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THE WORKS

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

TILE AVOKKS

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME VII.

HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA..

i. II. l.-. KMSOO.

BAH IT LNCISCO :
A. L . FT ,v COMPAN7, PUBLISH!

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1883, by

HUBERT H. BANCROFT,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

PIZARRO AND PERU.

1624-1644,

I AGE.

Origin and Character of the Conqueror The Triumvirate Copartnership
of Pizarro, Friar Liupie, ami Diego de Almagro for Continuing the
Dis . of Andagoya Departure Attitude of Pedrarias Slow

Di -vehement of their Plans Ileturn and Reembarkation Pers
enee of 1 i/ar dlo Island Fate Defied Discovery

of Tumhex and the Coast Beyond Return to Panama Pizarro Y
its Spain A New lition Aboriginal History of Peru T

Rival In , -tablishment of the Spaniards at San Miguel At-

hualpa at &lt; axamalca --The Spaniards Visit Him there Seizure of
the I nea -Pacification of Tern Arrival of Almagro Death of
!i i- I. tuple Judicial Murder of the Inca A Ring s Ransom
Downfall of the Peruvian Monarchy Disputes and Violent Deaths
of the Almagros and Pizarros ................................... 1

CHAPTER II.

CASTILLA DEL ORO.

JT i r,:;;.

Administration of Pedro de los Rios He is Superseded l&gt;y the Licen-
be Antonio do la Gama Barrionu- \\ A Provinee in

Xueva. Andalucia (Jranted to iV-dr. . dfl h
tagena ( \ with th.- N.-iti arthed- 1

U l Bohio . of the Settleii! .lonsol.

to Rebuild B -ian Is ( 1 by .Julian (ivr

ture of Tlu- pie of Dabaiva Onre M.re

:-ch of the &lt; Hittering Phantom, Francisco (Y-sar
and Others Audi I at Panam

tion Complaint! of the Co) in th- e

ihopcoi da del Oro Miraculoii- .n JJihli-

1 ....................................................

(vj

vi CONTENTS.

CHAPTEE III.

THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.

1535-1536.

PAGE.

The Dukes of Veragua Maria de Toledo Claims the Territory for her
Son Luis Colon Felipe Gutierrez Appointed to the Command-
Lauding on the Coast of Veragua Sickness and Famine The
Cacique Dururua Enslaved He Promises to Unearth his Buried
Treasures Messengers Sent in Search of It They Return Empty-
handed But Warn the Chief s Followers He Guides the Spaniards
to the Spot They are Surrounded by Indians Rescue of the
Cacique Cannibalism among the Christians Sufferings of the Few
Survivors The Colony Abandoned C3

CHAPTER IV.

THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

1525-1526.

Alvarado Sets forth to Honduras to Join Cortes Mutiny among his
Men Gonzalo de Alvarado Appointed Lieutenant-governor His
Meeting with Marin and his Party The Second Revolt of the
Cakchiquels Gonzalo the Cause of the Insurrection Massacre of
the Spaniards Alvarado Returns to Guatemala He Captures the
Penol of Xalpatlahua He Marches on Patinamit His Return to
Mexico His Meeting with Corte"s 74

CHAPTER V.

SUBJUGATION OP ZACATEPEC AND CAPTURE OF SINACAM s STRONGHOLD.

1527-1528.

Puertocarrero in Charge of Affairs Revolt at Zacatepec Escape of the
Spanish Garrison The Place Recaptured Execution of the High
Priest Panaguali Sinacam s Stronghold Its Siege and Capture
Jorge de Alvarado Appointed Governor The City of Santiago
Founded in the Almolonga Valley Prosperity of the new Settle
ment . . . 87

CHAPTER VI.

INDIAN REVOLTS AND CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

1529-1530.

Alvarado Returns to Spain He is Arraigned before the Council of the
Indies His Acquittal His Marriage He Returns to Mexico
His Trial before the Audiencia Francisco de Orduna Arrives at
Santiago And Takes the Residencia of Jorge de Alvarado The
nfedcrated Nations in Revolt Juan Perez Dardon s Expedition
to the Valley of Xumay-^The Spaniards Attack the Stronghold of

CONTENT: vii

i . r .

and J The Tlaee Ar . .p.

tuic.l us of ( "pan

l.y HenUUido de Ghavet &lt; iallant Condu* valry - -

Ah Condition of I

100

CHAPTER VII.

ALVARAI" TO IT.RU.

in Guatemala Alvarado Prepares an to the

nds Hut Turns liis Attention toward Per u &lt; )ppo-ition of
th , ury Ollicials The I ll 1 1 rings News &lt;

luialpa s Hansom Strength of Alv; Armament \\&gt; 1-.

rto Vie jo Failure of his Kxpeditinn His lli-turu to &lt;
mala Native lit -\.&gt;lt3 during his Alisence The Visitadur Maldonado
Ar .- Jit- l- ind.s No J- ault in the Adelaiitado lint is

Aft is Ordered to Take his lU sidcncia Alvarado in Honduras. 122

CHAPTER VIII.

THE F.CCI. irs IN cr ATI .MALA.

1529-1641.

Franeisoo Marroquin Arrives at Santiago He is Appointed p

lie Colonists- Tin- I n-lat.- Invites Las Casas to Join
Him Marro&lt;iuin s Consecration in Mexico The Church at Santi;
vat -d -liedral Hank I illiculty in Collecting the Clunvh

The Merced Order in Guatemala Miraculous Image of Our
Lady of Men ! ................................ 133

CHAPTER IX.

AFFAIKS ix HONDURAS.
1527-1538.

Diego Mendez de TTinostrosa A]&gt;pointod Lieutenant-governor Salcedo

Tmjillo His Offic-&gt; ]-.ed ly \ asco d 11- : . ! ath

-Thi for the Go\ di-

o and Juti^aljia Valleys l&gt;iego Mem!

ation of tlu: i . i-

"iispirator Arrival of ( lovernor All

jilhj Iiisl&gt;eath- Aii : .it the Head or s

-s of t ..111 Trujillo-

1 "li iiy in the Pi of Xula C

; to 1 , dro de Alvarado -H, d liy :

lowers Alvando . in Honduras- Ih FOOD

- 1 i ai;ture fur ............................... 344

viii CONTEXTS.

CHAPTEE X.

ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIKS IX NICARAGUA.

1531-1550.

PAGE.

iMalefeasance of Castaneda Diego Alvarez Osorio the First Bishop of
Nicaragua A Convent Founded at Leon Las Casas Arrives Cas-
taneda s Flight Arrival of Contreras Proposed Expedition to El
Pesaguadero Opposition of Las Casas Departure with All the
Dominicans The Volcano of El Infierno de Masaya Fray Bias Be
lieves the Lava to be Molten Treasure His Descent into the Burn
ing Pit Exploration of the Desaguadero Dodtor Robles Attempts
to Seize the New Territory Contreras Leaves for Spain His Arrest,
Trial, and Return His Son-in-law Meanwhile Usurps the Govern
mentAntonio de Valdivieso Appointed Bishop Feud between the
Ecclesiastics and the Governor Alonzo Lopez de Cerrato Takes the
Eesidencia of Contreras Missionary Labors in Nicaragua 1G6

CHAPTEE XI.

EXPEDITION OF DIEGO GUTIERREZ TO COSTA RICA.

1540-1545.

Diego Gutierrez Appointed Governor Desertion of his Soldiers He Pro
ceeds to Nicaragua The Advice of Contreras The Expedition Sails
for the Rio San Juan Friendly Reception by the Natives His Men
Desert a Second Time Reinforcements from Nicaragua and Nom-
bre de Dios The Historian Benzoni Joins the Party Gutierrez as
an Evangelist He Inveigles Camachire and Cocori into his Camp
He Demands Gold under Pain of Death Noble Conduct of the Ca
cique Cocori The Spaniards March into the Interior Their Suffer
ings from Hunger They are Attacked and Massacred Benzoni and
Five Other Survivors Rescued by Alonzo de Pisa 187

CHAPTEE XII.

ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

1537-1541.

The Adelantado s Match-making Venture Its Failure Alvarado s Com
mission from the Crown He Lands at Puerto de Caballos And
Thence Proceeds to Iztapa His Armament He Sails for Mexico
His Defeat at Nochistlan His Penitence, Death, and Last Will
&lt; uiracter of the Conqueror Comparison of Traits with Those of
( :&lt;n-t&lt;5s While above Pizarro He was far beneath Sandoval His De
light in Bloodshed for its own Sake The Resting-place and Epi
taph Alvarado s Progeny 201

rs. u

rilAl TKI! XIII.

TIIK (

1020 1529.

Origin of the Chiapanecs They Submit to the Spani the M

--liu; !i,-n Required i&lt;&gt; I a \ Tribute

Marin I nd t of th ince !

-with: I &gt; The Panie-&gt;t!-i&lt; kenArt: -Capti

!i ld.i . hamulans lli^- in Jjevilt-- ! !.

rnal Diax. in Peril

I- li^ht and Surrender of the Chamulan&gt; Marin Retun. itu

of the ( hiapanees- Their Subjiu by

go de M jos Third Rebellion -T!. -netion

lw Pi; o in t M llis Disoomfitare Founding of

Villa Jleal-.laan Knritjre .:man Takes the Rettdeada of

s Hi&gt; Maleadministration -Jl. i

CHAPTER XIV.

THKKATKM:I j.i ;ION OF Tin; INDIES.

l.vjii- 1.143.

Decrease of Indian Population at the Isthmus And in Honduras Treat-

nt of Spanish Allies in Guatemala Torture and Uutehny of

11- stile Native TiTmr Iii&gt;j&gt;ired hy Alvarado Karl y I tion

n-observano :, ( ;ia of Panam;l

Abolished The Andiencia of J,- Keyei and Los Coniin .al&gt;-

lishcd- Dugoit \v Code- Ti ! of
H An i 1 1.- Tak. &gt; &lt; 1 Treasure Acquired
by Slave LaU&gt;r Liberates a Number of Indians

CHAPTER XV.

PANAMA AND PER U.

L538-156U

Adininisti-ation of I .1,1, - s Int. ronnnunication Pro-

of the Site nf Panam, !o Dios and

ineree i ; ,ii-

Vela Lands in Peru Con/al.. I i/an-oat ;
H ad ol Uion hissoli. ; ;l ,,f i. . s and

he Vi \\\^ 1; al ,d l) ( . a th a: .

(juit-. ||. |-

Panama ] ,t of t

Verd

with the i

x CONTENTS.

CHAPTEE XVI.

BEVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

1550.

PAGE.

Cause of the Revolt Preparations of the Conspirators Assassination of
Bishop Valdivieso The Rebels Defeat the Men of Granada Their
Plan of Operations The Expedition Sails for Natd Gasca Arrives
at the Isthmus with the King s Treasure Capture of Panama Blun
ders of the Rebel Leaders Hernando de Contreras Marches to
Capira He is Followed by his Lieutenant Bermejo Gasca s Arrival
at Nombre de Dios Uprising of the Inhabitants of Panama Ber-
mejo s Attack on the City His Repulse His Forces Annihilated
Fate of Hernando and his Followers 274

CHAPTEK :XVII.

AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

1537-1549.

Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor Revolt of the Cacique Lem-
pira Dastardly Artifice of the Spaniards Establishment of New
Colonies Condition of the Settlements Mining in Honduras
Return of Pedro de Alvarado Montejo Deposed from Office Alonso
de Maldonado the First President of the Audiencia of the Confines
Maltreatment of the Natives Rival Prelates in Honduras Their
Disputes Las Casas Presents a Memorial to the Audiencia He is
Insulted by the Oidores His Departure for Chiapas Maldonado s
Greed He is Superseded by Alonso Lopez de Cerrato The Seat of
the Audiencia Moved to Santiago de Guatemala. ...... 289

CHAPTEE XVIII.

PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

1541-1550.

Mourning for Alvarado Grief of Dona Beatriz An Anomalous Govern
mentA Female Ruler A Beautiful but Treacherous Mountain

A Night of Horrors Death of Dona Beatriz Destruction of Santi
agoA Ruined City Burial of the Dead Gloom of Conscience-
stricken Survivors Joint Governors Removal of the City Resolved
upon A New Site Discussed Another Santiago Founded Maldo
nado Appointed Governor Action of the Audiencia Relative to
Encomiendas Controversies and Recriminations Removal of the
Audiencia to Santiago President Cerrato Offends the Settlers His
Mode of Action o ^

CO TS.
CHAPT

THE i:rci. : vi AS.

i:..

PAGE.

A Convent Founded by the Mere.-d Order riudad Real Appointed a

; force the

lution dr.! ontro-

\vith the Audieneia of the Confines He ] i

::t i with Septilyeda Hifl Appeal to the Con- of

1 liilip The Audieneia Transferred from Panama. I uaJa

;tli of the Apostle of the Indies r The Domi

in Chiapas ....................................................

CHAPTER XX.

MAUttOQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN* CTATEMALA AND VERA TAZ.

1541-1550.

A ^ 1 Wanted A Poor Pivlnte and Unwilling Titlio-pay-

ers Two Contentious Bishops Charitable Institutions rounded
Dominican ( on vent. Or &gt; --TYanciscans Arrive Their l.alsors

Mtlinia, Founds a Custodia Disputes l&lt;-r ::iid

poininicans La Tierra de ("Jucrra Las Cu^ -tern His ]"

in Veni I ../ He Goes to Spain Decrees Obtained by Him
and an Indignant Cabildo llcturns 1 - in \"era
-ubmission and Heavy Tributes Cam Expedi
tion to Florida Ominous Opinions An Indifferent Captain A
Dominican Martyr 341

CHAPTER XXI.

GUATT.MAI. \ CULM 1

1551-1600.

Quesada s Administration The Oidor Zorita .lives into

Towns Kxpedi; lure- !

&gt;

tiate lirixeno Fami!! . I 1 . rthipiake iu &lt;

Tlie Ami: of the Confii. And

iala &lt;
! l&gt;y Vi; .. of

; he I k&gt;mil and Fran

Villalpando and ( Idrdol

\dinin; .it Valverde, Ku- da, r

an ilia Indi.

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXII.

AFFAIRS IX PANAMA.
1551-1600.

PAGE.

Revolt of the Cimarrones Pedro de Ursua Sent against Them A
Second Revolt Bayana Caught and Sent to Spain Regulations
concerning Negroes Commercial Decadence Restrictions on Trade
Home Industries Pearl Fisheries Mining Decay of Settle
mentsProposed Change in the Port of Entry Its Removal from
Nombre de Dios to Portobello Changes in the Seat of the Audien-
cia Tierra Firme Made Subject to the Viceroy of Peru Defalca
tions in the Royal Treasury Preparations for Defence against Cor
sairs and Foreign Powers 386

CHAPTER XXIII.

DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

1572-1596.

Drake s Attack on Nombre de Dios Panic among the Inhabitants
Stores of Treasure Retreat of the English They Sail for Carta
gena And Thence for the Gulf of Uraba Visit to the Isle of Pinos
The Ships Moved to the Cabezas Islands Second Expedition to Carta
gena March to the Isthmus Drake s First Glimpse of the South
Sea Ambuscade Posted near Cruces The Bells of Approaching
Treasure Trains The Prize Missed through the Folly of a Drunken
Soldier Capture of Cruces Thirty Tons of Gold and Silver Taken
near Nombre de Dios Voyage on a Raft The Expedition Returns
to England Oxenham s Raid Drake s Circumnavigation of the
Globe His Second Voyage to the West Indies His Final Expedi
tion His Death and Burial off Portobello . , , 404

CHAPTER XXIV.

NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

1551-1600.

Revolt of Juan Gaitan His Defeat by the Licentiate Juan de Caballon
Expedition of Caballon and Juan de Estrada Rdbago to Costa Rica-
Settlements Founded Distress of the Spaniards Juan Vazquez
Coronado Comes to their Relief Further Expeditions Flight of
the Natives Capture of the Stronghold of Cotu Administration of
Diego de Artiego Cherino The Franciscans in Costa Rica Martyr
dom of Juan Pizarro The Ecclesiastics in Nicaragua Fray Juan
de Torres Condition of the Settlements Slow Growth of Trade. 424

COXT
( TER XXV.

Nil

1 Col -1700.

PAGE.

Leon Abandoned D iptionof the

TheSaerii Mouse T nudii- &gt;oters i

aragua Church Matt.-r- vince

. ijeet t j&gt; of Lima

sion of I j-uption of J-il Intierno &lt;! Ma-a assacre of

tiiiards in Costa Rica Maid iitioii to Talamanea

[iaaion to Tologalpa Its Failure His Forfchar Attempts

to Christianize the Natives Ma- &gt;f SoUdien and Eocleeui 439

CHAPTER XXVI.

BUCCAITEEKS ;ING R.VIDS.

1518-1664.

Buccaneers at Santo Domingo Tortuga the Head-quartan of the Pirates
Their Modes of Life -Francois L Olonnoi : ililnisr es-

sel Cast on the Shore of ( !! , J ort \ml

Re:. i the 1 Honduras -II.- GaptlU i J edro-

I lans a Kaid on iiuateinala His Coin: i &gt;esert Hiin-

s a Dios II ilition to I&lt;--a_rua-

And to Costa III - IFaei. ult
the Island of Santa ( atari; id At; lago
atariua Itetaken l&gt;y th-: Spaniards 451

CHAPTER XXVH.

PANAMA, PoKTolil.l.i.o, AM) I IKACr.

1601- ItiTO.

An Audiencia again .lisTied in Panainii Its Presidents Captain

1 a 1 i on I ortoU-llo Growth of PortoU-Ho and i

Otlirials In .minunicatiou

; land Trading Cliureh M Q I anain;i I 1

:iid the Oidon-s Ti i lv\:l l;.pute De-
etrueti ratitu: Adini: -His Downfall and
iuse The Annual J:"air at Panama 4

CHAPTEli XXVIII.

MO1

L664-1671.

Morgan s!: to A Tl-.e ( astle

.ana lUuwn into t. are uf ti .ies

xiv CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Committed by the Buccaneers The President of Panamd Marches
against Them He is Driven Back Morgan Sends Him a Specimen
of his Weapons Ransom of the City and Return to Jamaica The
Buccaneers Prepare Another Armament, and Resolve to Attack Pa
namaCapture of Fort San Lorenzo March across the Isthmus-
Morgan Arrives in Sight of Panamd Cowardice of the Governor-
Battle with the Spaniards Burning of the City Torture of Prison
ersBravery of a Captive Gentlewoman The Buccaneers Recross,
the IsthmusDivision of the Booty 482

CHAPTER XXIX.

CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

1671-1682.

The New City of Panamd Portobello Sacked by Pirates A Buccaneer
Fleet Assembles at Boca del Toro The Corsairs Plan a Raid on Pa
namaThey Capture Santa Maria And Thence Sail for Plantain
Island Massacre of their Captives Desperate Conflict in Panama
Bay Some of the Marauders Return across the Isthmus The Re
mainder Proceed to the Island of Taboga And there Capture Sev
eral Prizes They are Asked to Show their Commissions The An
swerThey Sail for the Coast of Veragua Their Repulse at Pueblo
Nuevo Then: Operations on the Coast of South America Some of
Them Return to England They are Tried and Acquitted 517

CHAPTER XXX.

FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.
1681-1687.

Dampier and his Comrades on the Santa Maria River They Meet with
Spanish War Vessels Their March to the North Sea They Fall in
with a French Ship And Sail round Cape Horn to the South Sea
They Attack Realejp They Sail for the Island of La Plata Here
They are Reenforced They Proceed to the Coast of South Amer
ica Where they Gain Intelligence of the Treasure-fleet The
Pirates Sail for the Pearl Islands Their Defeat in the Bay of Pa
namd rRaids on Leon, Realejo, and Granada Piety of the Filibus
ters Further Operations of the Pirates 543

CHAPTER XXXI.

PANAMA.

1672-1800.

The Scots Colony They Propose to Establish Settlements in Darien
Subscriptions for the Enterprise Departure of the Expedition Its
Arrival at Acla Sickness and Famine among the Colonists They

CONTF. xv

-econd
lure Cartag Ts Indian Out 1 &gt;n-

;i;un;i Pearl Fisheries Mini:

.ing into the II:. ure of HmUi V ml

Maltr- t of their Crews I ora D &lt;&gt;n of War

u s Operations on the I&gt;thmus Alison s Voyage round t
rldVernon s Second Expedition 1 .0113 Result

CHAPTKIl XXXII.

MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA EICA.
1701-1800.

The Sambos of Mosquitia Their Territory A Mosquito Chieftain
CroMiud King Treaties between Spain and England The 1
Occupy Mosquitia Galvez Captures an Kn.lish Settlement on the
Black River An Armament Despatched from Jamaica to Mosqui
tia Surrender of the Spaniards Colonists Ordered to Leave the
Coast The Governors of Nicaragua The British Defeated at Fort
San Carlos Th- &gt;ture Fort San Juan But are Compelled to
] [t-treat Church Matters Missionary Expeditious to Talamanca
Affairs in Costa Rica .- 595

CHAPTER XXXIII.

BELI7.

1650-1SOO.

Buccaneer Settlements in Yucatan The Pirates Engage in Wood-cut
ting Governor Figueroa Ordered to Expel them Raid of the Wood
cutters on Ascension Bay They are Driven Back by th&gt; rnor
Their Settlement in Belize D&lt; d by Elgin roa Th&lt; urn in
Stronger Force Further 1. ; ditions against Them The Wood
cutters under British Protection Th&lt; Attacked by Governor
Rivas The Boundaries of BelL/o Defined by the Treaty of A
sailles Stipulations of a Eater Treaty Further Encroachments of
the English

CHAPTER XXXIV.

II HAS.

1550-1800.

Piratical Raids on Trujillo and Puerto de &gt;s Condition of the

,ts Church Matters &gt; .pedition to 1

-Martyrdom of th- &gt;ors of the Fran I in

Honduras 1 e of the 1 Trujillo 1 ihe

Ihitcli Fort San Fernando de Duma 1 d Its Capture 1

English And l! &lt;:dvez- ues

.cd by Bu- s Their Fin

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXV.

GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

1601-1700.

PAGE.

President Castilla Port Santo Tomds Founded Factions A Gambling
President Condition of the Colonists Grievances Patronage of
the Crown, the Audiencia, and the Cabildo Disputes Defensive
Measures Rule of President Caldas Reorganization of the Audien-
cia President Barrios and Bishop Navas Political Dissensions A
Troublesome Visitador The Berropistas and Tequelies A Line of
Bishops Wealth of the Regular Orders A Prelate Bewitched The
Bethlehemites Royal Order concerning Curacies The New Cathe
dral and Festivities Succession The Progress of Chiapas 649

CHAPTER XXXVI.

THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

1601-1700.

Early Efforts at Pacification Priests and Soldiers Sacrificed Massacre
of Mirones and his Party El Prospero Expedition Indifference of
the Orders Bishop Navas in the Field A Tripartite Campaign
Determined upon Expedition of President Barrios Meeting with
Mazariegos Velasco s Operations The Expeditions Return Fur
ther Expeditions Fate of Velasco and his Command Failure
Ursua s Enterprise Progress of Paredes Negotiations with the
Canek Opposition of Soberanis Ursua Takes Command Treacher
ous AHurements The Itzas Conquered Peten Garrisoned Jealousy
of Soberanis Unsatisfactory Operations Questionable Possession. 672

CHAPTER XXXVII.

GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1701-1800.

The Tzendal Rebellion A New Miracle Atrocities A Novel Hier
archyThe Tzendales Repulsed Segovia s Operations President
Cosio Assumes Command Fall of Cancuc Spread of the Rebel
lionIts Suppression Decadence of Chiapas Earthquakes Riots
-Venality of the Clergy Establishment of the Archbishopric
. Heresy Boundaries of Provinces Abolition of Corregimientos
Another Great Earthquake Quarrels over Removal Expulsion of
the Jesuits

HISTORY

CENTRAL AMERICA,

CHAPTER I.

PIZARRO AND PERU.
1524-1641

OIMOIN AND CHARACTER or nir. Co] ;OR Tin: TRIUMVIRATE COPART-

;! or Pi/.AUKo. FKIAK Li . IK. A\I&gt; DIEGO DE ALMAGRO FOR CON-

1:11 hi- , OF AM . DEI- : OP

\V I &gt;KVKI.OI MKNT OF THKIU I

v PEL I ix UEUtO 5 .LL&lt;&gt;

J&gt;I.\M&gt; FATK Ih:i n.i I KRYOFTi

J;^ PANAMA i Vans &gt;r\i^\^ i KDixioN-

\L Hi&gt;i.-i;v Of l i.i:r- Tin; RIVAL

TIIK Si-AMAi ATAHI-ALI-A AT * A

TII EtDfl \ I&lt;IT HIM Tn.

PLKT Ai Ai. MACRO PKATH 0] :n:u J.

Mri:i- INCA A KIM. - 1 i DOWMWI.L OP

ini: I ll, ;:rnv DISPUTES A.M. \ IDI.I.NT DI.AIIIS OP THE

IN a socit-ty liki- that of Panama, \vluTc

so unjust and morality SO dial)lical, \\v
- -t nothing than that tli i worst niun should
]&gt;rv. the ninst &gt;iu-M-&lt;stul. Alii \vlio cai

ly to J )ari-n. ami \vlioni \vc ha\v iVnju. nt ly .
countered in the wars upon tin- natives, was one \vh&lt;&gt;
n&lt;&gt;\v the ai-eiia as tin 1 r&lt;&gt;n&lt;]ueror of Peru. 11

origin was of tin 4 !&lt;&gt;v Brn in la&gt;tardy, he \\ ,

laid hy his m r &lt;&gt;n the diuivli steps, whence ho

VOL. II. i ( l )

2 PIZARRO AND PERU.

was taken by a swine-herd to be suckled by a sow.
Escaping this master he fled to Seville and lived no
one knows how, until he took ship to Santo Domingo,
no one knows when. Thenceforward to the day of his
assassination, his merciless courage found congenial
occupation; neither his ignorance nor his beastly in
stincts nor his infamous cruelty and treachery stand
ing in the way of fame and fortune.

He was now not far from fifty-three, having been
born at Trujillo, in Estremadura, about 1471. After
both had become famous a distant kinship was traced
between Pizarro and Hernan Cortes. The develop
ment had been, in every respect, in keeping with the
origin and environment. Except Pedrarias there
was not a man in all the Indies more detestable.
Innately he was the coarsest of all the conquerors.
I have not seen of his a single noble sentiment ex
pressed or a single noble action recorded. The Chris
tianity which as a Spaniard he was obliged to wear
had in it not the slightest tincture of piety or pity,
and the civilization under which his genius grew
developed in him only the savage cunning which he
afterward displayed when in pursuit of human prey.
Under this same influence Cortes and other captains
of a generous, lordly nature might wade through hor
rors to a determined goal, while appalling tragedies
and blood -reeking treacheries were not what their
souls delighted in. But incarnate vulgarity was
Francisco Pizarro, and a devouring sea of iniquity,
beside whom beasts were heavenly beings; for when
man sinks to his lowest, we must enter the domain
of hideous fancy to find his prototype.

Up to this time Pizarro had displayed little of that
signal ability, that marvellous determination and readi
ness of resource which carried through one of the
most remarkable undertakings of any age. Soldier of
fortune arid petty farmer were the only distinctions
he could boast. No talents of a higher order than
those exhibited by the other captains in Darien had

01. [ZATION 01 riOX. 3

appeared. , perhap ill liis

tr aatives, and a m

j in his intercourse with his comrade J I

:ade of adlilirahle &gt;t llll l&lt; &gt;r . Hi til inner. 1.;

ohedient, merciless, remorseless; and as In- had n

manif &lt;mhition to excite tin- j*

.ell of JVdl al ias he h;i(l heel) a Useful tool of li

vernnr. (ireat deeds do not always spring fi

3 nf soul. It may have heeit mnvly o
drclinc of pliy&gt;ical ; ;i h advai.

that Pi/.-in-n s mind \\- a &gt; Ird ious refle

^hat at various times he had heard &gt;f tin-

uthward of th- ! thmus, &gt;f wliat Panciaco had
kid, and ;1 [slanders, and Tumaco, and la

all of what Andaimya had reportx d concerning J&gt;iru.

It was known what Cork s had done in tin- north;
might not the same feat be accomplished in the souti

Whencesoever sprang the purpose, on the return of

A nda_L unsuccessful from I l\ru, IM/an-n determined

undertake an expedition in that direction.
Fot withstanding a Inn^- careerof BUC&lt; ul rnhl

lie had little to venture, except that wortl lo

his life. Two requirements were necessary, nmn

;d the const -nt ..ft lie &lt;jovernnr, hoth of which ini^lit

be obtained through Fernando de Luque, acting n-

Panama, and fnrmerly school-master of the cathe
dral of Darien. leather LiKjin-, or Loco as he Wl
la illed fur this lolly, had inlhiciice with JVdra-

r\u&lt;, ami the pi-oceeds of his piety thus fir amounted
t&gt; twenty thousand C !lam lie joined with him-
!f a cuiiirade. I )ie- o de Alma^ri . and winn r

the priest and the governor l&gt;y a promise of OB :rth
each, the company was eonip! Alma^i-o \\ ,-i ^ a few

&gt;lder than IM/.aiTo. and with an : n perh.q

lie was likewise a foiindliii lll-fa\

I y natui e. tin- loss of an hut increased a sinister

n that had played from intai OV6T h:
it i&gt; hut faint praise to of him that his

4 PIZARRO AND PERU.

impulses were nobler than those of Pizarro. Though
fiery he was frank, and abhorred treachery ; nor could
he nurse a wrong more easily than his colleague.
Pizarro was to command the expedition; Ahnagro
to take charge of the ships; the vicar, besides his
money, was to contribute his prayers, while the gov
ernor was to have an eye watchful for himself.

In a small caravel with about a hundred men and
four horses/ Pizarro sailed from Panama November
14, 1524, leaving Almagro to follow as soon as he
could equip another vessel. After touching at Toboga
and at the Pearl Islands, Pizarro coasted southward
past Puerto de Pinas where terminated the voyages
of Vasco Nunez and Andagoya, and entered the
river Biru in search of provisions, but finding none
put to sea, and after buffeting a storm for ten days
again landed, and again failed to procure food. The
ground was soft, and the foragers suffered severely.
At a place subsequently called El Puerto del
Hambre he waited for six weeks with part of the
men, all on the verge of starvation, while the ship, in
command of Gil de Montenegro, went back to the
Pearl Islands for supplies. When his forces were
again united he put to sea and landing at various
points found food and gold abundant. Presently the
vessel required repairs, and fearful lest if he should
return the expedition would be broken up, Pizarro
caused himself and all his followers, save only those
needed to manage the ship, to be put ashore, while
Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, went with the vessel
and the gold collected to Panama".

Three months after the departure of Pizarro from
Panama, Almagro followed with seventy men, and

1 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says 80 men. Francisco de
Jerez. Pizarro s secretary, Conq. del Peru y in Barcia, iii. 179, places the
number at 112 Spaniards, besides Indians; Zurate, Hist, del Perv, in Id., at
114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies compare Gomara, Hist.
I i d., ]41; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. fical, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; Benzoin,
Jhst. Hondo Nvovo, 118; Oviedo, iii. 382-90; Quintana, Vidas, Pizarro, 50.

BXPBD] 8

ome &lt;-h. Mini the loss of ;ni eye in fi&lt;Jitii

. he found liis colleague, left \\ i i ] i liim h
plus men, and returned \vitli his ! to the

iuhera. By this time Pedrarias, although i

had in (1 Miid Milieu n\

th It. The ships were wanted for Xicara

he sa; -id halt Iho men emharked in thi id

it hern venture were dead. Alma-To \vas finally
ad to i;vt rid oi liini hy paying iiini a thousand
p&lt; J izarro was ohh-vd tn return, and the tin

oiatea hound themselves l&gt;y oath. mnized 1
ih irament, that the entire retui-n&gt; and emoh:

of the expedition should be equally divided; Falh
LiKjue dividing the wafer into t! parts and eadi

ldn one.

Nearly two years were thus oreupied when the t\
ptai; [e iMjiial hy tlie new eoiiti , md eaeh in

niniand of a ship, einharked a -ond time with
Hartoloine liiii/ as pilot and one hundred and &gt;i\
men. landing well out sailed directly to the I,

n Juan, the fartlx &gt;t point y&lt; t di red. ^leetii

here with fair sue . Aln ; to Panan

with the plunder; Ti/arro with i: of the nuii

i on shore; while J uiz with the oth el

ntinued the discovery aid th juater. and

5 reported .- more o[)iilent people with a

hi cu! than any \&lt; t f. iuid in the [ndi&lt;

Am- : \\-onderftil ohj. which he had seen

n l:i idin^ 1 1&gt;.I r raft. ma&lt;le hy lashil

\vith vines porous tiinhers, which \

laid with a tlM,r .f ]-. . and na\ hy lateen

ils. r rh le of the r, isj.laved &gt;pun

wool, and scales lor \\* i-hiiiL

those upon the shore ran IM and fro leaping and shout-

J, the hairy exiles, chil-

d) T the .M-a-foam. t ndants of the Mm.

called th
envenom r land.

* M D 8 rd All; a} j el. ] 1 id

6 PIZARRO AND PERU.

been successful. Pedrarias was deposed; and with
Pedro de los Bios, the new governor, had come fresh
aspirants for adventure and a grave, eighty of whom
were soon launched with Father Luque s blessing in
the Peruvian expedition.

During the absence of the vessels death had taken
fourteen of Pizarro s men, and the remainder now
clamored loudly to be carried to Panama. But this
was not to be considered. Refreshed by Almagro s
stores and cheered by Ruiz tale hope revived, the
phantom of despair took flight, and joyous expectation
thrilled the hearts .of those who had so lately dreamed
of death.

How happy was Pizarro as he went to prove the
golden report of good Ruiz! A storm which drove
him under the lee of Gallo Island, and obliged him
to repair at San Mateo Bay, only made the populous
cities and cultivated fields of maize and cacao the
more beautiful to behold. And the gems and precious
metals that glistened everywhere, how they made the
black blood of the pirate to tingle! But little could
be done with such a force as his against ten thousand
warriors that opposed his landing; for with increase
of wealth and intelligence was increased power to de
fend possession. The soldiers were not pleased to have
the ships go back to Panama without them, and the
leaders came almost to blows over the quarrel; but it
was finally arranged that Pizarro should remain with
the men on Gallo Island, while Almagro with one of

7 O

the ships should seek a stronger force. Some sent
letters denouncing the commanders, and begging that
the governor might be informed of the miserable con
dition of the men; which letters, of course, were not
delivered, none save one which Juan cle Sarabia in
closed in a ball of cotton which was to be presented
to the wife of the governor as a specimen of native
industry. 2

2 This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and begging from the
governor relief, was signed by the writer and his comrades; after which

A DECISION".

fill lest tin- men iiii^lit seize tli- i

Yip. ! i/.arro &lt;!&lt; ihed it fco] anana

himself \\ith onl 1 Jin

missile proj, -cted 1)\- ili nek horn

Tli- mor indignant that tin- kin ulj&lt;

should IK I held in continued j .f their liv-

li\ i heir unprincipled 1 ;i&lt;! ed tl -diiiou.

!. ;:ii&lt;l &gt;* iit tin- licenl T;il ur with t hips

l.rin-- the wanderers \m\\\ Father Luque, how-

er, Pi/.an-o not to abandon iln- enterprifi

Tlir iiTi-ival of Tai ur at tii- island j&gt;l, in a

in* it ion. And \ m al;

hidcoi il the man s natuiv, which

darker deformity as we j&gt;r&lt; I, \vlicn liu rises und

iraiion of liis rgy in delia of destiny.

r rii impudence of his obstinacy commands our

miration. What is the situation. H

iai d. \ onder are the organized arm
of 1 ,-i-ii with tlirir tens of thousands of {i--liiin^ men.
r rhu ru[)turo between the ruling ]x&gt;v, preliminary

re dire convulsions, lias not yet occurred.
Humanly i d it as in- lolly for Pi/.ai-ro

to dream of sei/.i, tis powerful realm, or any
oi it, with his handful of ,hou, \vou his

ipt to drink the ocean dry, or to po&lt; 1 ar-

na \" iiat shall ay in \ icw of th&lt;- j-oiilt?

And sui c I am it is no upright dei .y tint aids him.
When Tai ur landed and toll the i "n

l"&gt;ard the; ships, .Pi/arro ci ied u St"].;" Drawing 1

rs tin" in the 1. which ran aa

follows:

And ni.;y l&gt;r

:iur,
&gt;U,

In ll t : l,&gt;,&lt;t, ] ! rujians Lrivcs . ^ag

in :

Qui

8 PIZAKRO AND PERU.

sword he marked a line from west to east. Then
pointing toward the south he said : " Countrymen and
comrades ! Yonder lurk hunger, hardships, and death;
but for those who win, fame and wealth untold. This
way- is Panama, with ease, poverty, and disgrace.
Let each man choose for himself. As for me, sooner
will I hang my body from some sun-smitten cliff
for vultures to feed on, than turn my back to the
glories God has here revealed to me I" Thus saying
he stepped across the line, and bade those who would
to follow. The pilot Ruiz was the first; then Pedro
de Candia; and finally eleven others. All the rest
went back with Tafur to Panama". Ruiz was ordered
to accompany him and lend the associates his assist
ance. Pizarro then crossed his army of twelve on a
raft to the small island of Gorgona, at a safer distance
from the main shore, and there awaited Almagro.
Alone, anchored on a cloud-curtained sea, near a fear
fully fascinating shore, they waited five months.

This rash act of the now thoroughly inspired Pi
zarro was viewed differently by different persons at
Panamd. The governor was angry at what he deemed
suicidal obstinacy. Father Luque was enthusiastic,
and Almagro was not idle. The general sentiment
was that in any event these Spaniards, so chivalrous in
the service of their king, should not be abandoned to
certain destruction. To permit it would be infamous
on the part of the governor, and a disgrace to every
man in Panama. Thus forcibly persuaded, Pedro de
los Rios permitted Luque and Almagro to despatch
a vessel to their relief, lout stipulated that unless it
returned within six months they should be subject to
heavy penalties.

We may well imagine that Pizarro was glad to see
the faithful Ruiz, although his force was not greatly
increased thereby. And now he would go forward;
with an army of ten thousand or alone he would
match his destiny against that of Peru. Passing

COA&gt;TI\&lt;; SOUTHWA]

o SanOuund.

10 PIZARRO AND PERU.

Gallo, Tacames, and tl;e=Cabo Pasado, the limits of
former discovery, twenty days after leaving Gorgona
they anchored off an island sacred to sacrificial pur
poses, opposite the town of Turnbez. More brilliant
than had been their wildest hopes was the scene sur
rounding them. Stretching seaward were the bright
waters of Guayaquil, while from the grand cordillera
of the Andes, Chimborazo and Cotopaxi lifted their
fiery front into the regions of frozen white. Tame
enough, however, were a new earth and a new heaven
to these souls of saffron hue, without the evidences of
wealth that here met their greedy gaze, of wealth
weakly guarded by the unbaptized. All along the
shore by which they had sailed were verdant fields
and populous villages, while upon the persons and
among the utensils of the inhabitants, seen principally
in the trading balsas that plied those strange waters,
were emeralds, gold, and silver in profusion.

Two natives captured in the former voyage and
kindly treated for obvious reasons, were put on shore
to pave the way, and soon maize, bananas, plantains,
cocoa-nuts, pineapples, as well as fish, game, and
llamas were presented to the strangers by the people
of Tumbez. Shortly afterward a Peruvian nobleman,
or orejon, as the Spaniards called him, from the large
golden pendants which ornamented his ears, visited the
ship with a retinue of attendants. Pizarro gave him
a hatchet and some trinkets, and invited him to dine.
Next day Alonso de Molina and a negro were sent on
shore to the cacique with a present of two swine
and some poultry. A crowd of wonder-stricken spec
tators surrounded them on landing. The women were

shy at first, but presently could not sufficiently admire
the fair complexion and flowing beard of the Euro
pean, and the crisp hair of the ebony African, whose
laugh made them dance with delight. Never were
pigs so scrutinized; and when the cock crew they
asked what it said. Molina was promised a beautiful
bride if he would remain, and he was half inclined to

iVAL AT Tl MI -KZ. 11

I 1 . Til cacifjlle of Tlimhez jlially

jle and I Ie lived i

his (! &gt;!d ;md silver amon._&gt;- liis

utei. C is among the buildings of Tom*

he/ \ -inple hllilt, &lt;f roll^h Then- \

a fe surrounded l&gt;y a triple row of tfall In

the valley without the, town \ IIILC

toll i ( apac, ih p wliich v

a temple with it- sacred vip/i: (!&gt;(&lt;,

ti&lt; iiitilVil gardens ilr&lt;lirati-&lt;l to th; sun.

\viin iidi facts as these must l&gt;" nl&gt;-

before leaving this plac 8 ^t day IVdro

( andia wa ! ] . irmitted to M-O aslioi-.- -I-IIKM! caj)-a-]
Candia was a &lt; /alicrofc ordinal :!id

strcnii tli; and when lie presented himsrli in hn^ht
mail, \vith liis clattering steel \vra]&gt; and ar(|U&lt;-K
vomiting lir* 1 and smoke, ilin little wonder th

j&gt;coj)l&lt; should tulvo him ioi 1 on&lt;- of tlx-ir child,

the sun. Returning t&lt;&gt; t!u- ship Candia 1

the truth of all Molina had said, and more. ] L

I as a heavenly guest, and eondueted tlirm:
the temple which he affirmed was laid with |lat
u old; \vlic the SjKiniards were wild with deli u -lit,

vs an ancient chronicler. Pizarro thanked God that

it had been permitted him to mak- this -^i-ear discovery,

and he cursed the luckless fortune which ]&gt;r

his landing and taking immediate j&gt;&lt; n. l&gt;ut

God did lor Pizarro r than .Pizarro could do for

liimself. Jlad the ji\- ( - hundred he then BO desi]
n 1i\e thousand, the jn-ohahilitv dl would h,
n lo soon as vent uivd.

Continuing southward some di-tance I \ ( ] tl

site of Trujillo, a city subsequently founded ly him,
the evidences &lt;&gt;f wealth and intelli^vnee i \\hile
diminishing, and the i-e; n imperial city \\h

dwelt the ruler of all that region 1

Pi/.ai . Panama, carrvin_r hack with him

two native youths, one of whom, called by th. m-

Felipillo, hecame notorious during tl

12 PIZARRO AND PERU.

The men had been ordered to treat gold with indiffer
ence, that the future harvest might be greater. 3

The pirate s paradise was found; it next remained to
enter it. Pizarro reached Panama late in 1527, and
instantly the town was wild with excitement. Father
Luque wept tears of joy. But although Pedro de
los Rios forgot his threats of punishment he did not
regard with favor another expedition, which would
tend to depopulate his own government and establish
a rival colony. This selfish policy of the governor
hastened the defeat of its own aims. Unable to do
more at Panama, early in 1528 Pizarro set out for
Spain. Through the aid of Father Luque fifteen hun
dred ducats had been raised to defray his expenses.
It was not without misgivings that Alamagro saw
him go, and the ecclesiastic himself was not without
his suspicions that foul play might come of it. "God
grant, my sons," he said at parting, "that you do not
defraud yourselves of his blessing." Pedro de Can-
clia accompanied Pizarro, and they took with them
specimens of the natives, llamas, cloth, and gold and
silver untensils of Peru.

Two notable characters were encountered by Pizarro
immediately on his arrival in Spain. One was Her-
nan Cortes, revelling in the renown of an overthrown
northern empire as Pizarro was about to revel in the
overthrow of a southern. Cortes told Pizarro how he
had conquered Mexico and gave him many valuable
hints in empire-snatching. 4 The other w T as no less a

3 Garci!aso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xi., tells the most
extravagant stories concerning Tumbez. Avia gran numero cle Plateros, que
bacian Cantaros cle Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para
el .servicio, y ornameiito del Templo, que ellos tenian por Sacrosanto, como
p;ira servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar las planchas deste Metal, por las
paredes de los Templos, y Palacios. See also, Xerez, Conq. del Peru, Barda,
iii. 1G9-81 ; Zdrate, Hint, del Perv, Barcia, iii. 2, 3; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 143;
Pizarro y Orellana, Farones Ilvstres, 138; Benzoni, Hist. Mundo Nvovo, 120;
fferrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii. ; Oviedo, iii.

4 Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortes and Pizarro became great
friends ; that much fatherly advice was given by the former to the latter.
Cortes, they say, although the younger, could teach his brother-conqueror

THK 1:;

!i;m the Uaehiili-r Enciso, who, -1 ill m
ii: ize 1 the i famous di-

Peru and imprisoned him &lt;&gt;n the old di; of in-
juri - ia. I!. -I. . I order, Pi/.ai

j&gt;; d himself before the emperor at Toledo with

nil the impudence &lt;&gt;f ui. 1 m&lt; rit, and

tl. pointnient of -j nor, r;i j it a i 1 1 general, and

;d : _|-ua/il &gt;r of all lands which lie had discov.

ini- lit discover i nr a distance of two liundn I

mill lVi;i Saul Hi rnnieiit \\

independent iVom that of .Paiianut, witli tho
lit fco eixict for: . niaintain i orces, ^rnnt en-

miendaSj and enjoy the rights and j)i-. I of

al)sol;r itlioi-it. Hi- sal.iry \vas to le 7-jr&gt;,000
maravedis, to he drawn from tho resources of h
&lt;&gt;\ vci iuncnt and without cost to the crown. Jn

lor these privil. he was to enlisl and equip
for a Peruvian- Q t wo hundred and fifty men,

hundrs. d of wlioin In- t- lilx i draw fro-

s. r his a he v. -tied with

inucli ; though it ha&lt;l hoen stipulated that for

A!n hoiild he asked tlio office of adelantad ,

thus dividing tlie honors. As it was, he ohtained for
ro only the post of captain of tl: - of

.. \\ith an income of 300,000 maravedis, and
lor Father Liiquo the bishopric of Tunihc/, with a
,0 thousand -!lan Pai lolum- lluix.

i and pilot of the South Sea: .Pedro de

( andia, eominander of artillery, and the hrave tliir-
tc n wli&lt; dlantly stood hy their captain at tl

! de of ( inr;^ 1 to the ra 1 1 k of kni^h:

an- rs.

Pi/.ai i mnission \\ . I o]. -do July

. 152 r riiencc IK- pi-. led to Trujillo, his nath

pi where he W&B j lined hy lour hrot : i-

do, Juan, and Gronzalo Pi/arr d I- rai rtiu

de Alcantara, all except the first like himself ill*

a sh;

. which ail

14 PIZARRO AND PERU.

imate, all poor, ignorant, and avaricious. Fernando,
however, possessed some superiorities, and played a
conspicuous part in the conquest. He was a man of
fine form, repulsive features, and infamous character.
As arrogant, jealous, and revengeful as he was capa
ble, he soon acquired unbounded influence over his
brother, and was the scourge of the expedition.

Small as was the force required by his capitulation
with the crown, Pizarro was unable to raise it. With
the assistance of Cortes he managed to make ready
for sea three small vessels, in one of which, by eluding
the authorities, he embarked, and awaited his brothers
at the Canary Islands. By liberal bribery and the
solemn assurance of Fernando that all requirements
of the king had been complied with, and that the
specified number of men were with his brother who
had gone before, the other two ships were allowed to
depart, and the three vessels arrived at Nombre de
Dios in January 1530. There Pizarro was met by
Almagro and Father Luque, who when they learned
how the royal honors had been distributed, and saw
the insolent bearing of the vulgar brothers, upbraided
him for his perfidy; and it was with difficulty that
Almagro was prevented by fresh promises from with
drawing from the partnership and engaging in con
quest on his own account.

Crossing to Panama, an expedition was organized
with one hundred and eighty men, thirty horses, and
three ships, though all had been procured with no
small difficulty. On the day of St John the evangelist
imposing ceremonies were held in the cathedral; the
royal banner and the standard of the expedition were
unfurled and consecrated; a sermon was preached,
and to every one of the pirates the holy sacrament
was administered, thus giving this marauding expe
dition the color of a religious crusade. The Pizarros
set sail early in January 1531, leaving Almagro, as
in the first instance, to follow with reinforcements.
Tumbez was their objective point; but turned from

: I.\ : ].-,

their pur by ad for a trial

of their I, the Spaniard.^ landed at a v.hich

ailed Sail Mat urpri&gt;- &lt; 1 a village in t!

provin t Goalie, and secured, besides pi

ilver, and emeralds fco tin- vali; thou

sand j&gt; , which enabled them nd hack i

\icara_ and the oils* r to Panama,

for reinforcements.

The Spaniards then continued their com ard

Tumbez l&gt;y land; and burdened as they v

\\ and armor, marching over hot. sands und.

an equatorial sun, tin- journey soon ! aint ul in

the extrem&lt; To add to their torment
epidemic broke out among them, from which mar
died, with curses on their commander. Hut their
hearts w ;laddened om&gt; day by the approach &lt;
ship from Panama having on hoard tl 1 oili-

appointed to accompany the expedition, who: a J i/arro

in his lia : had left in Spain, and soon they \\-ci
joined by thirty men under ( aptain ] &gt;;izar.
Meeting with no resistance from the nativ. j, 1 i/ai-ro
continued his march until lie arrived at the ;jfnlf of
(Juayaijuil, opposite the i&gt;le of Puma. I ion
of this island was deemed desirable pvp- &gt;ry t

the attack on Tumbez. \\liile meditating &gt;n the 1&gt;&lt;

method *{ capturing the inland, J.^xai-ro d

by a \i-ii from i who invited the Spaniards

to ta up their al&gt;ode with him. It ajp&lt; that

then- reditary felld between tll( k ](. pi.-

of lAuna and those of tlie mainland: and although
forced to submission by the powerful incas, t!
anders never cedsed t&lt; intlict such injuri lay in

ir power on the town of Timlin 1 /. The friendship
of the strangers would ^ive them i^n dvanta-

hence 1hr invitation. I i/arro ^ladl\

]&gt;rotrer-d hospitality, and ] M^- over to the i&gt;land

ith his ai iny he awaited the arrival of

before attacking Tumb,
.1 &gt;y tluir an ;i.d ap[!aivnt intimacy with

16 PIZARRO AND PERU.

the people of Tumbez, the strangers soon became
intolerable to the islanders, who caught in a con
spiracy were attacked and driven to hiding-places by
their guests. Nevertheless, but for the opportune
arrival of Fernando de Soto with one hundred men
and some horses it would have gone hard with the
Spaniards. Pizarro now resolved to cross at once to
the mainland and set the ball in motion.

Not least among the speculations that stirred the
breast of the Spanish commander was the rumor that
from time to time had reached his ear of discord
between the rival candidates for the throne of the
monarch lately deceased. Civil war would be a prov
idence indeed at this juncture, not less kind than that
which gave Montezuma s throne to Cortes.

Tradition refers the aborigines of Peru to a time
when the entire land was divided into petty chief-
doms, composed of wild men who like wild beasts
roamed primeval forests. After the lapse of ages,
time marking no improvement, there appeared one
day on the bank of Lake Titicaca two personages,
male and female, Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, of
majestic mien and clad in glistening whiteness. They
declared themselves children of the sun, sent by the
parent of light to enlighten the human race. From
Lake Titicaca they went northward a few leagues
and founded the city of Cuzco, whither the chiefs
throughout that region assembled and acknowledged
the sovereignty of the celestial visitants. Under the
instruction of Manco Capac the men became skilled
in agriculture; Mama Ocollo taught the women do
mestic arts, and the migratory clans of the western
slope of the cordillera thus became cemented under
the beneficent rule of the heavenly teachers. Orig
inally the dominion of Manco Capac extended no
more than eight leagues from Cuzco, but in the
twelve succeeding reigns, which formed the epoch
prior to the advent of the Spaniards, the empire

ABORK.IXAL HIsToKY. 17

of the incus, or lor&lt; f Peru, was gr&lt; ex-

1 1 naturally fMlowed from their celestial origin and

si ace that the inca- \v

diviiii well 1 as so\ s. Not alone

tlu-ir &gt;n, but e _f coming beneath their

touch (I. Their Mood was never contami

nated by inert,-;! internii\ 8, and their dr it
was unlawful for to assume. The empire under

lluayna Capuc, twelfth monarch from the Foundation
of tin; dynasty, emb; re than five hundred

lea^ ie- of w&lt; :-n sea-coast, and extended to II
summit of the And&lt; Tins politic arid wailike
jirince died about the beginni f the I .VJG.

Jlis father, Tupac IncaYupanqui, during whose rei^-n
tlie imperial domain had been enlarged by the addi
tion of Quito on the one side and of Chile on tl
oth( .hibited martial and administrative talents &lt;
a hi- h ord This vast inheritance, together with
the wisdom and virtue s of the father, descended :
the BO In addition to a wife, who was also I
sister, ,1 Fnayna Capac had many concubini Tl
lawful heir to the throne, son of h r-wife, w,

named Iluascar, next to whoi heir apparent stood
Manco Capac, son of another wife who was his c in.
Hut his favorite son was Atahualpa, wliose mother
was the beautiful daughter of the last reigning mon
arch of Quito, and concubine of Kuayna C
l- rom boyhood Atahualpa had been the constant
companion of 1. . who on his , h-bed, con

trary to custom, divided the ivahn, or ord&lt; i 1

that, &lt; ( Hiito, the ancient kingdom of his vun&lt;|i:isli.
ance , slioiild be given to Atahualpa. while all
-t should be! &gt; lluascui 1 . Four

of tranquillity elapsed, and the impolitic m of

Huayna Capac bid fS &gt; prove si d. lluascur

Land his brother app&lt; ! content. l&gt;ut

now a martial spirit was manifest in Atahualpa.

( : radti to his standard the ilo\\xr uf the

.. AM. VOL. II. 2

18 PIZARRO AND PERU.

Peruvian army, he marched against Huascar, over
threw him near the base of Chimborazo, and pressing
forward again defeated the Peruvians before Cuzco,
captured his brother, and took possession of the im
perial city of the incas.

It was in the midst of this struggle that the Span
iards gathered before Tumbez bent on plunder. We
see clearly now, that had they attempted invasion
before the opening of the war between the rival
brothers, their effort would have been what it ap
peared to be, chimerical and absurd. But these few
swift years had ripened this land for hellish purposes,
and the demons were already knocking at the door.
Crossing to the mainland, not without some slight
opposition, Pizarro found Tuinbez deserted. Gone
were the gold of the temple and the rich ornaments
of the merry wives. " And is this your boasted Tum
bez?" exclaimed the disappointed cavaliers. "Better
far and richer are the elysian fields of Nicaragua;
better have remained at home than to come so far for
so barren a conquest." After some search the cacique
was found. He charged the destruction of the town
to the islanders of Puma. As he professed willing
ness to submit to the Spaniards, and as Pizarro
deemed it prudent to hold Tumbez peaceably, he
gave the cacique his liberty. This was in May 1532.
Keeping a watchful e}^e on his disaffected soldiers,
Pizarro set about planting a colony. He selected for
his operations the valley of Tangarala, some thirty
leagues south of Tumbez and near the sea, and thither
repairing with his men erected a fortress, church, and
other buildings, partitioned the adjacent lands, dis
tributed repartimientos, organized a municipality, and
called the place San Miguel. So thoroughly had the
work of devastation been carried on by the islanders
on one side, and the soldiery of Atahualpa on the other r
that the Spaniards met with little opposition.

But these were not the men to waste time in estab
lishing friendship upon a devastated seaboard when

TAL DI.-RlTTIo } .)

tl --Id of wealth somewhere th&lt; out.

( )lie tli: rollhled I . ho\\&lt; I )y I . ri ivals

h 11 informed that Alm;i!4T&lt;&gt; still i-

al)li&gt;hi: &gt;r liiin J. i/arro

IP 1 Alni.-i :nl h ! no rival tl.

SM drawing in hi KS he WTOJ ro bi

liiin for tlir l&lt;)\- ( - &lt;&gt;f (J.d and the king, if .-uch \
his plans to change them and &lt;

;old COIL , liu

shi[&gt; 1

Meanwhile tlic rumors of ! t \vccn the rival

priii- (vonir more dc-iinrd. It io\vn that A

tin- Spaniards landed at San Platen the war v
in hile ri;-:arro \ .larchin :ith\v;:i

Fin nl &gt;cz with one hundred and e; ., At I pa

was also marching southward to I (. u;; itli 140,-

000 men to i lluascar with a i oiv 1 :;0,00

And Atahualpa the victor now in the val

Caxamalca, heyond the cordillera, hut not more than
twelve days journey hen&lt; J izarro it

liiin: perad to thr .ich is to

mine many 1;.

5 Hhlurinns of the ]\-nivi;in ooiifjncst point with emphasis to pol:
m ; country tot

:i und r conditions. As it Imp . I : . . . .^ow th

of success, or that wit ;-

.M ii . 1 1 tin ii- \tahun!

illll ill:

ly
v !

2 7: /,

.
n, in / i, in /

/ /. . ].

. .
. .

secj. : .

what

ir
BU} . Oil,

20 PIZARRO AND PERU.

It is the 24th of September when Pizarro sets out
from San Miguel with one hundred and ten foot-
soldiers, sixty-seven horsemen, and two Indian inter
preters. Atahualpa is well aware of the presence ^of
the Spaniards, of their works within Peruvian domain,
and of their approach. And he is curious to behold
them. There is nothing to fear, unless indeed they
be gods, in which case it were useless to oppose them.
Along the way the natives cheerfully provide every
requirement for the courteous strangers.

Arrived at the western base of the cordillera the
sixth day, permission is given to all who may choose to
withdraw from the hazardous venture beyond. Nine,
four foot and five horsemen, avail themselves of the
opportunity and return to San Miguel. On the
march next day Pizarro is informed that the general
in charge of Atahualpa s forces garrisoned at Caxas,
a village lying directly on the route to Caxamalca,
is prepared to question his progress should he attempt
to pass that way. Hernanclo de Soto, with a small
detachment, is sent forward, while the main body of
the little army await results at Zaran. Proceeding
wonderingly by the great upper road or causeway
of the incas, which extends along the rugged Andes
the entire length of the empire from Quito to Cuzco,
and so wide that six horsemen can ride there abreast,

sented the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer whom
would be difficult and dangerous. Viios querian, que fuesse vn capitan a
ello con cxercito, otros dezian, que aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos,
eran valientes, y que la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de
sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos pedian mayor
fuerca. Jlerrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix. According to Balboa the arrival of
the Spaniards caused some anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. Cette
nouvello inquieta tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets
en leur disant que ces etrangcrs 6taient probablement des envoyes de Vira-
cocha, et depuis cette e"poque ce nom est rest6 aux Espagnols. Hist, du
Pcrou, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s&lt;5rie ii. torn. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that
Atahualpa who was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to
make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and return to
his own country. In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del Peru si trouaua in
Cassiamalca, e inteso com era entrato nel suo paese gente con la barba, con
certi animali terribili e scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredanclo il
tutto, mando vn ambasciatore a Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se
non lasciaua i suci vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese, che lo farebbe mal
eontento. Hist. Alondo Nvovo, 121.

ARRIVAL AT CAXAMALCA. 21

Soto finds the Peruvian gv

ory of i he worl monarch v.

11. : informal ion of the mak&lt; univ and

II. :rtir- iour, and n be!

the Sj h captain to proceed on his In i I

] . hie errand. At this juncture .

ri .vith an invitation from the inea for t! :i-

iards to visit him. While mi the way ]
.changed of the res

paniards draw near the Peruvian mpment,
another m&lt; iger from the inca \\ ^ to know &lt;
what day the siraiiu .vill enter ( axanudea, that a
suitaM .{ion may he jnvpaivd.

At length Iron i the t- ! liei^his a 1 Cax

inalca, through oju-nings of tin; foliage, the vrhi
t nts of the Peruvian host are se&lt; iiing I or

miles along the fertile vail; It is a sight at which
the heart of the stoutest cavalier might heat despond-
,nd that without prejudice. lut t auda-
cious Spaniards halt only to don their brightest armor,
and unfurling their banner they maivh down tl

untain. Next day, the 15th of November, Tiza:
divides his force into three companies and enters tl

.vn about the hour of \ Some two th- id

houses sui-round a triangular pla. raordina

i in by solid masonry and low

an&lt;l entered from the streets through gat From a
large ; .ad B &gt; tin

on one , while on the otlr

t. Without the now d

ilie temple of the sun, and on an emii. r by

another and more 1 ormidal brtreea of hewn

iral wall, which thrice

the place imp Jdiery, while i

iVom tin- plain i&lt; made by a winding stair 1

n the vill;, ,n,l the lYruvi;.

1 ague distant . iway runs, form! ;d

er tl i iiiierveiiii:

-A ill h. 1 tb. miards march throiiL.

22 PIZAEKO AND PERU.

the silent streets in which no living thing is visible
save a few knots of ancient, witch-like crones who
predict in low mournful regrets the destruction of the
strangers, the adventure at this point assumes ghostly
shape, like the confused manceuvrings of a dream and
Caxamalca a phantom city. Quartering his troops in
the plaza, Pizarro sends Hernando de Soto with fifteen
horsemen, 6 and the interpreter Felipillo, to ask the
inca the time and place of the approaching inter
view; and lest accident should befall the embassy
Hernando Pizarro is ordered to follow and assist as
occasion requires. Over the causeway toward the
imperial camp rushes first one cavalcade and then the
other, past manly men and modest women who gaze
in mute astonishment as the apparitions emerge from
the murky twilight and sweep by and disappear midst
clatter of hoofs and clang of arms never before heard
in this quarter of the earth. Presently is encoun
tered the Inca s army drawn up in distinct battalions,
archers, slingers, clubmen, and spearmen, standing
expectantly. 7 The royal pavilion occupies an open
space near the centre of the encampment. Within
a short distance are the bath-houses, and a rustic
dwelling, with plastered walls colored in various tints
and surrounded by corridors. On one side is a stone
fountain, and a reservoir into which flows water,
both hot and cold, from rivulets and springs through
aqueducts which intersect the valley in every direc
tion. On the other side are the royal gardens and
pleasure-grounds.

As the horsemen draw up before the royal quarters

G Herrera says 24 ; others 20. In the narratives of these early adventurers
rarely two arc exactly alike concerning any occurrence. Among them all,
however, we can usually arrive near the truth.

7 There were in reality, according to the Spanish Captain/ 80,000 war
riors in the encampment of the inca, but the cavaliers reported to their
comrades only 40,000 in order not to dishearten them! Li Capitani ritor-
norno al signor gourenator, e li disseno quel che era seguito del cacique, e
cbe li parea che la gente ch egli haueua portriano esser da quaranta mila
huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar animo alia gente, perche
erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono ancora quello che li haueua detto il
cacique. Rdatlone d vn Capitauo Spagnvolo, in Ramusio, iii. 373.

M \VIT1F ATAHUALPA,

the in ! on an lit

of liis tent and surround- d 1 &gt;\ of C

while beautiful da Miani ire ilif about tl

Around i ] discipline, and t 1 JUIM!

i tin- nobles toward their chief ar

at the iirst glai The irica, although arr

mdily tlian liis at f ily distil!

the iai. imperial In-ad-dr or borla, v, 11-

vian monarchs in place of a crown. . a

crimson woollen fringe, which Ovic.lo &lt;!

tassel of the width of the hand, and about &lt; . n in

length, gai I upon the crown in the form of a il
ln-usli, tin; frilly; v .11

to the eyes, and partially covering tli ^o tliat tl.
wearer can scarcely se&lt; \\out n\\&gt; \ r ]&gt;art

of it with hi-; hand. Flic Christians \vlio
many tales of liis rraft and irrocity, look in vain lor

tary jKission or ciinnii The 1-i.rla,
according to Jei lirov, duot i &gt;ver

the features of Atahualpa; aside from this. 1 r,

his face is grave, ]&gt;assi&lt;&gt;nl ;nd cold. Witli a
h an on either { llernando de Soto rid

forwai-d a i w p, . and witliont dismounting ]
ll ully addresses the inea through l- .-lipillo, tl
interpreter. * I come, n v [)rinc-i^ fr

tl: of the Christians, who through \

now rests at Caxani, ardently loii^in

ki.-s your royal hand, and deliver you ; ssage iV^m
his ],: &gt;ii i r, tlie kin^- of Spain."

with ej lowneast, the inea as if listenii.

not. as if unaware uf any extraordii oc-
rurreix A liai rassin^ par i noitlem;

-t the au^u.-t monarch an Lt

Ifi Well/
At this juncture Hernan do Pi/ai-ro ri- id
joins in the parl When informed that a broth

nish captain has ai-rived. Atalinal;

hi and Bpea&S: " Say i ;ir COmmi at

I last, bui tO-BD w i will \ , ; I axa-

24 PIZARRO AND PERU.

malca." Hereupon the ambassadors turn to depart;
but the inca, slow to speak, is slower still to cease
speaking, and the Spaniards are motioned to pause.
" My cacique Mayzabilica informs me," continues
Atahualpa, "that the Christians are cowards, and
not invincible as they would make us believe; for on
the banks of the Turicara he himself had killed three
Spaniards and a horse in revenge for outrages on his
people." Checking his rising choler with the thought
of the stake for which he played, Hernando Pizarro
explains: " Your chieftain tells you false when he says
that the Christians dare not fight, or even that they
can be overcome. Ten horsemen are enough to put
to flight ten thousand of the men of Mayzabilica. My
brother comes to offer terms of amity. If you have
enemies to be subdued direct us to them, and we will
prove the truth of this I say." With an incredulous
smile Atahualpa drops the subject and offers refresh
ments to his visitors. But at this moment the atten
tion of all is directed to another scene.

Hernando de Soto is an expert horseman and
superbly mounted. He marks the smile of incredu
lity with which the broad boast of his comrade had
been received by the Peruvians, and in order to
inspire a more healthful terror, he drives his iron heel
into the flanks of his impatient steed, and darting off
at full speed, sweeps round in graceful curves, pranc
ing, leaping, running; then riding off a little distance
he wheels and dashes straight toward the royal pavil
ion. The nobles throw up their hands to shield the
sacred person of the inca; a moment after they fly in
terror. But when with one more bound the horse
would be upon the monarch, the rider reins back the
animal to a dead stop. Not the twitching of a muscle
is discernible in the features of the inca; though for
their cowardice in the presence of strangers, we are
told that the nobles next day suffered death. The
cavaliers decline food, saying that they, too, are hold
ing a fast; but chicha, or wine of maize, being offered

tl. in g ;uid

Atahualpa brooking no i ,il,thc Spaniards without

(I. inting drink it oil , and lowly rid. k to

(

-A it wears a\v;iy, while Atahu lies

dreaini of th ilight apparition, Fran&lt; rizar-

ro matures liis plai 1/n s there v in t:

brief -y of lliu in .up to in

in attempting here the rare trick, fche .^j aniards
nevertheless determine i it. Tli of

tin- pr "d perfidy and butch, ry are an, d with
nmat idacity and &lt; :;t&lt;-d \vitl; indif-

10 hunian rights and human sufierin^ which
would do honor to the chief of anacoi In issuing to
his oil !irir instructions i\,r thu day, which

nothing l.-ss than to seize the ii ffld murder I
attendants, I i/.arro : "Tin- project is ; i-

:i at first glance one mi ^ht ima^i: "J oadmi.
; to us the rites of h , tlui Indians will

not arrayed in hostile humor. Xo more ran 1

Imitted to the plaza than . he ca-ily vaiKjiiishud;
id with the inca, whom his soldiers N bip ;
&gt;d, \vithin our gras]&gt;, we may dictate terms to tl.
Farther than this our

Atahualpa has permitl ir in:-i;4-ni, -h

he could crush at ] to advance a to the

border of his sacred pn- ; he will scai er
us to &lt;! t, in peace, did we wi&gt;h it.

make r lli in n; r,

God will never who liu lit 1

tended l,y pi :l rly

clari ill tin- loth of November, i-

hi: n soon clears the atmospl. ,y

i oi Arms and ai put in o

burnished; the h- d with hells ami

jingling trappings, that 1 tnajpr

A stimptii 1 in one .

1he I M u m^ into the pla/.a in which tlic in.- io

Ti liy is divided into thn Had-

OG PIZARRO AND PERU.

rons under Hernando de Soto, H-ernando Pizarro, and
Sebastian de Benalcazar, and stationed within the
halls on the three sides of the plaza, The foot-sol
diers, with the exception of twenty men reserved by
Pizarro as his body-guard, occupy rooms adjoining
the court, but few being visible. Two small field-
pieces are planted opposite the avenue by which
the Peruvians approach. Near the artillerymen are
stationed the cross-bowmen, and in the tower of the
fortress a few musketeers are placed. Thus the Span
iards await their victim till late in the afternoon, when
from the tower they behold that which causes trepi
dation not less than courage-cooling delay. Three
hundred warriors in gay uniforms clear the way of
sticks or stones or other obstruction for the royal pro
cession, which is headed by Atahualpa, seated on a
throne of gold, in a plumed palanquin garnished with
precious stones, and borne on the shoulders of his
vassals. On either side and behind the royal litter
walk the counsellors of the realm, and behind it fol
lows battalion after battalion of the forces of the inca
until thirty thousand soldiers in martial array occupy
the causeway from the Peruvian camp half way to
Caxamalca. Surely the projected seizure in the midst
of such a host were madness, and without a miracle it

would seem that the Christians must abandon their
pious purpose. The miracle, however, is not wanting.
Just before reaching the entrance in the city, Ata-
.hualpa pitches his tents with the intention of passing
there the night and entering Caxamalca the next
morning. This, the death-blow to the high hopes of
the day, Pizarro determines if possible to prevent.
Despatching a messenger to the inca, he beseeches
him to change his purpose, and to sup with him that
night. The inca assents, saying that in view of the
lateness of the hour he will bring only a few unarmed
attendants. And to his subjects he remarks, "Arms
are unnecessary in our intercourse with those
in so holy a mission." Hence the miracle.

o o

IT 01

Tl. r in com] ith 1

dm;,
up the in,

!i the (hi!
X ^&gt;n of he

styled t ;an i.

I with armor and
and &gt;ih walking, others in lit:

IT several i -. Around his iie&lt;-k o-.
t, the inea ^ ears 1 of

* o

under the 1 magic l&gt;r; 11, cold.

k (jf the ] :i pi

:&lt;&gt;n of enkin

d procession

diualp: Ion in the

1 th&lt; 1 ruvian sold the reiuain-

in Profound quiet fills the j

hidden hehind tlie l&lt;&gt;nns of his o\v;

ut descei :e litter,

an iiKjuiri; . "Have t

At this moment a \

\ al\ hy the int&lt; :, cm

: n on the ] hand he i

and i Ap[

ho inea, :
\vith tL trines of the trinity,

8 T as there arc 1

unnueror, others as falling ii.

:i lie

and i

i 1 1

]K)CO3 tSp-

!, Ill

i Jose h #rfMi

i oss and a b

28 PIZARRO AND PERU.

and delegation of authority, and ending with faith,
hope, and charity, as manifest in the person of the
pirate Pizarro.

The contemptuous smile which mounts the features
of the inca at the opening of the address, changes
to looks of dark resentment as he is told to renounce
his faith and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the
king of Spain. "Your sovereign may be great," he
exclaims, fire flashing from his eye, "but none is
greater than the inca. I will be tributary to no man. 11
As for your faith, you say your god was slain and by
men whom he had made. Mine lives," pointing
proudly to the setting sun, "omnipotent in the heav
ens. 1 2 Your pope must be a fool to talk of giving away
the property of others." 13 Then after a moment s pause
he demands, "By \vhat authority do you speak thus
to me?" The priest places in his hand the bible. "In
this," he says, "is given all that is requisite for man
to know." The inca takes the book and turns the
leaves. "It tells me nothing," he exclaims. Then
exasperated by what he deems intentional insult he
throws the book upon the ground, 14 saying, "You
shall dearly pay for this indignity, and for all the in
juries you have done in my dominions." It is enough.

10 Lui exposa longuement les mysteres cle notre sainte religion, en citant
son discours plusieurs passages des 6 vangiles, comme si Atalmaipa avait su ce
que c e" tait que les e" vangiles, ou eut 6t6 oblige" de le savoir. Balboa, Hist, du
Perou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sorie ii. torn. iv. 315.

11 Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria tributar siedo libre.
Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149. Ma che non gli pareua come He libero di dar tri
bute a chi non haueua mai ve duto. Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Soi
libre, no debo tributo & nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco por superior
a ningun Rei. Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

12 Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca morian. Gomara, Hist.
Ind., 150. ,

13 Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran pazzo, poi che daua
cosi liberamente quello d altri. Benzoni, Hit. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Que no
obedeceria al Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el
reyno, que fue de su padre. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149-50.

Poi gli dimandb, come sapeua, che l Dio de Cristiani di niente haueua
fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce. II frate rispose, che quel libro lo
diceua, e lo porse ad Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo
disse; ^a me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per terra, il frate lo
ripiglio. Benzoin, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Le moine en fut si irrite" qu il
re"clama & grands cris vengeance pour 1 offense faite a Dieu et a sa sainte loi.
Balboa, Hist, du Per on, 315.

( Ml !( kin I the h"ly

"XYhy (! cri

II In- pick- Up tl Tl I

vohim "In ( J d s na: Kill the impious

c! ia

Th MS commander needs IM second exhorta

tion, rnfurhn; bite banner, tl ill "; ! t,

In- springs from I:!- rei real : th .t in-l in the
disdia Li- m t, and l"ii&lt;l rings the v.

jantiagol ry Sii.-mi.-ird rushes t tin- c

To their brutal instinct \v;is nddrd a spiritnnl drunk-
cniH-ss which iok thnii out oCtlic y of manhood

and made them human i u-nds. AV- wonder how u
could BO In-li l.iit g] r still is our v. how

iiK-ii so l)( li&gt;-\ in-_C could so lichax r rii -mis iill tl

place w nh reverberating noise and smoke; with shrill
! &gt;t trumpets and jin^lin^ &lt;&gt;! lel!&gt; the ho] n
ride upon the panic-stricken crowd; the infantry with
clan;j; of arms appeal 1 and all unite in &lt;juick sue &gt;n

in sheathing their sharp swords in the uiij
* bodies of the n .s. At first they tun y. hut

. point they are met l&gt;y a blood-thirsl
nearest tli. . hut soon the ja

"ke&lt;l l&gt;y hea[&gt;s of deaa hodi The car:
ul. And al-o\-e all 1hc din of i 3 In ard

the shrill voice of the man of (lod crying to t!
diers, "I hni^t! thrtisl! thrust with the point of your
s\ t ly striking you l-r ak your

lildly aflinns that the incn threw th.
in ii, th;il

cpin vit

ii.i
tiiuii.

;IU

!, 11 i i, iso

: s it tl.

,-, ii. lil&gt;. i.

t tint &gt;

30 PIZARRO AND PERU.

When the first fierce charge is made, Pizarro, who
with twenty chosen men had assumed the task of
capturing the inca, rushes for the royal litter, but
quick as are their movements the devoted followers of
Atahualpa are before him, -and crowding round their
imperilled sovereign, struggle to shield his person.
As one drops dead another hastens to take his place.
Each one of Pizarro s guard strives for the honor of
the capture; but for a time they are prevented by
the surges of the crowd which carry the monarch
hither and thither and by the desperate defence made
by the Peruvians.

Fearful lest in the darkness which is now coming
on the victims should escape, one of the Spaniards
strikes with his sword at the inca. In warding off
the blow, Pizarro receives a slight wound in the hand;
then threatening death to any who offer violence to
Atahualpa, he hews his way through the fortress
of faithful hearts which guard the royal person, and
thrusting his sword into the bearers of the litter
brings down the monarch, whom he eatches in his
arms. The borla is torn from Atahualpa s forehead
and he is led away to the fortress, \vhere he is mana
cled and placed under a strong guard. 18 Meanwhile
the butchery continues in and beyond the plaza, And
in the slaughter of about five thousand men which
occupied not more than half an hour it is said that no
Spanish blood was spilled save that drawn from the
hand of Pizarro by one of his own men. 1D Following

bewaren, dat sy niet braecken, mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen
souden van noode hebben. West-Indische Spicyhel, 362.

18 Cargaua todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en sn litera, por
prendeiie, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria de su prision. Gomara, 150.
Ses gardes prirent la fuite de tous les cote s, et les Espagnols, ayaiit entrain^
1 Inga dans leur camp, 1 vi mirent les f ers aux pieds. Balboa, Hist, du Pcrou,
316.

1&lt;J The Spanish Captain places the number at over seven thousand be
sides many -who had their limbs cut off and were in other ways mutilated.
Rima sero in quel giorno morti da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che
haueano tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite. Relatione cV vn Cap itano
Spagnvclo; llamusio, iii. 374. Decimos, que pasaron de cinco mil Indies
los que murieron aquel dia. Los tres mil y quinientos fueron a hierro, y
los demaa fueron viejos invtiles, nrugeres, muchachos, y nifios, porque de

AT TI 31

their instill nd UK- ni^ht

in rioi!!)-- ;ind drunh r .riius during tli il t

tropical twilight, ihe com) U

mplished; the sun of the IE i lurid, blood-

Ij tr ir ei, t , 1 izarro and At

hualpa sup together that ni-ht!" 1

\\V have seen how tin; opulent empire of P

mid; lm\v its powerful chieftain was t rously

taken captive ly a crew ! Spanish invade. : D
witness for a moim-nt how pi-arc- was inadu liyainlxt-

the Prince of P(

S&lt;&gt; suddenly 1 rll the blow that Atalmalpa failed to
-it nation. It was but an aliVay of the
liour; the idea of his subjugation 1 not yet i-vcii
him. At tin- banquet he pi-aisc-d th- .-kill
with which the bloody work was dour, and to 1;
lamenting followers he said, "Such are ih
of war, to conquer and to be conquered. By 1 izarro
and his comrades the an prisoner \\

a di.-li iit Ibr the gods. Jlis women and his ii
W permitted to attend him, and fur his life or

prolonged imprisonment he waa t&lt;&gt;!&lt;l to have no fear.

ia renido innumerable

1 los (]iic trnian ]

. ii. lib. i. cap. 1T&gt;. Thifl l :utal nuis.-nen

tku Uie moet important battles of hi

so litt! &lt;

1 la liiano ; i inii . Kar

" ( ;utu la : ia di

infrli o tutt : in Ijal

MI. i &lt;l &gt; A

!.-k, lit 1.1. n BV ili 1:

p iiininnnciit of l&gt;lin&lt;l adulation is found i:
lii . the l

ru
nt, hilt tit.

tli
t):

iT&gt;r. This ; i in the autl, rso

. and i
.ciL

32 PIZARRO AND PERU.

Meanwhile the Spaniards were exhorted to watch
fulness; they were reminded that they were but a
handful of men surrounded by millions of foes. "Our
success/ said Pizarro, "was miraculous, for which God
who gave it us should be devoutly praised." The
Peruvians made no effort to rescue their chief; and
while the sacred person of their inca was a prisoner
they were powerless and purposeless.. Thirty horse
men were sufficient to scatter the imperial army and
rifle the encampment. And while Pizarro preached 2
Christianity to his chained captive, his soldiers were
out gold-gathering, desecrating the Peruvian temples,
killing the men, and outraging the women. 23 It was
quickly discovered that the wealth of the country far
exceeded the wildest dreams of the conquerors, and
soon gold and silver ornaments and utensils to the
value of one hundred thousand castellanos were heaped
up in the plaza. 24

Atahualpa was not slow to perceive that neither
loyalty nor their vaunted piety was the ruling passion
of his captors, but the love of gold. And herein was
a ray of hope; for as the clays went by a dark sus
picion of their perfidy and evil intention concerning
him had filled his mind. Calling Pizarro to him he
said: "The affairs of my kingdom demand my atten
tion. Already my brother Huascar, having heard of
my misfortune, is planning his escape. If gold will
satisfy you, I will cover this floor with vessels of
solid gold, so you but grant me my freedom." Pizar
ro made no reply. The Spaniards present threw an
incredulous glance around the apartment. The room

C Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida, y de la F6
Catolica, que oia muy bien: como hombre que tenia nruy bien entendi-
miento. Pizarro y Qrellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

_ a Hallaron en el baiio, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil mugeres, que aunque
tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con los Christianos, muchas y buenas tienclas,
infinite ropa de vestir. Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap.

XXVll.

&lt;Vali6 en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil ducados. Garcilaso
de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii. Los Soldados no se descui-
daron en visitar los quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas
riqueza de oro, y plata. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

A KlXii S T. 33

in length hy ;i in width.

Inferring from their silcMc.- that tin* &lt;&gt;&lt;&gt;

i&gt;

small and &lt;li the |&gt;r of IMM-- confine

ment,!; laimed: "Nay, I will fill tl

! i with ^ old, if you will let i

And to make the offer the m&lt; Mtin^-h ppedto

the wall and on tip I shing out h: mm

mark nine feei iVom the; iloor. Still li &gt;nitt

were silent. At last he hurst out c " And it

that is MI &gt;t en&lt; &gt;u&lt;_di/ pointing to a smaller a par
joining, I will iiil that room twice full with silver."
The }&gt;n.]&gt;&lt;al was accepted. It w;is safv i^ h to &lt;lo

BO, although the infemous Pizarro never for ; -nt

intcMdfd his royal prisoiuT should leave his hands
alive; lor hy this nn-ans mi^ht th&lt;3 \

riMjiii-t- 1&gt;r mosl speedily collected, and if sticvessiul

a j)ivtc\t lor hrcukiii ^ tin- promise &lt;&gt;t liherat imi ini^ht
-ily he found. Two months were allowed th j&gt;-

tive in which to Bather this enormous treasure. Hol
low vessels and all utensils were to 1, itrihiited in

manufactured form, not melted down. V;d- eh

were to enrich the collection, and the friend-hip of
the inca was t&lt; &lt;-rown the visionary ransom.

Jniniedia: the recording of this stipulation

hy the notary. Atahualpa sent out in every direction

\\ith instructions to gatlier and hri
inalca .with tin- ! ihlc delay, the r&gt;

articles i oi- tlie IVIMSOMI. The t &lt; of the hi

PC cli; l!y ].. I in the royal palaces of Cux.c. ; nid
(Juito and in the temples of the sun t hr- &gt;u--]iout t
empii-e. All - rnors and suit; : to

he ir dacrity in t! utiou of tlii^ on!

