on the Spanish 
mainland and went in search of the treasure-ships 
which frequented its southern coast. Landing on the 
Isthmus with only seventy men, he beached his ves 
sel, covered her with boughs, buried his cannon in the 
ground, and guided by friendly cimarrones marched 
twelve leagues inland to the banks of a river flowing 
tow r ard the south. Here a pinnace was built, large 
enough to contain the entire party, and dropping down 
unnoticed to the mouth of the stream Oxenham sailed 
for the Pearl Islands, which lay in the track of vessels 
conveying treasure from Lima to Panama". Prizes 
w r ere made of two vessels containing gold and silver to 
the value of nearly three hundred thousand pesos, and 
the adventurers now began their homeward journey. 
But on the very night of their departure information 
of the capture was sent to Panamd, and within two 
clays a strong force started in pursuit. The treasure 
was recovered, the English were defeated, and their 
ship being taken, the survivors, some fifty in number, 
,fled to the mountains, where they lived for a time 
.among the cimarrones. Finally they were betrayed 
to the Spaniards and all put to death, with the excep 
tion of five boys who were sold into slavery. Thus 
ended the first piratical cruise attempted by English 
men in the South Sea. 2( 

The prayer which Drake uttered when first he 
gazed on the Pacific did not remain long unanswered; 
for the great captain was one of those self-helpful men 
-.which the Almighty seldom fails to assist. On the 

-HaJdwjts Voy., iii. 526-28. 

COSTLY T: 419 

November l .">77 li.- t. njM.u flu- f ;i 


rank <f na On 

sar, 1." <: : 

was ; English 


!\- .t r 

tiled ar north as tl: iir.1 jiaralk 

> find a ] 

Tli .riiin^ he ar t at i u.iith ! 

the Caj>e ofGoo<l I I< 

Ji .tli of Se|.- l jSO. 22 His i! 

I I \ 1(1 Oil : 

iKirk in wliich lio liad coi I th- 

iit-lirnrtrd iiinrinrr, \vlio liad IH^UII Hi 

ai a small trading \ al 

mi nid 1. i tin.* k: tin- g 

England 1 jna In-stowc-d <-n him tl 


On the breakinff-oirl of hostiliti 


and Spain in Elizabeth rmin< 

in < 
^ hile yet JMiilip was hut Co .|>!atin-_r t!. 

\vliidi three A i-niin. 

that has 110 ]>arailel in l! 

\vart-n < On September l -, i of < 

!1 Ixiare his name 
Tiiul coast of < 

I iiati . with [WUOto: 

it N--\v All)ion. 

ixlay in the iust .nlinary r at 

,oa the 
t.World 1 >HJI.*> 

\-cssi-l \. 
tiniLcr, \vas present nl t<> tl. 

^ occa 

ilie ch.. 

too narrow are for the*, 



can al .r lad taken him at hi* , for the good 

ship deserved a L -tte. 


five ships with a number of pinnaces set sail from 
Plymouth, having on board two thousand three hun 
dred men, among them Frobisher and other captains 
of armada fame, and as commander Sir Francis Drake. 
The expedition first shaped its course toward Spain, 
and after hovering for a while on that coast, capturing 
many prizes, but none of value, landed on the first of 
January 1586 in Espanola, within a few miles of Santo 
Domingo. The city was taken after a feeble resist 
ance, but little treasure was found there, for the mines 
were now abandoned, the native population well nigh 
exterminated, and copper money was in common use 
among the Spaniards. A ransom of twenty-five thou 
sand ducats was at length paid, and loading their fleet 
with a good store of wheat, oil, wine, cloth, and silk, 
the English sailed for Cartagena, captured that city 
almost without loss, and retired on payment of a sum 
equivalent to about one hundred and forty-five thou 
sand pesos. By this time sickness had so far reduced 
their ranks that they were compelled to abandon the 
main object of their enterprise, namely, the occupa 
tion of Nonibre de Dios and Panama^ and the seizure 
of the treasure stored on either side of the Isthmus. 
It was resolved, therefore, to return to England. 24 
After touching at Saint Augustine, and securing in 
that neighborhood treasure to the amount of ten 
thousand pesos, and coasting thence northward to the 
Roanoke, where the members of the colony recently 
established 25 by Raleigh were taken on board the 

24 Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his forces, there was prob 
ably some further reason for his abandoning the expedition after such feeble 
effort. His conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence which 
he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he had received orders to return 
to England, for it will be remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was 
ready to sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following year by 
Drake s bold dash at the harbor of Cadiz, during which he destroyed about 
one hundred vessels. 

25 In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was left in charge of the 
colony, had caused it to be abandoned through faint-heartedness, a vessel de 
spatched by .Raleigh, laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement. 
Bancroft s United States, i. 102, 103. These men who were thus brought 
back, says William Camden, were the first that I know of that brought 
into England that Indian plant which they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, 


1 )rake 1 r. h on tin- . 

July L586. The spoil amount ! fco t lituuli 

!ia-ed at tl 

dml and iii ly 1! One third mount 

was divided among tl r\i\< ivin- lo\\ 


1 an individual the sum of thirty d! 

The motto "Non sufficit oi-l- 

chroniclers to the crown of Spain, of 

ions of Philip. What matt n- 

<jue<t of a. hemisplu ;in was n, 

an- ; ^ liile the royal haniier of ( 

.1 by lie, 1 l>aiio!s of 
Commercial marts of the X-\v \Vrli ! ln-1 m- 

ttl Such was the it which Imv.l i 

Spaniel monarc is io attnnpl ainhi: s-ln-nu-> 

4 like that which . 1 in th 
reat armada, in which the pii JJrakc p: 
allotted part. 

After sharing with Sir John B Mic command 

of an lition dii-ectcd against Spain in ! 

Drake was ordered ly hi- >> 

]>repai e tinofln-i 1 armament. 

"\\Yst indit In this entei-pi 1 with 

If Sir John Hawkii -n o! 

cnuli it l>y nly 

: i-d, it l)f: r au to L s "l l "t 

uu 1 in ;i slioi-t til 

^ith in 

pipe, which 
i at their nostril-: Lnsom ; i t . 

kins, now \\-c.-ilthy m 

nn.l ship 

diniral. It d 
! in such an 
iiR-d tlin.ir_ h ID! 
y \vitli ! ] ! . 1 \-. 

ich lu- 

- fool 1 :t a Ol 

an 1 ionic a di: 


his patron, and among other officers Sir Thomas 
Baskerville, 27 as commander of the land forces. On 
the 28th of August 1595 a squadron of six men-of- 
war equipped at the expense of the queen 23 sailed 
from Plymouth, accompanied by twenty-one vessels 
fitted out by private subscription. The entire force 
of the expedition mustered twenty-five hundred men. 
Although every precaution w^as used to mask the 
purpose of the armament, it was known to Philip, 
long before the departure of the fleet, that Drake 
intended to capture Nombre cle Dios and to march 
thence to Panama^, touching first at Puerto Rico to 
plunder a dismasted treasure-ship which lay in that 
harbor. The English soon found to their cost that 
every preparation had been made for a resolute 
defence. Anchoring near the town of San Juan de 
Puerto Rico, their vessels were exposed to a well 
directed fire from a battery of thirty guns. Drake s 
chair was struck from under him by a round-shot as 
he sat at supper in his cabin, and after a loss of at 
least fifty killed 29 and as many wounded the expedition 
sailed for the mainland. The towns of Rancheria, 
Rio cle la Hacha, and Santa Marta were burnt in 
default of ransom. Nombre de Dios was captured 
almost without resistance and levelled to the ground ; 
but Baskerville, despatched with seven hundred and 
fifty men to attack Panama, w T as defeated by the 
Spaniards when half way across the Isthmus, and 
his command returned hungry, sore-footed, 80 and in 
sorry plight. 

27 Named Baskerfield in Burton s English Tleroe, 199. 

28 Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied taxes without much 
heed to the voice of her parliament. 

29 The shot which carried away Drake s chair wounded three of his officers, 
who were seated at his table. Hawkins died of sickness while the fleet lay 
oil Puerto Klco. 

30 On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men 
so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited for want of shoes, and weake 
with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes^ service that we should 
have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us. Drake s Voy., in 
Halduyt, Soc. Col., 16. In this march a pair of shoos were sold for thirty 
Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for ten Shillings, so great was their want both of 
Clothing and Victuals. Burton s Eiujllsh Ileroe, 205. 

"Tfc 1 ] ); of 

{ rod ba1 h ; 

:id 1 k; man 

Tii. \. 
a Hi 

of .1 ;, less than 

in breathed his U 

harbor of 1 urtul.. 
Lunl >und ii Bail< -puli-ln 

it contained hi low. 

,r UK? .spot \\\ 
>:d >r ani!L ry proclaimed to tli 

DC in 

whose m< uiu has nuvc-r 

lialu and i^i-laiid to 1. . 31 

11 In a poem by Lo; * occur these lines: 

! 1 en. . 
:rc.=! that I 

luiJiS h->.s BO1 

in !iis ly his o\vu couu; 



But the sorriest n<l in <? of Drab , 71: 

A-oss.Tl. r: 

. f".ir: 

Tho works pul rnim 


rk passed 

. in th. 
. rid. 




THE revolt of the Contreras brothers served at 
least one good purpose. It rid Nicaragua of swarms 
of vagabonds and dissatisfied adventurers, most of 
whom found a grave, as we have seen, during their 
raid on the Isthmus. Still there remained in the 
province a residuum of floating ruffianism, the very 
sweepings of all the provinces, and four years after 
the events described in a preceding chapter a fresh 
disturbance broke out. A band of disaffected soldiers 
and runaways from Nicaragua and Honduras, joining 
with themselves a number of negroes, rose in rebellion 
under the leadership of Juan Gaitan, a criminal ban 
ished from Nicaragua by order of the licentiate Juan 
de Caballon, then in charge at Leon. 

The rebels began by sacking the village of San 
Miguel, 1 and thence proceeding to the mines of Chu- 
luteca captured them after a stout resistance 2 and 
despoiled the adjacent village. They then entered 

1 Six miles from the province of Nicaragua. 

2 These mines, which belonged to Juan de Avila, were at the village of 
Jerez, or Chuluteca. Caballon, Carta, in Squier s MSS. t xxii. 7-8. 

I 424 ) 

\n.\lJ.ox AMD B 0. : | 

jua Mud -hed di 
itliin five leagues of 
iever in astrology, \ Q into 

campo, T !;ilili! 

the occult art. The latter predicted thai tli- v v. > ;ld 
tainlybe han-vd should they then continue th< 

rch nn Leon, and advi-ed 1 

1 1 ami .-Is lyh But I 

ve.-! t the 1)ctter of ( ,d h.: 

proceeded on h&waytoth< ital, Ivod 

the life of the licentiate. 

anwhile news of the outbreak had rea 

lion. Assistance had been summoned I . 
and Granada; the ships at th port \v- 

iered t put out to sea to avoid captur 

; Leon on the last day of p-n(-cost 1 
found the licentiate s forces drawn up in i !!< 

uare well posted for defence. A 

>ued; but, the powder of th 
damp from the rains, they fought 
and were finally routed. G; >ok 

convent belonging to the order of I vd, w!. his 
lr- of the friars, but th: him 

him nothing. The lie- 

New Spain, who was also an in 1 him and 

delivered him to the author: Nc 

it leader was beheaded, and that 

maestro <! aipo mi^ht be fulfilled, T 
and others were ha I, the 

"\Yhile fise.-il of Guatemala, ( on had 

d by the aiidiencia to 

>f Costa 1 !; oDJointly It hy 

1C, n. iMba- D, and 

this purpose that he had originally pr- : to I 

in 15GO an expedi waa 

s ltw.-i ipeatRert pro- 

i;.l I rogrammo laid >. the 

:itrc ras brothcrb. 11 > ui. lib. x. cap. xx. 


furnishing tile necessary funds, for Caballon had none. 
Each one was to found his own settlements, but to 
render aid and advice to the other. The former with 
four vessels sailed up the Desaguadero, while Caballon 
journeyed by land and explored the southern coast. 
Whether they ever met according to their original 
plan is doubtful, and their lack of cooperation may 
partly explain the failure of the enterprise. 

Rabago with a party of sixty Spaniards founded 
the " Villa del Castillo de Austria" on the bay of San 
Geronimo. 4 He also speaks of three other towns 
which he founded, and of churches which he built 
and furnished, but fails to name or locate them. Ca 
ballon established the Villa cle Laridecho, on the coast 
near the southern border of the province, and three 
clays journey thence the settlement of Castillo de 
Garcia Munoz. The reasons that induced him to select 
the former site were known only to himself, and are 
not recorded by the chroniclers. There were no 
Indians in its neighborhood to be enslaved; most of 
the land was marshy, and the high ground sterile and 
consisting mainly of bare rock. Caballon was soon 
afterward appointed fiscal of the audiencia of Mexico, 
and Rabago, being now left in sole charge, was ordered 
by the emperor not to abandon the undertaking, 
though the Spaniards were in sore distress. "It is 
now two years and more," write the members of the 
cabildo from Cartago, in December 1562, "since we 
entered this province in company with the licentiate 
Juan de Caballon, and it is with great difficulty that 
we have held out against the rebellious natives, who 
could not be converted and brought to obedience by 
peaceable means." 5 

After the departure of Caballon for Mexico the 
audiencia of the Confines perceived that a man of 
means and capacity was needed for the occasion, and 

4 Molina, Costa Rica, 39-43. He takes his information from three royal 
cddulas dated August 1561. 

5 Costa Rica, Carta del Cabildo , in Squier s MSS., vi. 


their choi 11 <>n Juan /. Coroi 

:K! ( 
i him the t-iii] 

1. ( 

lied a .ship with reenlbrei 
for the relief of tl. y col. 

i with in; 

h blankets, bool . addles, hai hard-, 

her stores. At the he, rful 

equij force ho soon aft* 

Indian town then claimed both by Ni 
Costa ]{.ica. 6 Here lie av. I the a: 

Tl: iny season had now s<-t in, and it 
le to roach l>y land the Villa do Lan 

hound; but a \ >on ; 

the alcalde mayor reached that sett nt wil 
command, and relieving tl 
the ship back to Panama for IV- -uppHu.- 

(1 to Carta^o whei e the 
livt-red to him. Kaba<m meanwhile had .- 


Spain and appears no more in eon; ith t 

hi-tory of the New World. 

Coronado distributed his suj)plies bountifully, 
when his own means v .\liai; con: 

in order to relieve the i 
untrvmeii. JJe then seni 

\plo; ritor 

ipal cacique, one i :to, wa.s 1 

have 1 forces at .-ommand, and a 

of oldiers und r l ; ran 

him to the province of Los ] 

i to be a rich and p-pulous di 1 wh 

-upposed that (iarabito had r- 1. 

, was found almost < 1, then . but 



; until 


e \ >, and north of Alajuela. 


two houses, and those inhabited by some ninety half- 
starved Indians. To Garabito s own province Cap 
tain Juan de Illanes de Castro was despatched, but 
the natives had fled; and after a fruitless search he 
returned with only a few women and boys, from whom 
it was learned that the number of the cacique s fol 
lowers had been greatly exaggerated. It was ascer 
tained, however, that four of Garabito s chiefs were 
at the foot of a mountain many leagues distant, and 
Davila, who became the narrator of many of these 
expeditions, was ordered to go in search of them and 
bring them peaceably to head-quarters. They were 
found in company with about twenty men, thirty 
women, and a few children, all living in two houses, 
and declared that Garabito had gone to Los Botos, 9 
and that it w^ould be difficult to find him, for he never 
spent two nights in the same place. His subjects, they 
said, might number from five hundred to six hundred. 
Coronado sent these chiefs to inform the natives of 
his arrival, promising them kind treatment; and in a 
few days ten or twelve others came to his head 
quarters. One of them, the cacique of the province 
of Anzarri, 10 promised to guide an expedition to the 
most thickly populated part of the country; but when 
asked for four hundred carriers, he answered that 
even Garabito could not furnish so many. The alcalde 
mayor then started with seventy soldiers and abput a 
hundred Indians for Anzarri, taking with him the 
cacique. Arrived there, the chieftain collected a few 
natives, and said they were all that he had, and that 
together with himself they were at the service of the 
Spaniards. Coronado, much incensed, placed him 
under arrest, telling him he must make up the required 
number or forfeit his life. To this the cacique only 

9 Now written Votos. There is a volcano of that name north of Alajuela 
and west of the volcano de Barba. See map in Molina, Boxqucjo de Costa 

10 Now probably AserrL There are two villages of that name; one south 
of San Jos6 and the other about the same distance south-west of Cartago. 
See map in Molina. 


: " I >ur plea-r 

A d;iy Of bWO Jil i 1 thirty i 

procured, ( on. nado i [ved to oontinu 

rch, shaping lii- the province of <J 

wl !, was tl. 

abundance of Indiai, 

On entering the territory he <>l>tained th< 

of one hundred and tliirty addit i. >nal . 

wa< informed that it he was in 

find all ho wanted at tli< >n- h>ld ! ( < 

d; jouiMK-y tin-in- The ! it w 

toil-. >in<> inarch, and ^raniiil.j with thirty 11, 

ordcivd to sur[>ris<; it ly ni-Jii and c all t 

ciquea th iiciic<l. Tl. 

no i-f-i.-tance, incautiously handcil their weapons to 

i ti-ndant nati\ and <>n the \ 

thcinsch-cs surprised, twenty of them ] 
l) they could seixe their ai ins. 
an-ived i roin Coronado, whereupon the Ii;dia: 
doiied the fort and lied, li; 
]mu>- -me sixty-five in nunih* M 
then sent to the caeiqiK tt to 1 ler tl: 

allegiance, nnd promising kind tj-eati. 

them returned, bringing >lden p <t 

]e ind was followed next day hy the - 

who al rought with them some small oiler ii, 

ld. u 

Coronado then set his i d ( i " : 

wl .on al tei-ward or^ani/.ed a BOOOnd 

!i, during which, journeying 1 ar inland, h 

r which he named the- la. 

In that neiu-hhorhnnd h- md ;i ] noir 

M lu tiirninLT thence to tl; 

Spain. 1 and -hortly after his arrival a royal c 
issued, ordering imon; 

11 Th.- ciitiiv qnanttty ol.tainr.l ih\\< fa- 

at 30, (X 

or 1;. ! -00. 


as to whether he had actually effected the pacification 
of Costa Kica and was entitled to the governorship of 
that province. The evidence was extremely favorable, 
and in April 1565 he was appointed governor of Costa 
Rica for life, with an annual salary of two thousand 
pesos, 13 and also governor of Nicaragua for a term of 
three years. 

Of the subsequent career of Coronado little is 
kno\vn, but he does not appear to have continued 
long in office, for in 1573 Diego de Artieda Cherino u 
entered into a contract with the crown to pacify and 
further colonize the provinces of Costa Rica, Nicar 
agua, and Nicoya, and was appointed governor and 
captain general of those territories. According to 
the terms of his contract the natives were to be 
taught the arts of peace, and those who should be 
christianized were to be exempt from tribute for ten 
years; commerce with the Indians was to be encour 
aged; agriculture, mining, and other industries were to 
be developed; no hostilities with the natives were to 
be permitted until overtures of peace had been thrice 
rejected; settlements were not to be founded in dis 
tricts reserved for the use of Indians; the principal 
towns were to revert to the emperor; four ecclesiastics 
must accompany the expedition, two of them at least 
to be Jesuits. Finally, full reports of all important 
proceedings were to be forwarded from time to time 
to the crown. 15 

Cherino soon levied a force of two hundred men, 
but on account of the difficulty in procuring vessels, 
his Majesty having secured every available ship for a 
naval expedition to Flanders, it was not until the 
15th of April 1575 that he took his departure, setting 

13 Oaztela, Peal Titulo, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xi. 124. 

14 Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica, does not even mention Coronado, but 
passes on from the administration of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino. 
Yet Coronado s appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents 
of the period, and by the narrative of Ddvila. 

15 A detailed account of these instructions is given in Costa Rica, Real In 
struction, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xvii. 559-G5. 


car . wh< n in- d- 

in-j n ol their ] ace 1 i th- 


name of ]l \<> de Xr 
.dni. Sai lip tl >r tv 

founded on its 1 

I which 1: ^e the name of Cii I de Art 

del Xuevo LVyno de Navan ! 

took i 
on .Hiding <>ii the si r the : 

d with a cutla>s the sign in 

the ;ne of th" 1 aMicr, th ,nd the ! 

he then addr -How 

th 11 who .1 i: .vn 1* 

all tin 4 privil granted to ^ 

r. ( a plain 1 Ya 

-nior to make further e\| 
din- - the river i 

v^ *- 

red a I e: inding th 

tra and well dispo-ed. t>ok ] ith : 

:al 1 oi iuali; nnmin^ it A Pu* 

1 A ald- rroncal. Chenno d> 

succe>>ful in founding any | 
in ( \.sta Uiea : lor we learn that in L58l 

parza were the only towns in the pr. -\ in hahr 

niard ind that they w< 

1 ndian 

Thus t! of t 1 

of ( i Iviea were hut j 

hut m< anwliil 

Mr l ,,f 1 in A Coda 1 



1 ( labil 


1 ; >OC. /< "0- 


pacification of the province by the efforts of the Fran 
ciscan friars. About the year 1555 Fray Pedro 
Alonso de Betanzos laid there the foundation of the 
province of San Jorge de Nicaragua. 19 Betanzos 
came to New Spain in 1542, being one of the two 
hundred friars who formed the mission of Jacobo de 
Testera, and was assigned to Guatemala. He had 
labored there with great zeal and success, translating 
the catechism into the Indian vernacular, converting 


many, and inducing others to quit their nomadic life 
and form regular settlements. Four friars, among: 

Cl / O 

whom were Juan Pizarro from Guatemala and Lo 
renzo de Bienvenida from Guatemala, the latter 
having previously labored in . company with Testera 
in Yucatan, 20 accompanied Betanzos to Costa Rica. 21 
Bienvenida soon afterward departed for Spain, arid 
bringing thence thirty ecclesiastics returned to Costa 
Rica. The bishop of Nicaragua furnished a like 
number, and when all were assembled the province 
was founded in 1575, and four years later its estab 
lishment was confirmed by a general chapter of the 
order held in Paris in 1579, the number of convents 
assigned being twelve. 22 

Betanzos was a man of ability and tireless industry. 
In a short time he had made himself master of twelve 
Indian dialects, speaking them as fluently as did the 
natives themselves. 23 "When first he went to Costa 

l9 Juarros, Guat., i. 326. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4, confirms Juarros 
except as to date, which he places in 1550, while Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 
252, gives 15GO. Segun. . .el Informe manuscripto de la fundaeion de esta 

20 See Hist. Max., ii. 451, this series. 

21 Mendieta , Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Vazquez, Chron. de Gfvat., 254, makes the 
number six. 

22 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Torquemada gives 17 as the number of 
convents, and 1565 as the date of the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130. 
Vazquez states that several convents were founded before the departure of 
Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at Cartago and San 
Lorenzo at Esparza. Chron. de Gvat. , 254. 

23 His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua was, as given in the 
words of the 111. bishop of Mantua: Primus huius Provintise (Sancti Georgij 
de Nicaragua) Fundator extitit Keligiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Pe- 
trus) Betanzos plurium linguarum, prcesertim vero Indiarum gnarus, qui mo- 
lestias sibi, atque vexationes iniustti illatas ad tempus declinaturus, Goacte- 

il be Would not alloy, 

y. I Ir travel]. -d 1 

j.anied only ly a little boy. In r 
be returned witli \ all 1 

d. lu-in^inu of j the 

Spania This lie did many ti: 

C (Jod alone lie ]> 
During tl en y< \vhieh i 

d not a palm of territory in tl; 
he did not ; -in -h <>f sou 1 A . 

) thirty ; 
;r the town of Clionn-x in i 

interred in . : which hu himself found 

at ( .-* 

The year 158G was made ui -inorahle l,y tli- in 

tyrdom of Juan I 

of ! A lerced order, friend and I 
and one who fir>t :hlish< d the M 
]iiea. ( )n the day (.{ the iminacul^ in one of the Indian towns. \vh of 

rushed Uj)oii him, di> d him. hi 

a ] et, and 11- 1 him mini N 

I with this, tin ned 1 his 

neck, him . handed i and 

Llce(. !y to a t . -md when 1: 

th A n a QeighboriB j n. 

The di aona whidi the new code < 

ied in Xi- :ua \ nd. 

. "ho V.-. !! J.lV-idellt Of ti 

the Co ha: 1 <>n all >id 

cunt 1 thai the nati 

from the encomem 1 placed un - H, 

mal :ius Aluinnu< liaa partcs, trni. . *&, 

lembeml, took the residen- 

. AM., VOL. II. 28 


which virtually meant the church, and that their 
owners be recompensed directly from the royal treas 
ury. The conquerors, however, would listen to no 
such proposition, but tenaciously held to their pos 

The number of Indian towns subject to the crown 
in Nicaragua about the year 1555 was tw T enty-seven. 26 
Nicoya, the largest, contained five hundred families; 
there was no other with more than one hundred, and 
most of them had but ten or twenty families. The 
extreme poverty of the natives had rendered neces 
sary a reduction of their tribute, 27 and hence the 
salaries of civil officers and of the clergy were on a 
reduced scale. The aggregate tithes of the church 
in the province amounted in 1555 but to sixteen hun 
dred pesos, and were decreasing from year to year. 
The bishop s portion w T as three hundred and eighty 
pesos, a sum insufficient for his maintenance, and he 
was compelled to petition the king to increase his in 
come. Priests laboring in native villages recieved two 
hundred pesos, and in one instance the stipend was 
only eighty pesos. 

After the death of Valdivieso, the friar Alonso de 
la Vera Cruz, who had for many years filled the chair 
of theology in the university of Mexico, and during 
a quarter of a century had preached to the natives in 
their own tongue, was nominated as his successor, but 
declined the preferment. 23 The see was then offered 
to the licentiate Carrasco, who took charge of the 
diocese, but never proceeded to consecration. 2 As 

26 Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the partition not having 
yet taken place. 

<2T The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax, honey, poultry, etc. , 
of the annual value of about 3,000 pesos. Squier s MtiS., xxii. 9. 

28 Authorities conflict as to the order of succession. In Alcedo the name of 
Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers to the fact without giving any date 
whatever. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, states that the appointment was made 
in 1551. 

29 Alcedo, Davila, Juarros, and other writers of the period fail to mention 
Carrasco in their enumeration of the bishops of Nicaragua. We find him 
named only in Calle, Mem. yNoL, 129, and Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 548. Icaz- 
balceta in a note in the Hist. Edes. gives Valdivieso as the first bishop of the 
diocese instead of Osorio. 


hopn he i 

of tli provine ^tituied numerous in<|iiiri 

Hi- i!i mad- ious ,-i\ 11 autb 

iti- 1 1-- declared thai t! in popul 

and revenue was caused ly th< 

"f whom \ fcher ! T KM 

iliin tin - r six had h, 

.ua l>y appointment <.f the audiencia, and the \ 

li;i(l hern CMlnjM lied c;icll tilll. 

arches to welcome t]i< to lalt. 11 fowl -Mid j. 
]aiv drlic;irirs iortln-ir clit(Tt;iililii-iit. r J l 
<! the crown ^-;ivc Currasco hut litij. 

11 went BO i ar a> t- deny liis ri^ln, to <1 
iount of tithes received for eccl al jturj 

although through tlu-ir peculations th- 
i ali o ]->\ to be inadequate i or tin- BUI | 

Hie bishopric. Little \\-oin !,-! tliat lie soon had * QOU 
of BO uninviting n iield of Jahor. 

(/arrasco succeeded 1 Yay (ioni/. ! i liand 
( < ( / )rdo]a. This princely ec i ( -\\, 

tli y whose- name he horo, and l.eloi 
highest, nohility of Spain, hein >n of t h 

jttai .i He was c I in Sj-ain and U> 

of the bishopric in l .>. D 

<-t .nice the cathedral v> . and 

>! I Dominicans took ]] 

The hmldini;- of thii eat; 1 had 

d l>y DQ ;>rojriation of the fund 

tli- purpose, t ing ini 

it times in - ;lalion> and in the j. 
of ; i Peru. The audiei). 

iind ordered its completion ; the : in 

lal proportion from the tl 

< unlolia, -1 

31 .1 ! as tho <latc of 

i on liis tltr 
, but as>: 
: in l. .T I 

ivicso. arrasco. 

appointim-nt i.s na-ntioi. 


the natives. When it was finished there remained a 
surplus of more than two thousand pesos, which was 
returned to the treasury. 

Among the Dominicans discipline was somewhat 
lax about this period, and their mode of life such as 
to cause scandal throughout the province. In 1554 
Fray Juan de Torres, a resident of Guatemala, was 
appointed the Dominican vicar provincial of Nicar 
agua, with orders to visit the convents in Leon and 
Granada and restore the ecclesiastics to becoming 
austerity. Failing in this, he was to give them per 
mission to leave for Spain or elsewhere as they pleased, 
and bring back with him all the jewels and ornaments 
belonging to the order. 8 Arriving in Nicaragua, the 
vicar provincial at once imposed such severe ordinan 
ces that the friars became disgusted and resolved to 
return to Spain. Nothing could be more agreeable 
to Fray Juan, who thereupon stealthily collected all 
the jewels and ornaments according to his instructions 
and returned to Guatemala. 33 

This proceeding was censured even by the vicar s 
superiors. The general of the order, Estefano Usus- 
maris, disapproved of it, and instead of lauding him 
for his zeal, blamed him for his indiscretion. 3 * From 
Peru came a protest; and the president and oidores 
of the audiencia of the Confines felt aggrieved that 
such an important measure should be taken without 
consulting them. A few years later Padre Torres was 
ordered to Spain, that the king, council, and the gen 
eral of his order might be informed on matters per- 

32 The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by Osorio, Las Casas, and 
their associates in 1532 (sec p. 169, this vol.), belonged to the provincia of 
Peru, and had now become very wealthy. Rcmesal, Hist. Ghyapa, 598. 

33 Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes extremos por la 
ausencia de los Ileligiosos. Y para sacar el Padre fray luan de Torres la 
hazienda y alhajas del Conuento, tuuo necessidad de mucha mafia y secreto. 

31 Id., 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious effects of this second deser 
tion of the province by the Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cexlula 
under date of August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to a 
place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican orders were stationed 
in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua. 

ii of r. 

A - i,i ( rn/. 1 1 is -hip \\ ptnr 

when in >i-lit of ( Ytdi/, ami all on board 

; lul BO <la!rd \vas tl, 
f thus falling into tli- han< 
hi- captoj hi-li and li | 

hi in a.-horo v 

A I M r his arrival at court, th<- Mihj 
dismi mbered the convenl 
and it \ eeided that he should i 

per.-on. Jn consideration, how< oft! 

in this matter lie had merely acted 
his superiors, he \\ 

blame and appointed vicar general lie p; 

Ni which was at i 

from ti .11 Vicrntr de Chi; 1 . 

ord -olK-ct a numhrr - 

Leon, the king Ijuai-in-- the expenses ofl 

I ]rov:di tiling i, 

Veni J Ie was heai tily \\ < I -mncd 1 y t 
lids, and natives, and t< ier with his col 

I his lahors tlirou^hnu; pi-ovi; 

and advancing .u-d ! hi *h, ;, . 

I the year I :>( , 2 1 -I ;ian de T 

I died at an Indian vill ui t! : 
After his <! >e the ])ouiini,- 

and all left the pro\in< 
111: i r 1 . -ii, and th n. 

nents and prop. d ly the kin-^ to I 

[uently the Dominicans of San Vicente d ( 

appropriated them r. 

ohli-vd, however, l>y n judicial d 

:n. afl r wliieh they \\ d 1 

uiior her churches, 

At the clo P the si nry tt 

in Nicaragua W< P6 I *e6n the caj.ital. 

la. Jn 1 


condition, the houses that fell into decay being never 
rebuilt. Realejo had but thirty settlers and its chief 
industry was the building and repairing of ships. 
Granada had two hundred vecinos and at a short dis 
tance from it were many tributary Indians. The walls 
of the buildings were of mud, buttressed with a few 
bricks and stones, the roofs being of tiles. The popu 
lation included encomencleros, merchants, traders, and 
a few mechanics and stock-raisers. Vessels traded 
thence with Nombre de Dios, passing down the Des- 
aguadero to the North Sea, though with some diffi 
culty during the dry season. 35 

Notwithstanding the commercial relations thus 
opened with the province of Panama^ no trade of im 
portance had yet been developed in Nicaragua. There 
was little money in circulation, 33 and the prices of all 
imported articles were extremely high. An arroba 
of wine w T as worth twelve pesos; cloth could not be 
bought for less than ten pesos, nor linen for less than 
fifteen reales a yard. Other commodities sold in the 
same proportion, and were beyond the means of all 
but the wealthiest settlers. This condition of affairs 
may be attributed in part to a clique of merchants in 
Seville, who had already monopolized the commerce 
of the New World, who shipped their goods in such 
small quantities as always to keep the market bare 
of supplies and insure extravagant prices for their 
merchandise, and who by their grasping policy gave 
rise, as we shall see later, to contraband trading. 

35 Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much gold is said to have 
been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence 
merchandise from Nombre de Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. Guate 
mala, Informs, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xv. 470-2. 

S J Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the mark of the leon- 
cillo (little lion) which was introduced into Nicaragua with royal consent. In 
1551 .it was ordered that the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold. 
About the same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to melt 
metal, that la funclicion del oro 6 de la plata, seaal diezimo. Carrasco, Carta, 
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., v. 526-8. 




LEON An-. ..TIIKI: Sm: 




BOP oi i.i . OK r 

M: M \- LTJ lllCA 


111- 1 i Kg - 

M 3. 

Tin: city <>f Leon \v,-is fmnli-l, as will 1 

l)-rrl. l.\- C<5rdoba, in i.vj:;, 1 ,-i i .-w 1 . tin- 

slioiv ct tin- South Si 1 ;). Flu- mil) 
ValdivieSO, \vliirli )ins .-ih-cady brdi in 

:itailftl ;i cur.^- njmn tl. 

ai t ) -iil] rm<r a sn-i-s of <li tl in!i: 


andoned in I <> 10. l- ir.-t keepii inn 

t t hi-y ni,-irrlii <l l>i-th nmlfi- tli- tl:. 
Hi:- municipality, ami aln.nt ni nlway 1 
and L;ikc M;i:i;!--ua in th- pul inn 

district named Sul>tial>, :illi>licd , 

>n became aoted eua one >i the ln->t imilt in ( 
America, " Leon/ ; the i Ji>h fcravell< rTl 

( - in apoel niMidv who pa 

in 1 1 >.">7, "is y cniioii-ly lniilt. tr th cfi 

tin- I idiahitants con ih in th< ir h- 

the ]l-asurc of the ( uiinti-y adjoyning, aiid in t 

8, this scries. 

* ^N*V / 


abundance of all things for the life of man, more than 
in any extraordinary riches, which there are not so 
much enjoyed as in other parts of America. They 
are contented with fine gardens, with variety of sing 
ing birds, and parrets, with plenty of fish and flesh, 
which is cheap, and with gay houses, and so lead a 
delicious, lasie and idle life; not aspiring much to 
trade and traffique, though they have neer unto them 
the Lake, which commonly every year sendeth forth 
some Frigats to the Havana by the North Sea, and 
Realejo on the South Sea, which to them might be 
very commodious for any dealing and rich trading in 
Peru or to Mixco, if their spirits would carry them 
so far. The Gentlemen of this City are almost as 
vain and phantastical as are those of Chiapa. And 
especially from the pleasure of this City, is all that 
province of Nicaragua, called by the Spaniards Ma- 
homets Paradise. From hence the way is plain and 
level to Granada, whither I got safely and joyfully." 3 
" What in Granada we observed," continues Gage, 

3 New Survey W. Indies (3d ed., London, 1G77), 419. The author lived in 
the Indies between 1625 and 1C37, and made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos dur 
ing these 12 years. He was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal 
matters, as the following passage will show: Whilest this traffick was (at 
Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have formerly testified in my 
Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that means it have not come 
unto the knoM* ledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, 
that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying the 
Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my 
eyes shut at that prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for 
their dead, there came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about, 
came to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth 
ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Mass, 
for that the Altar was high, by reason of the steps going up to it, and the peo 
ple far beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my Mass, and 
perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse 
running away with it. . .Whereupon, not knowing what the people had seen, I 
turned myself unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly 
that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a Mouse had car 
ried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to do unless they would 
help me to finde it out again. . .After much searching and inquiry for the 
sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half 
eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if the Ark had been 
brought again from the Philistins to the Israelites, so they rejoiced for their 
new-found God ... I observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the 
Mouse, as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten by it ... 
And so Transubstantiatioii here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse. 
New Survey, 44G-8. 

LKOX, < 0. : 1 

" was, two ( ! ad I 

;1 one <>i the \nn>, \ n.l . 

hmvll, v. liirh v. r tlir 

1 tishop <>! Leon did i. iilv reside t 

in the ( The In- tin. 

1 <eon, 8 Town of more, 

oin B ome few ]U-ivli; 

and in:. ionr d. ! to 

tde v, iih Carth; ( ruai mala. 

and ( in, ta and I nth ! 

and 1 , n .in;i. . . In one dav ll, 

hi.-ii t leafil tlinv Inindri d Mnl->) I . 

and Comayagua <nl\-, I ith i 

, . 

but Indigo, ( lochinil, and I Ii- 
oin Guatema] 

ladrn ; silvri-, which was lh<- Kii ;ril>ir 
ili,-!i ( ; the oihur \vith S d th 


In I i- ort San CVu los on tin- I 

d l>y i iv( -INK it <T> ander < rallardill d tl 

< rl da lay at t h PCJ Ti 

<-aj and the in\ hjM.intrd in tl. 

I j ]nnd( }-. se1 it >n fire, jni I ut dnri 

tln-ir i .t a for.-,- of t! 

into nd th- 

tli. ;-,- , ;.ivdali<ns to B m ( 

ca|)turc<l ly Martin ( Virl 

iiala, and, in < 1 , t : 

in-w B tron^vr w>ils was ni-(l-id by the k: 
cd bciU"- in ar the outk-t >! the lai. 