Meanwhile the pir were i:

Mach 1 of them w lord v. I on hy

male and female attendant Tliey di-ank iVom \

gran &lt; !c oro, quo

l i . &lt;k:

:. ii.
Ill-, i.

r. Aic. VOL. II. 3

34 PIZARRO AND PERU.

of gold and shod their horses with silver. Their cap
tain was king of kings; one king his prisoner, another
his prisoner s prisoner. One of the chroniclers states
that shortly after his capture Atahualpa received
intelligence of an important battle won by his army
on the day of his fall. "Such are the mysteries of
fate," exclaimed the unhappy monarch, "at the same
moment conquered and a conqueror." Huascar who
was at this time confined at Andamarca not far distant
from Caxamalca hearing of the capture of Atahualpa
and of the immense ransom offered for his release sent
to Pizarro offering a much larger amount for his own
liberation. Pizarro saw at once the advantage to be
derived in acting the part of umpire between these
rival claimants to the throne, and consequently the
overtures of Huascar were encouraged. But Atahu
alpa although closely confined was kept fully informed
of the events transpiring throughout the empire, and
his word was yet law. Pizarro imprudently remarked
to him one clay, "I wait with impatience the arrival
of your brother in order that I may judge between
you and render justice where it may be due." 26 Shortly
afterward Huascar was secretly put to death; and
Pizarro had the mortification of finding himself out
witted by a manacled barbarian.

While waiting the gathering of the gold, Hernando
Pizarro with twenty horsemen raided the country
with rich results. Three soldiers, it is said, were sent
by Pizarro under the inca s protection to Cuzco, where
after desecrating the temples and violating the sacred
virgins they returned to Caxamalca with two hundred
cargas of gold and twenty-five of silver, the transpor
tation of which required no less than nine hundred
Indians.

Time passed wearily with the imprisoned monarch..
The influx of gold at first rapid, soon fell off, and un-

25 * J attends avec impatience 1 arrive e de votre frere. pour savoir quelssont
ses droits, rendre justice a chacun et tacher de vousmettre d accord. Halboa,
Hist, du Ptrou, 317.

.rni:i:ix&lt;; TH LD.
fortunately for Atahualpa much of it was in Hal p 1

which incr- I the hulk hut slowly. N the!
j the matter went Pizarro felt jib 1 in ^ranti;

the prisoner an ion of time. In February 15;

AlmagTO arrived at ( axamalca \vith twohundie 1 men,
fifty oi wliojn were mounted, and demanded f&lt;&gt;r him-

elr and company e&lt;niital&gt;le participation in the spoil, a

cording to compact. This Pi/arro ref . l!it agfl
to divide what should he then-after taken. Th dlS-

]&gt;ute \ finally settled by allowing All

-one hundred thousand pesos, and for his men
twenty thousand.

Y-t more slowly came in the gold; the people
now hiding it; the Spaniards d 1 the death &gt;

Atahualpa with the liberty to devastate and pillage
after the old maniiei 1 . 1 hey determined the, ii:
should die; : hut first they would melt down and
divide the gold; they determined to kill the inea, hut
iirst he should have a fair trial. It was no diilieult
matter to frame an indictment. Hua
pretended in-ii; delay in the ran.-om, j ,d

acec-pt haptism ; these ehar-vg, or any oi thein, we!

amply sufficient. Then l^elipillo , ., .hvd one of At-

ahualpa s wives, and did what he could to h;

deal!

The native artisans to whom the task was allotted

weW occupied mere than a month in running in
the unm of .u old and silv&lt; r Coll 1.

It was in value 1. .539 castellanos, in pur-

17 1 ; that 1 ir.l fmui thp ! of

A tain: M l.y ;

tli Ifu.-.
.

it, dit-.n. (rune &lt;lr.s fciniiifs d Al :te

fpi iulrei\

..sas se c.xninii.

inu^cr ivit-s&gt;.

iir. !e los ; s, cscri

1 i Valverde &lt; 1 lin .le im\&gt; I

w&gt; os, Agustin ^arat. . \ I -o

[&gt;CZ clc CJOIIKI: .c.s do aqucll lUtua del

36 PIZAERO AND PERU.

chasing power to over twenty millions of dollars at
the present day. " It is the most solemn responsi
bility of my life," exclaimed Pizarro, as he seated
himself in the golden chair of the inca, to act as
umpire in the partition, " and may God help me to
deal justly by every man;" after which prayer the
pirate s dealings might well be watched. And first
he gave himself the golden chair in which he sat,
valued at 20,000 castellanos, golden bars, 57,222 cas-
tellanos, and 2,350 marks of silver. Next his brother
Hernando received 31,080 castellanos of gold, and
2,350 marks of silver, nearly twice as much as was
given to Hernando de Soto, his equal in rank and
talent. Horsemen received 8,880 castellanos in gold
and 362 marks of silver. Some of the infantry received
, half that amount, others less. To the church of San
Francisco was given 2,220 castellanos of gold. 30 Father
Luque had died shortly before the departure of Al-
magro from Panama; no mention is made of him or
of his legal representative, Gaspar de Espinosa, in the
distribution.

Hernando Pizarro and Hernando de Soto were
both opposed to harsh measures with regard to the
inca, treating with the contempt they deserved the
thickening rumors of revolt. But Pizarro and Al-
magro, impatient to pursue their ambitious schemes,
had long since determined Atahualpa s fate. The ac-

molde: pondre aqui algimas dellas, para que se vean mejor. Gardlaso de la
Vega, Com. Beetles, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest estimate
of this treasure as being in all probability as near the truth as any. Many
different amounts are given, some of them as high as four millions. Hallarou
cinque ta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte
y seys mil y quinietos pesos de oro, suma, y riqza, nunca vista en viio.
Gomara, Hist. Ind., 154-5.

5 The Spanish Captain says that every foot-soldier received 4,800 ducats,
equal to 7,208 castellanos, while horsemen received double. Those who were
left at San Miguel received 200 pesos each. II signor gouernatore fece le
parti, e tocc6 a ciscuno fante a pie, qtiattro mila e ottocento pesi d oro, che
sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che
gli furon fatti. . .A quelli Christian! che erano restati in quel luogo doue ha-
ueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette dua mila pesi d oro, accioche lo
partissero, che ne tocc6 dugento pesi a ciascuno. Relation e d vn Capitano
8pa0nvolo, Ramusio, iii. 377. Chaque cavalier recut neuf cents pesos d or
et trois cent soixante marcs d argent. Chaque fantassin cut la moitie" de cette
stxmine. Hist, du Ptrou, 327-8.

DEATH OF ATA1II AI. .TT

CU&gt;ati UK! t lid both I

they not so diabolical Pizarro and AJ d

\ jud-es. A moi i&lt;_r the eh, ted in-

BU ion, u.Mirpation and putting to death the 1

i ul sovereign, idolatry, wagin !ul-

ry, polygamy, and tin- embe//.!.-ment of the pub!
revenues since the Spaniards had taken poaa

11. iintry! \Vhat more cut tin-- irony could \\
])i csciit of the Christian and civilized idea of human-
ity and i lits of man tin n n1 &lt;Ttain&lt;-d than t!

do^uo of crimes by which this barbarian mi;
unjustly die, every one ot whieh the Spaniard m-

3 had committed in a tenfold d.

in-- these dominions. The opinion of th&lt;

ien. w It is unnecessary to say that the p;
was I ounil guilty. lie was condemned to be burn
alive in the plaza.

At the appointed hour the royal captive, heavily
chained, was led forth. It v, nightfall, and t

rch-lights threw a dismal glare upon the
1 y the i: ide walked the ini a: Vi-

nte, \\ho ii I pouring into the umvillii

ear of his victim his hateful consolatioi I ^^n t

funeral pile, Atahualpa ^ ^formed thai ifi id

ccjit baptism he 1 mi^ht be kindly &gt;t rankled i. id
cf b d. "A cheap escape from much Mill
it the monarch, and permitted it to 1-e
The name of Juan de Atahual[ia w \vn hi:
iron collar of th&lt; rroto was then ti
( brisl iac the new coin

81 1 .v that th h w;is &lt;

: to the soUlit-rs, \\hiic liy . c o &lt;lci to th

tin- oiliuia \\hii him.

I killinu tli

nil

D :

i SOlul
:i los 1

omi

38 PIZAERO AND PERU.

and the spirit of the inca hied away to the sun. Thus
one more jewel was added to the immortal crown of
Father Vicente de Valverde! 32

With the death, of Atahualpa the empire of the
incas fell to pieces, and the Spaniards were not slow
to seize upon the distracted country. It is said that
the gold and silver obtained by the conquerors at
Cuzco equalled that furnished by the inca. Official
statements place the amount at 580,200 castellanos of
gold, and 215,000 marks of silver. 83 After another
distribution government was organized by the Span
iards with Manco Capac crowned inca of Peru for a
figure-head, behind whom and in whose name the
grim conquerors might unblushingly pursue their work
of destruction. Sebastian Benalcazar took possession
of Quito, where he was shortly afterward confronted
by Pedro de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mex
ico and governor of Guatemala.

It appears that Alvarado, having fitted out a fleet
of twelve ships for a voyage to the Spice Islands, was
turned from his purpose as will be hereafter related,
by the reported marvellous successes of the Peruvian
adventures. Believing or affecting to believe that
the province of Quito was without the jurisdiction
of Pizarro, he determined to conquer that country for
himself. His army on landing presented the strongest
front of any in Peru, but the march across the snowy
sierra was one of the most disastrous in Spanish colo
nial history. 34 Although the distance was short the en-

J The philosophy as well as the religion of the early writers is ever found
equal to the emergency. Y aunque parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron
los quo intervinieron en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida
del Guaxcar, como queda dicho. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 1G6-7.
33 Comencaron vnos a desentablar las paredes del templo, que de oro, y
plata eran: otros & desenterrar las joias, y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos
estavan: otros a tomar idolos que de lo mesmo eran. Garcllaso de la Vega,
Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores dicen, que llevb
consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece decir, que & muchos de los que
fueron con el, les oi, que f ueron ochocientos Espafloles. Garcilaso de la Vega,
Com. Beaks, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

ALVARADO IX I

ti: ii with tin- dead; n liaii hun

dred Spaniar. ;id t v. . . t hou&gt;and Indians j bed
i Inoiigh how* -urvived to enable A! inal.

blearra aente with Almagroand Benalc&zar.

A portion oi tin- ve&& ml the entire t t Al

rado were transferred totheassoci for o; ^divd
thousand castellan* Alvaradotben vi l ; i.:arro

at J achacamac, wh&lt; the latter was . the

dt vrlnpinrnt of d C^tiii r which Alv,

i-adn tool; hisdcjiartui-e. Benalc&zar remain

and uveiitiially became -overnor of that

After this in the history of Peru conies the i-ud
between tlie associate coiKjuurors; for here as el

no BOOner are Hie savages slain than their
( all to fighting among theinsi 1 Alma-

and I i/.arro are old men, old irieiids, i-ojmrtii
t instead of dividing their iinnn-n-.- acquisition and
devoting the brief remainder of their da pea
fid pursuits, so deadly becomes their hatred that

icli seems unable to rest while the other li\
Hernando Pizarro reports proceedings in Sj ,-md
Almagro is placed in command of Cuzco, while IMzan

founds his capital at Lima, The kin^ c-onlinns J i-
xai ro in his conquest and makes him MarjU los

Atavillos, and grants AlmagTO two hundred leagues
along the sea-sin Commencing i rom the

limit of Pizarro 1 ritoiy. Hernando Pizarro tai

Almagro s place at Cuzco. AYhilo J&gt;t-nal is

( v hiito, Ah; &gt; in Chile, and th -s of Pizari

di\ided be1 n CllZCO and Lima, the inca, ]\Ian&lt;-

With two hundred tin, 1 men

he I 3 Cuxco, Lima, and San Migurl &gt;imulta-

neonsly. and ma&gt;sacre&gt; tl h rs on plantation

The Spaniards are reduced to the g mity.

Cu/co is laid in a&gt;hes. and IM/arro. unable to G 5p6T-

witli liis bi-other Sernando, despatches &gt;hi[s i

.1 anama and Nicaragua for aid.

r J he. chief poinl of dispute IM t\\

40 PIZAERO AND PERU.

is the partition line dividing their respective govern
ments. Each claims the ancient capital of Cuzco as
lying within his territory. Almagro, returning from
a disastrous expedition into Chile, makes overtures to
gain the friendship of Manco Capac; failing in this
he defeats the inca in a pitched battle, takes posses
sion of Cuzco, makes Hernando Pizarro his prisoner,
and captures his army. Instead of striking off his
head as urged to do by Orgonez, and marching at
once on Lima, Almagro falters and thereby falls.

Meanwhile Hernan Cortes sends his imperilled
brother-conqueror a vessel laden with provisons; a
kingly gift. Gaspar de Espinosa, Father Luque s suc
cessor, presents himself about this time in Peru, and
is sent to Almagro by Pizarro to effect a settlement
of their difficulties, but the latter remains firm, and
the sudden death of Espinosa terminates the present
overtures. Finally by many solemnly sworn promises,
which are broken immediately, his point is gained,
Francisco Pizarro obtains the release of his brother;
then with seven hundred men, on the plain before
Cuzco, he engages and defeats Almagro s force of five
hundred men under Orgonez, captures Almagro, whom
he places in chains, and after a mock trial puts him to
death. Hernando Pizarro is afterward arrested in
Spain for the murder of Almagro, kept confined a
prisoner for twenty years, is liberated, and dies at the
age of one hundred years.

And now appears on the scene, as heir to the feud,
Almagro s illegitimate son Diego, who henceforth
lives but to avenge his father s death. There are
those who will not serve the murderer of their master,
men of Chile, they are called, and so they see distress
and carry thin visages and -tattered garments about
the streets of Cuzco. These to the number of twenty,
with Juan de Rada their leader, meet at the house of
young Almagro, and bind themselves by oath to kill
Francisco Pizarro on the following Sunday the 26th
of June 1541. Almagro s house adjoins the church,

of&gt;I&gt;Y T; \ATIe 41

while Pizarro on the oil he pi They

liini as he ).-. church after n.

But t!i- governor does not attend church that

TOSS tin- s&lt;ju;ii&lt; and through an oj.cii

tlic court-van!, from which e I to

i upper room, win TO Pizarro is at dinner with

nil friends. Suddenly the diners hear a shout

in below, ".Long live the king! Death to tyrant

A.CC med to danger I i/.arro acts on tin- instant,
directs his chief office i- Francisco de Chaves to make
last the door, and steps into an adjoining room with
his half-brother, Martinez de Alcanta: &gt; arm him-
If. ( ihavefi -prints forward and closes the door, hut
in [ of securing it he parleys with the assailants
who are now at the top oi th- . A sword thru

into the of 3 breast cuts short theconf -e, and

the body is tiling helo\V. 1 &lt; vin^ hlood, lno&gt;t of

the 14- 1 i ily, climbing over a corridor and droppin

ound; two or three who had come forward
with Chaves an* quickly despatched by the conspir
ators. Although his armor is ill-adjusted Pizarro
springs forward sword in hand. "How now. villaii.
would you minder me?" cries this v m &gt;f a hun
dred ii-lr r riien to Alcantara, "Let us hold 1- ly

traitors, for I swear to God we two are

&lt;&gt;u-h to slay them all." men of Chile i all hack

re him, but only fora moment; a^ain crowdin

rward one after another of th- uspirators i-
stretched &lt;&gt;n tin; ground. The coiKjiiest how
too unequal to continue; yet after Alcdnt two

]&gt;. nor, and every p t

th u](&gt;n the iloor. Pizai i o still li^lr.

on. At length Ivai! :aep !, gn

conn I, named Xarvae/., and hui ls him a
Pi, *8 s\\-&lt;rd. It i Xarvaez, but it i-

victory for Almagro; for while the swor*l of Pizarro
i&gt; sheatlh-d in the body of the luekl- &gt;n&gt;pirat(.:

th ! .&gt;f another stri him in the throat,

and brings him totheil&lt;&gt;or. "Jvill him! kill him!" cry

42 PIZARRO AND PERU.

the assailants as they close round the fallen chieftain,
thrusting into his body their swords. 3 * True to his
religious instincts, the expiring hero raises himself on
his arm, traces with his own blood upon the floor the
sacred emblem of his faith, sighing "Jesu Cristo!"
then while he bows his head to kiss the cross which
he had made, a blow more dastardly than all the rest
terminates his eventful life. Thus perish in sanguinary
brawl, each by the hand of the other, these renowned
chieftains, whose persistent steadfastness of purpose
and manly courage under difficulties were equalled only
by their avarice, treachery, and infamous cruelty.

The bloody work accomplished, the conspirators
rush forward and cry, " Long live the king ! The tyrant
is dead! Long live our lawful governor Almagro!"
The Almagroists continue in power till the latter part
of 1 5 42, &lt; when they are exterminated by Vaca de
Castro, sent as commissioner by the crown to quiet the
country. Almagro is executed, and the name becomes
extinct. Juan Pizarro is killed by the Indians while
capturing the fortress of Cuzco, and after the defeat
of Vasco Nunez Vela at Anaquito had been avenged
by the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro at Xaquixa-

guana, the affairs of Peru lapse into the hands of the

*}fi

viceroys/ 1

35 His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this time nearly 80
years of age, and that he killed five persons and wounded others before he
was stricken down. Como eran tatos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia
muerto a cinco, y otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de
ochenta anos, no pudo defense tanto, que no le diessen una estocada en la gar-
ganta, con que se desalet6, y desangrb, y vino a arrodillar. Varones Ilvstres,
185-6.

36 It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history of the Peruvian
conquest, indeed the only one that can lay claims to fairness and complete
ness, is Mr Prescott s. The chief original authorities have already been
given. Pizarro forms a leading figure in Quintana, Yidas de Espaiioles Cele
bris, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three volumes, reprinted
at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and dramatist since 1801, Quintana
intended to produce a lengthy series of biographies of the national heroes who
had already entered into his song ; but the demands of other studies and Of
his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as senator, interfered
with his work, and nine lives are all that have been recorded. While declar
ing his intention to be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate

predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic fancy with biographic
facts. The list may be greatly swollen by si

*^ JL. \J \J -L

such works as Acosta, Hist. Ind.;

Ai ;;iTir 43

La A
h Sea, i.

. ii. 1..1 -, Z/oAorpe, I
dl i:;i 67; / y., iv. :

1C, iv. n;i 512, v. 1-21 dri.l, 1788, i.

ii. rj:;

, r&lt;V"x, 71-171 ;

.:;(;

rip. (/ .-I///.. ; /My/* ,s /&gt;r- - , 7 ., iii. 4

, 141-7 /., xv..

, SI KM; //// ni. 7

lo ; Unrir\i M&lt;"t., xi -aw, in 7&gt;o^. // ,1.

J-(&gt; . 51: K, in Pacheco and Col. Doc. t x. :

Tr&lt;i"&lt; mada, i. Gil; and the many royal ccdulaa and letters of the 1
and otl.

CHAPTER II.

CASTILLA DEL OEO.
1527-1537.

ADMINISTRATION or PEDRO DE LOS Rios HE is SUPERSEDED BY THE LICEN
TIATE ANTONIO DE LA GAMA BARRIONUEVO S REIGN A PROVINCE IN
NUEVA ANDALUCIA GRANTED TO PEDRO DE HEREDIA HE SAILS TOR CAR
TAGENA CONFLICTS WITH THE NATIVES TREASURE UNEARTHED THE
DEVIL S Bomo PROSPERITY OF THE SETTLEMENT ALONSO HEREDIA
SENT TO REBUILD SAN SEBASTIAN Is OPPOSED BY JULIAN GUTIERREZ
CAPTURE OF GUTIERREZ THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DABAIBA ONCE
MORE EXPEDITIONS IN SEARCH OF THE GLITTERING PHANTOM, FRAN
CISCO CESAR AND OTHERS AUDIENCIA ESTABLISHED AT PANAMA
MALEADMINISTRATION COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS DESTITUTION
IN THE PROVINCE BISHOPS OF CASTILLA DEL ORO MIRACULOUS IMAGE
OF THE VIRGIN BIBLIOGRAPHICAL.

MENTION has already been made of the appointment
of Pedro de los Rios as governor of Castilla del Oro
in place of Pedrarias Ddvila, of the arrival of his fleet
at Nombre de Dios in 1526, and of the death of Pe-
clrarias at Leon in 1530. The new governor was
instructed that the conversion of the natives rather
than their conquest should be his main purpose; they
were to be treated indeed as vassals of the crown but
not as slaves; and his Majesty the emperor Charles
V. was pleased to declare that in the foundation of
new colonies he had less recrard for his own awran-

- . Oo

chzement than for the spread of the holy Catholic
faith. Pedro de los Kios was a man unfit to govern a
community of wild and turbulent adventurers in a
strange and half -settled territory. Instead of pur
suing the right course at the right moment, he seemed
to go out of his way to commit blunders. As occurred

4. ,

at liis I* - in

im h

be was often i &gt;\\\i(l \ ; in ; hour of

trial. H: -k &lt;&gt;f amhition and ever-p .rd

&gt;wn ] nal i .nd sa iniiii-
i-t mt i&lt;&gt;ii in prve taint- and m. itful.

Th i fames \\ nt a-

the rulers of ( a-tilla del Oro that it is lnita t

i5n to allude to it; hut 1 inir&gt;t
bes iar &gt;urj&gt; d tliu ^ &lt;&gt;f all his j

lli&gt; avarice was only i &lt;! ly that of his \vl

Avli ( )vi-!n fcella us, held him under complete con-

1 and governed th province through the^nvt-rn
He appropriated all that he could lay hands on,wh&lt;
public or private jimpcrty, and his m.iL in oil.

jo notorious

of the cmjxTnr. Hc^ \v, .-joined from cro.-
boundaries of his province, ord&lt;T- &gt;urr- rtol
royal t irer the l^earl Islands, the r uies of
, it will her uhered, \\ 1 under his

hy the crown, and !l needful aid

Pizarroand J)5e-" &lt;!&lt; Alma^ro in thepros-
itinn of ih-ir exploring expeditions.
lUit it was no part of the policy of Rios to huill
\\\\ other ierritories at. the r\p of his own, and his

fled &lt;&gt;f these instructions, uni with the mal
inlluence of the crafty Pedrai whom the :
\vitted lu&lt;&gt;&lt; n , per

his downfall. 1 Such, finally, v, the C
before t! uncil of the Ti j, that :ue

n of his three \ term of oil;

IO d- la (

his r and the governor, d

-ult. ] i Spain and denial,

{ h. fore tl. ineil of the Indit-s. ( )v u

iif\- for the city nf Panama, and .1

1 // . iv. 111.. i&lt;

...ubtt;.

the iu-stig;.

46 CASTILLA DEL OEO.

de los Bios was fined, despoiled of office, ordered home,
and forbidden ever to return to the Indies. 2 His wife,
whom he had left behind, refused to make the jour
ney to Spain without the company of her husband,
and as he declined to return for her, she remained at
Panama to the day of her death.

After the condemnation of Rios in 1529, the licen
tiate refused to surrender his badge of office, retain
ing his post as governor for about five years.
Notwithstanding some complaints of his summary
method of dealing with judicial matters, a few even
going so far as to say that if Rios chose to return he
might do so with impunity, the general verdict of the
colonists was in his favor, and during his administra
tion many public improvements were made. An
inordinate craving for wealth was, as usual, the cause
of his removal, 3 and in the spring of 1534 he was
superseded by Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo, a
soldier who had gained some distinction at Cartagena.
Barrionuevo had received his commission nearly two
years before, and set sail from Spain in command of a
force of two hundred men, furnished at the expense
of the crown. He was ordered to touch at Espanola,
where the governor was instructed to furnish all
needed supplies; and the expedition arrived at Nombre
cle Dios with ranks somewhat thinned by disease, and
by casualties incurred through rendering assistance
in quelling an Indian revolt in Santo Domingo.

Amidst the throng of adventurers who, dazzled by
marvellous reports of the wealth of the incas and of
the fabled treasures of Dabaiba, petitioned the emperor
for grants of territory south of Castilla del Oro was
Pedro de Heredia, who had already done good service
at the settlement of Santa Marta and elsewhere in
the Indies. To him was assigned in Nueva Anda-

2 He died at Cdrdova. Oviedo, iii. 123-4.

3 Of his subsequent career it is known that he served under Pizarro in Peru
and afterward retired to his estates in Cuzco. Cartas de Indicts, 761-2.

NUEVA AX1&gt;AU &lt; IA. 47

hicia ;i province whose limits id. &lt;l I M. in 1:
River Atratatothe .Ma^dalena, and from th- \rth
Sea to thu equator. Sailing from Spain in 1532 with
thr -Is and ahont one hundred men. In- landed

a port then called ( alainari, hut to which he ^a\
tin- name of Cartagena. 4 It \ ahout th

( )jeda s command was annihilated in 1509, and hi -re
that Xicuesa a ed the defeat of his latu rival hy

] tutting to the sword the people.

Aitefr a brief rest the Spaniards inarched inland and
iinc ere Lui^ to a town where they met with &gt;tmt
resistance. The natives made good use of their
poisoned aiTOWS and clubs of hard wood, man, matron,
and maid li^litin^ side hy side, and though all desti
tute of clothing or any defensive arm&lt;&gt;r, confronted
the lire-arms and swords of the Europeans without
flinching. A few prisoners were taken (luring the
skirmish, one of whom, on the return of the party i
Cartagena, offered to act as guide to some of the
la. towns in that vicinity , thinking that hi
mn&gt;t Mirely he there overpowered and exterminated.
On the way they were attacked hy a 1. lody of

natives wh, alter a sharp cont* driven into a

neighboring stronghold, enclosed with several thick!
planted rows of ti In hot pursuit the Spaniar

l ll.. . and forced their way into the enclosure nde
l&gt;y &gt;ide with the fii /niv. lYesh hands of Indiai
ori arriVed and, turning the scale, dr Mit th
vadei-s, and in the]&gt;lain beyond, whe] is room for
6 use of artillery and ,,lrv. n here pre--ed
-m so hard that they held their ground with difti-

culty. During the fight Heredia, b

from his men. \\ -irroundejl. and would surely ha\
heeu killed had not one of his sol \\av

thrU _;h the enemy s i-anks, and tin his &gt;w..rd

thi-oii- h the hody of one, and cir howstrin

of another, held tl in check till others could com

*0n aoeoun; .ncc to the harbor of Cartagena in Spaiu.

11 //-. rO| HI), ii. cap. iii.

48 CASTILLA DEL ORO.

to his assistance. Finally the savages were driven
back, leaving their town in the hands of the captors,
who found there provisions and a little gold.

Returning to Cartagena, Heredia fell in with a
vessel newly arrived from Espafiola with troops on
board that raised his command to one hundred foot
and as many horse. Thus reen forced, he penetrated
the province as far as the town of Cenu, in the valley of
a river which still bears that name. Here was found
in two boxes or chests gold to the value of 20,000
pesos, and in a place which went by the name of " El
bohfo del.diablo," 5 a pit with three compartments,
each about two hundred and fifty feet in length, was
a hammock supported by four human figures, and
containing gold to the value of 15,000 pesos, amid
which, according to Indian tradition, his sable majesty
was wont to repose. In a sepulchre near by, gold-
dust was unearthed to the amount of 10,000 pesos.

Well satisfied with the results of his expedition
Heredia returned to head-quarters, and was soon after
ward joined by a fresh reenforcement of three hun
dred men. The tidings of his success soon attracted
numbers of dissatisfied colonists from Castilla del Oro,
and toward the close of the sixteenth century Carta
gena became a place of considerable note, 6 the fleet
that supplied the New World with the merchandise
of Spain touching there on the way to Portobello.
The latter was but a small village, tenante d chiefly
by negroes, and possessing, next to Nombre de Dios,
the most sickly climate of all the settlements in Tierra
Firme. So deadly were the exhalations from its rank
and steaming soil that a small garrison maintained
there to guard the fleet was changed four times a
year. Notwithstanding its unwholesome atmosphere

5 Ilerrcra, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the Spanish translation for the
tthrase applied to it by the natives. The word bohio belongs to the dialect
cf the country.

6 In JJerrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv. , it is stated that the city was then very
populous, had a considerable commerce, and contained two castles heavily
mounted with artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house, and
other public buildings.

TIAX.

an annual fair was held there lasting forty &lt;

3 streets we] d wit !i mere]

;u every &lt;j I r &lt;&gt;! 1 1n- Indi&lt; \.,t m
aft rd the Peruvian herd limb! mountain

side iii &lt;ji! ray llama, disco

mi. and tin- ]&gt;la&lt;-. I ecame, l&lt;&gt;ra few \

iii til-- \ redundant mart of commerce in

11, rid. A flee! . freighted \viih all that \

(juii-ed t.i he I - -al and artificial wants of an

opulent community, called tin-

ABA

CASTILLA i&gt;. o.

if a])])caiv;! in si^ lii lln- tiva^ui 1

and pearl-fisheri&lt; conveyed ly land from J &gt; anam;i

to C} md thence down the Ki)( ha to I or-

-t and c\]) : ; oll nf }l\&lt; trl l i-

li;id .lly - ted, 1 rdro dr I li;i

lied l\\^ I lMtln r Alnnso t&lt;&gt; t! ill of Trabii

.KM-IUTIM! in i Acost J )G-10.

HISI. CK.VT. AM., VOL. II. 4

50 CASTILLA DEL OEO.

to rebuild there the town of San Sebastian. 8 The site
selected was some leagues south of the ruins of the
settlement which Ojeda had founded, and where his
lieutenant Francisco Pizarro and his band suffered
from hunger and pestilence before Vasco Nunez led
them to the South Sea. On a spot distant about
half a league from the eastern shore of the gulf, among
some hillocks near which were groves of tall cocoa-
nut palms, 9 the settlement was founded, sorely against
the will of Julian Gutierrez, who, having married
the sister of the cacique Uraba, had accumulated a
fortune by bartering for gold such cheap baubles as
the natives most preferred. 10 Inciting the natives to
harass Heredia s party at every opportunity, Gutierrez
proceeded to build a fort on the banks of the Rio
Caiman, at no great distance from San Sebastian. In
this enterprise he was joined by a number of male-
contents from Castilla del Oro, who had been on the
point of embarking for Peru, but were persuaded to
take service under Gutierrez. Chief among them
was one Francisco Cesar, who soon afterward figures
prominently in the history of Cartagena.

Heredia at once marched with all his forces against
Gutierrez, and bid him withdraw from the limits of
his province. The latter replied that he was acting
under instructions from the governor of Castilla del
Oro and could not neglect his orders. Heredia pre
tended to be satisfied with this answer and withdrew
his troops, but returning after nightfall stormed the
enemy s camp and put most of the garrison to the
sword. Gutierrez and his Indian wife were carried

8 According to Herrcra, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the new town was named
San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

9 In JJerrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the somewhat remarkable
statement that the nuts were of such size that two of them were often a
sufficient burden for a man. He probably adheres to fact, however, when-
he states that on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first
discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro s fifty days sojourn in
that neighborhood when waiting for the return of Ojeda.

9 And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who afterward
carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives. Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva
Granada, 133.

[E G&lt; JBA.

Cc -ar v, i* h ir-

and i ward

vice und, r 1 1 redia. N &gt;[ \ h &gt;n reach*

. whereupon Barrionuevo immediai d

over t ombre do J)i&lt;&gt;&gt;, took ship for (
j rocured t! of his lieutena: nd

an arran; lit with LVdr- which

A ,iade thu southern l&gt;.undary of ( !a

1 ( )i

In the vicinity of a temple in the vail v &lt;
( Eliver the coloni f San Sebastian di d

nu i Dinl ; f them oi .t da;

;ird tin- lajjx- of cenl nri(

I! tlio natives hurled their raei&lt;jiies in i

])ostur hy Mile with their i;iv&lt;&gt;rit best

rvants, and dearest friends; and in t!
van! "iitained th mains were placed all

their i^ old, ovms, and arnmr. This, pei ehance, n&gt;
li;, ;olden U lllple of J )auaiia. 1 .

\\l\\c\\. had already &lt;&lt;(, thr lives &lt;&gt;f so many Sj

id was yet to cost the lives of hund.
they pur this glittering phantom far south toward

th -f the province. South

I y the t ory of the &lt;-aci&lt;|Ue J )ahail&gt;a. \\

nan; ;1 applied to ti &gt;kirt- the l,a;ik

of t forming a \ n\ &gt;[)iir of t!

llera. \veen the ^ulf and the town of th-

was a Fo tt-n or fcwelv) a in length, d&lt;

with] , and matted with tropical TON h,

t! liich ilowed to 1 h- i mountain

ith fallen t . and
neighborhood wit of la- d m,

:d. r fl. i the natives, with th

li^lit | . their \

th- d with his h&lt;

oud
I it lay an I .d bi

unknown and whore ti

52 CASTILLA DEL ORO.

tortuous bed of a mountain torrent afforded for a
brief space during the dry season the only means of
access to the realms of the Indian chief. The sierra
of Dabaiba had for many years barred the progress
of Spanish exploration and conquest, but there, if
report were true, lay hidden stores of gold that out
shone even the riches of an Atahualpa or a Monte-
zuma. Closely guarded indeed must be the treasure
that could escape the keen scent of the Spaniard, and
great the obstacles that could stay his path when in
search of his much loved wealth.

The first to attempt the conquest of this territory
was Francisco Cesar, now a captain of infantry, and
one whose skill and gallantry had gained for him the
confidence of his men. Starting from San Sebastian
in 1536, in command of eighty foot and twenty horse,
he travelled southward through a pathless wilderness.
Ten months the party journeyed, and arriving at
length at the Guaca 11 Valley were suddenly attacked
by an army of twenty thousand natives. While thus
surrounded and cut off from all hope of retreat, there
appeared above them in the heavens the image of
Spain s patron saint. Three hours thereafter the
enemy was routed, and the Spaniards proceeded at
once to look for gold. After much tedious search,
a crumbling sepulchre was discovered, wherein was
hidden treasure to the value of thirty thousand cas-
tellanos. The remnant of Cesar s band then returned
to San Sebastian, accomplishing their homeward
journey in seventeen days.

Less fortunate was Pedro de Heredia, who in the
same year organized an expedition to invade the
realms of the cacique Dabaiba and to gain possession of
his treasures. At the head of two hundred and ten
mail-clad men, Heredia set out from San Sebastian,
and directed his course along the banks of the Atrato.

11 Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama

Por rico mineral a cada lado.
Castellanos, Varones Jllustres lud., 394.

in;REi&gt;iAs i;xri:DiTio v

ived ai the verg &gt;&lt;. tl h

\vliicli lie- 1111; :t his \\ ^t In- could, with IV

&lt;j and vexatious delays lor the felling of

and tl (ruction &lt;&gt;! rafi hrid^v UK

round, impassable else f "i u or lea&gt;t. Kain fell

in toirei -nous snakes an&lt;l of v.

and nicsijui haunted t! my &gt;olitud &gt;

fires could be kindled, and famine and ilence -n

familiar guests in the Spanish camp. Son
natives v, ho served as guides \\ used oi* liavin^

])ur|)oscly led them a&gt;i They answered : "A\

from the river to the mountains in three days, v/lii!
you and your horses iv&lt;{iiire as many moiil!

Wh. 11 the storm cleared away a detachment of

SjKinia \vas sent in advance to reconnoitre, tl -t
remaining in camp to await their report. After ;i
few d, march they arrived at a spot \vheiv the
smol pirini^ emhers and Ilie skins of anil

indi--.: 1 a recent encamjiment of savages. After
diligent search huts \vere discovered huilt amidst tl.
Ixm-! is of the forest-trees, the natives thus securii
th Ives from venomous reptiL After a slight
.ncc two of the natives were captured, and from
their information the party brought hack news to fch&lt; ir
comra liat they were travelling in a wronij direc
tion. IIc&gt;redi;i and his men, too much dispirited to
make any further effort, turned their laces homeward

and arrived at San Sehastiun empty-handed and in

sorry j b, the return journey occupying forty s,

and the ent : .j-edition ahoiit three

The survivors of the t\v&lt; Spanish companies soon

came clamorous f&lt;&gt;r fre&gt;h ad\ cntui-e, and in 1538

Franci co ( :, with Heredia s permission, &lt; d

a I oivr aboui * ((Ual in numhcr fco his lirst command,
resolved this til at all hazard tin i-

of the mystei-ioiis sici ra. A leaving San

an, ( marched alon^ the coast in the dir

Bio V rde, thence turning eastward t d

54 CASTILLA DEL ORO.

the corclillera. The party suffered severely, and on
arriving at the Guaca Valley mustered but sixty-three
men capable of bearing arms. Nevertheless Cesar ad
vanced boldly on the first town which fell in his way
after ascending the sierra. The inhabitants, assured
by interpreters that the invaders had no hostile in
tent, brought forth an abundant supply of roots, corn,
fruit, and such other provisions as they possessed.
The horses were treated with special care, and hom
age was paid to them as to superior beings.

While the Spaniards were enjoying here a few days
of repose the chief of the district, Nutibara by name,
quietly assembled an army of two thousand men,
thinking to crush, this presumptuous little band, for
no tidings had yet reached him of the dread prowess
of the strangers. A stubborn conflict ensued, termi
nated only by the death of Quinunchu, brother of
Nutibara, who fell by the hand of Csar. Santiago
on his white horse again appeared in behalf of his
followers, and to him was ascribed the glory of the
carnage that followed. The conquerors soon ascer
tained that the country for many leagues around was
rising in arms against them, and having now secured
treasure to the value of forty thousand ducats they
returned by forced marches to San Sebastian. 12

News of Cesar s expedition was soon carried to
Cartagena, whence in December 1537 the licentiate
Juan de Badillo set forth to explore further the
region south of the gulf of Uraba. A force of three
hundred and fifty men was collected, with five hun
dred and twelve horses, a number of Indians and
negroes, and ample stores of provisions and munitions
of war. Francisco Cesar was second in command, and
the treasurer Saavedra one of the captains. Starting
from the port of Santa Maria near the mouth of the.
Atrato they arrived, with no adventure worthy of

12 In Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 142, it is stated that during
this expedition Cdsar reached the town of the cacique Dabaiba, but 110 men
tion is made of his finding any gold there.

DITK

ii ie v;ill rt

lead-
Mid at the head of Sixl

ten, \\ a i ! n !&gt;.; p-

pe-rl ahout nightfall, DOSted his nidi in ivadi:

ilt at (! !v. The (! ]MT-

heir (! i, determined atici] pa,

aii;l iMl en the Spaniards una\ lut

itiii 4 were repulsed.

ii continued his march through theGc
Val! rrivi: : i lie ddinai (JuiniM-lii.

Jt\\:i&gt; IKTC that CVsar, oil liis \\r&gt;\ &lt; i. liad

in hcd treasure to the value of thirty thousand

ca MHO-. ! hence one reason t &lt;&gt;r - .this

rout In June the expedition arri\&lt; t the \al!
N ori . 11 with i-iinks somewhat tliinnrl ly laini:
and rless enronnters with tlie nativi ]\!

iiiLC \vitli a i riendly cacique they &lt;|iie&gt;lioned liini 8
the \v :l)outs of the great ti IT6 of 1 )ahaih

lie replietl: " There is no treasure, for they have i
nerd of any; Imt wlien they want ^old to ])iire]

od or -in a caj.iive, they jiirlc it up in di

ather i roin under the i-o&lt;-ks in the river-beds."

\ploi-ini;- parties w .-nt in all directions, luit with

little Stic- r riiey COllld Hot scale tip siel I

or e idierous in. and they \\ ,-on-

ntly hai-assed ly l&gt;ands of India Acosta ivl

that one d inent sent out toward the inotintai!

in a woterly direction passed underneath a \ii!
lnilr amidst the overt ing hoii^l

bence the natives plied them \\ith arrows,
hot wa 1 iiid 15-hted fagota

T!ie caciqu i Xoi-f. anxious to be rid of tl.
Spaniards, pi I ! Jadillo wiili ^ld to the valu

of two thm-and ] . and oll .-rrd to conduct him

i auriferou n. then known as the .IJuriti.

. t of the swarms of troublcsom* * in it &lt;or-

hool. / /.. -J.vj.

., JG4.

56 CASTILLA DEL ORO.

Valley. After a six days march they came to a
native stronghold, which was captured after a sharp
struggle, the chieftain, with his young wife, being
taken captive. The latter was released on payment
of a large ransom, accompanied with a promise from
her husband to act as guide to a spot where rich
mines were known to exist. With a heavy iron col
lar round his neck, and fastened by chains between
four stalwart soldiers, the cacique led the way till he
came to the verge of a precipice, whence he threw
himself headlong, dragging with him his guards. Un
happily the fall did not prove fatal, and the Span
iards, though sorely hurt, had yet life enough left to
drag their bruised victim into the presence of Badillo,
who at once ordered his slaves to burn him alive.

Want, sickness, and the ceaseless hostility of the
natives had now spread havoc in the Spanish ranks.
Many who had come in search of wealth had found
a grave; and the survivors, worn with hardship and
disgusted, with the meagre results of their long-
protracted toil, threatened to abandon the expedition
and set their faces homeward. The discontent was
greatly increased by the death of Francisco Cesar, a
much loved and well trusted officer, and one who, had
fortune cast his lot in a wider or nobler sphere of ac
tion, might have become one of the foremost captains
of his age. Nevertheless, the march was continued,
and on Christmas-eve, after a journey lasting one
year and three days, the expedition arrived at the
province of Call, in the valley of the Cauca River.
Here the soldiers well nigh broke out into open mu
tiny. Badillo confronted them with drawn sword,
exclaiming: "Let him return who chooses; I will go
forward alone till fortune favors me." Nevertheless
the men crowded around him still clamoring to be led
back to Uraba, whereupon he ordered a division to be
made of the spoil, hoping thus to put them in better
heart. To complete his discomfiture it was found that
the treasure-chest had disappeared. This last was a

\ri i; i OF r

! tin- worthy licentiate v.

I of the tin-, Aloin- and broken-h&lt; d In-
. to 3 opayan, some t\\ the

nth in t ! Thence lie mad his \\

au, \ there arr&lt; I, ami , U-in :it

a pri JOB ( ar :i;i. the city i mm whicli he ha I

(! ! in pursuit of fame and ricli

at Suvillr, ! 1 rial was concluded, i

and a pauper.

The eh, of peculation against Badillopn

be unfounded, for the chest containing two th- i^aiid

lill!. ; It-llano- :({ di d:

r J"hc share of each foot-soldier was ascertained
1&gt;- llanos, from whi&lt;-h it would a]&gt;pear that

t!. niards lost about h;,lf thr-ir uum!&gt;&lt; r 1&gt;

arriving at Calf. The remainder of the band follow -d
the course of theCauca KMver northward
Indian province of Umbra, where most of them took
under one Jorge Robledo, who made furtli&gt;T
ex] itionson the ri^lit bank of the C auca in 11.
mountainous region which now bears the name &lt;&gt;f
Antioquia.

In iri. js 11 the audiencia real y chancillerfa of t

of Panama was established, th h

included a presid four oidorc s, a fiscal, a r r,
two secretaries, and for local government tl
and three mini.- ofjii&gt;tico. r Fhe territory und-
Ihe jurisdiction ol the aiulii-ncia original! d

Peru with the exc &gt;nof the port of B ntur.-

lut ftcrv.ard bounded by (

;d Ih OC . and was di\id. tl into tin- t!

"\ ii: lla del ( )n&gt;. 1 )ai-i&lt;-n. and \ - 11

of which i included under tl te nai -f Ti-

-I^ irmc. 1 hiring the administration of j ) .

we ha\ ii intcrdi. 1 forbidding law-

:i&lt;l magistr ide in &lt; ilia del Oro,

15 In 1 535, / , C w/. D(jc. t viii. Jo, coiilinucd by ( km&lt; ntc,

To! _,j4.

58 CASTILLA DEL ORO.

and the minions of the governor decided civil cases
always in favor of the party who paid the heaviest
bribe. There was no appeal but to the governor him
self except in cases where the amount exceeded five
hundred pesos. A transcript of proceedings might in
such cases be sent to the audiencia of Espanola, which
at that time held jurisdiction over the inferior courts
of Castilla del Oro. Some few years after the demise
of Pedrarias the prohibition was removed, when
there fell upon the fated land an avalanche of lawyers.
"A magistrate," writes Oviedo to the emperor, "is
worse than a pestilence, for if the latter took your
life it at least left your estate intact." After the
establishment of the ~audiencia of Panamd certain
changes were made, but they were of little benefit to
the community, for in 1537 we find the alcalde mayor
holding the threefold office of presiding judge and
attorney both for plaintiff and defendant, "passing
sentence/ as Oviedo says, "on him. whom he least
favored." 16 The government of the three provinces
was in fact little else than a legalized despotism. Com
plaint was sometimes made to the emperor, but the
colonists soon found that the complainant was only
made to suffer the more for his presumption. "Only
that an ocean lay between Charles and his down
trodden subjects," exclaims Vazquez, "nineteen out
of twenty would have thrown themselves at his feet
to pray for justice."

The corruption extended to the municipal officers,
and the provinces became rapidly impoverished. To
make matters worse, multitudes of vagrants, the scum
of the Spanish population, had for years been swarm
ing into the New World settlements. At one time
the hospitals and churches of Panamd were insuffi
cient to shelter the hordes of poverty-stricken and
houseless vagabonds that crowded the city. As they
would not work, many were near starving.

Charles knew little of all this, if indeed he cared.

u Carta al JEmperador, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 64-82.

&gt;\-.

"f liis i rue condi-

tion of allairs in Tierra J- irme. it may be tnenti
that n the appointment of IVav Vicefll aza

ond bishop of ( ilia del Oro, h

joined by the monarch to render aid to the faithful
JVdr 1 );ivila in securing tin- com nd

i reatnmnt -if the n;it i\ It is prol

tin (1 l)5sliop worked a little tn&lt;&gt; con tioii-ly in

the cau.-e oft! to suit tli.e

S it has already IMM-II stated, he dird nf j.
supposed to have been adniinisi , hy

ruler.

Of Tomds dc Berlanga, who filled the epis

copal chair a ie\v years niter IVrn/a s decease, 17 it is
stated that during his return voyage to Spain, in

7. l. eiii;^- overtaken l&gt;y a lienvy &gt;tonn, h
himself in J &gt;ntiiical rol&gt;es, and kneeling with the

t &lt;&gt;f the company chanted a litany t&lt;&gt; the virgin.
Jn response th red ontliewax- - what

at iir -mall hoat, hut proved to he a ]. &gt;\ c. .utain-
inir. as was supposed, merdiandi T\: !e niodei 1 -

d and the captain readily assented to the l)i&gt;h&lt;
proposition that it the l&gt;&lt;&gt;x contained a &gt;aint s ini;
01- nther saci-ed thin^, it should become the property
of the prelate, but if it held anything of monetary
value it should br claimed by the former. Soon t

S calm; the box was opened, and t : ire

enniio-h, was the ima^v of Oui- j.ady of the Immacu-

( oncej)tion. On his arrival in Spain In-rl
]laced the ima;_re in the convent ol Medina de Ivio-

&gt; where hear ard founded a simitar institute .

17 In ]I-rn-r:i, d.-.-. iv. HI.

uiliv t fath i t tin- luUrr in I ."&gt;."!.

Midi tout . uthorr,

(K- \v;&gt;

I I jm.-nn;! in
;il !y t uthority in elm j; to

a into thu
ilK-t uf 1 :

60 CASTILLA DEL ORO.

chanting his first mass there on the 19th of January
1543. 18

18 So says Gonzalez Davila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551. Teatro Ecles.,
ii. 57-8.

With the trio of travellers and observers, Benzoni, Acosta, and Thevet,
may be classed Juan de Castellanos, whose Ehgias de Varones I lustres de
Indlas recount not only the glories of the military, ecclesiastic, and civil
conquerors who figured in the early annals of the region extending over the
Antilles, the Isthmus, and the northern part of South America, but give
special histories of the New* Granada provinces. Himself one of the horde
which came over from Spain for glory and plunder, he had as cavalry soldier
taken active part in a number of the expeditions so graphically described.
With the acquisition of a fortune came a sense of the injustice exercised in its
accumulation, and remorse perhaps for ill-treatment of the Indians, mingled
largely with discontent at the poor recognition of his services, caused him to
join the church. He received the appointment of candnigo tesorero at Carta
gena, but resigned it after a brief tenure for the curacy of Tunja, erroneously
assumed by some writers to be his birthplace. Here he found ample time to
seek solace by unlocking the gates of a natural eloquence, and letting forth the
remembrances of glorious deeds and events. The gown is forgotten, and
the old soldier dons again in fancy the rusty armor, though he modestly, too
modestly, refrains from intruding himself. It is in prose that he first relates
his story, but finding this too quiet for his theme of heroes and battles, he
transposes the whole into verse, a work of ten years.

His is not the artificial refinement of the epic writer, whose form he follows
from a love of rhythm, but merely versified narrative, with a generally honest
adherence to fact, though form and metre suffer:

Ire con pasos algo presurosos,
Sin orla do porticos cabcllos
Quo haccn versos dulccs, sonorosoa
A los ejercitados en Iccllos ;
Pues como canto casos doloros&s,
Cuales los padccieron muchos dcllos,
PareciGmc decir la vcrdad pxira
&gt;in usar do ficion ni compostura.

The ease and variety of the lines indicate the natural poet, howerer, and
even when form departs the sentences retain a certain elegance. The first
part was published as Primera Parte de las Elegias, etc., Madrid, 1589, 4,
used by De Bry in his eighth part on America, and given in the fourth volume
of BiUioleca de Autores Espanoles, 1850. The second and third parts, pro
vided with maps and plans, and dedicated, like the first, to King Philip,
remained in manuscript in the library of the Marque s del Carpio Pinelo,
Epitome, ii. 590 till issued by Ariban, together with the first part,, in
1857, as a special volume of the above Biblioteca. A fourth part, perhaps
thq best and most important, as it must have recorded the latest and freshest
recollections of Castellanos, was used by Bishop Piedrahita for his history,
and has since disappeared. He found the original with Consejero Prado,
and refers to "las otras tres partes impressas." Hist. Conq. Granada, preface.

LAN&lt; v, ri! : HTA. ci

Tin- : 1 i&gt;:ir into (}&gt; tones,

acconlii! int to

si:bjects under tip
h of .- :a. i

.c rhy:

. itli ;i lini.&gt;]iiii;.r couplet. Toward tl. B continu-

blank verse i The facili:

Jon than these hi: , triplets of cloi:i

rl. n hicli i

n. \ ". .il faults, of v, liurs of Li course, to

iiul; i: id contradiction, y due to t dineSS

tli which he . from chroniclers and f. iu

the e\ei, : . His own versions may, Mufioz slui

faithful recitals, so far, at .ry

i, while everywhere are to be found clear, vivid &lt;ns

tee, and peopl

i \vith the monks and missionaries who assistc&lt; tlio

; to become chroniclers of general history, of * &lt;&gt;ns, or of

:id as brethren of the hood abounded nan re numerous

en.H; ; .;h to form tlic most perfect record of events that could !; but

&gt;!o fact remains that so few lia\ D preserved, i:: :ui-

script. I lanada, which includes the southei-u part of the Lsthmus, A\

loi. tout a public chronicle. The coiKpieror Quesada. had p

&gt; had left a history just begun, whi ) com; in

two -\ ither saw the li^ht, and Castellanos jK&gt;etical roc-

part. They &lt; ! in manuscript, ho\ i. with

t!i .1 &gt; Simon \. d to uml \v.

i;i I."&gt;7Hie had .irly joined the Franciscan -

iranada I! as tea :id mi 3 to

th . in.-ial. Tiie . thchisti . ..hichl.

;athering material and Three stout folio

lily completed, &lt;MC!I divided into seven histo;

1 las (

to Vea&lt; . ucla, came to bo published; t
&gt;, on Sa:ita Marta, and on 1 D adjoining Darien, remain.

ilemy. i !ume&lt;\ on geograph; . 1-

i on tiie origin of the Indians, and proceeds with
th id namin-, of . a. I iimio r &gt;t coosid-

, as one of 1 1 .
ti\ : i &gt;on the conquest an

i and condition of :

y litt 1 . :y tiie :it

for ti. faih;ri

.!y to 1 The

ii to the co:i niclers of the !y

f.m It &lt;; to sta .ts.

.nk of leai.; of

62 CASTILLA DEL OEO.

the province to Bishop Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita, who wrote 50 years later.
A creole of Bogota by birth, his whole career as priest and prelate is bound
up with his native country. While yet a student he gave evidence of a lit
erary taste by writing comedies, of which no traces remain however. His
ability procured rapid advancement in the church. While governor of the
archdiocese, till 1661, he incurred the enmity of a visitador and was obliged
to appear in Spain for trial, but passed the ordeal, and received in compen
sation the bishopric of Santa Marta. It was while waiting the slow progress
of the trial that he found time to write the Historia General de las Conqvistas
del Nvevo Hey no de Granada, 1688. In 1676 he was promoted to the see of
Panama, where he died, 1688, at an age of over 70 years, revered for his
extreme benevolence and sanctity. In the preface to the volume, just then
passing through the press, Piedrahita admits that it is merely a reproduction
of Quesada s Compendia, and of the fourth part of Castellanos Eleyias, both
now lost, and the text shows indeed but little of the research, speculation, and
variety manifest in Simon, whom he excels however in beauty and clear
ness of style. He confines himself more to the special history of New
Granada than Simon, and instead of learned dissertations on America in
general, he devotes the first two of the 12 books to an account of native customs
and ancient history. He then takes up the conquest and settlement of the
provinces in question and carries the history to 1563. The first title is bor
dered with cuts of Indian battle scenes, and the portraits of seven leading
kings and caciques, while that of the first libro has 12 minor chiefs in medal
lions. The title-page of the third libro, again, which begins the conquest,
bears the likenesses of 12 Spanish captains. At the close of the work is
promised a continuation, but this never appeared.

A modern publication covering the same field and period as the preceding is
Joaquin Acosta s Compendia Ilistdrico del Descubrimiento y Colonizacion de la
Nueva Granada en elsiglo decimo sexto. Paris, 1843. Lacking in critique it
nevertheless fills the want of a popular chronologic review, and exhibits con
siderable labor. Acosta was an officer of engineers in the Colombian service
who had taken an active part in scientific investigations, and written several
archceologic essays.

CHAPTER III.

IIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VEILVGUA.

1530.

Ti or VI.KAGUA MAKIA in: TOLEDO CLAIMS Tin: Tr.KKiTnr.Y FOB

in:: COLON 1 AITOINTKD TO THE ("

MAND L Q ON Till: &lt; 01 \ i. MINE

TIIK CACIQUE Druuni \ : Hi: 1 . s TO 1

,- Tin

Tin: Cm. iLLOWZBS H]

SPOT THKY

OF Till &lt; \Mr.ALISM AMONG TH1I ClIILI

JHI: i i:\v SURVIVORS THE COLONY AHANI

Tiirs far in North America we liavo foil
Spaniards in their pacification and s- tllcinnit of ( :
tilla dd ()ro, Nicaragua, ami Honduras. ]&gt;
1] -.Titorius is situated tli&lt;&gt; province of A

subsequently called Xm-va ( aria^o. Tlmu-h i-irli iii

metals and r to ])aiien. !i was tlie indomitable

fierceness of tin- natives, and the ruggedness and ster
ility of the count ry. that this, the spot on Tirrra Kiri:
^ here the fir- u-ni] ii lenient was made, wa

the la&gt;t pn&gt;\ in ntral America that heeanie

snhject t&lt;&gt; I Jii-njM-an domination. The Xe\v \\ oi
was informed l&gt;y the council of the Jndies, in I ."&gt; I
that permission was granted ly the crown to liirt&gt;lom

Ion to plant a nt upon the coa&gt;t of \ " ra-

^ua, if he were so inclined. But this i nition

1 1: tinent of t! lelantado in that r

me too I; 1 \\;is then pro- d ly an ill;.

from which he never recovered.

In 1 .VJG the admiral Uie^o Colon died in Spain,

G4 THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.

and was succeeded by. his son Luis in those hereditary
rights which had been granted by Ferdinand and Isa
bella to the first admiral. In 1 5 3 8, being then eighteen
years of age, Luis Colon brought suit before the
tribunal of the Indies to establish his right to his
father s titles and dignities unjustly withheld by the
emperor. Wearied with the interminable litigation
received as an inheritance from his father and grand-
sire, Luis abandoned, in 1540, all claims to the vice-
royalty of the Indies, receiving therefor the title of
duke of Veragua and marquis of Jamaica. 1 Not

Ion of after Don Luis died, leaving two daughters and

-i-i .

an illegitimate son. From this time the lineal de
scendants of the great admiral were denominated
dukes of Veragua, and after passing through several
genealogical stages, the honors and emoluments of
Columbus fell to the Portuguese house of Braganza,
a branch of which was established in Spain. The
heirs of this house are entitled De Portugallo, Colon,
duke de Veragua, marques de la Jamaica, y almirante
de las Indias.

Maria de Toledo, vice -queen of the Indies and
mother of the young admiral Luis Colon, after the
death of her husband, Diego Colon, demanded from
the royal audiencia of Espanola a license to colonize
the province of Veragua. 2 The audiencia referred
the application to the emperor who ordered that the
matter be held in abeyance until after the arbitration
of the claim of Luis then pending before the crown.
But the high-spirited vice-queen would not brook the
delay. The right of her son to govern that land was
beyond question; it was his by inheritance from his
grandfather, confirmed by royal decree to his father.

1 Cliripst6bal Colom, declar6 a este almirante, su nieto, por duque de
Veragua y marque s de la isla de Sanctiago, alias Jamayca, 6 almirante per-
p6tuo clestas Indias, e le hizo merged de lo uno y de lo otro por titulo de
mayorazgo, 6 con ello le con9edi6 otras me^edes. Oviedo, ii. 498-9. See
also Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo, i. 447.

2 In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated that the vireina asked
permission of the Consejo de Indias to arm vessels for the purpose of subju
gating the natives, but that her request was refused because the fisco had
not as yet decided the question of privilege.

1 Jut tin 1 I- :ed l r-

and equip ;

ii and without money was i:;,
Th , lio\. equal to the

Amoi: the red of Santo Dornii!

o o

tin the glory of ( JIM! ail&lt;l tin- !&gt;:

e true i aith liad left tin; cloi
and embarked in a mission to th&lt; w Y\
our Juan do Sosa. "I knew him,"
era! ; , when liu was a poor man in f i

Pirn But being more solicitous for gold than for

souls, he went to Peru and after r Pi-

/ar :me in for a share at the distribution of the

.Caxamalco, r&lt; ing as his portion
enormous sum of ten thousand castellan* Thei.
tlio worthy j)r u-st returned to Spain, and Bel in

Seville, where he resolved to spend the remainder of
his life in 01 did luxury. But alas for constancy
of purpose in cavalier or cle rigo when women a
eupidhy unite to undermine his resol\ The vi&lt;
queen soon gained for herself the sympathy of t

iastic, and for her enterprise i

and cooperation. ] fe advanced the n&lt; Is,

and though prevented l&gt;y the character of I lling

king control of the expedition, he sail iih
the t, which was placed under the conn of

a wealthy and honorable young man nan: Vlipo

, 3 son of the i iror Alonso Guti
The chi :ptain of the dition under (

3 one Pedro de Kneina&gt;ola who had in

r ri.-i-]-a i or about t v. H s. " And wlmi

. " I also knew, for he had grown rich 1
iiiLj a public: house lialf way between X-

i;i." ^ ith a lin ^uadrou 4 manned by

7. ol)tuvo con&gt; conqiv

. ( . 1

i
of ;

HIST. CLM. AM.. VOL. II. 5

CG THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VEBAGUA.

four hundred well armed men, Gutierrez embarked
from Santo Domingo in September 1535. 5 The pilot,
whose name was Liaiio, held a southerly course, and
on approaching Tierra Firme turned to the westward
and passed by Veragua without recognizing the coast.
Continuing their search along Honduras, the vessels
sailed around Cape Gracias d Dios and proceeded
westward as far as Punta de Caxinas.

At length the pilot became aware that he was out
of his course. The ships were put about, but soon
encountered a heavy gale, during which they became
separated. The fleet, once more united off the island
of Escudo, cast anchor near the spot where Diego
de Nicuesa suffered shipwreck. Gutierrez sent a
boat s crew to reconnoitre. They returned in eight
days, bringing hammocks, earthen pots, and other
utensils. The exploring party affirmed that accord
ing to their belief the land was Veragua, but the
pilot Liano insisted that they had not yet reached
that province. Another party went in boats to the
Cerebaro Islands, where meeting an Indian they in
quired by signs the direction toward Veragua. He
pointed toward the west, thus indicating that they had
again sailed past the ill-fated coast. The pilot treated
the assertion of the Indian with contempt. In good
Castilian he swore that the savage was a liar, and
insisted on continuing an easterly course. Arriving
off Nombre de Dios he confessed his error, and
acknowledged that they had left Veragua far behind.
Turning again toward the west they at length discov
ered a large river, which some said was the Belen;
others declared it to be a stream west of the Belen. 6
At the mouth of this river was a small island where
Gutierrez disembarked his men, built some huts, and

5 Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some authorities make it 1553.
The former date is probably correct, for in a letter addressed to the emperor
in 1534 Andagoya states that he has been advised of his Majesty s orders to
the governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panama, and begs him to recon
sider his command. Andagoyd, Carta al Key, Oct. 22, 1534.

"This stream was the river Conccpcion, about two leagues west of the
river Veragua and four leagues west of the Belen.

CO 67

landed i 1 portion of tin- &lt;; On

inland n a favorable sit r a 1"\vn \

I and mm
foi and Imild lion- A large and coin! !&lt;

aliin was er I For t be goi ernor, and thi

llowed by stoivhou- nd dwcllm-. r the

men.

-A isters followed this i bird Mipf

plant lement upon the coast of V&lt; milar

those which had attended. Columbus and Xi&lt;

Th &lt;&gt;t the colonists were damaged l&gt;y i

: tli(^ sudduii swelling of tliu
away tln-ir ho . drowning some of tlu- ui n&lt;l

cultivation of the soil A\as juvvi-nicd l&gt;v 1 n qu
inundatioi Their supply of provisions grew daily

men, unaccustomed to the dim;.
and died, and soon the four hundred were reduc
o hundred and eighty. To add to th-ir di.-

Spaniards drank copiously from a poisonous spri

omin^ aware of the deadly nature &lt;i
: in cons.-ijueiice of which th&lt;-ir lij^ 1"
ir ^ums disuasel, and the &lt;:t }).
liital in many instances.

The colonists i elt greatly the necessity i in-

. and the clcrigo Juan de Sosa with 01
-els coasted as tar as Xomhre de Dios in

ivlurned iinsin- il. Felij .- (
n- d the town Vvhidi lie had luiilt Conc-p- "hut

from the sufferings of the pe&lt; j l- . ^)\\

to ha\v called it Allieion/ 7 It soon becam ut

thai to remain in that locality was death &gt;n-

cerned, and ( Jutid r&lt; :: determined i

more favorahle sj&gt;. :rth -r iVom lh- i.
land.- of the coast. Fora

out in :-al directio; r the . le purj

f.od and (\aminin-- the coin

llaninr

la ]itnliT.i ll:ii::ar lie 1:.
todos toiiiau ti. ,ulo. Uclnlo, ii.

68 THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.

In one of these excursions the Spaniards encoun
tered a cacique named Dururua who received them
courteously, and entertained them, after his rude
fashion, with bounteous hospitality. But the follow
ers of Felipe Gutierrez proved no exception to the
rule in their treatment of the natives. One of two
evils was open to the heathen, either to submit and
suffer wrong and robbery, or to resist and be slain
or enslaved. Dururua placed at the disposal of the
Spaniards his entire wealth, but even this was insuffi
cient to satisfy their cupidity. After his resources
were exhausted their demands did not cease, but heap
ing up the measure of their iniquity they invaded the
homes of the natives, compelled them to search for
gold,, and after infamously burning their cornfields
returned to the settlement. Open, hostilities having
broken out, the governor sent against Dururua a force
of one hundred and fifty men under Alonso de Pisa, 8
who captured the chief with many of his followers.
The Spaniards demanded gold. Dururua answered
that if they would give him liberty he would bring
them four baskets of gold each containing 2,000 pesos.
The cacique however was held a prisoner, while an Ind
ian was sent under his direction to bring in the treas
ure. At the expiration of four days the messenger
returned empty-handed. Others were despatched on
the same errand, but all returned unsuccessful. The
wily Dururua affected great indignation against his
followers. He called them traitors, and requested that
he might be allowed to go himself upon the mission,
bound and attended, when he would not only make
good his w^ord respecting the gold, but secure to the
Spaniards the friendship and service of all his people.

In chains and guarded by a band of thirty men

8 An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being sick delegated the
command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa, who was to be accompanied by
the priest Juan de Sosa. This latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with
the men, and the cl6rigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as
general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved him severely,
stating that it was unseemly for a priest to carry arms. Many profane words

PJ V. C9

Dururua set forth to

a hand ; village, \vh-
dig in a cert ah &gt;t. T!

were I d): 1, hut only about lialf an ounce of gold
A\ . jola, wh

then struck tli -ique in the face, calling lii;
impostor, and other vile ephj Dururua s&lt;

aiiinned that he liad 1 !UTC a large id tl,

his people must liavo i - ed it on th

f ) -Di n the vill He hogged for one i :

Encinasola, hliuded by cupidity, gave 1 :it.

All this while the slnvwd cacique had not 1
idle. Each messenger had heen d tchcd v a
mission to a certain quarter of his d&lt;miini:i to rally
i orces for liis rescue, and an attack, v/hich had been
planned for the very night when the last
iind the gold v.as to be made, was ca
tion. r .J1ie Spaniards were surrounded hy a force
&gt;ix hundred liostile Indians, their cani[&gt; hurn it

of their nuinher killed, and in the confusion

flowed th(^ cliief was rescued. The natives then dis
appeared ironi the vicinity, removing all pro\
and l-aving behind a wasted country.

On iheir march homeward many of t
died of starvation. Some dropped by the \

:d were left to perish; others, notw: -Hiding tin-
horror with which the act was regarded 1 heir
countrymen, led upon the b( f th .diai:

One Diego L . Davalos in a fit of choK r div\v hi
s\\urd an&lt;l sle\v a nati\ i-vant. r .l wo S[&gt;an!
who were following at s tee hchii. 11

coming up to the b&lt; cut olf some p&lt; ii

th -I for their &gt;u]&gt;]M-r, their c. .injKinioil

partaking of the lat :i the day ;

lowi uother native i killed for fo i it is

language 1

le
, brother of Alt-:.

70 THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VEBAGUA.

related that even one of their own countrymen was
slaughtered and devoured. 9

When the survivors arrived at Concepcion and pre
sented themselves before the governor, but nine ema
ciated and haggard wretches could be counted, and
these must ever be regarded as infamous from having
so preserved their lives. The governor on being
informed of their conduct placed every man of them
except the informer under arrest, and tried and con
demned them all. Two who were considered most
culpable were burned. The others were branded
with a hot iron in the face with the letter C, this
being the initial of his Csesarean majesty s name, and
the mark used in branding criminals doomed to per
petual slavery in his service.

Thus we see in every attempt made by the Span
iards upon the coast of Veragua only a series of
horrors, each fresh trial proving more calamitous
if possible than the one preceding. Yet further the
company of Felipe Gutierrez diminished. Oppressed
by famine, forty at length revolted and set out for
Nombre de Dios, the greater part of them perishing
by the way. The governor finding it necessary to
give employment to those who remained or else to
abandon the settlement, sent Pedro de Encinasola
with a few men eastward in search of food. Fortu
nately they found several fields of maize which had
not yet been destroyed, and hearing of a great quan
tity of gold in that vicinity, started in quest of it.
As soon as their hunger was appeased they sent a
messenger to notify the governor of the proposed
excursion. As life was more endurable while pillag
ing the natives, the governor and the remainder of
the men also sallied in quest of adventure. They
passed through several villages, but the inhabitants
fled at their approach. Following an Indian guide,
they arrived on the fourth day at a certain high hill

Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se le comieron. Her-
rera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

where they had 1 &gt;ld were I mines of sur-

S. ( ll

informed tli;i ; In.n i .tain p! .1111-

danee of o-old could 1 Tliu Spania. lid

directed, but found onl\ id turn
ing iierccly upon the guide, ac I liim of tri/iii

witli tin-in or of ti The poor {-.- ly

a 1. hither to turn for relief, at 1&gt;

upon a rock which overhung the brow of a j o,

threw himself headlong into the c .1, and tin r-

minated his miserable exist*

Meanwhile the famlshi under Ei: la,

despairing of life if they remained loi in i

country, broke their r . many of tin
oil* to Xombre do DioS. The governor determine

to make one more attempt i lieve his pe&lt; Jle

patched Father Juan de S

alcaldi; Sanabria with six soldiers, four negro. . 1
two natives for Nombre de Dios, to obtain recruits ai
suppli&lt; In three days this party reached the ri\
IJelen, and then, unable to cross, followed its coin^
southward, cutting their way throu^li id

liii" % throii di morasses until id;,

c? O ^5 O* v

they succeeded in reaching the opposil

tinning their joui ney they encoun I aln^ their

s of their former compai,
ho had j)erisljed while attempting to r&lt;
de Dios. A little stale food which had d

ii some wre&lt;-k or di I shij :u

I roin starvation. At length they C8 ;i-

nant of those who had d&lt; :i Cui.

.-live men, and these .t,ha d,

and naked as tin- nativ Their pr d

by hostile band d th l\es reduced

y. Unable to proceed i arther, tl &gt;rtif;

11 the s of tli

they v. ami aw- topment&lt;

Meanwhile fc] -uffei ot I

A ;ia, if possible, in&lt;-i 1. "I 1

72 THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.

Marcos de Sanabria, one of the survivors," says
Oviedo, "that the mortality at- Veragua was at one
time so great that dead bodies lay unburjed within
and around the huts, and that the stench arising from
putrefaction was intolerable." He relates of one
Diego de Campo, a native of Toledo, who seized with
illness became convinced that death was near and
that soon his own corpse would be added to those
which lay strewn before him rotting in the sun, that he
determined, if possible, to escape that horror. Wrap
ping himself in a cloak, he resorted to a spot where a
grave had been prepared for another of those who
were to die, and stretching himself within it soon
breathed his last. Not long afterward the owner of the
grave, being obliged himself to seek his last resting-
place, found there another; but leaving the occupant
undisturbed, he directed that his own body should be
placed in the same grave, and thus the two found burial.
Failing of relief from any quarter, and receiving no
tidings from Father de Sosa and his companions,
Gutierrez was at last obliged to abandon the coast
of Veragua. This of all others appeared the most
difficult act for a Spaniard of those days to perform;
he could die with less regret than he could give up
a favorite enterprise. Taking ship for Nombre de
-Dios, he there obtained some intimation of the where
abouts and condition of Father de Sosa and the
remnant of the Veragua colonists. A vessel was im
mediately sent to their relief with a supply of food
and other necessaries which were contributed by the
people of Nombre de Dios. The survivors, twenty-
seven in number, were thus rescued, and the govern
ment of Felipe Gutierrez in the province of Veragua
was at an end. 10 He crossed over to Panama, and

10 In ITerrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is a severe and somewhat unjust
stricture on the conduct of Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of
the party became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a final
and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting his former good name,
and embarked secretly with a few friends for Nombre de Dios; but it does not
appear what he would have gained by attempting any further enterprise with
the remnant of his starving band.

SOS A GOES TO 1

shortly at I&gt;ar1 I, win-

ernor l&gt;y rro, 1

(jii. with that ;

Tlio worthy her .Ju:m in d-

&lt;lis"-ust a! I his t tow; : i, vowing

that il rain i dl hrir to the spoils of an

Avalth -houLl n&lt;&gt;t he squandered in ambi-
ti &gt;ua Bch&lt; 3 of colonization.

CHAPTER IV.

THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

1525-1526.

ALVARADO SETS FORTH TO HONDURAS TO JOIN CORTES MUTINY AMONG HIS
MEN GONZALO DE ALVARADO APPOINTED LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR His
MEETING WITH MARIN AND HIS PARTY THE SECOND REVOLT OF THE
CAKOHIQUELS GONZALO THE CAUSE or THE INSURRECTION MASSACRE
OF THE SPANIARDS ALVARADO RETURNS TO GUATEMALA HE CAPTURES
THE PENOL OF XALPATLAHUA HE MARCHES ON PATINAMIT His RETURN
TO MEXICO His MEETING WITH CORTES.

IT will be remembered that of all the native tribes
of Guatemala the Cakchiquels offered the stoutest re
sistance to the forces of Pedro de Alvarado. When
the Spaniards took possession of Patinamit they pre
ferred to abandon their capital rather than submit to
the domination of the conqueror. 1 Sinacam, their
chief, was still uncaptured, having taken refuge in the
mountain fastnesses of Comalapa, and it may safely
be concluded that he never ceased from his efforts to
harass the Spaniards. The unsettled condition of
affairs at this period may be inferred from the fact
that there is no record of any session of the cabildo
from May 6, 1525, to October 4th of the same year. 2
The numbers of the colonists were, however, being
continually reenforced. The trouble which occurred
in Mexico during the absence of Cortes, caused many
of the settlers in Anahuac to turn their faces toward

1 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 683 et seq., this series.

2 At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh enrolment of citizens
took place, and it is worthy of note that Alvarado first became one himself on
that date, as el Sr Capitan General heads the list which contains more
than forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as the date of
the enrolment. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

(74)

A I S IX &lt; \A.

Cn wliilf i newly arrived E in or

the V. Ind: joined tin; followers of Ah

!o, who now considering i!i;it his hold upon 1
country was secure , informed the munieipal r m-

tia _r&lt; that he intended to depart at once for fi &gt;.

Reports had ivaehed Guatemala of th !i of

Co; in Jlondura d if this were t rue h&lt;
;i j &lt;. \\.-i-ful patron and friend, and inn&gt;t i.
hack io protect his own interest His ]&gt;ur;
to proceed afterward to Spain and &gt;rt hi
to his sovereign from whom he hoped to obtain
nition and reward. 1 1

liis brother Jorge and many other Span
iards of the Cortes party had secretly info: him
of tli urpation by the factor Salazar of the g

of Mexico, urging him not to absent nim-

f 1- ngur, and promising to establish him asg nor

in pla&lt;/o of the former, until positive in -iiiou

should 1 coived whether Cortes \v&lt;

Th that the mantle of his great i! ; ht

/ha] is i all upon his own shoulders, made him
ions not to miss this opportunity, and he lost no time
in beginning the journey. But it was already i
portt-d in y -o that he would arrive i &gt;re

Ion d he had ])r&lt;H but a short distance wl

veil an intimation from the factor that he 1
better ap] h no further. ]f, 1 r, lie

to revil ie capital, Salazar infoi iued him th

would gladly nu- t him on the way, ; I the

tion of ]&gt;utting him t d*-ath. 1 Ee soon after-
it this was no idle t:

of fifty h. &gt;ot had air Q de-

him, an&lt;l he could not nient

c.\] .all band of sold

oni&gt;ts had bt-cn able t&lt;&gt; &gt;j !iim ,
1&gt;. able to compete with th S. A cntu:

Le parccio .

: so iju; rly, he had a

tine n\ _ .nJ a handsome count u. , 7.

76 THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

as he was,, Alvarado was not the one to encounter
almost certain death, and though sorely mortified he
was compelled to retrace his steps.

About the close of 1525 he was informed of the
safety of Cortes, and received from him despatches
with instructions to join him in Honduras with all
his available forces. At that time, it will be remem
bered, the latter proposed to return to Mexico by
way of Guatemala, but afterward resolved to make
the journey by sea, landing at Yera Cruz in May
1526. 4 Alvarado at once prepared to obey his orders,
but his purpose was resolutely opposed by the col
onists. Municipal and military officers, citizens and
common soldiers all alike objected to his entering
upon a campaign which would strip the province of
most of its defenders. Even his own brothers en
deavored to dissuade him. But remonstrance was of
no avail. .The alcaldes and regidores he addressed
in intemperate and abusive language, 5 while to his
brothers he hotly exclaimed: " Offer me no advice; all
I possess was given me by Hernan Cortes, and with
him will I die." 6 Discontent was, however, widely
spread, and Alvarado s personal safety appears to have
been in danger, for the cabildo requested him to enroll
a body-guard for his own protection, as the stability
of the colonies would be endangered should any harm
happen to him. 7

With great difficulty the adelantado levied troops
for his expedition. His men were discontented, and
utterly averse to engage in an enterprise which

*Nist. Cent. Am., i. 581-2, this series.

5 In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it was alleged that
he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on account of their opposition. To
this he replied that he had merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning
of the year, according to the usual custom. Ramirez, Proctso contra Alvarado,
12, 00, 83.

G liamirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12.

7 Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17. Eemesal is of opinion that Alva
rado himself petitioned for a body-guard to go with him to Mexico; but a more
probable explanation of the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico
had extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on foot.
Consult fiamirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, S3; and Eemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7.

. be

th 1 hip nn&lt;l risk &lt;&gt;f ]1 Wln-n
be point df -ef tin;.;- forth, fifty

thnii iniif inied, MIK! set1 ing 61 !it "

mad while tlr f the soldier

u&lt; ! in preventing the conflagration from

spreading. It was a and riillian h

! ii&lt;-h js&gt;urd forth from Patmamit under th- 1 f
night and shrouded by th &lt;&gt;ftl

J5 f]v their departure 1h-y slrijpcd the

all it- ornanients and jc\v-li-y, and f&lt;&gt;n-il,]y c&lt; ll&lt;-d

i t to accompany them. Taking tiio road

fehey sacked the villages which L ir

mutr, and on their an-ival in tliat j)rov5iK-e, co; p-

in^ 1]icinscl\ -ai e fi-om ]&gt;nrsuit, displ; ir

liafivd of Alvarado l&gt;y lioldin^ a ]: 1 an I

lian^in^ in cfH^y tlioir commander and tliose wln&gt;

Lad remained laitliful to liiin. Tli&lt;-n th&lt; *u

to ^Mexico plundering and destroying on their \

withstanding this defection, the adelantado soon

aftri-ward E rth to join Corti s, 9 leaving his brother
Gonzalo to take command (hirin&lt; liis al)sen- Of 1

journey, which was probably an uneventful one, fr\\-

ineie .- narrated, lie ; d tln-on^li tlie pro\ -

tnces of CuZCatlan and ( ai-ri and ent

CLolir in Honduras, where, at a pla&lt;
Choluteca Malal;. narrated by Bernal J)iax, 10 he

8 Alv;ir;!(1o i v the ,,, ami also tin

in: -,,,! t(. 1,. :. I

liit|Ui-l in;iniiMTi|)(.
fffl

of Limit; wli. MI,

i-l
m&gt;

states

tl IX

: wlii!. I , :rg

&gt; as tli

, until

: hLs o\

1U-

78 THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

heard for the first time of the return of Cortes to
Mexico.

It has already been mentioned that in 1525 the
settlement of Natividad de Nuestra Senora was aban
doned on account of the unhealthiness of its site and
the refusal of the natives to furnish provisions, and
that Cortes granted permission to the Spaniards
to remove to Naco. 11 Captain Luis Marin left in
charge of the latter colony, after remaining for some
time in doubt as to the fate of his commander, de
spatched thence a small band of horsemen to Trujillo
to ascertain whether he yet survived, and, if that
were so, to gather information as to his intended
movements. 12 Bernal Diaz, who was one of the troop,
relates that on reaching the Olancho Valley they
learned that Cortes had already embarked from Tru
jillo, leaving Saavedra in command. Marin s brief
sojourn in Honduras had already made him impatient
to return to Mexico, 13 and he at once decided to re
turn to that province by way of Guatemala. Thus
it chanced that at Choluteca Malalaca, his party met
with Alvarado, who expressed unbounded delight on
hearing of the safety of his old comrade in arms, and
felt much inward satisfaction that now his superior
could not interfere with his own schemes of conquest
and aggrandizement.

The lieutenant-general then commenced his home
ward march, accompanied by Marin a nd about eighty
of the colonists of Naco. Returning through the
territory at present known as the province of San
Miguel, they arrived at the Rio Lempa at a season of
the year when the current was so greatly swollen by

teca Paver which bears the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names lead?
to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood of Tegucigalpa as
the Malalaja flows into the main stream just above that town. Brasseur de
Bourbourg calls the town Malacatan.
11 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571, this series.

2 Both Sandoval and Cort6s had written to Marin, but neither letter
reached its destination. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcrdad., 21$.

Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que dexauamos atras, y
.con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

I: . LO Dl &gt;0.

l ins iliat to ford it In this

y thry felled a hu;_;-e ceiba-tree, out of whieh,
with infinite labor, tln-y fashioned an innnen
and after t-&gt;ilin-j; for 1 ! with rain and

ravenous with hunger, thus made r d tli .\ tf .

O O

They had n&lt;&gt;\ province of Cuzcatlan, 11

wh Te Alvarad&lt;&gt; I mind th. it during liis d- lay in (1m-
]ut--c;i tlic whole country had risen in rebdli

i al 1 attics were 11 resulting lavorahly to

tin- Spaniai. nd on the Gth of August ]~) 2^ ;
a final and &lt;! rate conflict, the Indians were mui
M illi tn-rihle carnage and soon afterward tcndn
their submission. 18 The Spani then contini;

their journey by forced man-lies and reached (iua
mala without further adventure. As they drew n

lalj iia 17 they were met with the un\veleonie
tidings of the revolt of the &lt; hiqu ,nd oil
iiativ, nations. 13

During the absence of Pedro do Alvarado in Hon

duras,, his brother Gonzalo, left in charge as his lien-

.ant, had made good use of the &lt;&gt;pj t&lt;&gt;

;i himself, imposing excessive tribute and rd-

14 E era do tal gordor, l i^ r) on, quc c: s otra

&gt;. // . Tli- i is the

wi]

15 J)enia! iiicinory li;is hcru failed him. lie Rt: -assing

f. Ml[ ;i till V CIlttTrd the

ml that IHTO the Indians ki
:idi d thu c .th( rs of 1 ag for

I jia.s.~-cd through the MCC \\ .

it was cithrr
r \vhich Alvaradu .- i&gt;as-

/ . ii.

&gt;ncously

1 S 77. i :

: did i. 1 in r-

ig to c

int.
1

;: .M Ml thr

18 ,

.r aviso

& I .,71.