,,f tin- province dm 

ill (vntm ntain lew inci 


with four l;i ;i sni 

was ily garriK!H-.l l._. 

hat tl. \vasnot l.uilt 


u Ju fort Caatill *, .. ! ^u tu 

fut tcrniin..- .a lt>, 


record. In 1616 the Jesuits of Guatemala attempted 
to establish themselves in Nicaragua, and at the in 
stance of the Conde de la Gomera, president of the 
audiencia, Pedro de Contrcras was despatched to 
Granada in charge of the work. 6 He was welcomed 
to the diocese of Nicaragua by the Bishop Don Pedro 
Villa Real/ and every assistance was afforded him, 
the cathedral being placed at his disposal during the 
whole of lent. But when he made known the main 
purpose of his mission- -the establishment of a Jesuit 
college in Nicaragua the people of Granada, though 
they listened to him with delight, refused to respond 
to his appeals for aid. Means were supplied, however, 
by an ex-captain-general of the province, Vicente 
Saldivar y Mendoza, whose deceased wife had left 
one fifth of her property for the endowment of a col 
lege. The sum thus bequeathed was increased by Sal 
divar to twenty-seven thousand pesos and presented to 
Contreras. Until 1621 the Jesuits remained in Nic 
aragua, Contreras and Padre Bias Hernandez being 
the only names recorded in connection with the mis 
sion. It was then announced that the superiors of the 
order had recalled them, and immediately the wide 
spread interest in the labors of the fathers was mani 
fested by large public meetings, at which petitions 
were adopted against such a measure. 8 But the 
orders of the Provincial Nicolas de Armoya were per 
emptory, for the location, he alleged, was deemed too 
remote to be governed in keeping with the strict rules 
of the Jesuits. 9 

6 El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes talentos y nacido, 
digdmoslo asi, para esta especie de ministerios. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 

7 Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to Gregorio de Montalvo. 
He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro JSdes., i. 

8 At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez de Castro, pre 
sented a petition which was unanimously adopted, setting forth the services 
already rendered by the fathers in uehalf of religion and humanity, and pray 
ing earnestly against their removal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 130. 

9 In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit the place, and 
reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector of the college of Guatemala, con- 
.curred. When the recall was found to be inevitable, a second public meet- 

Meanwhile UP- peopl I ; Jejo 1 
uatemala, and 

them-elves direct Iv to the Is f,r 

iishtnenf <>f a Jesuit college in their mid llv 

dim nf tll- town li.-id made dnnati. 

would yield a revenue ofsix thon>and |" Tl 

licence | .] the foundation of tile CO] 

uni|),-uiicd ly a ^i:\\\\ tVmn tin- royal t r 

tlllVr tll)lis;il)(l lr . wlnTrll|MHl tlic ].1 < 

lentedj and notwithstanding tin- <>{ {>< Fel 

low jmdrcs, authorized it- institution. Aln-ii! t 
<!< I P )-l tin- I-siiit> returned tor hile 

Itllt til* consent of tilt ] I c \ilieial to the 

ihlishnieiit of the order in this jirovin- :d in 
truth l>eeri gi\-en only with the - ,timi <! multi- 

jilyin;^ deju-mlriicics until (iuat. inal.-i could claim th 
dignity <t a vice-|-.r<>\-in<-ia. AVln-n t; 
]>adivs were not allowed i main in Xie iinl 

henceforth the Jesuits disappear for a time iv>m t 

liistoiy of the ]>i-o\ ince. 

Tl; i of Nicaragua was subjecl t il.i-h 

of .Lima, and the remoi s <>f the archie] 
court was a frequent soiuve of complaint 5 the 

Spaniards, for the e\] of the \ 

d the monetary \ahie nf tlie iir 
1 C. J 1 Heiiito A altonado was ]u-.l < 

lie was a man n<td for his kind >f hart. and 

mainly from his own > . \\hich \ 

fmnnlnl the Imsjiital ot Santa Catalina at 1 
ter bis dec in I<;-J7 little worthy ial 

not -d in connect ion W itli t !: ] 

Xi> i until aftei the ap]>ii: r in 1 "f 

Andn - de las X - y (hies, . huilt , 

ili;it tlu- . 

//.. Kin 

The ; D t.. t! . 

i accon 
in-rd in ! 

hop Vail > 

on. m*r <-> 

1 s-j. \ ; s successor WM Hernaiulo Nun- 


copal palace, a church college, and received by royal 
order a grant of religious books. 

About the middle of the seventeenth century the 
income of the diocese amounted to 3,000 pesos, of 
which sum the dean received 600 pesos, the arch 
deacon 400, and two canons each 300 pesos a year. 
At this period the convent of La Merced in Leon 
contained twenty ecclesiastics. 

If Fray Bias del Castillo could have deferred until 
1G70 the journey which he made through Nicaragua 
in 1537, discovering, as we have seen, that providence 
had reserved for the ecclesiastics the molten treasures 
of El Infierno de Masaya, 13 he would have had a better 
opportunity to test his belief. "Some assert," relates 
Oviedo, who it will be remembered was in that neigh 
borhood in 1529, when a violent outburst occurred, 
and resided for three years in Nicaragua, 14 "that the 
light caused by the eruption is sufficient to read by 
at the distance of three leagues." From the northern 
slope of the mountain poured in 1G70 a volume of lava 
so vast as to extend almost to the lake of Managua, 
or as many conjecture, to reach far into the lake. 15 

who, says Gonzalez Ddvila, Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de Cuenca, y 
del Consejo Supremo. He fulfilled the duties of his office como buen pastor 
and died in 1639. Previously to Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan 
Baraona Zapata were appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese. 
Next appears tlie name of Alfonso Briceno, a zealous and learned man, who 
wrote dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica. He took charge of the bishopric 
in 1646, and died in 1649. Hist. Eclcs., i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cneras 
Diivalos, dean of the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua, 
and according to Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de Laguna re 
ceived the mitre, though his name is not mentioned by Alcedo or Gonzalez 
Davila. In 1655 Fray Tomds Mansa was appointed bishop. Vctancvrt, Mato- 
log., 135 (Mexico, 1697), confirmed in Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hivl. Mcx., 
stirie i. torn. i. 323, but finding that Davalos was still in office declined to 
take charge of the diocese. Id., 387. Soon after his arrival he died from 
eating too much fish. Id. The decease of Davalos occurred in 1659. Medina, 
Chron. San Diego Mex., 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed 
bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of Granada on the 
27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an eloquent preacher and an accom 
plished scholar, was elected prelate in 1665. Vctancvrt, Menolog., 136; and 
Itoltles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., se rie i. torn. ii. 3. 

13 This vol. 172etseq. 

^Hist. Cent. Am., i. 310. 

35 In olden times it was supposed that the lakes Managua and Nicaragua 
were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in 
their former unity. Stout s Nic., 101. 


! tin- close of tl 

\vliidi a description will . in 

]>!.-: ;pled with tli i on imp 

hy the home government, were dllirt 

ua and ( Josta Rica, l t!i ..{ whir! I 
i-irli in natural n The 

pmvinee. writing to the kii tli> niii- 

eight h century, report- that ( 

l<iU_.-]i j or thr support of til. pli< ,Ild t 

ar oilirials. 

There are DO ivliahl. la of tho condition 

ailairs in I^jai-/a until, as we shall sec later, ; 
iin-nt \\ ral tiin I ly hue- ,r<l 

tin- close of the century, i dian-.-d in 

1688. ( )f the capital of 

joui-ned 1 bere l ur days during h to E 

d, wi ites: ; AVe came at l-i>t tl nd 


d;n 3 to the City of Carthago, which we i .>und i 

be so ] B8 in rirlx-r pl.-i ( Iu,v ud 

Xirai-:: it was rt v ])oi-t.-d t I.. ! r id 

5n to inrjuii-e al t.T some Merchanl 
of gold and silver, and i -und tl, >me i 

rirh, who ti-aili-d by land and with Panani;; 

with Portohrll-t. (. ar :id Ha\alia. and 

in 1 hence with Spain. The ( ity i 
i oiir hundred Families, and is governed h_ ^|ani>h 
GrOVernour. It i- a ]>ish j.^ and hath in it tln< 

C . two of Fryers, and one of NUE 

Calle, whose work wa- published in 1- 
that ( , o had sixty V( ind that in theenl 

province t here were lut a hundi-ed ami i 

and i n thousand p. 1 ndia: Tl 

he , h.-id two jud d ai. other offi - a 

h ronstahle, with a Balai nd ; 

The district of Talainanra, which lay on th 

16 i:n. c.:-. pn-Lal- 1 teof p n 

la<abl(j linlmus settled in ti 


of the North Sea and within the province of Costa 
Rica, was not fully explored until 1601, in which 
year the city of Concepcion was founded on the Rio 
de la Estrella. The establishment of this colony was 
quickly followed by an insurrection of the natives 
who, incited by the rapacity and cruelty of the Span 
iards, rose en masse on the 10th of August 1610, and 
massacred the inhabitants of that settlement and of 
Santiago de Talamanca, which had been built on the 
left bank of the river, slaughtering indiscriminately 
men, women, children, and priests. 

Nothing else worthy of record occurred in this dis 
trict until the year 1660, when Rodrigo Arias Mal- 
donado, being governor and captain-general of Costa 
Rica, 17 resolved upon the subjugation of the natives of 
Talamanca, then consisting of some twenty-six tribes. 
Malclonado proposed to carry the gospel in one hand 
and the sword in the other; but his ambition was 
rather to represent the church militant than to follow 
the example of previous conquerors. 

With a corps of one hundred and ten men he 
started forth upon his self-imposed mission, expend 
ing his own private fortune upon the enterprise, 18 
enduring great fatigue and hardship, exploring all the 
coast as far as Boca del Drago and Boca del Flor, 
and visiting the adjacent islands. His success was 
remarkable. He gathered the Indians into villages, 
had them instructed in the faith, and erected churches; 
but with his retirement from the scene the natives 
returned to their nomadic life, the villages were de 
serted, and the churches fell into decay. The intelli 
gence of his labors, when communicated to the king, 
won for him the title of marques de Talamanca, but 
before the royal decree reached him he had turned his 
back upon the honors of this world, and enrolled him- 

17 The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth century was Captain 
Alonso Lara de C6rdoba, who was appointed in 1603. Others are given in 
the order of their succession in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 170-4. 

18 He expended upward of GO.OOO pesos of his own private means. Juarros, 
Guat., i. 374. Molina, Costa Rica, 11, makes the same statement. 

I l A. 447 

self as M humhle hrofher ..( Bethlehem, to be th 

;nl known aa I Yay Etodrigo d- ;i/. w 

In H ,s t UK- t wo Franciscan \ t Melchnr Loj 
tonio resumed tin- wori of cl 

and found tin- paths that had led be ii; 

n and hidden as if they liad ) 
and the peo] - fierce and in 

Hoiis liad been made to ri\ili/<- them. 5Te1 tli- 

> pr . without arms or j ion, 

into the interior of tlio count within 

liv- irs the l.ajiti>m of forty thousand Indi; :id 

tin- establishmeni of innrtcrn villa "Jin- work 

- continued with varying B ly a ninuh 

. s-v(, r.-d of whom snll ered mart yi dom 
. hut the iinal result of all 

failure so complete that, to use the v,.>nl> o 

"ii - if t he>e mountains 11, 

from within which there was no ivdemj 

Tn connection with Hie attempted pa<-if 
amanca may be mentioned ain miioi 
litions to ToloM-aljK), the nai n to a mountain- 

s country lyin^ between the 1 > iid t 

Xneva Segovia river, and ju-Mjil. d by sambos, bj 
Xicaques, the Lem nd other ti- , lmi.\ 

tril>es, diifei-in^ widely in lan-^ua 
d nianne] Tlie Spanish ^overnnient had i 
etlly directed iinjuiri- 

and the best means of effecting t heir t -ilia: 

and in letters add d to the p; f the aii- 

dieneia early in the nth <vir 

19 He 1)ocniiir sii[ 

jmni-ys in 

i 7!. ./ 

ll .n.lurasu v. 1!. 

l. 1560; 


urges that efforts be made for the peaceful conquest 
of this province. 

Among others who were imbued with a passion for 
this particular work was a Franciscan named Estevan 
Verdelete, who was appointed local superior in Comay- 
agua and to whom the provincial granted a license 
authorizing the adoption of any measures that would 
be likely to prove successful. Under the guidance of 
some Indians, who avowed sympathy with his projects, 
he and his friend Juan de Monteagudo, penetrated this 
territory, only to be abandoned, however, by the 
natives when in the midst of a vast wilderness, with 
out food, and apparently cut off from all human aid. 
Guided by the stars they succeeded in making their 
way through the wilds, and after suffering excessive 
hardship arrived in safety at Comayagua, whence 
they immediately afterward set forth for Santiago to 
assist at the provincial synod held there in 1606. 

Not disheartened by this failure, Verdelete asked 
permission from the synod to proceed to Spain, for 
the purpose of asking the king s assistance in the con 
version and pacification of the natives. His request 
was granted and eight assistants were appointed, whose 
expenses were to be paid out of the royal treasury.* 

In October 1609 Verdelete left Santiago in com 
pany with his party of ecclesiastics, and in passing 
through Comayagua obtained the services of Captain 
Daza and three other Spaniards, who were familiar 
with, the country. After several days travel they 
came in siffht of Indian dwellings and were received 

O ^3 

with every manifestation of joy. Verdelete in the 
enthusiasm of the hour declared that he was prepared 
to live and die among them. Converts were numer 
ous, 24 and the mission so promising that Verdelete 
wrote to the provincial asking for more missionaries. 

23 He might establish six convents subject to the provincial of Guatemala. 
Juarros, Guat., 349. 

21 They began their labors in the latter part of January 1610. On ash 
Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and 130 converts were received 
during lent. Juarros, Gruat., 351. 


on a change cainc over t 1 

mainly by tin- deep feeling of hostility that Bpl up 

among the unconverted nati\ dust their cni 

tiani/ed brethren. .V iYni/.y of hatred againsi tl 

ry setriblance of religion s.-i/ed upon them, and the\- 

olvrd to l)iirn down the I inmt of the mission 
aries and to massacre the inmates. On tin- evenin 
for the execution of their purpose the ecclesiastii 

reived warning through some children, and whil> 
Yerdelute was exhorting them to stand in 

the hour of trial, hideous yells roused them to an 
immediate sense of peril. Issuing forth they found 
the village enveloped in flames, and enromp;i>--d b\- 

war-painted Indians brandishing lances and torch 

Yerdelete at once rushed into their midst, rrurilix in 

id, and with words of indignation upbraided tli 
for their baseness and treachery, and threatened the 
vengeance of offended heaven. His courage insjui-.-d 
his associates, and at the spectacle of such b<ldn- 
the natives shrank abashed, and OIK; by one slunk 
away. At daybreak not an Indian was to b- n, 
and the missionaries then returned to Guatemala, 
where their story only incited a more detcrmin-d 
effort at the reduction of the offending tribes, and 
another and larger expedition was <>rgani/t-d a-ain 
under the leadership of VenK-lete. 

The missionaries were accompanied by an esc 
of twenty-three soldiers under Captain J)a. nd 
I the confines of Tologalpa in April P .ll. 
They ibund some of their old coir. nd by th 

a-vncy others were brought into the fold. Thus -n- 
COUi aged, they wished t penetrate farther into the 
interior, but were dissuaded by ])a/.a. who volun- 
d to LTO in advance with some of his men and 

ling of the nati After waiting I 

time- lor their return," 1 the ecclesiastics were beguil- I 

lVlat 7. Mr,n. Hunt., \. 201, nu-ntions a cirri 
.ain what f>l] ( .ws. A s.ilditT \\ ho ha-1 previously killf.l two 
va^ struck by one of the nativi-s. whcrt-uiKjii he seized Uiiii, ami with the 


into the mountain fastnesses, and found upon turning 
the brow of a hill a large hostile band, brandishing 
lances and hideous in war-paint. Their first glance 
showed them the head of Daza and some of his sol 
diers carried on the points of lances, and at once they 
saw that their fate was sealed. Nothing daunted, 
Verdelete advanced toward them and began to ex 
postulate. He was answered by a flight of javelins, 
and fell pinned to the earth by a lance. Of the en 
tire party but two escaped, 26 and for many years the 
inhabitants of Tologalpa saw no more of the Chris 

Toward the close of the century, however, the 
rule of the Spaniards had become somewhat milder 
throughout the provinces of Central America, and in 
1674 two of the Tologalpan tribes sent representa 
tives to Guatemala and besought Fernando de Es- 
pino, the provincial of the Franciscan order, to send 
instructors to their countrymen. Soon afterward the 
governor, after consultation with the provincial, re 
solved to send another missionary, and out of many 
candidates Pedro de Lagares, a young man of culture 
and an enthusiast in the cause, was chosen for the 
task. At Nueva Segovia Lagares opened a mission- 

arv school, to which all were admitted who were will- 


ing to work. He made numerous journeys into the 
interior, and converts multiplied until in 1678 they 
were counted by hundreds. His decease occurred 
during the following year, and his successors, though 
meeting with some encouragement, finally abandoned 
the field, though without any obvious cause. 

assistance of a comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right 
hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him in that position. 
The corpse was found by his tribe, and of course retaliation followed. 

26 This incident occurred in January 1612. The narratives of the expedi 
tion by Pelaez and Juarros substantially agree. 



1. -.18-10. 


1 jKATi s THKIU M.DES OK Ln i: -- Fu\ l.o ; , 

i:_Hi, \ -,,,, , ,, T ov THK SJIORE OP CAMI 


HIM His YESSKI, WKK. KI:I OFF CAPE (. li hi-.- 


MAN-VI.:.T CAi-Tria.^ TO3 


ABOUT the year 1518 an English tr;i<lii!u- ship ton< 
iiiLT it Santo Domingo was fiivd upon lv j-l-r of tin- 

v.-rnor, and thence setting sail t<.r 1 .)!! li ;-- * 1* 
I.TIM! wi-ouglit iron for provisions. 1 A t<-\\ ra la 
tin- paauv to the Inclirs l)c<-anic known ainon^ tin- 
nations of western Europe, and ton-i^n \ 
often seen in the watt -is of tin- Xrth Sea. In 1 
(.YAV/ /X \vn-c procured l>y tin ernor of >^ 
in^o, and tln-ir cajtains commissioned 

all cj-al t which sailed under any Jlair hut that of Spain. 
and to enclave tln-ir CT6W8, But in that island a 

many excellent harbors, and the Spaniard- I not 

-e to obtain at smaller cost iVoiu io; -4 good- 

such as those on which the ninvhant> of >, \ ill.- i 

enormous profits; and vessels tV"ii. - mtri- 

more especially from l- nu-land. I d Holland. 

continued to make v to the N-N\ \\""rld, tin -ir 

Prlnr ipnJ X negation. . .and Ditcovorift oj 
in. 4UO iLoniU.ii, l.VJiJ-1000). 


captains combining for mutual protection, and not un- 
frequently making raids on the Spanish settlements. 

In 1531 French corsairs were seen off the coast of 
Tierra Firme; and in 1537 Bishop Marroquin, when 
about to depart for Spain, was dissuaded as we have 
observed from making the journey by his friends in 
Mexico, 2 for even at that date the North Sea was 
infested by pirates. Santo Domingo was the favorite 
calling-place of foreign marauders; for wild cattle 
abounded in every part of the island, and there the 
pirates could revictual their ships without expense. 

At the close of the sixteenth century the island on 
which the great discoverer founded his first settlement 
had been thinned of its inhabitants. Moreover the 
mines had become exhausted and the vast wealth of 
Mexico and Peru had drawn away all the most en 
terprising of the Spaniards, and the few that remained 
dwelt for the most part in small villages, where they 
cured at their boucans, or drying establishments, the 
flesh of cattle and hogs, giving to the cured meat the 
same name as to the place where it was prepared. 3 
Hence also the origin of the word bucaniers, or buc 
caneers, the latter term being used by Dampier, 4 
whose raids will be described later. 

English, French, and Dutch adventurers found in 
Santo Domingo places where they could lead an idle 
roving life, the monotony of which was relieved by an 
occasional fight with the Spaniards, the French be 
ing termed jlibustiersf or as we shall call them fili- 

2 See p. 138, this volume. 

3 The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of their human cap 
tives in the same way. Us les mangent apres les avoir bien boucanne"e, c est 
a dire, rotis bien sec. Du Tertre, Hist, ties Antilles, i. 415. 

4 Voy. round the World, passim. Neither word was used at the time Drake 
was making raids on the Isthmus. 

5 The word flibustier is merely the French mariner s mode of pronouncing 
the English word freebooter, a name which long preceded that of bucca 
neer. 5 Journey s Hist, Bucc. t 43. Some authorities derive the term from the 
Dutch ~wordjluyts, that is to say fly-boats; bu^;, as Burney remarks, it would 
not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft for corsairs. It is curious 
to note that the French translator of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispro 
nunciation of the word, & prirent le nom de Flibustiers, du mot Anglois 
filibuster. Exquemelin, Hist. FJtb., i. 20. 

Tin-: PHILOSOPHY 01- PI: 4 

busters, though this word \\-a> n<.r used till the - 

t< enth century, and tin- J)utd. 

In 1 .Tam-s 1. of Kii jland grant . d I >ne 

Thomas Warner tin- island of San ( .bal, thou.rh 

by what authority is ndt recoraed l.\ !ir>niel. 

of the period. Warner associated with him four 
others, who were to share the profits of tl p. di- 

tion, and sailed in t-liar-v nf a l.aml <! adv -utur- 

C tin. 1 Indirs. Hi 1 arrivrd . .11 San < 

l>al in lf>25, and dui in^ tliat year a j.a: 1 .-li- 

nicii landed on tin.- island, which was th-n inliahit 
ly ( aril- The Spaniards had never innin-d a 
iiirnt tliere, and tin- English and Fivm-h divided t 
t rritory between them. F a ring that the Carih- 
might lie incited to ris. inst, tln-m ly tin- : 

Spanish \ Ls, which frequently called th !- 

tain provisions, these licensed marauders attacked th- 
savages by night, massacred the chiel <1 drve tin- 

31 from the island. Warner soon afterward 
turned to England, and for this gallant exploit 
knighted by his learned Majesty, thus justifying t 
title which James T. has gained in the j TV 

the greatest fool in Christendom. A powerful 
armament was despatched t m Cristobal \ 
<>f the court of Spain, and the intru-, 
pTsrd; those \vh escaped tin- SWOrds "ft! 
taking r.-i uge in the adjaeeiit islands, and return: 

ar >r two later. 

Trading companies wei e imv. anized, and lie 

in ted to establish The islet of Tori 

lying to the imrth-west of Santo i^ming", ^ p- 

tuivd without r- I 

Were built, ami there for a time \\ tin- 1 <jiiar- 

f the pi rat Tortuga u. d by the 

Spanianls in L 638, and the fivel" I no 

few <! them escaped to the Wo 
re away OB piratical r tl. \pediti ii :id 

ugh some of them fell into the hands, of I 


iards and were massacred, the latter soon abandoned 
the island, and in the following year the freebooters 
at Tortuga mustered three hundred men. For the 
first time the pirates now elected a leader, and their 
numbers were soon recruited by French, English, and 
Dutch volunteers. 

Though they were regarded by the Spaniards as 
foes, they were esteemed by other European nations 
as allies and champions, and so rapid was the growth 
of their settlements that in 1641 we find governors 
appointed, and at San Cristobal a governor-general 
named De Poincy, in charge of the French filibusters, 
in the Indies. During that year Tortuga was garri 
soned by French troops, and the English were driven 
out, both from that islet and from Santo Domingo, 
securing harborage elsewhere in the islands. Never 
theless, corsairs of both nations often made common 
cause; and in 1654 a large party of buccaneers and 
filibusters, ascending a river a little to the south of 
Cape Gracias a" Dios, plundered the settlement of 
Nueva Segovia. In the same year Tortuga was 
again recaptured by the Spaniards, but in 1660 fell 
once more into the hands of the French; and in their 
conquest of Jamaica in 1655 the British troops were 
reenforced by a large party of buccaneers. 

The monarchs, both of England and France, but 
especially the former, connived at, and even encour 
aged the freebooters, whose services could be obtained 


in time of war, and whose actions could be disavowed 
in time of peace. Thus buccaneer, filibuster, and sea- 
rover were for the most part at leisure to hunt wild 
cattle, and to pillage and massacre the Spaniards 
wherever they found an opportunity. When not on 
some marauding expedition they followed the chase, 
and one day s employment was like that of another. 
Setting forth at daybreak, accompanied by their dogs 
and servants, they continued their search until as 
many head of bullocks were slain as there were mem 
bers in the party. Hides were thus provided suffi- 


ci n1 to fill contracts with II. iptain of ;t trad 

1 which usually lay Mat i< HUM! in som 
in-- Lay, ami \ rried down t th.- Bea-ahor bv 

bondsmen, who under tin- name of appivnt ices 1, 
11 inveigled into a contract to serve t-.r a fcerm 
yeai Kor them there was n< . -ntli or other d 
of rest. One of these unfortunates ventured on a 

tain occasion to expostulate with his n 
in-; the divine injunction with the preamble; "I 
unt<> thee, etc." And "I say unto tnee," returned t 
hucraneer, "six days shalt thoii kill hullocks, and strip 

th"in of their skins, and on the seventh dav thou >h 


heir hides to th- shm 

r j ln. dress of tlie buccaneers con>i-t. 1 of a shirt 
dipped in the blood of a slaughtered animal, pantal... 
of leather, if possible filthier than the shirt, shoefl <t 
rawhi<le, and a hat without i-iin. All good>, >ther than 
articl.-s <>f virtu, were held in common: and as life 
was precarious, half of them at least bein-j > die 

in the Indies, each chose a comrade with whom pnp- 

ei-t \- nf every description was shan-d. Thn^h without 
laws or religion they had few disputes, and those w- 
dily adjusted. They were governed by a ron^h 

le, established by theinselv.-, and theiv were i 
wanting amon^ them tlxe who displayed. th"U^h 
u-ually in a brutal fashion, the possibilities of a !> 
nat in Of Kavenau de Lu an, who figures in tl. 
hi-torv of the buccant" Hid wh - will 

mentioned in their place, it i- related that he j..ii 
them only because he was in debt, and in >rd- 
obtain the means of sati-tyinu his credll < ^ 

]\I.ntbar. a lMvn<-hman of Lai iron; 

relate that 6n reading th- story <>f the atro 

nmitted by the Spaniards on the haple>s nat 

conceived such a hatred against them that he a. 

joinrd the corsairs, and by his deeds of 

won the sobri.juet of the K\tTmii! I Pren 

captain of filibnst i I .miel. it 

lie sho< one ot his own crew in church f ind< 


orous act committed during the performance of mass. 
Until 1665 there were few women among these rap 
scallions. In that year a governor sent out to take 
charge of the French settlements in Santo Domingo, 
brought with him a few females of lax morality, whom 
the buccaneers took to wife in this fashion: "Your 
past is nothing to me, for then I did not know, and 
you did not then belong to me. I acquit you of all 
evil; but you must pledge me your word for the 
future." The foul troth was thus plighted, when 
striking his hand on the barrel of his gun the hus 
band exclaimed: "This will avenge me should you 
prove false." 6 

The deeds of Pierre Le Grande and Bartolome 
Portuguez, who figure in the stories of buccaneering 
raids about the time of Montbar s exploits the mid 
dle of the seventeenth century require no record in 
these pages. The name that stands preeminent among 
all the cut-throats, who at this period infested the 
North Sea and the shores of the main, is that of a per 
sonage called Franfois L Olonnois, a native of France, 
but one whose natural ferocity almost forbids us to 
class him with the human race. Montbar, though 
his hate amounted to frenzy, was impelled only by 
indignation against the oppressors and sympathy for 
the sufferings of the oppressed, and would accept no 
share in the proceeds of his raids. 7 But no such half- 
human feeling, no shadow of honest intent, ever 
prompted the monster L Olonnois. Montbar was an 
undiscerning fiend; L Olonnois an arch-fiend, with no 
faculty impaired. Transported in youth to the West 
Indies, ere long he exchanged convict life for the more 
genial pursuits of a filibuster, and his first position 

* Russell s Hist. Amer., i. 528. This author gives a sketch of the origin of 
the buccaneers and their customs, showing considerable research, and is en 
dorsed in most material points by JBurneifs Hist. Bucc., 38 et seq. Both 
authors draw largely from Du Tetre, Hist, des Antilles, and the former from 
llaynal, Histoire Phllosophique. 

7 While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated over the mangled 
bodies of the objects of his hate. Drake, Cavendish, and D ampler s Lives y 
179-80; Barney s Hist. Bucc., 55. 


among tl: roV&CB on sea and land was that of a 
mmon mariner. In that rapacity In- mad- 

j, and so distinguished himself l>y \\\> 1 

strength and fearlesgnesfl that the governor o T 

tiiga* supplied him with a ship and armament where 
with to reap a harve>t of gold. 

The success which lie achieved \v ; , :, and his 

operations attracted the attention of - ,al c 

tin , who eagerly manned his deck*, and at t 

me time stamped his name in crimson It 
lieails of the race which IP- r -arded a- hifl l v } . 
Kveii the elements attempted to arrest hisd->tn.y: 
liand, and in one of his eruisrs ca>t his reOfle] 01 
slnn- of Campecbe, where nearly all h goradofl \v< 
killed \)V the S]>aniards. 

But the devil did not abandon his hi^h-p 
L Olonnois, though severely wounded, and : "dinu r 
himself and his party a> Lost, sim -a ret I him>-lf with 
Mood without l)ein^ perceivedj and fell app : ly 
lifeless ainon^ the slain. 9 Stripping oil the d: 
a dead Sjtaniai d \\hen the enemy had departed, he- 
crawled over the ghastly forms of his la 

and hid in the woods; then he boldly entered a IP i_:h- 
horin^ town, and by promise of freedom indu-ed KM 

slaves to go with him. Stealing a 1ft] . in d 

time they reached the isle <! Tortu- a. 

r r rriMe as he was hdure this di>. I future 

de. ds of L Olonnois wc-re still more atrocioi " I 
shall never lienc.-i orward give (jiiai any Spaniard 

wl writes tot! rnor of ( ul ter 

having In-headed, with his own hand, all s;i 
the survivors on hoard a captured ship which had 

:it against him. And he was as good as his word. 
Jle 1 -d to pieces captive after captive, quenching 


In tho Kn.u lish trnnsl.-itinn of Kyqur-mclin 


Minion 1 -of all Bortof ^ :ieM ( aiul the Seminary, 

as it T. .f 1 init.s nnd Tliii-vt-s. / 

> oock PTII iju.-!)- r lu-iM MY. r WM, alaoo h;. 

out k(nilf. ilx-r di -ii 1. tst wan, )H 

flic d.. rt*JWcA 



his thirst with the blood that dripped from his heated 
cutlass. He tore out men s hearts and chewed them, 
and watched prisoners slowly die of hunger and thirst. 
If under the most agonizing torture the information 
wrung from a Spaniard was not satisfactory, the hap 
less wretch s tongue was wrenched out by the roots. 
Verily the cruelties of the conquerors were visited 
upon their descendants. 

The reputation of L Olonnois as a successful leader 
became so great that the most reckless and determined 
were ever ready to join in any enterprise projected 
by him. Between 1660 and 1665 he planned an ex 
pedition against the north coast of Central America 
and soon was in command of six ships and seven hun 
dred men. Directing his course to Cape Gracias d, 
Dios, he was driven by stress of weather into the bay 
of Honduras, where, distressed for want of provisions, 
his party ascended the Jagua River 10 in their canoes, 
sacking and destroying the Indian villages on the 
banks, and murdering the inhabitants. The pirates 
then cruised along the coast committing similar depre 
dations. At Puerto de Caballos, after taking a Span 
ish ship of twenty-four guns and sixteen swivels, they 
landed and sacked two large store-houses. These 
with the town they burned, and having captured a 
number of the inhabitants inflicted upon them the 
most inhuman cruelties. L Olonnois at the head of 
three hundred men next proceeded to San Pedro, 
about twelve leagues distant, and on his march thither 
fell in with three strong bodies of Spaniards who lay 
in ambush for him. These he successively routed, but 
not without the loss of many of his men. His treat 
ment of prisoners and wounded captives was marked 
by his customary atrocities. 

On arriving at San Pedro he found the town 
strongly fortified at the main entrance, the other 
parts being surrounded by impenetrable thickets of 

10 Or Sars River. Rio de Jagua, a river emptying into the gulf of Hon 
duras. 7. de Laet, 1633, R. Xagua; West-Ind. Spieghd places on the north 
coast of Yucatan, Xagua. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 308. 


thorny si mil> and eaetus and liis only plan 
ault the barricades. Tin- Spaniard-. ] 
ded tl; with desperation. an<l tin- pi 

w impelled to withdraw from ir fii k. 

Their second attempt caused such i 

the defenders that they hoi>t-d a tla^ of tn: 

a-r- ed to surrender the town on condition that <|i; 

r be given the inhabitants tor two hum I 

ins were agreed to, and, strange though it in. 
appar, were faithfully kept by the pir. The in 

habitants leathered up their elf. and tl.-d, but, 

ner had the two hours expired than I/<>lonn 

orders for pursuit. The freebo Ii>- 

appointed, for the men of San Pedro had ted 
the greater part of their valuables and men-handi 
and the pirates found only some indigo to recom] 
them for their toil and danu- r. 11 

Tlie star of the irreat Frenchman wa- IP\\- on tl 


wane, and with the exception of Capturing a Span: 

ship <>f forty-two 1 - ^iins after a desperai nt 

his operations off the Central American 
unimportant. But even this prize, for which tb 

ters had loii ^ waited in Impe of they 
found discharged of her valuaMe nd a I 

unimportant articles of merchandise was all th 
obtained* The companions of L Olonnois ^ 

mining diseontciited with his want of success, and 
though he recklessly prop. .^, d to i ;i raid on t 

of Guatemala, to many this seemed too 

aterprise, and the UP <n of ! 

followers deserted him and turned their \. i boB 
ward. 13 Mi.xfoi-tuiM now i ollowed him ivl.-nt 

11 L Oluu.iis y prtcht . Mviron trcnt.- h..iniiir- 

-. / !l tllC i 

i. -Jo;, i 

.,,; |/i )] ,;. ;. .JOO dW; : 

He cln-tvlioit qiif dc 1 ai-^M-nt. / /., -OS. 

ys: Leur can<-n 
- /,/ _>!;, . i-a the 

same iiuinlHT as tliat in t! & 

J This Iian.l i \ cragu* which 

: an. I I . 


While working his poorly manned ship along the 
coast, she struck a sand-bank near the isle of Pearls 
off Cape Gracias a" Dios. The crew were already 
half famished and there was no hope of saving the 
vessel. So they broke the craft in pieces and built a 
long-boat, occupying five or six months in this work. 
But when finished it would only hold half their num 
ber. Then it was decided that the half to go should 
be selected by casting lots. They would embark for 
the Desaguadero in Nicaragua, 14 in the expectation 
of seizing vessels and returning for their comrades. 
L Olonnois took command of the expedition, but was 
unsuccessful in his attempt on the Desaguadero. 
Spaniards and Indians assailed him in such over 
whelming numbers that he was compelled to retreat 
with heavy loss. But determined riot to return for 
his companions on the isle of Pearls without a vessel 
in which to take them back to Tortuga, he sailed for 
Costa Rica, and being obliged to land for provisions 
near the gulf of Darien he and all his men, save one 
who escaped by flight, were cut to pieces by the Ind 
ians and roasted. 15 Thus with a fitting retribution 
ended the career of Frangois L Olonnois, who might 
give lessons in greatness to the leaders of armies and 
in savagism to the Indians who slew him. 

About the year 1664 a noted buccaneer named 

14 The French version, contrary to Exquemelin s narrative, says that all 
the men left, the greater number in the long-boat and the remainder in canoes. 
Id., i. 228. 

13 Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-fioovers, 1678, 73, thus describes the 
death of L Oloimois: Maer het scheen dat Godt met langerde godtloosheden 
van desen mensch konde toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt strafien 
wilde voor alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen 
hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is hy met sijn 
volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, hy de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos 
genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael 
van een sijner meedemackers, die het selve sonde geleeden hebben, hadde hy 
sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert. His English translator says: The 
Indians. . .tore him in pieces alive, thrQvdng his Body limb by limb into the 
Fire, and his Ashes into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of 
such an infamous inhuman Creature. Bucaniers of America, i. 77. The 
French edition adds that L Olonnois was eaten by the Indians. Exquemelin, 
Hist, des Flib. t i. 230. 

MA\>YI:LT AXI v v. 

Mansvelt formed tin- dr>i-_r n oi ickin^ th< I 

,t;i hy making ;i descent upon it. nd from ? 

North Sea. F<>r this purpose he sailed from .Iain;: 
with a lleet of fifteen Vessels and five hundred i: 
T" obtain guides In- a>-ault-d and -aptur-d th- nd 

of Santa ( atarina, or Old Provideiic TI.- 

ahlishcd a hnccaneer Bettletncnt, leavii rie hnn- 
dri-d mm undrr command <>t a Frenchman nam-d 

Simon. I hc-n IIP pro-r-d d a^ain>t N ai/i, hut fnund 
sin-h preparations liad hmi inad: hy tin- pr.-id.-nt 
P;III;IIII;L that In- was fonvd to ahandon th- nipt. 

A Spanisli prisoner, however, otl nvd to lead him 

( irtago, thu capital of Costa 11 n-a, which he r-j 

;trd as a rich and unfortified city. This proposal 
Diet with i^viR-ral ap]>roval, and tin- ll<-. I il-<! !; 
aloii^ tliu coast as iar as Tort Matinn, 1 " wlicr- ti. 