80 THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

ing neither age nor condition in his inordinate craving
for wealth. To him must be attributed the great and
general uprising of the natives which occurred at this
time. 19 His crowning act of oppression was to com
pel a large number of Indian boys to work in certain
gold-washings near Patinamit, 20 requiring of them to
procure daily a certain quantity of the precious metal. 21
For a few weeks the amount was punctually furnished,
but on account of the tender age of the children, who
were but from nine to twelve years old, the measure
fell short, whereupon Gonzalo insisted that the defi
ciency should be made up by contribution, and threat
ened the natives with death, exclaiming with angry
gesticulations : " Think not that I have come to this
coast to dwell among a pack of hounds for any other
purpose than to gather gold to take with me to Spain."
This outrageous demand was also compiled with, but
the bitter hate of their oppressors, which had long
smouldered in the hearts of the natives, was now about
to break forth into a flame.

Among: the nations of Central America the name of

the supreme being was represented by a word that
signifies ( deceiver/ or in the Cakchiquel language
demon. 22 In time of need or peril this personage
appeared to them, as Oviedo and Vazquez would have
us believe, and until the Christian Spaniard made firm
his footing in the land was consulted and obeyed in all

19 Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado or the ordinary
alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be attributed. Recordadon Florida,
MS., 20. Escamilla is of opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado,
was the one to blame, Succ&ion Chronologica., 12, while the former author
remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was confounded with Gon
zalo. He also states that the latter was ordinary alcalde, but this was not
the case, for as may be seen in Artvalo, Adas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17, the
alcaldes were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

20 Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. Chronica de Gvat., 69. Fuen
tes y Guzman, 200 boys. Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. The gold-washings
were those of Chahbal and Punakil, the former word meaning, according to
Vazquez, the washing-place, and the latter, plateado 6 dorado.

21 One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes. Vn canutillo de oro
lavado del tamauo del dedo menique, according to Vazquez, Id.

22 In the nati ve dialect Caxtok. J

\Vliy \\ I

./ hid hi &gt; votaries &gt;i rih&lt;- mi-

(l&gt;in. " iuli has gniii in ( a&gt;t i!&lt;

What iearyou? lam the thunderbolt
11 in, and ash&lt; I toi !i th&lt; Hi and ymi

will I di-sti-uy it you ]&gt;i ards, Live, n

sl; ; indon the laws of your forefi ; con-

&gt;ke the nation and termina .urwor Tli al

was not in vain. Fn&gt;m ( ]ia[)an-;: Oli

a (li-tai.cr n[ one hundred anl thirty-nine 1

UK; Indians rose in revolt. 2 An army oflliirt \ u-
sand \varriors v ;iiickly and -nd

UK. Spaniards now sea 1 . d anxui^ the dil:
lli iJK-uts \VCTC taken &lt;-&lt;&gt;ni}&gt;k f rly hy &gt;ui-j-ri~ T.

ralcd trihcs divided thcii 1 fo]
divisions, one of which occii}i ie nnmntain j

n- P Tor 11 ic jiurjjose of holding Ah.

hand in check, while tlx- other i ell on the un

^ colon i daughtering the | -portion of th

together with a number of their .Indian alii
who d iled to Quezaltei o and Olintep

n Juaivos, dm ., ii. 2SD. Tho whole Innd from Cu^ontlan to Olint\;.
ndi-

isscur
; the ! &lt; i, . in-l Xiucas,

ueti ariaiu c \\ith the ( akrlii^iu l n ami with \ .

., iv. i il MUiiiiK iit -1 1-y th

ing tri i nt ami

I Xin;
\ iiiu at 1

&gt;Ul uf \ is aut:

4 of t;

tCK

ads to

as aba -.&lt;[ ar.L-

J ith of swasnotaw:

f a municipality

in tl;
i at thi;i \i:

. AM. VUL. II. G

THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

The Indians were now in possession of the country
from its southern boundary to the district of Quez-
altenango, but a swift and terrible vengeance was
about to overtake them. Alvarado was already with
in their borders. Having crushed the rebellion in
Cuzcatlan he swept northward with the fury of a

A^\] ^oCerquin

, u ,. . ^f | ,* i n . - ,-- MSS^

g Teguoigalp.ii- ^ ^ l ^1m ^,

ALVARADO S MAHCH.

tempest. Scattering like sheep the bands that first
offered him resistance, he met with no serious opposi
tion till he arrived at the pefiol of Xalpatlahua, sit
uated about three leagues from the present village of
Jalpatagua.

ment were abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous
defence; that Gonzalo with GO Spanish horse and foot and 400 Mexican and
Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec, while Baltasar de Mendoza
with the rest of the army remained for the protection of the city of Santiago,
Gonzalo de Ovalle, with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Pan-
choy ^nd Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops were
quartered in the open plains during the months of June, July, and August,
and suffered much from the heavy rains; and that the detachment under
Chaves sustained four attacks from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle
engaged twice with Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks
and ditches. Recordadon Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 291. I cannot
accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz makes no mention of Alvarado s
being joined by any Spaniards in the series of engagements that took place
during his march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says fuimos por
nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro de Alvarado auia dexado
su exercito, porque estaua todo de gtierra, y estaua en el por Capitan vn
hermano que se dezia Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde
los hallamos, Olintepeque. Hist. Verdad., 220. From this it is evident that
Vazquez account is correct and that the Spaniards had been completely driven
out of the Cakchiquel district.

At this ])()!!

ii nlui impregnable fortress, com-

not only tin. lii-li I, litir al-&lt;&gt; tli

II nountain drlilrs, and ln-re ll: id

! in 1 orcr. For fchreedaysthe Spaniard

(1 i lon-ii M- tin- approach*

Two furioi, -anils &lt;li; it

1&gt; light in hope of it 1 irpri

v. Ised, and it only h-. : fchai "a

the third day A Kara do sue in hi

])ividing liiv men into two parties, 1 ilcd t

] i.&lt; i :vnt points MI 1 h&lt; inoinciit. In

of the contest the adelantado, f ingr( t,

ill id row the corps und&lt;T his con in IMIK!; tl

ord(. ivd meanwhile to pi ;lt

more . The ruse was BUCC il. r Jlic d

fend ted at the point . and Alva-

r.-ifio, ]vj])idly wheeling i-oiind h: unin, crossed 1!
ditch .cl the hei^hi The Jnd iMi. I

in . (hr&lt;wn into &lt;lisor&lt;ler, driven &lt;l&lt;wn t!

height . ly pursued by tl Only

dit closc d upon their llying coluini r-

rnage &lt; . 2G

The am &gt;w continued its march uni until

it arrived at the plains ! Cai. H 1

ohstii:: I l&gt;h i &gt;attlc was fought with a Lti ^o

3 collected iVoin t! iri i Hindil:

The contest was Ion-- maintained v nht-

lul result, but w ival of

the 1 IVi i(jin i ( lazhualan, \. , r-

!:a ! ! all 11

Innin !

i
on t

1 l;ill&lt;ls nil l or,; -0

i hrrii!

., ii.
294

84 THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

on his countrymen with such forces as he could col
lect and caused their overthrow.

Alvarado now advanced rapidly toward Patinamit.
Fierhtinsr his wav through numerous bodies of the

o o / o

enemy who sought to oppose his passage, he arrived
in a few days at the plain in front of the city. Here
the combined forces of the confederated kings and
chiefs, mustering in all about thirty thousand war
riors, were drawn up to give him battle and strike one
more blow in defence of their native soil. In vain
their effort. These Spanish veterans were invincible,
and the Indian hosts were almost annihilated in
sight of their capital. 28 The Spaniards following up
their victory at once forced their way along the narrow
causeway that formed the only means of approach to
Patinamit, and putting to the sword the few defend
ers left, took up their quarters there for the night. 23

On thje following morning, however, they evacuated
the city and occupied a position on the plain, where
building for themselves a number of huts, so they re-

tianos a predicar el Santo Evangelic. Gnat. , ii. 292. Cazhualan had been one
of the first to give in his allegiance, an act which offended the greater part of
liis subjects, who revolted against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A
fierce conflict ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who fled
to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their allegiance, Cazhualan
visited Alvarado, who promised him assistance. Thenceforward he remained
a faithful ally of the Spaniards. Fuentes y Guzman, liecordacion Florida, MS.,
19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly afterward sent a
force to his aid, and Petapa was soon reduced to obedience and made sub
missive to its cacique. Fuentes states that the Guzman s of Petapa are
descended from Cazhualan. liecordacion Florida, MS.. 24-5; Juarros, Guat.,
ii. 296.

28 This great battle is simply but graphically made mention of by Bernal
Diaz in the few words, Y les hizimos yr con la mala ventura. Fuentes, fol
lowed by Juarros, locates the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that
on reaching the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and carried
the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same night the army
arrived in Guatemala. Rccordacion Florida, 24. Vazquez correctly writes:
En la vltima de las quales (batallas) entraron la Ciuclad do Patinamit, los
Espaiioles, que. . .fuo hazafia muy memorable esta victoria. Chronica de Gvat. y
73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal Diaz.

29 This capital had already been repaired, and the buildings elicit an ex
pression of admiration from Bernal Diaz, who says : Y estauaa los aposentos
y las casas con tan buenos edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que man-
tlauan todas las Provincias comarcanas. Hist. Verdad. , 22ft

3u Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection of these dwellings
gave rise to the present-city of Tecpan-Guatemala, which is to-day inhabited
by the descendants of the citizens of Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv, 693.

VARADO S TO M KXICO. 85

ma hied for d days, during \\ liidi Alvarado vainly

induce tin- revolted ;ni

lle^i.-me Twi -,- ! prop

hnt no reply l&gt;-ii iuchsaf .1. h&lt; ned onward

( )lintej here he arrived toward t ! id of

1 526, I 1 - now at li urn to M&lt;

Although lie had not sure, her killing or

capturing Hnaram and 8 lerhul, In- murdered that

t h- rihle punishnieh 1 safety.

Official I)ti.-i:i&lt;-&lt;s \vas promptly despatched.
al&lt;- and regidorea v, d. two of t In- former,

named Hernan Carillo and Pt-dro I^P-
nominated asAlvarado s lieutenantsduring hi&gt;al-

A !&gt;; CUrador T one I )iegO B-&lt;-&lt;-rr;i, was appointed )&gt;\ tlio

caoildo to represent the inl ofth finMe

and, liis ai-ran^- iiiuiils being &lt;-oni]&gt;lctrd, 1 t i o;

journey accompanied l&gt;y Marin, liis brotl
&lt; n&lt;l more than eighty soldier II&lt;- pa -l

ihr&lt;ui /]i SOCOHUSCO and Tehnain with

sucli hreaihles- speed that two of his men. en !&lt;-&lt;l

hy tin- hardships of the recent campaign, died &lt;n the

he drew m-ar io the &lt;-apil;d lie
( lori -, whose friendshi[&gt; was soon to b

31 !V l::c:&lt; 000 that tills tin:

nnl r tlir- city. M Hut B

tit.

r&lt;-&lt;ln&gt; &lt;!&lt; Alv:r. AS

TS in i .. ( ::

aii l in tli&lt;- coiKji). : On 1

from the books of the c:il&gt;ildo that ]. 7 aul 1

\vl a -/rant of 1
utious th

of 1&lt;K) :

him b of the conquest of &lt;

; ami 1-cc.

\\ith ( rW.
AVI i

AVhcn Ah rn, tl:

liim. (i, was ma/h- jir;

was so li
of t!; let that IP

iuj&gt;a^. !! di&lt;

1 m l.-.t-J. /./ ,/ , - H: Artvalo,

/., U: . //,./.. 17

86 THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.

and whose lofty pride was ere long to be humbled by
the very man whom that great conqueror now wel
comed with open arms and entertained with princely
hospitality at his palace in Mexico. 33

And here, for a time, we must leave him to tell of
his great achievements; to gamble with old comrades,
to cheat them and lie to them, just as he had done
three years before. Then he will bid farewell to
Cortes forever, as it will prove, and go on his voyage
to Spain, where we shall hear of his reaping honor
and distinction. We shall hear of him also, under
the consciousness of broken faith and dishonorable
conduct, shrinking from and glad to avoid a meeting
with his old comrade to whom he owed all that he
possessed on earth. 84

33 Cortes nos Ileu6 a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia aparejada vna muy
solene comkla. &gt;ernal Diaz, Hist. Vordad., 220.

31 The Iiccordadon Florida de la Historia de Guatemala by Don Francisco
Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript work in three volumes, two of
which exist in the archives of the municipality of Guatemala city. They
comprise seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history of the in
digenous races, the substance of which is taken almost entirely from Torque-
mada. The six following books treat consecutively of the conquest clown to
the time of the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with respect
to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and Alvarado s life and career; of
the founding of the second city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in
Guatemala; and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The next
nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys of the province, among
which may be mentioned those of Las Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec.
In these descriptions the author deals with all matters of interest connected
with the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is devoted
to the historiography of the spiritual administration of these valleys in the
writer s time. According to Beristain the first volume was sent to Spain to
be printed, but nothing more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in
Antigua Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz. Juarros
states that he wrote in 1695. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 309. He had at his
command a large number of rare documents, but did not make such use of
them as an unbiassed chronicler would have done. His admiration of the
conquerors was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties
which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged him to
indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his prejudices in this respect,
that as regards the conquest, he could not be considered a reliable historian
were there no other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in
many instances his narrative is at variance with that given in Alvarado s own
letters, the necessity of receiving his statements with additional caution is
apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: Lemen-
songe qui regne continuellement dans les re"cits de Fuentes, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept Indian versions of
events, as the other was disposed to ignore them. The style of Fuentes,
though not wanting in elegance and descriptive power, often becomes flowery
and sometimes inflated.

CIIA1TKU V.

SUBJUC1ATIOX OF JTEPEC, AND CAT;

STJ; OLD.

1527-1528.

.orAnnr.no TV CIIAKCK OP Ai -Ki.voi/r AT .

OF Tin: Si-AM.-ii CAUKISON Tin: PLA( OP

Tin: II n;ii I :

,. AI.VAKADO Ai tax CITY OP

\GO Fo IN THK ALMOLOXGA VALIJ.V 1 THE

\v SETTLEMENT.

OF the two lieutenant mini s appointed ly

Aharado on his departure from Olim

was tht: on.- in whom In- had i r li.i

Tin al ility which lie had displayed ldi r and

a magistrate fully ju&gt;tiiii-d tliis confidence. A a&lt;
to Alvarado, he was second only to ilia 1

c.-iptain ill val id inilii skill: and the i. im
portant posts in tin: !:!, I were usually a him,

wliilf thu lact that he w; cted jidorofthefir

Jil!). and iillud that office by ippointmenl till
his jiromot uui io the r.-snk &lt;! alcalde and li.-uteii;.

:ur, is * \ idenc -ity I \--rnmcnt.

Jn character he was in 01 Sped too like his coin-

in beiB -nd ruthless in 1,

the n;i -. l I I is hi-h hre.-diir^ \\as disjilayrd \&gt;\
iinc deportment and court- mien. whil&lt; i-

]iaiiion he could 1- r most charinin-- 01

1 ! inorial ns and Tlas. .in

. iL iiin:
4 i le nos* /,

1 ) M .ii. 41.

(87)

88 SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC.

disagreeable; his flashes of wit and humor were as
much enjoyed as the lash of his sarcasm was dreaded.
With the assistance of his colleague Hernan Carrillo,
he began vigorously to establish order throughout the
province. His first care was to carry out the instruc
tions of Alvarado relative to the suppression of a
revolt in the town of Zacatepec, news *of which had
arrived before the captain general s departure. Though
a portion of the natives of the Zacatepec province had
joined in the general insurrection, the garrison sta
tioned in the town itself had hitherto been able to

overawe the inhabitants : but toward the end of August

1526, incited by their high priest, named Panaguali,
one inspired by the presiding genius of the nation,
they suddenly rose- upon the Spaniards. Threats of
the displeasure of their god Camanelon outweighed
with them even the dread of their conquerors ; and the
chief priest, taking advantage of a violent earthquake
which occurred a short time before, so wrought upon
the fears of his countrymen that he prevailed on them
to attempt the extermination of the foreigners. The
garrison barely escaped a general massacre, being com
pelled to make their escape from the town by cutting
their way through a dense crowd of assailants, who
attacked them one evening about sunset. In the
struggle one of their number, together with three of
the Tlascaltecs, were captured and sacrificed. Next
day the fugitives were joined by one hundred friendly
Zacatepecs, and by rapid marches reached Olintepec
the 31st of August. 2

At daybreak on the following morning Puertocar-
rero marched against the insurgents. His force con
sisted of sixty horse, eighty arquebusiers, five hundred
and fifty Tlascaltecs and Mexicans, and one hundred
Zacatepecs. He had also two pieces of artillery.

2 Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also states that
Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison; but I think that some other
officer was then in command, as a Piego de Alvarado \vas regidor of Santiago
.this same year. See Arevalo, Adas, Ayunt. Guat., 16-18.

f&gt;. 89

( )?i arriving within lit of tin- town the arm\

camped ill Hey t Wo I- , 1 from the viili:

of I cuhil, 3 to r&lt; md reconnoit n&gt;. Ihinando &lt;!&lt;

( haves being seni forward with Hi valry capfui
two natives, who information that IVuhil v,

;i!ly deposed and that in Xa-at.-jn ,- ;) ].&lt; ilion of

tin- inhabitants had declared for the Spaniards, and
having made their escape, ^ ain&lt; i li-

neirfiDoring corn land Puertocarrero now moved

to U&lt;-nl&gt;il, and 1hr-n-c sent UK &gt;f enc&lt;&gt;n

inrnl h&gt; the i rii-ndly nativ- 3, &lt; Mit liundrcd &lt;t wli-
shortly afterward joined him. The Spanish army
now nm&lt;tnvd lii teni hundred and ninety ni n. and
with this force the commander was (juite ready
meet the opposing eight thousand. Jle a&lt;lvanced,

th- ard the town, and wlien about half a

distant sent messengers to oifer j ion condi
tion of sun-endc i-. They were received witli disdain,
and when others Were despatched on a similar :id,
they were on the point of being sei/.ed mid sacrificed,

and only made their escape by trusting to th

of their I

The Spaniards now took up their i&lt;&gt;n on

ing ground a quarter of a lea^ur from Za&lt; iec.
Iliere they were almost immediately iled b\

body of two thousand natives who, inning l r:m a
.hoi-ing wood, attaekrd them In-iskly, but ;ii t r

bri&lt; u- - lr were fonvd to 1 arly n.

laoi-nin^ three thousand warrior-, advancing tr -m the
direction of t! * \\n. came down upon them, taking

&lt;&gt;d aim with poisoned arrows, while tl, t the

anjueb , T some time rendered almost harm-

58 by , which drove the smoke i

their r their weapons were u&lt; &lt;l with

more eiled, and the Indians U^an to retire with
1 3 . wh&lt; i Spaniai ds incautiously advanced,

thereby suff. riugdefeai r when the Spani&gt;h I

3 Quo hoy no sc cncuentra cl nicm ;io dc Cl. Jnarros, Gu&lt;it., ii. 207.

90 SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC.

were in the center of the plain, the detachment from
the town, suddenly wheeling round, attacked them
in front, while those who remained under cover of
the woods assailed their rear. Puertocarrero was
compelled to withdraw from the field with all possible
haste; but this could only be done by traversing the
greater portion of the plain, and was attended with
great loss, the troops becoming entangled during the
hottest part of the engagement, in canebrakes and
creepers. At length the retreating army reached a
secure position between two converging eminences,
and here the conflict ceased for the night.

On the following day the Spanish commander,,
drawing up his infantry in a hollow square with the
artillery in front and the cavalry on the wings, gave
the enemy battle on the plain. His lines were too
strong to be broken by the Zacatepec warriors who
rushed in a dense mass to the attack, but were driven
back by a well directed fire of artillery and small
arms. Forming into two columns, they next assailed
both wings simultaneously, but with no better success.
Again massing themselves in a single phalanx, they
made a furious attack on the right of the Spanish
army. The struggle was long but not doubtful.
Volley after volley mowed down their ranks in front,
while the horsemen charged repeatedly on either
flank. At length they took to flight and were pur
sued to the entrance of the town, where Panagfuali

and two other priests with eight of the principal
caciques were made prisoners.

The campaign was now at an end. Puertocarrero,
aware that the loss of their priests and their chief
tains would assure the submission of the rebels,
retired to Ucubil, whence one of the captives was sent
to the town with a final summons to allegiance, and
with strict injunctions to return as soon as possible.
A submissive reply was returned, and on the fourth
day after the battle the Spaniards entered the town
with all necessary precautions against attack. Having

x OF :.i.

1 ill ird-hoi. ad piil

! tin- caciques and

aj&gt;! f thu

: f . T I in 1 !:&lt; plaj

and 1 - plar. d n trial ill

promot : the
inn. All that the poor wretch could ur

: hat IK- had
of his &lt;jrocl; but Cain, .11 had im\v no j

&gt;

T^k

^\f

^^r &lt;c^

i.\.

As a matter &lt;&gt;! &lt; be lii^-li ]

i. and iniui. 1 in full

\ i-\v .en nati\ . bu1 n&lt;\v I

ntly lin|n-d tu cap 16 Sj rds I

MS., 4-12; J narrow . ii.

J!7-. !i i&gt;. ;ilios ;,

in tl:

HUH:

(, astillos.
o, ano:

92 SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC.

The suppression of the Zacatepec rebellion being
completed Alvarado s lieutenant 5 next turned his
attention to the stronghold of Sinacam. This fortress,
built of stone and lime, was situated in an almost in
accessible position in the Comalapa mountains. 6 In
the fastnesses of this range, seamed with gloomy
canons, numbers of the Cakchiquels had taken refuge.
Far down in the sierra is a precipitous ravine through
which flows the Rio Nimaya. 7 The stream when it
reaches the valley below is of great depth, abounds
in fish, and is fringed in places with beautiful glades
and stretches of fertile land, which can be approached
only by difficult and dangerous paths. 8 Here Sina-
cam s followers planted and gathered their maize in
safety, while river and forest supplied them with ad
ditional food. No better place for a stronghold could
have been selected than that to which the chief of the
Cakchiquels had withdrawn the remnant of his once
powerful nation. 9

At the head of a numerous and well appointed

who later took a prominent part in the conquest of Copan, is represented in
the female line by the family of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From
Sancho de Baraona, who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary
alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry officer Hernando
de Chaves was ever placed in command when dangerous enterprises were to
be undertaken. His daughter Doiia Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married
Rodrigo de Fuentes y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de
Aguilar. Juarros, Guat., i. 349-51.

5 Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado not only
conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but on his arrival at Olin-
tepcc united his forces with those stationed there, and marched against
Patinamit, which he took after a series of engagements, and then went in pur
suit of the caciques who had escaped. Chronica de Gvat., 72-3. This is utterly
at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz, who took part in the cam
paign. Nor did Alvarado after his arrival at Olintepec undertake any further
operations before his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority,
who says: l y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias (that is at Olintepec), y
luego fuimos a Soconusco. Hist, Verdad., 220.

6 Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning great tree, and
derived from the enormous cedars which grew in -the ravines. The range is
situated about eight leagues from Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan
Guatemala, near the site of Huyaalxot. Chronica de Gvat., 70-71.

7 Passa el rio grande, q se dize Nimaya, por sus muchas aguas. Id.

8 For an account of a priest s descent into this ravine see Vazquez. Id.
9 Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification had been previously

built, dans la provision d une guerre avec les Quiche s, and adds that accord
ing to public rumor subterranean psssages connected it with Patinamit. Hist.
Nat. Civ. , iv. G93-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that the Quiche s aided

SI I TOLD. 93

oc 10 Puerto- ro look up ,-i suitabl ion be

fore it. 11 and for 1 \YO months pi d t!. in

In. During this linn- he

of : answered only \\-\\ h oonl

while artinj r th&lt; t th

who felt secure; in his position and h;id no

hunger, were r&lt; I &lt;-\

trunks of hurled &lt; ; on them fr&gt;m i

overt y \vliile the harassed

hy repeated BO iVoin the natives, who, \v!

they perceived any want of vigilance in th-
the Spapiards, s\ down from the mouni with
inconceivable rapidii; I upon the weakest j of
tlieirlii; 3 quickly] :ned the shelter of th

ix.ld. 13

.Hut iailure only mused the Spaniards to i
termined effort. Tin ainon;.;- them many w]

i part in the storming of Mexico, and had
fought under Alvarado at Patinamit. The m
oftli lantado a veterans had been t ny

a doubtful I, and they were no\v ahoutto
evidence of their valor. It may be that a itor rc-

iled to the he.-ie- erS SOlllC SCCTCt _p-a t 1 1 , ] OT

rtiide but the stormii i the i oitr

in its crcctirin in order to prov * in case &lt;

. Its mil.
i. 2

10 1 -to V\: cron-

nrti :.&lt; .&lt; i- 1 ;i.- ; -o clc I

th;it t i to 200

;_ .

11 ;-

tc to 1 t that

liii;. of \:i /.&lt;\ the e

;at of t!ie M (

1 (!) t!lr Spot. \

that tip
JOllos coi :i liast..

al t

; eur d(. s of this c;

94 SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC.

was none the less a desperate undertaking. Its fate
w#s sealed however. Puertocarrero divided his forces
into four bodies and stationed them at the most favor
able points ; but before ordering the assault sent in his
last summons to surrender. The messengers who bore
the letter to Sinacam narrowly escaped death. On
receiviDg it the chieftain tore the paper to shreds, and
throwing the pieces on the ground with many expres
sions of scorn and contempt ordered the envoys to be
put to death. At this moment, however, the attack
was made. Puertocarrero who had observed all that
was transpiring suddenly advanced his men. The
ramparts were scaled, and a foothold won within the
fortifications. No hope now for the garrison; the
struggle which followed was severe but brief. The

discolored ground was soon heaped with the dead and
dying, on whose prostrate forms the triumphant Span
iards trampled as they pressed on in pursuit of the
panic-stricken natives. Sinacam and Sequechul, to
gether with a larger number of their followers, were
captured, and few of those who survived the massacre
made good their escape to the mountains. 15

15 Brasseur de Bcmrbourg states that Sinacam escaped by one of the subter
ranean passages before mentioned, and after living a wretched life for several
years, wandering about the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530.
Hist. Nat. Civ., 095-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated
May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take Sinacam and
Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the Spice Islands on account
of their rebellious proclivities, or to execute them. Alvarado replied that
he would do what was most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died
in Jalisco before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as. they
were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado would not be
likely to execute them at the instigation of the cabildo. Chronica de Overt.,
30-2. The author of the Isagoge states that they lingered in prison for 14
years, that they were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during
the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. Pdaez, Mem. Ouat., i, 77.
Brasseur de Bourbourg s account of the fate of -these princes is that Siuacam
died in 1533, while Sequechul was put on board the fleet and perished miser
ably off the coast of Jalisco. IJist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes gives
so different an account to that of Vazquez relative to the capture of the strong
hold, that, as Juarros remarks, every one would suppose it to be the narra
tion of an entirely distinct event. Guat., ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam
was yearly celebrated by the festival of the volcano, at which a mimic
representation of the event was performed. In the great plaza of Guatemala
an artificial mound was thrown up and covered with branches of trees and
rocks in imitation of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built.
Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the principal men

JORGE DE ALVAIIADO.

The st&lt; nisinir ; !iijin-l hold oc-

curred on Saint (Vcili ! ay, the L -jd of N r

\ 526, .-Hid : rward th nt v. rly eel -

:i imp- -II. On annivt-r-

f tli .hit find on ihu eve pr
aiidard-h: displayed the r&lt;&gt;yal colors in tlio

] } &lt;&gt;f the pr. :it, the royal audiencia, t :

municipality, and noUes, while the .Mexicans and
Tlax-altecs, who liad contributed to tin- vi&lt;-t&lt;&gt;ryin no
small degree, joined in the procession, d&lt; 1 in
bright colors and armed vvitli the weapons of their
ancesix

In the month of March 1527, anew governor arrived
in Guatemala in the person of Jorge
1. rot her of the great conqueror, and ,- a gift&lt;-d witli
ahilii f no common order. He had ah \voii

repute in the conquest of ^Ie: and had n a

prominent part in the political dissni&gt;ioi! hich

curred in the capital during the ; -ice of Cort
in Honduras. During the military opera in

Guatemala, more especially in the tir.-t cainpa in
Salvador, he had proved himself possessed "t tm
soldierly qualiti- Th&lt;- ]reit-rment was 1&gt;
him ly i nor of Mexi -id that he should

have been \- -rmitted to sir -de Puertocarrero u

]rol&gt;iiMy due to his 1&gt;; i\&lt;r and t!) the iVi

ship of ( ort Nevertheless he was a man eminently

fitted io rule. 1! ppointment was at

nized 1)V tlie cal)ildo,and he w. led innnedh.

f olli

of hi lie r M-l in M&gt; rm wr

t iu 1
.;itin_( , l !!t

f Tlas-

dels

// ; iio

, L ui.
JJoc., ;

96 SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC.

Soon after his arrival the cabildo met to discuss a
matter of general interest, which had long engaged
the attention of the colonists. This was the selection
of a permanent site for their hitherto unstable city.
The choice lay between the valleys of Almolonga and
Tianguecillo, 17 and after a long and wordy discussion
the question was decided in favor of the former locality.
A spot was chosen which had the advantages of a
cool and healthful climate, a plentiful supply of wood,
water, and pasture, and where the slope of the ground
would allow the streets to be cleansed by the periodi
cal rains. The governor then presented to the muni
cipality a document, signed by his own hand, conveying
his instructions as to the laying-out of the future
city. The streets were to intersect at right angles,
their direction corresponding with the cardinal points
of the compass; space was to be reserved for a plaza;
and ground adjoining the public square was set apart
for the erection of a church to be dedicated to Santiago,
who was chosen as the patron saint of the city which,
was henceforth to bear his name,, and whose heart w T as
to be gladdened in after years, when the day of his
anniversary recurred, by religious ceremonies and
.festivities, by tilting, and by bull-fights whenever a
supply of bulls could be procured. 18 Locations were

17 The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and it is significant
that this is the first meeting mentioned in the books of the cabildo as being
held there. Of the instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof.
Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes, says: Lo otro
digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos. . .habia de haber pueblo fundado,
donde los cspailoles tuviesen poblacion sentada. Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat.,
27. The valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present Chi-
maltenango. Juarros, Guat., ii. 304.

13 Rcmesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered one bull to be
bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which indicates the scarcity of cattle at
that date. In 1543 six were purchased. Hist. Chyapa, 27. This author is of
opinion that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because of the
devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. Id., 4. Fuentes gives as the reason
that the Spanish army entered the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day,
and states that he personally took their city under his protection, by appear
ing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the army, while march
ing along the valley of Panchoy. Juarros, Guat., ii. 273. For further
opinions and information on this subject consult Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat.,
74-5; llemexal, Hist. Chyapa, 20-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 275-7; Escamitta&gt;
Notldas Curiosas. de Guat., 12; and Pelaez, Mem. Guat. ii. 223-7.

[AGO FO 07

jned ior a ho-pital, a rhapcl and shrine,* a

a fori : approprial adjoinin;. pla;-. to

marked out for the municipal and civic huildi;
and fora prison; and the ivniaindcr of UP
then to he divided among prex-nt or futm
according to the &lt;-u&gt;tms piv\ ailing in Xew Spain.

Ai tcr this document had lr&lt;-n puhhdy nad and
entered 1 &gt; y the notary in tin- books of the cahildo, all
malitie completed -king j

-ion of the future city as though it already &lt;
According to the usual formality a p&lt;M \ -d.

and the r, ]laciii^ his hand upon it. j

with great solemnity, "1 take and hold p sion, in
tin 1 name of his ilajesty, of the city and provii ,n&lt;l
of all other adjacent territory."

Four days after the completion of this ceremony
twenty-four persons enrolled themselves aa citbs
and so prosperous, at first, were the affairs of the new
tlement that within six months one hundred and
fifty additional householders joined the community.*
] hiring the remainder of the year 1.VJ7 and for many
months ai terward the Spaniards were occupied with
municipal atfairs, or busied th- with th- ej

former i -1 the name of the hospital de mi n&lt;l

1 and shrine were to be d&lt; - loe

:1 l. .LN Saiiti:i _ " v. a.s made ; 1 "f the ]

.-I iu l. i. l J v i anii^vi: 1 1&lt;

ribcd 1 K A

Gules, the

en 1 !, and l-niinli.-hiug a 6^

( &gt;i\ Bfld, A] erest a

other &lt;i

live ol
and a v/nod-eut of it, f-uine\\ hat dillen-nt, is to l&gt;e s.-i-u in

a }.j&gt;. l;!S and l. i

21 1 that the names of the same persons of;

nj] ;ir iu rnora 1

itlmut j&gt;rrjui.

in l."J7, sin icrjui .cha

( il)d i i. Ada - . ! . And .-iL-ain in

&lt;|ue |

Mueho.s estau &lt; - dos vc/.es, porqu-

ad.juiri. :nduil,cstaral. la pi ii:

IJiBT. -j. VOL. II. 7

98 SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC.

tion of dwellings and with dividing and putting under
cultivation the rich lands of the adjoining valley.

In March 1528 Jorge de Alvarado, in virtue of the
authority granted to him by the governor of Mexico,
claimed the right to appoint new members of the
municipality. As no valid objection could be offered
by the cabildo, the nominations w r ere immediately
made, and eight regidores were elected in place of
four. The most important measure adopted by the
new corporation during the year was the redivision of
lands and the adjustment of questions that would
necessarily arise from such a change. The grants
were so unfairly distributed that, while many citizens
had far more than their share, others had none at all.
The discontent of the latter made it imperative for
the municipality to take action. On the 18th of
April all previous regulations were revoked and all
divisions of land cancelled. An order was then issued
for the redivision of the valley into caballerias and
peoriias, 22 and a committee appointed to redistribute
the grants.

A measure of this kind could not fail to meet with
much opposition, and as will be seen later the division
of lands and the system of repartimientos caused much
dissension among the colonists; yet in the present
instance the cabildo acted with all possible discretion
and fairness in the matter. Those grants of land
which were less fertile, were of greater extent than
the more barren portions; men distinguished for
their services received larger shares to correspond
with the degree of their merit; growing crops were
the property of those in possession at the time of
the redistribution; and if any occupant had made

2 - The caballeria was the amount of land granted to a cavalryman, and the
peonia that bestowed on a foot-soldier, who was termed peon. 5 The former
received COO by 1,400 pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that
quantity. Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Gnat., 48. Remesal states that the caba
lleria was GOO by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account that is not in accord
ance with the book of the cabildo. Hist. Chyapa, 39. Even the more accurate
Juarros is in error in stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by
600 pasos. Guat., ii. 341.

ALMOLONGA PALLET, M

improvements and was rem&lt; t, Iiis

JSOr u; (iiired to inal-. no

on the new land ned to him. Compl

deeds T promised by the cabildo in the i;;i::i.- of

; the citi. &lt;j ordered to end-

and kerp in good condition the portion of the sir
corresponding with their allot n. i-bitant

f artisans were regulated; and such was the
thrift of the inhabitants that within little more than
a year after its foundation the town \\ irround. d

with eorniields and orchards, and the vail f Al-
molonga soon became one of the most flourishing col
onies throughout the breadth of Central Ameri&lt;

23 As these grants were considered as rewards for services ; &gt;-d to tho

kin _ r f&lt;&gt;r ;i ix-riml of liv- &lt; .mlinnrd at u later date upon

the bolder proving that ho had served fur that length of time.

CHAPTEK VI.

INDIAN REVOLTS AND CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

1529-1530.

ALVARADO RETURNS TO SPAIN HE is ARRAIGNED BEFORE THE COUNCIL
OF THE INDIES His ACQUITTAL His MARRIAGE HE RETURNS TO
MEXICO His TRIAL BEFORE THE AUDIENCIA FRANCISCO DE ORDUNA
ARRIVES AT SANTIAGO AND TAKES THE RESIDENCIA OF JORGE DE AL-
VARADO THE CONFEDERATED NATIONS IN REVOLT JUAN PEREZ DAR-
DON S EXPEDITION TO THE VALLEY OF XUMAY THE SPANIARDS ATTACK
THE STRONGHOLD OF USPANTAN THEIR REPULSE AND RETREAT THE
PLACE AFTERWARD CAPTURED BY FRANCISCO DE CASTELLANOS THE
CIRCUS OF COPAN BESIEGED BY HERNANDO DE CHAVES GALLANT CON
DUCT OF A CAVALRY SOLDIER ALVARADO S RETURN TO SANTIAGO
DEMORALIZED CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE.

SOON after his meeting with Cortes in Mexico Pedro
de Alvarado returned to Spain. Arriving early in
1527, he soon learned, as we may well imagine,
that charges of a serious nature were being preferred
against him. Gonzalo Mejia, the colonial procurator,
had accused him before the India Council of obtaining
wealth by embezzling the royal dues, and by unfair
appropriation of the spoils of war. The amount thus
secured was estimated at one hundred thousand pesos.
Many acts of injustice were also laid to his charge,
all of which Mejia affirmed could be substantiated by
documents which he laid before the council. The result
was that an order was issued directing a formal inves
tigation to be made both in Madrid and New Spain,
and directing that his gold which amounted to fifteen
thousand ducats be seized as security for any fine in
which he might be mulcted. He was required more
over to appear at .court, in person, without delay.

(100)

ALVARADO US SPAIN . 101

Alvarado had IK\V n&lt; i-k hefore liiin, Imt

then/ was inudi in his favor. ]l it renown, his

handsome presence, 1 and ivmarkaUo con .tioiial

powers won for him many friends, anioii;^ o-
Id I.- I Yam-isro de losCoboS,who personally

interested himself in lu s defence, and \vitli such sn
cess that the conqueror of Guatemala v. --quitted,
liis o-,, Id restored, and ho soon had an opportunity to
plead his own before the emperor.

Once in the royal presence the cavalier docs not
licsilatc to inj onn his Majesty of his many doughty
deeds during the conquest of Mexico, and to mention
that tlic subjugation of Guatemala was ach I at
his own expense. 1 The king listens with marked at
tention, particularly when he advances schemes f.r
ship-building on the southern shore of Guatemala for
the discovery of the coveted Spice Islands, and for
the development of South Sea commerce . 3 The royal
favor is won, and honors and appointments follow.
The cross of Santiago is bestowed upon him, and ho
is appointed a comendador.* lie is also made gov
ernor and captain general, as Arcvalo tells us, of
Guatemala, of Chiapas, Cinacantan, TequepampO,
Oinatan, Acalan, and all other lerritori

1 (larcilaso do l:i \" &gt;crts that Charles in lr ns at Arnn-

chaii sec Alvannlu pa uul stnu-k with oil -ance ask&gt;

who 1. .^ tulil that it was Alvurado lit- sai.l,

:i\])rc talle do av. r li.-cho lo que tie el me han dicho, and onl ho

- against him to In: dis; ?/, ii. 58.

j.rtilioiu d the kin;, l-r the .LTt v.-ni:

, \\ hi. h 1 t his

own COSt. The ad lantado &gt; !:.. l. Itii

April l.VJ .i. that in n) D -f hi-. t did Alvarado speak the truth,

which ion he Mud would be wrroborated in ill r-toft! at

1 .idM]-, &lt;. M . . . . . / .r., xi: A

f-iinilar stat&lt; in. ht was inailc:: sion of the cahildo of Mexico held -Tan.

.: I id the chit f procurator v.

to ! Alvaiv .Isc 8t;i -o

1 i miino que ania- l)asta la mar del x

conn . iv. lib. i iii.

* 1; mcsal says that h" had l-cf- :i iron! hy

the soldiers, U-en in the habit of wearing at to

.: who held that title. HitL Chyapa, 1J. See also Ui*L

.03.

102 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

and belonging to that province. In return he enters
into an engagement with his royal master to send
forth expeditions of discovery and thoroughly to ex
plore the waters of the South Sea. 5

The favors which he thus received from the emperor
were due in part to his marriage with a ward of the
secretary Cobos. It is true that he was already
betrothed* to Cecilia Vazquez, a cousin of Cortes, but
a mere vow could not be allowed to stand between
him and high connection. Cortes had been a true
friend; but Alvarado could now win stronger support
than ever the conqueror of Mexico could bestow on
him, and what mattered friendship when help 6 was
no longer needed? A few months after his arrival in
Spain, he had offered himself as a suitor for the hand
of the accomplished Doiia Francisca de la Cueva,
daughter of the conde de Bedmar, and niece of the
duke of Alburquerque. Secretary Cobos received
his offer approvingly, arranged the marriage, and at
the ceremony gave the bride away. 7

Alvarado was now prepared to return to the west
ern world, and on the 26th of May 1528, 8 entered his
appointments and despatches at the India House in
Seville according to form. While he was there wait
ing to embark Corte s arrived at Palos. But. the new
adelantado was no longer so anxious to meet his for-

5 Cortes was much displeased with this agreement, as he considered the
search for the Spice Islands and the navigation of the South Sea to be his
exclusive right, fiamirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, p. xvi.

6 Corte s le embiaba siempre Espafioles, Caballos, Ilierro, y Ropa, y cosas
de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le avia prometido do Casarse con
vna su Prima-Hermana, yasi le 11190 su Teniente, en aquella Provincial Tor-
quemada, i. 322.

7 Dona Francisca lived but a short time after the marriage. Reniesal says
that her death occurred a few days after marriage; Zamacois, Hist, Mej., iv.
4C5, and Ramirez that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only
mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married her sister
Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49, imagines that this second
marriage took place shortly after the first, whereas it was at least ten years
later. Consult Arcvalo, Doc. Antig., 179, and Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the same mistake. Hist.
Nat. Civ., iv. 701.

8 Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of the cabildo, the
year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528. Hist. Chyapa, 39; Arevalo, Actas
-Ayunt. Guat., 83.

TRIAL OF AI. \DO. 103

HUT commander aa he had limi when li.

liis aid through tin- wilds of ilondur. JI&lt;- Li.
how deeply IK- had wounded his pride in the

iiid In- rcceixvd with a fe&lt; lil

relief t! i that Cortes had gone direci to I ."id.

Ju October l.VJS, the g nor of (Jr.
accompanied hy a nuinhtT &lt;&gt;t nob iitlenien, iVid:
and relative H arrived atY.-ra ( ru/, and h;

niiu^ on to Mexico liojx d soon to reach the cap!

of his own province. Hut the offi of th

ii-y ini ornicd him that he in.-i d hi- in n&lt; 1
ive; f&gt;r now the investigations were not to be lightly

L It was a serious matter, that of accoui

;ioii how much he owed his }/

And n- 1 hand were those immaculate men, 1
oidoiv- of ^Fi-xiro s first audieneia, who were jeal&lt;

for the ri^lits &lt;&gt;f the kini; , and more jealous my

other suhjects sliould he permitted to on: 1 tin
1 *jMin tlie heels ofAlvarado lli--y en1

loruinent in whieli was a c-1. wliieh r&lt;

thus; "You will also inform your&gt;el\v.s whetlier i:
true that, when Pedro de Alvarado was in Gu;;
mala, there was not proper care in the collection
the fifths, and that lie did not piv-.-nt him- If to l
treasurer with the portion pertainin;: &lt;&gt;." Tl

Guatemalan ^overnor was at once informed that

mi dit answer to the charges on i-. him.

.
The celebrated trial which followed was protraci I

as loi 3 party fad ion, envy, and piT-onal eamity

ild make it last. The more imp
were thn embezzlement of royal iifths and soldie

ty, cruelty, and illegal warfare; l)iit a;

Alvarado s ].iv\i&lt;&gt;us life that could he used against

him was pertinent, The total number of
preferred, was thirty-four, and there were ten

-ses for the prosecution. On April C&gt;, I
examination commenced; on the 4th of .Inn.- Ah
rado jire-eiited his reply; and on the loth 1

9 Jttrncsal, Ili*t. Chi/tijui, !_.

104 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

examination of his witnesses who numbered thirty-
two, the chaplain Juan Diaz being one. Eighty-four
questions were submitted, and in addition to verbal
evidence twelve documents were filed for the defence. 10
On the 5th of July the defence was closed and the case
submitted, but all efforts to obtain a speedy decision
were unavailing. The oidores would have the gov
ernor of Guatemala feel their power yet a little longer.

Soon after Alvarado s arrival in Mexico, his brother
Jorge, who had been left in charge of the province of
Guatemala, received from him a copy of the former s
appointment as governor and captain general. 11 At
the same time the adelantado, being so empowered,

10 Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the discovery and
preservation of the Proceso de Residencies contra Pedro de Alvarado, we are
indebted to the licentiate Ignacio Rayon, oficial mayor in the Mexican
archives. The confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office had
become so great that in 1846 the government decided to reduce them to
some order, and entrusted the work of so doing to the director Miguel Maria
Arrioja, whose co-laborer was Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked
useless, was the Proceso contra Alvarado, the historical value of which was
at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was merely to copy and
add it to his collection of manuscripts. His friends, however, advised him
otherwise; and through their assistance Ignacio Trigueros generously offer
ing to pay expenses, and Jose" Fernando Ramirez having obtained permission
from the government he published it in Mexico in 1847. The Proce.so is the
official investigation into Alvarado s conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and
consists of the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment of the
natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal dues, and the testimony of
the witnesses on both sides. Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is
of great value in establishing numerous historical points narrated by the early
chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the Proceso, a biographical
sketch of Alvarado s career by Ramirez; fragments of the Proceso contra,
Nuno de Guzman, preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and
notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of which represents
the death of Alvarado. The account given by Ramirez of Alvarado s expedi
tion to Peru is the same as that of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the rea
sons he assigns for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez
was minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

11 There is a copy of this document in the Adas Ayunt* Guat., 80-4.
Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to be subject to the audiencia and
chancilleria real of the city of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to
lie from Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of Mexico,
with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to appoint and remove
officers of administration at will, and to try and decide all causes, civil and
criminal, to make general laws, and particular ones for each pueblo ; to estab
lish penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might wish to
send away from his province to appear before their Majesties, and in case of
their refusal, to visit them with penalties which their Majesties in anticipa
tion confirmed. His annual salary was to be 502,500 maravedis.

constituted Jorge liis lieutn The

1 1 &gt;&lt;! .. iv the &lt; . w&lt;-re duly i

hy tluit hody; wln-p-upon Jor^e declared that

-&lt; th- powers In 4 had hitli&lt;Tt h Id

from tin 4 LTovernor of Mexico, 12 took the oath in tin;

nil manner, and asMinu-d the duties laid upon him

hy his ne\v appointment,

The audiencia of Mexico was quickly notified of
these proceedings, and in July 1 is known in

Santiago that a judge and captain general had 1&gt;&lt;

appointed to take the lieutenant-governor s resident
A hold though unsuc al attempt was made to
avoid the threatened in ition. Jorge compelled

the procurator, syndic, and notary public to draw up
a formal representation, urging, in the name of the
cahildo, that JYdro de Alvarado and no other person
should !" obeyed as captain general and governor.
This adion had, liov i , no effect in averting his
sp&lt; e.ly fall from power. On the 14th of August Fran-
Cisco de ( )rduna, the official appointed hy the oidor
arrived at Santiago, and ] i it ing his credent!
took the unary oath th- same day. 13

The audiencia could not have selected a man more
unfitted for this important oilice, or one less likely t
jiromute the interests of the colony. 1 [e came at a
time wh^n of all others prudence and dispassioni
action ded. The redistribution of land- and

the a&gt;&gt;i _niment of encomiendas in spite of all c-florts
to the contrary had caused discont -m : t \\--coin-

re jealously regarded hy the conquerors and t

;dy di vided into factions. Torecon-

13 And somewhat contomiituotisly : V- (jue no quicre usar ilellos, si

S4.

13 1 oo &lt;! &gt;l was m

. in. lil). v. cap. \ i. \vas

ahililo of M xicu, and sh-
:. \\ &gt; liml him ico in

in rej:

in I.VJs. ri.,i;i this time h-
iatorrn; !;*-n in I rhi u

b conqueror, IB far from I In the MUM testimony

also !iy to Alvurudu.

100 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

cile differences was not Orduna s object. His policy
was to be guided by self-interest, and by enmity to
Alvarado and his party. A man of coarse nature,
irascible and unscrupulous, he was often guilty of gross
indecency in speech and of unseemly personal violence ;
after acts of gross injustice he insulted all who claimed
redress.

One of his first measures w r as to call in question
the legality of Jorge s administration. The alcalde
Gonzalo Dovalle, a creature of Orduna s, brought the
matter before the cabildo, claiming that all reparti-
mientos which he had assigned, and all suits which he
had decided, from the time that he had received from
his brother the appointment of lieutenant-governor,
were annulled. The question was a delicate one, inas
much as the cabildo had recognized the authority of
Jorge, and their own powers and rights were thus
endangered. Nevertheless they did not venture to
oppose the jurisdiction of the audiencia, and within
three months after Orduna s arrival he found himself
in control of the ayuntaniiento.

The natives were not slow to take advantage of
the discord among the Spaniards, and during the lat
ter portion of 1529 it became necessary to send out
numerous expeditions to suppress .revolt or repel
encroachments. 14 Several of the confederated nations

14 In the minutes of the cabildo dated loth September, it is stated al pre-
sente estan. los mas de los espanoles de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, 6
sobre el pueblo de Xumaytepeque a donde han muerto ciertos espanoles, y
estamos al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, 6 Tesulutlan,
Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estan todas 6 otras muchas de guerra. Arevalo,
Adas Ay wit, Guat., 128. The Libra deActas deAyuntamlento de la Ciudad de
Santiago de Guatemala comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago during
the first six years of its existence, copied literally, by Rafael de Are"valo, sec
retary of the municipality, from the original records in the archives of the
city. The work was published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt
that the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work, owing to
their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted that the transcriber did not
indicate in his publication where he considered the originals were defective,
or remark upon the obliteration of different portions, the only instance of
his doing so being on page 7. Ilemesal states that until the year 1530 the
cabildo had no bound book of records, but simply loose sheets, many of which
must have been lost, Hist. Chyapa, 33 ; and Juarros refers to minutes which

Til MAY WAR. 107

which had BUfil d d&lt;-f&lt;-at at the hands of Alv,
on hi urn from Honduras 11 bewail to make inro;,

on portions of the province which hit! had always

n held in subjection. Th 11 of

Xiiiiiay WBS the principal scat of the or, ak, a I

point a foree of eighty foot, thirty hoi-
and one thousand native auxiliaries was d
under command of Juan Perez Dardon."

Tin 4 march of the troops was uninterrupted until

they reached the river Coaxini&lt;juilapan. IT J 1
found their pa 6 disputed hy a lar^e fore.- p.:
(.n the &lt;&gt;pp hank. Not deeming it prudent to

attempt the crossing in the face of the enemy, I)ard&lt;m
withdrew his troops, and making a rapid detour under
cover of a range of hills, arrived unperceived at a
point above on the stream. By the aid of a wooden
bridge which he hastily threw across it he j 1 his

army over, and marched into the vail f Xnm
Jlere he encountered a strong body of the enemy,

who, alter a spirited opposition, suddenly retr

p eminence, 1 ^ hotly pursued by the Spaniards.
The latter { ailed more than once in their attempts to

1" n&lt;&gt;t appear in &gt;\s cilition. I cannot, tlu-ivf -co with Brasscur

that it oomprend tous 1&lt;

iniuial. .duraiit , pri-nuL-rcs anincs. 1,\ &gt;. M !."&gt;. i

many of tla- ordinances aiv of minor interest, the work i lue, inasnnich

.nd social state of
-ts. while from others ;

\vhich the Spaniards lived. A considerable muni" ma-

ti Ui the holding i-f and &gt;n to i

. and the amount of land
id oth&lt; lations for th-

mm ion uith regard :u. The K

ndditimially vajual)!- u-lusi\-e in assi^niir, 00

tanT ! .dso th:

\.\\\\ & -.ilyinu a \ ivi&gt;.

lin;_ r s and \ ih-nt &lt;!

:lahua.

idcnti i the (

16 Dardun h: Alvara i was app^ in -

him intia;_ro, founded in 1.VJI. that

of a , aaasuba!

in ,

1 lajini.jnil. : oin the

18 Bn t .ourbourg assume-s that it was surmounted l.y a i\u treat.

103 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

carry this position, but the natives falling short of
provisions and becoming enfeebled through hunger
were at length dislodged with great slaughter.

The town of Xumay now lay at the mercy of the
Spaniards; and the chief of the confederated tribes, 19
finding himself unable to cope with the enemy, deter-
mided on stratagem; but his astuteness could suggest

nothing better than the oft-tried ruse of making

-. ^

treacherous overtures of peace. Dardon was not to
be imposed upon by so trite an artifice, and apprised
him that he was thoroughly aware of his design,
whereupon the cacique threw off the mask, and re
solving to make one last effort, attacked the Spaniards
with all the forces he could collect, but was routed
with heavy loss. On entering the town Dardon found
the place abandoned, and in vain sent a number of his
prisoners with promises of pardon to their country
men on condition of their return. They had even
less confidence in the word of the Spanish commander
than he himself had shown in the good faith of their
chieftain. It was therefore ordered that the place
should be burned, and parties were sent to hunt down
the scattered fugitives, many of whom were captured,
and among them a number of caciques. All were
indiscriminately branded as slaves, and hence a village
afterward built near the spot, as well as the Rio
Coaxiniquilapan received the name of Los Esclavos. 20

While the confederated tribes were thus again
being brought under subjection, an expedition directed
against the stronghold of Uspantan 21 met with signal
failure. Shortly after Orduna s arrival the reduction

19 Tonaltetl by name.

20 Juarros, Guat., ii. 88-90. This author makes the rather doubtful asser
tion that the place was called Los Esclavos from the fact that these were the
first rebels whom the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbonrg more
reasonably assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

2i Brasseur de Bourbourg says: The town of this name situated between
the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan preserved more than other places
the ancient rites of Hunahpu and Exbalanque", and the temple of these gods
annually received a certain number of human victims. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
699.

DISCOMFITUl;i: BEFORE r-I AXTAX. 109

of tliis place was derided on l&gt;y the cabildo; and a

for I sixty foot and three hundred experien*

Indian auxiliaries 2 - was despatched fur that purpose
under command of the alcalde (Jaspar Ari T

mountainous district in whirh this fortress wassiti

,- on the borders of tin- pn-s.-nt departments of V&lt;
Pa/ and Totonicapan, and was inhabited by fierce
roaming Iribes that were continually ui J the c&lt;n-
qui-ivd (.Juifht s to revolt. Surrounded with d&lt;
ravines, and occupying one of those naturally fortil
positions that were ever selected by the natives a&gt;
refuge a-ainst the Spaniards, Uspantan was d&lt; cnied
almost as impregnable as Patinamit and the moun
tain stronghold &lt;&gt;f Sinacam.

No sooner had Arias taken up his position in front
of this fortress, after capturing several towns that
lav on the line of his march, than he received ne\vs

that Ordufta had deposed him from office and appoinl

another alcalde in his place. 2 * Indignant at this pro-

diiiLf, he resolved to return at once to Santi
del ing his command to Pedro de Olmos, a man
in whom he had confidence, but wl 1 the result
proved, was unfitted for the post. Heeding not tin;
instructions left him, or the advice of his fellow-sol-
diers, he determined to carry the place 1 &gt;y storm, hop!

* 2 Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian allies as three thou-
. Nat. &lt; to., iv. 700.

alle.l l.y .Juarr.&gt;s, &lt; Arias Davila. Cunt., i. 3H. ,. Tliiso;

1 \\ itli a certain &lt; ;la or Davila, wht-ni Aha-

uhilo in Honduras sent to confer with 1 cdraria.s at Panama. 1 hc nan

: tiiu minutes of the cabildo of O

u till Ma; b 18, 1528, v, h. a lie was nominated for tlu- Mi-.

omission of his name for so lo; ; iod may bo explained l.y hia abs^

in Panan

24 . 1 Diaz, Caspar Arias was a firm supporter of Alva-

; &gt;and hi.i party. 11 uco, probably, hi.s dismiss;il from .
2i The reception which Arias ;th at Santiago is agoo&lt;l illustration of

;.p&lt;-arinx 1 i&gt; and petiti that

itored to him, Ordufia past !y called him a

turbcr of the peace, laid violent liands on him, and, while ordering him to bo
carried oil to prison, struck him in the face. 1 &gt;&gt;

miiento de su n li

January 1 ."&gt;:;&lt;) Arias a.^ain ) r reiln-ss, but though t ng was

"i-, he does not seem to 1 ! it. as his n.

appears no more as alcalde. Arivalo, Actas Ayant. (Jaat., ILi J

110 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

thus to win for himself a reputation. The result was
most disastrous. While the assault was being made
at the single point where an entrance could be effected,
his rear was assailed by two thousand of the enemy
placed in ambush in anticipation of the attack. The
surprise was complete. In the brief conflict which
ensued a large portion of the Spaniards were wounded,
Olmos himself among the number, while the slaughter
of the auxiliaries was fearful. .To complete their dis
comfiture a number of prisoners captured by the enemy
were immediately stretched upon the altar in sacri
fice. 26 Then the allies fled and made their way back
to Santiago.

Nothing now remained but retreat; and sullenly
the small remnant of Olmos command, ill-provided
with food and overladen with baggage, turned their
backs upon the stronghold of Uspantan to fight their
way homeward. Day by day they pressed onward,
constantly assailed by the enemy posted in ambus
cade along the route. The final struggle occurred on
approaching the district of Chichicastenango.. Here
three thousand of the enemy had collected to dispute
with them a mountain pass through which lay their
only line of retreat. No hope for the Spaniards now,
unless they could cut their way through this dense
throng of warriors. Provisions and baggage were
cast aside and each soldier, grasping his weapons,
prepared for the conflict which was to determine his
destiny. The fight was obstinate and bloody, but
sword and arquebuse prevailed as usual against the
rude arms of the natives, and at length the Spaniards
rested unopposed on the opposite side of the range,
the survivors finally reaching Utatlan, haggard and
gaunt with famine.

Orduiia, recognizing that his indiscretion had been
the cause of this disaster, hastened to repair his mis-

20 Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d allids, ayant &lt;td pris vivants,
se virent emmene s dans la place et sacrifids solennellement a la divinitd bar-
bare. Braswur de ttourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700. The name of the idol
was Exbalanque".

Vv AU AT i ,0. Ill

ta! 1 1".- met. with much difficult

cicnt in IK-- li.-id already i himself unpopular

with nmst of the coloi . l&gt;ut at tin- ln"jinnin _c of

December he left the city accompanied l&gt;y forty

, tliirt\ horse, and four hu:

and Tlascaltec allies, 87 tin- latter commanded l&gt;y Span-

i&gt;h olli As Orduria IKK! little i ailli in his &lt;

aliilii leader, and his soldiers had none, i

command of tl . intrusted to the tr irer

Fran de ( a &lt;t&lt; -llanos, a man of spirit and ability.

On arriving in C hiehic;: ,ango Ordui,
to Uspantan with a summons to surrcnd The

reply was of a practical nature: the emissaries w-
immediately put to death.

Th must now be brought under subjection

by force &lt;&gt;f arms, and Ordufia sent forward ( ;; -tella-
nos with the greater portion of the troops to undrr-
take the fighting, while he himself i
quarters at Chichicastenango. H The latt !i-

1 his march against the important stro: I of

Nebah. On arriving at the river Sacapulas he found
for some time an impassable obstacle, &lt;n account of
the ] jiitous nature of the ravine down which it
ilowed. J&gt;y moving up stream, he discovered at I

17 Ace tram the number of rds consisted of 31 horse and

30 foot. tire. iv. HI), vii. cap. v.

M In / drc. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy of the rcqucrimiento

ordered by the king to be deliver) i i&lt;&gt; t!iu nutivca \\hrn suinim-nr.l to allc-

giai. inilarfun:: -&gt;\ in the a:

: s time. This r.nnal summons was fre(|iii -nt .y onii

at th i tlio &lt;

in tin- \\ar \\hiie a 1 t\ man, tlir.s d- and lnu..

proceeding. At niirht one &gt;i with sound of drum, ;

Indi thi.s to\\ n ! ^\ :u yu that tl. ;md

horn this IM,|

.-aid tendrr yur to him and i

tliuler the ,
i t then hi

y could, in

uehillo, r

! J.
/

unt ol
$, 1-J-J-:: i \vliieh :

.hot Juuuai\ aDd.Urduua oil

l- .ii : uary.

112 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

a spot where he could descend, and throwing a bridge
over the river made good his crossing. Ascending
the opposite slope, he encountered on the summit a
body of five thousand warriors gathered there from
Nebah and neighboring towns. They retired on his
approach, and took up a position at a narrow moun
tain pass, whence they were driven only after a
sharp and protracted struggle.

Castellanos then advanced without further opposi
tion to Nebah, which like many other Indian towns
he found to be a natural stronghold. Such reliance
did the natives place on the protection of the preci
pices which surrounded it, that they did not think it
necessary to post sentinels, and all collected to defend
its only entrance. This over-confidence wrought
their destruction. While the assault was being made,
a few Tlascaltecs and Mexicans succeeded, by cling
ing to tendrils and creepers, in scaling the height in
the rear of the town. Then approaching unobserved
they set fire to some houses. The conflagration
spread ; the defence was soon abandoned ; and the Span
iards rushing through the narrow entrance were soon
masters of the town. On the following day all the
inhabitants were branded ; and such was the effect of
the fall of this fortress, that the neighboring villages
as well as the large town of Chahul surrendered with
out opposition.

The Spaniards then marched on Uspantan, where
ten thousand warriors belonging to that district, aided
by an equal number of allies, disdained submission.
This place was also practically impregnable, and again
but for excess of confidence the garrison might have
remained in security. But when they saw the little
army under Castellanos impudently sitting down before
their door, the men of Uspantan resolved to go forth
and sweep them from the earth. The Spaniards took
up- their position, the infantry being divided into two
equal bodies, and stationed on the wings, while the
horsemen occupied the centre somewhat in advance.

the was ni ami the

I with he i 11 v

;ht and left, fell up -n the
hnul .-Hid overthrew them witli -T

si r. So many prisoners &lt;&gt;t hi^h portion

: that UK. submission of Uspa- id tlic all

; /ns \ tired, and Castell

and reduced to slavery a lar^e number of his r
ret I to Santiago about the beginning of 15:30.

During the same year the confusion CM ! by
( ); rnaleadministration held out a 1

stubborn Cuzcatecans of even yet winning back tl.

independence, and once more they rose in iwolt.
] )i !c Rojas was sent hy tlie captain general with
a small force to aid the Spanish settlers in that p
of the. province in suppressing the insurrection. i !

re successful; but when about to accept the
surrender of a fortress that lay 1 :id the river Lemp:i

heard the unwelcome news that a party of !
were approaching from the south. II ,-mini -d

to inoitre in person, and his curiosity was &gt;&lt;

gratified, for while doinjj so he w; prisiMier with

Dumber of his follov. The intrinlejx ]

; :iy of two hundred men d hed by IVdra-

rias 1 \ivila, under ]\Fartin ] for tlie pin; of

taking pnss n ol Salvador and making that pr
iner .-in a] !a^c to X ieara -Mia. If a man of ability

had been in oh of this expedition it is not im;

abl pin-, lit have bee roni]

but j lstetr, though by name a soldier, had ni

nor military skill. In the hour of trial I
deft men; ;md it has already been related that

about halt of his foive joined the colon:

la.

At (he ; of a precipi mountain raii--e :

Gr, ! tios 5- the cir&lt; pan, where li-

ruins of an .11 which are \xt an ob of

UIST. CKXT. AM. VOL. II. 8

114 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

interest to travellers. Fuentes, writing about the
close of the seventeenth century, describes it as a space
surrounded by pyramids of stone, eighteen feet in
height, at the base of which were sculptured figures
attired in Castilian costume. The place was garrisoned
by thirty thousand troops well supplied with provisions,
and was guarded, at the only point where approach
was possible, by a deep fosse and a barricade of earth,
pierced with loop-holes. To this stronghold Hernando
de Chaves, who had been ordered to quell an uprising
in the adjoining province of Chiquimula, now resolved
to lay siege. Drawing up his forces in front of it he
approached within bow-shot of the town at the head
of a small band of horse and demanded its surrender.
He was answered with flights of arrows directed
with such good aim that he was glad to make his.
escape.

On the following morning an assault was made
upon the intrenchment, but without success; and
though the attack was renewed again and again dur
ing the day, and the arquebuses and cross-bows of
the Spaniards spread havoc among the defenders, at
nightfall no impression had been made, and Chaves
was compelled to draw off his forces sorely discom
fited. He had exceeded his orders and was acting
on his own responsibility in attempting the subjuga
tion of Copan. He was compelled to admit his rash
ness; but the question was now which way should he
turn in his present dilemma? To capture the strong
hold with his slender force was all but impossible,
while failure and retreat would bring disgrace upon
the Spanish arms and dishonor on himself. When
brooding over the difficulties of his position the wel
come news was brought that a spot had been dis
covered where the depth and width of the fosse were
comparatively small, and on the following day he again
led his men to the attack. The struggle was long
and doubtful. The Spaniards obstinately refused to
withdraw, though time after time, as they attempted

nox OF co n.-,

to scale the rampart, the\ re r&lt; Celled hy la
thn or crushed under fallh

Tin- day was at lasi derided I .c desperate coiir-

ilry soldier, one Juan Vazquez de &lt; &gt;-

&lt; d at the ivpulx- of hi arades, p! 1

the spurs into liis horse and rode him -lit at ti

ditch. The steed cleared the i rikingthe b

de with his harhed cl The works could n

withstand tin- shock: palisades and earth .^av-
tin- frightened horse, ur-jvd on by his impetu&lt;

: ed through the dehris and plunged amidst tl
in irriors, scattering them in every direction.

Other horsemen camo to Osufia s support. The W hole

Danish force fallowed, swarming through tin- 1 :i,

and formed in line inside the del s. The &lt;
t -t which enMied was no e &gt;tion 1&lt;&gt; the usual i
of Spanish warfare in America. The horsemen &gt;pi-ead
terror ,-md death through the ranks of the n; s,
vrhil Idiei-s l oll(.\ve(l u]) the work of earn. ]

The caci(|iie rallied his scattered troops upon a .&lt;
lody of reserves ]&gt;o&gt;tcd in a favorable position, ai:d
attempted to retrieve the day, hut the r.
brief; their i-aiiks were soon broken, and ( opan
in the hands of the victors. Not even yet, 1
did the chieftain ahandon ho] Leaving h: d

to the foe, he retreated to Sitald on the confin

domain. I [ere he I allied ,-dl the men he could inr,
and soon at the head of a formidable army he i; a

desperate ell ort to win hack Copan. Twice he nssailed

the Spaniards with desperate coii nd t\

driven hack, his hcst warriors l.rin-- lei i I on tl.

field. At length, convinced of the useless! of fui

ther r- . he tenden-d his suhmis&gt;ion, and fro:

his mountain retreal s,-nt the ti-ihutaiy oil* rin^( d

and plumage, 1 lis Mirrender v. raciously acce]
lv Chaves. who received him with the con ii

and courtesy becoming a conquero

.s G uat. (cd. London, IS 23), 300-7. J: , iv. 703-4.

11G CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

About the middle of 1530, Pedro de Alvarado
returned to Guatemala, having at length extricated
himself from the net spread by his adversaries. Com
plaints that the audiencia was misinterpreting the
king s instructions remained unheeded; representa
tions that he was being unjustly deprived of oppor
tunities to prosecute new conquests, and to reap some
benefit from the great outlay he had incurred, had
brought to his enemies a secret satisfaction. But
later the political aspect of affairs had favored him.
The audiencia and a strong party of their supporters
were hostile to Cortes and spared no effort to prevent
his return to Mexico.

None of the enemies were more active than the
king s factor, Gonzalo de Salazar, w r ho seized and im
prisoned a number of the leading men of the opposite
faction, and among them the brothers of Alvarado.
Indignant at this proceeding the latter challenged
Salazar to mortal combat/ 1 and insurrectionary move
ments in the city excited the alarm of the oidores and
their partisans. At this juncture information was re
ceived that Cortes was already on his way to Mexico.
A compromise was agreed upon, and Alvarado was

31 JRemesrd, Hist. Chyapa, 48. Cavo makes this remark upon Remesal s
account: It seems to me more probable that the disagreement was between
an oidor and that conqueror, since it is certain that three years previously
the emperor ordered the factor to leave Mexico. Tres Stylos, i. 104-5. A
letter of Bishop Zumurraga to the king dated August 27, 1529, disproves
Cavo s inference that the factor was not in Mexico at the time. The bishop
also gives a different version of the challenge. He states that the president
Guzman, Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the news
lately received that Cortes had been highly favored by the king and was on
his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked that he believed he would soon
return, whereupon the factor passionately exclaimed, El rey quea tal traidor
como a Cortds embia es hereje y no cristiano. For a few days nothing was
done to call the factor to account for such treasonable language, but on the
18th of the month Alvarado appeared before the audiencia and requested per
mission to send him a formal challenge. That body, however, defended Sal
azar. and on the following day their president Guzman made reply to this
effect: Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero, si lo es, que el
Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de
decir tal palabra, and Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The
bishop adds, y no s6 quo haran del, and that he has three witnesses worthy
of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who heard the factor use the lan
guage. Ztimdrraga, Carta, in Packeco and Cdrdenas, xiii. 17G-7. Zamacois
gives almost the same account as the above. Hist. Mc j. , iv. 485-6.

.LVAIIADO. 117

continue hi

1&lt;&gt; Santiago. 83
o

Such : ii given l&gt;y !!

m the in\ t it i

h* waa c lied to disgi much &lt; ( bis dl-;^&lt;&lt;

in making so-&lt;

influential ]&gt;&lt; . and that he

dust I. I when ho left LCO, str

lii ilth. Alas Tonatiuh ! ] 1

injured hi^ liv. .an \\-\io Jiad ial!

.On the llih of April 15:jO th
at ! and was 1. dy v. mod; i&lt;;r to I
a 1 e attributed all the ( light 1
() i. On the Bam* r he presented to the cabil
lii !nal appointment under the i
The document v/as acknov, ! \viili bee

y. It was j.. .;id, !. I and othc:

IP . and finally enthroned in turn on the h

;eh i di promising ta obey it ,

command. Then placing his ri-ht hand on tho &lt;
of the order granted to him l&gt;y lii

-toinary oath and took his seat
i the ral.ild

( I] ii \\-as no\v at an &lt;

hi.&gt; i San; no time v., b in

o ^

] ding him. H&gt;

tl Rter his nan no more in the ehr

- Tliis rck-ast- must on
of
that in ]."&gt;:;! the sccon

Ziua;! 1
!o of all the vuli; \\ hich

11
his .n

lent and : lores. Jl nsscr

I h;iu ] &gt; han sill-) ile c

-
.

ladot
do u pic, y dc a cauullo. dec. iv. lii.

118 CIVIL FACTIONS IX GUATEMALA.

of his age. But we may conclude that one who had
shown such animosity toward the Alvarado party,
and had been so successful in winning the hatred of a
community, would not escape unharmed from the fire
which he had built around him. Either this, or he
had been doing that which best pleased those in
power, in which case his punishment can scarcely be
severe.

To wring redress from Orduna was, however, an
easier matter than to correct the disorder which he
had produced. The colonists were divided into nu
merous cliques, entertaining bitter animosities toward
each other. The unfair distribution of repartimientos
had developed feuds which threatened bloodshed at
any moment; and those who had taken part in the
conquest of the country saw with anger new-comers
preferred before them in election to public office.

The independent spirit of the artisan and operative
placed them in direct antagonism to the more aristo
cratic orders, who hated them for the extortions they
practised and the disrespectful indifference they dis
played. Numbers of mechanics, having acquired re
partimientos and wealth, charged what they pleased,
in defiance of law, and worked only when they felt
inclined. 84 But even this class was divided against
itself, and year by year the religious processions were
attended with disgraceful tumults caused by those
engaged in rival trades being thus brought together.
The community was even threatened with dissolution.
Many had left the province in disgust to settle in
Mexico or Nicaragua, or to engage in mining ventures,
and others were preparing to depart. The sites
allotted for residences were unoccupied by their own
ers; the streets were almost impassable, and horses

84 The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the object of correcting
these abuses. The inconvenience caused by artisans closing their workshops
was so serious that, on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them
to exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of their Indiana
suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed, and again in April 153G.
Adas Ayunt. Guat., 88, passim; Remesal, IJist. Chyapa, 171.

SOCIAL CONDITION.

and line s roamed ;tt lar^v, causing &lt; n of

crops, while blood-hounds were let loo

hunt down the Unfortunate natives almost within

:lit of Santiago.

Such was the condition of a flairs when AJvarado
returned, and there is no doubt that hi ar

rival d the colony from destruction !!&lt; recog
nized at once that the ex ion required prompt
and vigorous action, and struck at the root of t
evil by prohibiting, under pain of death and con-
ion, all serious quarrelling, whether by w&lt;.nl or
writing. Other measures for the correction of al&gt;u
and the reorganization of the affairs of the provii
quickly followed. A new distribution of ivpartimien-

was ordered, and the conditions of mil
vice were regulated. Whoever had two th rid
Indian^ 1-iicd to him must always 1 rovided
with a double set of weapons and two ho: and be
ready to take the field at an hour s notice, lie who
had one thousand must posse- -in^l t arms

and one horse. The encomendero of live hundred
nativ. &lt; must be provided with a cross-bow or ar&lt;p.

. and with sword and dagger, and must furni&gt;h a
horse if he could.

The laws existing in Guatemala as to the* acquisi
tion, tenure, and conveyance f land would, under a
proper administration, and in a territory rich as v

it province in natural resources, have aSSl }&gt;ros-
] rity to all but the unthrifty and inijirovi ld-

miniii-- mel with fair return, and notwii
ra\ - of wild 1 1 he industries of

and a;j;n"ulture w&gt; -&gt;l ully conducted. 3 *

35 Fucnm assos t * contimioe, y las dissc

&lt;! nri . phcar ciiica/i

.;int;iilr&gt;. . hro-

\ so mi;/ aldo

i ami Ma. xxl-inares

ami iiiL-n-a.-e &gt;1 tin- lu-nls was 1.

by the ; : wild beust.s, which Ji iiials, and

120 CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

Though the settlers were few in number, 37 they
were sufficient, when acting in concert, to hold the
natives in subjection. The citizens were for the most
part required to do duty as soldiers in time of need.
None but citizens could obtain a title to land; nor was
that title confirmed until after a long term of service ;
nor could any acquire, even by purchase, more than
his due share of the public domain. 33 But such was
the mischief wrought by the maladministration of
Orduna that most of the Spaniards were on the verge
of destitution.

On the 25th of September 1529 we find that the
payment of debts was suspended for four months by
order of the cabildo, on the ground that the horses
and arms of the colonists would else be sold to others
and the services of their owners lost to the province.
Moreover the high price of all imported commodities
added greatly to the distress of the more impoverished
settlers. A dozen horseshoes sold for fifteen pesos, a
common saddle for fifty, and a cloth coat could not be
had for less than seventy pesos. The distance from
the confines of Guatemala to Mexico, whence all such
articles were obtained, was two hundred and seventy
leagues. Two portions of the road, one of forty-five
and the other of sixty leagues, led through a wilder-

unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great destruction was
caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was the densely wooded slopes of
the Volcan de Agua. The loss of cattle was so great that the city offered a
bounty of 25 pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed the
monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went forth to hunt
for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful. He was finally killed by the herder
of the mares. Itemcsal, Hist. Chyapa, 173; Album Hex., 417. Notwithstand
ing the depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly that in
1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton for four and five cents.
Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 188. There are two competitors for the distinction of
having first introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vaz
quez, the auditor Francisco de Zorilla imported stock at his own expense, and
had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to him in 1530. Juarros ascribes
to Hector de Barreda the honor of being the first importer, and to him was
assigned in the distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle de
las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he there established a
stock-farm. Chronica de Gvat., 162; Juarros, Guat., ii. 354.

37 In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150 according to the
records of the cabildo, Remesal, Hint. Chyapa, 22 ; but in the neighborhood
were many settlers who had not been enrolled as citizens.

38 None were allowed to hold more than two caballerias.

12]

imp.. le during the rainy rea X&gt;1 to

Hen riv

During tin. 1 remainder of tl; ar If) DO I i-

of DOte occurred in tin- pr&lt; Tl

n;i; iitly in

tv inMirrection would he hut tiresome i ition.

Luis Moscoso wa
and twenty men to the district hey.nd ; L

and after pacifying the native s founded there, le
nient which Juarros declares to have been the town
of Sau Miguel. Diego de Alvarado, at tli ul of

a liuudred and .^ y men, conducted ai. litioii

to Hondui-as and ioundt-d in the northern part of tl
riiory the town of San Jorge de Olancho/ but
o\vin-- t&lt; iamine and misfortune in April of t &gt;llow-
hi"- year In- was obliged to return with the si.

O v

.inant of his command in such sorry plight that
was forced to ask the cabildo to receive and provide
ibr them.

rros entertains no doubt of this: in the first; .*a-

.y onTr.-poiKU \vith that M lu-ru .V nilt hi :ul see-

on the

; ; l.. in[i;i ] .v\ Loi 1 is

I U-t-n in

in .Inn i .. ii. ; i by

in ;i h-tii-r tO&lt; 5 . . 7.
40 Cullcl by .11 Jorge do Olunchito.

CHAPTER VII.

ALVARADO S EXPEDITION TO PERU.
1531-1536.

SHIP-BUILDING IN GUATEMALA ALVARADO PREPARES AN EXPEDITION TO THE
SPICE ISLANDS BUT TURNS HIS ATTENTION TOWARD PERU OPPOSITION
OF THE TREASURY OFFICIALS THE PILOT FERNANDEZ BRINGS NEWS OF
ATAHUALPA S RANSOM STRENGTH OF ALVARADO S ARMAMENT HE
LANDS AT PUERTO VIEJO FAILURE OF HIS EXPEDITION His RETURN
TO GUATEMALA NATIVE REVOLTS DURING HIS ABSENCE THE VISITADOR
MALDONADO ARRIVES AT SANTIAGO HE FINDS No FAULT IN THE ADE-
LANTADO BUT IS AFTERWARDS ORDERED TO TAKE HIS RESIDENCIA
ALVARADO IN HONDURAS.

ONE of the first matters which engaged Alvarado s
attention on his return to Santiago was the discovery
of a site adapted to ship-building, for he was now
resolved to carry out his intended voyage in search of
the Spice Islands. In accordance with the emperor s
instructions, he sent parties to explore the seaboard
for that purpose. At a distance of fifteen leagues
from the city, near the modern port of Istapa, a suit
able spot was found, in the vicinity of which was an
abundant supply of excellent timber, and the work
was at once begun.

According to the terms of his commission from the
crown, his discoveries and conquests were limited to
the islands and mainland of that portion of the south
sea bordering on New Spain, and thence in a westerly
direction, and he was forbidden to form any settle
ment on a territory already assigned to others. 1 He

1 Vos damos licencia . . . para que por nos . . . podais descubrir, con-
quistar e 1 poblar, cualesquier Islas que hay en la mar del Sur de la Nueva
Kspafia, questan en su parage; 6 todas las que halldredes haeia el Poniente

(122)

THE ARMAMENT.

wa- appointed governor and alguacil n

and until otherwise ordered was to le i 1 with

iull civil, military, and judicial pov. \v

lands which lit- might lind. During the royal -p
lire ho was also to receive a twelfth of all pmli
which might in the future result from his exploration
Whether the ezpeditioD Was to !&gt;&lt; titt-d out entir

or only in part at the adelantado s expense

not easily determined; 1 lut in a letter to ( V.

sent in lf)3 J, wherein he states his intention to Imild
and equip a ileet of twelve vessels and rai&gt;- a force &lt;
i our luindred men, he declares that the cost of
armament will exceed forty thousand castellanos, and
that this outlay will exhaust his private mea; lie
claims of course that he is thus expending all h
resomve.s solely with his usual desire of serving the
emperor, and avers that he has information of rich
islands near the coast from the discovery of which
his Majesty must derive great benefit.

While the construction of his ileet was yet in
progress, rumors of Pizarro s conquest and of th. f
idous wealth which had fallen to his lot were noi -&lt; d
throughout the province. Alvarado was not &lt;
scrupulous as to ways and means, as we well know.
Already he had proved false to him through wl.
friendship and favor he had been raised to his high

it ion; could he not now replenish his d&lt;

and aKo win glory in the land of the inc; Was it

la, no siendo en el par; hs tiornw en quo hoy hoy ; c

&lt;lo mi.smo. . . ; 1&lt;: !:

l;i dielia costa del Sur, 1

T;I &lt;|ii tt& dail.i &lt; sonas. Ca f . . . , ~o

aii l /. Dot-., xiv.

H iv. 111 . "hat

in these | (ions Alvar;. led \&lt;\ ror with a c&lt;

luit tl. in his to tlx

in Gar : lile dwelling on the lalx.&gt;r

! is
!&gt;], h | man of Alv.-iradoV aid h;. [

:ri\\ luyal in

eont , of the coin; :on to be th of

the i

124 ALVARADO S EXPEDITION TO PERU.

not better thus to employ liis armament than go on a
wild-goose chase for islands no one had ever yet seen?
And surely with a few ship-loads of Peruvian gold,
which it would not take him long to gather, he could
serve his sovereign as w r ell as with never a maravedi
in his treasury. It was fortunate, it was indeed prov
idential, that now, when the fleet was almost ready,
and the men equipped and prepared to embark, this
princely quarry should have been started to the south
of him.

On the return of a vessel despatched for supplies to
Panamd the reports of the immense treasures discov
ered in Peru w r ere confirmed, and the enthusiasm
knew no bounds. "Come," said Alvarado to the colo
nists, "come with me and I will make you so rich that
you may walk on bars of gold."