At iii-st their way was not difficult, and from th> 
setllcinc-uts on the road they c.htaincd ahundan 
provisiotis; hut in a lew day- t!iey reached the cor- 

dillera, where provisions <->uld no longer !> prOCtU 
in .-uilicieiit (juantity. MansveltV crew wa8 COBQ] 

Mn^Tishnieii and rYenchmeii, and wh;r ;ty 

ini^ht c-xist under iavoral>le circumstances 1- I 
them was now destroyed hy hai-d>hip and lnr 
No lair distribution was made of such fo, ,d a> conld 

obtained^ Fierce hi-awls ensued. Mai, -d 

the ai ti-rwai-d famous Morgan, t I in com 

mand, in vain attempted Ihiy tlie dix-onl. wh! 

violent that the two factions \\ ahne 
dy to fall upon each oti >n ti S iniar 

Meantime the overnor -f Cartage bad h < l l the 

/;,.;,,- - nchtrwuUtor 

Of K\.|Ucini-lin, Man>v.-lt lia-l I ><X> ui-n. 

land WM wed as a i-n.-il 
ployi-.l ti. vicU on tlu- wmks ,,f t n. 1 

to tin-i one familiar \\itli the r 

ir Mnin. M!H iv tli.-y Laiulc.l l/.HH) nu-n in tlu- year 
:Ml..n, r.l. lSn, . W4. mi, to K\. ; >) 

:is the river Zuere. // " 1U 

e, 11, the corsair Manila* landed bOO nu-u. CoUMl! GBKOff. / a. C */, 
MS., i. U-J. 


forces he could muster, 19 and had taken up a strong 
position on a hill commanding the town of Turialba, 20 
which the pirates had entered. At daybreak, before 
the invaders were yet under arms, the Spaniards un 
expectedly opened fire upon them from the eminence. 
In the absence of mutual confidence the pirates were 
thrown into confusion, and their leaders deemed it 
best to return to the fleet. The Spaniards followed 
for a short distance, and having seized a few stragglers 
returned triumphant to Cartago. 

But to the victors was not all the glory. The pre 
cipitate flight of so large a band of desperadoes could 
only have been accomplished by divine power; and, 
indeed, the Spaniards learned from their captives 21 
that when the invaders quarters were broken up 
they saw on the height a host of warriors commanded 
by a radiant female form, 22 who were none others than 
the holy virgin and an army of saints who had come 
to the succor of the chosen of God; so the grateful 
people of Cartago chose her as their patron, and in- 
instituted an annual procession to her shrine at Ujar- 
raz, 2y which ceremony continued to the time of 

When Mansvelt arrived at the bay" of Matina he 
reembarked and set sail for Santa Catarina. There 
he found his pirate colony thriving. The fortifica 
tions had been put in the best repair, portions of the 
island cultivated, and other measures taken for a per 
manent residence thereon. He therefore decided to 
request aid for carrying out his project from the gov- 

19 In Haya, Informe, MS., 11, is found the following strange statement: 
The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez de la Flor, the governor, sent Major 
Alonso de Bonilla with eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions 
for a greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the province. 

20 About ten leagues distant from Cartago. 

21 Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344-5. Bonilla took two men who 
were foot-sore. When asked the reason of their precipitate flight from so 
small a number, they stated that they had seen a numerous army marching 
against them. Haya, Informe, MS., 11-12. 

22 According to Juarros the prisoners made this confession under torture. 
Haya does not mention this. 

23 Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero en el dia mui desdi- 
chado. Juarros, Guat., i. 58-9. It is two leagues distant from Cartago. Id. 

Ul OF THE CHI I i.,:i 

ior of Jamaica; l>ut that ntlieial, ti. -iclin- 

OOnnive at tin- doings oi the lni<-ean did not d.; 

pL-tee his position in jeopardy l.y swh an 0] 

hostility against Spain, with which nation K -land 

was then at ]M-ace. ManSVelt mad.- an !iy unsiic- 
-I ul jippi-al to the governor of Torti. ,nd dyinu r 
loii^-, the rohln-rs at Santii < 1- ft 

tln-ir own resources. Not lon.^ ai t.-rward tin pi - 

dent of Panama Benl a l !. top r the i-land,and 

Simon, finding that the lu-omiscd nvnt- 

did not arrive, and considering it impossible to dft -n<l 

tip- place with the company under h; umand, sur 
rendered alter a, slight show of r ->i>tai; 

cording to an account of tl ; pturc <>f S:mt;i C:it;r 

r, it occurred in August l(i<i."). A tr.-ni-! f the 8pai. 

;itiair is to )> found in L .n/iri mrliii, I 
in the l^n^lish translation of the latter \\urk in j 
. In the 1-Yi iu-h -diti>n of K\|UciiK lin th- -h na 

.J anroirt ]>u la tra<luire, <t en gaosair ce Volunir. ma. die 

t n-mplie <|iie de bagatelles & de rodomoutades Espagnoles, j tuia 

pu donne la j>eiiie, ne voulant ricn racunter ici qtic //iW. det 
Mb. ii. 10. 





DURING the first half of the seventeenth century 
the province of Panamd was under the control of a 
governor or president, and an audiencia real, which 
was reestablished toward the close of the previous 
century. The archives are meagre of information re 
garding the governors, some of them being barely 
mentioned, and their succession not always agreed 
upon by the authorities. In 1601 Alonso de Soto- 
mayor was governor; on the 9th of June 1604 the 
licentiate Alonso de Coronado, an oidor of the audi 
encia of Guatemala, was appointed president; and on 
the 18th of September in the same year that office 
was filled by Valverde de Mercado, each of the officials 
receiving as salary six thousand ducats per annum. 1 

We have also the personnel of the ayuntamiento of 
Panama, 2 and certain ordinances passed by that body, 
one of which relates to the sale of a noxious liquor 

1 Panamd, Peaks Ctdulas, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc., xvii. 349-50. 

2 In 1604 Andres Cortes was alcalde ordinurio, Francisco Terii alguacil 
mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and others regidores. The names of the 

members for 1605 are also mentioned. Id., 228-32. 



afi vin< de Aljai and 

fliekiu-- in IK . 

It was during tin- adminM rat imi of Y\ 
plain \Yilliani Park . eked and \ 

>dlo. He Bailed from .Plymouth in 

I with two ships, a pinn I t\\< ,nd 

-t two huinhvil i Aft* 

\- in which In- lo>t his pin: 

three. he eapt-mvd tin- town * ,h Y 

tin 1 ( Jape Verde l>lainls. and at t r d 

fiviiiLC it- up t<( ^ ^ lr ^ am< ^ ><iil -<l l "r 
"in; Arriving al the i-land of ( \\\>, 

was a pearl-fishery, h- wi tted 

of soldi. TS, who i-. <! niani ully, hut l lly 

onir; srvi-ral harks and h 
several jtrisoncrs lakcii, lor whos<- I .in oin \\ 

l-arls to tlnj v.-ilur of twenty-five huii ~os. 

r i1 -liapcd liis course tor ( aj la V 

which h- niet with ;i line ] > ortu. -liip of t 

hundred and fifty tons, hound for nd 

laden with negroes lor t he min, 

s made, and anotlier t v. lniinlrMl ] 

I ansoin for the slav. ( allin 
inlands of ( a nd ]>a-t inieiit 

which he |irocinvd nil negro LTU I 

hundred and lift y of his men in th 

in t\\ mil pinn;: vrhich he had huilt <! 

JK- cnt( red the mouth of the river on which 

Mar kin.l of \vi: much in use at 

./u.1, iu I achcco a 

os for : 1 00 for a sec 

and f..r i!f third 

rs punishal.Ir 


5 In 

I with \. t() in owned that he left at lch 

in c 

Hi.-. II. SO 


Portobello is situated about two o clock in the morn 
ing of the 7th of February 1602. 6 

The moonlight quickly revealed the boats to the 
watch on duty at the fort of San Felipe, command 
ing the entrance of the harbor. Being challenged as 
to whence they came, they answered from Cartagena, 
the reply being given in Spanish by men taken on 
board at that town for the purpose. They were then 
commanded to anchor, and did so at once, six leagues 
from Portobello, "the Place where my Shippes roade," 
says Parker, "beinge the rock where Sir Francis 
Drake his Coffin was throwne overboarde." 

The captain was well aware that at San Felipe were 
always thirty-five great pieces of brass ordnance, 
ready mounted, to bid an enemy welcome, and fifty 
soldiers to manage them. Nevertheless, as soon as 
all was quiet, he proceeded up the river with thirty 
men and two cannon in his shallops, ordering the re 
mainder of his forces to follow him. Directly oppo 
site the castle was. a smaller fort named Santiago, 
mounting five pieces of ordnance and manned by 
thirty soldiers, some of whom, seeing the boats, cried 
out to them to stop, and ran along the shore in pur 
suit. Heedless of their noise Parker proceeded to the 
suburban town of Triana, landed there with his com 
pany, and in a trice, though the alarm was promptly 
given, set it on fire. Then, leaving it burning, he 
marched on Portobello, capturing on his way a piece 
of ordnance with the loss of only one man. The Eng- 

6 In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives A Table made in 
the manner of an Alphabett, for the easier findinge of the Streates, and chief - 
est Places portraited in the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies, 
standing in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker, of 
Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1001, etc. In Panama 
Descrip., Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., x., the year 1602 is given on p. 
105, and 1G01 on p. 108. The year 1601 is also given in CasttelVs Am., in Church 
ill s Col. Voy,, viii. 762. The town was pillaged by the English under Cap 
tain Parker, in the year 1601, says Heylyn, Cosmog., 1086. The date of sailing 
from Plymouth, November 1601, is given in Harris* Col. Voy.., i. 747; in 
West Indies, Geofj. and Hist., 79; in Purchaa* PH., iv. 1243, and in Holmes? 
Annals Aid., i. 117. The landing at Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb. 
1602. The author of West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79-80, gives both dates, 
but in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as on pp. 67, 78, 
and elsewhere. 

h made directly kind s i 

la! tnspicUOUS huildhi 

tli \vu, TVdro V 

!i-- fore The il; 

i warning of the invad id I 

f"imd bef ladron 

up ive him, and 

civilians with two iield-pi. 

lowed was sharp and Moody. ;,h 

i- nin- wciv killed <r wounded, 

nior hr h-ad of M\IV x.ldi 

usli thr ivsnnaiit of ih,-ir li; 

" l -r HM- j.i Mis pii-ate, "God did -ur 

]*! 3 ini^htt-lic. loi- th- 

nt i roiii us shot M-d.-ndns thnm^li h 
w-nt throii-l! - In-tli his Ann- 
lnnlrd tli- Corporall of tht- Field 
all ivlin-d to their Ii which they i 1 un- 

till it was almost da; 

uiwliilc 11 maindi r ol i hi d 

up, and a! ,t of 1 . 

WES <!veided in favor >f the 1 . h. Ai; 

tin- prisoners taken were t i 

ano and manv of the leadiii" ci in 


rward re] I, Mel 

: 1 thr j], , ;id lihci-alrd \\ ithollt 

had been dressed. 

Tli ity rapt uivd in the 1 1 

i t !ioii>and <lu- li had tin- I 

arrived hut seven da; Id h, 

]>i-i. hundrrd and I ty thousand dn< 

en C d away 

or ( ai I la. Isewl 

amount f ]>hindi r wa ;nd in i 
of plaie, inerchaiK: and in- which v. 



in -, viii. 7 


divided among the men, the commander reserving for 
himself the sum found in the treasury. 

No further injury was done to the town, except 
that a few negro huts were burned in order to intimi 
date the inhabitants. Seizing two vessels that he 
found in the port, and in one of which were three 
mounted pieces of cannon, the English, as they 
dropped down the river, opened fire on the forts, and 
were warmly answered by the Spaniards, who ex 
pected to sink their vessels. "But God so wrought 
for us," says the captain, "that we safely gott forthe 
againe coritrarie to the Expectation of our Enemy es." 
Most of the shots fired from shore passed high over 
head, though a few of the English were wounded, 
among them the commander, who was hit in the 
elbow with a musket ball which passed out at his 
wrist. Reaching a neighboring island, Parker was 
soon rejoined by his ships, and next day, the 9th of 
February, put out to sea. 9 

It has already been said that in 1585 Portobello 
contained not more than ten dwellings, and that in 
March 1597 the port of entry was removed there 
from Nombre de Dios. During the five years that 
elapsed between this change and Parker s raid the 
town had developed into a thriving settlement, and 
now contained two churches, a treasury, an exchange, 
a hospital rich and large, a convent and several streets, 
where for six w r eeks in the year, when the galleons 
were in port, merchants and artificers congregated. 

Upon the arrival of the galleons, the treasurer, 
contador, or factor, was ordered by the governor to 
proceed there, taking with him the deputies of the 
other two officials. 10 When the gold and silver had 

9 On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the governor of Cartagena is 
said to have sworn to give a Mules lading of Silver to have a fight of Cap 
tain Parker and his Company, and as Harris remarks: Had they been sure 
he would have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at 
Porto Belo did, tis very likely they might have sold him that favour, but his 
strength being uncertain as well as his pay, they did not think fit to attempt 
him. Col Vmj., i. 747. 

10 Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In 1608, the bonds of 


]>ul on l.<:ir<l tin- ^;;]; . and 

3 on board UK- mercha 
Hi thattl 

pt for valtiahle con>5d. n. Th 

in- of ill- annual ll- 
solicit ud vii, to ship; 

ooi lanv a treasure-lad 

or fell . lur 

rival of a a nvoy was h<-rald-d with 

< ; { joy, even royalty itsrlf not 

to announce such an event. 
15, ICO.l, the khiir in a <1-| atdi to the p: 
audimeia iniornis them of the arri 
Luis de ( onloha in January of that j 

After thu de[)ariuiv <! ;], lleons, rortol-. 
almost ahaiidoiird hy the S[>aiiiai <,d 1 

\ and niulaKoes, the inh;i j livi: 

hy renting their dwelliii;. .nt 

The town \vas huilt in tin- shape n{ 
J ; iis harhur \\ as on.- of tin- D in the 

]ndi and ship-building and tin- [n 

f reduced fi-niii JO, 000 <1 int. 

In >t. 1 1, lillo. 

:-y during tli-- B6MI 
f Tin t!i -ir u.--u;il <luti s and make tli> 

dO8 V ji;i-;i ] !<> ipii- l":;rr)ii con li- 
i y otl; ..s i>n>!ul>id;is A las.-; 

:i cllos y en 1 ls lldian. l;i.s i istan r 

! iil<ix, in / 

11 \\ lien I , -to- 

: to see i 

iiat tlic longer 1 
\ . who was tho K 

v.ith me, ]irmiii-c<l t 1 ! 

liips e: 

! .. 
. \\ ith : 
ml they dt mandrd "f : 

eh- i; thousaml ( m\s i. 

arthat I wa.< 

\v-hieh -r a ro 

: al I a-< 

L 1,600 iaces, ami the average JTfathoiua. L*rg* 


cedar lumber were its leading industries. The d>i~ 
mate of Portobello, like that of other towns on the 
Isthmus, was unhealthy, as I have elsewhere stated, 
though less so than that of Nombre de Dios or even 
Panama. The hospital was crowded with invalid 
soldiers, laborers, and slaves, and in 1608 an annual 
grant of two thousand ducats was assigned by the 
crown for its support. 

In 1610 the city of Panama had not more than one 
third of the population which it possessed in 1585, 13 
although from the time of its establishment to the 
latter date it had grown steadily in wealth and popu 
lation. The best indication of its decline as a com 
mercial centre is the fact that the revenues of the casa 
de Cruces, 14 which at one time were farmed out for 
ten thousand pesos a year, were rented in 1610 for 
-only two thousand pesos. There were mines, but they 
were not worked; 15 pearl-fisheries, but they lay idle; a 
measure of trade, but it was in the hands of monopo 
lists, who shared their profits with the king. 16 

The expenses of the general government of Panama 
were met by annual appropriations allowed by the 

ships ride at anchor opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer 
the mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels within, 
while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety without the forts. Pa 
nama, Descrip., in .Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 118-19. 

13 Panamd contained in 1G10, eleven streets, three squares, a cathedral, 
five convents, a hospital, seven royal houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermit 
ages, court-house with jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses, 
112 Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight of the 
houses were made of stone. Panamd, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
Doc., ix. 80. The statement that all but eight were of stone seems improb 
able. It is certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle of the 
IGtli century, and that most of them were of cedar when Panamd vieja was 
destroyed during Morgan s raid in 1671. 

14 It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at which treasure from 
Panama was shipped in barges for the mouth of the Chagre. The casa de 
Cruces was established in 1536. 

15 In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the 14th of August 1610, 
directed Governor Mercedo by all means in his po^er to develop mining 
operations in Panamd and Veragua. Para que los que tienen quadrillas do 
negros las refuerzen y acrecierten, y los que no las tienen las procuran. Pa 
nama, Rcales Ccaulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 211-12. 

16 The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for 1,000 pesos, those of cor- 
redor devinos and auctioneer for Vo pesos each per annum. Panama, Descrip., 
lu Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited 

ml if v 

>f lli 

of M 

informs t t that ): has 1- 

while ial i 

:m -d ike u illi th- ir ui 

alv . ided fur at tin- tov. 

him to forhid tin-in tin 

ion ami to insist that t 

and servants 1>^ redm-ed to tin- small :inm- 

!. ( rovernor Yal\ in his r- 
lowii ;t many of tin- ii 

Tii ;d not .1 l.\ 

many \ Mid that th 

11 vi.Mted dl. To i 

m>r orders fche oi it all \ 

d [!;, ill 

qi -n of interoceanic commn 

\vhich allusion h ii cadv he. n 

:-vals during tin- lalt.-r half of th 

lid further >i:r\ 
: h. "It is 1 ru writ.-s ( , 

that mountain- oltnn-t th if th- 

utains then- I hand 

I to make tin- | id it can 

the :;i>t of 1 >ecemcx r L6H 
])i Fernandez <! Vel . who 

-nmr of ( lla d-l ( 

I th inion of t i 

tto. On t 

iliat a> ll< iir i >vi - 

peace c;i 

. , iu I . vL D 


world on this .project. They believed that communi 
cation might be easily established between the oceans 
by constructing a canal connecting the rivers Dacil 
and DamaquieT, about thirty leagues from Cartagena, 
and that such a work would enable the king to pro 
vide better for the defence of the provinces. 18 

The governor was directed to report on the feasi 
bility of the project, and to despatch a few small ves 
sels for the purpose of making a similar investigation 
at the gulf of San Miguel and the Rio Darien. The 
conclusions arrived at by the officers employed on 
these surveys is not recorded in the chronicles of the 
age, but we learn that his Majesty was very explicit 
in his directions that all such explorations and sur 
veys should be made at the expense of those who 
were interested, and not charged to the royal treas 
ury. 19 

When Felipe IV. ascended the throne of Spain he 
assured his subjects in the New World that no forced 
loans should be required during his reign. He even 
reimbursed, with interest, the money seized by his pre 
decessor, who a year before his death appropriated to 
his own use an eighth of the treasure on board the fleet 
from the Isthmus. 20 Nevertheless the fourth Philip 
was often in sore need of funds. About this time 
Kodrigo de Vivero was governor of Castilla del Oro, 
having been appointed the successor of Velasco, 21 and 
those in charge of the bullion fleet had made a practice 

18 Por este camino se podrd poner freno d la entrada de los enemigos. 
Panama, Reahs Ccdulas, inPacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 214. 

19 Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que dello se siga ninguna 
costa a mi hacienda. Id., xvii. 213-14. 