Among: Alvarado s numerous enemies the most

powerful and active were the treasury officials of
Guatemala, who, though frequently divided among
themselves, were constant in their opposition to the
governor. Already they had reported him to the
home government, charging him with neglect of duty,
with levying forced contributions, and with disobedi
ence to the royal ordinances. They now addressed a
letter to the emperor, informing him of Alvarado s
designs, representing the evil consequences that must
ensue from an invasion of Pizarro s territory, the dan
ger of withdrawing from Guatemala so large a force
of Spaniards, and requesting that there be sent out to
the province some trustworthy person with power to
prevent the departure of all who held repartimientos
and to act as governor during the adelantado s ab
sence. They also informed the audiencia of Mexico
of his purpose, and of the strength of his armament.
Though fully aware of these proceedings, Alvarado
gave no heed to them. He calmly continued his
preparations, informing the royal officials that Guate
mala was too limited an area for his ambition, and that

QOW Seek M of

Meanwhile h i would insure thi the provii

ing "H 1 oard his il
whom he had already BOCUl

At this juncture c ite which AI-

varado did not dare to di.- !&lt;!. It u ;i on

from the aiidieiiei;i ( .f M- &gt;rl&gt;iddini him

until he had received his final instruc; , the

ipen Though sorely \ t thi

\vhich he attributed to the machinations of Cortc-s, he

theless submit to further dela; II iin

addressed a letter to Charle ^n. -T permission to go

ice of Pizarro, a^surinic him that,
what he had learned of the dill ic

that conqueror, he was convinced of his inal/i
compl maided the conquest of Peru. In a p
vius despatch, wherein he had a 1 for his fi
instructions, he prayed that they he granted ; lily

ihle. "For," he - . "alter exhausting
private means, I have contracted lieavy a in order
our Majesty all expen The fleet, he in

forms him, is well provided with st&lt; md provi

the force of men almost complete, and. hetVr to

insure the success of ti dition, he declai that

he. will take command of it in perso;
cieiit numher of Spaniards in the provii;

tinst any possible n; rising of the nativ&lt; li

, lio-. r, that th is littl r of an ont-

ak, "for," as he i -. -marks wi:
" I have ever oh your M;

the kind treatment of the Indians." 4

niwhile Alvarado had found it in

ileet ior shelter to the hay of 1

whence h&lt; bed Garcia Holguin with t\^ ip^

i- the }u! ot . tainin;_r the a

s Hi IT-T.-I. dec. i\*. li

that tin- ;UK , -1.

* / ;v. lib.

126 ALVARADO S EXPEDITION TO PERU.

state of affairs and the nature of the country. 5 The

adelantado soon learned to his cost that the bay of
Fonseca was no secure haven, and after losing two
of his vessels there during a heavy gale, sailed with
the remainder for Puerto de la Posesion in Nicaragua,
the modern Realejo. 6 While here awaiting the return
of Holguin, he fell in with the pilot Juan Fernandez,
one who had long been engaged in fitting out vessels
for the trade between Nicaragua and Castilla del Oro.
While transacting business in Panama", Fernandez
had listened to the marvellous stories of Pizarro s
conquest, and journeying thence to Peru had there
conversed with men who had been present at the cap
ture and ransom of Atahualpa. No wonder that the
tidings which the pilot now brought from the land of
the incas fired the imagination of these gold-loving
adventurers. More than 1,300,000 castellanos! Not
even the treasures of Montezuma had yielded such a
harvest. If Pizarro, with his diminutive force, had
secured such booty, what might not Alvarado now
hope for with his powerful fleet and veteran army?

Neither king nor audiencia should now thwart his
purpose; nevertheless he must have ready some pre
text for entering Pizarro s territory, if indeed he could
not obtain permission. This was soon furnished by
Fernandez, who informed him that the province of
Quito, believed to be the principal depository of the
treasures of the incas, had never yet been visited by
Spaniards. It was no difficult matter for Alvarado
to persuade himself that this region lay without the
domain granted to Pizarro, and the self-interest of
Fernandez, now appointed pilot of the expedition,
prompted him to encourage such a delusion.

5 Alvarado, Cartas, in Squier s MSS.,xix. 13-27; Herrera,dec. v. lib. vi.
cap. i. Hen-era mentions but one ship.

6 There is no information, or none of value, as to the first settlement of
Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alva
rado was compelled, through lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may
have been the origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word Real jo;
Ogilby, 1671, Realejo; Dampier, 1699, Rialeja; Jefferys, 1776, Realejo, as bay
and city. Cartog. Pac. Coatt, MS., ii. 204, a.

Tin: rAnTici

Soon after t rrival &lt;&gt;f the ileet in Xi&lt;-ara
ol- uin rejoined the adelantado at i la

JV .11 and confirmed the gi ! t be pil

A year had al 1 ipsed &gt;iiiee Alv;

a 1 p to the emperor iv&lt;ju- linal 01

hut still no a: r came, and liis pati well-

nigh exhausted. J EC had 1 u compelled

mori his privat ate in order to meet 1

c.\j if maintaining his lari^u f ho cost

nf liis ai iiiaincni had I MTU vastly incr-as.-d during all
these weary months of waiting, the total outlay peach
ing tl :n of 130,000 pesos de oro. 7 1 rovis KMis w
oinin^ scarce; the vessels were th d with

iction iVcm the teredo; and his followers, begin
ning to lose i aith in the enterprise, were on the point
of desertion. At last a m^&gt;en&lt;nrcr arrived hrin^i
the lon^ L.oked for despatches. Tin 1 instructions made

i the original capitulation pt in i-
to rout ] [e was now authorized to explore the land
lyin t ^ to the south of Pi/arro s territory, l&gt;rtweeii 1
thl :ith and twentieth degrees of latitude. 8

The fleet now numbered twelve sail, ci^ht li-m-_r

els of one hundred tons or more. 9 Three had i
built on the shore of Guatemala; B d had

pui i from the estate of Pedraria&gt; I &gt;;ivila; and

.lainder were procured from the colo: of

7 F,qu;il iii ; ^ing power to more than a million and a half of dollars
at t

8 Ah. mprror fi

i : * Mi di

\ . M. c la

lim -3 los secretos

conQaifftar^ y poblar^. In

thai . in /.

i.) hail any i sail in a southerly tli:

- v. lil&gt;. \ i. cat , i., I l-t-s.-i.tt. ( mi /. l &lt; rn, ii. 1 1, ami others al:

;itula! .-;:il t \\;inl : it is

tliat they aid not 8&lt;

of vessels is variously &lt; 1 1 : Re-

!&lt;); .luarros, 8, &lt; 12. \ DUO I t :

:i the i

s the

lleim M as of :KX&gt;
built by order o:

12S ALVARADO S EXPEDITION TO PERU.

Nicaragua. 10 His troops consisted chiefly of well
tried soldiers. Many of them, weary of an inactive
life, or of the now tame and bootless warfare of the
conquered provinces, were enthusiastic over the pros
pect of renewing their deeds of conquest in a new
land of promise.

Among the many distinguished persons who took
part in the expedition were Gomez and Diego de
Alvarado, brothers of the adelantado, and Captain
Garcilaso de la Vega, father of the future historian
of Peru. The total number was little short of three
thousand. Of these two hundred and seventy were
infantry, and two hundred and thirty cavalry, all well
equipped. The ships were manned by one hundred
and forty sailors, and on board the fleet were two
hundred negro slaves, 11 and two thousand natives,
male and female. Experienced pilots were engaged,
the services of a bachiller were secured, and several
friars were added to the expedition, "in order," says
Alvarado, "that through the influence of these holy
men our consciences may be cleared of guilt." Final
preparations were then made for departure.

During the absence of Alvarado his brother Jorge
was again to be placed in charge of the province of

10 Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of two vessels in
which a force of 200 men was about to be sent to the aid of Pizarro. This,
however, was most likely in the form of an appropriation with the consent of
the owners of the vessels. The adelantado in Carta, in Squier s MSS., xix.
13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as he says, that
they were bought at the request of the owners and paid for to their entire
satisfaction. He adds however the saving clause, that, even had they been
seized, such an act was justified by the importance of the undertaking. This
letter also appears to have escaped Herrera s notice.

11 In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors mainly agree, but the
number of cavalry is variously stated, and even the official letters of Alvarado
are contradictory on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. , gives 500 as
the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions 600, with
240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made in Guatemala in 1536
his whole force was 500 and his cavalry 230, Information echa en Santiago
Set. 15, 1536; and this is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, Caria,
Squier s MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his de
parture from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450 men including 260
horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from Puerto Viejo to the governor of
Panama, says that he set sail from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220
were cavalry.

.ind the &lt;-al&gt;ildo of 3ned

han. iiid t

to the lieutenant I n a

einpemr tl. In, while

lion to the crown, d\.

enormous exp&lt; of t n; l&gt;ui

Majesty that it ]\:\&gt; !"&lt; 11 willii incurred in vi&lt;

i importance &lt;&gt;f the undertaking, t!.

&lt;f wliich he promises shall ecli;

nieni " God willing," he writes, " I ^ dl th

day, and my course shall be in accordance \ &gt;ur

^laj 3 wi-hcs."

( )n the *j:Jd of January l."J34 the L; t. and i
powerful arinainciit that had hitherto I" en e&lt;
nn the shores of the South Sea set sail from

la Posesion, and the folio winff month en I the

7 O

fCaraques, proceedingthi ten leagues ilu-i!

nth to Puei to Yirjo. The adrlantado B :&lt;!

I himself to the emi rforthustn on

J i/airo s triritory by stating that contrary wimU and
currents prevented his sailing further t&lt;\\ a rd th i h,

that the safety of his ileet we dangered, that his
supply of water \ hnost exhausted, and that nin.
his Imrs.-s h;ul perislied His inaivh

tin- sierra, during which he lost a 1 p&lt;&gt;rti&gt;n

n, the transf.T of a part of his ships and his eiii

force to Almagro and Benalcazar, the associ of

.1 i/.arro. have nlivady IM-.-H nienti&lt;&gt;n d in tin-

.IIi-liM ll dthat he would lead his army thr
the province of Peru and drive Pizarro from

o. 14 I I was now -lad to return to Gua

after disposing of his armament fora MUM t!

CO I the cost of the lli-et. To add to his m.-rti
ion he ionnd on arriving at San in-

o o o

a full Ivanulo s i lie

en: y i-j, 1 .".::.""&gt;, aftx i bit

i.. this volir
"
1 . . ; u . t j t j. .

I to tl.
I

., AM. VOL. II. 9

130 ALVARADO S EXPEDITION TO PERU.

ning of March 1535, that the silver bars given him in
payment were one half copper.

No sooner had Alvarado sailed for Peru than the
natives in many portions of the province rose once
more in revolt. Bands of Cakchiquels, thirsting for
the blood of their oppressors, roamed over the central
sierra; in the districts of Sacapulas and Uspantan
seven Spaniards and numbers of their slaves and ser
vants were murdered; the Indians on the southern
seaboard both of Guatemala and Salvador were in
open rebellion; and war and war s turmoil again pre
vailed throughout the land. The struggle was brief
but desperate. Crushed though they had often been,
the dreadful sufferings of these unfortunate people
drove them to madness, and they fought with sullen
indifference to life, but with the usual result. In
January 1535 Gonzalo Honquillo was sent with a
sufficient force to quell the uprising in Salvador; in
Guatemala the insurgents in district after district
were again compelled to taste the bitterness of hope
less bondage; and by the time of the adelantado s
return resistance was well-nigh ended.

Notwithstanding the ignominious failure of his ex
pedition to Peru, the adelantado at once began prepa
rations for further schemes of conquest and discovery.
In a despatch to the India Council, dated November
1535, 15 he states that he has three vessels ready for

/ t/

sea and four others on the stocks, and that he has
sufficient men both for his ships and for land service.
" So many Spaniards," he says, " have returned from
Peru in reduced circumstances that, if the expedition
were only intended to furnish them with employment,
it would be doing his Majesty a service."

Meanwhile the representations made to the emper
or by the treasury officials had not been without effect.
On the 20th of February 1534 a royal cedula was

15 Alvarado, Cart a, in Squier s MSS., xix. 21.

MALDOXATX) A 0.

hat ;i \ lor 1 once &lt;!
nala to examine into th :iditi&lt;&gt;n
isury and the ailair- &lt;&gt;f ivernmenl

church, and to hear minplai :nl rectifj :nwl.
ry. J I is authority fell sboH ! 1 hat of a ju.
of leiieia. He could not intrH .-r h tip li-

nary jurisdiction &lt;&gt;t the governor &lt;r hU lieutenant,

nor "W veil the audieneia of J (&gt; all(\ved 1

eide iii matters of graver import, but must u\ i &lt;r
instructions to the Jndia CounciL

r riius it was that about the middle of the
1535 the oiclor, Alonso de Maldonado, arriv.
Santiago, and publicly proclaiming in due form the
ohjoet of his \i&gt;it, . jied fifty d; EU9 the limit of

the investigation. No complaints, however, eith

a civil or criminal nature, were pn-ferre.1 against
adelantado; and tlie visitador liavin^ rep I to t
royal coun.-il to that effect, returned to Mexico,
former remarking with much inward sati ion, not
uiiM-a^nned with a litll.- venom, that the oidor had ac-

implished nothing by his v lMt. 16 But tl:
ministers were not satisfied that ju&gt;tice had 1

done; and Maldonado, being ord in the f&lt;&gt;llo\\ i

16 ^ i la cil.dail dr Bfezioo rill haccr cosa ningrin

rid, r.. .s M.^ S., xix. 17. This inv. ..K-l

wit!; .-s JiiJicult of cxplanati"!!. Malaonjuio fl official

re juioiiialinH, ami \\ ore strictly nritluT those of a
a jr. n-sidfin-ia. Tin; k ini iitinnnl in t

niutivc.s of liis visit; yet 1 :hr ol-jn-t of hi-

Tlic (lit;

at any tini- by .^] t of tho

. . n, hut without susj&gt;f:nlin^ r , in tlu; t of hi.- 1 duti.

wliose con&lt;ln&gt; to be investigate i. I .. inijuiry was strictly so.

ami th- had HO DOWer to DMt Mat lli-scfuty. init the

:nal &lt;h-])o&gt;iti.)ns to thu India ( ouncil. Ity \vhi.-h trihunal ju.l^ii!-
passed. T :icia, on the other haml. ;on of a

per.- rm of office; the exuninati

r, ( "I. Doc., ii. .viii. \\\. ]

v itnessen and non-inter \\ith the authoiity of the penoawhoM

1 \\cn-
that to which Vi /awassul

1 nml the names of witnesses disclo-

It may l&gt;e remark. ! that the elr

: val in : .iala as jm-/ &lt;lo ]

fully s:. Alvara Oia-

..rm resiJc-u. . , this bories.

132 ALVARADO S EXPEDITION TO PERU.

October to take Alvarado s residencia in strict form,
returned to Santiago, and on the 10th of May 1536
presented his credentials to the cabildo and took
charge of the government.

At the time of the oidor s arrival the adelantado
was absent on an expedition to Honduras. The con
dition of affairs in this province had now become so
distressful that, as will hereafter be related, the set
tlers were compelled to apply to him for aid. Nor
was the appeal disregarded. He had for some time
been in correspondence, as to an exchange of territory,
with Francisco de Montejo, who, though already
appointed governor of Honduras, was still residing in
Mexico. Could he but gain a foothold there, his
schemes for transcontinental commerce with the Spice
Islands might yet be realized. Nothing definite had
yet been determined; but now that he had an oppor
tunity of rendering a service which would give him
almost a claim to the king s consent to such an
arrangement, he did not hesitate to go to the relief
of the troubled province. There we shall hear of him
again, founding new settlements and infusing fresh life
into a community that was on the very verge of dis
solution.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE ECCLESIASTICS IN Gt IALA.

1529-1541.

] . &gt; MAiiroQriN Ai:; co ITi: is APPOINTED

OoDUD3S5X88 OF THI COLONISTS Tin: I KI:I.AM: INVITES LAS -; TO
Joi [ MABBOQUIN S COHBEORATK &gt; Tin: Cm-ucn AT

i&gt;T&lt;&gt;( 1 A Hi RANK DIFFICULTY ix COLI

TIIKCliriU II TlTlIKS TlIK M. GUATEMALA MlUACf i.

IMACK OF Oru LAI&gt;V &lt;F

V\ iu;x Pedro do Alvarado was laving waste T
fair jn-ovinco of Guatemala with iire and s \vm-d
&lt;!uriiiL .i*ly years of the con&lt;|ii&lt;-&gt;t, lie paid li

I icc( I to the presence of the ]&gt;ri &gt;tly order. One of
tin- Trial s, named J &gt; &lt; iitaz, of whom mention has I
i&lt;&gt;iv been made, took up his abo^le at Our/.-d &gt;,

id there lived in security, instillin nd I.

into the native In-art, 1 while aimthiT, Juan de Toi
for a time at least, lal&gt;ivd in the vineyard m

less circumstances at Patinamit. The spiritual

wants of the Spaniards themselves were mini 1

ly i lie iji-my chaplains and j ai i&gt;li pi But tl

: i--;d &gt;tall was. not lai iriul to tl

welfare even &lt;! the colonists. On tli
N be cabildo of Guatemala repi d

i-(.yal oilir.-rs tliat half the coloni&gt;t&gt;, 1" ii
usualh ! in war, rfi|uin-d th&gt; 9 of th

el dnrin-- their cam; while the population

of i t hat i idi that two i ri. it

-t .ll-ht to l e-id- tin They 1

1 s . i. CSS, this scries.

I U3) .

134 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.

fore, that a suitable number of ecclesiastics and a
sacristan be appointed with fixed salaries, and that the
necessary church furniture and ornaments be supplied.
This demand was made with some urgency, and the
treasurer and auditor were given to understand that,
if it were not complied with, the tithes would be
retained and devoted to that purpose; whereupon his
Majesty s officers declared that they were willing to
grant the tithes for the year then current, but that
future necessities must be provided for in accordance
with the orders of the king.

The spiritual needs of the community were partially
relieved by the arrival, in 1530, of the licentiate
Francisco Marroquin, who accompanied Alvarado on
his return to Guatemala during that year. A few
months later he was appointed to the benefice of
Santiago, and after he had taken the customary oaths
the cabildo assigned to him an annual salary of one
hundred and fifty pesos de oro per annum.

Of patrician birth, and possessing talents of no
common order, the licentiate gave promise during his
early manhood of a useful and honorable career, and
not until in after years he had dwelt long among
communities where lust of power and greed for wealth
permeated all classes of society, did the darker phase
of his character appear. After receiving an educa
tion befitting his rank and ability, he graduated as
professor of theology in the university of Osma, and
\vas ordained a priest. Meeting with Alvarado at the
court of Spain, he was so impressed with his glowing
descriptions of the marvels of the New World that he
requested permission to accompany him on his return
to Guatemala. On arriving at Santiago he at once
assiduously applied himself to the study of the native
languages, and soon became especially proficient in the
Quiche tongue. 2 Marroquin s appointment was con-

2 Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first to apply the system
of studying that language to the Indian dialects. He translated the Catholic
catechism into Quiche". Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 150.

iii-d ly tin- hidiop of M-\i &lt;, hy \vjnun ])

ie provi - :id vi neral of 1 he provic

sin the /. ;il ;iltd rapacity \\ith which |

th&lt;&gt; spiritual and material Deedfi k that in

1533 llf v. ppoint.-d 1.;. of

Guai !a. In 1 ). &lt;-ciii ! follmvii.

appointment was confirmed by his holiness Paul III. ;

Th&lt;&gt; chid anxiety of the nc\\]y appoint .1 ] .
\\as to provide ;i snllicicnl nninh.-r of eccl

the requirements of his extensive dio&lt;v J hr

Jar prir.sts residing in (jluatcinal;i at this period ,

lia\ en \\ inadequate to il. ;-k of c&lt;n-

-i&lt;n whidi IK.- contemplated, and lie i\At th

. of aid from tlmsr of thu c.-tahli.-hcd

widest] who first came, a few friars had, in&lt;
visited thv province, hut found thm- a&lt; ;il&gt;idiiii;--ila-
Jn I. or possibly at an earlier d -onv

i oundrd near Santiago l&gt;y the Dominican friar, i

mingode Betanzos/who navell. d on foot iVom ^1

8 (, Ddvila, Tcalra ; i. 1 {-J. Tc .&lt;la mentions that

CO .Jimenez, one of the IL 1 t, an - ivcl in _\

,;&lt;:d the fi; i. l.iit &lt;!&lt;-. -lined tlie position

lo humildc. . .tic

lula dated MuylM, 1. .at a bishop had

;it that, dali . I

cm] I o dc B&lt;

: 1 to accept t&lt; T, tlic mitn- rwjuin

of Alvarado. 1 [ * . (

MS., ii. ::.". 1 7 hull cunliniiin^ the \&gt;. [&gt;oiiitui

jninti &lt;l in I in.

Vazquez rela&et thai Toribio Motolinia, n Torqr.

.\th of the first 1 J I
;ionso: . but this i ;1. Accor

:- nick-r ho j,r I l&gt;apti/&lt; d ;.:

namit in Ioth iron.

that &gt; in M- me during J.

, ami was a! on tl

same o ion. / . :i / /., K&gt;4t-t .-&lt;.( Ji tfno4

:ia. Consult

., i. ]&gt;p. xlv.-eliii. Aco
1 &gt; louii . iii. -1

6 In 1 \ lu g to (i \vho s a hos; \as

i at the sa

u in this in;. 1 in

quc&t of Ah.. a hi.s i

i in. 11 "&lt;-!.. L hi/df

136 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.

with a single companion. At the beginning of the fol
lowing year however he was recalled, and as there
was no one of his order qualified by rank to take his
place he locked up the building and intrusting the
keys to the padre Juan Godinez retraced his steps.

Thus Marroquin was left to contend almost alone
with the idolatry of the natives and the godlessness
of the colonists. The work was difficult and progress
slow. The settlers were too absorbed in other matters,
in house-building, gambling, and drinking, to give
much heed to religion. The church was unattended,
the church rates were unpaid, and the neglect became
so general that eventually laws were passed to enforce
due observance of religious rites. In May 1530 it
was publicly cried in the streets of Santiago that, by
order of the governor and the cabildo, all the artisans
of the city must, on the day of Corpus Christi, walk
in procession before the holy sacrament, as was cus
tomary in Spain. The penalty for non-compliance was
fixed at thirty pesos, one half of the amount being
assigned to the church and the remainder to the city.
In February 1533 a law was passed making attendance
at divine service compulsory, every citizen being re
quired to attend mass on Sunday, under penalty of
three days imprisonment or the payment of three pesos
de oro. This measure of course served but to widen
the breach between the bishop and his flock, and in
June of the same year we learn that the regidor
Antonio de Salazar stated to the cabildo, that there
were no means of paying Marroquin the stipend allot
ted to him. Notwithstanding all discouragements,
however, he resolved that the settlers should not lack
for spiritual guidance.

At the beginning of the year 1536 Bartolome de
Las Casas was residing at Leon, there engaged in a
controversy with Rodrigo de Contreras, the governor
of Nicaragua, the story of which will hereafter be
related. In 1531 he had passed through Santiago on
his way to the South Sea ; and Marroquin had then

1 A 137

an i unit; of 1

If of In&lt; In eommo! ;h t!

enlightened &lt;&gt;f the &lt;-&lt;&gt;l&lt;;n : would lain li; :

d him iij) his abode in their midst. But I.

bound on &lt;

! hoiiL^li liis -lined t&gt; pn&gt;ve I utilr.

Jb journeying toward Peru, armed with

!ul;i forbidding the conquerors in that land, and all
their followers, to deprive tin- n;, 3 of their li!
under any pr wh r. No entreaties could

induce him to abandon his undertaking, and embark-

ing at Realejo he reached his destination at the end

of the year. There, what man could do, lie did; but

h were the political disturbances then prevailing

that his efforts were lost. Urged by memb

own order, he reluctantly abandoned the iield and

u n ied to Nicaragua.

To him tin- prelate now applied for aid, represent!

th&lt; *, need of a larger force of -siastie&lt;. and b
^ m^ him to come to Santiago and ivopeu th
convent. The invitation v. !. and Las (

with his fellow Dominicans established their order
permanently in Guatemala.

But Marroquin was not yet satisfied, Atthi ly
period in hi reer he was an enthusiast in t

^c, and he now resolved to &lt;_:&lt;&gt; to S

nice of the emperor. I&gt;ut iirst lie nr
&gt; consecration, and on the 12th of January
:7 he s.-t forth for Mexien, \\1 about t\

inonilis l;iier, th* 4 ceremony, the 1 n-st of the kind t 1

d in the Indies, was conducted with due .solem
nity and splendor. 8

The hi- 3 labors were now directed to tli-

\ of the parish church of San &gt; to cathedral

ik. 1 Ie therelbl e proceeded t Ul-

tion and compl bablishmei diocese in

su consagracion con ost rno aparato, ossi por ser la

Erir: la ma^:

5 C-

138 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.

accordance with the commission granted to him by
Paul III. He prescribed that the dignitaries of the
church should include a dean, an archdeacon, a pre
centor, a chancellor, and a treasurer. He established
ten canonries and six prebendaries. He defined the
church revenues; ordained that preferment to minor
benefices should be open to those born in the country,
whether of Spanish or native race, and that the
appointments to them should pertain to the bishop.
Divine services were to be celebrated in the manner
observed in the cathedral of Seville. Prebendaries
were to have a vote in the chapters, and these were
to be held on Tuesdays and Fridays. On Tuesdays
general church matters were to be discussed, and on
Fridays internal discipline was to be considered. 7

When on the point of departing for Spain, the
bishop was advised by his friends that the journey
would be attended with great risk; for already the
North Sea was infested with pirates, and a large
number of Spanish vessels had been captured by
French corsairs. Moreover the expenses he had in
curred in Mexico had drawn heavily on his slender
purse, and he did not wish to return to his native
country wholly destitute of means. Resolving there
fore to abandon his voyage, he forwarded his power
of attorney to Juan Galvarro, the procurador of San
tiago at the court of Spain, instructing him to send to
Guatemala a number of ecclesiastics and to pay their
passage and outfit. He also addressed a letter to the
emperor/ informing him of the great need of mis
sionaries, and stating that he had asked aid both from

7 R/emesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was signed, Episcopvs
Gvactemalensis.

8 Ar6valo, Col, Doc. Antifj., 182-5; Marroquin al Emperador, in Cartas de
Indicts, 413-14. The bishop s signature, in his letters addressed to the em
peror from 1537 to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537,
he signs himself Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis; on August 15,
1539, Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis; on August 10 and November 25, 1541,
Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis; r and on June 4, 1545, and September 20, 1547,
Episcopus Cuachutemallensis. Cartas de Indias, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443,
450.

ORGANIZATION or Tin: i&gt;io,

M&lt; bo I )omh. ,ut li;td i

although it had lioen promi-ed.

.During ili. ly part of the Charles had al-

ppointed th Ip-dml pi Mar

quin remarks that his Maj !iatl in

matter, and n- uffieientlv COL

those who had so long shared with himself tin- la!
of supporting the church at Santiago. Tl he &lt;!
da it would be unreasonable for him bo dism:

UL; h he is at a loss to conje&lt; whence the \\

port his diocese would le derived. ]! well
the pcrvci .-o temper of the colmi&gt;ts and tlieir
antagonism to the cause of the church. N ln-1-

he forwarded to the calnldo a pr&lt;&gt;\ i-in limn! him
l&gt;y viceroy Mnid&lt;i/;i ordering the church titln &lt;

which were usually paid in kind to be delivered ly tin;
s direct to the hishrp at places wh- lue

In- ival and available. 9 His mind was lull i
as to the manner in which this regulation w&lt;&gt;uld
i ived ly the encomenderos. r Fhe tone "f !

indicates misgiving, united with a rare spi

ion, and he appeal s rather as a pleader than

a claimant for his ri^ln "Y"it will

what is &lt;lue in a ]&gt;i &lt;])er manner: if not, I com
mand that no scandal he rai- d ahotitit."

N-r were his apprehensions unfounded.

in Guatemala \ a still-i; le. Tl.

uld not go to church, and they did no1 iiil&lt;-nd that
delivery of the till, hotild cost them anythi

if they could avoid it. Tl id no; spare

Indian- to carry thei ice of many

pjiointed. The hi&gt;hop nm

.em. ;iid not the ee . d

the provi; .md they did not Bee tl (her i i&gt;d or

* The tit :.l in kind, \V&lt;TP of lit unless --e&lt;l at

1 c I y the ; .in a

co and
. ii. l i

Uiug of tl. :an con

todo aiuui- y vuluuta.l. Ai

140 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.

the emperor had any claim upon it. The cabildo
immediately appealed to the viceroy, and meeting
with no sympathy in that quarter addressed them
selves directly to the emperor. 11 Their representa
tions gained for them some concessions, whereupon
they pressed the matter further and protested against
paying tithes at all. Though the bishop was now at
a loss whither to turn to obtain the means for carry
ing out his various plans, he none the less labored
with unceasing perseverance, 12 and on his return to
Guatemala, at the end of 1537, brought \vith him two
friars of the order of Merced, Juan Zambrano and
Marcos Perez Dardon. 13

After the conquest of Mexico, certain members of
this order obtained the royal permission to proceed to
the newly discovered countries for certain charitable
purposes. When the subjugation was completed many
of them settled in towns built by the Spaniards, but
no convent of their order existed in New Spain at
a very early date. To Bishop Marroquin they are
indebted for the establishment of their first monastery
in North America. This was founded in 1537 14 at
Ciudad Real in Chiapas, and in the following year
frailes Zambrano and Dardon organized a similar
institution in Santiago.

When, as will be hereafter told, the city of San
tiago was almost destroyed by inundation in 1541,
the friars of La Merced, then six in number, were

11 Arcvalo, Col. Doc. Anttg., 14.

12 The bishop s humility and pardonable boastfulness are sometimes a little
striking. Speaking of the provision for the delivery of the tithes, he says:
Sino se pierde por mis deme ritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que
los demas perlados, que en estas indias al presente residen. Id., 184.

13 During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests in America this order
took no active part. A few individuals, however, found their way to the new
world, among whom was Bartolom&lt;5 de Olmeclo, who accompanied Cortes to
Mexico. li&mesal, Hist. Clujapa., 148.

14 On March 17, 1538, according to Gonzalez, Ddvlla, Tcatro Edes., i. 144.
Remesal states that the convent was not formally organized until a year or
two later, and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th of
August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens wished to assist in
the building and furnishing of a convent and church for the use of the order.
Hist. Cliyapa, 148. There is some doubt as to the exact date.

141

compelled for a time to remain . ruii;

&lt;I&lt; (I city, for such was the indil

tiers thai no land \ I to them in tl.

I lm&lt;rn. i inally, thror of t !

bishop, an all nt v&gt; d, and in t! 11

of their new convent they A &lt;1 1

the Dominicans who trai;

tli -i. al of tiif Indian towns under th

1 rom tliis time they inciva-ed in number, gradually
extended the iield of their labors in &lt; and

having disti i :ird tln.-ni by the Lislmj) \,

d in alter years to found convents in various
pans of the country."

In the church of their order at Santiago v &lt;n

in. "f Our Lady of La M&lt; !, for which miracu
lous properties \\ere claimed. The story tated

in &lt;ioeiinients in the archives of the oonvenl

Hows: As a westward-bound \ ! was about to sail
I roui the ]&gt; rt of Sanla ^lai ia in S[)ain, a &gt;n

dt I in the ^arb of a traveller apj d the

tt, and placing in his hands a closed box ehar^vd
him t&gt; deliver it unopened to the superior of the con-
vi-nt in (Guatemala. r J l ~[x-ct and bearii
man imjiressed the seaman, and he faithfully d:

I the conimiion. On receiving tl
tl. ipc-rior carri.-d it to the chuivli, accompanied by

th- friars, and having opened it in their pr

v was disclosed. Great v, j&lt;&gt;ic-

ii: \pectcd boon; but their ha]

mplete when they markecl the divin- ity -

the conntenaiKv. and prre.-ived that an exquisite iVa-

d from the holy im
beir nnmbur notierd that I rom a wound in th- lit

Md Inid oo/ed. Divine manifestation \.

I cc ._.-! li/t-d, and many the atilicted W(
their i\\ by the application of the ich

144-8;

I jleslaay to* dc .

,&lt;/ ., i

142 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.

Domingo Juarros may be considered the leading Guatemalan historian of
modern times. He was born in the old city of Guatemala in 1752, and died
in 1820. He wrote very fully on the subjugation of his country by the con
querors. Although his work is called the history of Guatemala city, it gives
in reality the history of all Central America, and provides lists of all promi
nent officials, civil and ecclesiastical, and biographical notices of leading men,
whether soldiers, priests, or rulers. The first volume treats of geography,
settlements, church matters, and the history of Guatemala city. The second
is devoted to the ancient records of the country, its conquest and settlement.
The author was a secular presbyter and synodal examiner, and quite an
able and intelligent man. His connection with the clergy and his rank gave
him access to both ecclesiastical documents and government records. His
work is full and clear, and displays considerable research, but unfortunately
he follows Fuentes too closely, and this latter author s partiality to the con
querors renders him too biassed to be faithful as an historian. Yet Juarros
frequently displays compassion for the Indians, is always ready to retract an
error when he detects himself making one, and is ever cautious against dog
matic assertion. He draws largely from Remesal and Vazquez, and quotes
several other of the earlier authorities ; but strangely enough, while mention
ing the manuscripts of Gonzalo de Alvarado and Bernal Diaz, and of writers
in the Quiche^, Cakchiquel, and Pipil tongues, he does not allude to Alvarado s
letters to Cort6s. This omission, and his numerous direct disagreements with
Alvarado s own statements, lead to the inference that neither Juarros nor
Fuentes consulted these despatches. Juarros work is remarkably free from
church bias. Though a priest he censures undue zeal or carelessness on the
part of friars. Miracles receive attention, however, and so do stories of
giants and other marvels. His arrangement with regard to the order of
events is bad, and the want of logical sequence gives the work an appear
ance of incompleteness. The first edition was published in Guatemala by
Don Ignacio Betela, and the two volumes appeared respectively in 1808 and
1818. A later issue was published in the same city in 1857. J. Baily trans
lated the first publication into English, in a slightly abridged form, which
was issued in London \&gt;y John Hearne in 1823. In this edition omissions and
inaccuracies may be noticed.

Francisco Vazquez, the author of the Chronica de la Provincia del Santis-
simo Nobre de Jesvs de Gvatemala, was a friar of the Franciscan order, retired
lecturer, calificador del Santo Oficio, and synodal examiner in the diocese of
Guatemala. His work was published in the city of Guatemala in 1714, and
according to the title-page and preface there was, or was to have been, a second
volume, consisting of two books, the existing one containing three. This
work, which is rare, although mainly devoted to chronicling petty details of the
labors of obscure friars, throws much light upon the early history of Guate
mala during the conquest and subsequently down to the end of the sixteenth
century. The author, having had access to the city archives at the early
date at which he wrote, was able to avail himself of documents which have
since disappeared. Fortunately he quotes such evidence frequently, thus
enabling the historian to establish historical facts which otherwise, in the face
of conflicting assertions of chroniclers unsupported by evidence, he would be

JOO VA/nCEZ.

has Q] much material from

him little or ; lit, \v! essly exposes his re

Kiippos. The jeal u-hieh , between the Krai. and

cause of th: . irness. In 1;

;;h-T prot.-is that, when I ms of praise to any who

.-lory, he i&gt; but gi vis.

will hardly apply to his adulation of Alvarado and other conquerors, and
of their actions. It easy to find in the &lt; lore,

: or secular, an uneoniproinMng champion of t &gt;nduct, in fa.

the reliable and TI oof the erueltiMpimotiMdbj them. JM

of the conquerors he a.sserts that the vices and &lt;;n .fa few were at 1 .

:id without one symptom for tlie natives, inaint

that their refusal to receive the faith was the cause of the incessant v.
On this subject h&lt; s: " It causes me much pain, disgust, and aiilirtion to

!&gt;ooks which attempt, with artificial piety, to ; ;:s that the

Indians M ere innocent and inoil*&lt; I that the Christians A

, it being certain that these races while in a condition of p;&gt;

iitehers than Llood-thirsty wolves, more cruel than lamia-, har-
an-1 infernal furies, and, were it not for subjection and fear, t .ul&lt;l

ier have become Christians nor now remain so." 5 .-on-

taint d in his work is badly arranged; the sentences drawn out

:h, a fault which, in addition to a lack of proper punctuation, renders tho
recital of facts frequently confusing. Information of the neighboring provi:
can, in a less degree, be obtained from this volun.

CHAPTER IX.

AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.
1527-1536.

DIEGO MENDEZ DE HINOSTROSA APPOINTED LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR SALCEDO
RETURNS TO TRUJILLO His OFFICE USURPED BY VASCO DE HERRERA
DEATH OF SALCEDO THREE RIVAL CLAIMANTS FOR THE GOVERNORSHIP
EXPEDITIONS TO THE NACO AND JUTIGALPA VALLEYS DIEGO MENDEZ
CONSPIRES AGAINST HERRERA ASSASSINATION OF THE LATTER A REIGN
OF TERROR ARREST AND EXECUTION OF THE CONSPIRATOR ARRIVAL OF
GOVERNOR ALBITEZ AT TRUJILLO His DEATH ANDRES DE CERECEDA
AT THE HEAD OF AFFAIRS DISTRESS OF THE SPANIARDS EXODUS OF
SETTLERS FROM TRUJILLO THEY ESTABLISH A COLONY IN THE PROVINCE
OF ZULA CERECEDA APPEALS FOR AID TO PEDRO DE ALVARADO HE is
ROUGHLY USED BY HIS OWN FOLLOWERS ALVARADO ARRIVES IN HON
DURAS HE FOUNDS NEW SETTLEMENTS His DEPARTURE FOR SPAIN.

WHEN Salcedo set out for the Freshwater Sea,
hoping to gain possession of the province of Nica
ragua an expedition which, it will be remembered,
resulted only in his humiliation and imprisonment 1 - -his
lieutenant, Francisco de Cisneros, left in charge of the
government with a force entirely insufficient to uphold
his authority, was overpowered by his enemies, and
for a time anarchy prevailed throughout Honduras.
Captain Diego Mendez de Hinostrosa, despatched by
Salcedo from Leon to quell the rebellion, succeeded in
restoring order, but only for a time. Before many
months had elapsed Diego Mendez was placed under
arrest and the regidor Vasco de Herrera appointed in
his stead. The new ruler, of whom it is related that,
being guilty of sedition, he had fled from Spain to avoid
punishment, soon gave the settlers cause to repent of

1 See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 606, this series.

iVAL

I i M tiist tind

! be ( Mancho Valley, \vl withoi; 1
made war on !napp d and

ir sul.j: Mini returned with tin-. ip-

loj

In i lary I.VJ;&gt; ! , Trujillo.

Before his departure i mm \i; i In; i it his

to Spain, to just ify he fore (he emperor hi
duct in the di- ith IVdrarias. hut

only h\ &gt;rimand tor his cruel

Shattered in health and ! :i in

:rit, lie did not ventu 6 tin- iisui ju-i 1 IV

ntt-ntcd liiinsrli \vit !

of Diego ]\Icndt z, who at once J rinii-

nal complaint against Ilcrivivi and his accompli -

endeavoring to please &gt; tli p.-n-t i-s p;

arrest of tli&lt;- aer ill-^-.-d, hut im pun-

ishniciit on the wron^-dorr II

Jed io the audit Micia of 1 \inaiiKi, and I )
a \vait i-d an opportunity tor ;

liii: meanwhile to ho lui^-ly d\^ d with t

rnor s pusillanimity.
To app the popular discontent the

promi-cd to conduct tin- Val!

\\] -h gold-mines were lnTi* \-cd I t. r ! i

c-xpfdition was d lon-j h- 1

liotlii Tin hv 8Uch an und : hut at 1

moved by the clamor of tl and th nin;^

, who intornicd liiin that th- p &lt;&gt;pl W
in i for revolt, he or I pr. 1"

. ( &gt;in- hundred and twenty

with a ntiniher of na :-nt l i&gt;r \ he

mines \. in readine w to emha It in

tio: I^iei tod, ( ahallos. aii&lt;l ?

inland a di&gt;: of t \v.

u. I he journe\- was t" jomplished

B in ord&lt; f that the nati

ith him t tliosi-

d(.d in (1

Ills AM. VOL. II. 10

146 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

spared the fatigue of a long overland march, and,
to create the impression that they were no longer to
be maltreated, orders were given that the branding-
irons be destroyed. But before Salcedo had time to
give further proof of his humane intentions, his death
occurred at Trujillo on the 3d of January 1530, 3 and
the proposed expedition was deferred.

There were now three rival claimants for the gov
ernorship- -the treasurer Andres de Cereceda, who
a few months before the governor s decease had been
nominated as his successor, and also appointed guardian
to his infant son; Herrera, who, though he held no

/ / O

valid claim to the office/ had the support of the regi-
dores; and finally Diego Mendez, who urged that the
authority conferred on him by Salcedo at Leon had
never yet been legally revoked. Cereceda, knowing
that he had the good wishes of all peaceably disposed
colonists, demanded his recognition from the cabildo,
but was strenuously opposed by Herrera and his
faction. After much wrangling it was finally agreed
to submit the matter to arbitration ; and it was decided
that the two should rule conjointly, with the condition
that the latter should hold the keys of the royal
treasury. Arrangements were also made for a parti
tion of the late governor s property; and each bound
himself by oath not to lay his cause before the author
ities in Spain. Meanwhile Diego Mendez was silenced
with threats of death and confiscation of property. 5
Thus for a time a truce w^as declared between the
rival factions; but Cereceda had neither the firmness
nor the capacity to oppose his colleague, and soon

3 It is stated that Salcedo s death was caused by a sore on one of his legs,
and by the rough treatment received while imprisoned at Leon; but his friends
nspected that he had been poisoned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

4 The only document which Herrera could produce in support of his claim
was a memorandum without date , signature, or witness. The appointment
of Cereceda, on the other hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12
witnesses. Ccrezcda, Cart. a, in Pquier sMSS., xx. 3-5. See also Oviedo, iii. 192.

5 Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night and severely
wounded at the entrance of his house. He would have been killed had not
e ome of his friends come to his assistance. Cerezcda, Carta, in Squier s MSS.,
xx. 4, 5; Oviedo, iii. 193.

ffAttoa POI

! in nil thin;&gt; &gt; to his will. i in fix- &lt;

i he slaves which belonged
-n, 1 Herrera demanded for hims&lt; IT the

li(! impelled fin- child s guardian i

only to couM-nt, hut t&gt; ts -alii that he would not
the matter to tin- empt-mi Ka.-h, h- r.

red that the other mi;_dii Telly d&lt; &lt;-h 1&lt;

to Spain. A ship then happened to he lyin^ at Ti
jillo ready for an&lt;l( 1 ! ;. u-jirrtin^ tliat his

rival \vmild &gt;ciid dcspaldn s, onlm-d all h

ihdrawn. il&lt;- was outwitted, however, hy

his inoiv a-tutc colleague^ ir a caravel which arri\

in port during the same ni^-ht w,-, unknown

. and her sails transferred to the other vessel,

Avhirli immediately set ,^ail for Sj&gt;ain. ( . da,

openly charged the trick upon Herrera, who of eon

,ntly denied it. The event proved that tl
ship earned letters from the cahildo, recommending

Jlcrrera s appoini ineiit as sole ruler, together wit!
missive iVoin Jlenvra himself, in which he claimed
that he had rendered ^ood service to the crown and
liad only admitted a rollea^ue in order to prevent dis
cord and riot. Moreover he repres&lt; I the allairs
of tin- province in a most i-ivorahle li^ ht, Mating that
the mines were din^ly i-i( h and aski -r ships

and supplies with which to complete the \pl;ration
oi the territory and inoiv 1 nlly develop its ,

The proposed expedition had meanwhile l&gt;een &lt;
itched to the Xaco X alley, and a settlement iotmded

there named Nne-tra Sefioradela Encarnaciort A

jiar(y of sixty men, under the command of Captain

&gt;1 that
i un!a\\ tally nl was

ition. ird the boy died, and ..a.sdi\;

&lt;1 hiuisi If liy sayinu that ! -i\ en his con-

in tin . Consent i &lt; ^e lo

&lt;JU&gt;- ;i si fi, , nd&lt;&gt; ID &lt;J^ &gt;r 8O8C-

j_ .-i]li..s i ( |u.- no al-

r^ sliDi: .,inc Upon

.0.

148

AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

Alonso Ortiz, had also taken possession of the valley
of Jutigalpa,some twelve leagues distant from Trujillo,
a region of which the governor remarks in his letter
that " there is no river or ravine where gold does not
abound." The natives of the latter district gathered
their crops, and removing all their provisions fled to
the mountains, there to await the effect of starva
tion on the Spaniards. Ortiz, however, sent messen
gers assuring them that he came not to make w^ar but
to settle peaceably in their midst, and by kind treat
ment induced them to return to their habitations, thus

HONDURAS.

affording one of those rare instances where the com
mander of a military expedition forbore to enslave or
plunder the natives who fell into his power.

Although Herrera and his partisans now held
almost undisputed control at Trujillo, they were far
from being satisfied with the situation. They well
knew that their old enemy, Diego Mendez, was await
ing revenge; while Cereceda, though quietly watching
the course of events, was ready for action when the
proper moment should arrive. Their greed for wealth
and lust of power had brought them into disrepute

8 Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

liLOODV !

all the C pt the

&gt;D, and i ceri iin im-mlnTs of

ninii 1 amon^ their enemie Fearii

ild Invak out into open

pp abandon Trujillo and e-taMi.di in

tin- province a new and indopeud&lt; lony. (

knowing th; :ch a i. ire \v&lt;uld he i atal to I

-perity of th dement, strove to jn- ly

enci lura^ in^ intermarriage I-t ween t ; milies &lt;/! \

rival (Tnjui ^ and divid i a ]&gt;&lt;&gt;rt;&lt;&gt;n of

ihc slaves which had i alli-n to liis &gt;}\i\ di\i-

Salrrdo s pro} irri

A revolt ^ hirh occurred ahout a ; d.

am "f the &lt;-aci([u.- Peyzacura, afford

II ri an opportunity to carry out his intention.
Th&lt;- I ndians of this disii-ict were employed in working

tain mines not iar distant i roin Trujillo, and I
Ion-- endured their honda^v without murmur, l.ut t

o o

ot their taskmasters, who, "with one f Q the

stiri U])," as Ovi-do tells us, "ready to ahandon the
jn oviin-- iredonly to enrich themsd\ .-dily

it length drove them to ivh.-llion.
era! Spaniards were murdered, and as t! i 1 ec-

tioi )ii spread thi ou-Ji tlie adj. inin ry, it

became necessar) despatch i

re order. An expedition was prepared of which
I I trrera insi i taking i-\i: . inviting h:

&lt;-ia nd all others who .- inclined to join him,

enroll themsel : md. r his command. A feelii,
of discontent and umv&gt;t ji-r\-adi &lt;l th&gt; inniuni:
and many of the leading olni&gt;ts -atherin^ t
th in theii I- t \\ ith tlm go\ I &gt;ut

instead of marchi insi the hM i! !; I

Ilowers to the territory of a fi iendl in.

morality hat m

!. In commenting on the rmli:

ir l-.s i mport.. ;irte

it-mas por cl :. o se

,\. 7.

150 AFFAIRS IX HONDURAS.

and there for several months they wasted their time
and substance in revelry and ostentatious display,
leaving Trujillo unprotected and the rebels unpun
ished.

Meanwhile Diego Mendez had not been idle. Soon
after Herrera s departure it chanced that Cereceda
was called away from Trujillo, and taking advantage
of the absence of both governors he presented himself
before the cabildo* and demanded that some means be
devised for protecting the province against the evil
effect of their divided authority. Both rulers were
notified of this measure on their return to the settle
ment. Cereceda gave no heed to the matter, knowing
that it was not intended to affect himself, but Herrera
at once accused his old adversary of plotting against
him, and induced the cabildo to forbid him, under pain
of death, to make a second appeal. But Diego Men
dez had already won over many of the most powerful
adherents of his opponent, and resolved on yet more
decisive action. Having regained the certificate as
lieutenant-governor, which had been given to him by
Salcedo, and taken from him upon his arrest at Tru
jillo, 10 he boldly appeared a second time before the
cabildo, and claimed recognition of his office. Her
rera now caused sentence of death to be pronounced
against his rival, who thereupon took refuge in the
church. After some attempt at negotiation, which
terminated only in mutual abuse, the governor threat
ened to disregard the right of sanctuary, and eject
him by force.

But the administration of Vasco de Herrera was
drawing to a close. By promise of reward to those who
should join his cause, Diego Mendez had secured the
alliance of at least forty of the citizens of Trujillo,
while the former could muster but twenty or thirty
men, most of his followers being engaged in quelling

10 The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by the cabildo, and
deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who, being an enemy to Herrera, was
easily induced to return it to its owner. Cerezeda, Carta, in Sguier s M$S. t
xx. 15-18. See also Oviedo, iii. 198.

n: T.

in 1 he ( Haneho Yall

l"ii;_ i alive, id tl

ilvcd lo . him. \Yitliin tl

nvh the conspir. m-i 1 &gt;y ;

:id on a Sunday . 1 ii&lt;- Slli of &lt; )(

1 53 1 . ;d&gt;out two hour-, into the

puhlic s&lt;juar&lt;\ and In^aii &gt;h&lt; nit in^ t h

la, who as yet liad no ini oi i he p

at his own dwelling in consultation with certain &lt;

iVi: to the he&gt;t mean- of harmony in

the province and reuniting the

i be noise th&lt; ized i h&lt; .-nid, h,-;

to th&lt;i plaxa, were met with cri&lt;

the kin;/ and his rliirf-just ir- who OOm&lt;

: a passage thron^li tlie ci-owd l-li-

]!( i lyin- woimdod iroin a d r-thrn^t in liis

side, while round his neck tin: ral&gt;Ui h;nl fast :
rojM/, ! ..! purpose of dragging him through th)

The rnor and hi- COmp mioi - i&gt; re i
to a place of safety; but lie wa8 1" \ ond h.uin id,
and in a few hours he lnvath-d hi.- la&gt;t \\il.hin ;
walls of the &gt;anetuary from which h&lt; t thr- ;

a f lorth liis rival to execution. The nml) v.

n oi\!cr"(l to disp. hut refused to &lt; it-

HIL;- "J^on;^ livr the kin- and the communif ;
idiiiL; liim^elt unalile in eoiit i-.l t IK- ri.

i to slioxv B of ho&gt;(il .ward him^-lf,

( !a made ]i\&lt; escape, though wi inch d,

cuhy, and aur-mpted to regain his lmus,. : hut was in-

hy J )i Mende/. \\ ho, ai ined with la;

r, di-manded his &lt;\\ -j, lition as li- ul.-n-

,&lt;&gt;\ rnor. 1 Ie refused bo listen to him. u h &gt;n

itt. i 1 , who was on borsebackj h;invd h:
on explaining that he had CODE

his luwt ul ruler, hut againsl a i\ rant, v, h

oilier and d.Ti. d i he law. As h-

V; ! [ez, :

sin-rounded h\ &gt;f ri

a threatening attitude. Now, for the firsi time dur-

152 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

ing his administration, Cereceda displayed a little
firmness, and still refused to grant to the assassin the
office which he claimed at the point of the dagger.
Many of the by-standers then urged that Cereceda be
at once put to death in order to avoid all future dan
ger. Seeing that his life was in peril, he replied to
Diego Mendez, "What I request of you, sir, and I ask
it as a favor, is that you let the matter rest until to
morrow, that it may be decided what is best to be
done for the interests of his Majesty." He was then
allowed to retire to his dwelling.

The leader of the revolt construed this vague an
swer into a full concession of his authority, and array
ing himself in the habiliments of the man whose corpse
lay yet warm in the church of Trujillo, he paraded the
streets at the head of his ruffian gang, and on the fol
lowing day, over the grave of his murdered victim,
bid defiance to the governor, telling him to discharge
the members of the cabildo and appoint reliable men
in their place. Fearing to provoke an attack by
gathering an armed force around him, Cereceda re
turned to his house, accompanied by a single friend.
During the night he sent a letter to Diego Diaz, a
brother of Vasco de Herrera, then engaged in quell
ing the insurrection in the Olancho Valley, informing
him of what had transpired, but in language so care
fully worded that, if his letter were intercepted by
his enemies, they would find nothing on which to base
a charge against him. The usurper meanwhile threat
ened to hang all who refused to obey him, and summon
ing into his presence the caciques of the tribes which
had been enslaved by Herrera, demanded their sub
mission.

On the following day Cereceda ordered the cabildo
to assemble in secret at his own residence, in order
to devise, if possible, some means of bridging over the
present crisis. None could offer any practicable
suggestion; but it was remarked by one of the
regidores that, since Diego Mendez refused to obey

CAPTIVITY OF (

the . uld be advisah!

| I- the ollieo nj lid

AVhil t in ion, tlic chief of the c

informed l&gt;y li; Juldo had been .

veiled, presented himself at tin- In

hand ;nil demand dmittano Tl

not coura r refuse, and the meeting soon ;

broh accomplished nothing.

Die _&gt;;o Aleudez now unfolded tin- royal stand in

thr ]Hilli- MjiiMiv. and cnnqu llcd the ],. &gt; s\v

allegiance to liini as th&lt;/ir lawful nilr-i-. JI-
a 1 ! tl licts issued by Hen-era and Cerec ico

lli death &lt;&gt;[ Salcedo illeiral, and enjoined tli
Iroin exercising authority. He dissolved the cal.il.
appointed new memlx r&gt; iVm tin- i of liis o-

rtisans, &lt;&gt;l&gt;taincd j)os&gt;c-&gt;ion of all the hooks and
l, i]er&lt; belonging to the municipality, and i.,k the
&gt;ath of office. He then sei/-d the r in \vhich

tin- appointment of Salcedo and the nomination
hi&gt; successor had hren ivcnrded, iinpi isned thcro;.
notai v. and hid him, undrr threat of tortui
the I appointment invalid; hut to tlie civdit of

that oilirial it is recorded that h&lt;

Qttplianc l- ii .-illy he ordeivd the an-e&gt;t of the

governor; l&gt;ut through the int iitioii of Iri -i
allowed him to ivmain a jii-i-oin-r at his own lion
in whi-h, rdi.-ved of his shackles, 1

niiiied. Such was the dread and an\
!a iliat, &lt; luring his &lt;-a])t ivity, which lasted thii
en days, it i&lt; related that his hair and heard turned
from a glOSSy Mack to silxcry v. hi;

I iorc the an-ival of Cereceda s n n

emiary de&gt;j, ;l t ched hy 1 )ie--o ^Imdex arrived at I

era lo q

;

: Reyaoi s^oos m.-.l ! f

cseribuno, t^iic yu lo di_;o a^bi." U

154 AFFAIRS IN HONDUBAS.

Olancho Valley and with little difficulty persuaded
the followers of Diego Diaz, who were already disaf
fected toward their commander, to join the standard
of the usurper. Finding himself thus deserted by his
men, the latter at once returned to Trujillo, intending
to claim the right of sanctuary; but was arrested
while dismounting at the church door, by six armed
men stationed there for that purpose. .

At length Cereceda and his officials, finding that
their pusillanimity was bringing them into general
disfavor, resolved to strike a decisive blow against
their common enemy. Their partisans were secretly
assembled, and among them were found eighteen loyal
and resolute citizens, who swore to arrest the pretender
or die in the attempt. It was resolved that the effort
be made at once, before those of the opposite faction could
be apprised of it, and on the same night, after a sharp
struggle, in which half of the governor s men were
wounded 1 and one of their opponents killed, Diego
Mendez was captured, and on the following day sen
tenced to be beheaded and quartered. Most of the
conspirators were then induced by offer of pardon to
return to their allegiance, but though their lives were
spared, they were punished by loss of office, imprison
ment, or confiscation of property. Two of the leading
accomplices, who had been present at the assassina
tion of Herrera, 13 fled from the city, and with the
assistance of some of the natives made their escape to
a small island near the coast; but returning to Tru
jillo some two months later, on hearing of Cereceda s
clemency, took refuge in the church, wdience they
were dragged forth to execution by order of the gov
ernor.

On receiving news of the seditious tumults which

12 Oerezcda, Carta, in Squier s MSS., xx. 39. Ovieclo, iii. 207, says that
only seven were wounded. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. x. , mentions but four.

13 Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que did la pufialada al Vasco de
Herrera 6 Ic echo la soga al cuello, con la que fiie" despues ahorcado el mal-
fechor; y el otro Alonso Vazquez, alcalde 6 capitan de la guarda del tirano.
Oviedo, iii. 208.

r.m.i
had BO 1 I!

ruler of tin- province ( .in

) :i oilierr who had d ,d

in many a hard-fought h,r with
Th vrrnor arrived olf the . with 1

on tin- 29th of ( October I 532, hut his -hi;

driven on shore l.y a &gt;torm, when six I. .111

port, and tliirly of those on hoard \\ - d.

Alhiti &gt; win lining, but with the] -( all

]ii A oon arrived from Trujill

and on the following day he was received and dulv

(COgnized hy the authorities amid 11 joici of
the cii ho now lioped that ti-an&lt;juillii uld 1

.l&gt;ut the jirovince was y&lt; -t destined

und a period of misrule; for nine davs ai t&lt;-r liis

arrival, the new governor, advan.-rtl in years, &lt;li -d
at Trujillo, leaving Ceivrrda still at the head of

affairs.

The feeling of dissatisfaction which had loi;-- ].:
vailed was ii. iiied hy this m-w di r. \]

g 1 reports of the ^-reat wraith of t lie iu-i-j;hhorii

provinces had heen n i ahroail. and many of tl.
now th: ahandon the fcerrit

liopin-- to better their fortune wher For sev-

they had horn living in extreme &lt;h&gt;eom-

i oi i n bordering on destitnt ion. I h-y had neither

Hour, oil, wine, nor any other f t! *nmoditi&lt;

n-nally iin])oi-te&lt;l iVoin Spain. For th] - no

Spanish \ 1 had an-i\-ed at Trnjiilo. The m-

t without clothi nd the h. without
sh . Many of the had neither shirt&gt; nor

IMM!S; and the BCai

|uir-(l for the common needs of life, that a sh&lt;
]aj -old I oi- a | \\-orth

. add to the di-t; of the Spani

i.- nii &gt;n-_r the Indian-, -[.read

.1 ho house and from town to to\\n. and

11 I .&gt; aud - . 1 1 J 17. See

also :. 2ia

156 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

swept away at least one half of the native population. 15
There was neither physician nor medicine ; and though
the settlers escaped the visitation, so great was their
loss in slaves that many were compelled to abandon
their usual avocations.

In order to distract the attention of the colonists
from their forlorn condition, Cereceda set about estab
lishing a settlement on the road to Nicaragua, with a
view of opening communication between the two seas.
He despatched into the interior a company of sixty
men, with orders to halt, at a certain point, until joined
by himself with an additional force. His departure
was however delayed by the arrival of two messengers
from Alonso de Avila, 16 contador of Yucatan, who was
on his way to Trujillo, having been obliged to flee
with the remnant of his band from a settlement
which he had formed in the interior of that province.
On the arrival of the party at Trujillo, Cereceda
afforded them all the assistance in his power. He
then set forth to join the expedition awaiting him on
the road to Nicaragua. After proceeding but a short
distance he was overtaken by a messenger bringing
news of the arrival of two vessels from Cuba, and of
the intention of Diego Diaz de Herrera to take this
opportunity of making his escape in company with
others at Trujillo. 17

Cereceda returned in time to prevent the depopu
lation of the city, but such was the general discontent
that the question of removal was universally discussed
and the governor was at length compelled to give up his
settlement. After much deliberation it was resolved
to depart for the Naco Valley, leaving at Trujillo a
garrison of fifty men. The remainder of the citizens,

J5 Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los qne Servian a los chripsti-
anos en sus haciendas, como de las naborias de casa. Oviedo, iii. 213.

16 Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier s MSS., xxii. 50; Oviedo, iii. 212. See also
Hist. J\fex., ii., this series.

17 Herrera endeavored to persuade Avila to accompany him, and proceed
in quest ot new discoveries. The latter, however, declined, and on the
return of Cereceda was sent on with his men, by sea, to Yucatan. Oviedo, iii.
212-30.

-
mustering in all about nn- hundred and tlm

in- i them M l lv f In ! * &gt; and li --k,

forth &lt;u their march through lli- wilder . ( )n

ichih pot when- ;i river il&lt;&gt;w-&gt; t linni"li
defile, they found their pa jtrncted by a barri

cade erected by t ici.jue ( i/imba. who thought
thus to prevent the invasion of his territory.

natives were routed at the first onset, and t ho

taken captive suffered mutilation, their hands

l)eil)-- Cllt oil , ;ui(l Were s! I -pel M j, M[ \vitl) Cord- iVoIU tl;

neck The Spaniards then j)ressed forward, sutl eri:
many ]riv;itiou-;. thouo-li always l.uoy. d up with the
r of finding abundant stores of pn -h-

their destination. .IJut- in this they \\ ;ed

t . disappointment. Arriving at Xaco, waywoi-n and

famished, they found the place, abandoned

cept a few inlirm natives unaMe to escape l.\- on of

illness. C -!a then put ott the mask, and changing
his policy toward the natives, who throughoul all that

&lt;-ountry had lied at his ap| h, he v.in

in back by kindness, and at length sue -d in

cau-in^ the ivturn of a nmnher BUfBcient to plant
con-ideraMe tract of land. 1 3 The liar how

led, and, l&gt;ein^ reduced to the last &lt; . the

Spaniards were compel! &gt;ve to the t . t the

mountains, where they hoped to ohtain food
the natives who had lied there for rei ir.
their departure from Xaco, then-fore, they i
to the province of Zula, where t Ebutraea B

which t 1 -lined JJuena Etaperanzi

i was the ] i of affairs when, in the -

1535, (In &gt;al de la Cueva \\ by Jorge

Alvarado. feo di&gt;- f a K)l &gt; the nortil&lt; m

&lt;f which c lunication mi^ht 1

11 the proviD mala and ! .11.

1F &lt; . iii. 21 r.

"Tin- ( v )uiin . litnon-a, an&lt;l 7

turnc.l. 1

. illos. :? from ljuinl.

153 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

passing through the province of Zula, Cueva s men
were observed by a party of natives, who informed
Cereceda of the presence of Spaniards in that vicinity.
The latter thereupon despatched Juan Ruano, with a
small band, to demand of the intruders whence they
came, and by what authority they ventured within
his territory. The messenger was first met by the
advanced guard of twenty men under Juan de Arevalo,
who informed him that his commander, with the main
force, was but two leagues behind, and that their object
was to search for the best route for a government road
from Guatemala to Puerto de Caballos.

When Cueva was informed of the condition of the
colonists at Buena Esperanza, he requested an inter
view with Cereceda, and proposed that the men of
Honduras should cooperate with him in his explora
tions, promising in return to assist them in their min
ing enterprises, and to protect them from the natives.
The governor gladly accepted this offer, and took com
mand of a force composed of a portion of Cueva s troops
together with all his own available men. 21 It was pro
posed first to march against a powerful cacique, who
had for ten years held captive a Spanish woman, 22 and
after subduing him and demolishing his stockade, to
explore the country in the neighborhood of Golfo
Dulce, and examine the harbors of San Gil de Buena-
vista and Puerto de Caballos, in conformity with his
instructions.

But the time had not yet come when harmony was
to prevail in Honduras. Wars with the savages and
contentions among themselves had been the fate of
settlers in that territory from the beginning; and the
quarrelsome followers of Cereceda were little disposed
to join hands in peaceful fellowship with the members

21 Cereceda was to be captain of all the other captains. Herrera, dec. v.
lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers,
but this is manifestly an error.

22 Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as having been cap
tured by Cizimba, que auia diez auos " tenia por muger, at the time of the
massacre at Puerto de Caballos. dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

Cu&lt; va was ii

the Go!

J u l&gt;ut li.- wi&gt;h d to jil;i:it a cojo

in tl: i- of Honduras, mid\vay 1

T&lt; &gt; this p

raised The ut IHT ] ,| IM- MJ-J

I m m Hie alliai [ in

land. Thereupon Gen i romplained Indi

( ouncil, and l&gt;e---vd ill.- ai and . ( n,

ad violation of contract. H ti-

tioned the emperor for men, arms, &gt;lii; .ml

wine i or .inn-nial ])Ui &lt; })OSCS. !! allii-iu-d tl

of liis men had not tasted sail forth

and lay ill in conscMjiirii- }! reqiK I that 11
kii; .ii tli of the product of the mi:. uld

I to one tenth. He also asked that a hnunda

lin&lt;- 1 . and Honduras 1 M5.-h

and that a road be op between the two i

J^I.T: ( ahallos to th- l&gt;:iy of Fmi^-r

it would serve as well for the I

and Nicaragua, the distance bcin^ only lilty 1
and the --i-ound iavoi ahle. rejuirin-- only that 1 1
he cut away and tlii- earth levelled in jtlaec.s.

iiion of Cereceda Ihe em I his oo

d \\ ith favur, and . the

Meanwhile the remnant of the H"

who remained at Trujillo also clanioi ed \

population, and for a gover&or. r fl

the city |- od hai-hor, and a dry and \v

son nation; th;, !i mines lay und&lt;

vicinity, and that tl. fruit ful and \\-ell I.

13 Ho. . .sinificnuan

licaua;/ mcnos

us niinas IJIK

.
vn liu.-rt.) laa

100 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

They attributed their past misfortunes to bad govern
ment, and charged Cereceda with abandoning the
settlement without sufficient cause. They were now
so few in number, being reduced to thirty capable of
bearing arms, that they were in constant fear of attack
from the natives. Their stock of weapons consisted
of but twenty swords and fifteen pikes, the governor
having taken with him all the cross-bows and arque
buses. As they were not in communication with
Mexico they requested to be placed under the juris
diction of the audiencia of Espanola. They asked
moreover for two brigantines for the purpose of trading
with the Islands and also for one hundred negroes to
work their mines, for all of which they promised to pay
liberally. They promised that if a capable governor
were sent out to them in command of two hundred
men, they would establish a settlement near the
Desaguadero and open the rich gold-mines which lay
in that vicinity. Finally the municipal council de
clared that unless relieved within a year they would
disorganize the government and give the people liberty
to go whithersoever they might desire.

If the colonists of Honduras could barely sustain
themselves when united and living at Trujillo, it was
not to be expected that their condition would be im
proved when divided and scattered throughout the
country. One good man, who could have held in
check the spirit of lawlessness, and have ruled the
factious populace with a determined hand ; a man with
the principles and temper even of a Pedrarias, would
have given peace and prosperity to Honduras; but
internal dissensions, and finally open disruption, had
brought disaster upon all concerned, and had reduced
the people, both of Trujillo and Buena Esperanza, to
the verge of ruin and starvation.

Humiliating as it must have been, Andres de Cere
ceda was at last compelled to appeal for aid to Pedro
de Alvarado. In the petition which he drew up, he
craved protection from the natives, failing which, he

APPEAL TO A;.\ :&gt;0. Id

depopulation &lt;&gt;i the whole provinc I H
in; are the i. -1 th md th.-

adelantado was besought "for tip- I of God and
their Majesties," to come to tlx-ir &gt;uecor. 2i Tl.
treasurer, l)ie&lt;_&gt;-&lt;&gt; (ian-fa &lt;!&lt; ( - sent in com

pany with Juan Unaim ; t&lt; Saul . where Alvar;

then resided. and representing to him the deplorable

condition of the people of Honduras, j ui--

ance of relic! . As soon as ]HM],I,. ;m armed in:
\va M-inUed, consisting of Spaniard- and friendly
Indian-* and with the adelan at their h ad

forth t tin- relief of ( Jereceda

During tin- delay which occurred hetnre tlie arrival
of Alvarado in Honduras, th tiers wlm rmiaii

at]&gt;ueiia Esperanza, being unable or unwilling t-&gt; hear
tin ir suffering uy louder, ^ ero on the point of
abandoning the colony, and on the ."Hh ot ^lay I j3G

J * Hcrrcr that ;if r -iirs in the province were in a s ht, for Ccre-

i.-i;it&lt;&lt;l;i huni.-iii.-i ],ni-. i l".st ;ill

dec. \i. lib. i. c;ip. viii. M&lt; \\ho.-it; I been:

; li&lt;&gt;n&lt;lin;i .^{e;ik.s in very

time 1: in Zulu and Nae&lt;&gt; he iu \

le, Ol the L 7 "i- L S towns in , lie

did not le one. !! destro; hin^, even the .

mares. ! ; _ r ht away in iroi.

nit. Jle ;ind lii.s advi i Avihi and ;t

had l:ii&lt;l ion of Honduras. Pacheco

,\.

soenrrer :i los DoUadonV chripstiaHOt, OQ6 est;iban n U &gt;n-
dur. rra, e dar &lt;&gt;td&lt;-n .se acaba.s&gt; los

abaii. i. -14.

to, iii. Jl J that ti irred in 1.~&gt;. I. J. Celis liim.sclf st

that ;it him to ( ,

and i "I. i

- that ( , Us went of his o\\ : -tas coaaa

ilega :ei-iniii ro 80S.-

a iual mala a [iedir soerro a
I si , i. cap. viii.

: M /v-;

jiiently J lit in :i elaim lor 800 cast

horses employed durin

mala. (}\i the -llh i ;i judicial ii. i was ! fore

the, mayor, at 1 .tl.allo.s, to a*eert:iin \\ !

. as h-

d that

passed

".nder no his supp!ie&gt;

otlii H)-oO. In Gr.

e uiul
in //., li. L H.

iii;r. CLXT. Ax. VOL. II. 11

162 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

a formal meeting was held before the notary Ber
nardino de Cabrenas, 28 to take the matter under con
sideration. Cereceda, addressing the alcalde and regi-

CD C^)

dores, stated that they were aware of the condition
of affairs in the province, and of the impracticability
of holding it much longer, on account of the small
number of the Spanish colonists and the want of
supplies. He had therefore, he said, despatched Diego
Garcia de Celis, the royal treasurer, to solicit aid from
the governor of Guatemala, and had also asked the
assistance of the emperor and of the audieiicia of
Mexico. Seven months had elapsed since the depar
ture of Celis, and nothing had been heard from him.
He demanded therefore, in the name of the crown,
their opinion as to what should be done. All present
recommended that the country be abandoned, and the
Spaniards allowed by the governor to proceed whither
soever they pleased. To this Cereceda assented, and
orders were issued accordingly; the alcalde and regi-
dores ratifying and confirming the governor s acts and
their own, in the presence of the notary. 29

The resolution was at once carried into effect;. but
within four days after leaving Buena Esperanza the
colonists were met by Celis with a letter from Alva-
rado promising speedy relief. Had the envoy returned
but a single day later it is not improbable that Cere-

28 There were present, Andre s de Cereceda, the alcalde Alonso Ortiz, and
the regiclores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel
Garcia de Lilian. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv.
301-4.

2&lt; *Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4. The
foregoing is the account given in Cereceda s official report to the viceroy of
Mexico. Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the matter.
He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an absence of four months, the
treasurer Celis did not return or send any message, agreed to abandon the
place. Loading their Indian servants with what little effects they had left,
they proceeded on their way, after tying Gereceda and two of his friends to
trees, because he forbade them to take away their slaves on the ground that
it was contrary to royal orders to carry them from one province to another,
although he himself had done so and had allowed his friends the same privi
lege. But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming from
Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and made friends
with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In a letter to Alvarado dated
May 0, 1536, Cereceda says nothing about being tied to a tree, although lie
complains of gross ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.

CK I .VS CO

&gt;;:M have lost liU life, for h-- had become
t ivmely unpopular am i he men of 1 1 .;,.; ;

1 indeed gone BO t;n- e liim from his lim.

though 1 hroijM-h fear I)) tin- COD
Jled him.

I!; - thr adelantado 1 : i sho\\

del lion in which he was held by those whose duty

it \v,-i g t&lt;&gt; obey him. "Th vpelled me," ]
"from my house and from tin- settlement, although I

in a condition to rise from my h d. to \\h
J had heen confined lor days on account of a Imil that
prevented my sitting down, ept in a chair which
had been ma !&lt; -pccially lor my i md tln-n only i

-hort tim In spite of all this, tln-y hu
out of my ahodc with the greated rderi

m- unattended as I was, in tin- direction of i

, whnv they would provide me with ;u.

Trujillo. This was, however, only a j-i I in on!

[ of me, their ohject heiii._&gt;- to cairy off
sla 11 the Indians who had served in the distri

wliich they had attempted to do h.

pel me from tin 4 village. Fearing they mi-lit kill
me, I made a virtue of necessity, and ahandoii;
f I had, DTOO N FlO

-o they soon ivcalled me, and I returned on

horse! ack, hut with great difficulty, suir.-rin^ so mi;
IVom my enforced ride that it will, I fear, he .-it
th&lt; nths hel Miv my health i i&gt;hed."

( and ( YTis were fir f5rom beil i go&lt;

The t reasurer v.

a desire to -ii]&gt;plant him, and perhaps not without

he had 1 appointed hy the em] nd

.t in rank to ih \ eni In! to

Alvarado, ( eda takes the oj

his spleen the t r&gt; asm 11 - hii.

l.-avori produ&lt;-e the imj-f

had it in his jo\\ , r to proem

lantado ^vemoiship oi 1 loud dxing

him&gt;elf the credit of being the on havi:

164 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

heart the welfare of the country, and of being a faith
ful servitor of his Majesty. "But," he continues, "in
order that you may see that there are others who
desire the welfare of the province, I resign in your
favor the governorship with which I have been in
trusted, believing that ? in so doing, I am performing
a service to his Majesty."

Alvarado,on his arrival, was well received by the set
tlers, who were fain to believe that there were better
days in store for them. The astute Cereceda, seeing
himself virtually without authority, again pressed him
to accept the governorship, so that the province might
not go to ruin. By this artifice he hoped not only to
escape punishment, but to confirm the impression in
the adelantado s mind that it was to him and not to
Celis that he was indebted for the offer. Alvarado
accepted the governor s resignation, and assumed the
reins of power, to the great joy of the colonists. He
at once set about pacifying the country, sending out
a strong force, stationing guards at the mines, and
bringing the province into a condition of safety and
prosperity. In the name of the crown, he assumed
the title of captain-general and chief-justice, and with
out loss of time proceeded to establish new colonies.

He built at Puerto de Caballos the town of San
Juan, and on the site of the village of Thaloma, seven
leagues from this settlement, founded the city of San

O -

Pedro del Puerto de Caballos. He determined the
limits of its jurisdiction and distributed among the
Spaniards the natives and native villages in its vicin
ity. 30 Captain Juan de Chaves was ordered to explore
the province toward the south and west and to select
a favorable site on the proposed line of intercommu
nication between Honduras and Guatemala. After a

30 It was intended to establish here a large settlement. The city was
founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various officials were appointed,
sworn, and inducted into office. Sites for dwellings were assigned to the
alcaldes, regidores, and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be
changed except by the emperor s orders; and it was decreed that none should
reside elsewhere until the emperor s pleasure was known. Honduras, Funda-
cion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 530-8.

ALYAKADO S Hi I A.

journey IK; arrival 11

watered \ alley, \\ here

namiii .: it in token of liis thankfuln

Dio

I Jut while tin- adelantado was winnii: -l\ lam

Mini u . iini !i _r new adherents in Honduras. In- was in-
I that his residenria had heen &lt; i l&gt;y T i&lt;|.,r
Maldonado, and soon ai t&lt;T\vai &lt;| received an nnl.-r I IMIH
the viiM-roy instructing him to proceed to Spain and
appear lri .&gt;iv the tlimn- Maj

iill le tli&lt; r-l,y adxanred. This wa& unl&gt;okcd | .
ll- had already petitioned tin- kii -a

to return for the jnirp of iitlii. ;t an e\[M-dition
on a lar- e scale for South S&lt; 9Um-

nioi appenr at court, whilr hi leiiria \

he taken during his ahsenee, made an intrieatr- n
; of it. There was no alt&lt;-ri; , ho\\ \ r. hut
ol -y: and once more Alvarado -ut for Spain, fir

&lt;iii"- to the eahildo of Sant ia- o ;i 1 \vlu-n -in

li- 3 the i-caxiiis for his departure, and reman

that although he docs not return to his native land
rich in -old. having spent all that he had -j-ain -d dur
ing his career in Mexico and (ii; he has D

that liis services will recommend him to th

i avur of the rourt.

31 Tin incut v Comayagua 3vS 1&lt; I from Gna-

i. II; / 1:1 . i. -aj). \

Ixiii^ to foiuhu-t B

;.ui int .11 \\hich 1. land*

mtinenta.

CHAPTER X.

ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

1531-1550.

MALEFEASANCE or CASTANEDA DIEGO ALVAREZ OSORIO THE FIRST BISHOP OF
NICARAGUA A CONVENT FOUNDED AT LEON LAS CASAS ARRIVES
CASTANEDA s FLIGHT ARRIVAL OF CONTRERAS PROPOSED EXPEDITION
TO EL DESAGUADERO OPPOSITION OF LAS CASAS DEPARTURE WITH ALL
THE DOMINICANS THE VOLCANO OF EL INFIERNO DE MASAYA FRAY
BLAB BELIEVES THE LAVA TO BE MOLTEN TREASURE His DESCENT INTO
THE BURNING PIT EXPLORATION OF THE DESAGUADERO DOCTOR Ro-
BLES ATTEMPTS TO SEIZE THE NEW TERRITORY CONTRERAS LEAVES
FOR SPAIN His ARREST, TRIAL, AND RETURN His SON-IN-LAW MEAN
WHILE USURPS THE GOVERNMENT ANTONIO DE VALDIVIESO APPOINTED
BISHOP FEUD BETWEEN THE ECCLESIASTICS AND THE GOVERNOR
ALONSO LOPEZ DE CERRATO TAKES THE RESIDENCIA OF CONTRERAS
MISSIONARY LABORS IN NICARAGUA.

THE sense of relief which was felt by all the colo
nists of Nicaragua, when death at last put an end to
the administration of Pedrarias Davila, was of brief
duration. A new taskmaster soon held them in bond
age almost as grievous as that of the great despot who
now lay buried in the church-vaults at Leon. Fran
cisco de Castaneda, who then held office as contador,
and some months previous had been alcalde mayor/
claimed that he was legally entitled to the vacant
governorship. 2 The cabildo knew of no valid objec
tion, and upon Castaneda s promise to rule with mod-

1 A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y depucstole del do alcalde
mayor, por las diferecias que traia con Pedrarias. Hcrrera, dec. iv. lib. ix.
cap. xv. Oviedo, iv. 112, still speaks of him as alcalde mayor e contador
when he takes charge of the government.

2 Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian poderes del
Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al otro. Uerrcra, dec. iv. lib. ix.

cap. xv.

(1GG)

EDA &lt;)R.

&gt;!i ;m&lt;l fairne-s ] appointed and duly ivc.

nized. 1

Before ;i month had &lt;-lap&gt;-d the colon i.-t- found
th -m -till d)(.ui,.d (on and miM-iil.-.

Without regard to the rights of th&lt; id with

an eliVont. -jiudlrd only l.y tliat of liis pn-d
tin- new tyrant ivfu&gt;-d to convene the cahildo j.t

IODM- intervals, and then only to di&gt;cu-s :

aMe to his d\vn wishes. * The deci-ion .( ji.-ndi
]a\VMiils was nr-le.-t ed ; IMMII- d-niand-d. and

those \\lio refused to rout rihllte \\
unniereii ully that they abandoned their ju-oju-rty and
iled the country, leaving their enOOmienOJB
\\&gt; I. 4 Slave-hunting, \\ith its att.-ndant horr&gt;:

\\, ininon throughout the proxine N-;.
i orhiddeii to kidnap, nor was any limit jilao-d .n
their c:ij)tui-i the. only resti-iction was tl he

nior should receive a &gt;liare. The kind s tilh

\\ere fraudulently rented." Castafieda \\. --n si
d of inakin- fraudulent entries in the 1.

the treasurer Tohilla, \vlio&gt;&lt;- death had itly

cunvd : nor had he even i/iven himself the trouM
taking an inv-ntory of the contents of the ti
chest.

At length certain of the regidores m, t i;
council and petitiom-d the kin^ to send them a j
of ieneia, statin&r that unle&gt;&lt; i-eli.-t \\

tin- province would soon l&gt;e depopulated. Castafieda

was pre.xeiitly informed of his dan^ei . hut g
lieed fco (he \\amii 1 ! had 1ml aim in li

* II -hat after th- Irnrias Sji

(li.-it

}\-&lt;: iliM-al

i as hi-
., in 71".

ieccasc oc&lt;

vii.

I,; 10C.

\ V.

fraii.i s los auia dalo a

^ liiK .s. //

168 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

gather riches by whatever means, 6 and this object he
pursued with unshaken purpose. The natives did not
regard the Spaniards with greater dread than did the
Spaniards their chief magistrate. Many of them
departed for the newly conquered regions of Peru,
and even the friars, who had faced the hardships of
the wilderness, and the peril of torture and death at
the hands of savages, were compelled to abandon their
labors. 7

Until 1531 the vicars of the church of Panama
held ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the province of
Nicaragua. 8 In that year Diego Alvarez Osorio, a
precentor of the cathedral of Panama, holding the
title of Protector of the Indians, was appointed the
first bishop of Nicaragua. His elevation was due to
his eminent services in the church and probably also
to the fact of his being, as Kemesal remarks, "a
noble cavalier of the house of Astorga, learned, vir
tuous, and prudent, with much experience in whole
some government measures." The prelate was or
dered to found a Dominican convent at Leon, and
the treasurer was commanded to furnish the necessary
funds. The royal tithes which were formerly appro
priated by the diocese of Panama, were now to be in-

6 El qual se di6 todo el recabdo quel pudo a enriques^erse; 6 pudolobien
ha9er, pues no le qiiedo quien le fuesse a la mano. Oviedo, iv. 112.

7 Among those who left the province were Sebastian de Benalcazar and
Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the Isthmus in March 1531. In their
company went Francisco Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerunimo Pon-
tevedra, friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of Guate
mala and Nicaragua. Navarro, lielacion, in Col. Doc. Ined., xxvi. 238.

8 During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one Maestro Rojas, a
patron of the church, imprisoned the ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of
heresy, but the former held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained
in confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by Fray Francisco
de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite authority by the bishop of
Panama. His power was transferred to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from
him to Pedrarias, who tried. the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him
to office. Squier s MSS., iv.

9 Hist. Chyapa, 105. It appears that he was not a friar, being spoken of
as muy magnifico 6 nruy reverendo senor D. Diego Alvarez Osorio. Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116; see also Alcedo, iii. 322, who adds that he
was a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and Gonzalez
Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235; Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 49.

RODRIGO DE CONTRERAS.

creased, 1 and applied to the support of the

and hospitals of Nicaragua.

I nder tin- nil i of C !a it d difficult

to collect tin- tithes, the greater port ion of them I

!ni l&gt;y his oilicia!&gt;. lint a true friend to human
ami ion was n&lt;&gt;\v mi his \\.-iv to the proviu

1 Jartolome ({c IMS ( ^, n alter 1 i though in-

effectual labors in Me\i&lt; burned to Nica nthe

ir L532, and was received with open arm- l.y ()

rio, wlio invited him to remain, and to aid liim ii ib-

lishii!"- the Dominican convent, and also in his lal&gt;

on behalf of the natives; but above all to use bis au

thority in putting an end to the mal&lt; f (

!a. Las Casas cheerfully cone d. Ac&lt;&gt;n\-

^as founded ; residences were huilt for the IVi
arations w. iv made for the erection of M cathedral,
and converts l&gt;y the thousands w d into the

fold. lint neither threat nor per-ua&gt;ioii had the !
influence on ( astaneda, who had heen trained in t
school of IVdrarias. and now hid i air to 1 r his

instruction. llelief cam- Nc -m-ived

L on that Elodrigo de Contreras had heen appoint
governor of Nicaragua, and \ i . M&gt;\\- on his \\-.-
tiie pi-ovince. ( ieda then-n; gathered u|

rains and il&lt; d t J &lt; ru: | d t !.
paftola; wasth rrestedand Spain ;bu1 ith

closed 1 reer In-fore any earthly trihunal awaiv

him the i

Contr \\-a-anoMeeavalier nd the

son-in-law of iVdraria-, \\ dau-^h Maiia d-

iVinl lormerlv 1 lied to \ asco Nun&lt; z

1 J.dl.oa. I o inpaiiieil him to the pn\ ;

\\itli her infant children. 1 l.-rnando and P.-d
Jlis administration m, .1 o|

10 Xow tithe wax, anil lln

odis, ft
of the i M las igle-

11 ! :IH utiouof LasCaaaase* .284,309.

170 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

Ovieclo; a refreshing circumstance, as it is the first
instance in which that historian speaks in praise of a
governor in a Spanish province. 12 His conduct is at
least in strong relief with that of his two predeces
sors, and apart from certain accusations brought
against him by the ecclesiastics, with whom he was
ever at variance, the annals of his time portray him
as a just and humane ruler. He at once began the
task of establishing law and order in his territory, thus
gaining the confidence of the settlers, and all traces
of evil wrought by the absconder Castaneda were
speedily effaced.

The project for opening up communication with
the North Sea by way of El Desaguadero, as the Rio
San Juan was then termed, and of taking possession
of the native towns on its banks, had long been dis
cussed by the colonists. The new governor though
averse to such an enterprise was anxious to retain the
good-will of the people, and despatched to the court
of Spain Juan de Perea to obtain the emperor s
consent. 13

But the subjugation of the natives was too often
followed by their enslavement, and Las Casas was
still in the province 14 laboring in his favorite cause.
In the pulpit, in the confessional, and in places of
public resort the padre denounced the expedition. He
even threatened to refuse absolution to the vecinos
and soldiers should they dare to take part in it. 15 The

12 En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras iu6 a aquella tierra estuvo
exer^itando su officio, como buen gobernador, 6 tuvo en paz e" buena jnsti9ia
aquellas tierras e provin9ias, que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, 6
procurando la conversion e" buen tractamiento de los indios para que viniessen
a conoseer a Dios. Oviedo, iv. 113.

13 A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of April 1537, and
contained also permission to make the conquest of the islands in lakes Nica
ragua and Managua. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xxii. 515-34.

11 Before the flight of Castaiieda Las Casas visited Espanola whither he was
summoned to negotiate a treaty with the powerful chief Enrique. He returned
once more to Realejo, and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru,
but was driven back to port by stress of weather.

15 See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of the governor before
Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the prelate s death, before the lieutenant-

IXTKIK ,ICCf&gt; llox. 171

ly perple\,-d. Las Casas undoul
edly held din et ingl ructions from tli ! which

justified his in nee, while th. r had ;

1 the sanction of the cro^ n. hi&lt;-h

should tli. . ( )n the one hand \\ &lt;&gt;f

e;ain, on the oilier the th n.-d han of tl ir&lt;-h.

Contreraa \\; &lt; l\ed that tin- pi-. -hould not
! ly tin- Intermeddling of a priesi : hut, nn

out at the he;id oi a hand of liftv i he

found that liis own ollir.-i-s \\&lt;&gt;uld not ohev hii.
til- iorhiddcn to jtlunder 01- nial tin- ;

Jle WBS &lt;-ol])J)L lle&lt;l thel efo]. ifl! to J.eoli and

acknowledge hiniM-h dei. ated. L; ia QOW u-ed

all tlio wc-i^ht of liis inilucnce to undennine t

era authority, 1 " while ( ontivi

to 1)- taki-n hei t-iv J&gt;i&gt;hop ()soi-io with regard to t

condiici of the pad] At this juncture th d ! !

the prelate solved the ditlicult After ].

sujj)ort Las Casas i ound liinisdf unahlc in oppo

single-handed, the authority of thr goi t-rimr, \vho &gt;till

had the tacit sympathy of B ofthecoi 1;

therefore determined to abandon a field v, here his
ions were; of little avail, and a in\ i

! i whieh it has already heeii wa-

him hy l^raneiseo de Sfarroquin, li&gt;lmj ot (i
mala, to of the eoi. ot San:

departed from .Leon taking with him all the l)&lt;&gt;mini-

08. M

liil M: -cs he:

who was .

1 solili,

peat- rt" nl conquest of the 1 , iu

.
&lt; *dre eaonda*

&lt; ia. // ;. hi , i.

I as Casas. t
sunl cro umvil:

I witnesses tea;

losli

as jiinl liis ci iuj am i-e asked to remain 1 &gt;y t lie reffi

.it ll, ll

172 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

In 1537 certain of the ecclesiastics are again con
nected with the history of the province, but in a
manner not altogether consistent with the dignity of
their profession. While travelling through Nicara
gua three years previously, Fray Bias del Castillo
heard strange rumors concerning a volcano situated
near Lake Nicaragua, and known as El Infierno de
Masaya. In the crater at a depth of a hundred,
fathoms was a molten lake incrusted with cinders,
through which fountains of fire sometimes rose far
above the surface, 18 lighting up the South Sea by
night, and plainly visible to mariners twenty leagues
from shore. Concerning this spot a legend was related
to Oviedo during his residence in the province by the
aged cacique Lenderi, who had several times visited
the place in company with other chieftains of his
tribe. From the depths of the crater came forth to
commune with them in secret council a hag, 1 nude,
wrinkled, and hideous, with long sharp teeth, and
deep-sunken, flame-colored eyes. She was consulted
on all important matters, determined the question of
war or peace, and predicted the success or failure of
every enterprise. Before and after these consulta
tions, were hurled into the crater human victims who
submitted to their fate without a murmur. 20 When

macion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116-46. It is evident that
this event occurred about the month of June 1538. Remcsal, who is not
generally over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala casi
al fin del afio de treynta y cinco. Hist. Chyapa, 111. Why Helps, in his Life
of Las Casas, 185, without venturing to give a correct date himself, should
boldly assert Herrera makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong
date (1536) for this, yet the main statement may be true, 5 1 am at a loss to
explain.

18 En medio dessa laguna 6 metal saltan 6 revientan dos borbollones 6
manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal continuamente, sin ningun punto
cessar, 6 siempre esta el metal 6 licor alii col orado e descubierto, siii escorias.
On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such intense heat that
within a league or more of the volcano all vegetation was destroyed. Oviedo,
iv. 81-2.

iy Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the devil; but
whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the devil himself in female
form he does not say. E segund en sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques
tan feo 6 tan llcno de colas e" cuernos e"bocas 6 otras visages, como nuestros
pintores lo suelen pintar a los pis del arcangel Sanct Miguel 6 del apostol
Sanct Bartolom6. Oviedo, iv. 75.

20 E que antes 6 despues un dia 6 dos que aquesto se hi9iesse, echaban alii

r.i. 173

the Christians made their appearance ll

hurnin^ pit denounced tin- intrude-
nt to show herself again till they v.

t IM- land, and as (In- Datives were not oii-di

to expel them, she soon abandoned her \

The worthy friar concluded that tin- molten in
in the depths of the crater must I 11, &lt;r at le
silver, in a f i usjon. He was then travelling

toward IVru hy order of his superior.-, hut kept his
own counsel until two years later, when we hear of
his journeying on loot from Mexi&lt; of

more: than four hundred leagues, intent on exploring
the niy&gt;teri&lt;&gt;ns crater. He now took into his mnfi-
denee a I Yaiiciscan friar, Juan cle Gandaho, and the
two agreed to impart the ^n-at secret to a Pew &lt;&gt;f the
wealthier Spanish settlers, in order to ohtain means
for earrvin^ out their project. Rumor was soon i
throughout the province. At Granada and Leon m-
a --et n hied in the streets and plax disc the IB

ter. Some! conceded that Pray Bias was probably

in the ri-4 ht. Other- i-ted with a CTeduloUBshr

that the molten mass consisted of inm &lt;&gt;r of sulphur,
the latter theory lx in-- most in favor, from t
that specimens of native sulphur were common in the
\ ie mity. I hit while e\poun&lt;lin_j-, in the realms of the
Atahualpas and the Monte/umas. the doctrine- of him
wh it forth his disciples without purse or scrip, the

-tic could never hanish from his mind i
viction that providence had n-sei-ved tl t oi-

him and his fellow-laborers," and n&lt;&gt;w alter his 1.
and toil-oiix. joui iiey, he was not t be turned
from his pin po The in iry impleim-ni

retly prepai-ed. ( hains, pulleys, iron ! id

other appai; made ready in a villa

lour leagues distant from the volcano. A In lire ].

uhre 6 dos 6 mds 6 algr, &gt;s 6

: . aijiu-lL.s .jii
Ovit if. iv. 71.

Ire: quc ] i .scubra:

-s ni i ;inilla.

174 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

rick and a cage were manufactured by the friar s
own hands at a safe distance from the Spanish set
tlements, 22 and dragged up by natives to the mouth
of the volcano. Guides w r ere procured, and it was
agreed that Fray Bias himself should first descend
into the pit in order to avoid all dispute as to right
of discovery. Should he return to the surface in
safety, his comrades were to follow. Stipulations
were made as to the division of the treasure, the
friar claiming for himself the largest share, though
contributing nothing to the expense.

On the 13th of April 1538, 23 the ecclesiastic and
his comrades rise betimes, and after confessing their
sins, attending mass, and partaking of a substantial
breakfast they climb the steep mountain side and stand
on the verge of the crater. Grasping in his left hand
a flask of wine, in his right a crucifix, and gathering
up the skirts of his priestly robe, his head protected
by an iron cask, the daring friar takes his seat in the
cage, is suspended in mid-air, and slowly lowered into
the burning pit. The natives who are present flee in
terror, having no faith in his assertion that the evil
genius of the fiery lake will vanish at the sight of
the cross. As he lands on the floor of the crater a
fragment of falling rock strikes his helmet, causing
him to drop on his knees and plant his cross with
trembling fingers in the haunted ground. Turning
his eyes upward, after much groping and stumbling
among shelves of rock, he beholds the cage in which
he had descended swinging far overhead. Neverthe
less his heart fails not. Catching the guide-rope he
drags up his portly person to a spot from which he
can give the appointed signal, and at length is brought
unharmed to the surface.

22 E porque faltaba tin cabrestante 6 no lo mandaban ha&lt;?er por no ser
descubiertos, el frayle lo hico por su mano en el lugar ques dicho que estaban
todos los otros aparejos. Oviedo, iv. 78.

23 Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this date, and some of the
friar s associates, terrified by their first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned
the enterprise. Oviedo, iv. 78.

KXL LOIIATIoX OF Till

A ; v. day 3 later ,-nmt mpt i- mad

much difficulty a small quantity of the molten 1

dit to the surface in an iron moi 1

of th discovery spread through tin- oeighb

\\\ jr set i lenient 1 1 undivds . r Bpectati

nmnd the cr luit tin- ad\ p th

1. They take formal possession &lt;f tli&gt; aind,

move their machinery thai none may^haiv the i

NlCARAGT \.

; y prixe, and for a time imagine themselves p

d of wealth \vhieha thoii&gt;and &gt;hip- can:

Soon ai trr the departure of the Momini-- ; !!-

resolved t&lt;&gt; earry out tl plorat ion "{ i

J &gt; ladero. Captain l)ie- Maehue;

14 In 1. "_ :. .luring: li:

clui. n.liu t. 1 stand

tlic caci^U thcchroiiU-k i avoloM

176 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

officer and one whose humane disposition gave assur
ance that the inhabitants of the native towns would
not be maltreated, was placed in charge of the expedi
tion. Two ships were fitted out on Lake Nicaragua
and a force of two hundred men followed by land. The
dangers encountered 25 during the voyage are not re
corded by the chroniclers of the age; but we learn that
the vessels were borne in safety down the stream,
passed thence to the North Sea, and sailed for Nombre
de Dios.

News of their arrival was soon brought to Doctor
Robles, then governor of Tierra Firme, and with his
usual policy this covetous ruler attempted to gather
for himself all the benefits of the enterprise. The
rnen of Nicaragua were cast into prison, and an expe
dition despatched under Francisco Gonzales de Bada-
joz to take possession of the territory on the banks
of the Desaguadero. After remaining in the province
for six months, during which time a fort was built and
treasure obtained to the value of 200,000 castellanos,
the invaders were driven out by Contreras, and their
leader sent back a prisoner to Panamd. 26 A second
expedition, despatched by Doctor Robles under com
mand of Andres Garavito, also failed of success. 27

A brief period of comparative quiet now occurs in
the history of Nicaragua, and for the first time the
inhabitants of one province at least are satisfied

crater of which was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava
which excited the cupidity of Fray Bias. The descent was difficult, but
Indian women managed to pass up and down in obtaining water. With regard
to the depth of the lake Oviedo remarks: Este lago, mi paresper (6 assi lo
juzgan otros) estd en el pesso e" hondura que estd el fuego que dixe en el poco
del momte de Massaya. . .110 le hallan suelo por su mucha hondura. Machuca,
assisted by his friends, furnished the funds needed for exploring the Desa
guadero.

25 The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name of Machuca.
Squier s Nicaragua (ed. 1856), i. 82.

20 Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada Ravago, whose narrative
of the affairs of the province, written in 1572, appears in Squier sMSS., xiii. 4.

27 According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends with Contreras,
for speaking of the former he says that one day, while engaged in a game of
canas in the city of Leon, he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was
one of those who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco Nunez de Bal-

\\-\i\\ ir ml "N
cli

1 &gt; v the

on to interfere in (1, of i

HP After t IK ]).: in 1542 of th

of 1, of which lllent i,)j| v here ]]&gt;;

is placed under the jurisdiction of i

of 1 ( oiiih: .ind nil who hoi. I offi

11 arc ordered to surrender their enc

Tl thereupon transfers 1

\vile and children, and i

at i ;h for Spain, to prevent, if ,

us results to his inl .r in

most of his fellow-rulers his \\-ealih e ,ilv

of human ei -Is. Ariivii. the Isthinr

th. &lt;lviees from Pedi-o de Menda\ i.

dean of Leon, have hreii Panama i-eeoinnieinl-

in^ his arrest, and he is compell, d fco

a prisoner, The ehar n-

not I natui-e; for although his old oj^K)-

iient, Las ( ill in Spaii ity

him, we learn that I; K&gt;n i

n;^ hoth oi and property he returns in eom-
with V^asco Nunez vela, landing in : ra i ii,

in January 1 .") I i.

Meanwhile Pedro de losRios,

, -in-law of ( out; u-urped t!.

go\ erni . nd -onm:

he 1, to he hostile to his o\Yll pOTtj, Vi

knowing that he may be the one to suffer i

the 1. of Ivle.^, detel lllil, lltlel,

ur proc ; to ( Iranada, win-re h

. .-UK! &lt;;

s.-ii,l

..
lli.vr. C; XT. AM. VOL. II. 12

178 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

the support of the cabildo, imprisons Rios in the
convent/ But the following morning the cabildo
intimidated by the threats of Dona Maria, the gov
ernor s wife, repent of their conduct and are prevailed
upon to issue an edict calling upon all the settlers,
under penalty of death and confiscation, to rise in
arms and demand the liberation of Rios, or, in case
of refusal, to tear down the convent. The warlike
dean is not prepared for this sudden change, but
nevertheless determines to resist, assuring his adher
ents that all who may suffer death in this most Chris
tian cause will surely be admitted into heaven. The
people throng the convent, and the friars are soon
engaged in deadly strife, during which two of them,
together with four laymen, are mortally wounded.
Unable to withstand the attack, Mendavia at last re
lents and sues for peace. A compromise is effected,
by which Rios binds himself not to injure the dean or
any of his party, either then or at any future time,
whereupon the treasurer is released. No sooner is he
outside the convent walls, however, than he forgets
his promise, and arrests, hangs, quarters, and exiles
indiscriminately. The dean himself is put in irons
and sent to Spain, w r here for several years he is
kept a prisoner without trial. 80

When the news of these proceedings reached the
audiencia of Panama, Diego de Pineda was de
spatched to Nicaragua as juez cle comision, and with
such tact did he reconcile the disputes between the
two parties that order was quickly restored, and the
quarrel between Rios and Mendavia was soon for
gotten. A few months later Contreras arrived in the
province, 31 but his secret enemies w^ere still at work,

29 It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church could imprison a
royal treasurer, but such is the fact. Le vino a prender. . .pidi6 favor a la
Ciudad de Granada donde el estava (Rios), lo prendio i meti6 en el monasterio
de la Merced por ser casa cle piedra. . . .Squier s MSS., xxii. 144.

30 On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the emperor: Dos anos
que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta en manos de mis adversaries. Ha
6 meses que me pusieron en esta carcel arzobispal, and asked to be tried at
once, and punished or acquitted as the case might be. Squier s MSS., xxii. 148.

31 It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the return of Contre-

and of i ,,i the ni-ulv

iirnria df 1. &gt;nlin&lt;

] 1 kc 1. lenci M! al&gt;&lt;&gt; tli

treasurer I Ii&lt; Although the 1 .

tin- governor and

I Tlral i-i.-tinn, to li;

nothing &lt;&gt;n \vhirli t&gt; base an

r &lt;&gt;f o officials, and BOOH al-and in-

i ion. w

A 1 riid nimv Mtt T llian Iliat \vhicli \\ d

death of Uisliop ( )s&gt;ri&lt; and ; of

I A \ ! \ iio\v arose lu-t\\ . \ be 1 nd o
tical authoriti In 1.V14 leather Antonio de \
divie-so oint.-d t&lt;&gt; tin- vacanl

His appointmen ie duly conlinuL-d 1-
l.uill, and in X JM-I- ol ih.- following ;

(&lt;!. itcd at ( rracias ii ])ios ly li

tlie c\ ring

K&gt;me i iitinii into tin- iii MS nolliiir hiinxintil.hr

\\licu bishop Valdivieso i:i one of hi.s 1 ttci-s

I ; d . Lnifl de &lt; In In

ioe,*
l.y him ;

/&gt;.&lt;. , \ \ M. I I P|&gt;- 1&lt;&gt;.

w One Pedro &lt; .in a o innn n t&lt;&gt; \ \

Janu.ii-y In, I mpl ii;

&lt;! &lt; . i licdi. i Lii . JITri :.i. h.-i iid&lt;

J/&gt; s I wlu-:. in inn 1 tlt-ni.

J Kt-iit li:i-k to Lto;i t

;&lt;lit nci;i ijuc ii"

. / L &gt; ;iinl &lt; iii-il&gt; a- 1 . \.

nml the Antonio &lt;\&lt;- Valdi^ ieao and &lt;

a 1 )&lt;)ininican in tin* coiivrnt of was

an inin.-ttr \s \\&lt; I him

117: /
lil. \ i.

i, 1-ut J:i"S v...i.,M lid l.; ;
him a ] ;.ain hal . Mivu-s

M rnli i

ka: Po 1 1
la t M. ]: imppt

.is ai&gt;]&gt; int-.l in !

ValdiTJ

teaga, "

\\li- i

!.",! I, ;.n,l. : i. Ktmtwl, li

IS* ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

of Chiapas, Marroquin of Guatemala, and Peclraza of
Honduras. The prelate, who professed to be an
enthusiastic admirer of the great apostle of the
Indies, insisted that the new code should be enforced,
and spared no effort to rescue the natives from
bondage, incurring by his policy such determined
opposition from the governor and his officials that he
deemed it best for his own personal safety to take up
his residence at Granada rather than at Leon.

From the day of Valdivieso s arrival to the down
fall of the governor some three years later, the history
of the province contains little else than a series of
mutual recriminations and intrigues. The colonists

with a few exceptions favored the cause of the gov
ernor, declaring that "they wanted no prelate except
to say mass, and preach to suit their fancy;" and when
the bishop threatened to establish an inquisition in
Nicaragua he was menaced with assassination. 34

The complaints against Contreras appear to have
been due mainly to the jealousy and self-interested
motives of the ecclesiastical faction. His conduct had
borne the scrutiny of the inquisition and of the audi-
encia. Notwithstanding the provisions of the new
code he had been allowed to retain his encomiendas.
Even his enemies could not accuse him of maltreating
his slaves. It was not to be expected that he should
surrender to the bishop the power and property which
higher authority had permitted him to retain; and yet
this seems to have been his chief cause of offence.
Though Valdivieso and the Dominican friars were
loud in their denunciations of those who held the
natives in bondage, they were themselves by no

34 Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i en entrando en elle me
embiaron a decir que si entendia en cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me
darian de pufialadas. Squicr s MSS. , xxii. 146. On another occasion, when
President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada preparing an
expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to officiate in church because a person
wr.s present whom he had excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez vised insult
ing language, causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso s conduct
caused, such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the street and threat
ened to hang him.

CO 181

1 milling ] /in slav

j-rop in

"Niea: i, ;ii)d when tl; ^lii of c

taken from them hy tl ;idiencia of

nod to leave the provh . md c
eir clam&lt; r until their pn&gt;j
tin-in K\on the incmher&gt; of the audiencia, w\

eial duty it w. ciiiurcc tin- ob&
v laws, had caused 1 b&lt; :jiic of A

\vlio liad ivudrivd assistance t the Spani

litioiis ast J^a-an&lt;!&lt;.ii and J rxul

[&gt;irit { il]. cod r J*Ii- j resident and
n wi-ni so far a- to expl iln-ir ojiinion tli

tin. Jndians under cnntrd of the jri in

for tin- &lt;T&lt;)\VU was a nn mea

constituted tlic pi-iiK-i;.;.! source &lt;! iili

tin idit tin- |)i-o\ i and without, slav r tin-

co] ba would soon he rcdiict d to be y.
HM\V th ;c privation and

times th; ncd with actual i ainii Tl:

collected from th hich h 1 Ibyrightto

1 his oi n;_ r

th -titulc l)iit was i uimd utterly in;.

i for their maintenance

The m. erioufi accusatinn ! ( 1 i&gt;n-

hut one that i on i

,t he appropriated the est

" their wives and children d&lt; -tin,

I his family
than one third of the province, and that the B

and territory of the entire di

foi-inei lv divided anioiiiT iiuli-

vi -, had ] ! into the hand- of h!

ail ;rd even laid t hi- charge that he had

B d

]

so lo dcjamos. TcuUi
|

182 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

polled the settlers to take part in enterprises which
he himself had in fact only been led to sanction by
the clamor of the colonists or the urgency of the
occasion, as was the case in the exploration of the
Desaguadero and the expeditions against the forces
of Doctor Robles. 36

Meanwhile the oidor, Herrera, was sparing no effort
to insure the governor s downfall, and with that pur
pose sent private reports to the emperor and the
council of the Indies. In one of these 37 he recom
mended that no one should be allowed to rule who
possessed Indians, either in his own name or that of
his wife, children, or servants, and that the govern
ment be vested in the hands of a person whose duty
it should be to visit, at frequent intervals, every set
tlement in the province. He also recommended that
the children of the caciques should be placed in con
vents, there to be trained in the Christian faith, and
that the adult Indians should remain in their towns
for the same purpose. 88 In short his object, like that
of Valdivieso, whose cause he never ceased to advocate,
was to place the entire native population under the
absolute control of the ecclesiastics.

In the beginning of the year 1547 the bishop
removed to Leon, and no sooner had he done so than
the cabildo reported to the emperor "the great trouble
they had in defending the royal jurisdiction on account
of the opposition of the bishop, who insulted and
maltreated the officers of justice, and held the laws
in contempt." 89 It was even thought necessary to
send to Spain one Antonio Zdrate to advocate their

30 Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de Contreras, porque
siendo gouernador de aquella provincial, salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacioii
con gente de pie y de cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero,
y otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excesses, assi contra Caste-
llanos, como contra Indios. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi.

37 Dated at Gracias a Dios, December 24, 1543. Squier s HISS., xxii. 128.

38 Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He desired for himself
the office of ruler, and it was fortunate for the province that he did not obtain
it; for when in 1548 his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was
proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues.

39 Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. Squler s MSS., xxii. 40.

Ti 183

. whereupon Y-il&lt;li in&lt;-il

of i be In&lt;Ii&lt; me i bree \ mmuni

lion iii which In- accused him of being a i

criminal, in order t&lt;&gt; desl roy bis mflu&lt;

J I&lt; "p T

am;i, informing him of 7A\ purp&gt; .m-

mending his arrest. The en mi-d

(lan^-i-r, and mai make ^ ait

it is not recorded that he i Ail in mpli

in^ thu ohject of hi- mi ion.

The simple whicli Contreras liad so Ion--- main-

oo o

the machinatio!

dra\vin an cud. In UK- iiiin^ of tli

1 548, the licentiate Alonso Loj&gt;ry, &lt;! ., fur:

president of the audiencia in E^spanola, and D a}&gt;-

jio mtcd to tliat o! tlie Conlincs, ai-rivrd a1 (
J)i One of his lirst acts wa^ to fcake ti
of the governor, wliereiipon iindin^ that the i
f&lt; r of his enconiiendas had !&gt;&lt; n i r tin- j

;e ot th&lt;- new code, tliou^li bei publication in

the province, " lir diM-iaivd them con!

treraa at once ivpaii-cd to Spain to seek

for BOme time alter his departure his enemi

ostant dread lest he should ] ahisauthoi .n&lt;l
ret urn to take vengeance on hi TL

and regidores of Leon, having no\ with

tin- bishop, nrdrivd llieir s v to pivpar lisl

itiol! drp I

16 of their nnmher liad the com
each iffici -n-in^ that liis si- iiatinv mi-ht
cost him his li J r wa en r d th

tire family &lt;! the fallen ruler he recalled to Spain,

for of] n- Hernando and Pedro it was e

ihev ha&lt;l commit bed many i =n&lt;l of hi \ in-

law. Alias ( ion/alo, the al;.,

a 1)111)1 . mhliii"--h()ii&gt; . 1 inallv i

o *i

; pobliflhed in Xi.-ar.-i r ua in
41 This report

ace. int-il tluT.-in of those already mei.

\.\ii. JS-JOO.

184 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

oidor was confirmed by the council of the Indies, and
Roclrigo de Contreras returned no more to Nicaragua. 42
His children, however, still remained in the province,
soon to figure as the leaders of a revolt which threat
ened, for a time, the very existence of Spain s do
minion in the western world.

Although the ecclesiastics were held in little respect
by a majority of the Spaniards, there is sufficient
evidence that they labored faithfully in their calling.
When Fray Toribio de Motolinia came from Guate
mala, in the year 1528, to join certain Flemish friars
then resident in Nicaragua, he founded at Granada
the convent of Concepcion, 43 and having a knowl
edge of the native lansfuasfe, was successful in his

o * o *

efforts, giving special care to the baptism and conver
sion of children. His stay was of short duration ; but
by others the work of christianizing the natives was
continued with vigor. Gil Gonzalez is said to have
baptized thirty-two thousand. 44 Hernandez and Sal-
cedo also baptized large numbers. Pedrarias, inasmuch
as this great work had been accomplished without
his intervention, affected contempt for such summary
methods of conversion, and ordered an investigation to
be made by Francisco de Bobadilla, a friar provincial
of the order of Mercy, and by the public notary Bar-
tolome Perez. Diligent search was made by these
officials, but it was found that the barbarians had either
forgotten or never understood the truths of Christi
anity, and Bobadilla was obliged to perform this holy

*- He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing further is recorded
of him until that year, when we hear of him as serving in Peru. He finally
appears in the act of swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of
July 1557. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Jndias, 742.

43 This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans, as the Flemish
friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in company with Fray Marcos de Xiza
to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra Firme, Espanola, and Mexico. Vazquez, Chron.
Gvat., 21-2. Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that
came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he labored in company
with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place and date of his death are unknown.
Notas, Datos, Bioy., in Cartas de Indias, 762.

44 Gonzalez Ddvila, in Teatro Ecles., i, 233.

T!,i rbaj

an in t! rovince

duriii t nine &lt;!,, and later, !

ptember 1 538 and
fifty-two thousand live hundr&gt; ad fiffc;

baptized, though , ; l&gt;y n ild

they !&lt; ealled converted."

( )n 11 til of An &gt;. I leriKindo de Al\.

: 1 1-Yay Juan de 1 adill; da

Solltll Sea l&gt;y way of ( !&lt; &gt;i!&gt;,i. ; and

.\\lu-rr wc-ll n d. \\ "ln-ii CI d

th ivc-s ado ]])(([ them with r&lt;&gt;s nd hmu^ht

oilrri &gt;f whatever t hey v,-du&lt;-d m&lt;

l i\-jy Lorenzo de 1 ^ nvi-ni&lt;l;i and thii
It-It Yuraiim i or tin; jiroviin-c ot (
rontinnc th(^ work &gt;i c ion in th&gt;- j-i

many may have fallen victims t&lt;&gt; their pim; d. I

; ion th(5 sad fate &lt;f the martyr 1
PizaiT AVhile lahorin^ in one of the n. ivm.

di.- a of Nicaragua, he \\ . d 1&gt;\- dnmL

dnriiiLT tin; &lt;-elehratioii ol

dr;i I over the rocks, 1" I till he was almost 1:
. iiid then han-vd; his mu;

rk ly burning (Town a church which he had
own e.\[M

During the infernal dissensions which have ju

I, hands of hostile India: m-

o]"jiortunity v. inually conimi

depredations on the l&gt;ord md .

* !!

H; in M,-^.

, no e pueden
ai ;0.

&lt;c named Xuee

a 7\n,

186 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

ing those of the natives who were at peace with
the Spaniards, the cacique Lacandon being especially
troublesome and refusing all overtures of peace. No
progress could be made in forming new settlements
or improving the condition of those already estab
lished. After the explorations conducted by Captain
Machuca, we read of no important enterprise until the
year of the governor s departure. In 1548 the con-
tador Diego de Castaneda organized an expedition for
the conquest of the district of Tegucigalpa. 48 Through
the treachery of the guides, his men were led into
marshy arid difficult ground, where they soon found
themselves surrounded by hordes of savages. Re
pelling their attacks with much difficulty they made
their way to the Desaguadero, and passing down that
channel in barges landed on the shores of Costa Hica,
where they founded the settlement of Nueva Jaen. 4

48 Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo Davila, who accompanied the expe
dition.

49 In this chapter there have been consulted various documents in Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col Doc., i. 536, 563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 110-46; Cartas
de.Indias, 710, 762, 775; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 36, 742, 857;
Col. Doc. Incd., xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; 1. 116; Squier s MSS., xiii. 3, 4;
xxii. 34-149; Oviedo, iii. 176-9; iv. 76-92, 112-15; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i.
cap. ix.; lib. ix. cap. xv. ; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.; dec. vi.
lib. i. cap. viii. ; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v. ; dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix. ; Itcmesal,
JJlst. Chyapa, 105-7, 193-9, 203-6; Andacjoya, Nar., 39; Vega, Hist. Descub.
Am., ii. 244-6; Gonzalez Ddvila, Tcatro Edes., i. 234-5; Coyoltvdo, Hist.
Yucathan, 345; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 252; Juarros, Guat., i. 49; MoreHi,
Fasti Novl Orbis, 112; Benzoni, Hist. Hondo Nvovo, 105; Pelaez, Mem. Guat.,
i. 135; Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 347; Kerr s Col. Voy., v. 175; Levy s
NIC., 67-73; Squier s States Cent. Am., i. 82.

CHAPTER XT.

KXI KDITION OF DIEGO GUTIERREZ To 006TA MCA.

1540-1645,

TED GOVERNOR DESERTI :L&lt;J

lh I \ir\i:\&lt;:r.\ -Ti:

:: Tin; Kio S \x Jr.\ :

XATI\ MI.N JM.SKKT A - ;. TJ.MI:- !

Xn AK IQl A AM) XoMKU;

Tin, PAKTY i.i-T-II. :;UK

I) COCOUI INTO II! 1 Hi! I

\TH Nnr.i.i: ( r OF ] , i-K Coco;

MAl;i][ INTO THE I.MliKloK TllKIK . v ,

AR] OTIIK.. . iv-

L ED JJY ALONSO Dl 1 :

BETWEEN the l\i&lt;&gt; S;m Juan an-1 the ]m&gt;vincv &lt;f
V( : ;;i l;iy a tci ir&lt; ry w] I ;m&lt;l - -ly

oded sui-l-ifc had hitherto |&gt;n\. t

Sjiani.-li roiKjiiiist and coloni, :i. C- ! or

Nil* \a Cartage, l&gt;y both of whic.-h n; ion

9 known, 1 yi-t ivmainol alii; i terra in- to

prans. J hiring his la . in th- r 1 ."&gt;

&lt; lumlms liad touched 1 p .ini its north

ern shore. At the Golfo ])ul--. on s&lt;m:

ist, it \vill !&gt;&lt; remembered that (iil Gon

liis hand wen- o-lad 1&lt;&gt; lind shelter in tlir i

rni and ilood.- Vague ivj.orts of a s iiu-nt

1 It is inc clir- iiifh-rs time of (

mainland \v.-is .

&lt;lr&lt;l in strea:

&lt;\ Set-

ducU of t

., i. 4^1 ."&gt;, this scrica,

( 187)

188

EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

named Cartago, founded early in the sixteenth cen
tury by some band of roaming adventurers, are men
tioned in several of the early chroniclers; but when
and by whom it was established, is a question 3 on
which there is no conclusive evidence.

The exploration of the Rio San Juan, which had
opened up a passage from the North Sea into the very
heart of Nicaragua, awakened a more eager desire to
possess this unknown region; and to the pride of con
quest and discovery was added the all-pervading

v^ ^&gt;* ^ ^Vv^^PI^Si^

PtX

COSTA RICA, 1545.

passion of the Spaniard, for it \vas believed that the
armies of the great Montezuma had invaded the terri
tory from a distance of more than six hundred leagues,

3 1 am inclined to believe that the original founders of Cartago were set
tlers from the colony established by Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba at Bru-
selas, on the gulf of Nicoya in 1524, and abandoned three years later by order
of Salcedo (see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 512, this series); more particularly as its
first site was known to have been close to the harbor of Caldera, and therefore
not far from the landing-place of Cordoba. It was next removed to a spot
near the Rio Taras, and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by
some that Cartago was the first city established in what was formerly called
the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this statement, basing his asser
tion on a report made in 1744 by Jose de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis

and had 1 lit thence n
In L540 1) ;i ci;

l&gt;;-other t&lt;&gt; \-\ lip,- ( rutiem !)&lt;&gt; five y&lt;
coin! ! the ill-fai ion t., \

ajl&gt;&gt;int&lt;-d ernor f lliis provin :

I forth nil ;m \\hirh \

to prove even more than tin- on

l&gt;v lii - kinsman.

&lt; rutierrez ]: 1 first to IN; afiola, \

rai-ed a eompany &lt;&gt;f ahout t\vo hundred men at
llu-iKv i or ,Iainai&lt;-i, 1 ! M base i})}&gt;li
onies &lt;&gt;! Tit-i-i-a Mi-nn-. Here a mutiny 1- out

anion^ liis men, tlir 1 ..f nil liis i n-v

si. Arriving at Nombre de Dios he fell . ml

\vliilr lyiu;^ at llu- jioint of death liis men
and crossing over t&lt;&gt; Panama look sliij) I oi- \\-r\\.
]\&lt;- ring from liis il!i : . he I -und liimsclf \\
but five men and alm it means. He gathered

courage. ]io\ i-, and lit; mall

for the Rio San Juan, and so made his way tot]

of Granada. Falling in with one .R-, a siic-e&gt;&gt;lul

ITO. I\cfcn-ing to r continues : It appears

lirt ] hat the lir.st

1
:;H _ . I

t!ic nil. ill rn I
i further vhcn he .-
I .jiKitri

nlloil ; import.

b lt lii

!
1 }&gt;y the fact that I : (as his r.:

not a

! ::i.-ly. in \.~&gt;~~&lt;. /

&gt;."&gt;. .Molina, ii

.Il lnl
:&lt;\ CM] Tiller ; I in reir. inl t&gt; Coluilil

V.I i. iiii.

is 6: , the \&gt;

.-I th;i"
In . vii. lii i. i\

ect,
inasinu ;onc of

190 EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

adventurer from Peru, he succeeded in borrowing from
him three thousand castellanos with which he hoped
to retrieve his fortunes.

Gutierrez now endeavored to enlist men in Nicara
gua, but disputes between himself and Rodrigo de
Contreras, the governor of that province, caused a
further delay of tw^o years. Contreras declared that
his province extended to the border of Veragua and
that there was no intervening territory for Gutierrez
to colonize. Gutierrez on the other hand affirmed
that the boundaries of Veragua and Castilla del Oro
had been placed far south of those originally appointed,
and that in consequence there existed a large domain
of which he was appointed governor by a charter
granted to him from the crown. Though the limits 4
of Costa Rica as set forth in this document were
somewhat indefinite, Contreras at length admitted
that his opponent was duly authorized to take posses
sion of the newly created province. He then endeav
ored to dissuade him from his purpose, representing
the country as rugged and his scheme as foolhardy
and dangerous. "But if you persist in the occupa
tion of that territory, take my advice," he said,
"and keep one hundred well armed men upon the
sea-shore, always ready to forage, sometimes in one
direction and sometimes in another, for the people

4 The first boundaries appointed for the province are those mentioned in
the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein
they are described as extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of
Veragua, running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande), provided
that the coast adjoining said river on the side of Honduras should remain
under the government of Honduras, with power to Gutierrez to conquer and
settle any island in said river which should not be previously located by
Spaniards; and the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages of
said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not approach to within 15
leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua, because this territory of 15 leagues being
reserved, as well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the govern
ment of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries both in that part of the
river granted to Gutierrez and in the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake,
should be possessed in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nica
ragua. Molina, Costa 7?. and Nic. , 7. The author claims to possess a certified
copy of unpublished documents stored in the archives of Spain, in which he
states the conditions of the charter granted to Gutierrez. See also Oviedo,
iii. 170, and Levy s Nic., C7-73.

;m&lt;l in tlii v onl

i&lt; &gt;

r n.

law. hut it M -ueh al&lt; 1-ad

sue . .Hid the ewnt proved that i ! nd a

politie. Iii a lof- : u that ill c &lt;1 wiili 1

bure conduct Gutierrez replied: "Tl mm-

nl province v, I upon ni&lt;- l.y tin-

that I Illicit people and not pillage ! if

D a&lt;h to I trust in (i

that to nif it may he more propitioua" Ii was 6

doctrine, but doctrin* would Dot win. (

a force of H\ V men, h&lt; with t

ir the mouth of the KM Sun 1 -

iidii!"- the liver f -r ahoiit three 1- ;

O C3

the ] came in sight &lt;&gt;f e deserted

tli- ieani])in ( ^, were \ h&lt;

;&lt;M to the value 11 hundred

and i I in return some i

;nk-t&lt;, and an earnesi exhortation t&lt;&gt; j-

the true faith. The native rli n-ftain-
\vitli th&lt; it- visit, and on returniii _ nt

ii.-h, and the dried il f \vild I

A gleam of BUCO ; hus at \\r&gt;i {

Inni/ation, hut he \ Doi

.vliieh nied id: !le

in tin- attempts of the Sjiau: d-li&gt;h

in the Xc-w World. 1 1
I purji hut irascihl. 1 sin

r of eonti-ol. A
Tin; d: a: aihiv d- i tiofl tl;

]Ji fn.m hun--er and t !

} i life, they ahandolied the

5 It is st

alti

192 EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

away to the sea- shore, where they fell in with two
vessels from Nombre de Dios and so made their way
back to Nicaragua.

Left with only six followers, 8 his nephew Alonso de
Pisa, one sailor, and four servants, Gutierrez had no
alternative but to follow his recreant band. Digging
a hole in the earth, he buried there several jars of
salt, honey, and other stores not needed for his voy
age, and embarking in a small river-boat descended
to the sea. Soon he descried approaching the mouth
of the river a brigantine, which proved to be in com
mand of one Captain Bariento, with men, arms, am
munition, and provisions from Nicaragua. Thereupon
he turned back, conducted the vessel to his settle
ment, and handing to his nephew all the gold that
had been collected, amounting to eight hundred cas-
tellanos, bade him return with the ship to Nombre
de Dios and there purchase arms and procure re
cruits. Girolomo Benzoni, the Italian chronicler of
the New World, was at Nombre de Dios when Cap
tain Pisa arrived early in 1545, and being, as he
says, young and strong, filled with high aspirations,
and desirous of enriching himself, he determined to
return with the vessel to Nueva Cartago. 9 Other
adventurers, lured by the promise of wealth, deter
mined to join the expedition, and soon twenty-seven
men were pledged for the new colony.

On the return voyage the brigantine encountered
a gale near the entrance of the river and was driven
to the islands of Zorobaro, a short distance from the
coast. There they remained for seventy-two days,

8 E despues que alii estuvo un auo 6 mas, porque faltaron los bastimen-
tos, se le amptin6 la gente 6 se le tornaron a Nicaragua ; 6 este gobernador
se quedo con seys hombres solos . . . Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo 6
con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales de les dar de
comer 6 oro, sin hacer mal ni daiio d ninguno de los nuestros. Oviedo, iii. 180.

9 ; E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in questa Citt& volsi csser
vno di que gli, ancora ch io fussi ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era
andato nella prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per ispatio
di quindici amii, dicentlomi, che in modo alcuno, mi lasciassi vincere di andare
a tale impresa, e die non volesse dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano.
Benzom, Mondo Nvovo, 84-5.

f;i

i mins, i &lt;&gt;f tl:

: killed ley 1 Such was tin- 1.1.-. of

hat. during all tliis time i did

:ir hours of sun-hiii

hoi c mi the mainland dii pr-

l)ii nvh midst nd

untain, dnrin-- which time h&lt; d Ol dls

and berries, he r.-turned empty-handed FinalK

heir way to tin- ncampmcnt of (Iuti&lt;
who, lieini; determined at all lia/.ard to people his

ritory, immediately sent the ship lia-
d 1 )in- I . .1- nmre recruil :i ri l - to t

amount of ! n liumlrrtl llaiu r J lie nnm!

ly increased to eighty m

r riius r-- ; uforco(l he ! &lt;&gt;t hi&gt; |&gt;i nv-

in&lt; With foui- canoed ho ascended the 1
and after uiakii distance of ahnnt ten 1

landed at an Indian vill uli n-li I the

of San Francisco in honor of the saint on wh&lt;
natal day the spot was reached. I leiv the j -irty

waa met l&gt;y c n eaciiiues, who ln-mi^ht ]
&lt;f fruit but no gold. The governor received them
kindly, informing them throi r thai

rs had in their JM&gt; rel which v.

nf the utmo thai they had oome a

nd sonic of them for no other purj ihan
rev&lt; a! it. In return for thi C hri.Miaiis m

have o-old.

r rhc chiefs re then invited to a be \

consisting of f,\\l ami jM.i-k : hut d httl.

relish for Mich fond, and merely hand- d it

to their ndants to le . After the

n exho .n in \vhi

ms hai-an^ued h

id hrothers, I am c&gt; hither to f;

m the chains of i&lt;l&gt;la ly wliich tin
inlln.
l&gt;onn&lt;l. I am com

uh l (In-i-t. the

HIST, i :., VOL. II.

194 EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

save you. With me I have brought holy men to
teach you this faith, which to accept, and implicitly
to obey our sovereign emperor Charles V., king of
Spain and monarch of the world, and us his represent
atives, comprises your whole duty." To these words
the chieftains bowed their heads, but without making

answer, neither assenting to nor rejecting the munifi
cent and disinterested offer of the Christians, who for
a little yellow earthly metal gave in return the ineffable
joys of heaven.

Nevertheless, the savages were slow to bring in
their gold, and the governor, forgetting the lofty sen
timents with which he had regaled Contreras prior to
his departure from Nicaragua, looked about him for
some means by which to enforce his injunctions.
Being informed that two of the caciques, named Ca-
machire and Cocori, 10 who had before presented him
with treasure to the value of seven hundred ducats,
were now encamped on the opposite side of the river,
he summoned them into his presence, at the same
time pledging his word for their safety. Reluctantly
the chieftains came, and no sooner had they placed
themselves in the power of the Spaniards than Guti
errez ordered a strong iron collar to be fastened round
their necks, and chaining them to a beam in his dwell
ing, taxed them with stealing the buried jars of salt
and honey, and demanded restitution, or, as an equiva
lent, a large amount of gold. They answered that
they knew nothing of the matter, and had no need to

tj O

pilfer articles of which they possessed an abundant
store. Camachire procured gold to the value of two
thousand ducats, which was greedily appropriated by
the governor, but served only to whet his appetite.
In place of thanks, baptism, and restoration to liberty,
the cacique was dragged before a burning fire ; a large
basket was placed beside him, and he was told that

10 Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: E cada dia traian oro
al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna espiriencia, prendio a uno
de aquellos caciques, que estaban. de paz, que se decia el Cama (cl qual era
muy rico), porque no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia. iii. 180.

Z ROBS AXh TO!

iliin lour (I, ,ld &lt; nou^-li

iill it six times be should be bun. :h. n T!

i;iblin&lt;_r native pnmi&gt;ed m\\&gt; .

Ills sl;i to collect the I I

Jndian to be t ;m&lt;[ believing him

comply in i^od faith with d, Guti

milted him to be led every day tot

J his daily h;dif. J It -t ui iiin-- on o
in tli- liatli, tin- soldier having t he captive in dial
;lected |o SeCUTC liiin pl o[" and tl

ni- ht he made hi- 68Ca]

Cocori, who i-ciiuiim-d ;t ]ii-iM(.T, had i

tr the brunt of the g . ATtei- liein-^

quently importuned lor ^:ld, \vhich lir ahvays

clarc&lt;l himself unable to ohtain,

spot \\-hci-e blood-hounds were chained; bid to ob

\\ell their lin^e teeth and !_deaiiihi&lt;_ ;id t!

cued that unless ^old were soon 1 &gt;rihe ( ,iiiiii-- beshoi

he torn and devoured by tl,

dithe indignation of th&lt;- cliiel tain unc ;

ir. "You lie. bad Christians." he

en have you made the same threat and y t I li\

I would rather die than liye in bondage ainon-_r

such vipers which I e |y wonder how
:r." r I1ie noble iiatr.
i pad; animal. Thus did Die^o Gut
iil hi pn imise to people th, an&lt;l i o pil-

la-v it.

It was soon noUed abroad that the ho

1 brought to the shores &lt;

of i he M-ospel v, to be dreaded t!

the evil spirits which they had COB

the iiei_rlil)orii tciques, fearinj k th

iards, laid waste their own land-. d&gt; I tl.

11 I:i i

196 EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

crops, burned their dwellings and withdrew to the
mountains, until starvation should compel the intruders
to abandon the territory. The governor soon found
himself in evil plight; moreover he possessed a tem
perament singularly adapted to inspire distrust, dis
content, and melancholy among his followers. Again
they threatened to desert him arid return to Nombre
de Dios or Nicaragua, leaving him in sole possession
of the boundless forests, sole ruler over naked and
hostile natives. He had but one alternative to push
on boldly into the heart of the province in the hope
of finding gold or at least a store of provisions. After
some persuasion the men agreed to accompany him.
The sick and disabled were sent back to the sea-shore,
where Alonso de Pisa was stationed with twenty-four
men, bearing orders that he should march through the
forest along a track which would be designated by
placing crosses along the route. Dividing a scanty
stock of grain among his soldiers, now mustering but
forty capable of bearing arms, Gutierrez plunged
blindly into the wilderness.

On setting out upon this hazardous raid, Benzoni,
who affirms that he realized fully the situation, re
marked to a comrade, "We are going to the shambles."
Whereupon the other, a man of more sanguine tem
perament, made answer: "Thou art one of those who,
we intend, shalt have a principality in spite of thy
self/ 12 For six davs no human habitation was seen.

Through dense woods they journeyed, climbing the
mountain sides by clinging to the roots of trees, and
making the descent by sliding down their steep de
clivities. Leaves were their chief food, and some half-
picked bones, which the wild beasts had abandoned,
furnished them a rich repast.

The temper of the governor was no more happy

12 Et cosi partissimo, e & pena die fussimo saliti dalle case, io indiuinai
qnello c haueua da essere cli noi altri, clicendo a vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo
alia beccheria; e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di quegli,
clie gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo dispetto. Benzoni,
Mondo Nvovo, 89.

GS.

than his sir Yrrivin

divided. ( rutiero a of an I

train which r.

some native \ i! &lt;&gt;! which

He replied that In- did not know; wheiviip, ,n t

ernor taking it lor granted that tl)&gt;

1 his head to ! f l,y

TJi me question was then put to (

\ vd tlie Spaniard- of lnrd&lt;

same reply was made. Ajjfuin t niel
the order to kill. As tl r appr. d

him the In-,-: [ue instantly laid down his hurd

\\vd liead, and calmly it-d

\v. ly ih - iiohlc ! [ th

and his own infamous condtiei itierrez coiinl

nian&lt;ie&lt;l th r&gt;rdci-, and tlic chieftain s 111 -- v
I nrthcr misery. OH the ^j.ot wh( re tl

occurred thi .Idit-rs w- d fix&gt;m exh

I, whilu lli nipaiiy advanced.

Boon afterward E - ! by the Indians. r i i

re now killed and their &lt; !i\id

n, the- governor iviV,

more \vhole-ome viands \
IT his own usr. 11

l&gt;ut the c; &lt; of Diego Gut; .h

: so a(T ri tluif n and

In- \\i-rr lil . lirin.L, th- ^" .

tutti n&lt; iu pun

_;;,, [,,

con ; Idle su 1 ; si :r

i jv

.1 iiiin n. .th::
11 !
-

UD an. I cat ol
inc l,
with i:

: he had t.

a tr-

108 EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

closed. The party was now upon the southern slope
of the cordillera, on the banks of a large stream which
flows into the South Sea 15 and the time was July 1545.
A small band of disaffected men miserably clad, and
destitute of food, had thus wandered far into the in
terior of a wilderness. Whither were they bound, and
what the insane hope that urged them forward? Gu
tierrez who had been twice abandoned by his soldiers,
was now resolved that these men whom he had brought

with so much labor and expense from Nicaragua and
Nombre de Dios should not escape him. Alarmed by
their loud murmuring at the place ca]led San Fran
cisco, he had hastily departed, cutting off, as many
other Spanish leaders had done before him, all hope
of ever returning except as a successful man. Could
he have pilfered from the natives and thereby obtained
food and gold, thus keeping his men in heart until the
arrival of Alonso de Pisa, all would have been well.
But until reaching the southern declivity of the moun
tains the country was everywhere deserted. So rugged
had been their path, and so toilsome their march, that
they were now exhausted, and the natives whom be
fore they had so much longed to meet and make their
prey were now congregating to prey upon them.

A day or two later the Spaniards were approach
ing the vero-e of a forest. An Indian hidden behind

the trees to watch their movements was observed

running off at full speed to give the alarm. Next
morning at daybreak they were attacked by a horde
of natives who "advanced," as Benzoni relates, "with
horrid howls and screams and noises with the buc-
cinus shells and drums all painted red and black,
adorned with feathers, and golden trinkets round
their necks." "In one half of a quarter of an hour,"
continues the chronicler, "during which we killed and

* o

wounded a great many Indians, we made them turn
their shoulders." 16 They soon returned, however, and

15 The Rio Grande.

10 Et hauendo combatttito dall vna parte, e dalP altra per ispatio di mezo
quarto d liora, e hauendo noi altri ammazzato, e ferito molti Indian!, e alia fine

Th 5 pania ..11

jiii -kly l)ut

six v, -lain. ( !ly uonndr 1, a

liis li.-ad, hands, and i rrt \

his hody and hon. llir the r&lt;

which he- had prop .-.&lt;[ t, siihju.

I : :nnl)l-d upon Hi i-

hnt lor which circumstance no hi- of 1

X&lt;-\v World \vuuld i produced ly h

11 l- r," "1 he stonrx iVnin tin- sa\ !!

upon it with Mirh force tliat it look j if it h
liannnrivd 1)\- a smith." After hair-1

"ii which tin- hi&gt;f &gt;riaii l "in!ly lin
d ti wiili his ii\v conn l.y i

an-ival of Aln&gt;o d- Pi . and

ni-ut and day the Mirvivors niad.- tlidr \\ ay ! 1 .

San Juan, ami th nharked

fatf [tare le spaHe. /. " &gt;ntanns states

atire la:;lr .

: tlorh, nn-t vrrs.

be swaei

i harsi SS.

; the g

:;ial s*u person ic amlalia tullido dc gota 6

qua

ron l &gt;s in-l; .1 those

H&lt; ; that t were 8urpris

c slain, s&lt; escape,

:!)! that ! h:nl so 1 1. iii. Lsl.

! &lt; elapsi ecn

; t his i coDoeri

le.

;&gt;t tha:

-fHiu-is i lijni&gt;&lt;

that u&gt; tli&lt;- ]&gt; tlic c

: &gt;lc, aii l took jilua.sun: in

to nit- ami never \\oiil-l \

1 of t . ainl I can 1

i OS tO t

M^O in
L He i * to

i &gt;r aca

&gt; o niii dosagobi s cnscficn a roba:

seqi; .-sto vi;

200 EXPEDITION TO COSTA RICA.

pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el contrario de las
palabras. iii. 178.

Other authorities quoted in this chapter are Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap.
xvii.; Denzoni, Hondo Nvovo, lib.ii. 83-92; Bejarano, Inform?; Haya, Inform?;

StaCruz, Visita Apost., MS., 14; Rdchardt, Cent. Am., Ill, 112; Salv., Diar.
Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876, C18.

The time of Diego Gutierrez fight with the Indians and death, as given
by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official manuscript extant that places it in
December 1544. It is the investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the
25th of June, 1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy of
it. Peralta s autograph note in Peralta, llio San Juan, 9.

CHAPTER XFI.

ALVAIIADO S LAST KXl KDITIOX.

i:.:;; i.vn.

TlIF. Al KT.ANTMxi s M.VTCH-MAK I N&lt; i VXMTUBl ITS I.VARADO S

1 ..i\VN 111. I. \NIS AT 1

\-Hls A i .8 FOB

MI:\ICO Hi - I AT NOOHIBTLAN Hn 1

LAM WILL - C IIAKACTKI; OF TII

vnniTii WHII.I: Ar. ivr. I &gt; IIi-:v.

. I&gt;oV.\L Ills 1 &gt;LI.U:HT IN Kl.oul.~HL]&gt; L..K ITS o\VN SvKL - 1 Hi; KE8T-

I AND J-]ri TAi-ii ALVAIIAIJO S

OF tlie c-vciits in riuairni;il;i during the thrc( rs

su&lt;- .iu^ tli arrival of ]\la]&lt;l&lt;

IH c So!!K \vliat silcllt. Jll 8 1* to tl;

dated 1 tnber 10, L 537, the viceroy Mendoz

that IK- Lad received from the oidor a report \vh

the province is i I...- at j&gt;-

condition, and that other accounts 1
ch- (1 him represent!: intry to he well ^

iied. ]f this wc-re so Maldonados cha soon

cl;a!iu d i&gt;r the worse, for later we shall lind in him
much to his discredit.

i.irlyin 1338 a royal decree w, rived in 1

y of Santiago, ordering that all who held i-ncumi.
to marry within three y. -m the d

of their n t i(icatin, or to lori .-it their Indians in
! married person This order met with |

Cot. D law was BOOL

. !_ , ! uiul Novembers,

13 to n in tlii was to be at

fcri i luduui&gt;, ui.

I Ml]

202 ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

approval, and the cabildo petitioned the king to re
consider the matter. Eligible women, they said, could
be found only in the city of Mexico, so remote from
the province of Guatemala that the expense of the
journey was beyond the means of most colonists.
Many declined to marry because they would not link
themselves with persons socially their inferiors, 2 while
the small number of Indians assigned to some would
prevent their supporting a family.

On his return from Spain in the following year
Alvarado reports to the cabildo that, in company
with his wife, come twenty maidens, well bred, the
daughters of gentlemen of good lineage, and he ex
presses confidence that none of this merchandise will
remain on his hands. But the venture does not meet
with the success the adelantado anticipated. At one
of the entertainments given in honor of his arrival,
and at which, relates Vega, 3 many of the conquista
dor es were present, these damsels, who, concealed
behind a screen in an adjoining apartment, were wit
nessing the festivities, commented on the appearance
of their prospective husbands in the most disparaging
terms. " They say," remarked one to her compan
ions, "that these are to be our husbands." "What!
marry those old fellows?" was the reply. " Let those
wed them who choose; I will not; the devil take them!
One would think by the way they are cut up that they
just escaped from the infernal regions; for some are
lame, some with but one hand, others without ears,
others with only one eye, others with half their face
gone, and the best of them have one or two cuts across
the forehead." " We are not to marry them for their
good looks," said a third, "but for the purpose of
inheriting their Indians ; for they are so old and worn
out that they will soon die, and then we can choose
in place of these old men young fellows to our tastes,

2 Y otros que antique haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos est^n en edad que
todavia se sufra casarse, no las querran por las enfermedades contagiosas que
de la tierra se han pegado. Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14.

3 Commentaries lleales t it 58.

TIILY WILL NOT M.\l:i:v. : ,

in tli manner ihaf im old hrob-n ]

ch. 1 for and sound."

NOW It chanced t lie of t lie nM fell

! \vh;it \v;is s;iid and told 1,

with them by all D

&gt;ok to himself tin- dau

his residence in Spain Al

u comm :i from t il 17,

153 . the Lp-ant of the twciit y-litth }&gt;;irf of :dl
nnd lands \\liidi IK- ini^lit discov-r, with the ti
count, and tli- ig&Or 1 j -

ppointed governor and captain u 1 for

r all such territories, and was au
on tli&lt;Mii ilir- t ri : 1: iiior,

.uacil mayor in perpetuity, and

ence ly judges or r offi

] rtainin^ to the litting-out of liis il- Tl.

dit ion was to 1 t liis own exj&gt; ml li

a \. . dii

i nds. 4 From a 1
also learn that ho was .-

explorations northward, 1 and ror

dii 1 all the principal of/ieial the \

aid in the anv&gt;t and puni^lii:

rdinates \vl ben disco\-eii
ma . hould i ulfil missi &gt;n - ini

-, or di&gt;olcy him undrr any j :n-

&gt;uld I ly the ei

Tl: privi I in c

j in the conqu d Qi

llarly in ni

ly his \\ il e 1 ). iz d-

r , l0S-( . // . !

// vii. HI), ii. -

rit-so, por I:i eost.a ! os

&gt; ttood

204 ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

and on the 4th of April landed in state at Puerto de
Caballos, with three large vessels well filled with pro
visions, materials of war, and all things needed to
equip a second fleet on the shores of the South Sea.
He was attended by a large retinue of cavaliers.
Among his troops were three hundred arquebusiers
all well armed and accoutred. 8

Collecting a large number of natives he at once
began the task of transporting his ponderous freight
toward the coast of Guatemala. Anchors each weigh
ing three or four hundred pounds, artillery and
munitions, iron, chain cables, heavy ship tackle, and
cases of merchandise were dragged along by Indians
yoked together like draught-animals or carried on
their naked shoulders, to be conveyed a distance of
a hundred and thirty leagues across a mountainous
and difficult country. Forty-three days were con
sumed in making the journey to Gracias d, Dios. 9
Numbers of the unfortunates succumbed and dropped
senseless, only to receive the curses of the commander
as he ordered their burdens to be placed on the backs
of others, who were constantly arriving in fresh relays

sister of his former wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to
legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos and the power of
the emperor a bull was granted. Such an authorization was rarely obtained.
Oviedo, iii. 214-15; Alvarado, Carta, in Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antiy., 179; Ga-
varrele, CopiasdeDoc., MS., 43-4; Gomara, Hint. Ind., 269; Torquemada, i.
323. Ilemesal, who is in error as to the date of this marriage, has this remark
respecting the dispensation. Licencia que se da raras vezes. . .Y entoiices
parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido el primer matri-
monio coiisumado. Hist. Chyapa, 17. See also Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo,
155.

8 Alvarado, Carta, in Artvalo, Col. Doc., Antig., 179; Herrera, dec. vi.
lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado brought 400 men; that he touched at
Espanola and took in supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March
12th. iii. 214-15. In Datos Bioy. the number of men is given as 250, including
hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included 300 arquebuses, 400 pikes,
200 ballcstas, much artillery, and rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000
ducats. Cartas de Indlas, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his
own letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states -that
there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of exactly the same
tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes the commencement, which is the
same as that of the letter preserved by ArtSvalo, it was either a duplicate, or
Ilemesal commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in Copias de Doc. ,
MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April.

9 Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo surrendered to Alvarado his
claim to the provinces of Honduras and Higueras.

lair; Tn ilr In- ]

port of
ships li;id a!

Alvarado -pared \\ &gt; in &lt; m-

iif , not only using nil his o&lt; !, n t,

Trowing la;

Ahoid-, Au;_ni&gt;t I T M

had lor SOUK- time past IM-CU i : in :

])loivd regions lar to t &gt;rth
with UK- marvel] of th . citi

nnd their \vondci-l\il wraith. T

1h&lt;- Itciiiciit beoai JIali

(lain: :clnsive ri-!it that

intry, and anioiiM- th.-m A!

liurri i-\vard the JM-.-J).-; .r hi

1 lef &gt;re the middle of l.Viu h

nioi-rcMl l&gt;y iiuincrous rccrui id a ;

had been c d, and equi

"While nt Santo DominffO OH tnni v

215.

11 cns.-.s \vcre enormous. i oslosgastos

quc liizo (JUG in ].- 1.;.

. . .ni lo.s trili.

v, ill, in v.

iro.

. v .1. ii., this so:
11 hips.

.
K!UJ -S incluiling a ;:

1
I : soak"

QM l .small; . { : I8ta;

ies. ! ,-&lt;crts ;

nt in
lo as sailing : :

206 ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

with everything that foresight could suggest. Leav
ing Don Francisco de la Cueva as his lieutenant-
governor, the adelantado sailed from Iztapa, 15 and
landing at Navidad in Jalisco proceeded to Mexico,
where he entered into arrangements with Mendoza
relative to the expedition, and their individual in
terests in it. 16 The agreement was not concluded with
out considerable wrangling as to terms, and Alvarado
probably considered himself somewhat overreached
by the viceroy.

Having remained five or six months in Mexico he
was now prepared to set forth on his expedition, 17
when an insurrection having broken out in Jalisco his
assistance in suppressing it was requested by the act
ing governor Onate. Contrary to advice he entered
the revolted province with his own troops, not waiting
for other forces to join him, and attacking the peiiol

is even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men. Viceroy
Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men and GO horses. Carta, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom
he brought from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies ; Herrera
that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses ; Bernal Diaz, C50 sol
diers besides officers, and many horses ; Tello, 300 Spaniards ; Beaumont, 800,
and 150 horses, and Benzoni, 700 soldiers.

15 Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his expedition to the coast of
Jalisco, there to wait for him, and went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo,
iv. 20, also entertains this view ; but Mendoza and Gomara, Hist. Ind. , 2G8--9,
distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the former s testimony is
conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional information that Alvarado sent a
messenger to the emperor with an account of his expedition and drawings of
his fleet. Oviedo had an interview with the messenger and saw the draw
ings. Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado discovered
Acajutla. Chronica de Gvat., 159. He had already done so as early as 1524.
See I fist. Cent. Am.,, i. 070, this series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as
the date of his sailing. Hist. Verdad., 23G. The time of his departure was
about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year the cabildo
requested him when on the point of departing with his fleets to take with him
the imprisoned princes Sinacam and Sequechul. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 30.

16 In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 351-G2, is a copy of the agree
ment between Alvarado and the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter
addressed by Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king,
in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share in the dis
coveries without his knowledge or solicitation, iii. 540. Mendoza states that
this share was one half. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507. Article
20 of Alvarado s capitulation with the crown authorized him to give Men
doza one third interest in his armament. Vazquez, Chronica- de Gvat., 159.

17 Acordamos dcspachar dos armadas; una para descubrir la costa desta
Nueva Kspaiia, 6 otra que fuesse al Poniente en demanda de los Lequios y
Catayo. Mendoza, Carta, in Oviedo, iii. 540.

ATI! 01 ADO.

in met with the &lt;1&lt; which ] 1\-

i. ls \Vhile coverin-j; the ;

.&lt;! .i tli i;ird, his i ry M . in

Hi;/ 1 u j.

1 that, tin- animal l&gt;t i hold a ii&lt;l roll:

: ilck Alvarado. who W&S toil!

ing liis horse, and crushed his &lt;] ]j -1-

ening to ] found him ;

hie, and as BOOD Bfl he had somewhat r

liiin on a litter to Guadalajara, !!&lt; suffered j !v,

: his f anxiety wa jn-ocin-r a \\\-l - wli

lie could n-licvc his hunlriH-d M&gt;U!. Borne al
this lii t. joiii ih-y, his -ins weigh* een m-

.ivily upon him than hodily fort un\ ;m&lt;l it \\ ith
ivli-f that he greeted tin- arrival of a i riar who had

n sinninoncd iVoin a neighboring ti. him,

und.-r BOme ])iiu- 9 &lt;n tin- ra . the COIKJ

of " iemala coin 1. and lin^eri:
days ivrriv. :ch consolation as \

ild /\\ It was t f July l ."&gt; 1 1 thai

d hi 1, having ma h he

a}&gt;] Juan do Alvarado of i &lt;i M,

and MaiTo(jnin of San . his .

Hi &gt;n did not perinit lull details, hnt

uctioiis that the will should 1
with whom he had communic

the ] tnance &lt;r c&lt; - f -r tl

hi ;1. 1 !e oi dei-ed hi- body to 1 iii t

adalajara, tlienee i
;)iti o, and I !ly interred
J Domingo, in th y of M

of his funeral enough of hi- j
"V. .1 \\li. sangre por la 1&gt;oca dccia:

: t-&gt; T

208 ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

dalajara or Mexico was to be sold by auction; and he
left strict injunctions that all his debts should be paid,
subject to the discretion of Bishop Marroquin. 21 All
his remaining property was bequeathed to his wife,
and summoning before him the captains and officers
of his vessels he ordered them to return to Guatemala
and deliver them into her possession; but this injunc
tion was never executed. After the adelantado s de
cease, his men dispersed in different directions, some
remaining in Mexico, others returning to Guatemala
or making their way to Peru, while the fleet which
had been constructed at so great an expense and at
the cost of hundreds of lives, was appropriated by
Mendoza. His estate was so encumbered that the
viceroy did not suppose that any one would accept as
a gift the inheritance with its liabilities, 22 and in
another letter stated that no one cared to do so. 23

Duly authorized by tFuan de Alvarado, his co-
executor, to settle Alvarado s estate, Bishop Marro
quin framed a will, bearing date of June 30, 1542, in
accordance with what he represents were the wishes
of Alvarado. It is quite voluminous and is, with the
exception of the preamble, given in full by Remsal.
Much is done for the relief of Alvarado s soul, which

remains were still at Tiripitio, * dode esta- en ten-ado, que es en Tyrepati.
The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was buried. He
also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a chaplaincy in the church at
Guatemala, that masses might be there said for his soul. Some years after
the death of the bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father s remains
transferred from Tiripitio to Guatemala, where they were interred with great
solemnity in the cathedral, Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 100. Gonzalez Davila says,
1 En el ano 1542 el Obispo comeco h executar el testamento del Gouernador
D. Pedro de Aluarado, and erroneously adds . . . y el Obispo traslad6 su cuerpo
de Mexico & Santiago. Teatro Edes., li. 148.

* Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 394-5; Beaumont, Cr6n. Midi., iv. 274-6; Remcsal,
, Hist. Chyapa, 161-2; this last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in
carrying out the intentions of Alvarado s will, ordered the payment to be
made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos ordered him to
furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz remarks, Some say a will was
made, but none has appeared. Hist. Verdad., 236.

22 The viceroy states that Alvarado s debts amounted to 50,000 pesos de
minas, to which must be added 15,000 more expended by himself on his ac
count. Carta, in Carias de Indias, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin,
August 1541, gays that he left at his death debts to the amount of 50,000
pesos. Id., 429, fac-simile V.

23 Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507-8.

Cl OF A

at \\
rin-mn Tl;

I ixl
itid altar-. th ! his in;

&lt;!&lt; I ih- bequ -f insigni

ill-

I ii ,-i vault beneath tin- high altar

&lt; ilKlf clliala til lit* (I- Al

iinally laid : him v.

&lt;&gt;{ 1:

. t lidii-h iii charac
h - his &lt;&gt;|&gt;jnit ( lorte s \&gt;

and nohilif y &lt;! soul : Al\ara&lt;

herous, and dish* iVank&lt;!

r, and la\ .r.s liL a[)fd upon him \

31 In the v;il r S.-nr .l\-;inulo liad a !.: s \\irli

n-icil sl;i\-c&lt;, c .llccti-il in tho fl!

i*-.l tin: ju iiu;i]&gt;:d l&gt;.nl&gt; ;ui&lt;; "

without i:
on. ] -lit- lii.-!i..p i

1 (lui ll on tin- l;iinls tlii-y 1

.ii!y in tin; .-

and Iii- .11 altar in the

mil . I. which tl &lt; 3aid masses I

i-l-inim s-t fi

liis pla: . lio\\i-\.T. until I

., &lt;lurin;_: \vhii-h tiint- tin ir ;

i Alvani

hidi . , Ian. DCS, h It

Was aj par. nt!

\\ Inch -t ami in

, l.uilt nil tin- as.-

,H that all t;
rown.

l.y tl

thr .-.

\\ i 1 1 1

dimotii". in /

Hl&gt; . AM , V i . II. 14

210 ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

ingratitude. In the breast of Cortes beat an affection
ate heart, stern though it was, and he seldom failed
to win the true regard of his followers. The conqueror
of Guatemala was void of affection even for women,
and his choice of wife or mistress was inspired by am
bition or lust. To govern by fear was his delight.
Cortes was cautious and far-sighted; Alvarado im
petuous, never anticipating other than favorable re
sults. In versatility, as well as in mental and moral
qualities, Cortes was far superior to the adelantado
instance the mutiny at Patinamit. Cortes would have
suppressed it, had such a thing ever occurred under
his command. Alvarado s career hardly affords the
means of fairly estimating his qualities as a commander,
for he never met his countrymen in the field. Never
theless, though his victories were chiefly owing to
superiority in arms and discipline, he displayed on
several occasions genuine military skill, and his quick
perception, coolness, and presence of mind, which no
extremity of danger disturbed, ever enabled him to
act promptly and rightly in the most critical positions.
That he never sustained a reverse in arms, from the
time he left Mexico in 1523 until the disaster which
caused his death, indicates generalship of no mean
order. As a governor he was tyrannical, 25 and his
capacity for ruling was inferior to his ability in the
field. 26

Judged even by the standard of his age it must be
said of him that, while ever proclaiming disinterested
ness and loyalty to the crown," 7 none of his contem
poraries were inspired by a more restless ambition, and
lew actuated by more thoroughly selfish motives.
Success appears to have rendered him callous to any
sense of shame, and in the last effort of his life he was
prompted by boyish egotism and foolish pride, being

l, Hist. Chyapa, 172.

2G Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador. Gomara, Hut. Tnd., 269.

27 In a letter to the council of the Indies he says: Pues todo lo que yo
estubicre sin ocuparme en algo en que sirba a Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal
gastado. Carta, in Squier^s MS., xix. 31.

Till! \\TAT.n V. o n

sji jeal o|)]&gt;u&gt;iii.,n to tl i throi;

\\-\: : he had been i to his hi

A perusal &lt;&gt;f the despatcl (luring- liis ],,

:1&lt;1 \\illiout other evid&lt; &gt;n-

clil tllilt lie was 1 he victim of Q

dir him hy his countrymen, who d&lt;

bo the emperor, misrepn
and decried hia conduct. lint hi iier I

dr&lt; ! to Cortes during tlie days of their iri-nd
reveal more e u Tuctly the true character of the
Th \\ G see portrayed his and;

mind in d . his eapaeil lie

lit in bloodshed, hlendrd v.ith th
tli- j-an^-ely }&gt;revalent ;mi&gt;ML, r his countrymeD, tb .
Avh -viiiLj: th&lt;- devil to the nitern . he v.

glorifying God, and winning lor himself ial

favoi

Alvarado loft no legitimate oflspring, for though 1

28 lie wrote to the emperor requesting that ii t-lian n-

had 1 tliat (

a-ditiitt il. ll i. lib. :

29 1 give . ith a copy of Alvarado s . i:

\ 1 :

i Roma 1 ido

. vunulu.
ice."

", CoplaA de D&lt;

Xiu-ti.
li was to serve uuiil no waa \

d:
^ ; gusto, qti ara

Yai :ig08tO

as,

i do.-,!a

uplos, Lfyrs.

. -- 1
talidad (.;

212

ALVARADO S LAST EXPEDITION.

had two children by his second wife they both died in
early childhood. 30 Numerous illegitimate children,
however, survived him, among whom may be men
tioned Dona Leon or, Pedro, and Diego de Alvarado,
his offspring by a daughter of Xicotencatl, the lord
of Tlascala. 31

30 Juarros, Guat., i. 347.

31 Dona Leonor married Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward Francisco de
la Cueva, brother of Alvarado s wife. Pedro was legitimized by the em
peror. This was, according to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Veraad. , 237, the natural
son, mentioned also by Saavedra, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii.
247-50, who went to the court of Spain to claim moneys due to his father,
and whom Saavedra recommended urgently to Las Casas the councillor of
state. Diego was slain in 1554 by Indians at the defeat at Chuquinga. Mar-
roquin informs the emperor that Alvarado left six sons and daughters desnu-
clos syn abrigo alguno. Cartas de Indicts, 429, 432-3, 709-10; Cromara, Hist.
Ind. , 269. Another son named Gomez, by an Indian girl in Guatemala, is
mentioned in the will afterward framed by Bishop Marroquin. Remesal, Hist.
Chyapa, 185. For an account of the presentation of Xicotencatl s daughter
to Alvarado, see Hist. Hex., i. 227-30, this series.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE CO OF CHIAPAS.

1520 l. iU

ORIGIN OF THE CHUPAmm T&lt; IT TO Tin: IARDS AFTER THK

TKIKI M.\ KIN \ rs Tin

His WITH ! | -Tin:

ART n &lt; .\rrri:K or THI: Sn LD OF &lt;

Mr: r- I ll l. ll: J I^E OF THK

YRDS i&lt;;irr J niK

CHAMI -M\n ro Si; . OLTOF

TiiKCiiiA; --TimuSuBJUOATi

ION I KRKRO IN TIIK

Firi.u--Hi&gt;. ] i- OF Vi,

\x TAKI:S THE ll \ OF MA/.A

FOR many centuries ln-tniv tin- ! -innin-j- of t
Christian era, and proliaUy for two OF three liuii l. 1

! Jati-r. tli- 8 where nov. :il tli&lt;- ruins oi
tque in ( liiapas 1 was tin- cei of on

i-l ul monarchies in tin- \\ rn wni-U. the -
Maya empire of t:i. ( lianes. T. Votai e cull

hero, who, acrc.nli; , .Mava traditio; .iinin;^ his
descenl from ( han, tin- scrjn-nt, first intr-Mlnct-rl rivil-

into Ann-rii-M, and

aa a god, d the found,

dyna.-ty altoiif three tliu&gt;ainl \ ^o. a

1 ( &gt; a, aa appears from several

passim. &gt; iiifaui;

Iso * sweet w:i
i Mazariegofl ! from

anecs furtilitJ ihemaclvesagaiii^t

! _ .

1 i v - : , this

(213)

214 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

It is related in the oldest records obtained from
the archives of Mexican history, that the Tzendales,
a tribe dwelling in the neighborhood of Palenque,
shared with the Zoques the northern part of Chiapas,
while the southern and central portions were occupied
by the Zotziles and Quelenes and also by the Chia-
panecs, who, though at first confined to a narrow
strip of territory, finally overran the entire region. 3
Whether the Chiapanecs came originally from Nica
ragua, or were a detachment from the great Toltec
swarm that swept southward into Guatemala, or were
descended from the mythic Chan, is a question that
is yet involved in some mystery. We know, however,
that after their arrival they built a stronghold which
proved impregnable until the advent of the Spaniard
with his superior skill and weapons, and that here, for
centuries before the conquest, they maintained their
independence and extended their possessions. 4

It is probable that, as early as 1520, Spaniards pen
etrated into this region under the auspices of Monte-
zuma, while friendly relations were still maintained
between that monarch and Cortes. After the fall of
the Mexican capital, dismay at the achievements of
the great conqueror was so widely spread that many
independent tribes sent in their allegiance, and among
them the Chiapanecs. 5 These different territories
were soon portioned out in repartimientos, and Chiapas
was assigned with other districts to the Spanish set
tlers in Espiritu Santo. No sooner, however, was
the attempt made to render these repartimientos prof
itable by the exaction of tribute, than the natives rose
in arms. Many settlers were killed, some offered in
sacrifice, and all the efforts of the colonists to pacify
the revolted districts were unavailing. 6

3 Id., i. 681-2; v. 603-4.

4 For the aboriginal history of these people I would refer the reader to my
Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. v., passim.

5 MazarieyoSi Mem. C/iiapa, 5, 6; Cortes, Diario, xix. 390; Jtiarros, Guat.,
i. 10; Id. (ed. London, 1823), 210; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 16; Ite-mesal, Hiat.
Chyapa, 264.

6 Mazariegos states that harsh treatment drove the Indians to revolt, citing

Tn 1 ritn

of ( aptuiii J .

.(1 \vl. d ])

man ahutit thir

id "I with i

3 mark ith t iu

tmanship and c &gt;nal p&lt;\\

di . and without ;n-

iprudent t&gt; mar inst t

lender force at hi-; oinimand, Marin

&gt;m Co:
witli an auxiliary hand of thi; d in-

l to prorcd to Cliia[&gt;as with all tl,
uld inn ami rsfahlish tlu-r. a Spanish t \\ n.

\l MrniiiL;- to Esplritu . v &gt;, Marin lost i

lit his ordr After soi l.y

; a road through the in;

lie arriv ik of the rivi-r !

;ii 7 and &gt;]o\vly marched up th

Id of the Chia] n to t

rds i V tlie name of Chia ])

fortl i lie coi eld ;

3. -\cmrdi: .1] .1 )iax, v

ition, they co; I of i

jiiehiisicrs, GO fo I with

-7 hi . ahout 80 Mt and th&lt;

[rinci; -liiil,

in ha&lt;l al-o a field ; in rh;

oni IK,- .sup;

ra and un aa slaves at t

i&gt;eso8 fi

.cse st;.

\ra

regard to i : " tlic -

! -.

ll|&gt; tli

a thai

216 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

The escribano Diego de Godoy was his second in
command.

The Spaniards now continued their march with
much caution. As they approached the populated
district, four soldiers, one of whom was Bernal Diaz,
were sent to reconnoitre about half a league in advance
of the main body, but were soon discovered by native
hunters, who immediately spread the alarm by smoke
signals. The army soon afterward reached cultivated
lands with wide and well constructed roads. When
within four leagues of Chiapas they entered the
town of Iztapa, whence the natives had fled, leaving
an abundant supply of provisions. While resting
here the videttes reported the approach of a large
body of warriors, 9 but the invaders being on the alert
placed themselves in position before the enemy came
up. The battle which ensued w^as indecisive. The
Chiapanecs, deploying with much skill, almost sur
rounded the small Spanish force, and at their first
discharge killed two soldiers and four horses, and
wounded Luis Marin and sixteen other Spaniards,
besides many of the allies. The contest was main
tained with great fury till nightfall, when the natives
retired, leaving numbers of their men on the field so

7 o

severely injured as to be unable to follow their com
rades. 10 Two of -the captives, who appeared to be
chieftains, gave information that the confederated

states that there were five other horsemen, who, however, could not be
counted as lighting men. The artilleryman he describes as muy cobare,
and informs iis that the natives of Cachula, Iba teblando de miedo, y por
halagos los llevamos q nos aytidassen a abrir Camino, y llevar el fardaje.
He also asserts that the levy was held in lent, 1524, adding Esto de los ailos
no me acuerdo bien. His memory w r as correct, however, as is proved by
Godoy s despatch to Cortes, which will be frequently quoted later.

9 The Indians of Chiapas and its district were tlie terror of surrounding
towns, and were incessantly at war with those of Cinacantlanandof the towns
about Lake Quilenaj^as, robbing, killing, reducing to slavery, and sacrificing
captives. They even waylaid merchant trains on the roads between Tehuan-
tepec and other provinces. Bernal Diaz states that without exception they
were the greatest warriors of all New Spain, superior even to the Tlascaltecs
and Mexicans,

10 The number of natives killed as related by Bernal Diaz is so dispropor
tionately small that some error must have ci^ept into his text. He says, Ha-
Lamos quinze dellos muertos 1 , y otros muchos heridos q no sepudiero ir. Hist.
Vcrdad, 178.

id- of all ti.

new tin- attack mi t he follwiii"- ,1,

All night \ .nt watch &lt; Th-

arms: and the IK ddled a

died, v. &lt;! within r

There \\-as not one "f the Spani. did

] ni^lit attack and divad j Xund if tli

ivly wounded ; t heir 1- ad fnm 1

of Mood: and the unllincliin;^ firmness of

pa i had dulled their self-confidence; lut no call
arms aroused them from theirfitful sluml&gt;&lt;Ts, and

sunrise they wearily l&gt;uekled ..n th rmor and [&lt;

d to renetv th it.
During the engagement of i!n jnwious

lior&gt;einen, di-re- ai-ili ii _;- the in-. F Ma

,iis, had -ut!