20 Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe III. , and merchants 
resorted to all sorts of devices to conceal their specie. Commerce suffered 
great depression, and on April 10, 1G43, Felipe IV., in a letter to the gov 
ernor, says that under no circumstances would any further exaction be made, 
but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated dues. Panama, Reales 
Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 249-52. 

21 Id., xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means reliable either as to 
names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo de \ ivera y Velasco, a native of Lima, 
succeeded Don Diego de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco s administra 
tion the subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in Vera- 

if thej.Mit of Peric 

tandise from Spain. Claimin-_ 

und T the jurisdiction <>f i 

:ieia ! I ;i 

!;iy in the arrival of t! 
! that ;ill (.Hi. ,-md i 

H- i Ti rra Firme >h< uld 1..- j l un . 

tin- iin ate jurisdiction <>f th< 

Til-- king was con- lj defra ! of ! 

ly contraband trading \vhi<-h prevailed tlu-i >ut 

tin- ] ! Vhices, lut llowher, t :t OS 111 

I ::.: In t! -in- [<\-2 ( i !n<.ir 

<li> ! us j.;issin;_r throuuh the casn . 

I . ! i , Wllilr nf 

7.. -is wuiv reported bi .ctor 

dc ]>n! ) liavi- IM <-n snniu -l. d tli; i. \. pun- 

i>lniu-nt was inllictcd for 1 iV;r i his 


]\1 y thus suffered a loss <>f 1,370,656 i 

tlic matter was compounded l>y tin- payn f -00,000 

3 into tin* t . :ry, tlir factor bavin 1 a 

bri .000 ]>-(-. Smuggling was pr 

an ;it that it tli; 

coinnRT. l- ..r tl !nliti<n <>t ; Tin 

1m ^-li to Maine. Tin- inrivh;: Sf\il 

\vh< >i ill enjoyed a monopoly of the t- \\ith t 

]r(vine,->, despatched on! ,;dl MJI: 

11- to the \vai. 

d IK less the >uj)|.-ly <f 1 in 

i-iea than <>f Ameri 

lat hotli should he Chipped in <j ities so 
iall ; -ure -n<nnous jn ofit All kim! 

1 to hy c< ham! hoth 

nd l : the 

at hisi ! in K ,-_M. / 

ikes no n icr of the 

it \v;n ! Jis though li st 


:ce WM 

to s 

collu.-iou 1 iiiitl 1 ibaudisU was for au 1 


rich traffic of the Isthmus, and the government find 
ing its revenues constantly decreasing, finally declared 
smuggling to be a mortal sin, and made those who 
engaged in it liable to be tried by the inquisition. 

It is now in place to allude briefly to the progress of 
ecclesiastical affairs in Panamd, for here, as elsewhere, 
they figure largely in the history of the province. 
With regard to moral and spiritual matters, the peo 
ple of Panama", as we have seen,, were low enough. 
Reforms \vere needed, but reformers were few. On 
the 26th of November 1572 Pedro Castro de Vedeales, 
provoked by the flagrant abuses of the time, addressed 
the licenciado Juan de Ovando, his Majesty s coun 
sellor of the holy inquisition and visitador of the 
council of the Indies, upon reforms needed in church 
matters. The communication is elaborate and reviews 
the errors and misdoings of the Spaniards, particularly 
in their intercourse with the natives. 23 

When Francisco de Toledo, the new viceroy, arrived 
at Panama" on his way to Peru in 1569, he restored 
the royal prerogative of church patronage, which in 
this diocese, and throughout his viceroyalty, had fallen 
by disuse into the hands of the archbishop and bishops. 
In the same year, probably, Francisco Abrego, a secu 
lar priest, had been elevated to the bishopric of Pan- 
amd, and continued to hold that office till his decease 
in 1574. 24 During his administration the chapter 

vessel to coast off Portobello until visited from the shore by those prepared 
to trade. Having marked selections of goods the latter returned with their 
money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of peasants. Umr. 
Col. Voy., ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23, 1652, says that frauds were com 
mitted in 1651, in deducting from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels, 
under pretence that they were for residents of Panama and Portobello; and 
that there was a dispensation to the merchants in el mero que hauian de 
hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los 600,000 pesos obli- 
garon a mi Virrey del Peru. He also demands a report of the reasons why 
no hicesters enterar la suma que el cinsutacto, y cornerico de Lima so obligo 
a suplir por imaginaria, a lo epetwo del registro que salid de aquella ciudad. 
Panama, Real Cedula, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5. 

23 Provinda del Sto Evangdio MS., No. 16. See also Torquemada, iii. 280; 
and Mendkta, IJit. Ecles., iv. 32. 

24 Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, states that he held office for 15 
years, and Alcedo, Die., iv. 34, repeats the statement; and yet both are 

idered and I -i-mal 

roimri] of Tivnt. and i ith [fa I, 

or ini . rior 

All.-r an int. rval of four , ,1,. 

10 Wa8 plarrd ill rl; 


i -an convent, and <.nc l.d : 

M io was BUCC( in 158*! 

ulin.vv 5 who liad i ormrrl 
; of Lima, and 

tli of Panamd I I 

t<> (In- i pivlary of Granada, but tli-d 

Tlu- >u- T of Martinez was P >,dnq 

a, a ]< >inmrnt .Icsuii d in I .V.) J, \\ 

Bor m reaching ( r n in 

3 Antonio ( ald.TMM v, 

in ih< l)i^lin])i-ic of 1 \ nd in IfiO. I v, 

IT [ to 1 of Sant i ( i nz (] la : 

111 1 592 tlir rliaptiT Ivx.K cd oil t ! 

nunnery at Panama, and an ,- .1 in 
t iiM-t with prompt and 
n alone providi v luiildii, 

and a considerable mdnwn ,^ 

nt \ d to ( )ur La<ly of tin- ( j>- 

\vith an as>uivd revenu ;ir thousand p 

.Four nuns and 1 \\ -i. 

mis Aiders 

.i;i in . 
th. 1 

of lii .hi.-in \ 

of ti 

i until n]>| 

his full 

iitniciit th. i l IK : 




a Of 


sent by the archbishop of Lima, whose cooperation 
had been heartily given. 

Thus the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants of 
Panamd \vas fully provided for; but the ecclesiastics 
were by no means single-minded in their labors on 
behalf of the church. Not content with receiving 
maintenance, service, and tithes, as provided by law, 
they extorted, with the connivance of their bishops, 
salaries of three hundred pesos each from the Indians 
under their charge, 29 and justly aroused against them 
the indignation of the king, who instructed the audi- 
encia forthwith to banish from the province many 
irregular friars of whose disgraceful conduct he had 

After the promotion of Bishop Calderon the see 
of Panamd, remained vacant until 1605, when Fray 
Agustin de Carabajal was appointed prior, and assist 
ant-general of the provinces of Spain and America. 30 
Meanwhile the long struggle for supremacy between 
the authorities of the state and the church, which 
had now subsided into an unseemly question of pre 
cedence in the various religious ceremonials, was 
disposed of by a royal decree assigning the place of 
lay and clerical dignitaries in all such pageants. In 
all processions the bishop led, followed by the offi 
ciating presbyter and the clergy. Behind them came 
the president and audiencia. At the sprinkling with 
holy water before high mass, the ecclesiastics were 
to be first sprinkled, and then the president and the 

Panamd offered to erect the buildings if a suitable site were provided, and 
expended for that purpose some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual 
endowment of 2,000 pesos, reserving founder s rights (patronazgo) for himself. 
Panamd, Descrip., Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL Doc., ix. 107; Figueroa, Vin- 
dicias, MS., 74. 

29 A ceilula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct as an abuse that must 
be stopped. Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL Doc., xvii. 488. 

30 "While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and became prior of the royal 
convent of Valladolid, and during his attendance at court he was chosen assist 
ant-general of all the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the 
provinces of Bolotiia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement VIII. Dice. 
Univ., Mist. Geog., viii. 522. According to this authority he was a native of 
the city of Mexico, but Davila, in Teatro Ecles. , ii. 59, says he was a native 
of Caceres in Estremadura. 

MAT. M. 

ia. AVith i 

]! it, the kin -| it ,1,1 n ,,t l, 

it lM in _r an honor to I 
Ti. iin v in , 

iy, even though the i 
re j i . l)iit o e servani dd 1 

HTY it. When tin- bishop went fcoth .al h< 

]\\^ traiD was t<> IM; rani. d as 1 
pivsid. room and tlidi (lrojj).-l. 

nfs in di>j)iit<- were t he mmm-: 
tin- I ishop \ o place hia diaii- <>n I 

lii-^li alt;ii- iii HP- cnlh -lral wlirn th.: oid 

:in<l wliutlicr tin- ])n-l)cin! 
I- side him. r J1io kin-- decided i hese n. 
<>t tli- cliurdi, and <>n tlic 4th of Jim..; 1 

isultation \vith the hi-hop. i I a decree o 
that tin- regulations in fonv in t ! .f< v 

ould lu- observed 
In K) i I ( larabajal was appointed 

ii j o, liavin^ inimdcd <lnri;i-- ]ii- .-id 1 

nania the college of San A in and <-nd<\\ 

^ ith six scholarships, according to tin- dir 

council of Tr nt. :; - 1 i 

<! la ( ;iniara y 1 Laya, ^ho . I UpOD in 

I M 1. During l;is juvl-cy was c 

r lidd in the diocese <-f I 1 . Di: 

tdministration four mo: ic ord-r "f ^ 

Juan d(j J.)i< I in that city, j-i 

"Panami t, i:<ni * in Pacheco and ias, Col. Doc 




!il 11 Mercenaries ha<l 13 and tho 

1 1. Tin- nuniK 

-ml Sa: 

s ami monasteries : 


: it-d i: i<l;i in 


I in tluir .-i*- 


in the hospitals established there or elsewhere on the 
Isthmus. Their admission was bitterly opposed by 
the aucliencia, and by the prelate, who was a Domini 
can, and it was not until June 26, 1620, and in obe 
dience to a provision received, that Captain Ordono 
de Salazar, the alguacil mayor, enabled them to take 
possession of the hospital of Panama. 34 The order 
was permanently established in Panama by Fray 
Fabian Diaz, who came from Spain with Fray Fran 
cisco Lopez in 1604, became celebrated as a physician, 35 
and grew rapidly in importance. 36 

In 1625 Fray Cristobal Martinez, formerly abbot 
of Segovia, was appointed to the see of Panama. 37 
During his administration serious disturbances oc- 


curred among the Augustinian Recollets of the con 
vent of San Jose, the prime mover, Fray Francisco 
de la Resurreccion, and his disorderly followers being 
arrested and sent to Spain by Enrique de Sotomayor, 
then governor of the province. 35 

The reputation of the ecclesiastics in Panama about 
this period appears to have been somewhat unsavory. 
In 1634 Felipe IV. issued a decree ordering the 
members of the aucliencia to see that the reputation 
of cloistered nuns be protected. On the 14th of July 
1536 the monarch writes to the bishop ordering that 
he enforce the provisions of a decree addressed to the 
hierarchy of the Indies in the previous February, by 
which no mestee, illegitimate son, or person of moral or 
physical defect was to be ordained. Immoral or scan- 

3i Camara founded scholarships in the college of San Agustin and left an 
annuity of three hundred pesos to the Jesuit college, a sum for the mainte 
nance of two chaplains in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building 
fund. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., ii. 59, and Alcedo, Die., iv. 35. 

35 The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649. He was a great 
ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral was attended by the audiencia 
and all the noble families of the province. Santos, Chron. Hist., i. 303. 

36 In 163G they refused to deliver up the bodies of some persons who had 
died in the hospital, and prevented their interment in the chapel of La Con- 
cepcion. Reales Cedillas, in Parheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 243. 

37 On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at Valladolid in the 
Dominican convent of San Pablo. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes. , ii. 59-60; 
Alcedo, Die., iv. 35-6. 

38 In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV. approves of this measure. 
Panama, Jleales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Z>oc.,xvii. 241. 


1 during t 

US, Which l];i,l l,itl). 

lnuiM, in 

Ii mm! day! 

f conversion wenl ! -ur 

nmnlxT <{ ,1 in 

i thirl, ii I hoiia 

111 1644, during th<- ]>r of Fi 

the su< Marti >ut 

in i anama \vliich miiMiinrd nil 

.jiitl all 

hedral. Tin- latter < ii; 

.<{ dedicated in 1 655 ly his - 
;-<l<> (! [zaguii il oi the iii<|ii 

Jts mi 

1 >y 1 1 

itv. Italians writes Juan <lr \ 
f ilic provinc in ;i i 
I V.j "has now h ml 

ing more ,-MH! nn. 
Is lu-iii iillcil \vith \ Tli 

,n unju-f >ii-] i-i(n be I 

. ;1 ordered "- 

, l I urtuh. llo to a 

W 108 

11 1 1 \ 1 * 

111 til. 

87 hut \vaa sp* 

*8 t ? but i! 


into the interior, and instructed Bazan to extort from 
them as much money as possible before sending them 
into banishment; but to the credit of that official it 
is related that he gave no heed to the mandate. For 
this neglect, and for the nepotism which he displayed 
during his administration, he was severely censured 
by his sovereign. 42 

In 1647 Bazan was again censured by the crown 
for a proceeding which, after due investigation by the 
fiscal of the audiencia. caused his downfall. Actino* 


under the advice of the licentiate Pedro Chacon, he 
had caused to be driven from their homes eighteen 
friars of the order of San Jose, appointing in their 
places others of bad repute. The ecclesiastics took 
refuge in the San Cristobal hills, but were soon after 
ward reinstated, and at the close of the following 
} T ear the governor was superseded by Juan Bitrian 
de Biamonte y Navarra. 43 The latter died in 1651 
while superintending the despatch of a fleet from 
Portobello, and in the parish church of that city a 
marble monument was erected to his memory. 

Panarnd appears to have recovered quickly from 
the prostration caused by the fire of 1644. An 
annual fair was held there until the year 1671, at 
which date the city was destroyed during the raid of 
Morgan and his buccaneers, as will be presently re 
lated. In 1655 the value of merchandise that changed 
hands during the fair is officially reported at five mill 
ions of -pesos, and this sum probably represents but a 
small portion of the business actually done, for, as we 

Ctdulas (published 14th of May 1645), in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc,, 
xvii. 273. 

42 On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of royal orders Bazan 
had appointed Este"van Gallejos, his wife s nephew, warden of the castle of 
San Felipe, Portobello; and on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives 
and dependents had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was 
alcalde mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one servant 
was captain of the companies of the garrison, and another was factor. He 
was censured, and again commanded to obey, porqne deinas que bos se ara 
la demonstracion que conbeuga, series castigado con toda seberidad. Pana 
ma, Beetles Ccdidas, in Pachcto and Cardenas, Col. Doe., xvii. 275-81. 

i3 /d, 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de Bitribeante y Navarra, 
knight of the order of Calatrava. Die., iv. 42. 

UIBLIOi;i:.\riII AL. ; ! 

lia IK- <|uantity of 

into the jiroviur. s thnui^li contr 

or lour fold 
duty was 

and valuaMo manuscript MC indispensable to the In* story of 

.riot of Daricn is the report of its j; >r, Don s de An/. 

:1 .">, 1771 1 to the titled 

>a de el Darien. The o: 
; .injian: >ts in the 

py was made for the author. Tim tt 
rt; a 1 the generally ru 

. and proposed remedies; a detailed description of the towns, military 
jid inh -ibitants, and a condensed account of the actual c 
ivinoe, ite inhabitants, i *, and .sedoci. .iew 

: the history of t vinco for t. is sixty-two yean, de* 

illy the latest Indian n iie manu>> ript forina one volume 

:ulio of forty closely written \ 





NONE of the "brethren of the coast," as English buc 
caneer, French filibuster, and Dutch sea-rover were 
pleased to style each other, are better known to fame 
than Henry Morgan, the Welshman, whose deeds 
have been heralded in all the principal languages 
of Europe. Born of respectable parents in easy cir 
cumstances, he left home still a lad, and shipped for 
Barbadoes in the service of a master who, on reach 
ing port, sold him as a slave. On regaining his liberty 
he proceeded to Jamaica, and finding no other em 
ployment joined a piratical expedition which was then 
on the point of starting for a cruise in the Spanish 
West Indies. After storing up his share in the pro 
ceeds of three or four profitable raids, he was enabled 
to purchase a vessel in partnership with a few of his 
more thrifty comrades, and being elected captain 
made a successful cruise off the coast of Campeche. 


AT . ox roirro i, 

urn he \\ 
which, undei- < omniand of Ma 

>n Ih in. I . 
( )n the death of V 
ilantry had \vmi the resp( 

ointed ] ! 1 liin,s-li 

ainand of a dozen : him, 

uncil v, 
nipt 1 iplure of tl 

d^e such a;i !.T 


i i.dand town of (, ul ri-h 

a hi ! on 

V> a rued ! r wh> 

Ml the ileet as it in 
! conceal i 

f this - ! 

.sos, a sum insuf. 
mud ii their return to .! 


of opinion :i th< 

;^lish men, 1 of his eoinn 

\vithdra\v iVeni A 
rd Bi r tli- 

>hij>s, and a ur lnuuln d ; 

: u^ men, revealing hi 

On the la f June 

1 ( )ro. ( 

irchief di Jlt 

Ho. ; 

<-h. of 1 anam, wh a ot* 

BlaV( me) : , 

. which it will I 
irded. ;it c in peri< 

j % 

r of the Peruvian and M u ni 

was th 
i R 
l.v i hundred t. W 


dred citizens capable of bearing arms, and was guarded 
by strongly fortified castles, commanding the ap 
proaches by land and sea. Many hesitated to attack 
such a stronghold with a mere handful of men, but 
their commander spoke words of cheer, 1 and stimulated 
by the promise of vast spoils all at last gave their 

In the dusk of a summer evening the fleet anchored 
at Porto Ponto, thirty miles west of the town. Leav 
ing a few men to guard their ships the buccaneers 
ascended a small river in boats or canoes, and landing 
about midnight marched at once to the attack. All 
the avenues of approach were well known to Morgan, 
and among his band was an Englishman, once a pris 
oner among the Spaniards, who now acted as guide. 
A castle named Triana, situated in the eastern suburb, 
was selected as the first point of assault. A sentinel 
posted at some distance from the fortress was seized 
and bound by a small party sent in advance, before 
he had time to fire his musket. Brought into Mor 
gan s presence he was closely questioned, and fre 
quently menaced with death if his answers should 
prove untrue. 

Creeping along under the shroud of night and the 
cover of a dense thicket, the silence broken now and 
then by the watchword of a drowsy sentinel, the free 
booters surrounded the castle unperceived, and Mor 
gan, coming close under the walls, bid his captive 
summon the garrison to capitulate, threatening sure 
death in case of resistance. They replied with a ran 
dom volley of musketry and cannon shot. Applying 
scaling-ladders to the walls, the buccaneers swarmed 
over the parapets, and after a stout resistance the 
Spaniards surrendered. Morgan fulfilled his threat. 
Securing all his prisoners in a large chamber, near the 
powder-magazine, he fired it by means of match and 

1 Captain Morgan said: If our number is small, our hearts are great; and 
the fewer Persons we are, the more Union and better shares we shall have in 
the Spoil. Etiquemelin, Hist. Hucaniers, 93. 

A V.\ D. 

train \vL 

bell by t Id 

3 im: Mown jr. 