\i&gt;in-- their lances too early in tlu; i

: \\iv-ted Iroin their . and t

tin Ord iK\

charge in s&lt;jua:U of ii\ their

out of i-each, and not to them until ti ny

(airly 1 iddeii &lt;lo\vn and their lrr :i ]&gt;i eken.
Tin- field-piece was loaded, and I

ing now completed, the Spania -nl

Chia]

I, leforc the invad 1 in ,t of

uphold, the enemy appra! iii C

order, and advancing to

They \ armed with javelins, \vlii

they hurled fr.&gt;in impl m -i.

: witli lo\\-s and aiTOWS, and \veaj)ons siniil
toothed swords; with slii. and 1.

than th t the Spaniard^:

api oi: ton r- .ichinLT from head :

Mild P ll

under ; MM in &lt;ini&lt; jut 1. in ai

11 ] .. &gt;as coull in tnith l&gt;o call-.l a ,

s strongly built, . :- than

.!. Braascur

218 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

and ordered the artilleryman to open fire. But the
gunner, who had entertained his comrades during a
long inarch with stories of his brave deeds in Italy,
blanched before the coming onset. His legs trembled,
and grasping his piece to support himself, he was
unable either to train or fire it. At length the loud
execrations and angry shouts of his comrades, heard
above the clamor of the foe, roused him from his help
lessness, and with shaking hand he discharged his
cannon. But his clumsy \vork was worse than his
inaction, for the only result was the wounding of three
of his companions. 13

At this mishap Martin at once ordered his cavalry
to charge, while the infantry were rapidly formed in
column. After a long and obstinate contest the
Chiapanecs were finally routed; but on account of the
nature of the ground pursuit was impossible. Ad
vancing toward the town the Spaniards unexpectedly
discovered after ascending some hills on their line
of march, a still larger host of the enemy awaiting
them. The Indians had provided themselves with long
ropes and deer-nets with which to entrammel and
capture the horses. In the ensuing battle the invad
ers sustained unusual casualties. Several of the horse
men lost their lances; five horses and two cavaliers
were slain; and so continuous and well directed were
the discharges of javelins, arrows, and stones that ere
long nearly all of Marin s command were wounded.
At this juncture a hideous object appeared in the cen
tre of the Chiapanec ranks. An Indian woman, nude,
wrinkled, and obese, her body painted all over with
ghastly designs rendered more effective by tufts of
cotton, had arrived upon the battle-field. No Empusa
could be more frightful. The creature so ran the

de Bourbourg suggests that these aprons were made of india-rubber. Hist.
Nat. Civ., iv. 574; but Bernal Diaz, 178, says, Co buenas annas de algodo,
and Gomara, vnospaneses rodados de algodon hilado.

13 Bernal Diaz contempt of this man is expressed by an epithet particu
larly offensive to a Spaniard, nuestro negro Artillero que llevavavanios (sic)
(c[ bien negro se podra llamar). Hist. Verdad., 179.

&gt;COMI OF THE EVIL 21f)

t --was re l&gt;y tli ir di-

;&lt;l her presel;

insure thriii victory. 11 I Jut the nat:

recognized tl ignificanee of h&lt; rival, and \vn

ii; ly ilieir 1- -s in a compact hody, dai::
their way Up to lid , "and h,
I goddess/ 9 as I &gt;&lt; rnal I )iaz aliin

Though disconcerted the natives do IK.; yield, rely
ing on their numbers and th -ir con

O O

hard-pressed Spaniards, supported ly t nd

lion of their priest, 1 " iHit wit!i r
Tiie cavalry ngain and a- ain ride thr-
criisliin^ ilirin &lt;lo\vn and trampling t un&lt;!

until their ranks are broken and e d. A :th

the Chipanecs seek safety, some on the neig!

iiid others l&gt;y swimming the (!&lt;[ and ra;
31 a/a ;&gt;an.

Vftcr devoutly thanking God f-&gt;r tlie \ id

singing the salve iv-ina, the Spani Ivancr t-&gt; a

small villa^-t? n&lt;t la;- from the city &lt;-h

tlirir camp lor the night, greal p
to p .t snrp: A n&lt; W con

uncxp.-cf.-d ([uarter. Ahoiit midnight tea India:

the rivrr in canoes, and allow them
quietly captured. llrou^M hd or.- 3 j
that they are natives &lt;! Xaltepcc, and I.
I jUered and ,-uslavcd ly the (

^ bcfoi They to aid tl

Mipplvin-j; them with canoes to d ; he i
pointing OUl a ford, and. mo inform Kfarin

many of tli&lt;- forces of the Cliiapain-.-s, haviu

d into t anxious to tlirow nil

yoke, and that, they will - o o\ &gt; him in I

eli _ :K lit.

M;;rin at once accepts the oil . :id it 18
that twenty can&lt; ;ill J) hrou-ht earlj in t

morning. The reinaimh r of th ;i-

14 &lt; \

14 V ili.v m -i I / /.

220 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

out further interruption, though the enemy is heard
mustering on the other side of the river with noise
of drums and concha. At daylight the canoes arrive,
and the army proceed to the ford. The crossing is
effected with great difficulty, the water being breast-
high and the stream rapid. As they approach the
opposite bank, the enemy rains down upon them such
showers of missiles that again hardly a man escapes
unhurt. 16 For some time they are unable to effect a
landing, and Marin s position is critical, when fortu
nately their new allies cause a diversion by assailing
the- Chiapanecs in the rear. The cavalry are thus
enabled to gain a footing on the bank, and the in
fantry soon follow; the natives are put to flight in all
directions. This is their final struggle. The summons
to surrender is immediately complied with, and the
Spaniards enter the city without further opposition. 17

All the neighboring towns were now ordered to send
in their allegiance, and such an effect had the subjec
tion of the hitherto invincible Chiapanecs upon the
different tribes that resistance was not even thought
of, Cinacantlan, Gopanaustla, Pinula, Huehueiztlan, 15
Chamula, and other towns tendering their submis
sion. The conquest of the country was now consid
ered complete, and Marin had already apportioned
out certain repartimientos when harmony was inter
rupted by the conduct of one of the soldiers.

While at Cinacantlan, whither the army had pro
ceeded, Francisco de Medina left camp without per
mission, and taking with him eight Mexicans went to

16 Nos hiriero cesique d todos los mas, ya algunos d dos, y atresheridas.
Id., ISO.

17 Three prisons of latticed timbers were discovered in the city. These
were filled with captives who had been seized on the roads. Among them
some were from Tehuantepec, others were Zapotecs and Socontiscans. Many
Indians also were found sacrificed, and in the temples were hideous idols, y
hallamos muchas cosas malas de sodomias que vsavan. Id. , 180.

18 Called by Bernal Diaz Gueyhuiztlan, also Guequiztlan, Gueguistitlan,
and Guegustitlan, which are probably misprints. Hist. Verdad., 180-1.
Godoy spells it Huegueyztean. Mel., in JJarcia, i. 168. The first author writes
for Cinacantlan, Cinacatan; Godoy, Cenacantean; and Herrera, Canacantean.
dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

:&lt;&gt;[.[,.

. v, 1, nnnded --,,],! ,,f the I

the name of Mann. A I v. triii n hi

Lut not satisfied with these I, i/,-d th&lt;
the ex; ;tion ol tfting a n. T; ( hanni-

lans, how man, and M.-dina v,

t Lack to Cinacantlan, wh-iv In- \\ , u

X&lt;&gt; \planation&gt; on tin- part OJ riii

illed to parity the indignant people &lt;&gt;f ( Ihamula,
liad, moreover, indurudt! ,.( JIu&lt; -hitri/tlan
thnu in tin- revolt. Jlis in \ of

d with driiaiir On tin- J .Mh &lt;! Maivh ( ,
Ava nt into tlir dis.-tiii-i-tfd district with ;i BID
. Lut found the attitude of th-
jr tliat he drrnird it Lrst to avoid liostilil nd

urned to report, ^[arin w,. bthisti

in a beautiful valr surrounded Ly pinr ;j no

eat distance iVoni Cinacantla Hr nw &lt;-Mn&gt;id-

d it i ay to reduce ( hanmla Ly force of an .

and demanded of the Chiapaiiers a conth] .\o

hundred warriors, which \\ as at onre supplied.

were ,-dso sent to thr friendly ;tiu of (

liritiiiLi an eijiial iiinnLer.
On Hie :JUth of March, ahoiit ten o clork in :

19 ( lojoy in his d i to C&lt;- itos th; was released

that on their ivtuin -"ii.-.l i

.t him. 1
him ^nanl ( a por I

(

IS.M-H a M. i fpio (

.sftcur .

.i. lil). ;ti"ii &lt;if tii-

/informs \\uaa8oldierofhi .ilinu .

tiio &gt;^ his h

i it lat&lt; T. which lu- doca on jwge I
: d; he \\-as kill-.l 1
.lars of Mhirh event set-

:unn him x-s \vh

:uluras expedition, i&lt;

who. s-
them, mailc him walk ; ie groii

is ae los Espaftoles, was foun^

:i Cliii4 &gt;ut three leagues frv

//., I

222 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

morning, the troops arrived at the foot of the eminence
on which Chamula 22 was situated. The ascent, at the
only point where attack was possible, was impracti
cable for horsemen. Marin therefore ordered the cav
alry to take up a position on the level ground below,
and to protect his rear while the assault was being
made. 23 The infantry and allies then scaled the height
and were soon in front of the fortifications, which they
found to be of a formidable character. A palisade of
strong cross-timbers let deep into the ground and
firmly bound together was the first obstacle to their
entrance, and behind it was a bulwark of stone and
mud nearly twelve feet high and four feet in thick
ness, into which were inserted strong beams. This
again was surmounted, along its whole length, by a
wall of heavy boards six feet high, supported by
strong crossbars on both sides, all firmly lashed
together, while at intervals loop-holed turrets had
been erected commanding the approach. At the
strongest part of this bulwark was the single entrance,
which was approached by a narrow flight of steps
leading to the top.

Though astonished at the strength of these ram
parts, the Spaniards did not hesitate to assault them;
but during the whole of the day all they could effect
was the destruction of the outer stockade. Repeated
attempts were made to mount the steps, but at each
effort the assailants were driven back by the long
heavy spears of the defenders. Incessant volleys of
missiles were directed against them; their ranks
suffered severely; and it soon became evident that
some other plan of attack must be adopted. 24 The

22 Called Chamolla by Herrera, and also by Gomara. Conq. Hex. , 233;
Chamolan by Ixtliloxchitl. Horribles Crueldades, 71.

23 Godoy states that the horsemen were divided into three troops, which
were stationed so as to form a cordon round the hill; Bernal Diaz that the
cavalry attempted the steep, but were found to be useless, and that Marin
therefore ordered them to retire, as he feared an attack from the towns of
Quialmitlan (Huehueiztlan ?).

24 Yno les podiamos hazer dano ninguno con los grandes mainparos que
tcnian, y ellos a nosotros si, que siempre herian muchos de los nuestros.
tiernal Jbiaz, Hist. Verdad., 181. Godoy on the contrary says that the

IIAKI n-.IITIXG.

only] ieahl which

ii the wall with j)icks and s mi

ls. Nativ
im plum- &gt; the valley \vl

I had hern I. under the ] of t

cavalry; and the 1. s now &lt; rue;
era! strong fram&lt; ieli capable of holdin

men. 25 Ti juished up t&lt; t:

&lt;-o\vr of them the Spaniards I L tol

it. The Indians poiuvd on them Idirnin-- pit

inLC water, fir and hot eml&gt; ;d lii

died (hem with heavy rod .akin^ it I

\vithdi\-iw them i&lt;&gt;r repail Then in mocker]

they threw golden ornament &gt; J " at th
in;^ Spaniai ds, and with taunting word- m.

"IS it gold you want? We -bundai.

why come ye not in and take it?"

But their sutv.-s \\.-is &lt;&gt;{ short duration. The i

soon s; Aliened, and In the pick ; W-

lar v. plied against th .11, n&lt; Imost ]
Al oiit the liour of vespers 2 - two

de, and the assailants, ru.-diini; 1 thr in

a hand to hand encounter \vilh ll. lamr.
horc themsrh . ith such unyieldi;
the eross-howmen placed their i

! of the foe ami disc- . d them \\ithoin

aim. The conte.-t wa

sustained luavy loss from the cannon and cross-bows. 1.
, i. It);

; no montinn of the Iniildin^ of these sli.

s also t

doy K: ban

account of tl
3 las almcnas
as, 6 (

vn ] o.

k in tin- afternoon. 1

i
.

224 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

of rain, and so murky became the sky that the com
batants could barely distinguish one another. Marin
withdrew his men under shelter, and, the storm abating
in an hour, again advanced on the stronghold. No
missiles were aimed at them as they approached the
barricade, but a serried line of spears confronted them,
and no orders were given to storm the position. At
length Bernal Diaz with a single comrade crept up
to one of the openings, and peering in found the place
unprotected. Then mounting the ramparts he beheld
the Indians in full retreat by a precipitous path leading
to the valley below. The Chamulans had fled, but
not all. The two Spaniards were soon attacked by a
body of two hundred warriors still left within the
enclosure, arid but for the timely arrival of the Cina-
cantlan allies Bernal Diaz had never lived to write
the True History of the Conquest of Mexico. 2 The
retreating host was at once pursued, and a number of
captives were made, principally women and children.
No gold or other valuables fell to the lot of the
Spaniards, but they found in the town what was of
more benefit to them a store of provisions- -for, as
Godoy relates, the men had not tasted food for two
days. 30

On the following day, the 1st of April, Marin re
turned to his camp, whence he sent six of his prisoners
to the Chamulans summoning them to allegiance,
bidding them to return to their stronghold, and prom
ising that all the captives should be released if they
submitted. These inducements had their effect, and
the deserted town was soon again repeopled. 31

29 Bernal Diaz was slightly wounded by a spear- thrust in the contest which
occurred before the rain-storm, and was only saved by the thickness of his
cotton corslet. He claims to have discovered the ruse of the Chamulans in
planting their spears in position, but on this point his narrative is doubtful.
Godoy says, I hallamonos burlaclos . . . i subiendo el Albarrada, no Jiavia
Horabre dentro. Rel., in Barcia. i. 168.

30 Hallamos harto de comer, que bien lo haviamos menester, a causa que
los dos Dias no haviamos comido, ni teniamos que ni aun los Caballos. Id,
Ixchitlochitl, contrary to Bernal Diaz, Godoy, Gomara, and Herrera, states
that they obtained much booty but few provisions. Horribles Crueldades, 71.

31 Godoy states that 200 Indians had been killed on the first day of the
siege; while on the second so many fell that they were not counted. The

or THI:

&lt;ls now advanc&lt;

\vhei inhahitant &lt;, &lt;\\ JCOU1

( hanmla, n. l.ut .-i feeble r A tli

it. 8 .d of tin; towns in th&gt;

iinnioned rarrender, hut no answer

turned, .MIX! Mann, not venturing to ni.Mivh

&gt; i

tli- ith liis Blender force, returned to Li

rinacanflan. I Im- I nn discii-&gt;i.n W.MS held
ing the carrying-out oi ( or truct

found a town. Opinion was divided; hut the final

ion, supported l&gt;y Marin, v, hat it \v&gt;
rotis to do so o\vii. the

iiiiiii and the want of ncc&lt;

Ma riu no\, \ liis fare homeward. Man-li;
jdon^ the hank of the .Ma/ajian h- ] 1 tin

number of towns, in all of which he nn-t with a fri -mlly

and was "; d with &lt;&gt;. ;l)iiii-&gt;ini.

1 irsing a portion of Taha&gt;e&lt;&gt; h- eno i
hands &lt;&gt;f ivfi -y nati hut reached K-piritu
into in safety at the beginni f April l.V_M.

I ) n this date and the close &gt;f !

known of the events which occurred in Cliiaj ml

much eoni usion exists in the ments of

chronicle; .Durin tin- \\\\ is litt

1 l&gt;y \A\\&lt; Marin t&lt;&gt; ! is a ^c^ .ret

ht yc;,
i ula waatranst

lad, 181.

this opinion was \in:uiim&lt;&gt;us. In tl:

nal I&gt;:
hiivin-, \vi.-!i.-,l t .in. (

turl.ul-

1IUI!

( lii.-.ji ^ H On t

:.ich v. a tlu- L

h.irscs tli.
follout .1, in wliirh &lt;

nt jar him ami (Jrailn in ir.ns a:

M llt

wa &gt;leaed ly th-

liapaa, aiv
alii
i. 1.

HIST. CE&gt;T. AM., V.-L. II. 15

22G THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

reason to doubt that the natives again rose in revolt,
but we have no particulars as to this outbreak, except
that Diego cle Mazariegos was sent against them from
Mexico with a well appointed force, and quickly re
duced them to submission. 83

For a time the Chiapanees yielded to their fate, but
the exactions and cruelties of Juan Enriquez de Guz
man, who had been appointed captain of the province
by Marcos de Aguilar, 84 drove them to desperation,
and during the latter part of 1526 they once more
broke out in rebellion. Again Mazariegos marched
against them from Mexico, at the head of a powerful
corps, 35 supplied with five pieces of artillery. Retiring
to the stronghold of Chiapas the Indians made good
their defence for several days; but at last the Span
iards battered down their fortifications and advanced
. to the assault. Still the Chiapanees flinched not, and
fought until they could no longer wield their weapons. 30
Then followed a tragedy as strange and appalling as

3i&gt;! Both Herrera and Hemesal state that this first expedition of Mazariegos
was undertaken in 1524, and in this statement only, and in the number of
the forces, do they agree. Herrera s account of the campaign of 1524 is copied
almost word for word by Hemesal in his narration of the one in 152G; and
the former author as lightly mentions Mazariegos second expedition as Re-
mesal does his first. The latter may, however, in this instance, be relied upon,
as he quotes from the archives of Mexico. The entrance of Pedro Puertocar-
rero into Chiapas from Guatemala is mentioned by both authors, as an inci
dent of the campaign which each describes, but it is impossible to believe that
Alvarado could have spared that officer with a body of troops during the
eventful year 1524, when fully occupied with the conqiiest of Guatemala. I
have, therefore, adopted Remesal s chronology. It is strange that he does not
seem to have had any knowledge of Mariii s expedition, as related by Herrera.
This somewhat perplexes Juarros, who remarks that Bernal Diaz narration
is circumstantially so different from the relation of Remesal as to induce a
belief that the latter had been misled by false information. Ouat. (ed. Lon
don, 1823), 210-11.

^Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221-2. Guzman was a near relative of the
Duke of Medina Sidonia. Id.

35 Mazariegos was cousin to Alonso de Estrado, then governor of Mexico.
Eemesal gives the names of more than 80 officers and soldiers who accompanied
the expedition. Noticeable among them is that of Juan Enriquez de Guzman,
who appears to have returned to Mexico after the outbreak. In the -same
list appear the names of two priests, Pedro de Castellanos and Pedro Gonza
lez. Hist. Chyapa, 2G5. From Bernal Diaz we learn that Mazariegos was
instructed to take Guzman s residencia. Hint. Verdad., 222. It was the
performance of this duty, perhaps, which, at a later date, made Guzman so
bitter an enemy of Mazariegos.

30 Pelearon, hasta que pudieron leuantar los braos. Herrera, dec. iii. lib.
v. cap. xiv.

CII1VA! 3 BEL]

-led oil the p V.

ion of tin- Tanehi Vm 1

thi l.lanched

Spaniard-, who&gt;e business was hutcher\ .
wh wen inethin&gt;_r nn

than lay within tin :i of ai !&lt; :

here w, dune ly alM.ri-inal A

which in tin- way of chivalry, of lofty E

-mined deliverance iVom ai at, ha&gt; f.

parallels. And what is moei significanl aboul it, 1.

they known all, it was the l.e&gt;t tin lid 1.

oselves, to . from (

any cos This is whal they did:

Scorning to yield them&gt;el\
population of the town ru&gt;he&lt;l to the \,
which overhung t; ! a/.ap:m, and th
and wives. pareD :nl children, I 1 in cL 111-

hrace, hurled lhem-el\ -e&gt; headlong, thousands of t In-in,

upon the n&gt;cks In-low or into tin- swift-running ri\

Tl: aniards a ipted to inter! lut of a 1 ! t

multitude only two thousand could d." :

P6 removed to a plain a I down tin- ri\ nd

;n tl. ttl. nn-nt &gt;[&gt;i un-- t :n- to\l n i

1 Indies, which hecanie in tii. popul..

While ^Fa/ar: [Died a 4

liold of the Chiapanees. ] , c.nij)

liad ap] I on tin- tield. i &lt; I

invaded the province from tin

87 Q in:i&lt; .1 dclloa en *los ve/t-s cj- con-

1 _ !, \\1. U* t

ami JiM-.-t

; t,, 1 us in all America, coir

is aware that

\\a.s in Spaiu at t:

228 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

and Mazariegos regarding him as an encroacher, now
marched against him. He found the interloper sta
tioned at Comitlan, and his lamb-like followers would
probably, by way of variety, have indulged in a con
flict with their countrymen, had Puertocarrero been
strong enough to meet them. But his forces were too
few to hold out any prospect that it would terminate
pleasantly to himself. Besides, Mazariegos was hu
mane and prudent. He spoke the intruders smoothly
and in a Christian spirit, represented to them how
glad he would be to receive them as brothers, and
generously offered them repartimientos in Chiapas.
So no blood was shed. But many of Puertocarrero s
men deserted him, and he retraced his steps in angry
mood, having engaged in an expedition worse than
profitless.

The control over the province was a matter of dis
pute on more than one occasion. That it was in
cluded in the governorship of Guatemala is evident
from the provision extended by the king to Alvarado
in 1527, but the fact that he took no part in its con
quest would seem to invalidate his claim. That nev
ertheless he acquired a certain amount of control
appears from a cedula issued April 14, 1531, and
quoted by Kemesal, in which he grants permission
to the settlers to deal with escaped slaves as if they
were branded. Again in 1532 we find that the cabildo
furnished him with two cannon for his South Sea ex
pedition, though the members confessed that they did
so only through fear of his causing them fresh trouble. 40
The country, being now subjugated and free from out
side interference, lay ready to be portioned out to the
conquerors in repartimientos. This process occupied
some time, and the rest of the year was passed in re-

40 Hist. Chyapa, 279. The colonists of Espiritu Santo also laid claim to
the territories of Chiapas and Cachula, as is seen in a royal ce"dula of 1538, in
Puga, Cedulario, 115. Juarros says that Puertocarrero being informed of the
disturbances in Chiapas considered it his duty to repair thither and endeavor
to restore tranquillity. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 214.

aizing the province am! if- col &gt;ni

ii. It \ lienl to found

and &lt;&gt;n the ! Maivh I

of Ind! constructed ;i nuinl&gt;&lt;.

di&gt;tant ;il)()Ul ;i le;i- i, .if tl

town of Chiapas. A meeting was tin n h&lt;-l&lt;! .hieh
the lieutenant-governor explained th;it tl.

had .1 was not i. ily int 1 t&lt;&gt; !&gt;&lt; |

main-lit . ;ni(l that if a limn

, the cnlnny should 1

time, in the nainr &lt;&gt;t his }. :,-

municipal nilivrs. and a 1 ward

incut nf citizens took }1

lii-in nnlrd. The town was named Villa 1
]\Iazaii native city, Ciudad Eleal of La !ia.

The newly appointed cabildo then \\cnt im
and the appointmeBts f J.uis d- \,\\\\
general, and ( i iin&lt;&gt; de ( ,

I and acc L 41

But it \Vii 11 (liseo\

unfavorable. It was Imt, un

the nei ;hhnriii _r swamps, and i; with u.

and ha Tl.

|)laili of Jlllev Zaeatlan, 4 - t \\cl\e 1 .t.

1 Iei-e were rieh, arable, and

\vii iverand ninm-mus &gt;t ; .hun-

dant &gt;U}iji]y nf water. ^\ lown was I illy laid

lot

jiartinh. nte&lt;|, and the territory ] iii

nd peoni; It

hildo held on the 17th of AT
. that all who desired htain land Iron,

-lintild do BO 1 V J&gt;lirel:

:d-d to them l&gt;y i-.
\ -Hi i lie approprial ion of their prodi,

! ].\ .// rros, II

230 THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

tion by animals. Any Spaniard who sent his servant
to gather maize from their fields was to forfeit ten
pesos de oro for the first offence, and for the second to
lose his servant, who was to be publicly flogged. Reg
ulations passed during the early part of the following
year required that all encomenderos should assemble
the sons of the caciques at their residences to be
instructed in the doctrines of the church. Christian
ized natives were to receive Christian burial, and
others were to be decently interred outside the city.

The administration of Mazariegos appears to have
been based on humane principles and to have had in
view the welfare of the settlers. But this condition
of affairs was of brief duration. In 1529 Juan Enri-
quez de Guzman was ordered by the audiencia of
Mexico to take his residencia, and appointed captain
general and alcalde mayor of Chiapas. His investi
gation was conducted in a spirit of vindictiveness
which can be accounted for only by the fact that the
latter had previously been his juez de residencia. He
stripped him and his friends of their repartimientos,
and gave them to his own creatures; he appropriated
his dwelling and town allotments, and when the man
whom he thus despoiled soon afterward set forth for
Mexico, gave further proof of his enmity by changing
the name of the town to Villa Viciosa. By a royal
cedula of July 7, 1536, its name was again changed
to Ciudad Eeal. 43 ;

Guzman now exercised his power without restraint,
and laid the foundation of permanent evils. All offi
cial positions were filled by favorites of his own to the
exclusion of those entitled to them; the encomiendas

43 A coat of arms was granted to the town in 1535. It was as follows:
A shield with two mountain ranges with a river flowing between them; above
on the right a castle, Or with a lion rampant against it; on the left a palm
Vert in fruit, and another lion rampant, all on a field, Gules. A decree of
the state congress of July 27, 1829, again changed the name of the place to
Ciudad de San Cristobal. Pineda, in Soc. Mcx. Geog., iii. 371-2. Consult
also Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., i. 188-9, where will be found a wood-cut
design of the arms; Itemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 271, 272-3; Mazariegos, Mem.
Chiapa, 18-19; Juarros, Guat., i. 12; Pineda, Dencrip. Geog., 48. For mean
ing of viciosa see Hist. Max., i. 145.

LK 01 N .

,ken from those to wh&lt;&gt;!
iicd, ;ui&lt;l distrihut. un&lt;!

and in ;i ii-w months t IK- wl

in li Af ;i later d

of tin- two alcaldes, the procurad&lt; 1 the

city majordomo hrcamu salahlr. 44
divided info DUmerOUS ivparlin. and in

principal town a lieutenant &lt;! t In- alcalde ];
ned. " X&lt;l. . &lt; for t

bion of justice, but ratli-r to .-upcrinlcnd ]T
and scandalous repartimi - and t ilcct
di r Tlii- rnmeni !;

was o[)p;-cssi\- ,- ( n&lt;l cxli ; to the c&gt;

it the i-iiin &lt;f tlir towns of (lii. : tril-

Tlf |&gt;roviiic sul&gt;j-ct to til ral ;

tli- ic-ncia of ; hut their coiitn l

cised with little att -nt! ini] nieiit of i

in. This st 1 until 1 !

ludioncia of the Co: &gt; wa
C. hiapa \ included in its ju

of ;il"uaril innyor Cgos; tho&gt;

.ch; tJ;
!i:ilf a |K-S I ;
and lat r i r 1,110 \n ----- . /

pas ! -omit of ! I &gt;ia/. has !

: t the .

.ition, i.s also worthy .lit. I

Mit of the proceedings, th&lt; !i was

t!an, has not yt t ;i;

witl

f July l")-:5. In IT
1 it in Madrid, in his o&gt;l!.

ility of their sta
in mind t!

wrote fix-

penrs t
:

iii. lib. v
II.

imoud.

CHAPTER XIV.

THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

1526-1543.

DECREASE OF INDIAN POPULATION AT THE ISTHMUS AND IN HONDURAS
TREATMENT OF SPANISH ALLIES IN GUATEMALA TORTURE AND BUTCHERY
OF HOSTILE NATIVES TERROR INSPIRED BY ALVARADO EARLY LEGISLA
TION ITS NON-OBSERVANCE THE NEW LAWS THE AUDIENCIA OF PA
NAMA ABOLISHED THE AUDIENCIAS OF Los REYES AND Los CONFINES
ESTABLISHED DISGUST CAUSED BY THE NEW CODE THE FIRST VICE
ROY OF PERU ARRIVES AT THE ISTHMUS HE TAKES CHARGE OF TREASURE
ACQUIRED BY SLAVE LABOR AND LIBERATES A NUMBER OF INDIANS.

THE old Milanese chronicler, Girolamo Benzoni,
mentions that during a journey from Acla 1 to Nombre
de Dios about the year 1541, his party entered some
Indian huts to obtain a supply of provisions. The
inmates thinking they were about to be enslaved
attacked them savagely with hands and teeth, tearing
their clothes, spitting in their faces, uttering doleful
cries, and exclaiming guacci! guacci! which Benzoni
translates as " the name of a quadruped that prowls

1 Benzoni spells the word Aclila and states that the town was situated at
a distance of about two bow-shots from the shore. Hondo Nuovo, 77. For a
description of its site see Jlist. Cent. Am., i. 418, this series. Girolamo Beii-
zoni, in 1541, joined the Spaniards in their forays for gold and slaves, and
traversed the Central American provinces. Regarded doubtless as an inter
loper he does not appear to have met with the success he expected, and in
1556 returned to Italy determined to vent his spite by an expos6 of Spanish
greed and cruelty. In 1565 he published the work entitled La Historia del
Mondo Nvovo, dedicated to Pius IV., and containing 18 wood-cuts, withliis
own portrait on the frontispiece. The second edition, somewhat amplified,
appeared in 1572, followed by quite a number of reprints and translations,
particularly in German and Latin. The well known version by Chauvet on,
doctor and protestant preacher at Geneva, the Novce Novi Orbts Historice,
Geneva, 1578, was frequently reissued. The dedication praises Benzoni for
exactitude and impartiality, and notes by other writers are added to confirm
and explain the text. De Bry gave further value to this version by means of
maps and fancy plates. Purchas, among others, treated it with less respect
in offering merely Brief e extracts translated out of lerom Benzo. Amends

(232)

I) IN!

,t in

h fond, and f ll,

nting to a med tl

that (liciv \\ ere DO - -\ b&lt; r Indian La! -n th -ir

lin&lt;- "! route, !&lt;&gt;r 1 Sp.-nr liad c-illiur killed &lt;&gt;r

slaves of the entire

In Honduras slaves w&lt; ill kidnapped, and

M-ht in ls.-,7, wlu-u t!ir i .nly full I was i-

Iniiral Smyth, uml
] &lt; S..IHCU h;it l ;n:l-.

li:. i| t \ I lflitly t.

\v World, tli. thvindK-d int

at Hi"

..r to 1

he all
. .-nt.s 01 int iKi,

d rumors current jimon^ gossips. lh:

ho tr. iiato

il suo j.iu li

i hi., iii. I .il. ]_ &gt;.

a-liilad. .n juit ;

Ollt hi

the \v.ik, mu.-ii . f i s facts

r by llu- rhronidcrs, ;i: s of a mail

not iml)!i. d ui;h :

II naturally

nnl th :in.

hrnan
And . . u ii.. .

and things, and who is .

him i

eras st-

i ad 1

234 THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

by ship-loads among the islands or in Nicaragua, so
that in the vicinity of Trujillo, where formerly were
native towns with from six hundred to three thousand
houses, there were in 1547 not more than a hundred
and eighty Indians left, the remainder having fled to
the mountains to avoid capture. At Naco, which a
few years before contained a population of ten thou
sand souls, there were, in 1536, only forty-five remain
ing. At a coast town named La Haga, nine leagues
from Trujillo, and containing nine hundred houses,
there was but one inhabitant left, all having been sold
into bondage save the young daughter of the cacique,
who had contrived to elude the slave-hunters. 3

Cruel as was the treatment of the natives in every
part of the Spanish provinces, nowhere was oppres
sion carried to such an extreme as in Guatemala.
Here little distinction w T as made between the allies
and the conquered races; even the faithful Tlascaltecs,
who, after the conquest, had settled with the Mexi
can and Cholultec auxiliaries at Almolonga, being
enslaved, overworked, and otherwise maltreated, until
in 1547 there were barely a hundred survivors. 4 The
natives of Atitlan, who had never swerved in their
allegiance to the Spaniards, were treated with equal
severity. After sharing the hardships of their mili
tary campaigns, they were compelled to supply every
year four or five hundred male and female slaves and
every fifteen days a number of tributary laborers,

3 For the condition of the native settlements in Honduras, see Montejo,
Carta*, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii. 223-4, 228, 240-1; and
Squier s MSS., xxii. 24-6.

4 By c&lt;5dula, dated July 20, 1532, they were exempted from other than a
nominal tribute of two reals, Juarros, Gtiat., i. 74; ii. 343; but this order
was unheeded. In 1547 the survivors drew up a memorial to the emperor
representing their past services and sufferings, and petitioning for their rights.
The document was written by a friar and referred .to the licentiate Cerrato,
who was instructed to see that justice was done to them. Memorial, 15J+7,
MS., in Centro America, Extractos Sudtos, 41-2. An attempt was made at a
later date to impose tribute upon their descendants; but the Mexican govern
ment confirmed them in their rights in 1504: Fueron amparados en posesion
de su libertad, y se Iibr6 en Tenuctitlan & 6 de noviembre de 15G4 real pro
vision, que conservan los naturales de Almolonga en folios de pergamino
encuadernados en forma de libro, empastado con tab las fiuas, y forrado en
terciopelo carmesi, etc. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 167.

D DEAT

Mini fr-&gt;m 1 and pri".

!i. They \\ ^mvd to furnish, l&gt;&lt;--id

(|(l;i!l! [ cloth, id poult n

grievous were fche burdens laid upon tJH in t!i -en
the caciques were impoverished, and their \vivt- eom-

of bur* lull a lid till&lt; . ! the

il.

Midi was the tr "lit to which the most faith-

ful allie^ of tli- Spaniards were subjected, I fell

err nay we n .pect to iind in(lirt-d on I

who, undeterred by &lt;! . du and

their OppreSSOl No words can depict tli&gt;

of il, haploss rac&gt; ^ holrsale ^lau^htrr, ha;

, and burning, torturing, mutilatin d brand!

l il]. .\vcd the suppression of a n-volt. Starv,-r ion,
liai i, blows, iainting- uinlur intolerable lun

18 of air, and untimely death, were their !&lt;&gt;t

in time of peace. During Alva: hue th

of life ^ aton and in ickenii In th 1 tield

ing auxiliaries were I -d on human llesh

belli"- but ibr food; childl ell Were kill* d ami

d: nay, even where there was no want &lt; f p

i were slain ineivly l .r the
hands, which Were este&lt; ( &lt;lelica-i -&lt; by the anth

3 races. Xor were tin- marital relal of

tin- i: my mere considered than it they had b&lt;

nat.uix? the brutes \vhieh the Spaniards ii of

i in ])ra&lt;-iic JI holds wnv rendci .-d des

&gt;rn iVuni husbands and dan-lit
]&gt;areiii d among th&lt;

n. while the children \ . WO1 k at

. and t here pTi&gt;!n-d !&lt;y t mds.

Tim.- the \\ -juilation |&gt;i 38ed, and it is

I by Las Casas that during the lirst ti. or

!i \ t the eon&lt;|iie-t the d ;ieti"ii of

5 Iu tli&lt;&gt; tim- trilnto of o;i. 1 . 400 xi.j\iipi!^, ;r

W8 ].;ii.l until l-&gt;\ 2. /,

\. *_ _ .

I WllS tilt ! 1, Jl H.

236 THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

Indians in Guatemala alone amounted to four or five
million souls. 6

None of the conquerors of the New World, not even
Pedrarias DaVila, were held in such dread as Pedro
de Alvarado. When the news of his landing at Puerto
de Caballos was noised abroad the natives abandoned
their dwellings and fled to the forests. In a few days
towns, villages, and farms were deserted, and it seemed
as if the whole province of Guatemala had been de
populated by enchantment. 7 The plantations were
destroyed by cattle; the cattle were torn by wild
beasts; and the sheep and lambs served as food for
the blood-hounds, which had been trained to regard
the Indians as their natural prey, but now found
none to devour,

6 Regio, Ind. Devastat., 38-40. How populous the country was may be
imagined from the fact that Alvarado represented it as exceeding Mexico in
the number of its inhabitants. Et ipsemet tyrannus scripsit majorem esse
in hac provincia populi frequentiam, quam in Hegno Mexico, quod & verum
est. Id. Las Casas also states that, when the Spaniards first entered the
country, the towns and villages were so many and large and so densely popu
lated that those who marched in advance not infrequently returned to the
captain demanding a reward for having discovered another city equal in. size
to Mexico. Hist. Apolog., MS., 28.

7 It will be remembered, however, that Alvarade procured relays of Indians
from Guatemala to pack his material and supplies from Trujillo to Iztapa.
Enough were left, remarks Remesal, upon whom to wreak his vengeance, and
the Cakchiquel and Quich6 princes, who appeared before him to do him hom
age, became the first victims. They were reproached with the reforms brought
about in their favor, during his absence, as of crimes worthy of capital pun
ishment; for daring to complain to the governor they were accused of rebellion.
Nameless adventurers, who had been unable to extort enough gold from them,
or take from them their vassals to work in their fields and houses, pretended
that the ill-will of these chiefs had caused their ruin, and loudly demanded
that the adelantado should grant new repartimientos according to their ser
vices. Alvarado, who was wounded to the quick by the appointment of
Maldonado, listened to all these complaints, and now displayed his usual bru
tality. Prince Cook, Ahtzib of the Cakchiquel crown, he ran through with
a sword. Tepepul, king of Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, and the Ahpozotzil Cahi
Lnox, together with a large number of lords, were cast into a prison on some
frivolous pretext. When on the point of sailing from Iztapa, Alvarado being
requested by the municipal council to determine their fate, settled the matter
by hanging the latter and putting the former together with a number of the
leading caciques on board his fleet. All of them perished miserably on the
coast of Jalisco. Among his other victims was a lord called Chuwi-Tziquinu
and 17 other Cakchiquel princes, whom he took with him from Santiago under
pretence of conducting them to Mexico. When a short distance from the city
he caused them all to be strangled. Remesal, Hist. Chj/apa, lib. iv. cap. iv.
v. xx.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 797-801; Pelaez, Mem.
Guat., i. 77.

LAWS OF UTTLi; AVAIL.

\ }\- as l 525 intelligence of t he ii-n-iMr i

with \vliich depopulation was j

iperor, and on the 17th of Xovemher he issued a,
lula for protection of the fa&gt;t &lt; in^ i

Jn I .) I .) In- ordered the council of the Indies to draw
up regulations for the rmncnt of the provin.

,-ind that Ixxly issued a decree regarding the treatment

of nati\ -vhich, although the protection of tin.- in-
of tlu. throne may he a so;ii \vhat ])roinincnt
consideration, exhihhs sympathy and enjoins i ra
tion toward the oppr&lt; I ra&lt;- Other ce*dula

1 at brief intervals, 1 hut that all were inoperative

*J &gt; &gt;&gt; A .--,-. /. :&gt;:, in 8oc. M &gt;rj. t Doling v. .

In t mible to this &lt;lt !mt it

re toil in mines and at other labor and the want of fo"&lt;l ami ]&gt;!
clot hi m.; hail caused the d&gt; ;it h of such numbers that sonic parts of the country
hail In-come depopulated, while whole ili-tri abaiuloiie-l by the n;.l!

A , ho had ; the mountains ami forests t j&gt;&lt;- ill-tiv.am This

,-ipply to the!. dominions in the. west t n mi l ;inam;i

iorida. inquiry to be made relative to the killing, robb.

and i!l -L;d lu-amliii;. 1 that the ] .tors shoul 1 be de-

r to the council of the Indies. Otl.er pi-ovisos were that si
should I-- d to their native, country, and if this were not p

be placed in ,able liberty, nor were t be

heavily worked or made to labor in the mines or cl inst

ill. In future expeditions of d:

:th him tv, who v. dil-

kindly tn-atment ir the Indians. Natives wh
!y incl ; at the same time t:.e pr

moi-ality and Lf&gt;od customs \ &gt;t left out of si^ ht, and i

M lic: :.d by the priest they mi.MiL i

Oni&gt;:ian J-iui-i :ly no discov-

it of thei nd on any of

Indians to act : lib. iii. c:ip. lii.. that

6 brai. vin^ been HP

:md that, you; and tend. | \vns

by hmi they j 1 from hui

p. / :. M /&lt;. / " .. i. brandin : 1m:

vhoh.-id peaceably sabtnitled, ofthena;

i &gt;y \\\:

tlie mamlati s of tin ul;i,and in addit

d the - | the branding of Indians as

1 &gt;. U; them a-; vas.- any on .111-

d to u mal&gt;. ] !. not

to b !y of governi:

i of the _ rs of proviib -. N

d in p&gt;ld-mi: ]&gt;ayn.

- to belong tO
1 1-ivi-d nf t:ie km . i acquired by inln-ritance, if they \\ : .iti-

Id not
bas in weight. In 15oG it was ordered that I who hud Ix-en a

238 THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

is shown from many incidents .which have already
been related.

Distant legislation was of no avail. The branding-
iron still seared the captive s flesh, the pine-torch was
still applied to the rich victim s feet, and the lash
still fell on the toiler s uncovered back. The enco-
menderos, bent only on amassing wealth, worked their
Indians until they were on the verge of death, and
then cast them forth from their houses or left them
\vhere they fell dead in the streets, as food for prowl
ing dogs and carrion birds, until the odor of corrup
tion infected the settlements. 11 Nor did the homes
of the living escape destruction or their property
violent seizure. Their dwellings were pulled down to
supply building materials, and the produce and wares
which they brought each day to exchange in their
market at Santiago were taken from them by the
servants of the Spaniards, or by soldiers, w r ho repaid
them only with blows or stabs. 12

to move from place to place were not to be prevented from doing so. Other
laws passed the same year were to the effect that no Spaniard of any rank
could be carried about by Indians in hammock or palanquin. Negroes ill-
treating Indians were to receive 100 lashes, or if blood were shed, a punish
ment adequate to the severity of the wound. Native villages and settlements
were not to be inhabited by Spaniards, negroes, or mulattoes. A Spaniard
when travelling could only remain one night, and Spanish traders three days,
in an Indian village. In 1538 laws were made ordering that caciques were not
to sell or barter their subjects. This year also a modification of previous en
actments limited the use of natives as pack-animals to those under 18 years
of age. The Indians were, by all possible means other than coercion, to be
induced to live in communities. In 1541 viceroys, audiencias, and governors
were ordered to ascertain whether cncomenderos sold their slaves, and if any
such were discovered they were to be exemplarily punished and the bondsmen
thus sold restored to liberty. Kecop. de Indlas, ii. 192, 194, 201-2, 212, 277-8,
288-9. These laws were general and applied to all Spanish America. Vaz
quez states that, in the year 1714, there existed in the city archives of Guate
mala royal cedulas, issued in 1531, 1533, and 1534, authorizing the branding
of slaves taken in war or obtained by rescate. Chronica de Gvat., 37-8.

11 In December 1530 the cabildo of Santiago was compelled to pass a law
ordering the burial of the dead. * Los Indios que mueren en sus casas, no los
entierran, e los dexan comer de perros, y aues, e podrir dentro de la clicha
ciudad, de que suelen venir 6 recrecer muchas dolencias u los vezinos y hab-
itates. 5 Itemesal, Hist. Ch?/apa, 30. Christianized Indians, whether servant
or slave, were to be buried in consecrated ground at the depth of the waist-
belt of a man of good stature. Others were to be buried an estado deep, out
of reach of dogs, under penalty of 20 pesos de oro. Id.

12 In 1529 laws were passed prohibiting such acts under a penalty of 25
pesos tie oro, the proprietor of the servant to forfeit his ownership. If the
person offending were an hidalgo the fine was 100 pesos de oro; if not he wa3

l:AKTOLOM! : ; ]&gt;] 230

us nofwr Midii)-- the ordinances enacted hy
tin- cm: r for tin- | i of the nati\

tli- i 1 hull i I in I ."):; I hy his holi-

1 aul III. &gt; i lie Lid; liherty

the provi r nun! rapidly &lt;

1 and the condition of the survivors grew ^

arrived in the \--\v World.
1 :i of the poorer and none of tin.- wealthier

iiiiar .-.I to iind there an ahidh

p: Spain s holde-t and nio&gt;t reckless 1&lt; it 1

ami voyaged westward with the placid sal

lion of ruilians ivl 1 from law s control, and now

in the check of an ellectual executive pov.
rded themselves as ma- of the

In \~)\-2 Jlartolome do Las Casas placed in tl.
liands of emperor the manuscript of his well known
:i the . iiclion of the Li&lt;! nd through

the exertions mainly of that never-tiring i; ;ry

a r junta composed ofecclesiast ljui-i&gt;ts v.

hcl previous year a! Yalladolid I MJ- the

; of drawing up 1 e^ulal ions for the hetter gov-

f the provinc- The great aj&gt; of th--

ln! ; led his favorite cau&gt;e \vilh all the lire of

loquence, ur^in^ that the natives of the N
rid were l&gt;v th law of nature i

ace to the now somewhat trite maxim "Mod

allow evil tha ; &gt;d may coin

1 1 insular, to I he least, to hear

such from the li Dominican," while

100 lad ! !H-l.-. i

i ui:&lt;l m\i it [&gt;\\\t-

innni-

VIII. &lt; 1 in ti. . u ua

tliat tinu- in full M
M l&gt;..iiiii,

as Gas,. junta .

that ii.

240 THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

3 r et the dark looming cloud of the inquisition cast, as
from the wings of a fallen angel, the dun spectre of
its huge eclipse athwart the hemispheres.

The ordinances framed by the junta received the
emperor s approval, and after being somewhat ampli
fied were published in Madrid in 1543, and thence
forth known as the New Laws. 15 The code contains
a large number of articles, many of them relating
almost exclusively to the enslavement and treatment
of the natives. It w r as provided that all Indian slaves
should be set free, unless their owners could establish
a legal title to their possession. 16 None were thence
forth to be enslaved under any pretext.

Proprietors to whom the repartimientos had given
an excessive number must surrender a portion of them
to the crown. On the death of encomenderos 17 the
slaves were to revert to the crown. All ecclesiastics
and religious societies and all officers under the crown
must deliver up their bondsmen or bondswomen, not
being allowed to retain them even though resigning
office. Inspectors were appointed to watch over the
interests of the natives, and were paid out of the
fines levied on transgressors. Slaves were not to be
employed in the pearl-fisheries against their will under
penalty of death to the party so employing them, nor
when used as pack-animals was such a load to be laid
on their backs as might endanger their lives. Finally

they were to be converted to the Catholic faith, and

it was ordered that two priests should accompany
all exploring parties, to instruct the Americans that

15 The full text of them is given in Leyes y Ordenanzas, Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc., ii. 204-27. There are extracts from them in Herrera, Remesal, Tor-
quemada, and other chroniclers. For further mention of the new code and
its workings see Hist. Mex., ii. 516, et seq. this series. Prescott says: The
provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or less generally
le ss accuracy, in the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them in
extenso. Peru, ii. 255. The historian is himself somewhat inaccurate on this
and other points.

10 Before the new laws were passed Indians captured in war or guilty of
certain crimes could be legally enslaved.

17 .For a description of the repartimiento and encomienda system, see Hist.
Cent. Am., i. 262-4, and Hist. Mex., ii. 145-52, this series.

1 the

Bul it liis Imlii.

;o\vled;_; liiin t!
wh doctri had in less tln-n half a century 1.

ailation o t, portions

of ! 111.

the provisions of tlio new cod re otln
.r,l to many of the Spaniards
re t ichisement of i

Flu 1 audienciaof Panama was abolished and
\v tribunals were to bo established, one at

which now first be^an to bear the i
Lima, and was thenceforth the metropolis ho
itli American continent; the other termed 1 &gt;
audh- los Confines, at Comayagua, with juris-

n over Chiapa-. Yucatan, ( uia da, I londui
Xi- iia, and tin- province &gt;f Ti- Firme, kni\vii

(!&gt;] (): From tlie decision &lt;-f th-
tri MI tho-e of the audieiK -f ^F

and Santo J ))min;_;-n, th- j to be in criminal &lt;

d. Ill civil suits the losing parly mi
;id a second trial, the I- it of which is i

n&lt;&gt; ne\v evidence was admitted, a:id the

e was conducted by the oidores who i

first judgment. If the amount !--d t-n thousand

do oro, there I;- ^ht of appeal to the council

I ndi&lt; ^EoreoV i w w&lt; w-

iiKjuire into the administration of tl.

lor and other civil functional and t&lt;&gt; suspend

tin-in iroin oiii ior1 1 uneil

Iinli. ;i.

Such \\ the main features of the new code which

: from the family of man. Tidii
! ! ] of

and o;
. * \M., VOL. II. 10

242 THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

throughout the New World, and from Mexico to Los
Reyes the entire population was in a state of ferment
bordering revolution. To deprive the settlers of their
slaves was to reduce them to beggary. Slaves con
stituted the chief source of wealth throughout the
provinces. Without them the mines could not be
worked, towns could not be built, lands could not be
tilled. The soldier urged his right of conquest, and
many a scarred veteran, worn with toil and hardship,
threatened to defend by the sword which had helped
to win an empire for his sovereign the estates now
threatened by these vexatious regulations.

The colonists were soon to learn that the new laws
were not to remain a dead letter as had been the case
with the royal ordinances. In January 1544 Vasco
Nunez Vela, the first viceroy of Peru, arrived at
Nombre de Dios, and finding there some Spaniards
returning to their native country with stores of wealth
acquired by the sale of their Peruvian slaves, ordered
them to deliver up their treasure, 19 and but for some
doubt as to the legality of such a proceeding would
certainly have confiscated it.

After crossing the Isthmus the viceroy liberated and
sent back from Panama at the expense of their propri
etors, several hundred Indians who had been brought
from Peru or were unjustly held in bondage. Bitter
were the remonstrances against these high-handed
measures, but Vela merely answered, "I come not to
discuss the laws but to execute them." The condition
of the natives was not improved, however, by their
liberation, for we learn that numbers died on board
ship from starvation and ill-usage, while others, cast
ashore unarmed on a desolate coast, fell a prey to wild
beasts or otherwise perished miserably.

A committee of the most noble and influential of
the Spaniards waited on the new viceroy to gain from

19 The version given in Prescott s Peru, ii. 260-1, is that the viceroy found
a ship, laden with silver from the Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain, and
that he laid an embargo on the vessel as containing the proceeds of slave
labor. There is, however, no absolute prohibition in the new code against

VA800 v 5 VELA. 213

him, if pos&gt;il&gt;lc, some concessions. They ur^-
inasmuch as the [ndianshad IM-.-M converted to ( In

tianity, it would he a great loss to the rhuivh fco

enfranchise them, and that if enfranchised they would

always he in danger of perishing Iron) stars at ion.
They daivd not ivturn to their own trihes, lor the
caciques inllicted the jx-nalty of death on all who had
ie Christians. These arguments served hut to
rouS the wrath of the vie- roy, who di&gt;mis&gt;ed tin-
deputation saying, "Were you under my jurisdiction
I would hang you every or Them-, ! , &gt;rth none

dared oppose him further, liven the oidoivs "f the
newly established audiencia of Los E who had

accompanied him from Spain made no pr. . and
oil liis departure, for Peru remained for some time at
Panama in-fore they could muster courage to follow.

In Tierra Firme and in the i-lands of the Spanish
West Indies the new laws were partially obeyed,
although complaints \\ still fr- ut of the ill-

atmeiit of natives, of their hcing jumislied witli
stripes if they dared to complain, and of the arrival
in Panama, of cargoes of sla vesfrom Nicaragua. I !
pri arnest in their j)r- ations, and their

reports fco the empei-or abounded in lofty expl -us
of concern for the cause of Chi ml of humanity.

Th lf&gt;ia&gt;i ical and secular ii 3ts \\ i ever at
Variance. Should the alcaldes i-nnler any di-cision
that threatened to work ad\vr&gt;. 1\ against tin- author
ity of the church, they were eXCOmiQUnicated, and

thus ]&lt; iid- j-ed incapable, in the e\/s of tl. -pie, of

di^cliar- in^ th&gt; lunrtions of tln-ir office. Tl rv-

emor and the l&gt;isho[) were continually at war, the
lat leaking under his jn-rtendcd /.&lt; al for the- &lt;&lt;

Version of tin- Indians, and the former under the j..
t of upholding the di-nit\ of the crown, the r&lt;

tin 1 . ill working the mint &lt;. al- ntionr

VJ. ]\}&gt;. \. . ;i|,. i

the substitution of a- for such

JMI1

244 THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.

purpose for which each was too often striving- -that
of gathering into his coffers the gold of his Majesty s
vassals. 20

20 The emperor was memorialized by the clergy and by the civil authori
ties, each party sending its petition without the other s knowledge, each
slandering its adversary and. using such falsehoods as would be most likely
to injure the opposite cause. Abreo, in Cent. Am.; Extr. Sueltos, in S q
MSS., xxii. 48.

CHAPTER XV.

PAX AM A AND PERU.
153S-1WO.

AD.V OF DOCTOR ROBLES INTI vie Co MM PRO-

i.i&gt; Ci; \M.V XoMr.ui; DI: DIGS ,\

Tin: JsTiiMrs TJIK HIGHWAY OF COMMKKCH I;KI \vii.x THK
MI -rni . VKI.A I IN P]

AT Tin: HKAD OF A I OF THK An.

Los Knvr.s AM. AIM:! PHI V I:I;OY His Ki

ni AT ANA^UITO CUN/AI.O S I&gt;
sr.\ JiA&lt; HICAO -jo PANAMA Ili.so.iosA s KXI-I.I.I n...\ His Hi -

OF THE rj:viNCK MELCIIni; VjiKUl );. . s I -x

no IK LA GASCA His XLCOTJATIONS WITH THI rs

v LANUS IN i i.KU KXhCL TloN OF GONZALO HO.

OP IV!ro Vaxqucz, wli&lt;&gt; succecsl^l Barrionuevo

nor of Castilla del Oro, little is knnwn; l&gt;ut "!
J )&lt; &lt;; . &gt;r J u 1 tics, tlio suc&lt;-css&lt; &gt;r &lt; &gt;f \ icz, under \vli&lt;

administration the govennnrnt \- nt inm-d till

L546, it is allr^-rd, nnd pi-olialdy \\ith ti iith, that ho

&gt;ii _;-lit more harm to his fellow-man in a t\\vl
month than the malign ^nius Irarias r\

coinplish in ,-i drradr. Jn I: *eed for wealth

j ivalK-d only hy tin- ;dl--_. d&lt; i

i, - liios, and in th. uto running \\ith which he

cloaked his evil deeds he \\-as without JM i iii ;i

amunity whore the |revailinL; &lt;-&gt;d.; of m u- ht

&lt;&gt;f ( Iid nor iv^ard for man. A.ppoin1
oidor of t nidit of Panama in 1."&gt;3S, ho held

for S -veral and th lit ion of that tril

nal was probably due in j mal-

There arc n&lt;&gt; e\j. licit details
which v. mgh: I wo learn

246 PANAMA AND PERU.

in every instance he contrived to baffle the scrutiny
of his judges. The licentiate Vaca de Castro was
first ordered to bring the offender to justice, -but called
in vain on his fellow-oidores of the audiencia of
Panamil to aid him in so doingf. On the establish-

ment of the audiencia of the Confines, the trial was
yet unfinished, and as the aggrieved parties still
clamored that it be brought to a conclusion, Ramirez,
one of the oidores, and the first alcalde mayor of
Panama", was ordered to take his residencia. Robles
appears to have escaped punishment, for he soon after
ward figures as senior oidor of the audiencia of Lima.
He returned before long to Panamd, and we leai n
that on the capture of that city in 1550, by Hernando
and Pedro de Contreras, some of Gasca s treasure
was captured at the house of Robles, who thenceforth
disappears from the page of history. 1

When Pedro de los Rios set out for Nicaragua he
left orders with Captain Hernando de la Serna and
the pilot Corzo to make a survey of the Rio de los

La^artos, now known as the river Chagre, for the

purpose of facilitating communication between the
two seas. They were directed also to examine the
river Panama, flowing in the opposite direction, and
to explore the country between the highest navigable
points on the two streams. This was done with a
view of discovering the best route for a grand thor
oughfare across the Isthmus, over which the tide of

commerce might flow between Spain and the Spice
Islands; and although this object was never realized,
the discovery which reduced land carriage to a dis
tance of nine leagues proved most useful in the subse
quent intercourse of Spain and Peru.

The project for interoceanic communication by way
of the isthmus of Panama was first mooted more than
three hundred and fifty years ago, and to Charles V.

1 Gasca, Carta al Consejo, in Col. Doc. Intd., 1. 107; see also Herrera, dec.
vi. lib. v. cap. iii.

im;mv.\ 247

.1 &gt;;i 1.1 v l&gt;el&lt; merit of ii ion. Tl

:ii lii-si propo-ed was to unite the ]{io (Irande \\itli

the ( ]];. hich except i: mu^ hl

rable lor v of li-l .t draught aa far B& the

proem town of Graces, and so make tin- CODQOCti

oil the Pacific Side Heal 1 tile modern city of J aiiaina.

Andagoya, who 1ms already l)ecn mentioned as tin;

6 who in 1 .VJ J conducted an expedition to ]&gt;iru,

lirected to mal jurrey and to i urnisli estimates
of the j&gt;rol&gt;al&gt;]&lt;- oost, \\\&lt; report was unfjavorable; lor

in a despatch addressed to the emperor, about 1 .V

beliri that there was no monarch in
all Knrope rich enough to furnish the means to c;i

out such an enterprise. 9

In the same despatch Andagoya also reports ;

versely on a question which had been for several y&lt;-,

under discussion- -that of moving t&lt;&gt; aiiotlier site tho
population of J^uiama. In a letter addressed to Fran-
C18CO 1 ixarro in 1531, Antonio &lt;! la (iama decla.
liis intention oi making such a change; lor ever &gt;i:
the city had bern founded by Pedrarias, coinplai
liad bei-n made of its unhealthy climate. 3 A royal
iula was afterward i-siied oi d.Tin-- that the citi/eiis
should meet and discuss the (jth-stion, and Anda

- that tho matter was &lt;lreidcd in the nc-ati
for. he tells us: "There is no other port in all the
South Sea \\lier Is could anchor alongside the

streets. 11 Moreover he ailirms that "God himself
had selected the sii

The- chronicler Benzoni &gt; who travelled in J)ai ieii
W& n L54] and 1 556, mentions that th id lrni

: ,&gt;. I^)n,i&gt; . 4, it i 1 th;r i inmlf liis

survi V in i.lx-.liri: . -1 jot! U% I vautl

iiilip t. 1 the i uniting the two oa

! : l.iit wln ii th- M;T\ v was onl-
In //. I//;., i. . !iii&gt; I. tlii.s s. -iuTt i-

iillu-u! in ri ii&gt;ti-u-tiii j tli- d ftdXM nuis

. 1 an account f tli&gt; ic.l li\

iliti n in tli- ini&lt;l(lU of tlic nint-tri-ntli rmti.

3 J . \.\\ i. ;nl //( - iv.

lil). ii.

248 PANAMA AND PERU.

Panajnd, 4 to Nombre de Dios was about fifty miles in
length, and that during the first day s journey it was
tolerably smooth, but the remainder of the route lay
over rugged and difficult ground, through forest and
through streams sometimes almost impassable dur
ing the rainy season. 5 Merchants doing business at
Nombre de Dios usually resided at Panamd. At the
time of Benzoni s visit to the former town, about the
year 1541, it contained but fifteen or twenty whole
sale merchants, the remainder of the population being
principally small tradesmen, innkeepers, and sailors.

The trade of Nombre de Dios was extremely fluctu
ating. Fourteen or fifteen Spanish vessels of various
sizes, the largest being about three hundred and sixty
tons burden, arrived there annually, with miscella
neous cargoes, but laden principally with wine, flour,
biscuit, oil, cloth, silk, and household merchandise.
The prices obtained for goods depended altogether
upon the supply. When the market was overstocked,
prices frequently ruled lower than first cost in Spain,
and cargoes were sometimes forfeited by the consignee
as not worth the freight. On the other hand, when
an article was scarce, an enormous price could be ob
tained for it, sometimes its weight in gold.

When a ship arrived at Nombre cle Dios the cargo
was discharged into flat-bottomed boats, and carried
by way of the Chagre as far as Graces, about six
leagues from the South Sea. Here the merchandise

4 Benzoni goes somewhat out of his way to make PanamA appear in a con
temptible light. He says that it contained about 4,000 inhabitants and had
about 120 houses built of reeds or wood and roofed with shingles, but he
does not explain how such a population contrived to crowd themselves into
that mimber of dwellings.

5 In his description of a journey from Acla to Panamd by way of Nombre
de Dios, Benzoni mentions that his party was accompanied by 20 negro
slaves, whose business it was to cut away the undergrowth and branches of
trees that barred their path. The same writer also alludes to the danger
incurred by travellers during the rainy season through the frequent crossing
of the Chagres en route across the Isthmus. He relates a story of a Spaniard,
who while fording the last branch of the river, mounted on a mule, and with
gold and jewels in his possession to the value of 4,000 ducats, was carried down
stream, lost everything, and was saved only by tying himself to the branch
of a tree, arriving at Nombre de Dios with only his waistcoat.

AM A.

mule 1 , w 1 1 o &lt; o 1 1 \ it

1 ;i. : ;:n;i, wheiie.- il

b of th ith 1

Ahoiit fli - : of Hi h n-niury t!

nuns of Darien had becom&lt; ito-way betw&lt;

,nd Panama the moai iiiij &lt;&gt;f

Ani -ri ituat d iij.oii tin- world s hiidiu; id

in tin- yety -centre of the ^[ i &lt; lil i &gt; l 1 ( - ( &gt;l"nial j

portals must, ilow tlir ti - oi I J|

iVcin the south, the ]n-odu&lt;-ts of Mexico, Nicai
and &lt; ial;i iVoin I he north, and fche 1

lli&lt; 1 of tin- Spice Islands from tin \ Tims

] ^anamd ! the metropolis of i wo

Americas, l&gt;ut tli- hal: .- liou^- and t

t\vt-rn . TII Jviif &gt;].- and :a.

i-a\v adventurer who at the opening () f ],i s &lt;

1 forward with &lt; r cxni-ctat i&lt;n into irk

im&lt;--rtain i uturf m&lt; &lt; 4 returned for
elated with siieecss or 1.. I ite.j through laih,

Into the lap of tlii D-ntral lint

alth. I !-r merchants were princes; her wareroon

h rich merchandie kind

fi-oni ry &lt;|Uart-T oi tin; Tl

Ilow and white i roni 1

of &gt; cochineal and d

liK-s of Spain and .Portugal, tlu)
i I- rane-- and Italy.

of this commercial rnetr

acres the southern
"lining for Spain many &lt;&gt;f t ]

he lux
1 .rid. \\ ut P Fran ill

ii hi
&lt;;!&gt;. ii. .

250 PANAMA AND PERU.

is more than probable that but for prompt assistance
from Panarnd the brave -Manco Capac would have
succeeded in exterminating the Spaniards within his
territory. While a central position and a command
of both the oceans gave to the city her wealth and
importance, the same causes exposed her not infre
quently to social and political convulsions, and to
attack from foreign powers. An insurrection in
Guatemala, a rebellion in Peru, a system of restric
tions on Asiatic trade were immediately felt in Pan
ama, and upon that city fell the heaviest blows aimed
by the English, French, or Dutch against the Spanish
possessions in the New World. Between 1545 and
1671, at which later date the old city of Panamd was
burned, it was sacked and partially destroyed no less
than four times. In other chapters I shall bring
together such facts as I have been able to find relating
to the lives and fortunes of the Spaniards of Darien
and Central America during the three centuries which
elapsed between the conquest of that country by the
Spaniards and their renunciation of allegiance to
parental authority. This epoch opened and ended in
attempted revolution. The first was futile, the last
successful. The first was attempted by brave, strong,
and daring men, but Spain and Charles were stronger.
The last was attempted by weak, degenerate Span
iards, but Spain and Fernando were weaker.

Upon the death of Francisco Pizarro, the Alma-
grist faction maintained the ascendency in Peru, 8
until dispersed by Vaca de Castro on the plains of
Chupas. Young Almagro then fled to Cuzco, where
he was arrested and beheaded as a traitor. 9 Yaca de

8 Among other marauding expeditions planned by Almagro was a raid on
Panama and Nombre de Dios for the purpose of plundering both places, and
making the former a base for future operations against Nicaragua and Gua
temala. He intended moreover to destroy all ships on the Pacific side that
could not be utilized. Vaca de Castro (Licenciado Cristdbal), Carta al Empe-
rador Don Carlos, ddndole cuenta de la sublevacion y castiyo de Don Diego de
Almagro el mozo y de otros importantes asuntos (Cuzco, Nov. 24, 1542). Curias
de-Imlias, 478, 483-4.

9 On the very spot \diere his father met a like fate. Herrera, dec. vi. lib.
vi. cap. i.

hail hut ju I in Peru. I {, 1 lif \v

him a comm 11 from tile &lt;To\VIl t &gt; al hit! Upon.

an. ;li- tlit- di-c&lt;&gt;rds betw&lt; rival nd

in the event of the dec of I- raiicix-M Pi/arm,

uas instructed to assume t .rnment. Gn/.alo

Pizarro, who had heen appointed governor of Qui

iinc of his brother s murder ali- &gt;n an

expedition of (liscov.-ry to tlir river Aina/on. ( )n his
urn, learning of Ki ancisco s t &lt; H ,-;

lii- bo vaca de Castro, l&gt;ut tli-y were dediii d

ntlicial, \vh&lt;&gt; was fearful lest theturbuL M&lt;1

disposition of tin- last of th-- 1 i/ar;
should in with hi- adininisf ration of 1 1 -v-

ernnn-iit. (ionxalo, an^vivd at the ivhull ircil to

Plata and e j -d in working the rich silvrr-inii
in that locality.

to tliis time- Charles, occupied l&gt;y tlie atl airs of

\a-t empire at home, had paid hut little it ion

1&lt; the welfare of the coloni- In general terms the
Spanish ^&lt;&gt;\ ci-nnieiit had Bel limits to the cruelty and
opp ion &lt;&gt;f tlie natives l&gt;y the ei.iKjU I 1 !

intentions of the sovereigns and their councils
from tlie be^innin^ humane and pi. I I

have ..i ten ol.scrved. But as new issue U-

&gt;tantly e-ro\\iii 4* out of these new condit; and

v many of the n.yal decrees concerniiiLT the allaii s
ot tl Indies \ impracticabk I there!

inoperative, the eoixjuerors were left iii a n

lown their own rules of conduct according to

their immediate n. s; or rather to act indepen

dent of all rule, heii rued hy the d: .f th-

judgment or ic st, [fsu inded tiiese law-

tfoi-ts, the mi-d.-eds of the&gt;e adventurers \\-&lt;
ohl ted hy their u old. If unsu. \d, th
u-ually iell \i&lt;-tim&gt; to their cruelty or cupidin. and
their i.on. let t to moulder in the wild. rn&lt; :

that in the earlv hi&gt;toi-y of the Spani&gt;h colonies it
\\as onlv at rare int Is and in a

that anv notic. d.en of disobedient

252 PANAMA AND PERU.

To one crime, however that of disloyalty- -the
Spanish monarchs were never insensible. So long as
the prerogatives of the crown were strictly regarded,
excesses were overlooked. The next most heinous
offence was civil strife. Native Americans, a race
midway between Castilians and brutes, might be
slaughtered by the thousand upon slight cause; 10 but
the lives of Spanish marauders were far too valuable
to be given up to internecine strife.

In Peru, however, it was different. The passions
of the populace had been roused by contending fac
tions, and the license hitherto granted to the con
querors rendered them all the more impatient of
restraint. Although the people were worse prepared
for stringent measures than the more orderly colonists
of Mexico, the person upon whom devolved the
execution of the obnoxious laws lacked the wise and
politic discrimination which governed the actions of
Sandoval and Mendoza.

On the 4th of March 1544, Vasco Nunez Vela
landed at Tumbez on the Peruvian coast, and as the
fame of his high-handed measures at Panama had not

preceded him, was accorded a loyal reception. His
popularity was short-lived, for the viceroy imme
diately liberated a number of slaves and on his jour
ney to Los Reyes would not even allow his baggage
to be carried by Indians, or, if compelled to do so, he
paid them liberally. Such conduct caused huge dis
gust throughout the province, but Nunez was deaf to
all remonstrance and even caused the arrest of some
of the malecontents.

Many now bidding defiance to the vicegerent took
up arms and urged Gonzalo Pizarro, the sole surviving
brother of the conqueror, to place himself at their head.
Nothing loath, Gonzalo proceeded at once to Cuzco,

10 Espanoles hai que crian perros carniceros y los avezan a matar Indies,
lo qual procuran a las veces por pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros.
Morales, Relation, MS.

VASCO Xt

llli accumulated by min :

1 pil "in ]. numerous I T!

. ;il 1.; jtile Was planted before hi-

loudly affirmed that he \. true and lawful

su of the kiir_r, Hint tin- viceroy had -led his

dons, and liiai he only aimed in hold in c
his iniquitous pur] until the will of the CIIIJM-.

lid 1 :ned. Vasro Nunez at l.-n-lh dr

upon himself the indignation of his own part;

in-ti^ation of the l.;icliiller C&lt; i, a meml
of the audiencia, mutinied and &lt;lecided to ]! ;ho
viceroy uj)ou a vessel to be con d lark to Spain.
]\Icanwhile tlic colonists florkrd t&lt;&gt; the standard of
ii/alo from every direction, until he soon found
himsrlf at the head of twelve hundred brave and dis-
ci]ili!M. (l trooj On the 28th of Octol&gt; 15-11,
.-imidst ilie acclamations of the populace, h

]/ima head of his army, and the royal audien-

-"lv d. Scarcely had the shi|&gt; whidi v.
rry Yasco Nunez to J^mama set sail from Lima,
v/hen Alvarez, the official in charge, not dai-in-- to
ap]cai in Spain with a viceroy as a prisoner, tin
himself at his feet, be ^ and placed T

ship and all on board under his command. Dei
thus une\ peet&lt;-dly released, he disembarks I at r J um-

inail force, and marching northward
; Quito, called upon all loyal sul&gt;j 1 ally

iorthe prote.-tion o! kind s authority. lie th

marched at tlie head of about live hundivd men

i MigueL M

^ ; ii;:a!o Pixarro, who had been narrowly \
the movem&lt; of the viceroy, now mined to

11 In //&lt; i. Ill), vii. at Gon/,;ilo was

unitur ^1. and eh:

it waa tr .umplial entry. 1 i/aiio liin, s eliul in a fiiHsuit

mil, \\ith a liohly i-nn "re liini was borne the

lanl ol i .

t.
SOU

254 PANAMA AND PERU.

bring matters to an issue. On the 4th of March
1545, he departed from Lima and marched against
his opponent. Vasco Nunez, fearful of the result,
abandoned the^ town and fled to Anaquito, whither
he was followed by the revolutionists, and on the
18th of January 1536 a hotly contested battle was
fought, resulting in the defeat and death of the
viceroy. 14

Even before this event Gonzalo Pizarro had assumed
the dictatorship of Peru and resolved to make himself
master of Panamd, his dreams of conquest extending
even to the provinces north of Tierra Firme. 1J En
listing in his service one Hernando Bachicao, 16 he
placed him in command of six hundred men and a fleet
of twenty-seven ships. 17 Arriving at Tumbez, Bachi
cao landed a hundred troops, whereupon Vasco Nunez,
though in command of two hundred well trained vet
erans, fled to Anaquito, a portion of his forces desert
ing him and joining the standard of the revolutionists.
Proceeding thence to Puerto Yiejo and elsew r here, he
seized several vessels and enlisted a hundred and fifty
recruits. Calling at the Pearl Islands he was met by
two messengers from Panama", sent to request that he
would forbear to land an armed force in Tierra Firnie.

14 Vasco Nunez was decapitated by a negro on the battle-field, and his
head borne on a pike. Some of the soldiers were brutal enough to pluck the
grey hair s from the beard and wear them in their helmets as trophies of the
victory. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii. See, also, Fernandez, Hist. Peru,
pt. i. lib. i. cap. liv.

15 He ordered galleys to be built at Arequipa, which with the vessels
already in his possession would make him master of the sea from Chile to
Nicaragua. Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xv.

16 Named by some authors Machicao, and in Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo,
Machicano. When Gonzalo Pizarro made his entry into Lima, Bachicao
caused the artillery, ammunition, and equipments to be carried on the backs
of Indians, thus showing his contempt for the new code of laws. Benzoni,
Mondo Nuovo, 210 (HaL Soc. ed.) See, also, Gomara, Hist. 2nd., 214, and
Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 718-20. Gomara says of him: Lo
escojeran entre mil para qualquiera afrenta, pero couarde como liebre, y asi solia
el dezir: ladrar, pese d tal, y no morder. Era hombre baxo mal acostumbrado,
rufian, presumptuoso, renegador, q se auia encomenado al Diablo, ... buen
ladron. . .asi de amigos como de enemigos.

11 On board the fleet were Maldonado and Doctor Trejada on their way to
Spain to render to the emperor Gonzalo Pizarro s account of the matter and
await his Majesty s further instructions. Pizarro, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc.
Incd., 1. 195 passim.

DISRUPTION AND DKATII.

Bad replied that he intended hut to land hi- p

and iv\ i-t ual hi- ll

The pi-opli- of Pan, had lc. -ii repeatedly wan

hy STaCS &lt;!&lt; Castro and Others that, their rity was ill

danger of falling int.. tin- hands of Gon/alo Pizai

and had Levied a force of BeV6D hundred nidi, tlmu
ill-equipped and without experience or disci,

Thrown off their guard however by I&gt;a&lt;-hi-ai- ans\*

they alli&gt;\\ fd him to enter the har!&gt;&lt;&gt;r without &lt;&gt;[,
Bltion. Plr landed a portion of his forces and aim.

A\ it 1 1 out resistance seized all the arms and ammunition

in tli -i-nal and delivered up thr city to ]&gt;illa
Tin* ship-masters in port were ordered to join his

and those, who ivtu-ed were handed at tliu yard-arm.

A captain named Pedro Gallego was also &lt; u.dfor

disobeying his oi-drr to shoi-tea sail and cry Mva

Pizarro! M

All law and order were for the time at an end. ^\1

were put to death without the- formality of a trial, and

it : fen said that Badiicao hdieaded 8O1 his

own oilicrrs on tin- merest suspicion of their di&gt;aii
tiou or even for pastim.

( &gt;u i\ in-- news of his li ut s mi

nmpaiiied with letters of ivmoiistraiKv lV&gt;m the
citizens of .1 ananui, ( ion/alo at once deposed him i rom
tli mmand I Ie WAS resolved, hov, .ill

of the I-thmus. and despat&lt;-li. d for this j.ur-
I Vdro de Hinojosa, a1 the In-ad of hvohundi
and lil ty men, with instiMj. and hold hoth

I :.nam;i and Xoml.re d,- I )i, Hinoj liad

nt tin- li:u-: -iiio n. : .i-uni &gt; in ])&lt;&gt;rt \

lie il ] lie cosi

iiiaiua. c ii"ii
(ii (Jiisuiaii i-lu- intr.i6.se nella, c itta, Uqoale lacuna

13.

I &gt; n/i mi, j

, lil&gt;. v. c-ap. \vi., i:

it-lit 1

25G PANAMA AND PERU.

first landed in Peru in 1534, and had done good service
under Francisco and Hernando Pizarro, was a man of
no mean abilities. Endowed by nature with a clear
intelligence, honest of purpose and faithful to his
trusts, with a judgment sharpened by long intercourse
with the stirring scenes of the New World, he was
eminently fitted for command, and enjoyed in no small
degree the confidence of his soldiers.

The expedition sailed northward as far as Puerto
Viejo, whence a vessel was sent in charge of Rodrigo
de Carbajal with letters from Gonzalo to the principal
residents of Panama begging their favor and coopera
tion, disclaiming all connection with Bachicao s out
rages, and stating that Hinojosa was now on his way
with means sufficient to indemnify all who had suffered
loss. If the force by which he was accompanied ap
peared to them somewhat large for the purpose, it
should be remembered that Gonzalo s enemies were on
the alert, and that it would be unsafe to navigate the
ocean with a smaller fleet.

Accompanied by fifteen men, Carbajal landed at
Ancon, a small cove two leagues from Panamd. There
he was informed by some planters residing in the
vicinity that two captains of the viceroy, Juan de
Guzman and Juan de Illanes, were in the city enlist
ing troops under a commission from their chief, who
awaited their coming at Quito. They had thus far
succeeded in raising a company of one hundred men
and in collecting a considerable quantity of arms, in
cluding six pieces of field artillery. " But," continued
his informers, "although they have been ready to sail
for many days, they appear to be in no haste to de
part, and it is now believed that it is their intention
to remain and defend the city against the insurgents."
Under the circumstances, Carbajal did not think it
prudent to land. Pie therefore despatched an emissary
secretly by night with the letters from Pizarro.

The citizens to whom they were addressed were not
to be duped however, and at once placed them before

HINOJO VKM;

th- ithori Tin Hi r was . in- ..nd

forced t&lt;&gt; di-e all In* km Min

and liis visi Tin- - lard of the city was inc; d,
and t\vo well annrd brigantines were sent to capt
tli- 1 tin ii at Ancon. Dut Carbajal was
&lt;juiek for them; suspecting from UK- &lt;1&lt; -lay of his m

r tin- true state of affairs, In- slipped away, and
hiding his vessel annmLC the Pearl Islands, then-
awaited the approach of his commander.* 1

In the mean time Hinojosa continuing his com
northward touched at Buenaventura. There he learned
that Yasco Nufiez Vela was then engaged, with i

of Benalcdzar, in recruiting his army in
that neighborhood. Landing a party of soldi- r-, he
raptured eight or ten of the inhabitants, who gave
information that the viceroy was at Popayan. and
that owing to the delay of his captains, Juan de Illa-

1 and Juan de (in/man, lie had determined to send

his hrother, Captain Vela Nunez, accompanied by
efficient officers, to hasten the arrival of troops from
Panama. Moreover he had ascertained that tl
viceroy wa^ huilding a brigantine, now almost com-
]leted, on board of whicli he intended to place his
brother, in charge of all his treasure,- 1 and to send to
P;.nama, in the hope of obtaining a heavy ransom
from some of Hinojosa s partisan-, an i! e Bon

of Gkmzalo Pizarro, then a captive in his han&lt;ls. \ -la

together with his officers and a d.-tarh: I of
n in charge of young Pi /arm, weiv then inarclii
to tli i^t by dir it route&lt;. to embark on board

th 1. By a clever Btroke of strategy Ilin

captmvd both parties, I tin , and pla-

A &lt; la Nunez and his command as prisoner&gt; on board

iition to otli r precaution o &lt;le Casaos, the correi:i&lt;:

nia\ .aind, crossed :

MS to rally for t: ng all th

buses aii-l u hieli he could tind, i ! to tl ; .

lo, tln-rrl.y &gt;&lt;.\\iug discord \\hi.-li was to
...r of tin , //, lib.

iity thousand diu-at.s according to !} /r.u/ti, Mvialu -\
Hie. . AM., VOL. II. IT

258 PANAMA AND PERU.

the fleet. Then taking with him young Pizarro,
whom he liberated and treated with marked considera
tion, he set sail for Panama^ and after being joined by
Carbajal, cast anchor in the bay with eleven ships 23
and the two hundred and fifty men already mentioned.
This was in October 1545.

The city was divided as to the policy of admitting
the insurgents. The merchants arid all who derived
profit from the Peruvian trade saw everything to gain
by the arrival of a large and richly laden fleet. Many
of them furthermore held property in Peru, and trans
acted business through their factors, upon whom
Gonzalo Pizarro would not fail to inflict summary
punishment if he heard of opposition at Panamd.
On the other hand Doctor Robles, the governor, with
his political adherents and all who derived place and
profit from the crown, loudly disclaimed against the
rebels, and called on the people to assist him in the
defence of the city, under penalty of the royal dis
pleasure. 24 In the end the governor s party prevailed,
the opposite faction yielding in appearance at least,
and the corregidor Pedro de Casaos receiving the
appointment of captain general 25 marched forth to
oppose the landing of Hinojosa. The entire forces
of the royalist party now mustered, apart from some
small reinforcements from Nombre de Dios, nearly
eight hundred men, only ninety of whom were dis
ciplined troops, the remainder being an ill-armed crew
of citizen-soldiers. The army was well supplied with
field artillery. 26

23 Eight ships and three brigantines. Benzoni, Hondo Nuovo.

24 Juan de Illanes, as soon as he saw the ships, cried out with a loud voice
to the citizens, Come out of your houses, ye traitors, come and defend the
lung s domain from these tyrants! When Pedro de Casaos sent word to
Hinojosa to inquire the cause of his coming he answered that he came to
pay the debts of Machicano. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 144-5.

25 H errera , dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. Garcilaso de la Vega, in Hist. Peru, ii.
244, styles Hinojosa govern or, and Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxx., says:
Y el governador de aquella Provincia llamado Pedro de Casaos, Natural de
Sevilla, fue con gran diligencia a la Ciudad de Nombre de Dios, i mand6 aper-
cebir toda la Gente que en ella estaba, i juntando todas las Armas, i Arcabuces
que pudo haver, los llevb consigo a Panama. The corregidor of a town was
often styled governador by courtesy. Hence perhaps the mistake.

^Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

OS LOSES (

I )roppin^ down with hi- ll&lt; ( fco tl n,

inoJM.-a disembarked two hundred men nnd T cover

of hi .noli, landing them &lt;n a rocky pr&lt; &gt;jfci in of

Hx- shore, inaccessible t&lt; the enemj avail !!

then be^an liis inardi on Panama, ordering the i!
to keep him company at a short distance iVom the
shore with t^mis trimmed ready Tor action. 27

At this juncture the cccle- os of the city issuh
ill in a body, with mournful chants and sad coun
tenances, their garments covered with cro- and i
insignia of mourning, began to expostulate with loth
anni&lt; " Is it necessary," they cried, "for Christians

imhue their hands in each other s blood!" At
length an armistice of one day was agreed on. IL

9 were given on either side, and the efforts of the
]&gt;ri to bring about an agreement between the j&gt;ar-
tii a were redoubled

Hinojosa declared that he could not see why 1
w;i&lt; denied entrance into the city. 2S 1 le came not to
make \\.-ir but restitution. Gonzalo Pizarro harboi

DO -vil design; but lie was master of Peru, and he in-
t n&lt;l&lt; (1 to be master of the only thoroughfare to Peru-
thai which traversed the continent from Xombre de
Dios to Panama. If the people of the Isthmus w. uld

!.u f n themselves to the sway of Pizarro while he
wielded supreme power in Peru, or Until matters w&lt;

iled by the crown, all would be well; otherwise war
must inevitably follow.

lVdr&gt; de Tasaos and tlio men of Panama were not
bisfied.* Tliey had just experienced a forei of
what they mi^ht &lt;-.\peet shotihl another of Gonzal
ca]&gt;taiiis obtain po- ion of the city, but their only

is said that a kittle now appran: the officer in

Xuiic/ was onlT l t-&gt; lian^ him and tin- otln : :iers to ; .mi.

/ r/i, lih. v. i-aji. x\xi. r rhi&gt; ifiit is vrry iiu\&gt; .

28 He in: I ; ni;i that if they ha..

liki- Machicao, th :ainly oii^ht to atlinit liim. ll Q. vii. lii

cap.

: Tln-y liad no faith in Hiimjosa s ]. Gonzalo Pizarro

:-se juridical]]. -ll...&lt; &lt;lr T ninguno

:,,; y . .icsaa avia hi

Bacliie. d\ da.-(j dc (n Vega, ff\ ... -j-il.

260 PANAMA AND PERU.

alternative was compromise, or the arbitration of the
sword. It was finally agreed that the loyal colonists
who had come over from Nombre de Dios to render
assistance should return, and that Hinojosa should be
allowed to enter the city with a guard of thirty men,
there to remain for forty-five days. 30 His ships mean
while were to retire to Taboga or to the Pearl Islands,
to be revictualled and repaired. The articles of agree
ment were drawn up by a notary and signed by the
respective parties who bound themselves by oath to
adhere faithfully to the terms stipulated.

Although Hinojosa was thus restricted by the
terms of his compact and for the moment could strike
no blow for the conquest of Panama*, he was by no
means idle during the interval. Maintaining a strict
watch against surprise and assassination, 31 he took up
his quarters in a comfortable well furnished house,
loaded his table with choice viands, and throwing
open his doors entertained all comers with lavish
hospitality. His apartments soon became the resort
of soldiers and adventurers of every clique. Gon-
zalo Pizarro and the affairs of Peru were discussed
over brimming goblets. Brilliant stories concerning
the discovery and opening of mines of fabulous rich
ness 32 fired the cupidity of the listeners, while a free
passage was offered to all, and liberal pay promised
from the first day of enlistment.

By these shrewd measures Hinojosa had the satis
faction of seeing his forces daily increase, while those
of Pedro de Casaos proportionately diminished. The
soldiers of Juan de Illanes and Juan de Guzman did

30 Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. x., and Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 145. In
Gomara, Hist, IncL, 218, it is stated that 40 men were allowed to land.
Other authorities give 50 as the number of the guard and 30 days as the
period.

ai Con este concierto Hinojosa mandd recoger la gente a las naos, y los de
Panama le hablaron y trataron con mucha cortesia, y le aposentaron en la
ciudad y diziendole, que se trataua de prenderle, 6 matarle; aunque no lo
creyo, todauia se hizo fuerte en la casa adode posaua, y poco despues, como
bue Capitan, por quitar ocasiones de tumultos se fue a sus naos, y presto se
entendio q aquel rumor no fue palabras. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. 10.

3 - It was during this year that the wealth of Potosi began to be known.

SUCCESS OK HINOJOSA. 2C1

nsil)le to the wiles and genial hospitality

df II IIP ., and those; captain- tliem&gt;el.

abandoned by the greater parl oftheir -Iv

!e from UK- city and sei/ing a Vessel alt -mpti d
make their escape to Peru. They were, ho\ r,
captured hyone of the watchful captain itioned in
the harbor, and not long after voluntarily joined them
selves to Hinojosa and became his faithful adhere!.
Such was the influence which ]Iinoj&lt;&gt;sa ac&lt;juir&gt; d by
his careless and apparently unintentional display of

dth, and hy his &gt;kill in throwing tempting baits to

u who never flinched from dang-T when they sa\v
pr&lt; i of gain, that in a few v s and hy a silent
and bloodless revolution he became master of the city.
Af the expiration of the forty -five days he E I the
batteries and made a formal entry into Panama at the

id of his entire force, amidst the acclamations of
the greater part of the inhabitants.

Hinojosa took no advantage of his easily won vic
tor Jfe strove to maintain the strictest discipline
among his followers, treated the citizens with the
utmost liberality, and ordered that the soldiers should

pert their rights and in no wi^e im with th

allair ] Te then despatched his son-in-law, ]I
nando Meji a de (.aiznian, in company with Pedro de

.hrera, to take possession of Nomhre de Dios and
guard the interests of Gonzalo Pizarro in that &lt;]iiari

AVhile the province of Panama thus quietly j--
into tlie hands of Iliuojosa the partisans ot the vi
i-oy were not idle. Melrhor Verdugo, 8 * to whom
one of the conquerors of Peru had heen ; :ied ;
province of Caxanialca, proffi red his at rvicesto^

A\-la, on his tii&gt;t landing in IV-ru. Be&lt;-..n:i:

53 In Jl&gt;rr^ viii. lil). i. c-ij*. \\., it !inojosft s&lt;

committed i\i;inv n&gt;l)l)ciifs. takin to hide them from i -luiii.-ii.

strictly l &gt;i! nythin ic kinl and

rulers should be han&lt; i auth

, 1. Ins. .i, Bayt that llr. iiianui and

I and (juarti-r his Hi
81 A native oi Alava, and a :
u, lib. v. to dc la \ j t, , ii. -

262 PANAMA AND PERU.

afterward implicated in a plot devised by the royalist
party to gain possession of Lima, he was arrested in
that city by order of Gonzalo Pizarro. Escaping
thence he proceeded to Trujillo, where he was fortu
nate enough to seize one of Bachicao s vessels, laden
with the spoils of Panama*. With the proceeds of
this capture, and with funds realized from his own
estate, he enlisted a company in the service of the vice
roy. He then sailed for Nicaragua and requested
from the governor, as a loyal servant of the king, men
and means to assist him in quelling the insurrection
on the Isthmus. Failing to draw from him a hearty
response he next applied to the audiencia of the Con
fines. With the magistrates of that tribunal he was
more successful. Licentiate Ramirez de Alarcon, one
of the members, took an active part in recruiting men
and collecting arms and horses.

In the mean time tidings of Verdugo s doings in
Peru and Nicaragua and his intended expedition to
the northern coast of Darien reached Panama*. Hi-
nojosa, fearing that Verdugo might raise a force
sufficient to cause him trouble, sent Juan Alonso
Palomino with two vessels and one hundred and
twenty arquebusiers in pursuit. Arriving at Nica
ragua Palomino captured Verdugo s vessel without
difficulty, but on attempting to land found himself
confronted by all the available men in the province
arrayed under the royalist banner, under the command
of Verdugo and the licentiate. After hovering about
the coast for several days, watching in vain for a
chance to disembark, he seized all the ships on the
coast, and burning those which were unserviceable,
returned with the remainder to Panama", not knowing
that his design was suspected. Verdugo made ready
on Lake Nicaragua three or four frigates, and with
two hundred choice and well armed troops 35 sailed

35 Et non molto dopo Melchior Verdugo calato per lo Scolatio di Nicara
gua con ducento soldati con animo di offendere la gente di Pizzarro. Benzoni,
Mondo Nvovo, 146. In Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxiii., the number
is stated at 100.

MELCHOB vr:i:nuGO. 2C3

tin I the river San Ju;m to tin- X&lt;rth Sea, and
althily aloiiM- the Coast, hoped to surpi

tin- reU-ls before ])i- presence in that &lt;juart&lt;T became

known. At tin- Jvio Chagre 1

manned by negroes, i roni whom hu obtained valuable

information as to the condition of attains at Xom
de 1 )ios, the number of men stationed there, tin.- nai.

of tin ir commanders! and a minute description of the

building in which the officers were quartered.

Hinojosa was on the alert, but not so his captains.
Though warned of the approach of the loyal par
th&lt;-y were taken by surpri&gt; Landing at nudni^l
Yenlugo stole quietly to the house where Hernando
I\l jia, l\ -dro Cabrera, and other officers were ]&gt;&lt; ,i
fully slumbering, surrounded the jiivmisrs, and ihvd
tlie dwelliii The dilatory captains, maddened at
thus bring entrapped in their &lt;&gt;wii brds, sprang up,
and &gt;rizing their weapons rushed out of the blazing
rdifice, and cutting their way through the eiirmy
inadr their escape to the woods and finally to Pan

ama/"

.Mad Verdugo thenceforth conducted his affairs with
kill and discretion which characterized I Iin :

niovrinrnts at Panama hu would have ca that

commander no little trouble, but he had n f tin;

taci or -ein i-alship of Gonzalo s ollicrr. He imp)
oin-d the alcaldes, levied arl.ili ary assessments Uj
the in, rdiaiits, demanded heavy ranx&gt;m ibr his p:
oners, and soon made himself so obnoxious to the
; that with one accord they petitioned Doctor

Ribera, the mayor, to a-k pn from lliir

The appeal was not in vain. Uibera at once entered
into i itiations with Jlinoj- and it \\
that while the former levied troops at X ombre d-

80 I ni;_-ht f;iv(.n-&lt;l th(Mn, lut Vi-nhiffo s men mi.irht have

tin ir i-iptup- yli:ul: ,:itcnt iu phnulerin-, the li-

-7 . / r , ii. - l".
; 11. TI.

I his (tli&lt;vrs t :

but : him ly th 1 autl:

Hot even \vhctlK. were alive. .K-c. viii. lib. ii. cap. iv.

264 PANAMA AND PERU.

Dios, the latter should at once march from Panama*
with a strong force. Verdugo impressed into his ser
vice every available man, and withdrawing from the
town, took up a position on the shore, where he was
to some extent covered by the guns of his vessels.
There he awaited Hinojosa, who with a small but
picked company of veterans 33 was now crossing the
Isthmus to join battle with the royalist forces.

As soon as the rebel troops debouched from the
woods surrounding Nombre de Dios, Ribera sallied
from the town and opened a lively fire on the forces
of Verdugo, the citizens taking fright at the first noise
of the fray and scampering to a hill near by. Hino-
josa s brigade advanced meanwhile with the steady
measured tramp of trained soldiers, whereupon the
men of Nicaragua, led by Verdugo, took to their heels
also, leaving but one of their number wounded on the
field, 39 and regained their ships, whence a brisk can
nonade was opened on the town, but without visible
result save loss of ammunition. The royalist captain
then set sail for Cartagena, there to await a more
favorable opportunity to serve his king. Hinojosa
severely reprimanded Mejia and the other fugitive
officers, and leaving them at Nombre de Dios in
charge of a stronger garrison returned with Eibera
to Panamd,.

Nothing could have happened that would draw the
attention of the court of Spain to the affairs of the
New World more effectually than rebellion, as I have
before intimated. The discovery and conquest of
America cannot be classed as an achievement of the
nation. It was a magnificent accident, in the busy
reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Charles. Those
sovereigns, absorbed in wars and involved in ambitious

intrigues at home, with a vast continent thrust upon

38 One hundred and fifty arquebusiers. Benzoni, Hist. Hondo Nvovo, 145-
40; 140; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 219.

39 Verdugo fu il primo & saltare in vn Brigantino, et solo vn soldato resto
ferito, e questo fu el fine delle brauate di Verdugo. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo,
146.

o M-: LA
by a, Gen t navi &gt;r, could scai find

do mere than grant permit- to adventu ib-

jii ._ their own new territories in the w&lt;

crn world, and to receive when remitted to them t
al iiith of the returns. But rebellion, of wh
T magnitude or shape, is always dl il t

sovereign. Therefore when tidings r- iin

that the emperor s representative in I &lt; ni had h.
maltreated, and that a powerful body of i
lield |)o Ion of that province, the monarch and his
mini&gt;&lt;ers were aroused The affairs of i 1 ; occupi
for a time their careful consideration. Len- iliv d

and close councils followed. At first, the kiii
counsellors in their deliberations consulted only
honor of the nation and strongly ad led s
an armed force against Pizarro; but insun at

home .-Hid insurrection in Peru were two v&gt;
&lt;nt things. The Spanish government could me
easily make war against a hundred thousand nn-n in
Spain or Germany than against one thou&gt;and in the
wills of that distant province. 40

Pedro de la &lt; a/ 1 a counsellor of the inquisition,
but a man holding no public is the one

leett-d as the fit instrument for the oe &gt;n. lie
united a mild and insinuating disposition with i
able iirnmess and tenacity, and a cool and bland
exterior with a strength and sagacity but little HI&gt;-
perted by most of his country men. None knew b
DOW to combine a subtle humility and held cauti

40 La diticnltad do tanto nparat--, . . AjIDM, v Cav; lunioon y

tail 1. .1 DO

&gt; de la

41 ri in 141)1 in tho CaUilh ria d.
near i\\&lt; . :,,. 1 ! .1 a liU-i.

famous seminary ( : \\ dc 1 s, and M;!&gt;M

i to the univrrsityof SaLirnaii : . \\&lt; laprieetioj

, ni&lt;l in l.VJHvn.s aj&gt;] r of the i- ion. 1

. his gallant o of the city of \ alonoia, at a ti

a at th

t famii :uudaiid s

1 \ n&gt;in . Casca t n

.d"iit he slin\vrd th&gt; !1 and

.ling political disturbance. Uah &lt;*&gt;, in Carlo* de Iiu:

266 PANAMA AND PERU.

with unpretending manners and a pleasant address,
and no man could have been found better qualified to
undertake the task. He obeyed the summons of the
court with reluctance, but once having engaged in
the undertaking, his whole soul was absorbed in
its execution. Before setting out he declined an
offered bishopric; he would accept no salary, nor any
title except that of president of the royal audiencia
of Lima. 42 He was empowered with the authority
of a sovereign, being allowed to levy troops, declare
war, appoint and remove officers at will, make repar-
timientos, condemn to death, condone offences, grant
amnesties, and might send back to Spain if neces
sary even the viceroy himself. 43

On the 26th of May 154G, Gasca set sail from San
Lucar with a small retinue, consisting of two oidores,
and among: other cavaliers the mariscal Alonso de

Alvarado and the adelantado Pascual de Andagoya.
Had the emissaries of Charles appeared off the
Isthmus in warlike guise, the captains of Gonzalo
Pizarro would have opposed them to the last, but
what had they to fear from a humble priest with but
a score or two of attendants? Nevertheless, Her-
nando Mejia was not without his suspicions of Alva
rado. 44 He had but recently committed one blunder
in allowing himself to be outwitted by Melchor Ver-
dugo ; but after some hesitation he decided that if the
priest came armed with such a commission from the
king as Alvarado affirmed, it were better to treat him
with the respect due to a royal envoy. On the 17th

42 &lt; EI Titulo que Ilev6, fue de Presidente de la Audiencia Real del Peru.
Zaratc, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi.

43 Llev6 las Ce dulas, y Recaudos necesarios, en caso, que convinese hacer
Gente de Guerra, aunque estos fueron secretos, porque no publicaba, ni trataba,
fino de los perdones, i de los otros medios pacificos. Zarate, Hist. Peru, in
Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 209, says: Le
diesen absolute Poder en todo, y por todo, tan cumplido y bastante, como su
Magestad lo tenia en las Indias. See, also, Prescott s Peru, ii. 344.

41 Alvarado hablo d Hernan Mexia, i le di6 noticia de la venida del Presi
dente, diciendole quien era, i a lo que venia, i clespues de largas platicas se
clespidieron, sin haverse declarado el vno al otro sus animos, porque ambos
estaban sospechosos. Zarate, Hist. Peru } in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi.

A CLEVEB I RIEST. 2G7

of July ( i intiii; :iiiii to land, ami

]M&lt;;J!.&gt; liini a loyal jvn-pt ion. Drawing up his

in. -n on tin beach, In- ]ut &lt;&gt;ut lor the piv&gt; ni

M 1 with a laiard of twenty arquebusiers, brought him

a-hore, and amid the roar of cannon and mu&gt;k-try
conducted him to his own quarters within the town.

M jia was not long in the company of the unpi
t ndim ecclesiastic In -lore lie became convinced that
beneath his calm demeanor Slumbered a power that
would soon make itself felt in the land. Gasca ex
plained the object of his errand and the scope of his
authority. His purpose was peace, and his commi&gt;-
sion, which was dated after the battle of Anaquito
and the death of the viceroy, authorized him to ^raiit
pardon for all offences, no matter how heinous. 4 * It
now therefore became all loyal subjects to oppose no
longer the emperor s messenger. M-jia hesitated.
At heart he was loyal, though in common with others

had espoused the cause of the chivalrous conqu
in opposition to the austere and unpopular rule of
Yaca de Castro and Vasco Xufiez Vela. Xot ev
Gonzalo Pizarro, much less his subordinates, admit I
themselves to be rebels. Gasca did not press i

,tter. He soon read the honest soldier completely

and knew his man. His policy was rath T to throw

around those over whom he desired to gain ;id-

ency the subtle influence which a man of his k- .

incisive penetration, invested with t\i !&gt; of author-

nd versed in all the wily craft and casui&gt;try of

i-dcr, knew well how to exercise, than to force an

unwilling assent to measures which \\vre di&gt; fid

and might afterward be lightly di&gt;rlainied.

45 7&gt;r;m/ &lt;/.r, 1 ! ..- . / /", ] t. i. lib. ii. rap. of

.y until afti-r his laiidiii_ d 1 . l&gt;ut

sin- thn-c.l lii- ut, .-HIM i :n&gt; wuull I

him IK- would ivtnni to the CIIIIKM-IT. . ii.

J7&lt;&gt;. ^-sca s 1

c-hara

fhun-hiuaii: Ki. r a M&lt; rtlugo, 411 . con cicrtcs (

; !;i Ulira. *O df In

. viii. lib. ii. cap. v.

268 PANAMA AND PERU.

Mejia being left to draw his own conclusions and
to act for himself, at length thus declared his resolu
tion to Gasca: "I am a loyal subject of the emperor.
If Gonzalo Pizarro is such he cannot question my
course; if not, I choose not to follow the fortunes of
traitors." He then placed himself and his men at the
priest s disposal, gave him a correct statement of the
military and naval strength under Hiriojosa s com
mand, and even offered to march on Panama" and seize
the fleet. 46 The envoy congratulated him upon his
decision, and assured him that the king would reward
him for his loyalty, but declined any service from
him, other than keeping his resolve for the present a
secret.

On receiving news of the president s landing and
of his courteous reception, Hinojosa was sorely dis
pleased. His lieutenant had been placed in command
at Nombre de Dios for the express purpose of guard
ing the northern coast against the approach of any
expedition hostile to the interests of Gonzalo Pizarro;
and now, after being surprised by a band of men from
Nicaragua, and compelled to flee to Panama", he wel
comed with royal honors, and without even consult
ing his commander, a man commissioned to assume
authority over all the affairs of Peru. Gasca shrewdly
surmised that Mejia while clearing himself from the
imputation of treachery would plead the cause of the
king more effectually than he himself could do. He
therefore ordered him to accompany Alvarado to
Panamd and lay the whole matter before Hinojosa.
The latter was pacified with no great difficulty. It
was pointed out to him that, if it was the correct
policy to allow the envoy to land, all would have the
benefit of it; whereas, if an error had been committed

46 Mexia le repondio, que la vandera que alii estabuo, la tenia por el Hey, y
no por Pizarro, y q haria en su seruicio quanto le madasse. Ilerrera, dec. viii.
lib. ii. cap. v. I que si queria, que llanamente se alcale Vandera por su
Magestad, lo haria, i podian ir a Panama, i tomar la Armada, lo qual seria
facil de hacer. Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. iii. 133. See also, Gardlaso de la
Veya, Hist. Peru, ii. 270.

JSCA AXD Till-: !

it v, i simple matter to order Hie prie&gt;t and 1
Oirades &lt;&gt;n board t lieir Thus 1-, ii-ed lie

tve permission to his offi to return ami &gt;rt ti
pi nt across tin- I&gt;thmus.

Melehor Verdu-o, in the mean time, having tiivd

of inglorious ease at Cartagena, had landed at Xom-

hre do Dios, and there laid his humble dnfv at I
feei of his Maj. envoy. Gasca informed him th
the best service he could render his sov&lt; n would
be to r&lt; turn to Nicaragua and there disband his i&lt;,r
The meddlesome captain protested veli .tlv, but
he was not of the metal with which the priest pro-
]&lt;)sed to crush the rebellion. A band of blatant, dull-
witted adventurers, whipped into fury by the superior
generalship and soldierly qualities of Hinojosa and his

ans, could be of no assistance to him. Kindii
a i length that the president was determined to i
him. verdugo withdrew his troops, and soon ;
ward returned to Spain, there to lay his grievances
before the emperor.

On the 13th of August 1546 Gasca makes ] i-
trance into Panama, and is received with much c&lt;
mony by the commander-in-chief, the governor, an 1
magistrates of the city. Hin ; with all hi n
penetrating common-sense, his pra- I i-\j
and his thorough knowledge of the world, is no moi
]roof against the seeming candor and mild winnin
deportment of the unpretending priest than was M.ji a.
A downright foe i- his delight. He will match 1.

it or skill in military or political affairs again.-t tl
of any man in the Indi. But when the soi jn
]&gt;o\\-er of Spain appears in robes of sacred humilit;
and giving utterance in bland ace- to doctrin.
worthy of the prince of peace, the .^ ity of the sol-
diei- is at fault. The fo - become a pliair \v-

ci-fnl, nay invineihle, but intan^iMe. Oppositi"ii to
the subtle influence of the priest i&gt; like waging con
flict with the powers of air.

At length 1 Lin&lt; ills on the president, and 1

270 PANAMA AND PERU.

him to specify the nature of the authority with which
he is vested. Gasca replies that he is the bearer of
glad tidings to the Spanish settlers; for his Majesty
has been pleased to revoke the more obnoxious meas
ures contained in the new laws, and to empower
him to grant a full pardon for all that has occurred
in Peru. Hinojosa then asks if Gonzalo Pizarro is
included in this amnesty, and whether he will be con
firmed in his position as governor. Gasca evades the
question; whereupon the commander s suspicions being
roused he at once orders a ship to be made ready, and
sends a despatch to Gonzalo, giving an account of the
priest s arrival, of his reception by Mejia at Nombre
de Dios, and of the nature of the envoy s mission;
assuring his former chieftain that he may rely on
him to execute faithfully any instructions.

By the same vessel Gasca despatches a Dominican
monk, Francisco de San Miguel, to proclaim through
out Peru the arrival of the royal commissioner, and
his promise to condone the offences of all who return
to their allegiance. He also addresses letters to many
influential persons in whom he had confidence. Finally
he forwards to Gonzalo a despatch from the emperor,
accompanied by an epistle from himself, a perfect
masterpiece of diplomacy, in which he touches but
lightly on the overthrow of the viceroy, avows that
if he be not loyal there is not a soul whom he can
venture to trust, and begs him as a Christian and a
true Spaniard to persist no longer in rebellion. Mean
while, the crafty envoy sends a messenger to the
viceroy of New Spain, urging him not to allow arms
or horses to be sent to Peru, and to hold his navy in
readiness for war. 47

The arrival of this unwelcome news from Panama"
caused no slight annoyance. A council of officers
was summoned; the principal inhabitants of Lima
were invited to attend; the letters were read in public;

47 Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxviii. See also Herrera, dec.
viii, lib. ii. cap. vi., and Gomara, Hist. Intl., 228.

and nil wen- invited to express their opi

!i prov&lt; 1 much merriment s ami man\
tin l)iit they knew not the mail tip

\\ith. Some declared for killing him outright; oth-

for liiiLj liiin hack to Spain; ami on] ice 1

ami then- was heard in favor of admitting him
1 Vru. After Inn-- discussion it was finally determined

id an cmhassy (o Spain and lay the niatt&lt;T I.
the emperor, and that a re-solution, signed hy .- .ty
of tin- leading cavaliers in tin- city, should In- forw;,
to the &lt;-nvoy, stating that, civil dissensions havi
iio\\- terminated, the nation was enjoy in;_
of peace under the rule of Gonzalo Pi/arro. and that

the presence of his Majesty s representative would
not only tend to distract the province hut might cost
him his life.

Aldana.one of Qonzal&lt; &gt; s lieutenants, though secretly

a traitor to the revolutionary cause, was despatched
t&lt;&gt; 1 anama with the missi Arrivin ir in that city

the 13th of November, he repaired to Hmojoe

Innisc Itefore calling on the pi-esident. r rhere !)&lt;;
allowed to read the governor s private despatches he
threw them into the ilaim-. Proceeding them-e to

the president s quart- rs he offered him hi arvic

and it was agreed that Ilinojosa should he openly
invited to join the ryali&gt;t jiai ty. rnando M&lt;

also tried liis ]&gt;owers of persuasion, arguing that

the empenr s will had heeii made known it was th
duty to ohey the president without awaiting the

f the appeal to the throne, that matters w.
now in a fair way for settlement, and that if this
Opportunity should pass unheeded they might w

Ion r another chance of escaping the consequ*

of their treason. Hinojosa was unwillin pi

this view of th- lie believed that the action

of the revolutionary party \\.i- - -itial! 11

therefore r&lt; pliod that he had already informed t

48 Wlnn i isca s emissary, first called ( he was ti.

courteously t \\u asking him tu \.&gt;e seated.

272 PANAMA AND PERU.

envoy of his intentions, that if his Majesty should
not be pleased to grant the petition of Gonzalo Pizarro
he would at once render his obedience to the crown.
But Hinojosa was at length entangled in the net of
the wily priest and in company with his lieutenant
called at the president s house, meekly swore alle
giance to his cause, placed his fleet at his disposal,
and hoisted the royal banner of Spain from the main
mast of his flag-ship.

Gasca now answered the resolution signed by the
seventy cavaliers, inditing his letter to Gonzalo, and
expressing his wonder that such an insignificant clerigo
as he should be refused admittance into Peru. He
begged them to rid their minds of all apprehension
as to any hostile intent on his part. Then binding
his officers by oath 49 not to reveal his purpose, he im
pressed into his service every available man on the
Isthmus, obtained loans of money, wrote to the gov
ernors of all the Spanish provinces for assistance,
despatched powerful squadrons to secure the port of
Lima and capture Gonzalo s vessels on the coast of
Peru, and on the 13th of June 1547 landed at Tumbez
in command of more than one thousand troops. 50

"Surely the devil must be in their midst!" ex
claimed old Carbajal, 51 as Valdivia receiving this com
pliment to his generalship put his army in array at
Xaquixaguana, and Gasca withdrew to the rear with
his train of ecclesiastics. The rout of the rebel forces
could hardly have been more complete had his satanic
majesty been present in person, and almost within
sight of the capital of the incas the last of the

49 The captains so sworn signed their names before the notary Juan de
Barutiu. Panama, Pleito Uomenage, in Col. Doc. Ined., xlix.

50 In Cartel d Miyuel Diez Armendariz, in Cartas de Indias, Gasca states
that since the 1st of December 1546 1,000 soldiers, including several men of
rank, had been assembled for the king s service; that he had at his disposal a
fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at Panama; and that there
had not yet been time for the arrival of reinforcements from Guatemala, Hon
duras, Mexico, Espaiiola, or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were
250 horsemen ready to embark.

51 On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist forces, Carbajal, Gon-
zalo s lieutenant, remarked, Valduia rige el campo o el diablo.

A in i) Bior;n.\rin:R.

Pi/an-*- .d.-d i the executioner,

iii-- with his la&gt;t In-rath t; POWD rich hy his

brotl hminty and liis own, had deserted i

enemi ;nd were now ^atlim-d around his scatt&lt;&gt;!.
\\liilu ho himsrlf was left without tlir means of }&gt;\\r-

a mass for the wulfaiv of liis abandoned soul. ;

52 Among those present at Gonxalo s funeral was Ilinojosa, who, after

tlio royal cause, wasassa- I in ]^.~i 2.

53 ; rtial biographer of the Piaon izarro ;

&gt;nes Ilvstre.9 del Nvevo J .Madrid, : &gt;\\o. Tho

ins t lie lives of Columbus, Ojc.la, ( i-os, Aluia-

I .,: -iles, but the gre.. i tu the autl.

; lu-.s and kinsmen, by the side of whom tlu 1 other heroes appear in &lt;

faint outline. Every incident that can in any May redound to

is made to .shine with a lustre unsurpassed evm by tin; pearls
gold for wliidi they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy in&lt;
is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the bloody d nd sh;

ful : , hich characterize the name. This is intentional on \ t of the

who not only suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the

t of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. Hi.soh :&gt; advocate

for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the r Btoration of itlesof

marquis as more fully set forth in tin &gt;!, i Politico, ]&gt;::i !i-hed the

year, immediately after the Varones. The work is, in brief, the pl

ot a learned lawyer, as the author proves L . suppl d with

quaint and abstruse notes and profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers.

HIST. CENT. AM., VOL. n. 18

CHAPTER XVI.

REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

1550.

CAUSE OF THE REVOLT PREPARATIONS OF THE CONSPIRATORS ASSASSINA
TION OF BISHOP VALDIVIESO THE REBELS DEFEAT THE MEN OF GRA
NADA THEIR PLAN OF OPERATIONS THE EXPEDITION SAILS FOR
NAT! GASCA ARRIVES AT THE ISTHMUS WITH THE KING S TREASURE
CAPTURE OF PANAMA BLUNDERS OF THE REBEL LEADERS HERNANDO

DE CONTRERAS MARCHES TO CAPIRA HE IS FOLLOWED BY HIS LlEU-

TENANT BERMEJO GASCA s ARRIVAL AT NOMBRE DE DIGS UPRISING
OF THE INHABITANTS OF PANAMA BERMEJO S ATTACK ON THE CITY
His REPULSE His FORCES ANNIHILATED FATE OF HERNANDO AND
HIS FOLLOWERS.

AFTER the downfall of Rodrigo de Contreras, his
sons, Hernando and Pedro, the former a licentiate,
and both held in high esteem among the colonists of
Nicaragua, resolved to regain by force of arms the
wealth and station of which they deemed themselves
unjustly deprived. Of noble birth and reared in lux
ury, they found themselves in early manhood reduced
to comparative poverty and their ancient name sullied
by their sire s disgrace. They knew well that they
had the sympathy of the greater portion of the set
tlers, and in the province were many exiles from Peru,
veterans who having fought under Carbajal and Gon-
zalo Pizarro, were always ready for fresh enterprise,
no matter how dangerous or treasonable, provided
only that wealth were in prospect. Chief among them
were Juan Bermejo and Rodrigo Salguero, whom
Gasca had banished for attempting to raise an insur
rection after the execution of Gonzalo. Bermejo was
an old friend of the Contreras family, being a native

(274)

II! IX XI A.

:ty in Sji;iin, and it \v;is at his in-
tion that the two hmthers who at iir^t \.
only &lt;&gt;n recovering their lather s ri^ht- and pr&lt;&gt;;

in Nicaragua, no\\- determined to &gt;ipt a feat i

audacity of which lia parallel in tin- 1 &gt;y of
Spani&gt;h colonization. This wa- nothing Ie88 than ti

njiiot ofTierra Fin nd IVru. In the of

! nando was to he prorlaimed monarch &lt;&gt;f

latter province, which was lcli
wealth than all the world In^ides. J r- paralioiis

re made at Granada; men w&lt; d;

amis and ammunition Were procured; and when 1

arrive(l that tl ntence of the drpo&gt; t -d gov
ernor was confirmed hy the council of UK,- Indies i
conspirators removed to Leon, the youn-vr lntlnT
nainiiiL;- at his mother s i-e&gt;idenc( in (Iran;,

impression that they had departed on some
peaceful errand.

Hernando witli his companions took a lioiise in
&gt;!). and thence mcssen^ were despal in-

wlio were thought mo-t likely to join tli-

a pretended merry-makii When all \\ n-

l&gt;led the youthful rehel pointed out how hard was th
])iv&gt;rnt condition in life, and how Imp-l.-ss their char

iii ^ it. He denounced the conduct of the
ncia, hy wl ordinances th who had

((tiered and peopled the jtrovince v, now well n;

! to beggary. He represented to them t!
:ititled to the governmei u, wh:

\ince, he claimed, helon^vd to his family ly

i lights in; d from his grandfather Led

J)iivila; 1 and he concluded hy inviting the &gt;in

him in an expedition hy which wealth in ahunda-

t fall to their lot if v had hut th&lt;
p it. No further per&gt;ua&gt;ion wa&lt; in-eled. and all

their i it, electing 1 1 ernand

captain.

1 I provin-

276 REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

Bishop Valdivieso was the only man who was likely
to offer serious opposition; and as a measure of pru
dence as well as to avenge the disgrace of Rodrigo
de Contreras it was resolved that he should be put to
death. The conspirators marched in a body to the
episcopal residence. Some who held religious scruples
tried to excuse themselves under pretence that they
were without arms, but were compelled by their leader
to accompany the rest. 2 Hernando in company with
an apostate friar, named Castafieda, entered the house,
while one stood guard at the door, and the remainder
of the band surrounded the building. The bishop s
companion, Fray Alonso, who had noticed their ap
proach, at once notified the prelate, but his fate was
sealed. He endeavored to conceal himself, suspecting
the intention of the intruders, but was discovered and
instantly stabbed to death in the presence of his aged
mother, the point of Hernando s dagger breaking off
in the victim s breast. 3 The dwelling was then plun
dered; several boxes containing gold and jewels were
stolen, and the party marched to the plaza, where
Hernando was proclaimed " captain general of liberty."
A messenger was despatched to Pedro de Contreras
to inform him of his brother s success, and the rebels
proceeded to the treasury building at Leon, and break
ing open the royal chest divided among themselves its
contents.

The leaders of the revolt separated their forces into

2 Yporque algunos querian yr A, armarse, y otras de mala gana le seguian,
los reprehendia, y amenazaua, dicledo, que los haria castigar como a delin-
quentes, diziendoles; que no auian menester otras annas, i mando a luan.
Barmejo, que matasse al que no le siguiese. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v. ;
see, also, Remesal, Hi*t. Chyapa, 491.

6 Hecho esto embio a Granada ft clar auiso A Pedro de Contreras su her-
mano, embiandole la daga con que ania muerto al Obispo, sin punta, que se
le auia despuntado al tiempo que le mate. Jiemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 492;- see
also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and Gasca, Carta in CoL Doc. Incd.,
1. ; but Zarate, Hist. Peru, lib. vii. cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of
the bishop to Hernando himself, saying, i vn Dia entraron ciertos Sol dados
de su Compaiiia, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez, i le mataron.
This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was thirsting for personal revenge
against the prelate, and the apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may
also have had his secret motives for participating in the murder.

, AXAI A TAK]

three cninpanie id it was decid 1 that ^ ro

should b&gt; patched with a small band 1" Nicova

i/e 1 and enlist all the men ! Ulld lind

there, while Hernando marched with tin- niain body
ilejo for a similar purpose, and Bennejo with

about thirty men returned to (Iranada 1&gt; i^atln r
Cruits and destroy all tin- vessels &lt;&gt;n Lake Ni

thus preventing any tidings of the rebellion from . h-

iiiLC Ticrra Firme by way of Nomlnv de Dios.

AJB -"n as news of the conspiracy was known in
Granada, a corps of one hundivd niid twenty nn-n was
lia^tily organized under Captain Luis C an-illu, and,
when Bennejo approached the city he found liiinx-lf
opposed hy a greatly superior ioiv,-; l^ut so skilfully
Jiad ynun^ ]\ dro \von over most of 1 1 1- tiers to his
Brother s cause, that many of the loyal party deserted
their ranks and joined the revolution!^ After a
brief contest, in which Carrillo and &gt; -vend of his men
were killed and others wounded, Bermejo took ] s-
sion of the city. All the shipping on the lake v,
destroyed, and the rebels marched to Realejo accom
panied by JN-dro, who, notwithstanding the entreat i.
of his mother, had resolved to join th- [ edition.
Hernando, meanwhile , had captured there two \ U
laden with mei chadise for Peru, and impressed their
crews into his service. Sal^uero had been equally
fortunate at Nicoya, having entei-ed the town with
out opposition and enlisted some sixty recruil The
i orccs of the revolutionists now mustered more than
three hundred men.

Knowing that su lepcnded &lt;n proni] f

ion, the ivl.d leaders determined to embark im-

me&lt;liately for Tierra Kirnn-. and at once arranged

their plan of operations, l- !- m certain exil otly

arrived lr&gt;m Peru it was ascertainetl that the licen
tiate ( Jasc;i was then on his way to Spain with a 1,;

.lount of tfeasu] To seize it was to be their tii
endeavor. If this were BUCOeSsful &lt; nd t

OVeniOr ot l &gt; anaina Were to U put leatli. All

278 REVOLT OF THE CQNTRERAS BROTHERS.

army of at least six hundred men was to be levied
at the Isthmus. Ships were to be fitted out and a
squadron despatched to cruise off the coasts of Nicara
gua and Guatemala and destroy all the vessels they
could capture. The settlers who were unfit for mili
tary service were to be plundered of their goods and
sent, together with all the women and children, to Car
tagena. Panama", Nombre de Dios, and Natd w T ere
then to be burned to the ground. The cattle were to
be killed and the crops destroyed, so that if an army
should be sent against them from Spain there should
be found neither means of subsistence nor ships for
transport. The expedition was then to sail for Peru,
where Hcrnando was to be proclaimed king; and
Spain was thus to lose the richest portion of her do
minions in the New World. 4

Soon after the conspirators had taken their depart
ure from Granada, the alcaldes ordered a bark to be
built with the intention of sending news of the threat
ened invasion to Nombre cle Dios; but alarmed by
the threats of Dona Maria, who declared that her
sons had information of their purpose, and were even
now returning to destroy the city, they requested her
to assure them that no tidings of the revolt should be
sent to Castilla del Oro. Meanwhile the revolution
ists, having completed their preparations, set sail
from Nicoya for Punta de Higuera, in the district of
Natii.

On the 12th of March 1550 Gasca arrived at Pa-
nanui, and at once proceeded to land the royal treas
ure, which was valued at eleven million castellanos.
He was bid to use all expedition in shipping it to
Spain, for as he learned from his despatches it was
sorely needed to defray the expenses of the emperor s
European wars. His instructions were that he him-

4 Gasca, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. Ined., 1. 117-23. See, also, Eemesal,
Hist. Chyapa, 493; Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 371, and Herrera, dec.
viii. lib, vi. cap. v.

INTo I IA.

hnuld remain at tin Istliinus t ; tin- arii

newly appointed viceroy, Mendo; Th
.vhat ui .under hi- &gt;onsihilit\ ucruni
of tin- coming mid having already reached him, h*

r of being attacked, as !; had with liin
ae hundred and fifty \ md 1

men OH hoard the &gt;hips mustered ahout lmr hundi
and iii ty men. NO lleet from Spain had yet arri\

\omhre de Dios, but nineteen t i-adin-j

at anchor oil tliu town, v. I and |)ro\i&gt;i-.n

and arnird with the artillery hioii-ht IVom J .-i-u. "
T\\ liundred mule-loads of gold and silver w-

soon convey rd to the t&gt;wn of Cnuvs on tlnj (

there to l&gt;u shipped in barges, under ( charjf

ior transportation to the North Sea, and still a la.

amount of 1 iru awaited means of conveyance at

Panama,

The rehel expedition had now arrived at Punta &lt;le
Hi. where a caravel was captured, laden with

n -a welcome prize, as the revolutionists \

already in want of provisions. Continuing their \
Toward Panama they captured another vos

orning thence to Nicaragua, and v, informed hy

! the licentiate s arrival and of i
of his I M, It was now determined ;tack the,

y al dead &lt;&gt;f night, surprise the ^ai i, put ;
governor to death, and thus create a panic among the

. As to ( ; . "th* . \ . "to

po\\ d( r of him, an article of which th&gt;
much in need/

Sott honi-s after nightfall on the -JOth of April
L550 llernando de Contrerafl an&lt;l !! with the

main hody of the revolutionists landed at a sn.

these all tl :nt.s .ami t

iiout 1: a mar:

:ln ir \ . i Sjiaih

(jue ;
lil&gt;. vi. cap. i. The p

n t li .r ineaiis c.

tluir labor. ( /., 1. 111.

280 REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

inlet about one league from the city, and under cover
of the darkness made their entrance without opposi
tion, shouting "Death to the traitor!" and "Long live
Prince Contreras, captain general of liberty." The
governor s home was surrounded, but as he had de
parted for Nombre de Dios the rebels contented
themselves with plundering his residence. A party
was now ordered to secure the treasurer Amaya and
seize the royal treasury, 6 while the remainder dis
persing themselves through the streets, seized all the
arms and ammunition they could discover, being in
structed by Bermejo to tell the people that they had
come not to sack the town but to seize the king s
treasure and to inaugurate a reign of liberty. Some
of them nevertheless broke open the stores and houses,
and helped themselves to whatever they most coveted.
A large stock of rich apparel was found among other
merchandise, and many of the lawless gang now, for
the first time since they had arrived from Spain, at
tired themselves in a suit of new garments. 7

A force was stationed in the plaza in front of
the cathedral, where the bishop had taken refuge.
As he refused to show himself, being in fear of assas
sination, Bermejo entered the sanctuary and dragged
him into the square. Meanwhile Ruiz de Marchena,
the assistant treasurer, had been arrested, and by
threats and maltreatment forced to deliver up addi
tional treasure to the amount of four hundred and
fifty thousand pesos.

Bermejo urged that the bishop, the treasurer, the
regiclores, and other principal officials be put to death;
but Hernando, not wishing to shed blood unneces
sarily, accepted their promise under oath to join the

6 So confident were they of success that instead of removing the treasure
to their ships they deposited it with the merchants and others, who bound
.themselves before a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo or
the Contreras brothers. Proveieron estos disparates, imaginandose, que sin
toner contraste alguno, eran yd Sefiores de toda el Nuevo Mundo. Garcilaso
de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 373.

7 Remwal, Hist. Chyapa, 493. Vega, Ilixt. Peru, ii. 372, says they found
so much. Spanish merchandise que yd les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar
, todas.

OF SHE 2S1

cause of the revolutionist hereupon the fin
narked to the rebel leader, "If you are in fa-.
of your enemies and against yourself you will find

that these VttJ Same men whose lives you now sp
will uj)on the tirsi opportunity turn about and hang
i and all your followers." Hardly had the words

been uttered when Marchena, disregarding 1

-patched mes- TS to apprise GaSCa of the inva-
sioii.

While the city thus fell into the hands of the con-
spiral . Pedro de Contreras with fifty men had

/-d all the ships in the harbor of Panama, and

Iguero with twenty mounted an|in-bu-iTs had
bees despatch* d to Cruces with instructions to slay
the licentiate and the governor and to bring back all
tin- ure they could secure. The latter arri\
too late to execute his intent; but live hundred
lars of silver were found stored in the village, ;,
tin-re Salguero s men remained till noon of the fol
lowing day, amusing themselves by plundering the
custom-house and making merry over brimmi: ob-

s of choice wine, paying the merchants lor their
Is from the stolen treasure.

Thus far all had gone well; and had the rebels 1

-killful leader they might have accomplished tl.
pin-pox- almost as elleetually as did llinojosa wl
his superior strategy he made th&lt; of

province, a few y . ioiisly, without the loss

of a single life. But BUCCeSS had made them
confident. Already they had roused the ill-will of
pie by plundering them of their good-, 8

A- they were about to commit the serious blunder
of dividing their force- into small detachments, thus

idering themselves liable to be attacked and
powered in detail. llernando with only forty men
forth from Panama for \oinhre de 1 &gt;ios, thinking
this slender hand sufficient to cope with &lt; com

mand. 8 Arriviii"- at a pla&lt; died I .a \enta de

O 1

*This is the number given in //// ./, ilcc. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., while in

282 REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

Chagre he captured one Gomez cle Tapia, who had
in his possession a letter informing the licentiate of
what had transpired. He at once caused him to be
hanged, attaching to his feet a paper on which was
written, "This man was hanged for carrying advices
to Gasca." By some fortunate chance, however, he
was rescued. A mulatto boy who when asked where
his master lay concealed directed his captors to a
spot where they found only his sword, was put to
death in the same manner by order of a captain named
Landa.

At Capira, within a distance of three and a half
leagues from the town, the men were ordered to
encamp until Gasca with the king s treasure should
arrive at Nombre de Dios. Berrnejo in the mean
while determined to leave Panamd unguarded and
marched to the support of Hernando, hoping to crush
the foe in a single encounter and thus end all opposi
tion. Believing that Pedro s slender force was more

than sufficient to prevent any uprising in the city,
he even withdrew some of the men, and enlisting a
few volunteers among the citizens began his journey
across the Isthmus.

On the day after Bermejo s departure Gasca and
the governor arrived at the mouth of the Chagre,
and here were met by a party of armed men from
Nombre de Dios, with news that Panama w T as in
possession of a ruffian horde, though who they were
or whence they came none could yet determine.
Thus after crushing the rebellion in Peru, and bring
ing these vast stores of wealth in safety to the shore
of the North Sea, the licentiate found himself in
danger, at the last moment, of losing not only, the
king s treasure but his own reputation as an able and
trustworthy servant of the emperor. He resolved to

Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Intd., 1., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca
must be in error, for Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he
returned to assist Bermejo.

28)

illlbre (] I ,11(1 aft

&gt;&gt;ld and silver beyond
t all the men lio could in b to 1

Of the capital. Flic. &gt;i; \l\ _r ;

putting out 1 a lie was compelled i

dl inlet some league! it from the f&lt;&gt;\vn. and

ih( d one of liis otlicei infill-in the
of his approach and encoui them to i

preparations for d-i . nee. Two d r h&gt;

in person, and was received with open anus

tin- terror-stricken citizens, most of whom 1.

I their stores and dwellings and ]&gt;laced their
on board the ships in readiness for ili-ht. It
was ii.),. lained that Ilernando de Coni

nid of the and that their ini -nt;

w. declare him kin- - of IVru. G; ordered i

nv-i!eet to lie brought round from a
nid, where it had been left at anchor, and by thus
NviiiLj that lie had no fear of the inva&lt;

red conlidf ]\Iany of the inhabitants h.

I to the mountains, but now return* id oi h

ir valuables on shore 1 rm tl.
if the licentiate ventured to
lire at Xoiubre de Dios they need li
no fear for their own property. Finding that no
!c was made on the t,.wn ( " M P ^ la ^

Hemando had returned to Panama, and rolled in- his
imountini;- in all to five hundred and &gt;iv

! &gt;thiuus: but when &lt;n t
artinv news arrived from that

th. ellinii was already uished.

A ! ; r B JO had evaCQ lin of

the inliabi j, knowing that

of Force and would probably overpower 1

invad mined to take lip arms and

bar their r A i bed 1

inform the licenl f their ]ui-|&gt;o church

bell&gt; w&lt; lied t c;-.ll the citizen- I I thj

284 REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

royal standard was hoisted amid shouts of " Long live
the king!" and "Death to tyrants!" Pedro de Con-
treras, who still remained with the fleet, hereupon
sent a boat on shore to ascertain the cause of the up
roar. The crew were instantly made prisoners, and
the men of Panarnd now resolved to attempt the cap
ture of the vessels, and thus cut off the rebels from
all chance of escape. One of the captive seamen was
placed in the boat securely bound, and it was then
rowed back toward the fleet followed by three others
filled with armed men, the sailor being ordered on
pain of death to answer the challenge of the rebels
with the words "Hernando de Contreras, the prince
of liberty." After a sharp struggle the assailants
were repulsed, six of their number being killed and
several wounded. During the conflict the prisoner
managed to shake off his fetters, and plunging into
the sea saved himself by swimming back to his ship.
Preparations were now made for the defence of the
city; intrench ments were thrown up; the main street
was barricaded; and the women and children lodged

in the cathedral where the last stand would be made
in case of defeat.

On hearing of this emeute in the city, Bermejo,
who had now arrived at the village of Cruces, deter
mined at once to retrace his steps, vowing that he
would hang and quarter every one of those who had
broken their promise not to take arms against him.
Messages were sent to Hernando and Salguero in
forming them of what had transpired, and urging
their instant return ; but without waiting for his as
sistance the rebel leader marched at once on Panamd,
making the journey of fourteen leagues in a single
day. Again he committed an unpardonable error, and
one that soon caused the destruction of his forces.
In his foolish haste to join Hernando he had left the
strongest city on the Isthmus without a garrison, and
now while his men were worn out by their forced
march he resolved to make the attack that very night.

DITKAT OF I;I-:RMK.TO.

] I:id he ! U&lt; waited I m- the arrival of

60 allowed his soldiers thin- for r all miuht

have been well; but anger overcame his jud at,

and in his thii&gt;t for would li

d lay. Knterin^ the main &gt; In- found |

fully prepared for del , .and on arriving at the 1..-

de rocks \\ hurled down from the h&lt;
while Ixnvincn and arquebu oprii.-d a .-harp ii

him to retreat and devise other plat,
ration.

After consulting with liis officers it was resolvrd
ire to the city at several points during tl.-

lowing nighty and to fall on tin- inhabitants while tl,
were m^auvd in extinguishing the llames. \o&lt;jii.

to !&gt;&lt; shown, and orders Wei ren that every

inhabitant over twelve years of a houM l*e slau^-li-
d without rc gard to sex or condition. Whili the
rebels W( re in council one of the captives, overhej
their conversation, secretly despatcned hi pro

vant to ^ive information of their doi- n. \-iuith-
ndin^the advice of the bishop, who d-vined it ]&gt;
await the arrival of Gasca from Xoinhre de Di .
the UK 11 of Panama* determined to attack the
bef they had time to ute their jlai. r Jl:
- mustered in all 550 men, of whom 100 w

who had fought in IVru, 200 \ ia\v

sruits, and the remainder negroes, armed with

lai: -r cross-bows, under command ol Spanish olli-

Ahout noon they sallied forth to encounter the

All kin v, that they were al&gt;out to en in a

doubtful and desperate struggle, bui tl. riesi -&gt;w-

I anioii^ them felt that it wafl better tlr risk
his life than le tamely Lute-lured ly t!

the hattle was to l.c fou- ht in open dayli
could shirk duty.

atly iiished at the audaeity ol

the citi; . hut his discomfiture n f the ]r,
had made him a little i ; utious and lie withdr

hi- to a neighboring hill, where being joint 1 l&gt;y

286 REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

Salguero s band, 9 which at that moment arrived from
Graces, he awaited the onslaught. After a desperate
struggle the rebels were overpowered. Ninety of
them were stretched dead upon the field, 10 among
them Bermejo and Salguero, the latter by a lance-
thrust from the treasurer Amaya, who during the
fight managed to escape from his guards. The re
mainder were captured to a man and conducted in
shackles to the jail, where the alguacil mayor, Kod-
rigo de Villalba, caused them all to be stabbed to the
heart, plunging his own dagger into many, and not
even allowing them the consolations of religion.

On the very day that Bermejo s command was
defeated, Hernando receiving news of his proposed
attempt to recapture Panama", sent a message approv
ing of his intention, and for the purpose of causing a
panic in the city, ordered him to spread the report
that Nombre de Dios had been taken and Gasca and
the governor slain. Leaving twenty-five men under
the command of Landa to guard the passes at Capira,
he set forth with the remainder to support his lieu
tenant. Arriving the first night at "Venta de Chagre,
he found that one Lozano, a settler in that district,
had gone to warn the citizens of his approach, and
ordered all his property to be destroyed. On the fol
lowing day he was informed of the disastrous result

9 When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some confusion en-
STied, and most of the silver bars which he had captured were lost, being
thrown into the river or stolen by negroes, who hid them in the rocks and
swamps. Not only had Salguero captured the king s silver but also a large
quantity of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it to be
packed on mules taken from the settlers at Graces; but when he came near
the city and saw the troops sallying forth he abandoned his baggage-train and
hurried forward to join Bermejo. Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Ined., 1. 149;
and Uerrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 497, states
that when the silver was lost only a portion of Salguero s men marched with
him towards Panamd, the remainder making for the sea-shore, where they
were taken on board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that
the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be worth at the
present day some $12,000,000.

10 Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Ined., 1. 149-50. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii.
lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca
says in his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panama were killed,
though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather improbable statement,
considering that the rebels knew they need expect no quarter.

Tin: 1:1 !:I:MIXATIOX

of the battle before Panam

men, bidding them make their way fco ;
where they might, perchance, be rescued by his

&gt;ther a lleef, him-elf with three companions &lt;_
in the direction of Xat Meanwhile tne men I

I -ari ng an attack from Gasca s tn&gt; ahan-
l their ]&gt;ost and marched across th-- l-thm
On approaching Panama they were att 1 h\

force, but made their escape during the night
and also dii d their course toward the Bea-sh&lt;

Pedro de Contreras heard of the d.-f.-at &lt;-f
1 &gt; rmejo, lie at once put to sea with his two 1
and, abandoning the remainder, sailed i .&gt;r Xata, but
n- sooner was his departure known than lour vessels
rted in pin-suit; and(Ja&lt;ca, \vlioai-i-ived from Pan
ama a day or two later, dcspa; I a strong for.
land to piv\vnt the embarkation of the survi
At Punt a de Higuera the labels ships were
and captured, most of their crews escaping in the
portion of them bein^ captured later, and the
.minder dying as was supposed by starvation or
ng killed by the nativ* Nothii: -ward

heard of their i a Landa s men were slain or tak
]n-is(! . and he himself was hanged and &lt;|U ed

at the same tree from which he had I I the

mulatto boy. The man who had attempted fco Q-
Tapia met with a similar fate, and the bodies of

these two rebels were displayed piecemeal al the

d between Capira and Veiita tie C h:
only among all the captives were spai md th-
re sent to Spain to end their d; ralle

Hernando and his comra reached the c . and

ng hotly ])iirsued, ])iit to in a canoe hopi:

fall in with Pedro s ships, but \ di-iven la-k by
s of weather. Ai t-r wandering aim-
70 day-, the rebel chief, now -led by In

and exposure, was drowned while att&lt; inptin ford

a river, and thus probal K I the hangman.

288 REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.

When his body was afterward discovered it was rec
ognized only by the clothes and by a golden ornament
suspended from the neck. The head which was so
soon to wear a crown, w r as severed from the body and
placed in an iron cage in the plaza at Panama". Thus
ended a rebellion which under more able leadership
might have subverted Spain s empire in the western
world several centuries before the term of her domin
ion was accomplished. 11

11 Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt, Gasca, having recov
ered most of the stolen treasure, embarked for Spain, where he was appointed
to the bishopric of Sigiienza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on
the 10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was published
at Seville two years after his death. His Carta al Consejo, in Doc. Ined. , 1.
106-63, is probably the most reliable source of information concerning the
events related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the principal
incidents, differing only in the order in which they are related, and in some
minor points of detail. Remesal is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees
for the most part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zurate give only a
condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the preceding
authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken from Remesal, and that
of Benzoni is borrowed from various sources, while Gonzalez Ddvila relates
only the assassination of Bishop Valdivieso.

CHAPTER X VII.

AFFAIRS I\ HONDURAS.
1537-1549,

BOO M: MONTEJO An-. Govi LT OF TIIK CACIQUE

\l:."l.v AKTlFin-: OF I
IBS - CONIHTKIN &lt;iF THi: Sl.TTI

N OF PKDRO DE AI.VAUADO M&lt;
&lt; UK M.\i.i)MN.\i&gt;o im; FlBSI 1 ;

OF ZE M.M OF Til VAI.

IV II- Ni-; i; \-&gt; Till .. LAS CA

M IA Ih:

\KTI u CIIIAI-AS MALDOXAI&gt;-

SI:I&gt;I:D r.v ALOHBO ! ATO THE SEAT OF

MoVl.U TO SANTIAGO l.r* .IA.

Ix ansv/cr to tlie ]x -tit ion of tlic s&lt; ai Tru-

jillo, tl. i|&gt;eror apjxiinlnl as nuer of I Inmh;
Higueraa l-Y.-mrism d&lt;- ^[ontfjo, the &gt;r &lt;&gt;t ^S u-

;i. It is not ivconlt.-d thai ln-oii^lit him

her i ceim suj)j)lirs in aid &lt;! tlu- i-j-t

in^ colony. On liis arrival ii&lt; ;ml a small

barving men, destitute of all resou r Y

Spaniards who were ahlo to make tln-ir \ i

]&gt;n&gt;\ ince liad ahv;idy taken their drpar

Juan de Chavez, appointed liy Alvarad" 8ucc

Bor, not finding ID Hondur ay profitable fi&lt; his

enterprise, had ahandnncd th- territory and returi

( Juatemala. 1 r fl rn&lt;r

JNdi odcl l*!!^ 4 !^ &lt;! ( ahallos, wilt-re I

deil the repartimi

1 In a 1 -Tiist I 1

i that he wot well

adapted to ru! , in Cyrtas (/. .

. CK.NT. AM., VOL. II.

200 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

stowing them on his friends or appropriating them
to his own use, 2 and despatched an expedition to the
neighboring sierra for the purpose of pacifying the
Indians. As no attempt was made to enslave or mal
treat them, many returned voluntarily to the settle
ment. Montejo then visited Gracias d Dios, where
lie ascertained that certain Spaniards, journeying from
Comayagua toward Guatemala, had been murdered
by the natives in the province of Cerquin. He re
paired to the spot, and arresting the ringleaders caused
them to be punished in the presence of their caciques,
who were then dismissed to their homes, professing
to be satisfied that their penalty was deserved.

But their satisfaction was only feigned, and the
colonists, who now imagined that they had established
friendly relations with the Indians, were quickly un
deceived. The most warlike and implacable of their
enemies was the chief Lempira, a name signifying the
Lord of the Mountains. He had long been a terror
to the settlers, and a warrior of note among his own
countrymen. With his own hand he was reputed to
have slain in a single conflict with a hostile tribe one
hundred and twenty of his foes. Such was the terror
which his presence inspired that his enemies fled be
fore him as from one bearing a charmed life, for in all
the innumerable battles which he had fought he had
never received a wound. Occupying a stronghold,
known as the rock of Cerquin, in close proximity to
Gracias d Dios, 3 he had bid defiance to Alvarado when
on his way to the relief of Cereceda at the head of a
strong party of Spaniards and two thousand friendly

2 f Como su necesidad no era poca, tomd la mejor parte para si, y lo demas
dio a sus amigos. Hcrrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, Juarros, Guat.,
i. 42, and d omara, Hist. Ind. , 64. Herrera also implies that he appropriated
what remained of the live-stock and supplies brought by Alvarado from Gua
temala for the relief of the colonists, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.

3 In Squier s Honduras, 88, it is stated that this stronghold was situated
in the present department of Gracias, which borders on Guatemala and San
Salvador. Lempira s ancient territory is still known by the name of Corquin,
the word being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley of
Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya, and Merendon,

-formed a part of the cacique s dominion. See p. 81 this vol. for map.

OLD. 201

Juan (] ( urn

!a had mpii ! the

lid n hut

and tin 1 n. - Ji)\v hrlie\ed their ;n-

pregnabL

Fired with the ambition t liver lii :nlry. *
milled tli* 1 ii -i^ lil. -tli

folio-, ing in all some tli

:id inviti-d them to join him in an
rminate the invader Jle pointed ou1 \
ice ! allowing thcinsd Ix-ld in sul

l&gt;v a handful &lt;! B\ r;: I tln-m t

the Spaniards, and oilrrin place himself

thrir head ]r&lt;uiis-d to l-ad l hem tu \ or

&lt;lo\vn his life in the attempt. It was resoh
11 hostilities at o nd a nnmh

were killed hefoiv any tidings &lt;( the i, volt re;

a I )](&gt;&lt;. ( ajitain ( juipj

despatched ly MOJ: 11 th ir-

n, wlii-i-cupon I.einpi;

d ]&gt;llt to &lt; h the 1; .t tO

urrender, stating that lie acknowled

and d no la\\ r than 1 1 own |

pie.

( ih.-n laid si io the ]! hut .

mmmoned IVom ( &gt;maj

Pedro del ] uerto d- ( ahallos th&gt;- Jn
-ii- defenc F&gt;r &gt;i\ months the Spani

d the , ir nuinl mini

iposure, and .

the natiN So untiriiiLT the ] in

i hat the ! divided in; lit

parties, found little tin

I nin ht hy ies tV&lt;m -u. At I- ?:. th

in 4 n) |&gt;i d,

ain hv a ! :n th

\\hieh he had failed to win hy I A

horseman was ordered to ap]&gt;r&lt;&gt;aeh wit!

&gt;t of the rock and Munnmn i., nipii-a t lolloquj

292 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

Under pretence of opening negotiations for peace,
while a foot soldier who accompanied him, screened
from view by the mounted man, was bid to take de
liberate aim at the cacique and fire upon him when
sure of his mark. The artifice succeeded only too
well. The unsuspecting chieftain came forth to meet
the messenger and while held in parley was brought
to the ground by a shot from the arquebusier. His
lifeless body rolled over the rock, and his followers,
panic-stricken, made no further resistance, most of
them taking to flight, and the rest giving themselves
up to the Spaniards. 4 It is but just to add that the
captives were well treated and that the governor, who
does not appear to have been responsible for this
outrage, succeeded by his humane policy in pacifying
many of the fugitives and inducing them to return to
their abodes and till the soil.

During the administration of Montejo the settlers
of Honduras again enjoyed an interval of repose, 5
though his conduct was distasteful to many of the
colonists, who still remembered with regret the time
when slave-hunting \vas permitted throughout the
territory. The arrival at Gracias d Dios, in 1538, of
the licentiate Cristobal de Pedraza, bearing the title
of protector of the Indians, was of material service
to the governor in settling the many difficulties that
arose with the encomenderos. He was cordially wel
comed and received every assistance in the discharge
of his duties.

Montejo now turned his attention to the construc
tion of roads and the development of the resources

4 Hcrrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian is of opinion that the
Spaniards would have been compelled to abandon the siege had they not re
sorted to this or some similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable
that Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them from
the province or perhaps to exterminate them.

5 On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain reports to the
king that he has received advices from the adelantado Montejo and the licen
tiate Maldonado, stating that the province was at peace and making fair
progress.

LNIC IIK;II\V.\Y. 203

his provi; . hidi had
pr&lt; i utui \Yheat had I . -ul-

and thu p) f a 1 iy iii

dtirtion v&gt; \vhil.

had attended tin.- ]&gt;laiiti f the vi; I u

I a 1.

the exp&lt; icy oi miMi-iK tiii^ a
imals ! of ! and P

Cahallos, l.y way of Coinaya The \vl.

Imt lift; , and it \

out tliat tlie ruiid ini^ht a Qproi

;lal&gt;lc i or whet-led vehirl It v. laini
it thi uld ])i-ove a inure l av&lt;&gt;.

nsjiort of inerehandise 1&gt;K , Spain and \\r\i

;ii that l&gt;y way nf Nombre do Di Pai,

- on eitlirr side- Ix-in :id i.-asily

Tho count t-y through whidi it

iiion-ovcr, p 1 an Hunt cliniai min .

a iVuiti ul x&gt;\], ,e, and iiiany I

r. I iis Maj-&gt;ty \V; d to

jn-o.-M-eiition nf the work, as fch&lt;

icd on for Midi lahnr.

tfi WLTU soon afterward induced to innn
-lit near th &gt;t ahandoiied ! .

id Sandoval s part T thifl \.

,in Juan del Puerto de ( aha!
in many r favorable for a COmm

kly dim; to

niai

Indian r. , wliidi

Hi- ;t h of Lenijjii a, 1 be n&lt;&gt;r .

h a &gt;&lt; I i ! :t ill the dl nf (/Oil):

ith that \ r 1 ( I m.: .

at ion midway 1

A d in t! litre of

di nd

[ l.v a d roj . iih an Indian villa

whence a D r ilo\\..-d not 1 1\\

* it

294 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

Puerto de Caballos. Here was founded, in 1539,
the town of Comayagua, 7 and so prosperous were the
affairs of the new colony that a few years later 8 it
was raised to the rank of a city.

The settlements founded by the early colonists of
Honduras were slow of growth. In a letter addressed
by Pedraza to the audiencia of the Confines, dated
May 1, 1547, he states that the seven Spanish towns
which the province then contained 9 "were always in
creasing as were the villages;" and yet we find that
Trujillo, which had then become the largest of them,
contained but fifty settlers, while none of the others
numbered more than thirty. The absence of com
munication with the South Sea, and the distance from
the highways of commerce between Spain and the
now world, no doubt retarded greatly the increase of
population; for the agricultural and mineral resources
of the territory were not inferior to those of other
provinces which contained more than ten times the
number of inhabitants. The want of good roads and
of facilities for travel was also a serious drawback;
and it is probable that to make a tour of the different
settlements in Honduras, all lying within a radius of
less than forty leagues, occupied, in the middle of the
sixteenth century, almost as much time as would now
be required to accomplish the circuit of the globe. 10

7 Montejo, writing from Gracias d Dios on June 1, 1539, reports to the
emperor concerning the settlement at Comayagua and the appointment of
alcaldes and regidores. The town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them
owning but few Indians. Juarros, Guat., i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of
its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says the town was
founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that it was built before Alvarado s
return to Honduras, in 1539. Herrcra, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv; Conder s
Mexico and Guatemala, ii. 296: Squier s Notes, Cent. Amer., 129.

8 In December 1557.

a These were Trujillo, Gracias a Dios, Comayagua, San Pedro del Puerto
de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena Esperaiiza, and San Juan del
Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in a dispatch to the audiencia dated December
30, 1545, quoted in Squier aMSS., xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo s cap
tains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo and the Olancho
valley extended his explorations to the mouth of the Desaguadero and founded
in that neighborhood the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate s ideas
of the geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat vague.
Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that name previously
founded in Yucatan.

10 Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel and the condition of the

GOLD.MTN

I [ondu
a i :ioitiii ;nd l&gt;ut I m- i

action &lt;&gt;i t be n;iti\ :i&lt;l t be \\,

lahor could IKIVO been made to j

returns. As far back 8 d;i\ .Irarias 1 Vi\ ihi

it ii that those in the. ( )lancho

niely rich, hut lor want of tin- i

Hi &gt;ul&lt;l not be worked. With only t 1 ;-ru]&gt;

ir 08 the Spaniards in two months scraped iij) i t.)

val :i 1 hotis lid with

proper implements," Hern . " they mi-lit lia

n out t\v&lt;&gt; hundred thousand pes&lt;
pi 1 it y of Gracias ;! ] )ios was due to fchedi

h mines in its vicinity, and i n b&lt;

tlu-iiiust pr- in the proviii Tl

:hatof San Andres &lt;!&lt; Xu ra-

t U &gt;/;, in a mountain west of the town and of the

Co] vallt Gold could h&lt; i d out of

tl, th witli a stick. In another mine, )!

one Bartolomd .Martin do Sanahria, more than a pound

of - Id daily collect c(l l.y hims If and

si;; Later the yield hecam i b

appointed to collect the royal iii\ ith
.v i to compel one fourth of the [ndia ithin a

Ive mil lahor in them. ar (

mayau, ivs Oviedo, "they took out and
v. hich yi-lded sixiy thousand ] , and fol

thousand more were si!j!po&gt;ed to have 1"

that fi aea

to 1 . i IK- jouni* San

14 It road i

ea^ \v in t: . l;i 1-a:

_ ."&gt; li-n-m-s in-
:i Jci m in t

guc of raosquitix s
port ios comian

ir.

allo s -O & lO8

. :os HUKsls i &lt;! &lt; CCS 8U &lt;X9

17.
11 Uvi lo

296 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

While Montejo was engaged in various projects for
promoting the welfare of the province, Pedro de Al-
varado arrived at Puerto de Caballos in command of
his powerful and well appointed force, 12 and proceeding
thence to San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, soon
afterward despatched a messenger to Gracias a" Dios
to notify the governor of his arrival. Montejo was at a
loss how to conduct himself under this changed aspect
of affairs. As ruler of Yucatan his career had been
unsuccessful, and in Honduras he found himself un
popular. With his few and scattered followers ill-fed,
ill-clad, and obliged to maintain a constant struggle
with the natives, he was in no position to cope with
a powerful rival. Although holding his authority by
appointment from the crown, he \vas ignorant as to
what extent the. visit of Alvarado to Spain affected
his government. He knew not what representations
had been made to the. emperor by his rival and had
every reason to fear that the worst construction had
been placed on his conduct. He had indeed lever
felt quite secure in his position. More than a year
before it had been the intention of the crown, in answer
to the petition sent from Trujillo, to place Honduras
under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of Espanola.
This measure had been abandoned only on account
of the great distance and infrequency of communica
tion; and now after some previous negotiation for an
exchange of territory 13 Alvarado had landed in person
to demand the annexation of his province to Gluatc-
m ala. He had long before expressed his opinion that

that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which he speaks included the anoimt ob
tained in several preceding years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there ire
in Comayagna very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not
allow the natives to be employed in them against their will they were worked
only on a small scale. Montfjo, Carta, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii.
221-22, 233, 251. This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt
hastened his downfall.

12 See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii.,and Hist. Mex., ii. passim, this series.

13 By a royal cddula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy of Mexico was in
structed to allow Francisco de Montejo and Alvarado of Guatemala to ex-j
change portions of their respective provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad
Real de Chiapas being particularly mentioned. Puga, Cedulario, 116. Its
would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this proposition.

VAKA1H) A 10.

1 Iniidu !il not stand aim. , 1.

it u :dd contri

I hundn-d tho; ly,

wh at that time it \; ! almost nothin

Montejo on the other hand had ri oth&lt;

vi "Jn the hour of trial," h&lt; I, u wh&lt;;i I

who!.- country was OVeiTUD by li- ives, he &

many urgenl requests to Guat !a in. p, hut ,

\\-ii him, although IK- only lur the I

I two hundred friendly Indian.-, and h-
t his l&gt;ai Ije.st he might." II.

^ In-IiiT that if Honduras were ann-x&lt;-d ;

mala, not an Indian would be found in the provi
in , months, and that in 1 han two y

:y would be beg I.
A more than a month had rlaj&gt; ince the

h of liis mes&gt; without any i
1, Alvaralo determined to set forth

Graciaa ;L Dios; and, collecting h in

dir&lt; -lion of the cajiital. .Montejo meanwhile \\-.
ill at e llrkm-w well that any intimi

dation would but work his own dest.ru

inwilling to throw himself on t orosr

&gt; rival. Arting on the ad\ i .ds, lm\v-

r, he res* Ived i him eou.

.(li to the nt w&gt; him.

At a ant about li ;ty

the rival ;. -rs i, nnl Montejo i 1 that his

a were m i han realized. " I 1

had b.-cii informed/ said tin- e la,

manner in whieh he had &lt; 1 lldidir

14 -" o and

In :i !

i iKK) en

that th Oe.

assign* &lt; I for tbo &lt;

v . iiirh 1

iinong
tutted i

-.suini .
JO.

298 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

and of his subsequent career, and was further advised
that Alvarado had at great cost and labor saved the
province from destruction. It was therefore ordered
that Montejo should immediately deliver up all the
property which he had wrested from the people of
the province and all revenues received by him since
his assumption of office."

Among the ecclesiastics then resident in Honduras
was one already mentioned whom Montejo styles
" The padre Cristobal cle Pedraza, the protector of
the Indians, and .calling himself bishop." His official
appointment to the see of Honduras Alvarado brought
with him on his return from Spain. When Pedraza
first arrived in the province, the governor received
him cordially, placing at his disposal his own resi
dence and a large number of slaves. To him he
now appealed for aid in this his dire distress, and
through the prelate s intercession 15 with Dona Beatriz
matters were adjusted without further dispute. The
revenues derived from lands and mines during the
governor s term of office were estimated at twenty-
eight thousand ducats, 16 and " of this sum," says
Herrera, "Alvarado without solicitation immediately
remitted a moiety, and two months later was easily
persuaded to forgive the other half." It was agreed
that Montejo should surrender to him all claim to the

15 Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained his intercession by
approaching him when he was in an amiable mood. He accuses him of boast
ing that his authority was greater than that of the governor and that a letter
from him to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also states
that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from an expedition on
which he had started, news having reached him that Pedraza was disturbing
the country by his harsh treatment of the Indians, and that he had some dif
ficulty in restoring quiet. Montejo, in Id., 248-51, 258-9. It is not improb
able that this may have been the case, for in a letter quoted in Sguicr a MSS.,
xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a
settlement in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant re-
partimientos to those who should furnish him the means, claiming that he
was specially inspired by the holy spirit to carry out the pacification of the
natives by prayer and persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain,
ambitious, covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his pro
fession if it would serve his own interests.

16 The amount was 17,000 pesos according to Oviedo, iv. 23.

OXSO DE C L ,

Ilondl!

Alvarado ,-hould c n the Cindad 1

: Suchimilco in M-

111D11 : of t\VO tli !ld C

In , tell to the emp . written BOOD r-

\var.l. t inplains littTly of the wi

which lie had suffered through the maehinatio:
; lnii . lie himself ivi \\ his I

lav lift is of more avail than the m-

faithful servic Th . the

wn, and ahout the c! -f L539 M&lt;&gt;

tn the province aft brief and som ri-

r, \vhile ahout t te time Alv

turned to Guatemala, leaving Alonso de (

his representative in J I.&lt;&gt;nl and 1
later took ship Spain \\

delay, ! ceived the papal hull of confirmation n

:ILC ^ s tiin* 1 meanwhile

; eontr for ije--ro slaves in t !:&lt; i of

the crown, with a, vi utilizing their lahor in thu

! )|)iiR iit of th - mi:

On 1 turn to the province in 1 I p 1

uiKli-rtouL ,d tour tl. .h the province. 1,-,

i ^hteeu inrnitl !! y of

hardships which he endured and of the

and] -stricken condition the colonists.

." he "have II- arly all l!

tains, 1 ri-or of il -aniards, who ha

lly li:r

.iixl th
.1 lull!.

uias u: . his tr

Mnrrorjuin of
I

i- of having ^J

t ul
, 111 Cartat dt Indii,

300 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

tinned to enslave them for so many years. Many
Portuguese, Italians, and other foreigners have propa
gated disease and vice among them so that even Indian
maidens of tender age are corrupted to a sad extent,
while bigamy and polygamy are of frequent occur
rence." Valdivieso, who was residing at the time at
Gracias a Dios, awaiting consecration as bishop of
Nicaragua, also relates that the church was held in
contempt, that the Spaniards were as a rule extremely
lax in their observance of all religious duties, and that
they led a more vicious life than had ever been known
among Christians.

Though Pedraza brought with him from Spain a
number of friars, they do not seem to have been very
zealous in the work of reforming the settlers or con
verting the natives. At times many days passed
during which no divine service w r as held, and the
cabildo attributed the omission to the neglect of the
bishop, "who," they said, "was too busy with his
worldly affairs to attend to his duties properly." The
ecclesiastics appear, however, to have been very suc
cessful in selling papal bulls among the Indian villages,
a practice which was continued till 1547, when a royal
cedula put an end to this shameful traffic. Their
charges for saying mass or for funeral services were
exorbitant. To confess a person residing at a distance
of one league cost thirty castellanos, and to watch for
a single night by the bedside of a deceased cacique,
one hundred and thirty xiquipilli of cacao. Desirous
of making at least some show of missionary zeal the
prelate recommended that a cathedral be erected and
schools established in all Indian towns which were in
the neighborhood of Spanish settlements. The for
mer recommendation was adopted, and notwithstand
ing the protestations of the audiencia of the Confines,
the site selected was at Trujillo, 19 the bishop s salary

19 This cathedral was dedicated to the Conception of Our Lady and had
five dignitaries with salaries ranging from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. Gon
zalez D&lt;ivila&gt; Teatro Edes. t i. 304 et seq.

Ai v DI-; i.os co: 301

:ed at five hundred il ihoi:

soon ;ii p&lt; t r 1 that hi ;il !

d t&lt;&gt; t\vo thousand &lt;Iu

When ill oflaws ;dol: 1 tin- and:

of Panama and appointed tin ;i-m-ia of the C&lt;

iin. AJonso de Maldonado was el litsi

dent l through the rccoinnic n of La&lt; (

th&lt; remaining oidores 1- tin.- licentiates T)
]Ierr of whom mention has l.ecii made in connec-
n with tli- vince of Nicaragua, Pedro Ramii

()u5noiics, and Juan Rogcl. Maldonado was d I

tahlish t ] sal &lt;&gt;f g t at Com; -ia,

which was thenceforth to he known as Nucva A ":
(! Valladolid, lut iinding that location unsuitable ho
selected as a more favoral dte &lt; ; i 3 a .1 )i
whore in 1 ,")-!"&gt; the fhst &gt;n of the tribunal v

held. The arrival of Maldonado was c with

much i\-joicii]M- among the settlers; but their joy v
short-lived, for one of the iirst measures of the aiidi-
encia was the publication of the new code of laws
which, they declared, was to be strictly and immedi-

ly enforced so far as it related to the inanumi
of the Indians.

In Honduras the new cod was r yarded with no
! 9 disfavor than in the other provinces, and it v

probably due only to the ^ population of this t

ritory that we read of no such outbreak amon^ t
colonists as that of Gonzalo Pizarro in Pei-u. of

the Contreras hrotlu rs in Nicara Hi-

were fain to content th&gt; with making in

tual protests, and with sending procurators toadv&lt;

r.,ii., rin-l //

s an uidor of
actii l;i.

is B;I

nt&lt;.l I

and all the oi

: : . i: 1 , M

\ue\as A

302 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

their cause at the court of Spain. It does not appear
that the natives were at all benefited by the regula
tions enacted in their favor; for a year or two later, on
the arrival at Gracias d, Dios of Las Casas and Valdi-
vieso, the former declares that despite all the royal
ordinances to the contrary, the Indians placed under
the protection of the crown were so grossly maltreated
that they preferred to return to the service of their
former masters rather than enjoy their new and doubt
ful liberty.

On the first of June 1549 a royal cedula was issued
ordering that the natives should not be used as pack-
carriers, except in cases of extreme necessity, and that
all employed in whatever capacity should receive pay
ment for their services. These regulations appear,
however, to have made their lot still more grievous,
for the Spaniards, no longer owning them as human
chattels and caring not for their lives, treated them
even more harshly than before. At Gracias a" Dios we
learn that they were offered for hire at public auction,
and after being disposed of to the highest bidder were
sent to the mines or to the sea-shore forty miles dis
tant. They were driven together, Las Casas tells us,
within a circuit of ten or fifteen leagues, and a guard
being placed over them, were enclosed in a corral like
cattle. They were then divided by an alguacil among

the settlers, and after working: hard for a month re-

ceived two reales, sometimes being required to serve
an entire year for a single peso. When used as beasts
of burden they were compelled to carry a load of
seventy -five or one hundred pounds through a country
abounding in swamp and forest. Their food consisted
of a few hard cakes of maize, and at night, their blan
kets being taken from them to prevent their running
away, they were often left to sleep in the open air
almost naked and without shelter.

In addition to Las Casas and Valdivieso, the latter
of whom was sojourning at the capital awaiting con-

i a

;:&gt; hi-hop of X5&lt;- re were n*

I Iraria- ;i 1 !i ! jlUH

( rual hi, and IVdra/.a of 1 I &lt;ndur, . I i v. as i
of course to he r\] 1 that all these di-iiilari

the church should work in harmony \vitli each
and much less with the memhcr- of the audidi&lt;-i;i.
Yv hile Las Casas and A aldivi-
Unconditional liberation ol nll Indians, Marroiprm ;md

Pedraza, who th posa Mnnirn-

das, were &lt; b t. ]&gt;art with tin-in; and

when Las Ca^as tlnvainird with excommunication all

who should ivi usu to lu ivu up tln-ir bondsmen, ^1

(jiiin assmvd tin- that ho would t tln-m

&lt;|iii&lt;-k absolution. r rhe removal of tin- luttt-r was thru
demanded l&gt;y his op[)oni-nts, W!K^ wrote to the eni-

ror denouncing him as i-vin^ of r

I avor, having made his fortune at the expense of his
Junior and that of the people 1 , in \ ion of the law

and th(! eiuprror s ordc". l\-dra/a, on th

:id, wliil, discussiiiM- the question of Mishi
schools in the native villages, exclaims: Wou

(I that to this purpose the efl oi

!, instead uof the

province, his discourse lein^ lik. that
with rage, him-elf blindly cov&lt; nd ambitious of

honor profan For thirty years :-ivini;- ;

hishopi-ic until at length he ohtain die

force of a hun&lt;lred tin. .d lit

Tin- colonial had no sympathy with 1

leaving him to complain and sotnel

unheeded. r rin&gt;se who \\ y his

fri . throuu h

&gt;n. were unwilling to mil. his n

&lt;4 Casas ami Vallr
M.i! " ; tin,

;11 assist at

liim.

* ami
.1 L urta* (/f /

304 AFFAIES IN HONDURAS.

The oiclores refused to listen to him or to afford him
redress, and on one occasion when a certain colonist
threatened to assassinate the prelate he was allowed
to go unpunished. 24 In a letter to the emperor Mal-
donado states that "Las Casas has become so proud
since his return from Spain that it is impossible to
deal with him, and the best place for him would be
in some convent in Castile." It w T as proposed by
Marroquin to settle the long-vexed Indian question
by referring the matter to a commission composed of
the viceroy of Mexico, the audiencias, the bishops,
and other competent persons both lay and clerical, or
to a committee to be chosen by them, and that their
decision be submitted to the crown for approval; but
Las Casas would admit of no such compromise and
insisted that the new laws be immediately enforced.
It was finally agreed that the bishops should present
to the audiencia a memorial embodying their griev
ances, asking for redress, and stating explicitly their
demands in reference to the treatment and disposition
of the natives. Soon afterward Las Casas read this
document before the oidores, who, as he now had the
support of all his fellow-bishops, did not venture to
refuse him an audience. They were requested to
render assistance to the ecclesiastical authorities in
the exercise of their jurisdiction, and to aid them in
punishing all who sinned against God and the church,
by committing sacrilege or holding in contempt the
episcopal dignity. It was demanded that the natives
should not be forced to pay excessive tribute, should
not be used as beasts of burden, or required to render
any but voluntary service, and that all who were
illegally enslaved should be liberated and placed
under the protection of the bishops; for it was claimed
that Las Casas and his colleagues were their pro
tectors and held the right of adjudication in all cases
of alleged maltreatment. It was urged that officials
in charge of Indian villages should be held strictly
24 Jb.