! at - on the pani i inli. 

ii !i tip ih hid* 

II<1 cut il whomever they 111 V 

ini;- i 
u\\r their m<> jewelry i; 

hidi in underground The e,-,> V eri 

u n rallied a small party and retired with t! 

mining 1 whei k 

lire was e d on the ; . A; a-hin^ with 

hundred ie buccanee mut! 

cannon, picking off the Sj 

reloaded their ] ; but tli.-ir ranks \ \y 

ploi: i by well-directed discha ofartillery, A 

heavy 1 little pur|>o<e, \\\> 
uj) to the and attempted to burn do\\ n 

The Spaniard red i with slia 

: nir ry, and dropping ban. d 

ri[)tion nn the heads of tb 
^crs, tl Ve them back beyond t! 


Morgan new he^an to despaii 1 , but i % ai er ) 

maining for a while in h< ion as to hi 

nieiit. r Fo (jiiote tbe wni-ds of K \ i [ 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 i n , " many 
:nt and calm nied liis mind : tieitht 

rmiiie which way to turn hi I hat 

t." A part of his forces had h.-rii d. 

on- of the minor f- .-I looking i t 

direction be saw that his men had ah I 

Jish colors <n the battlem." 

ippo r rakin-- 1 ; thifl 

imnander at once [ved 

and 1 a man ready of resource M..>n hit 

t. I Ie d a nunil pri I nil 

ed and dr. 1 1 rom their cl rs, a 


orderii aling-laddera to be made, \\-id r 

mount a 1 tt, bid his pri 


against the castle walls, thinking thus to shield his 

O O 

men from the weapons of the Spaniards. 

Driven forward at the point of sword and pike the 
captives came close up to the guns of the fort, and 
falling on their knees besought the governor by all 
the saints to surrender, and save his own life and 
their own; but orders were given to spare none w 7 ho 
came near the walls. Priest and nun were crushed 
beneath falling rocks or shot down without mercy, 
and numbers were killed before the ladders could be 
adjusted. When at length the task was accomplished, 
the buccaneers swarmed up to the assault ; and though 
many were hurled down by the defenders, others held 
their footing on the parapet, and after plying the gar 
rison with hand-grenades and pots of powder contain 
ing lighted fuses, leaped down with sword and pistol 
in their midst. The Spaniards then threw down their 
arms and craved for mercy; that is, all but the governor, 
who, single-handed, maintained for a while a hopeless 
struggle, killing several of his assailants, and running 
through the body some of his own recreant soldiers. 
In vain the buccaneers offered him quarter, unwilling 
to put to the sword so gallant an officer; in vain his 
wife and daughter knelt and entreated him with tears 


to yield. His reply was: "By no means; I had rather 
die as a valiant soldier than be hanged as a coward." 
After several attempts to overpower or capture him, 
he w T as at length despatched. 

There still remained several castles in the hands of 
the Spaniards, one of which was strongly fortified 
and commanded the entrance to the harbor. It \vas 
deemed necessary to capture it without delay in order 
to allow the fleet to be brought round to Portobello, 
for the losses of the freebooters had been so severe 
that time must be allowed for the recovery of -the 
wounded. Turning against it the cannon of the cap 
tured fort, Morgan compelled his captives to work 

*Exquemelin, Hist. JBucaniers, 96. 

of the f 

it 1 . in whi 

Span5>h ofli lain. 

S<>on aftT n 

of 11 iy. Tlu-y ] 
in comfortable qua j under 

and tin; woundrd Spaniards in nt, 

without food, water, or ndance; and aft mr 

ir guards frll at once, as was tli ir c 
tory, to i ini^, drunkein ;md i .>ul d 

Mi. , virgin, lli I the poi 

"rd, \ forced to ; Id to the <-mhi, whose hands AVITO y< i t .staim-d with the 

l.lnd of their husbands an<l In- Xt-itl. 

r condition was spared. The r< :MI 

fmni the shelter of the convent, and girls of ler 

;-ed from their mot; arn. ins 
alike to the conquerors lust. At length, 

with wine, and worn out with t\v< ;ir li of 
continuous toil, the maraud. ; i;k t st. 

olutc men conld then have delivered ih t; lut 

all ni^ ht lon^ n,, sound was hcai d ins <>f 

the wounded and the eri a of henrt-hr- :i. 

At daylight the buccaneers plundered tin- j>la< 

all tin \-alual)l -s they could iind, sackii 

the citixi-ns. and stripping t 

gold and silver orni .id their services of n. 

Those who w 

t of thr prisoners were <picMi he 

whnv;d>outs ( .f tlu-ir concealed t 

to disclose them, \v< d on the i 

lied und.-i- tin- tortllJ 

r iifteen days Moj-.^an r inaiin-d al T !<), 

a\ ! 

an cxju-ditioii him. .1 1 

to the shl I the th? 

liim no ui hut mai had di 

wounds, of tli- 3 of drum 3, and of an 

nn- iied ly half-buried oorj , M< 


provisions began to run short. They were compelled 
to live almost entirelv on the flesh of horses and mules. 


Many of the captive and most of the wounded Span 
iards had perished from privation, having been allowed 
no sustenance but a morsel of mule meat and a little 
muddy unfiltered water. Preparations were there 
fore made for departure. Placing the booty on board 
the fleet, Morgan demanded of his prisoners a ransom 
of 100,000 pesos, threatening otherwise to burn the 
town and blow up the casties. Two of the citizens, de 
spatched to Panamd by his orders to raise the amount, 
gave information of the true condition of affairs. The 
president had a force of fifteen hundred men at his 
disposal, and at once marched to relieve his country 
men, and, as he hoped, cut off the retreat of the ad 

Forewarned of his approach Morgan posted a hun 
dred picked men in a narrow defile through which 
lay the route of. the Spaniards. At the first encoun 
ter the main body of the Spanish forces was routed ; 
many fled at once to Panamd,, bearing with them 
the news of their defeat; and for a time the expedi 
tion was crippled. While awaiting reinforcements 
the president resolved to try the effect of threats, 
though aware that he was in no position to enforce 
them. Sending a messenger to Morgan, he bid him 
depart at once from Portobello or expect no quarter 
for himself or his companions. The commander of 
the buccaneers answered by doubling the amount of 
the required contribution 3 and stating that he would 
hold the place until the ransom was paid, or if it were 
not paid, would burn down the houses, demolish the 
forts, and put every captive to death. 

As further effort appeared to be useless, the presi 
dent left the inhabitants of the town to work -out 
their own salvation; but surprised that a place de- 
iended by strongly fortified castles should fall a 

s Exqmmdin t Hist. Flib., ii. 44, and Hist. .Bucaniers, 98. 


prey t< 

req >iil T 

w M ,1 liiiu mm ,<l 

with e-rim humor handed liiui a mu>ke( 
bullets Lidding him tell liis ma that li 

much pi 1 to show him ; 

arms \\ li itli ho had taken 1 llo, and 1 

him to ke,.p them a 1 welv. m< -nth, ; which 1 

promised to comu to Tana: nl lak<- tin-in awi 
be ]>n si(lcnt soon returncil Hi bher 

ith a ] nt of an CM in -raid riii 4 and 

"tlial- ]) did not, want for arm sort, but i 

I tliat mm of such cur;i _ r W6F6 Dot ciu|il(.y.-d 
on some, just war und<-r a ^i-c-at j.i iuce." 

Mean while the freebo to deliver up 

the town on receiving , .m of a hundred thui- 

nd ])rs. The amount was coll 1 ]aid 

Tlio best guns of the stronghold were then ]>ut 

ird the vessels; the rest w< 

-ailed for Cului, where they ].. ; out tl 

spoils, which con-i-ted of coin, bull! .nd j 
tl due of two hundred MI id 

Minting the jewel- at Less than half their n 
besides larire &\ a of silk, linen, cloth, and nth- 

merchandise. Proceeding then. , Jamaica, th 

mdered in riot and e-ross d: lion tl alth 

that otl bad accumulated 1 arsof j 

If-denial. A lew days >! swinish d ry 

r the wii lops and In U of Port I! -yal 
lei t the majority of tl: Qg without 1 
and elanii ne\\ tt. It \ 

nothing unusual i f them to a 

awa le ni^ht their enti in the pi 

-fill raid, and to ivnder 
liali].- to be sold : 
unpaid tavern EH Son -uld d: lit ii 

;: c 1 wi harrel oi % strong a 

id preseiiti: : eir ]>i>to! the j 
them, whether m< i drink in their com- 


pany, running up and down the streets, when crazed 
with liquor, and beating or bespattering whomsoever 
they met. 

The standard of humanity among the buccaneers 
was such as might be expected among men who have 
been cut off from honorable intercourse with their kind. 
Many of them had been kidnapped in early youth, 
and shipped from England to the British West Indies, 
and there sold as slaves, and subjected to such treat 
ment as often reduced those of weakly constitution 
to idiocy. They had been starved and racked and 
mutilated. They had been beaten till the blood ran 
in streams from their backs, and then rubbed with salt, 
pepper, and lemon juice. It is not strange that the 
temper of men who had passed through such ordeals 
should be permanently warped ; that their hand should 
be against every man, and that they should afterward 
inflict on the prisoners who fell into their power tor 
tures as cruel as they themselves had suffered at the 
hands of their masters. 

The fame of Morgan s exploits induced numbers of 
both French and English to join the standard of the 
freebooter. To the veterans who had served under 
him during former raids was added a swarm of recruits, 
eager to share in the plunder if not in the glory of 
his expeditions. He was soon in command of his 
squadron of fifteen vessels and a force of nine hun 
dred and sixty combatants, and appointing as a ren 
dezvous the islet of Saona gave orders to sail along 
the southern coast of Espanola. Heavy gales were 
encountered during the voyage, and a portion of his 
ships being driven from their course he found his di 
minished forces inadequate for any great enterprise. 
Under the advice of a French captain, who had served 
under L Olonnois and Michel Le Basque at the capture 
of Maracaibo and Gibraltar in 1666, he determined 
to plunder those towns and their surrounding neigh 
borhood. The proceeds of this foray amounted, ac- 


horities, o In; d flf: 


jiiadroi; 1 at 1 !i< 

>f lii in r- turned 

whriv In- found i 

;>ain and < in, wlii< ,d 

irther rai he 1-: W61 thai 

{"dition should 1><- at 
and with in- st than 

undertaken. Morgan r. adilv -k- eonnnan 

and sending d- to tho an freebool 

(juartcrcd in Santo ])mnin^o and r l <>itu;.;a to acjuaint 

in witli his purpose, appoin fd i-f-nd- 

iN i-t ( "iil]on in tlio island of A , 
i-nd <>f Octolrr 1C.70 his iollo\\ had , led i 


! ic first care was io ol)taii MM ly ^ I 
and for this purpo>.- limiting part n/s li 

daily t .>ur the w hile a s<[iiadron (- ;r 

vessels with four hundred in<-n undrr iln d 

"f Captain ]>rad] was des] I to the main 

land, to oMain su[)plirs of wln-at or mai/ 
the inouili of the Rio If;. it iifty 

t]] . noi-th-\ of th< k lake of M il-o, 

:i rd a vessel laden principally with c 

iv.-d {our thousand lni>ln Is of in QSOOI i. 

a village on tb nkuf th- ri\ Iwithoth 

iiuml i }>risn; turn- ;ter an 

i lV* Wcrlx 

^ Jordan in-xl ( ajir Tihnron. 

Lenta from Jamaica joined tii pedition, and 

4 / I!.l J 

>s, besi < and i 

. 1 1!, : r._ h a typogra] 

5 s en IMI.I. ind of \ 

. 1 iM . 
In > r i^ stated t 

:i vrss. 


t! tu a n 


he now found at his disposal a fleet of thirty-seven 
ships and a force of two thousand fighting men. 7 

His largest vessel carried twenty-four heavy guns 
and six small brass cannon; 8 many of the others were 
armed with sixteen to twenty, and none with less 
than four pieces of ordnance. Morgan assumed the 
title of admiral; the royal banner of England was 
hoisted from the main-mast of his flag-ship; and com 
missions 9 were given to the officers, authorizing the 
capture of Spanish vessels either at sea or in harbor, 
and all manner of hostilities against the Spanish na 
tion, as against the declared enemies of the king of 
Great Britain. 

Articles of agreement were signed stipulating that 
those who were maimed or had distinguished them 
selves in action should receive compensation or reward 
from the first proceeds of the raid, and that the re 
mainder should be distributed according to the rank 
or office of the members of the expedition. 10 

The three most tempting prizes on the Spanish 

7 Two thousand two hundred. Exquemelin, Hist. Fllb. , ii. 105. An inter 
cepted despatch from the president of Panama, translated in Sharp s Voyages, 
145, gives the number of men at 3,000. 

3 Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces. Exquemelin, Hist. I lib., 
ii. 105. 

9 Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. Exquemelin, Hist. FUb., ii. 110. But 
this statement is not confirmed in other places. The Hist. Bucaniers, 126, im 
plies that Morgan had no right to grant such commissions. See also Sharp s 
Voyages, preface. The governor must have been aware of the treaty pending 
between England and Spain. 

10 It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the booty should be set 
aside for the commander s portion; that each captain should draw, besides 
his own, the shares of 8, 10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel, 
and that the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100 pesos, 
in addition to their regular pay. For those who should be maimed in action 
compensation was thus provided: for the loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one 
eye, 100; of both arms, 1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500; 
and of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves on the basis of one 
slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should be the first to force his way 
into a Spanish castle, or to haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English 
standard on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a prisoner 
from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100 pesos; he who should 
throw hand-grenades among the enemy, 5 pesos for each one thrown; and he 
who in action should capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was 
to be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards and extra 
allowances were to be paid over before a general division should be made of 
the booty. I find nothing set aside for Christ or the church. Exquemelin, 
Hist. Flib., ii. 108-110; Hist, Bucaniers, 126. 


,<1 Were J !<1 ( 

A council i 

,<I it \v;is . 

I made id I \v L)on Juan 

man, ] lenl of 1 anam&, the u 

bu ir weapo; 

J ; 

]vii<>\\ n to any 1 I" 

in-- <-n the mainland it was d< I to < 

ita ( atarina, which 
penal settlement of the Spanish V : d 

ntained among its gai In;* out ir 

i from .Panama. Among tlicse out 
law s sonic would no doubt bo found who were well 

jiiainted with thu approaeh- S to that city. 

Suiting sail from < Tiburon on the IGth of 

I) .ibcr, the lltM t anchored off Santa Catarina the 
iifth day, and on th :uo n -n thu freebooi 

landed without Opposition Tl orison and inhabi 
tants had retired to a small adjacent islet d- 1 by 

n castles \vhi-h, with a resolir :ice, would 1 

been impregnable; but the governor, when summoned 
to capitulate, consented on condition that he should 
be allowed to depart iimnd 1 after makin. ] i"\v 
< f ;!!<<. A sham light maintained by i. 

I oi- urs, and no po\\ 

luicrnn, liivd with blank d the S[an- 

ordered to train tin i > that t; 

: whistled harmless overhead, r l l. then 

rendered, the pri in\i> 

d, and the freetxx 

iiour ed war in ear; on the 

j.oult; ime whieh l ind in th P- 

hood. Three outlav, Panama, 

Indians and mulatto, all well acquainted with 

the i favorable routes, v. leliv< led up 

Indians, aware that tin 

11 7. .ml lli-t. Duc i. .I /-.-. 30. 


suffer from the raid in common with the Spaniards, 
feigned ignorance, but were betrayed by the mulatto 
and put to the torture. One of them died on the 
rack, and the survivor then confessed that he knew 
the roads, and consented to serve his captors. 

Before landing the main body of the buccaneers on 
the Isthmus, Morgan determined to capture the castle 
of San Lorenzo, which guarded the mouth of the 
Chagre River. For this purpose he despatched a 
squadron of five vessels with four hundred men 12 
under Captain Bradley, remaining himself at Santa 
Catarina with the rest of his forces, in order to mask 
his main design. The castle was built on a high rock, 
steep enough to render it inaccessible on the southern 
side, and was protected on the north by the river, 
which widens at that point. Four bastions mounted 
with artillery guarded the approaches by land, and 
two faced seaward. At the foot of the rock were 
three batteries which commanded the mouth of the 
Chagre. At the outlet of the river is a sunken reef 
and a sand-bar, over which the breakers roll for almost 
the entire width. Only in the calmest weather can 
one detect a narrow passage close under the precipice, 
whose height is still crowned by the ruins of the 
castle of San Lorenzo. The fortress was surrounded 
with palisades, filled in with earth, and its single 
entrance could be approached only by a drawbridge 
which spanned a crevasse in the rock thirty feet in 
depth. The garrison consisted of three hundred and 
fourteen well armed and veteran troops, and a party 
of expert Indian bowmen under as gallant an officer as 
ever drew sword. 

Bradley saw that the stronghold could be assailed 
only from the land side, and anchored his vessels 
in a small bay at a short distance from the outlet 
of the river. The freebooters went ashore soon after 
midnight, and after cutting their way through woods 

12 Three ships and 470 men, according to Sharp s Voyages, 130. 


led with undergrowth, 

, debouched a in ll 

. /it hin gunshot of t 

tin 1 attack. The garr: ;i tli 

ot ii. :ng out: " Coino on, I 1 j 

. and let your COmpanioE arc behind 

come on; yon .shall not get to I bia ! 

r rh d severely and were driv 

the shelter of the woods; but ret u ruin" : ii- 


fall can up to the edge o; 

attempted to burn do\vn the ]>ali 

|[)osite v Guided by th lit of 1 li 

the Spaniards pli.-d tlicni inc< vith 

rtillcry and the Indians di 

arrows with hardly less el M- n fell nd 

]!radley had both his legs taken off -und shot. 

The buccaneers were 11 n! 

of success, when a lucky s: turned i 
in their lavor. One of 
It an arr<>\v, phiekrd it forth and wi 
with cotton, shot it back from his musket t 
, where it lighted on a house 13 th 
tves. The cotton, ignited by the : 
, set fire to the roof. The flames w 
ticed until beyond control, and s; llysoon 

exploded a package of gunpoi* T 

at all their efforts to .c conil :i and \ 

d into th and mount: 

i o(L dioulders burnt down the 

the 1 -S. 

I he ca-f]e \vas all ruin. 

th which supported the p.-ili [ ialleii i: 

it in plans to a level with i 
A mu: us lire was poun-d on : 

account given in 

1 -house tliat st<x><l on tlu: 
:e cast! . I 

\\-et-n t 
-i and the castle \val I reach of su. 


fenders till noon, when the assailants advanced to 
storm the breach. Many of the Spaniards hurled 
themselves down the steep side of the rock, prefer 
ring death to surrender. The governor, at the head 
of a handful of men, still maintained a hopeless strug 
gle, but a musket-ball through the head soon laid him 
low, and all resistance was at an end. Only thirty of 
the garrison were found alive; among them not a 
single officer, and scarcely a dozen unwounded men. 
The prisoners gave information that news of the in 
tended raid had reached Panama by way of Carta 
gena several weeks previously; that a deserter from 
the expedition, when at the Rio Hacha, had also re 
vealed Morgan s design; that messengers had been 
despatched by the governor of the fortress to the 
president, with news of the invaders approach; that 
ambuscades were already posted at several points on 
the banks of the Chagre, and that the president with 
the main body of his forces awaited their approach 
on the plains surrounding Panama. 

The Spaniards were ordered to throw down their 
dead to the foot of the castle rock, and there to bury 
them. A neighboring church served as a hospital for 
the wounded, and a prison-house for the captured 
women, who were subjected as usual to foul outrage 
and defilement, daughters being violated in presence 
of their mothers, and wives before their husbands 
pantomimes of hell performed within the walls of a 

On receiving news of the capture of San Lorenzo, 
the commander of the buccaneers gave orders that all 
the houses on the isle of Santa Catarina should be 
burned to the ground, and that the fortifications on the 
adjacent islet should be destroyed, with the exception 
of one of the strongest castles, which he reserved for 
future occupation. Casting the guns of the fortress 
into the sea, and placing his prisoners on board the 
fleet, he set sail for the mainland, and arrived off the 
mouth of the Chagre in January 1G71. Overjoyed at 

h colors j!yin-_ 


,ijis on tin 1 sunki-n r< 
river, but prizes w< .il la. 

. and of a nunilMT of buui 

for the navigation of the E in. lain 

i t as a garrison lor t! and one huiuh 

and fifty ; -^iiard for i ;pti\< 

!<Ted to repair the breaches in the I 

tin- main body of tin- advciitur- t \\vl\x- hun- 

divd strong, started on their expedition again in- 
ania. if organ gave orders that no provM uld 

n but a slander stock of mai/r, b. nt 

Millie day s ratioi, He told bisnx-n that, i 
means of conveyance b./m^ liinitud, they must 

umber themselves with unn< try i 
they would soon replenish Ir supplies ir.m thu 
magazines of the Spaniards, who lay in anibu>h . 
1 route. Moreover, the detachment left behind 
n Lorenzo numbered with the prisoners o 1,000 
sons, and tin- entire supply was hardly 
th.ii- subsistence until his return. 

The journey was be^un in boats and cano 
notwithstanding a rapid current and a want of skill 
in managing the overloaded vessels, about 

Were made- tli t. day. So little did the fr< 

know of the impediments they w -omi to eneoiur 
in their as<.vnt of the stream, that they took 
them five large scows laden with artillery andamii 
nit ion. A few of the party went . 

irch for food, as their BG allow, !zu 

was soon drvourrd, but nothi di>c< 

I ;unl mo>t of the buer lay down to r 

supper! ,ith nothing but a pi[>e of tobacco to ap- 


14 In Shnr]) ~ 1:13, it is stated tl; ft only HOO i: 

he castle, anil r i anain;i -\vitli 1,400 b; 

and 3H honts. 1 

i in the s; ; gan i- 

2,300 nu-n. In /. !<n, 11 

HIST. CENT. \x... VOL. II. 32 


On the se cond evening they arrived at a spot where 
the river-bed was shoal from drought, and choked 


with fallen trees. The guides assured them that a 
few miles beyond they would find no difficulty in 
continuing their route, either by land or water, and 
next morning, leaving a strong guard over their 
vessels, they attempted to make their way through 
the forests that skirt the banks of the Chagre. The 
trees were matted with vines, and the spaces between 
them filled with a dense wall of tropical undergrowth/ 
in places impenetrable to sight. Most of the men 
were ordered to return to the river, and leaving there 
the scows with the artillery they managed to drag 
their canoes over the shallow places, a portion of them 
embarking wherever the water was of sufficient depth. 
The remainder cut a passage through the woods with 
extreme difficulty, and on the following afternoon all 
assembled on the bank of the stream, where they 
passed the night without food, benumbed with cold, 
and unable to sleep. 

Worn out with toil and gaunt with hunger, their 
clothing torn to rags, the buccaneers resumed their 
journey on the morning of the fourth day, some of 
them already staggering from weakness and halting 
now and then to gnaw the roots and leaves, or to soak 
in water and chew strips cut from the empty leathern 
sacks which had contained their dole of maize. About 
noon one of the guides called out that he had discov 
ered signs of an ambuscade a cry welcome to the 
freebooters, who advanced at once to the attack, 
hoping at length to obtain a supply of provisions. 
Forewarned by their scouts, \vho had given timely 
notice of the enemy s approach, the Spaniards had 
retired to a safe distance, and none were found to 
offer resistance, nor any scrap of food save a few 
crumbs scattered round the spot where the fugitives 
had made a recent meal. All their bright visions of 
wealth now faded before the grim spectre of famine, 
and their one thought was to obtain the means of 


"icvin- 1 the j-nawin 111 had it 

wi : . ho mi _dit then I lien int> 

lamished ( for lie would 

surely have bet -M carved and n. I !i- 

boring huts were found a few bund! t dry Iiid 

such as Were u-.-d bv tin- n; makiii"- I for 


tlif stora rn. Tl 

aked in the river, rut, 5nt<> small pieces, rubl 
hand, and after tin- hair had he, n set I nil , 
were cookrd and o-ul[)cd dn\vn nmi-x-1 ly iimi->,-l \\ 
draughts <t \va<rr. About sundown -j-ot u 

! wln rc wt-ro traces of another amlmsradr. hut 
:n-iits of victuals, for orders had l>.M-ngiv. 

r remove v-i-ything edible Ix-yond reach 

the invaders, in the hope that they would be f. ,iv 
by -vation to retrace their ate] l- -rtnnaTe \\ 
thai ni- lit who had iv>erved some scra}.< of li : 
on which to mak e his evening rrj)ast. 

At noon on the fifth day of the journey th r- 

rived at the village- of Barbacoas, oear wlnVh. after ;i 
loii ii-ch, they discovered in a grotto recently hewn 
out of the rock, two sacks of meal, a (juaniity of jl 
tains, and two jars of wine. This scan! l \*]^y v 
tinned out anion^ those who v. in the lasi 
mity, many of them s< weak tl I to be 

ried nn bnard lb M"-t nl tin* bu 

iin lay dnwn suppei l- b, some jestii 

their snn-y plight, but the majority thr- 

ert, and uttei in^ curses l>ud and le.-p againsl 
man who with promise of ]-ieh spoils had Inn-d them 
into a wildei-iiess w la-re they s< I soon to 

their carcasses a j the vulttir- 

Nevertheless all continued their course next morn- 
in_n\ and abn;it midday came in si^ht of a plantation 
which they approached with slow step and s: 
liahinu \ few jiaces to iv-t t liroii. 

akne At first i lief wa^ found. Imai 
the freebooters were about T .rry out their t! 

of i-etui-niii"- to ( ha"Te, when one of them dis<XH 

O O 


a barn filled with maize which the Spaniards had 
neglected to remove, thinking that the invaders could 
not make their way so far across the Isthmus. The 
stronger of the party at once beat in the doors with 
the but-end of their muskets, and after devouring 
their fill of the raw grain made way for their com 
rades, and carried a portion down to those who lay in 
the canoes so enfeebled with their long fast that they 
were unable to crawl further. When all had satisfied 
their hunger, enough remained to give each man a 
good allowance. Toward nightfall they came in sight 
of a body of Indians posted on the opposite side of the 
river. Morgan at once ordered a party to give chase, 
hoping to capture some; but being more fleet of foot 
and in better condition, they easily made their escape, 
after discharging a flight of arrows, which laid low 
tw r o or three of their pursuers, the natives crying out 
as they brandished their weapons: "Ha, perros, d la 
savana, d la savana." 

At sunrise on the seventh day the freebooters 
crossed the river and continued their route on the 
other side, arriving in a few hours in sight of the 
village of Cruces, about eight leagues from Panama, 
and the head of navigation on the Chagre. Smoke 
\vas soon observed rising from the chimneys, and 
the buccaneers ran forward, exclaiming: "They are 
making good fires to roast and boil what we are to 
eat." One more disappointment was in store for 
them: the place was found to be deserted and the 
houses in flames. The only provisions discovered were 
a single leathern sack of bread and some jars of wine. 
A number of dogs and cats left straying around the 
neighborhood were instantly killed and devoured. 
The wine, acting on stomachs weak with fasting and 
disordered by unwholesome diet, caused a violent 
sickness, and for a while they believed themselves 

At daybreak next morning two hundred of the best 
armed and strongest were sent forward to search for 

AT - : l 

.-I 1" reconnoitre t! 
I foll.)\vh: ,- hours later wit !i the 


arrived at . "t then called Qu 
ravine em : wren walls of r 

Id with difficulty walk al: 
A flight of arrows, discha an u. 

upon them as from the cloud a i. 

must stout-hearted d. Ti ho 

11 to .shrink from peril, but th i\v that a hand- 
i ul of resolute troops could hold the pass a^ain 
my. J) in lay a 1< liillt 

1 nr, ry could j) the j ()v> 

sheer | i roiu which i\> liurL 

ids ; jily have destroyed tli- tire f 

The bu rved some Indi ^lidi 

in their front, and pu^hi; rward ai 

delay to a point \vl, ^s wi 

voll-y into tin; woods at random. The- 1; 

chieftain , re 1 by his parti-col plumes, I 

, l, when the frecboot d him <juar- 

l liimself on his elb :id i. at 

on them with his javelin. He insta 

throii di the head, and his followers took to i! 


In tliis skirmish no prisoners \ taken, and the 

-f M< ! vanced - Hard was about ten kil 

and as many wounded. u 

r rhe main b .f the buccaneers soon arri\ nd 
aft :ef halt the march was resinned, 1 .rd 

-torm of v/ind and rain set in, and con- 
It v. 

to burn th be line of 

-skirmish, i 

Aivlu : 
: l.ut tin 

!1<1 III . 

;m>l ivii .i- r 

h. IM I that 

o kilk.l, a -htly NV...U 


route, and the men passed the night without shelter, 
sitting huddled on the ground. A few shepherds 
huts afforded scant protection for the wounded, and 
storage room for the arms and ammunition. The 
robbers were on foot at the first gleam of dawn, and 
after discharging their fire-locks at once fell into the 
ranks. Toward noon on this, the ninth day of the 
journey, they ascended a lofty hill which yet bears 
the name of El Cerro de los Buccaneros, and from its 
summit looked down for the first time on the Pacific. 
The storm had broken, and a few white sailing boats 
were seen gliding among a group of islands that lay a 
few leagues to the south of Panama^ but a far more 
interesting sight to these toil-worn and famished 
marauders was a neighboring valley, where droves 
of oxen and bands of horses were quietly grazing. 
No enemy appeared, and somo of the cattle were at 
once shot down. Hacking them piecemeal they cast 
the flesh into hastily kindled fires, and snatching it 
from the flames while still half raw, tore it with their 
fingers and devoured it with the greed of starving 
wolves, the blood streaming down their beards and 
dripping from their garments. Before the meal was 
over, Morgan ordered a false alarm to be sounded, 
fearing that the Spaniards might take them by sur 
prise. It soon became evident that this was no need 
less precaution, for an hour or two later a strong de 
tachment of Spanish cavalry appeared almost within 
musket shot. Finding the enemy prepared to receive 
them they quickly withdrew, and the sound of drum 
and trumpet soon gave notice to the retreating squad 
rons that the buccaneers were in sight of Panamd. 

Two or three piers of a shattered bridge, a fragment 
of wall, a single tower, and a few remnants of public 
buildings, half buried under a dense growth of creep 
ers, still mark the spot where, in 1671, stood a city 
with fine streets and beautiful edifices, among which 

7 O 

were stately churches richly adorned with altar-pieces 
and rare paintings, with golden censers and goblets, 

BBFO \. 503 

and tall candelabra of native >il\ er. 

iil>< the merchant j)rin<- f tli. \v \Vorld, 

of them tli- adanl . who had fought 


under Cortes when he added i :npiiv .r the M..U- 
to tli of the Spani>h crown. 

were vast waivho bored with Hour, wine, oil, 

spi ind the merchandise of Spain ; tl 

of <v<lar Btirrounded with Ix-.-mtiful pn . \\li 

i- wonu ii rnj<>y< <l tli. nin^ Lr. 

wnrd on tlir untroubled \\; I \-tci 

But what waa J)on Juan Perez de Guzman <!< 
while Morgan \vas on his \\ay up tli" Cli,-. 
captui in^ tin; high-mounted <-i>tlo of San J.^ivn/ 
-\1: were l> iu.^ said daily for the success of ; 
SjKinish an; The iina-vs of our lady of }i nd 

immaculate conception were l>rh ! in ^i-n ral 

]>r ion, attended hy all the religious fraternity of 

the cathedral. Alv. most holy sacramenl \\. 

left uncovered and exposed to public view. ( } 

re l)eini- taken with iniicli pi>u> fervor in the pi 

ence of the sacred ell: md all th<j ] 

3 and jewelry, including a diamond rin^ \. 
frty thousand j re laid on the alta 

lioly virgin and of the- saints who held in their special 
ke< ! iii^ the welfan, 1 of l^uianui. Surely if the f , 
of d powers can be bought with j and 

money they have h eceil ieir price, and should 

deliver thi> city, especially when the pir.. 
to Li loriiy (iod with their spoils. 16 with 

down look, gathering up these votive oU erin- 

and taking in charge 1 old and silver ornan 

of the ehurellCS, iliVnk-d id OQ 1 

royal banners of Spain, and linrried off beyond i-eaeh 
of the coming fray with the treasures thu> 
upon them thi ou^h the instrumentality of Satan. 
The forces of the Spaniards, consist] 100 lio-i 

and _. H>0 j not, with a 1 

16 Si t-iiit. r fix in analati 

, r>i 


drawn up in the plain without the city. Yet another 
mode of warfare, unique in New World adventure, 
presents itself, as 2,000 wild oxen, under the guidance 
of Indians, were placed on the flanks of the army 
ready to break through the enemy s ranks. 

The buccaneers pitched their camp near the brow 
of a hill in full view of the plain. There were yet two 
hours of daylight, and the Spanish artillery at once 
opened on them with round shot, but at too long range 
to take effect. Morgan posted his sentries without 
the least misgiving, and his men, after making their 
supper on the remnants of the noonday meal, threw 
themselves upon the ground to obtain what rest they 

As soon as the first gleam of dawn heralded the 
approach of the last day the doomed city was destined 
to witness after an existence of one hundred and 
fifty years, 17 the morning gun from the president s 
camp gave the signal for both armies to fall into the 
ranks, and a few minutes later the freebooters were on 
the march toward the city. Warned by their scouts 
that ambuscades were posted along the line of the 
main road, they cut their way with some difficulty 
through a neighboring wood, and debouched on the 
summit of a small eminence that still bears the name 
of El Cerro de Avance. The Spanish battalions, ill 
armed with carbines, fowling-pieces, and arquebuses, 
but dressed in parti-colored silk uniforms, the horse 
men prancing on mettlesome steeds as though attend 
ing a bull-fight, lay before them almost within musket 
shot. Morgan drew up the main body of his forces 
in three columns, and sending in front a strong detach 
ment of his best marksmen, descended into the plain 
to give battle. The enemy s artillery, posted in a 
part of the field where it commanded the main ave 
nues of approach to the city, was far out of range, but 

17 The old town of Panama was destroyed by Morgan in January 1671. 
Exquemdhi s Hist. Bucaniers, 148. In Sharp s Voyages, 142, January 1G70 
is given as the date. 


ler I- 

I d \vith l >;id >f Vi\ 

enemy in check. Tli u:id . 

loot, and un for the ac 

not of 11: 

d l>y a li::t tie cry and a 

<jua<! troo} Forming in 

it rank kneel: md i 

Sp came iij) almost to tin ir in: 

1 in a volley which told with mnnl 
Don Fra ! his 

lar-^v, l)iit no imp! n could he !id \ 

sha t l^n^th wh< ! off 

tance, leaving their gallant chieftain d< ad on il. Id. 

Meanwhile tlic < d, after i- 

id repeating his A\ 

and ] - to th<> saints, had come forth froi; 

ho\v the battle \v;:s pro 1 . T! 

Spanish foot \\viv tlicii oi-.!cr-d ail t 

in Iront, while hands of oxen driven in on 

k to l>roak through their 1 Th.. h 

had tho wind and sun in their 
ul rate on a <|i\en point as : 

o]>] - could In-iiiL r in ivarof t 

latter 1;, UK which ; 

r main hody. Jlie ir 
ceived with a hot liru and handled so r ly that 

t. ^I left wing t 

in in Hank and their 

rout. The wild c; . inaddnied 1 .y the Uj>- 
:ell of Mood, and hy t! d ilag >! 

in th< ii 4 s- any of their drivers 1 lown 

H v of mus!. ptirp< 

drivm hack on I ilyin !umi. 
dent made a i eel.l to lally hi n. until t 

\Y which he carried in his hand, t 
apparently which he hore that day, wa d w 

a > ; ^hen, yieldi: . the in, 

li-dii . Li ivin--- than bless 



virgin, "who had brought him off safe from amidst 
so many thousand bullets." 18 

In two hours the battle was won. Six hundred of 
the Spaniards lay dead on the plains; the cavalry 
were almost annihilated, and the infantry threw away 
their arms and scattered into small parties, many of 
them hiding among the bushes by the sea-shore where 
they were afterward discovered and butchered. A 
party of Franciscan friars, who had remained with 
the army to offer the last consolations of religion to 
the dying, were captured and shot without mercy. 
Orders were at first given that no quarter should be 
granted, as the buccaneers were too much crippled to 
encumber themselves with prisoners. An exception 
was made, however, in the case of a wounded Spanish 
officer, who was brought into the commander s pres 
ence and gave information that the city contained only 
a garrison of one hundred men, but that the streets 
were protected by barricades and by twenty-eight 
pieces of cannon, and that the president would proba 
bly reoccupy the place if he could reorganize his forces. 
Morgan at once assembled his troops, and telling them 
they must lose no time in seizing the prize, put his col 
umns in motion by way of the Portobello road, which 
lay beyond reach of the enemy s fire, and within an 
hour made his entrance into Panamd without opposi 
tion. 19 Warning was given to the men to keep out of 
range of the cannon that were posted in the plaza 

18 Translation of the president s letter in Sharp s Voyages, 155. There is 
considerable discrepancy in the various accounts of the action before Panama; 
but there is no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like a 
soldier. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 160, and Hist. Buccaniers, 146, Sharp, 
Voyayers, 138 (in the author s own account of the battle), and Archenholtz, 
Ilixt. Pirates, 140, all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the tight, and 
not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of the pusillanimous 

19 Here again authors differ essentially in their narrative. Exqmmelin, 
Hist. Bucaniers, 147, states that the freebooters suffered severely from the 
Spanish artillery as they approached the city. Archenholtz, Hint. Pirates, 
141, makes the same statement; but the Hist. Flib., ii. 164, says that they 
encountered no opposition; and this version is probably correct, for as remarked 
in Burney s Buccaneers of America, 67, Panamd had no regular fortifications, 
and in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain fighting. 
Sharp, Voyages, 141, indorses the Hist. Flib. 

T,l G OF T! Y. 507 

T. Ill :f In 

in s< arch <>f plunder or in pursuit of i u 

tin- Spaniards, pointing tin ir ] ;il tl 

ch, of the en ,poui iv< 11 y Fi 

t mms loaded t<> the mu/./le with urn- 

of iron. This was tin- ], i liivd in <! 

I inama: for the cannoniers \\ 

they Isad time to rel