ILL -IT.KUXI; TOWARD LAS

-ponsiMe fur their tru-t ;m&lt;l punished in -
in; tin- new law.- pr.-rrihed. 25 Thu me

morial concluded ly threatening tin- president, i l&lt;&gt; i

and &lt;t)i&lt;-r officials with nimunicat ion, should tln-v

ohry these orders \vitllill the s|
llionl ll

(Ireat was the indignation of tin- members of

audiencia toward tin,- prelate who tlms dared pi;

himself above the lii-liot tribunal in the land. I ],

re accustomed to regard thr eccl aiastic

who-e presence mu-t indeed he tolerated for appear-

anc but whoso duty it was only t&lt;&gt; conduct

i-( -liuiuii- services in which the wiv-s and children of
the colonists might perhaps wish to particip;. nd

make such pr&lt; could in thec -ni

of the nati That tln-y should pivsui: int-

i fi-L with their own scln-nn-s lor sdt randizement

9 not to In- t&lt;l.Tati-d. Maldonado and th- oid&gt;i
^ave vent to their ire in such aluisiv.- la;

three day- later Las ( and Valdivieso addressed

a letter to tlie emperor, stating that m-ithrr in i
davs o{ Alvarado or Nuno dr (iu/nian, nor during

the rule of any of the former tyrants, w min-

of the &lt;-hur&lt;-h so insulted and oppn . !, \
ever such enormous crimes committed as undT
the ])!(&gt;. ^it audiencia of the ( 1 oni m Th- bisho]

inoiv \ pressed their leli f "thai tli- d-vil had

tilled the old with ambition and covetousness when

they came to the country," and declared that mil
the enforcement, of the ne\v laws were intru-ted
tl; \vn hands the province must ^o to ruii Mean
while M"arroi[uin, who was in B0C1 bitter i
La- ( a dso sent a de-patch t the court of Spain,
win-rein he speaks of him as one filled with pri-

r&gt; Tli- ;i rial, v, , \aa

Micwh; !iv 1" linini;

nml nil: tfiat, &lt;

1:1. i; ;. piv?. memo:

that oi Las Cast riving la than tin- nth-

2 j -0.

HIBT. CtKT. AM., VOL. II. 20

306 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

envy, and hypocrisy, and denounces his assumption in
daring to present so offensive a memorial to the audi-

encia. 27

Las Casas waited in vain for an answer to his de
mands. Not discouraged, however, by the studied
inactivity of the oidores he pressed his claims with
untiring zeal, exasperating them by his pertinacity,
and frequently exposing himself to gross insult and
contumely. On one occasion, while entering the hall
of the audiencia, he was greeted with shouts of
" Throw out that lunatic!" At another time he was
coarsely affronted by the president himself; 28 and
when, notwithstanding all rebuffs, he made a final
appeal, demanding compliance with the new laws, and
administering to Maldonado a public rebuke, the latter
replied: " You are a knave, a bad man, a bad priest, a
bad bishop, one lost to all shame and worthy of pun
ishment!" Though stunned, for a moment, by this
answer from one whose appointment was due to his
own recommendation, the prelate meekly bowed his
head, and with the words, " I very well deserve all that
your worship says, Senior Licenciaclo Alonso Maldo
nado," quietly withdrew from his presence.

All now expected that the president would be ex
communicated. As the consecration of Valdivieso
was to take place two days later and none could be
present who were under the ban of the church, Mal
donado resolved to make some effort at reconciliation.
To repair to the house of the bishop and there tender

27 Marroquin states that the memorial was mucho desacato i mayor desa-
tino: i el, como mas atrevido i favorido (por haverlc dado credito a sus pro-
posiciones i f undamentos sacados de su pecho lleno de Mpocvesias, sobervia,
invidia, i avaricia), lo presento, requirio, i amoiiesto. Marroquin, Carta, in
Squier sMSS., xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather favorably of Maldonado, but
complains of his being remiss, wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as
to the welfare of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between
the members of the audiencia, and says: A mi no me satisfazen. mucho sus
letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco. Marroquin, Carta, in Carta
de ludtas, 440-1.

28 Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting against being ex
pelled* from the hall of the andiencia: Estos cocinerillos en sacandalos del
conuento no ay quien se pueda aueriguar con ellos. Itemesal, Hist. Chyapa,
376.

riox. 307

Lfl ;i humiliation whi.-h ],;

, while it could lint 1

after nil the indignities In- had Miif.-ivd, w.tiM

to Tin-

iition of 1 rimds it was finally arranged that

hould in&lt; though 1&gt; ideni

Sine;. Uncovering, and aking in

fnl t &gt;ne, Maldonado !.
what: had occurred, hut the jr laic at once ln

i-th: "Jlcncc! Awa; S*6u are excommuni d !

k his drparfuiv witlmut uttc-rin;.;- anotln-1 1 w.ml.

AVhilr yut c-n^a^vd in liis contr^ with i

audiencia, Las ( uivod ; &gt; iVmn Ciudad 1!.

it &lt;!i.-&lt;rdcr was I ii r in his &lt;&gt;wn dine- . md. wi.-h;
turn t&lt;&gt; Chiajias as soon as ] nihl&lt;-, once in-
ur^ d tin- oidores to n-ndcr a. &lt;lrci&gt;ioii. In ord
i id theme 3 of hi importunity th&gt;

^Ih compromised the matti-i- l&gt;y conceding or-

:i nf his de-mantis, but ivfux-d fco i him

hi.- colleagues as protectors nf tin- India: - this

w;, main point in his memorial, and without this

ion the new laws mu&gt;t le inoperative, or

lilt of &lt; lltion, the pi-i-l.ji- t iind that I
otht^r pi emature I cfornicr-. he ha. I gained lit

to his unpopulai

oseofthe year I.VIT) the hish de-
&gt;r their several provin Of i idr

I ; ! ,, -eoinpanied Las &lt; C indad \l

soon afterw;. in levying

:d of ( &gt;n to ] N-ru : and t

as pr- &gt; of

the

partea

!. I.

\ . M. solo iniieiv liurlo a .

unt

308 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

president, who, together with Herrera, still remained
at Gracias a Dios, busied himself in accumulating

wealth, fearing that the day was not far distant when
he would be required to render an account. He met
with little opposition, for the remonstrances of the
cabildo were entirely unheeded, and Pedraza the
bishop was a man too much after his own heart to
throw any serious obstacles in his path. Maldonado
with his friends and relatives already owned about one
third of all the encomienclas in the province, and re
ceived besides his share of the tribute obtained by the
oidores from the Indian villages, the ownership of
which was for appearance sake placed in the name of
certain alcaldes and alguaciles. The latter received
one third of the gross income, and those employed to
collect the tribute also received a portion and were
permitted to wring what else they could from their
hapless victims, whom they hunted like blood-hounds,
day and night, enslaving all who were unable to con
tribute their share.

The condition of affairs in the province of Honduras
soon became known to the council of the Indies, and
by the recommendation of Las Casas the licentiate
Alonso Lopez de Cerrato w r as appointed judge of resi-
dencia and president of the audiencia of the Confines.
For several years he had presided over the audiencia
of Santo Domingo, and had there made the acquaint
ance of the bishop, who well knew his worth and the
zeal with which he labored in behalf of the Indians.
It was one of his principles always to suppose them
to be in the right until the contrary were proven, and
little cared he for the good or bad opinion of the
Spaniards. Neither threat nor promise nor supplica
tion could divert him from the execution of his pur
pose. Being himself a priest he was of course a good
friend to the ecclesiastics, and assisted them in their
endeavors to alleviate the sufferings of the natives; so
that the settlers exclaimed, after he had been a short

ALONSO LOP] CER] 309

lime in the provine.-; ; ( )ur day ha- j ,1 that

1 In- j riars has l&gt;e-_nm.

In L548 tin- licentiate arrived ai ( ra !

ami .-it once proceeded to take tin- re&gt;iden&lt;

president and of the oidon- II..--I-1 and Hi-n

A: r&lt; r concluding his investigation h&lt;- report
&lt;&gt;rthat sine.- iln- establishmeni of the a

!)&lt; r. .yal deen-e nor ;my of the new laws hav.-

I or enforced. On the contrary, the ] lent

and oidorea have Iteen. tin- first t&lt;&gt; di&gt;r- -_: i -d th-iii

in nrdrr to ingratiate themselves with th-

they liavr never t bought of liberating any

abolishing the use of the natives as ! it harden. 2

Cerrato had undoubtedly &lt;-\\ 1 to find matters
in a Ix-tter cornlition, for h- l.roii-lit with him imno
to supersede the oidores who mi^ht he di&gt;| I.

Maldonado, however, appears to hi aped all pun

ishment other than ls of office. 32 Herrera, although

L.-i- ( and Yaldivieso had previously d dar d

that he alone amon^ the old. .res wafl worthy ! h
jiosition. was tlie only one tliat was lined, and with
the exception of the piv-ideiit, the only one thai v. as
not rein.-tated. 84

Although Cerrato was accused l&gt;y the settlers of

31 i ///\-/. rtujrifin^ 480. Cerrato did not hcsitat to

be liishdps .&lt;( I

of their tnaintainioff algna those of tin- CMIJH-I 1 of tli&gt; &gt;t

mis sin 1 i^&lt;&gt; ! Iiiijuisirii ii. In hpi aking of tin.-

nnuiifation liy tin- Uslmp oi N

i l&lt;- t&lt; j .-iy him I ;,.!,. .-.i\ s that 1. iraza v.

,n the heads of a thousand judges. CVrrtt/o,
xxii

if he had IXTII toiind l.hniu-li-ss In- could not 1

as &lt; &gt; was appointed by the crown lum. lie lo&gt;t hulifeai

sea // - .

. d for havini, a; 1 a in huvin, .-

tain nr^rtir.s !&gt;.!&lt;. i
1

\vhd h. i have so \\t-ll ft-at

BO short at :i dios y in

too y j Q. ! ;oreM

; with &lt;, and a.-.-u&gt;.-i him of :ng in

tthlik union i:

nt&gt;f l^as Casas aii l \"auh . / /., \\;i., is duubtiuia

lit.

310 AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

partiality in the administration of justice, he enjoyed
the full confidence of the emperor, 35 who gave orders
that all matters of grave import pertaining to the gov
ernment of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Guatemala
should be referred to his decision. Moreover, the
bishops of Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Chiapas showed
their appreciation of his worth by begging him to visit
their dioceses and aid them in their labors on behalf of
the natives, as the oidores sent to those provinces were
unable to enforce the new Jaws. During the brief
term of Cerrato s residence in Honduras nothing oc
curred that is worthy of note, with the exception of a
revolt among the negro slaves at San Pedro del Puerto
de Caballos, which was promptly quelled by a force
despatched against them by the audiencia.

In 1549 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was
removed from Gracias d Dios to Santiago cle Guate-

mala. The former town, now containing!; but eighteen

O O

settlers, was situated in a neighborhood where food
for man and beast was difficult to obtain, and was far
remote from the more important colonies. In other
settlements the condition of affairs was little more
prosperous. In Honduras, as elsewhere in Spain s
western dominions, the apathy of the Spanish mon
arch and the disorders caused by the ceaseless struggle
for wealth, or the craving for insignificant authority,
added greatly to the misery and privation which the
early history of colonization throughout the world sel
dom fails to present.

85 Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He says that at first he
promised well, but subsequently acted in every way contrary to his instructions,
as if these had been mini que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en cstas
provincias todo lo deys d vuestras parientes. He accuses him of giving the
best repartimientos to his two brothers, a granddaughter, a son-in-law, and
his followers and friends, and remarks that the people feared the coming of
another boat-load of Cerratos. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Jndias, 38^42.

CHAPTER XVIII.

:.SS OF i\ GUATEMA]

FtU Al.YAKADO C

-A lYMU.i: !
TAT. A \: IIKUORS DxATIIOF 1 .TK1X

A ROTFKD Crrr BURIAL &lt; GLOOM OF (

ruicKi viviuis JOINT Go-. v\r, OF &lt;

A N i A SITE DISCUSSED-
-MALI&gt;ONAIM&gt; AITHI vn-:n &lt; ;&lt;.VI:U\OR A
TI\ -IU:M"

-ANTIA(,0 Pi.

TI.KKS His MUM: i.r ACTION.

ilio news of Alvarado s death irriv-l in
i 1 daring the last days of Au^u^t L541, n-

sti is of sorrow were on every aide; t-

[raped in ll and tin- city ]ut on lial.iliim-:

i or h()\vf\-cr liad ili i man tin iv are i--\v wlio
takr j.lcasui in conventional mourn
t th. of t IK- intelligence upon tin- ad&lt;-l;

J )ona 1 Beatrix, was so .-

ali rct ln-r ; -n. Sin- " at li.-r t;i&lt;-r and tOJ
r liair, wtM-|)in- :inin-\ and -Toaniu-- in ry

rrief. I* "! 1 da ither nor

a(llro&gt; - to th f Gu;;

iil the cahildo !y. In t

ps: You wil sed to tak

&lt; ,,!. I \tM

\ 1 \ aradoV

&gt;al tho lirst geneni

it was ;til th.

scq. A cabildo waa !

. in t cm tw r/f India*, DernaL Diaz,

(311)

S12 PROGRESS -OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

refusing all consolation. She caused her house to be
stained black, both inside and out, and draped it in
deepest mourning. All efforts to appease her met
with passionate outbursts expressed in language ac
counted impious, 3 and she repulsed alike the appeals
of friends and the religious consolation offered by the
priests all of which was quite pathetic on the part
of the bereaved woman. Meantime funeral obsequies
were celebrated by Bishop Marroquin with all possible
solemnity, prayers being offered each day for the re
pose of the late conqueror s soul.

But while due observance of mourning was shown
for the loss which the colonists had sustained in Al-
varado s death, it was necessary to decide upon the
important matter of the government of the province.
Francisco de la Cueva had been left lieutenant-gov
ernor, but although this appointment was approved by
the viceroy 4 and the cabildo was ordered by him to
recognize Cueva until his Majesty s wishes should be
known, the members took the matter into their own
hands and elected Dona Beatriz governor. This anoma
lous proceeding was discussed at a special session, and
the reasons assigned for taking such a step were that
it was deemed necessary for the peace, security, and
interest of the country. As soon as the decision was
reached the cabildo went in a body to the house of Dona
Beatriz and tendered her the appointment. Her vio
lent grief for the loss of her lord did not prevent her
from assuming rulership according to the wish of the
authorities. Thanking the municipality for the honor,

3 An unknown author writing later during the same year states that Dona
Beatriz dixo muchas veces que ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le haccr. Ilda-
cion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Gomara, Hist. Ind.,
269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq. , make similar statements. Gomara s
assertion is disputed by Bernal Diaz, Hitt. Verdad., 226-7. See, also., for
accounts of Dofia Beatriz grief, Carta del Obispo in Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
Col. Doc., iii. 388; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 156; Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris,
1837), iv. 466-7; Remenal, Hist. Chyapa, 166.

4 In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to, and dated July 15, 1541.
Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date,
one day after Alvarado s death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to
know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts to account
for the discrepancy which his error produced. Hist. Chyapa, 1G5-C.

[AGO.

1 the p. ii ,-ni(l jimmied to E

M. iji V \\ith Zeal and (I her&gt;e|f tO the Well .

province in tin- j&gt;re-rriled lunn &lt;&gt;f

imony t installation immediately i nllo in tl
presence f the li&gt;hop and l-VaneUm &lt;! la - \a,

i- which th&lt;- widow &lt;&gt;{ Alvarado t&lt; the oath in
(hi ni. ;ind thereupon appointed her hn&gt;th&lt;T. 1 Van-

la ( Jueva, 8 deutenant-governoi him

full power to act for IMT in all matter- ] .. i -t. lining to
t -vcniniciit, . -t the di-|xal of i-.

(fJudians which might become vacant; thi
tive rved t.. herself I ler lu-ot

nit-lit was rec&lt; )_&gt;! ii zed ly the cahildo on the i

lay. Saturday the- loth of September. 6

]&gt;ut it was not i ated that this unfortun;:te ] ; ,dy
.ould long enjoy her high [&gt;&lt;ition. 1 lei- doom with

5 Bishop Mnrroqxiin was of opinion that ;i fit person t&lt;&gt; have

!v;ir;nlo in rh : the govfrnnu iit. In a 1&lt; ng

: IH, i;,j ] , lie describe* liim ;i&gt; .|.

"jf

.1 to tin- -nin]);ti: ing a ! tln-rs,

. I

itwa liislmp s iiilliifiii . ./.was

liuly was fiinnt-n:ii. . him.

real p \\&lt;T in tli-

6 Tln- . jiiKiintiuciit cf I)(.n a Beatrix, -

1 Iciniifl 1 V &lt; i..iii;i!;i, \\ !i&lt;&gt; int r i.-cil lu-rs lf

to . : Y

Camilla,

t -.s that she resigned the .- :ig

il tlc- iipiKiintin . &gt;givcsai

of tin .pointim-nt t ln-r 01

ni, Miarki;

i toca.

t . lirr;i| i&gt;ointment was thatol tin-;, . Gonzalo

l):tl&gt;ly ppart-i

sanencss. Although half a pag* Wa it

was 1 uj&gt;. 1 hi.- lil.iuk half p V :i

ti:i aplcss l.-nly n this occasion was written tlnis: l^i

\vn through the wor
ln 1-scl i the olj

&gt;. J liis saim- :uith..r .stairs OD

1 l&gt;y ti.

1 .;: "t agree with &lt;&gt;ve

anth ttrilui- a Bcatriz such ainhitious s \vhil-

: &lt;lrs|.. I herself, but ivganl her a,

incut a.s a pinvly &lt;ii[&gt;luinat;

814 PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

that of many others was sealed. The rains during
this year had been excessive, and from Thursday the
8th of September until noon of the following Sunday
it rained continuously, while an unusually violent
wind prevailed. 7 The reader is aware that the city
of Santiago was situated on the slope of the lofty
volcan de Agua. 8 This mountain is a beautifully
symmetrical cone nearly fifteen thousand feet above
the sea, and in its enormous crater was a small lake,
which, owing to the heavy rainfall, had risen to the
top of the enclosing sides. On the 10th of Septem
ber, 9 about two hours after nightfall, a volcanic erup
tion dislodged an immense volume of water, or the
imprisoned lake burst its barrier. However that may
have been, at this fearful moment down came the
impetuous flood upon the doomed city, ten thousand
feet below, and not more than a league distant from
the top, bringing great trees and masses of rock 10 and
hurling them upon the inhabitants. The wind and
rain and darkness rendered the disaster all the more

7 The base of the following account of the destruction of Santiago City is
taken from Bishop Marroquin s narrative in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. ,
Hi. 386-8, and from another and fuller narration without signature in Id.,
378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of it, and states:
Estas nuevas truxo a la isla. . .Cuba, Johan de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo
adelantado don Pedro, que aporto al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el
capitan Johan de Lobera, su amigo 6 uno de los milites que un tiempo an-
duvieron con el mesmo adelantado, me escribio todo lo ques dicho por su
carta fecha d quatro de enero de mill 6 quinientos 6 quarenta y dos anos. It
must, however, be remarked that the letter in Pacheco and Cardenas bears
unquestionable evidence of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alva
rado, who had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the gov
ernorship Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271 was on his way to
Spain. I conjecture that he was the bearer of this anonymous account of the
calamity and allowed Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first
person into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in. Santo Domingo.

8 The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural hollow running down
the mountain side.

9 Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap.
xiii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 270, the records of the cabildo according to Kerne-
sal, Hist. Chi/apa, 559, and Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 1645, give September
the 11 th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both state
that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first authority mentioning
that the preceding Thursday was the 8th.

10 &lt; Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las llevaba como corcha
sobre el agua. JReL, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383. The im
mense stones brought down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city
when Bernal Diaz wrote, (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463.

IF OF DOS A 1

. killed, not knowing wl

:nn. Tln-r

Span: &gt;lonist ;unl I ndian nit v n

\vii, t! amhlrr :it liis dice an&lt;l tli -hipju-r

kiiri linir at tin- shrn In that ni^ht of horror -a-h,

- he -I n !--!(&lt; I solitary from th- si-rthi:
mi;_dit i aiicy himself the only survivor. Xnnili
]&gt;rri , and many were cast from mhr ;pon

li; i-oiind, with mangled limits and l&gt;odi-s cm . ll

I)),ia Beatriz truly La Sin \ &lt;}n- liaj.l.-ss

on had signed herself the day befo

first alarm, ^athcrin^ IMT maid mid ln-r, ha

But of what avail was prayer? r J i

\\ re upon lh&lt; i m, and at the second outl.iir

;&gt;t down the chapd and huri^d hcin-alh it- ruii

the lady-governor and JUT handmaidens. 13 I&gt;
rikiii Ivarado s house the flood had washed iy

! witli their occupam r FI
!lin_i4 other nx-mli- the household, a::d

amon^ tli. -in Dona Leonor, the el ral daii-^h-

of Alvarado. f ri (&gt; J)ona JJi-iti-ix ; lr, hut
t, of them were carrit-d away ly the tonv h

i Leonor and SOUK- otl ped. A 1

nnmher of Jndians &lt;&gt;f hoth - 1 ! : - to

household \vn-e also dr&lt; 1. T\ iiaplains \v!

wnv in tin- li&lt; &gt;u&gt;. \\ . -pt through a v.in d

n Y mu l&gt;ni/" juc algnnoa despues ban

lilt:

with 1

. liija . 1 &lt;l.-l Aaelantado, -ult alao

/. /....&lt; , //
17

iy ii{M&gt;!i 1.

&gt;cks of ear ; 3

in height
-iuul ind xaggci \\ I:M

ooka of t

ados, ^

j&gt;ago . ! MI the niiiiiiti s .

. i

i"p M;ilTMjuiu ! An&lt;&gt;U -

taniiuganei.

.1.1) a y.a. contra

316 PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

carried for some distance to the plaza where they were
rescued. Several attempts were made during the
night to reach Alvarado s house, but only one person,
Francisco Cava, succeeded. Dona Beatriz apartment
which she had left was the only portion of the build
ing left standing. Had she remained there, instead of
rushing to the church, .she and those with her would
have been saved. Many supernatural horrors were
reported to have occurred during the night, the par
ticulars of which are related by Bernal Diaz.

While this blow was falling upon Alvarado s house
and household, his kinsman Francisco de la Cueva w^as
in extreme peril. At the first roar of the descending
flood, heard above the raging tempest, he imagined
that some violent disturbance had occurred in the
town and rushed out lance in hand, only to be driven
back, however, by the avalanche of water. Retiring
with the Spaniards of his house to his study, he es
caped the danger, though that apartment was the
only portion of the building left standing. 13

When day dawned the scene of desolation was heart
rending. The water had passed away, and on all sides
the ruins of the city were exposed to view. Most of
the houses had been overthrown or swept away, and
the few which remained were so filled with mud that
they were untenantable. Whole families had per
ished. 14 The streets were choked up with accumula
ted debris, trunks of mutilated trees, and husre rocks.
.

Scattered in all this wreck lay disfigured corpses and
carcasses of drowned cattle. 15

13 One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all perished. Such is
the account given by the bishop. That of the anonymous writer differs from
it. He states that Cueva escaped from the house and saved himself by getting
upon a wall which had remained standing.

u The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names of eight, and says that
more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes lost their lives. The bishop, page 388,
mentions the names of twelve settlers whose houses were completely over
thrown or washed away, adding: Si bienalgunos destos se salvaron; and fur
ther on informs us that Murieron, sin los espanoles cliches, mas de 600 indios.
Vazquez states that about 100 Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan
allies escaped unharmed. Chron. de Gvat., 98.

15 E gran suma de ganado, que tom6 en el monte y otra que torn 6 en la
cibdad, que se vinieron a ella huyendo. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii.

GATIII UP Till-: I KAD.

\nd now he^-an ihe sad. Bad n-li for the d-ad.
followed by mournful burial. Many of tl.

found. The bodies ,f J)ona 15. -a t Y\Y. a lid t Ij.

wh" perished with ln-r \\ recovered with on&lt;

ception. Her remains were interred with &lt;! &lt;lein-
nity near the high altar of the cathedral, 1; and th

ot her companions in death were reverently laid side

by &gt;idr ill oiK common ^ravt-. 17 \Vhih- tin- la&gt;t I ll
nf tli- rltiirch were duly ])ci-iorinrd ! . th.- h.-h,,..! of
this hapless lady, lln- &gt;trick-n &lt; nmnunity
llic cata&gt;tr&lt;ij)]]c which had hcfalldi th-ni B a niani-

latimi f diviin- wi-ath; and thoii-di ini&gt;t of tin-

survivors looked upon it as a merited punishment f"i-
tht-ii- own sins, then- were not wanting those wh&gt;

ributed the cause of God s an^vr t&lt; tin- int&lt; mpcr,
Ian made USeofbyDojW 1 )-at riz in lu-r iV-n/

U ricf. ; So much insane foolishness can he wrapped

in words of wisdom! The bishop endeavored to en-
re hi&gt; flock though in such deep d ion. A

mud in the streets n\i&lt; lil a) most up to the highest wiiulows.

10 Xo mention is made of the rhnivh having i A ]

of the hislmji icstmyi-il. causing th- di-sth :llor

I 1 ., :i^S. According \&lt;&gt; Jlnnr.-al I Dona Beir

jiiriitly ti tlifilral of tin- in-\v the

which she ]&gt;rnsh&lt;-d : l.Tcd tlm iua^- 6 said weekly

or the repose of her aouL //&lt;&gt; . &lt; lii/"/-". l^l. I -m/mn &lt;

Minau truly ]roud, vain, and haughty; \\liil- Alvar.id&lt;&gt;. in

Id", &lt;l;it- d ) April 1. I." . !! , Ml lx.dy that

.1 muy l)Uuiia. I 7! .

Their remains W i in 1.~&gt;SI) to tl:-

. The insci-ij.tion. in hii:&gt; 17, said that tli.

\ &lt; 1 ;d\ companions, all of whom perished ^itl

in l. .l I. /. 181. Tli:&gt; IttBCl iptioa i

&lt;jlle/. ( },,

18 The lii.-li-ij.. In. \vever. th" i Irian addreu (" the MO]

:hejm: : exxcoaraging them, he aaid: t^ueal

a IMS .d.ia ile\.-iil".

ttrihutes tin hl.i-j..

id adds that so

d^urdity and intimate s il

A llM !.

I l&gt;y the an"iiynii&gt;us uiitei-t-n tl,

\\hile inelin.
, itiii-l ..
ased \\ ith -\l\ar. *0.

318 PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

penitential procession was held and the litany chanted
before the high altar. He enjoined them, moreover,
to fast and pray on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Satur
days. Further to cheer them he recommended all
mourning to be put aside.

Nevertheless the gloom which had fallen upon the
community was not soon dispelled, and at every
threatening change of the sky the panic-stricken set
tlers sought safety on the hills. A unanimous desire
to abandon the spot prevailed ; many of the inhabitants
left it and went to reside on their farms, 19 while those
who remained 20 expressed their determination to go
elsewhere. To arrest total abandonment and dis
persion the cabildo, on the 22d of October, issued a
decree prohibiting any citizen from leaving under a
penalty of one hundred pesos de oro. 21 And long after
the capital had been removed to another site, a peniten
tial procession, attended by the civil and ecclesiastical
orders, left the new city at daybreak on each anni
versary and visited the former capital in mournful
commemoration of this calamity. Bearing crosses in
their hands, chanting the litany, and praying for the
safety of their city, the people marched in all humility
to the former cathedral. 2 There mass was celebrated
and the graves of the dead were decorated, after which
the procession dispersed. 23

The death of Dona Beatriz had left the province
without a ruler. Cueva s position at the head of the
government was no longer recognized, and in the crisis

19 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 467.

20 None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a large barrack was con
structed on the outskirts of the town as a common dwelling-place. Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 380.

KRemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 306.

22 Torquemada attended one of these processions. He writes: iban cada
Ano, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al de cl ancganiiento (y Yo me
halle" e~n ella vii Ano. . .) pidieudo a Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion,
y perdon de averle ofendido. i. 327.

2a Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom was discontinued,
although he left a fund to support its observance. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
(ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo
on September 9, 1542. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559. After the old church was
pulled down the procession marched to the Franciscan convent in the old city.
Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6.

tin: cahildo un-t &lt;&gt;ii tin; Iflth and 1 7th

imber, and afl i -ion - &lt;

hop Marroquin joint ernors provi
Tin- hMiop in ;i iddressed to 1 be k:

! hruary JO, I " I-, informs his Maj&lt;-&gt;ty that in ,
rrpt m^ tin 1 appointment lie had n i ini in-m-i-d

any itli, honor, or powT hut h\- tin;

iial E Hairs, and at, 1 ; lv

hrhi _ - noti&lt;-- tlnj in-ci :it-

in- :mor of great influence and abilii JI-- !

Ttaiii ind ividua wlni
d -iin-d i ully capahlr and worthy of lillin^ i

Th&lt; idations be now rei , lioldin---

himself responsible should the kin-- be ] ! ! to ,

in rdain-r v.ith liis \ic\\ The hi&gt;ho], i: r,

intiiii that thr municipal government had ial!

into u; hy liands, the i

di-ath of hoimrahh- re- id&lt; vho liad been memb

bild Th

od j n-ut and z.-aloiis in tin 1 royal Bervi

]&gt; in;.-d out, an I ; ieh vital importaii

i oi such nn-ii to the wrltlire of the province, tl

Marroquin iin[)loi-es liis M&gt; r that t

v, ho h,-i 1 i d should r. -nine offic

\\diilo descrihi in; the country ,uil In- pict-

colony hnost iii -t disa lul ion.

Thf late ralaniity had involved th

]&gt;o ,d the contrast l)i-t.\v&lt;- ii tln-ir | &gt;n-

&lt;liti ii and th. which lln-y 1.

ai ri\v d under Alvara de indu--.-! th di-

M;ii.:

waa a

Baraona, a
.ilso

320

PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

Te.&lt;jan Guatemala " -

GUATEMALA

(Present)

f W^^igrlSlfe " i / ..| (l " upt

(HVOLCAN B&^WSam XV iudadVie ^ Mttfo^

f "* ^ *mii/^ i^ 1} /"-^ atitlan

ANCIENT AND MODERN GUATEMALA,

IT.

. ob&gt;

1 Marro&lt;|u m di&gt;t rilm&lt; d ;i ) &gt;rtion &lt;! tl.

ieh had belonged t&lt; t he adelantad&lt;

of the in&lt; who were tlms induced i

mam.

the election of the joinl governors the imj&gt;&lt;

:t ([Ucstinn ,! iviiiov;il \\a l hy 1 1

ities and citizen Tlnit the intei l the &lt;-&lt;.imt

demanded Midi a &gt;ti-[&gt; \, lie :ilm&lt;&gt;t unanii iu-

inn, - null tin- sel n of ,M new &gt;ii

nn-nl nttt iitinn. On this inaltci- oj.ininii

and a] 1- x-alit i-s \\ proposed. Tl.

in lavor of the valley &lt;&gt;f TiaiiL in the ]la
( liiina: \\a- a- aiii revi^ l ami f .{&gt;-

]"; . \\hilc l&gt;y others the valley &lt;&gt;f J *. tapa or that,

Mi\&lt;-o were preferred. r l her.- were, h&lt;&gt;v,
tin- removal &lt;&gt;! tlnj city to any

IV -in its existing Site. It Ava- U.nii in mimllhat i

vall -y of Alni .nly cult ivated, and 1 1

in its vicinity were &lt;-;iitle farms whirh owi he

(Vailing ]ov-rty and the m of the inhahi-

loilld n)t l,e ahandom-d; :; " ,-ind
investigation &lt;! the advant d l.y d

1 those of the valle\ 1 \ineln.y &gt;n-

w ltvill Lvandoappouitedll

the &lt;M

if IK- assures 1 thirds oi

:hl liavi- lc 1 t, I lit

rhiMl.

M ith the alltl

, ii.

oquin was at first in f

^.^-rtl his
1 .

\\ it lin:. r self-;

; s ami

;

UIST. CAL., VOL. 11. .1

322 PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

sidered to be so superior that in cabildo held on the
22d of October it was ordered that the future city
should be there erected. 32

At no greater distance therefore than half a league
from the ruins of Santiago, on the site occupied by
the present Antigua Guatemala, the Spaniards once
more laid out a city. The customary assignment of
lots was made, town commons set apart, and the na
tives again made to toil in the erection of buildings
for their oppressors. 33 Nevertheless the work did not
progress with the rapidity which the authorities seem
at first to have expected, 34 and though during 1542
some progress was made, even the house of the ca
bildo had not been completed in April 1543. The
exact date of the formal removal of the municipality
to the new city is not known, 35 but on the 10th of
March 1543 a session was held there. 36 On the 12th
of June following the host was transferred from the
church of the ruined town in solemn procession, at-

suspects that Antonelli s report had reference to some other occasion and dis
credits it. tip.. Conq., iii. 390. For general map of Guatemala see p. 110 this
vol.

3 2 Juarros, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that either the valley of
Petapa or Chimaltenango would have been a more favorable situation on
account of the frequent overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experi
enced at Panchoy. Hist. Verdad., iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467.

33 The cabildo considered it their duty more than once to pass laws to pre
vent the Indians from being overloaded, llemesal, Hist. Chyapa. 3G7-8.
Every month the Cakchiquels of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were com
pelled to furnish 1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in
the building of the city. Calcchiquel, MS., Brasseur de Eourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 790, The audiencia and viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of
Alvarado s estate to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop
appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution which he had
made already, the annulling of which would cause great dissatisfaction. Carta,
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 276.

34 On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree ordering lots to be
enclosed with adobe walls before St John s day, June 1542, under penalty of
forfeiture. The time given being found to be too short, it was extended on
May 21, 1542, to caster in the following year. JRemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 365-7.

35 Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements, without quoting any
authority in this instance boldly states that the 4th of December 1543 was
the day on which the Spaniards took possession of their new quarters. Sp.
Conq., iii. 390.

36 Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the cabildo on that date
is the first to indicate a session held in the new city; es el primero que se
escriue en esta forma. En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento
nueuo dellaS etc. Hist. Chyapa, 368,

ALOXso ir. ICALD -0.

landed l&gt;y ill.- civil authorities, and all the
:t in the city.

A; ion held on ihe -J \&lt;\ of May I

\va-&gt; | .| liy tin- c,-d,ildo that tin- citv should j

the title of the one destroyed, 11 and tin- nota?-i s \\

Ordered to use in all documents tin- headinj &lt; iudad

de San . and no otln-r, under penalty of a line of

n peSOS de oi-o. Tliis &lt;! publicly pi

claimed on the UJlli of June followiii"-. 38

Meantime another change had taken place in 1

\rnineiit. On the I d of Maivh L542 the vice)
of N \v Spain appointed the oidor Alon&gt;o de M;d-
doiiado provisional ruler of Guatemala, pending in
structions from the crown, and on the I 7th of M
following the ne\\- governor presented his conmiis-
the cabildo and was pLc, d in office- th me

day.*

.Din-in^ the following year -\citeincnt prevail- &lt; I in

ateniala owiii -- to information ha\ in" been iv&lt;-ei\ . . I

^ ~^

in October of the new code ..f la\\&gt; and ti tabli&gt;h-

nient of the audiencia of the Contin. Jt \
oil lv-d to make an appeal to the thro 1 nd

on the 1-Jth of the same month tlie cabildo m&lt; t to
appoint procurators to Spain. The opinion of t!
inhabitants having been taken/ a committee in\

with ])o\ver of electing reji. itatives was appointed, 41

but it was unable to j m&lt;l on the i of ! !-

~^ *

ruary L544 Hernan Bfendez ] nted a petition to

the cabildo propo&gt;i !!_; that a ma&gt;s meeting !i--ll in
the principal church in ord.-r that t

itulad \

.is author was pros. ith a paint-

. at tl. -t of the

aus ig a scene truly l&gt;oautii

\\Uh that mar M -M Ol i - shouM bo chosen,

Dot 1 iiMj&gt;n&gt;sil,l- ! is president ui the new

am!

e
Mciule/. .lc Sotoma;.

324 PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

of the people might be taken. 42 Nevertheless con
siderable delay occurred, and it was not until the fol
lowing August that the appointments were decided
upon, when an examination of the votes showed that
Hernan Mendez and Juan de Chavez were elected.
The latter, however, declined to accept, and a still
further delay was caused by Mendez insisting upon
proceeding to Spain by way of Vera Cruz instead of
through I 3 uerto de Caballos. At length, on March
1G, 1545, Mendez received his papers and instruc
tions, and departed for Spain. 43

The bitter controversy which took place during the
sessions of the audiencia in 1545 has been described
in the preceding chapter, but it remains to be added
that Maldonaclo and the oidores, although they had
avowed their intention of enforcing the new laws,
practically discountenanced their enforcement so far
as they related to repartimientos. In a letter ad
dressed to the king dated the 30th of December
1545 they state that if all Indians were liberated
whose owners had no legitimate title none would be

42 In this document the petitioners especially brought forward as an in
justice a regulation previously passed that only married settlers could hold
repartimientos. /(/. The cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a rep
resentation to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the diffi
culty and expense attending the procuring of wives from Spain. Arcvalo, Col.
Doc. Anttg., 13-14. It is evident also that in 1543 the cabildo again ad
dressed his Majesty on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza
acknowledges receipt of el pliego que venia con ellas para S. M. , and adds:
yo escribo a S. M. . .haciendole relacion, como conviene al servicio de S. M.
alargar las mercedes y no acortallas. Id., 180.

43 Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts delayed his journey,
and that on the 8th of June the cabildo revoked his appointment. No other
procurador appears to have been appointed up to September 10, 1540, when
receipt of the revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos ren
dered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this later date the cabildo
resolved to send a commission to the audiencia to solicit its enforcement. Hist.
Cfajapa, 304-5. But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guate
mala wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had been sent
to protest against the new code, might be given a hearing. Sqnier s MSS.,
xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin, writing on September 20, 1547, mentions
that many letters had been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies
relative to his action with the audiencia in 1545. Carlo,- al Principe, in Curias
de Indias* 446. He also states that Mendez was prejudiced against the public
will and partial to Herrera and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and
that there was also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time.
Squier s MSS. , xxii. 44-5.

Tli me i&lt; Milt \v&lt;uM .

\\ 1, marr n-d and had (ami:

they 1" -ant \ bran u

1 ii 1 h&lt;- iH \v I;L\VS v. ,1. d. ;t:i.| ,

CODC llal .

mi kilted to i be r&gt;l&lt;ni

Meanwhile the roversv relatii

in&lt;-ni of the I ndi beini

The tribute which had been imposed \\\H&gt;H tl
Marroquin and Maldon d of complaint

lliosi- functional^ iu&lt;l L iind ;

d himself obliged ; plain I
d \vitlmut suiliciriit kn
tli, te rli; were nee i-y. 47

Am l&gt;y Marroquin

inrli &lt;r tin- condition &lt;&gt;r th&lt;- nat i

that 1 1: ;rit V i 1 be lislinp Id ili-

.de the 1 i-i dit to iniiict cMi-jnii-al punish:

O I 1

led that :

... /

Jn 1

; is aimnallv. A

.utlan

326 PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

settle their difficulties. He moreover strongly recom
mended that for the purposes of better instruction
and government Indian towns should be consolidated
and subjected to a system of police. 48

Meanwhile Alonso Lopez Cerrato had been ap
pointed president of the audiencia of the Confines.
It was already admitted that Gracias a Dios was not
a suitable place for the seat of that body, and both
Cerrato and bishop Marroquin made representations
to the king advising its removal. 49 Accordingly his
Majesty by royal cedula authorized the president and
oidores to move to the city of Santiago/ where they
arrived in 1549, and according to Remesal accepted
Bishop Marroquin s offer of his palace for their use. 51

Cerrato s administration as president of the audien
cia caused grievous offence to the settlers of Guate
mala, and in a representation to the king they charge
him with being ungenerous, undignified, wanting in
zeal for the honor of God, and unconscientious. 51 The
grounds of their objection to him naturally originated
in his action regarding the protection of Indians, and
they bitterly complain of his nepotism in assigning
encomiendas to relatives of various degrees. Justice
at his hands they could not obtain ; consequently many
of the best colonists had left the province and others

48 The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued two decrees relating
thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548, reports that the consolidation of
native towns was already in progress and that it was a highly necessary
measure. Id. , 89, 92.

i9 President Cerrato describes Graeias & Dios as occupied by only 18
vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon, nor druggist, while a great scarcity
of both meat and fish prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of
removal to the city of Santiago. Carta, in ti&lt;iui(&gt;r * J/-SW. , xxii. 87-8. Marro
quin urgently advocated this city as the future seat of the audiencia. Id,, 45,
89, 94.

60 The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The letters of Cerrato and
Marroquin above quoted bear dates of October 5, 1548. and September 20,
1547, Februarys, 1548, and August 1, 1548, respectively. ."Uemesal gives the
date of the cedula as May 1, 1549. Hist. Chyapa, 503. Vazquez, Chron. dc.
Gvat., 222, June 16, 1548.

51 The king by royal cedula, dated July 7, 1550, approved the purchase of
the episcopal palace for the use of the audiencia. 77/W. Chi/apei, 503.

52 The document, found in Arevalo, Col. Doc. An!i.&lt;j., 21-4, is defective
and without date, but was probably written soon after the establishment of
the audiencia de los Confines in Santiago.

irri i: OF TH]

re pn-; I Ii&gt;hop M.-in-.xjiiii

. ith ( lerrato only . lings

in the lat A hich were pullielv evinc. d i

himself l&gt;r a lon-^ time from the &gt;
the church, :; conducted by the jtivlat

I lut th t tiers in ( iuatcmala were

op] any EQeaSU which cla-h d v. iili th

.. ;ni(l consequently i--ii 1 m.-n

their n\vn point of \i. \v. Under 1:. tii ,&lt;!ienci;i
of the ( oliiilies, divided as it \v;i

]i;id ! ^reai nt maintained their previoUfl p

tion i-elativr to the natives; - 1 luit in CdTalo

p Tcrivrd One \\ho 1VC .- ll !/.&lt; d tlleli llieivll.

ma and JM d loth the d- -t rininat in

aiTot the exiBting destructn m y and the coura

inllict punishment upon them tor any -TO.SS inl rin.
inent of the la\\

ad, y cstuvo mu quiso ir A misah

//., -J-J. piin ari l

iily l&gt;rr\\ in _ r in i

i\\ 11 th.it he ;m&lt;l tlu- lic IT

i in 111.. &gt; aii l reform ing tributes, ju&lt;- rv.-m

liavian !n- ; -hi. . 1 o. . MM!.; .&gt;1&lt;18, i

M i. !I7.

1
nc-ia had &lt; ! neither ne\

, ;ul no ;i l \i . them.

il&

II the trilmt-

Iiniian&gt; uei
1" .i-ilaii lei iii ta&gt;aeiuii i los the Imiiaus

-piinini Ayagna by Corrato for loftd-

alle-l l..rth a .ibiiM-

jiiin \\.

the

jiiin in 1 el ir...! \ 1 " :

in con: D \\itli . ;oi&gt;hij&gt;. /-/. , 90,

CHAPTER XIX.

THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.
1550.

A CONVENT FOUNDED BY THE MERCED ORDER CIUDAD HEAL APPOINTED
A CATHEDRAL CITY LAS CASAS A BISHOP HE ATTEMPTS TO ENFORCE
THE NEW LAWS HE REFUSES ABSOLUTION DURING HOLY WEEK His
CONTROVERSY WITH THE AUDIENCIA OF THE CONFINES HE DEPARTS
FOR SPAIN His DISPUTE WITH SEPULVEDA His APPEAL TO THE CON
SCIENCE OF PHILIP THE AUDIENCIA TRANSFERRED FROM PANAMA TO
GUATEMALA DEATH OF THE APOSTLE OF THE INDIES His CHARACTER
THE DOMINICANS IN CHIAPAS.

THE province of Chiapas was at first included in
the see of Tlascala, and paid tithes to that bishopric
till it was transferred to the diocese of Guatemala in
153G. When Ciudad Heal was laid out, under the
direction of Mazariegos, an allotment was assigned
for a church building, and its erection was begun
almost immediately. 1 The first parish priest of Ciudad
Real was Pedro Gonzalez, who was appointed by the
cabildo in 1528, with a salary of three hundred pesos
de oro. On his death Pedro Castellanos succeeded to
the benefice in 1532. 2 In 1537, through the exer-
tions of Bishop Marroquin, a convent of the order

1 As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to the building of the
church. Hemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 277; Juarros, Hist. Gnat., 03. It was dedi
cated to Nuestra Seilora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of
the city was changed, San Cristobal was chosen as the patron saint, and
this name was retained after it was erected into a cathedral. Remesal, Hist.
Chyapa, 274; Nueva Esparto,, Breve Res., MS., ii. 390; Colic, Mem. y^Not-., 122.

2 Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter receiving his appoint
ment from Pedro de Alvarado in the name of his Majesty. The religious
fervor of the Spaniards at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In
1528 Pedro Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting his
salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend church in proper
time ; El Espanol que desde el Euangelio adelante estuuiere f uera de la Yglesia,
tiene pena de tres pessos; while a third was to the effect that no citizen was

(328)

ciri&gt;A!&lt; L

: founded l&gt;y i

ri- and IVdro I J,-uii, j JI L On the IM

May i! ition, d the cahild

mem land on which to i oimd ;i n ry t l.ut

though their requesl \\ It!. [ 1,111

ri time/ Jn i 539 (fray Mai i I )ard

superior, in company with Fr;y Juan /;:!il.;tiiu
&gt;k ]&gt;(&gt;.- n of ili ildii: I indii

it it wjis sittiatrd too 1 ar iVoin tli. incur

former petitioned lra m-w and for contribu
and assistance in erecting a n.-w com 1 1 :

(|U-&gt;t nirt witli a lilx-ral rrspons-

. in afh-r \ itli i

means of ,suj|M)i-

Uy a jtapal l)iill is-in-d on tlic lOtli ..! Mardi I.IDS, 5
Ciuda 1 I! al was appointed -tlu-dral city, ih

cesc t be Milj-ct to tin 1 archbishopric &gt;i S \ i .ml

the pop- i vin&lt;^ to hiniseir the apjh.int!h&lt;-nt of the;
iii The salary of tin- li&gt;hop

o hundred ducats a year, paj able iVom i

: : . while the pri\ ii and nin-s

the bishopric \ ;il-

in S]&gt;ain. The clnnvh patronage a:

or dignitaries were conceded t&lt;&gt; the n of [ in.

I he lin, f tll d&gt;o lel t to 1

the einpero,

ity ili:

1 &lt;&gt;!i thos.

;

:!!!. I

was si :

toabast filt

-&lt; ami a sugar- in ill.
6 Acci.nl:
i. 1-

in a cc.; ic bu:

330

THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.

On the 14tli of April 1538, Juan cle Arteaga y
Abenclano, a friar of the order of Santiago, was ap
pointed to the charge of the newly created bishopric,
but it was not until nearly three years later that he
was consecrated at Seville, whence he issued a docu
ment framing the constitution of his diocese. 7 The

prelate did not like to take possession, for on his arrival
at Vera Cruz in 1541 he was attacked with a severe
fever, and though he succeeded in reaching Puebla de
los Angeles he died there shortly afterward, 8 his dio
cese remaining in charge of the bishop of Guatemala
until the arrival, in 1545, of Bartolome de las Casas.
Lying between the territory under the jurisdiction
of the audiencias of New Spain and the Confines
were the provinces of Chiapas, Soconusco, Yucatan,
and Tezulutlan, so remote, even from the latter court,
that a strong hand was needed to enforce therein the
new laws. In 1543 the apostle of the Indies after
refusing the bishopric of Cuzco, lest his avowed disin
terestedness should be doubted, accepted the prelacy
of this extensive diocese, 9 one fourth of the tithes

7 In Nueva Espana, Breve. Res. , MS. , it is
remarked that a copy of this document is no
where to be found, but that Remesal makes
mention of it as being identical with that of
the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exor
dium. In the cathedral of Chiapas no account
of it exists. See Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202.
The personnel of the cathedral was to consist
of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor, and
treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesi
astics. Gonzalez Ddv da, Teatro Edes. , i. 189.

8 Remesal states that the immediate cause
of his death was taking poison during the night
in mistake for water. Mazariegos inclines to
the opinion that the fatal draft was taken while
Arteaga was delirious with fever. Mem. Chi-
apa, 45. According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 122,
Abendano was a native of Estcpa. Some of

ARMS OP THE CITY OF CHIAPAS. the mem bers of his chapter went to Santiago,
and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute condition, but were provided
for by Marroquin. They asked that their allowance be given them from the
revenues of that church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor s
decision should be known. Pachecoand Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9.

9 In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545, Squier s MSS., xxii. 176.
Las Casas claims Yucatan and Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin
acknowledges receipt of the prince s letter assigning Soconusco to Las Casas.
Id., 121.

ARRIVAL OF DOMINI-

: 1

&lt;&gt;f liis l.islmprir ;HK! an additional sum ~&gt;00,000

maravrdi s pavaM.- l.y the CrOWD I .ilu
1 I I

Sunday &lt;! I and having l.y vii tu.- of a r\al &lt;

!i-cl tin- liberation 11 tht- Indian sla .
brought to Spain from UK v - \\ -rld L jl&gt;ail

at San I j icar &lt;&gt;n tin- I 1 1 li of .lulv. I i

l.y \\\&lt;

Ladrada. and forty-five I ) Miiiniraii t iiar&gt;. indmli
Tom . tli-ir \ i nd his BD

i Quint ;

1M, the ioih; HL-!I. ,., h. :&gt;&lt;-, tii tth.

332 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.

to the bishopric of Chiapas. After touching at Santo
Domingo where he was detained over three months
awaiting a vessel, he sailed for Campeche, where
he arrived on the 6th of January 1545. Las Casas
soon aroused the opposition of the colonists by insist
ing on the enforcement of the new laws, so exasperat
ing them that they refused to acknowledge him as
their bishop, on the ground that his papers were de
fective. They could not, indeed, prevent him from
taking possession of the bishopric, but they could and
did withhold the tithes, thus compelling him to send
to Ciudad Real for money to defray his expenses.
His messenger reached Ciudad Real early in Feb
ruary and the cabildo s answer is dated the 12th of
the same month. They sent him a few hundred pesos
which had been advanced by the public administra
tors on the security of one of the citizens. 11

From Campeche, Las Casas despatched by sea to
Tabasco ten of the friars, but the vessel being
overtaken by a storm foundered off the island of Ter-
minos, and nine of the ecclesiastics together with
twenty-three Spaniards were drowned. Las Casas
and the remainder of the Dominicans soon afterward
departed for Ciudad Real, where his reception was
cordial and enthusiastic. He was escorted into the
city under the pallium; a house had been prepared
for his reception, and thither all classes flocked to pay
him homage. 12

The cathedral chapter consisted, on Las Casas ar
rival, of the dean, Gil Quintana, and the canon, Juan
de Perera, besides which dignitaries there were three
priests in the diocese. The Dominicans, who were
also kindly received, having reported their arrival to
the provincial in New Spain, established a temporary
convent and began their labors.

In the enslavement of the natives, the settlers of

11 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 211-14.

12 Las Casas, Relation de entrada, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii.
157.

I
is ahundaiit

III their Sul&gt;-e&lt;|UeHt t! them 1

inurh harsh]!- nd cru -lty. 14 ) &gt; -;:!\

tde to him ly the Indian- I . .1- protect i. ,n, hut th-

ility of any ext

natives w&lt; . lie well ki id tl.

1 on vigorous ii lirmlv

his ei would be seconded l&gt;y theaudie i h ir

enforcement of the n-\v lav Las ( ,
hail misjudged the- character o( the

&gt;hall Bee hereafter.

I ll" 11 ^ 1(1 apni-oadi of Imly week lie

hui injudicious p of refusing absolution to all v. 1m

should not forthwith liherate th.-ir slav&lt; &lt;!

this t h" chief of certain sins I.T which he

liims.-h right of granting absolution, i .&lt; jmhli-

&lt;-at ion of this mea -lire eau-ed

1 lit . I lich i urther im-r, i hy hi- r&lt; ( i;

:i to any rompromi- In their d
applied to. the dean, who, failing
hi&gt;h(p. took upon himself the responf ibilii
absolution in certain &lt;-, I &

di-an purposhi place him HIM! . hut \

latter Mi^pectinir hi- design refused to \\ h&lt;

Ujion the former, detei mined not to ho thus thwart.
it hi- hailill and a i . \\ attendants with 01

MI.- IS cxrf-siK yd .;ili&lt;l&lt;&gt; en line, r i;&gt;.i nay

I a-; in Los Caaas

mi. I &gt;sed

itin.L; 1
tha;

1 triiuitr. l-i;:

LVC.S h"W.

. in /

111 1.
,; fully rnslav.

334 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.

bring the contumacious dignitary, if necessary, by
force. The dean resisted, and with this object drew
a sword, with which he wounded himself in the hand
and the bailiff in the leg. 16

At this juncture an alcalde, who among others had
been attracted by the disturbance, added to the ex
citement by loudly shouting: "Help in the name of
the king !" Thereupon the citizens hurriedly gathered
from all sides with arms in hand and prevented the
arrest of the dean. Las Casas was beside himself
with rage, and the settlers were equally exasperated.
That throughout holy week they should be deprived
of the sacraments for no other reason than that they
held slaves was a measure without precedent in the
New World, and their indignation was increased by
the numerous letters of sympathy and condolence
received from all parts of New Spain. The dean in
the mean time had escaped to Guatemala where he was
absolved by Bishop Marroquin and permitted to say
mass. Las Casas made a requisition for him, but it
was ignored, 17 and he was obliged to content himself
with declaring him anathematized and excommuni
cated. 18

Las Casas was baffled but not defeated. He re
ceived an invitation to assist in the consecration of
Bishop Valdivieso at Gracias d Dios, which it will be
remembered was then the seat of the audiencia of the
Confines, and thither he repaired. The news of the
occurrences at Ciudad Real had, however, preceded
him, and with the exception of Herrera all the
oidores were prejudiced against him. 1

Las Casas found little sympathy from his brother
prelates, Bishop Marroquin, as has already been shown,
entertaining a bitter dislike toward him. Indeed, the

16 Las Casas, Eel. , loc. cit.

17 Las Casas y Valdivieso, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier s MSS. t xxii.
122-3.

18 Las Casas, ltd. , loc. cit.

ia ln a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia informed the emperor ot
Las Casas doings at Ciudad Real, and charged him with usurping the juris
diction of the crown. Carta, in Sqider^s MSS., xxii. 111-12,

apoetle of the I n.li.-s waa in some r-

the nohle work to which IK- jiad de his

impetuoui character and ardent / al hlindi

- judgment and making him impatien rition

and heedl ,f the rights of othe Thu- be made

i aemies where tin- int&lt; . .f h; nanded

friends and active Mippor; \-\-\\- \\ an the

prominent ecclesiastics in the New \V.,rld \ I the

(jiirstion of slavery as lie regarded it. and

his unqualified condemnation of jt

their learning and piety.
Under these circumstances it is not mere t!

bated, his appeals to tin- audiencia w&lt;

din I ded and thai, meeting only with ivliutls. he
departed in &lt;li for his dio&lt; 1 n th an time

tli biers of Ciudad lu-al had by their importuni-

liiveli the vicai- u iid al of Las ( irom 1

eii The bishop was not disposed, how&lt; \v

the struggle, J Ii- la i tli in the eilicaey of t h- nc\\ l:i
had r 1 a severe &gt;hoek, for \^y thi-

ml ot the detei inineil \; i hem t ! :hoiit

the provil He had expected that th oidd he

opj I, hut not to thi- nid now there \\

in ing the. hostile attitude &lt;f t he

Over the turbulent inhabitants of Ciu al he

d no fiiither desire to rule, and had all
third time a-ked the emperor to allow him to he

ferred to Vera Paz, and that bishops be appoint

i -i- the pro\ inee&gt; of Soeonusco, Ch: ml Yn

No i urthei- trouhl red

1 ween the l&gt;i&gt;h&gt;p and the e..l.&gt;ni^

In I 5 17 I ias &lt; --mharked for Sp Tl

ion ot the new laws of which he mu&gt;l have heard

I his Buh&gt; n \\\i\

.sal. l!i~t. &lt; ^7. 1 am ii.

1 kn-iv .*t that

..s 011 li. -^i Joes not iiuli-

B such hostility.

336 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.

before his departure, was a death-blow to his hopes
in the new world. During: the first two. years after

O t/

his arrival his efforts in behalf of the natives appear
to have produced nothing more than a few decrees,
comparatively unimportant. Later he resigned his
bishopric, and retired to the college of San Gregorio
de Valladolid, still continuing, however, to take an
active interest in Indian affairs, although he had
already passed his seventy-fifth year. From this re
treat he soon issued to defend the principles which it
had been his life-long labor to maintain.

The conquerors had found a champion in Doctor
Juan Gines Sepulveda, who contended that it was
lawful to make war on the natives and enslave them
in order to promote their conversion and prevent
human sacrifices. Las Casas presented thirty propo
sitions in refutation of this view in which he main
tained that over a nation whose only sin was idolatry
no authority could be justly exercised save by peaceful
conversion. Though this was clearly a condemnation
of the policy of Spain in the New World, the sincerity
of Las Casas and the justice of his cause prevented
the king from taking offence at his boldness, and in
duced him to permit the unrestricted publication of
his works while those of his opponent were forbidden
to be printed. Henceforth he continued to be con
sulted on all questions of importance concerning the
Indians, his time being devoted mainly to the writing
of his history.

In 1555 Philip, who had lately ascended the
throne, and was then in England, proposed to sell the
right of the crown to the reversion of the encomien-
das. Las Casas, ever on the alert, saw that this
meant perpetual slavery, and determined to exert all
his powers to prevent the measure. Through the
king s confessor, who had written to him on the sub
ject, 22 he made a bold and earnest appeal to the royal

2 For a copy of the letter see Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 290,
338; also Las Casas, Oeuvres, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective.

DKATII OF I.

Tin- appeal was not in vain,
tli: Or the final einancip.

lia!

II to the IS \Vorld

Bentation to tin- ;n&lt;-il of I ndi-s of th
ine and prejudi h d
nat ivea of ( mala l&gt;v t!
the andiencia of tli- Cmifin. Jn 1569, p

. the and

la. J Ie did not live to

howev; r, for falling ill at Madrid, be died in .July
, in his niin-ly -lid \var. II.-

IM .-oiniiio ij, j in tliu convent chaj
of At&lt;

Judi;-r&lt;l ly liis v/orks Las (

philanthropisl ot Iiisa^o. Lik. all vi-_

iona:

on wliicli t ln-y d
Unflinching &lt;-oura^ ; - and tenacity with which 1: in-

inrd i;i : 1 lis coin; -r tl;

and hi i alihoi ivM*-.- for thrir &lt;));

by his i aihuv to all".

ferings, until it had become the all-al

)ivd 1; y a&lt;-t and word. I n j&gt;u;

could intimidate hii T&lt;&gt; Ivti

1 1- lir&gt;itati-(l not in I

can T &lt;&gt;f an

. ;lid i or t:

t tViomls. the cnniit;,
in !!. adinittol thai 1

n Mil ra gainst his opp&lt; md tot hi

d his i ivju.-n:

- with which 1

unlii for dealing i

Hairs t! Id.

I A ; of 1

aiTOgai ritahli"

t hat thi oahly dii

HIST, c II. 22

338 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.

his motives none can doubt, and while no defence can
vindicate the name of his adversaries from the charge
of injustice and cruelty, the errors of Bartolome de
Las Casas are forgotten, and his spirit of noble self-
devotion and high-souled philanthropy will make him
known to all posterity as one of the greatest benefac
tors of his race.

The establishment of the audiencia of the Confines
and the attempted enforcement of the new laws
produced the same excitement in Chiapas as in other
territories, but the transfer of this province to the
jurisdiction of the new audiencia caused no change in
its local government. The alcalde mayor, however,
still the chief authority, ruled with greater rigor, and
by the appointment of deputies in all of the native
towns greatly increased the burden of their inhabi
tants. 23

Through the solicitation of Las Casas, Diego Ram
irez, of whom mention has been made in connection
with the history of Mexico, 24 was sent to investigate
the alleged oppression of the natives and their oppo
sition to their Dominican teachers. He appears to
have been an upright judge, and favorable to the
Indians, but even his efforts, supported as they were
by various decrees in their favor, did not accomplish
the desired object. 25

After the departure of Ramirez, matters relapsed
into their former condition. Within less than a year,
however, Cerrato having taken charge of the audi
encia determined to remedy these abuses, declaring
that the natives continued to be destroyed without
pity, the previous official visits having accomplished
nothing. 23

2:J RoUes, Chiapa, 27-8.

2t //is. Max., ii. 570 et seq., tins series.

25 fiamirez, Cartas, April 26, 1548, A},ril 20, 1540, in Pacheco and Car
denas, Col. Doc., vii. 201-4; Fr. Torre, Carta, Aug. 3, 154S, in Squier s MSS. t
.xxii. 94-6.

* 6 Carta, Sept. 28, 1548, in Squier s MSS., xxii. 81-2.

-TOXIO I ,L. 339

Before the arrival

i done to improve 1 1.
condition nati?

encoui. 1 by tL in i he i

or during their j. nini- m point t ;it.

.Inde.-d, it v, to believe Remesal, and in tl

Stance we ni;iy certainly do I ml!

morally and religiously more degrad
ian than under ]&gt;a^an domination. Id-.!
openly practised, and to their former vie

t tho Spaniards, which their chiefs, :

jtrivcd in o-i cat part of their authority, were ] W

less to restrain. Little cared the en ho

souls or Bodies of the Indians if t! -juir-

were but promptly paid. r l h labors oi the 1 mini-

cans were ofc-ouis-- interrupted l&gt;y th-- p&lt;

which they were subjected i of i ip-

]&gt;&lt;&gt;rt of Las ( .- Alms were rel u-

their supplies soon becoming exha

ih. mpoi ary convent and proc.-cd.-d t

town of Chiapas whence, having fixed upon int.

their 1. of OJ .dually

their labors &lt;.\ r the provin&lt; Tir d

in tin ir way every obstacle that self ii

could devise, but tl

friars &lt; . til opposition, and v. hen in I .

came to their BUpporl th

tablished ivents including t!

Real, ami had visited and carri
the n UK &gt;tes1 pa; t he provin

\nton i&gt;

I it in (

r inriii
dili in P&lt;&gt; short a

regret t .1 tl

aut!

In- a-
tliy oi - m *

340 THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.

order to avoid a very long list. He was indebted to Conde de la Gomera,
president of the audiencia of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official
papers of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The advantages
enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the work an exceedingly valu
able contribution to Central American history. Its value, however, is less
ened by the great number of typographical and other errors which it con
tains. These are very important, especially where dates are concerned.
While a large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of
great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by reference to
other authors. In the portion of his work which relates to the conquest of
Guatemala, many inaccuracies are observed. In fact, Ramesal was hurried,
and often biassed. His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant
and inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his manuscript
to Tortjuemada, by whom it was highly approved and its publication advised.
This occurred in the city of Mexico. But meantime a storm was brewing else
where. The work was by no means to the liking of certain parties in Guate
mala. By means of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more
particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade against the new his
tory, these enemies raised up a tempest of indignation against Remesal and his
book, especially in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and
powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition \vas overcome. See
pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born in the town of Allariz in Galicia,
and on the 9th of October 1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at
Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican order. Dur
ing the time he remained in their convent, he failed not to observe the excel
lent system of government under which the society worked, and occupied
his time in perusing the acts of the chapters held in the convent. He was so
impressed with the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded
to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work on the
origin of the province, written by Friar Tomas de la Torre, fell into his hands.
This suggested to him to undertake a history that would embrace both secu
lar and ecclesiastical matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he
prosecuted to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when suf
fering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully perused in a single "day
the whole of the first book of the archives of Guatemala city, after having
submitted to a severe surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he jour
neyed over all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular, studying
the books of the cabildos of different cities and towns. The evidence he thus
obtained was in many instances at variance, he states, with printed books
and histories of his own religion. The authors of these whose names he does
not mention he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the ground
that later research will necessarily produce different accounts of events. See
his preface. Remesal was a fearless writer. Perhaps he had some leaning
to the descendants of the conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce
the acts of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner severely
condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard to the cruel oppres
sion of the Indians. But his statements are to be accepted with caution,
especially where Las Casas or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort
is spared to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and to expose
the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To this end all sorts of prob
able and improbable situations and adventures are described, wherein the
religious eventually triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or
omitted, the true versions of which it is evident must have come within his
observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations, even the thoughts
and feelings of the leading actors, are described with a minuteness of detail
that is astonishing considering the lapse of time over 75 years. The account
of the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be looked upon as
a fiction, while the author s inventive faculty has had much to do with that
of the opposition to Las Casas in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas
doings in Gracias d, Dios seems also greatly exaggerated.

CHAPTER XX.

MAKKOMUX AND LAS CAS AS IX Ql MALA AND Y! AZ.

1541-1660,

&gt;BAL \Y\\Ti:n A I

] -Two CONTI.N; -CiiAKiTAr.u: Ixsnv

-DOMINICAN C

THM;I L\i:nus MOTOI.INIA F&lt;&gt;

! AM ]&gt;( i. MI MOANS LA \

M His I- I;;-T I

HIM . v LCD] : \SA

-Pi:o&lt; \vv

CANCX& fl lv\ri:i&gt;i i io\ ro FLORIDA
1 ,I;NT CAPTAIN A DOMI

AFTER the destruction of Santi -nd llic ] .il
tin- city to a IKJ\V site tl
Micilral and cpisci.pal rr^id,-; jr. 1

means, how. . i&lt;&gt;r llu? &lt; f \\

could not In- immediately prormvd. Tli- l-i-!ioj 1

caused to lc built a ln-rini: . calk-d , c

Lu vvliidi served temporarily ]&gt;ari-!i elm;

in tin- new -i \ . J Tlie removal &lt;&gt;f

. Daoreover, a matter which did ii t d .d iij
ber the decision of the cahildo or jnvl;

Inith hi- M ; ud the pope had U&gt; b d u

inoineiitous a (juest mn. The necessity of perm
nun to make such a chan-v was pointed "tit 1

1 The .M cliun-h h.i l cost nioro tli.-m 10,000 pesos, r.

onl .

ami that h-- aid lii:
:n- IR-V. *&&amp;gt;

1 I

342 MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

cabildo by the bishop, who during a visit to Acajutla
was informed by that body that the roof of the old
church had been removed. 3 With regard to the build
ing of the new cathedral few particulars are known,
other than that the bishop was compelled for a num
ber of years to appeal to the king for aid in its com
pletion. 4

Marroquin s bishopric, indeed, was not a rich one.
In 1542 he represents to the king the objection of
the settlers to pay tithes, which they regarded as an
unheard of demand, and implores his Majesty to en
force the payment to the church of one tenth of all
tributes. 5 He, moreover, assures him that his salary
of five hundred thousand maravedis was not sufficient
to meet the demands of hospitality and charity, and
requests that a portion of the revenues of Honduras
and Soconusco be granted to him. 6

But the colonists were not easily compelled to pay
their tithes of cacao, 7 maize, and feathers, and in 1545
the bishop again brought the matter before the notice
of the throne, declaring that the frequency of disputes

3 Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes of the cabildo
he did not approve of the pulling down of the church, and ordered it to be
re-roofed at his own expense. Arevalo, Col. Doc. Ant /r/., 190-1. Vazquez
states that the old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the
construction of the new one. Chron. de Gvat., 105.

4 In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the subsidy of the
novenos for the erection of the church be continued. The grant was extended
for four more years. In accordance with a second request made in Septem
ber 1547 the grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in
March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos already
granted. Squier s MSS. , xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez states that the building of
the church lasted only three years. Chron. de Gvat., 153.

5 He also complains of the government officials who maintained that he
had no right to tithes during his absence in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1.
Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 274-5.

6 Id., 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the king for an in
crease of salary from 500,000 maravedis to 2,000 ducados, the stipend given
to the bishop of Guatemala and others. Squier s MSS., xxii. 29. The royal
officials were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries and
amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If they fell short of
500,000 maravedis, the deficit was to be supplied out of the royal treasury.
Rccop. de lad., i. G3-4.

7 Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the diocese. Id. , 94.
The payment of tithes on pita the fibre of the agave manufactured into
articles of clothing etc. and balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches
was under consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. Id., 132.

QUARREL]

IM clei ml the col nit

was prejudicial ] 1

poverty hurdi an&lt;l his own ind. b1

! that some compensation mi^ht he i him

for hi&gt; servi 1 the exp - whidi h&lt;

1 in liis vi t&lt;&gt; I londuras and (liiap

theless the colonists maintained a stubborn &gt;n,

and in I .VIS in ha&lt;l BO litt !&lt; iin|r)Vi-l

ro&lt;|uin lor aid from the cr&lt;

Th T Marrotju ni to obtain .-

di&gt;triet (! his diocese \viduiM-l tin- breach 1

and J^-is Casas, tin.- particulars of which ha\
been given, and was one of lh.&gt; can .f ih
which tli prelates hrajH-d upon c-adi P. Tl

])rinc&lt;- : ;t had issin-d a cu&lt;lnl,
t&lt;&gt; the hisliop of Chiapas on th- id of its pr

iniity t&lt;&gt; that provin- This decision Las (

:;iinunicalcd to Marroquin in 1 5 id li-
mutual vituperation, chai
tory, and misrepresentations, ifnol untruthful]

her side. Tl\ &gt; of G mala

of Soconusco ui -in^ tlu-in to app&lt; al agail
tlic i-oyal ccdula, and in a 1 ttet to tl

i-ihcs tin- dio- of L
idiii"- i roni sea to sea. and hr nou^li 1.. r.n-

in half a dozen bishopri hile Lns ( ,

that the liishop of (Guatemala had appropriated d

tri. -ndiiiL; ahno-t to Nicaragua, and

s the asylum of \ id d(

But though Marroquin was thus ini

r-ulti. ith his llock and disputes with hi

lishoj), he lahoivd hard i or the welfa]

hy ioundii: rius diaritahle in ^tituti&lt; I ad

1. I:

. ssnl I

. 1-JO-l, 1- irlu**

344 MAREOQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

his auspices was established between 154G and 1548, 10
the convent of La Concepcion, the first lady superior
being Dona Beatriz de Silva, a nun of the Dominican
convent of Madre de Dios in Toledo. 11 This institu
tion was liberally aided by the crown. 12

About the same time the hospital of San Alejo was
founded by the Dominicans, 13 and in 1849 Bishop
Marroquin founded that of Santiago. This latter
establishment was designed for Spanish and native
patients of both sexes. It was a spacious building
containing four wards, so that the races and sexes
could be kept apart. Marroquin, retaining the office
of administrator, ceded the patronage of this insti
tution to the crown; hence it was known as the
royal hospital of Santiago. 14 While the bishop thus
studied the temporal welfare of his flock, its spiritual
good was ever in appearance at least his anxious care,
and I find his requests for more ecclesiastics almost
as frequent as his petitions for more money. From
both Franciscans and Dominicans he received great
assistance. This last named order had with the rest
of the settlers removed to the new city, 15 having re-

10 In 1546 according to Gonzalez Ddvila, Hist. Ecles., i. 149. Vazquez
states that the convent of La Concepcion was not founded until 1577. Chron.
de Gvat., 153.

11 Remescd, Hist. Chyapa, 441. Vazquez, as previously quoted, however,
states that the name of the first lady superior was Juana de San Francisco,
implying that she was a Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author s
whole account is a contradiction of Remesal s version.

12 The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its founding. Gonzalez
Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.

13 Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 585. Gonzalez Ddvila says that Marroquin
Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alcxo, donde se cura Iiidios y Espanoles, que
oy es Hospital Real, en aiio 1647 a misprint for 1547 Teatro Ecle*., i. 150.
This hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no longer
capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont to turn out into the
streets to die like dogs. Guat. Santo Domingo en 1734, 55.

14 Vazquez, Chron, de Gvat., 152. Consult also Remesol, Hist. Chyapa,
5S4-6, where a somewhat different account is given. In claiming merit for
his order this author represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital
of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals received liberal
support from the crown.

15 The second opening of the Dominican convent took place about July
1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states that Las Casas arrived at
Santiago in 1535, there is positive evidence that 1536 is the right year. In
the deposition, taken in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the pro
ceeding of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre in his

&lt; ALS. MB

Ceived from immiripalit ^mii-

l&gt;t- of -round whereon to r. build th

provincial chapter of ! ill M

r&lt; aized and pted t ! fc of &lt; ;is

iviqiJarl;. ani/ed, and appointed

sill:. i prior. At tliixlat.- then n-

bera of the community 1&gt;&lt; pri&lt;

I- ray Tonia^ d&lt; la Torre succeeded CasillaSj ly \\h

tini- the nuinlii i- had increased t&gt; &lt;nlv ii

Meantime the i-iv.-tl order of the I
Jil p- I upon the fk-ld of laln.r. AY

members arrived it is not possible i le. A d-

ii Torquemada, l^ray Tnril.i. M.,tnlin: it

in 1 .":;:;, l&gt;y the cu&gt;todia of the order in M . to

found inoi! in ( Jnatrin;da, H ltit tl

lu-nt lishnnMit of Fnin- ma in &gt;

due ilorts of Marroquin. At the entr&lt;

of ll.at ]&gt;i &gt;i\ iViar- it tVoin Sj-ain in

1539, and arrived at Mexico in l ."&gt;!&lt;&gt;, th-

havin-- been paid l.y him. 20 After r- ix

inont 1 that ey pro- ! t .

ina la, In it at T&lt; . their

( ^ca fell sick and di Tl. tnti

lonco in. ntioiis th;it tin- ]&gt;aclp

a-
the s;i "8

264, Torque]

A i:.i :;&lt;lii)Lr&lt;&gt; i 1 .rt \\ c. n t he calillo ;upl r-srelat

I,
whii. h had &lt;! nu-&lt;l t :

i &lt; &lt;|ual

;rli;ih. !(H(li-l lO8UrCi&gt; Cllhu.

ml i;&gt;
On t:
lini:i :

i at I! maiia;- tft,

torn. \

: these f ri.-ir Alonso do Casascca. . also ilc )M

:l(U-r;is.

Id.

l.iui. \ azqufZ^L hron.&lt;.l a.

346 MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

ued their journey and were received at Santiago with
every demonstration of welcome. By private con
tributions and with the assistance of the bishop they
were enabled to erect a humble dwelling 1 , 22 in which

they discharged the duties of their calling with as
punctual and strict observance as if it had been a con
vent of the highest order. After the destruction of
Santiago appropriate ground was allotted to them for
the erection of their convent, church, and other build
ings, 23 and by June 1542 an unpretending monastery
had been built. When the Franciscans had acquired
some knowledge of the native tongues, they engaged
in missionary labors throughout the country. 24

The need of more friars was, however, urgent, and
ere long Fray Valderas, with the approval of the
bishop, went to Spain in order to procure more mem
bers of his order. He soon accomplished his mission
and returned with twelve brothers to Mexico, Un
happily in their haste to engage in their labors most
of them broke down on the long and toilsome journey
to Santiago, and died. 25 At a later date, however,
the want was somewhat relieved by the arrival of
Motolinia with a considerable number of his order. 28

The Franciscan order was now firmly established

22 Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent badly out of repair
built by Franciscans formerly in the country. Coventico, que por entoces
apenas tenia vn lienzo de horcones. Id. , 59.

23 Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment signed by the joint
governors Marroquin. and Cueva. It is without date, but Vazquez infers that
it was given during October 1541, when lots were being distributed. /(/., 167.

24 They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting the Indians into
towns. Fray Ordotiez remained in charge of the monastery; Gonzalo was
sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo and Alva to the Quiches and Cakchiquels
respectively. Id., 60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.

& Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384-5; Torquemada, iii. 338-9.

26 Both the date and number of friars are matters of dispute. Torquemada
states that Motolinia was sent in 1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera,
comisario general of the order, with tM T elve of the 150 friars whom he had
brought to Mexico that year. Torqiiemada, iii. 337, 339. He follows Mendieta,
Hist. Eclf.s.y 385. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq.,
supports Torquemada as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24.
Vazquez, on the authority of Fund, de la Prov. de S. Franco de Guat. MS.,
1583, Lizana, Hist. Yuc., a letter of Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the
minutes of the cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in
1544, with 20 or 24 friars. Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 102, 105-6, 440.

TIT:

in Cua Hum ei

had been founded- into a

Yucatan, 1 and i -1 &lt;li, r tli- m-

try. J Ir then returned to !M . d was SU&lt;

in liis oiliee of custodio by Fray Gon/alo

dei

The je.M lousy which existed between the Doinin-
;iii&lt;l FTUI ins \ xhibited in Gua

&lt;&gt;i:;_dy as elsewhere, and the li

currc&lt;L and opposition off I by 1
lishrd order to the new-conn-i- . \

that many of the Franciscans lefl theprovhi li

I d- tin- rilorts of Bishop Marroquin thc-y would lia
ahandoncd the iidd. 31

Li 1547 the coinisario general states tl there
Avere only twelve Frai, in (\\\ d re-

(jii- "hat youir^ members of tin; order,

j\iirin^ the native lan^uau e, b II.

ini])! 1 :i the einjiei or the in-

separate fields of tabor to the two or, to

noted that the Train inimical to t

Th&lt; ((invent next f that at Sant:

1 : then 1 1 otlii 1 :

M -."&gt;. !U(). There ia some do .-lingof

tli- . vxlia in (Iiiati-nr * ea-

(I in l."&gt;."ii. following Mendieta. \ : the

! and 1 !&lt;&gt;_ . 1

! ! :

.vim .

into a pn.vin

iil in &lt; .al;i in 1. )!;!&gt;. l i_;., n a, in / &lt;

28 Tin- ori-

- four or six.

.lx&gt;rs i: see //

tli!

18 T ililo oi

Motolin;

that ii:

ser 103-0.

in.il.il languages had

348 MAEROQTJIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

Mercenaries, who are described as being detrimental
rather than beneficial to the cause of the church. 33

The disagreement between the two highest regular
orders was not based entirely upon a struggle for
supremacy. Each had its distinct views with regard
to the method of implanting Christianity in America.
The Dominicans, led by their unyielding chief Las
Casas, would not recognize wholesale baptism as prac
tised by the Franciscans, and they would not admit
that the interests of the conquerors were compatible
with the welfare of the conquered races. The Fran
ciscans, with Motolinia as their leader, imagined that
a system of ecclesiastical and civil policy could be
adopted which would conduce to the interests of both
the dominant and conquered races. This order did
not object to the sword being called into operation;
the Dominicans denied it as a means of advancing
the gospel. The Dominicans were uncompromisingly
opposed to slavery; the rival order not so, and I am
inclined to think that the Franciscans honestly be
lieved that under the pressure of the encomenderos
and the impossibility of rapid manumission, more
benefit could be obtained for the natives by a tolerant
system of servitude, supervised by the religious orders,
than by a sudden change. It is unnecessary to relate
the bitter denunciations that each leader uttered
against the other. While it is to be regretted that
Motolinia in his fierce attack on Las Casas appears
to have been guided by a spirit not altogether free
from jealousy, 34 it cannot be disputed that the indis
creet zeal of Las Casas gave dissatisfaction to eminent
men even in his own order. 35

It was through the exertions of Bartolome de Las
Casas that the pacification of Yera Paz was achieved
without the aid of an armed force. The native name

33 Zapata, Carta, Destruyen i ??o edifican. Id., 40.

34 Las Casas, in Quint ana, Vidas. 207-8.

35 According to Motolinia, Hist. Ecles., 259, 268, Fray Betanzos wrote
a letter to Las Casas attributing much evil and scandal to his mode of
proceeding.

;.: ,

rritor !utl;iii.

ir entrance into ( ruai

fill llbdue it. and from t!

r oj tli

Its dimmsio!

entered it nearly corr : \vii!i i1

In l .".7 1 IVia &gt;nvenl al ( oK-m r,

\ era 1 alivady Loimdrd l.y royal

(1 sixty leagues from
ri\vr Xi; the ri\vr /

;! I from south to noi-tli, inx-n
northern slope of tin? ( anal and Jial.inal :
The sui and moiint;ii!

all:. unknown, and t! i diahitant

lil Nevertheless \^\^ ( lasas I !--

it in d-!iancf of dan^ri 1 ,

Previous to pill)!! [ a 1 . 40 in

which ]( condemn &gt;n&lt;pi&lt;"4 l&gt;y i o; nd

I that to rivil : :

tr; F subjugation. T

illy up! .;-o hoth iVom the pulpit aii l in

conv&lt; I lii- teachi im

al ridiculi- and cnmii
of Santiago daivd hi: pul his priii

M Meaning land f&gt;f war; tli
;t l&gt;y th" ] )i-iiii:

\ . i. 1 . .,;. &lt;
\vritLcii l&gt;y &lt;^

!i.

Minn
of t!

;

t the t

ies, IK

40 i

350 MARHOQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

by accomplishing the conquest of Tuzulutlan. The
undaunted padre accepted the challenge, and in con
junction with Fray Rodrigo de Laclrada and Fray
Pedro de Angulo, agreed to undertake the perilous
enterprise on the condition that the natives should
never be assigned in encomiendas, and that for a
period of five years, dating from the entrance of the
friars into the province, no Spaniards should be per
mitted to enter the country. 41

Las Casas at once proceeded to put his designs in
execution, and by the employment of converted Ind
ians and the establishment of frontier posts, opened
friendly relations with the hitherto exclusive inhabi
tants of Vera Paz, 42 and laid the basis of the future
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of Spain. 43

41 Las Casas, in Quintano, Vidas, 238-9. These terms were guaranteed by
Maldonado in May 1537 according to Ilcmesal. Hist. Chyapa, 122-3. They
were approved by the audiencia of Mexico in February 1539, and by the
emperor in November 1540. Real CeduZa, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.Doc. t
vii. 14G-5G.

* 2 Pelaez, Mem. de Gnat., i. 153.

43 Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account of the method first
adopted by Las Casas, but one which, I apprehend, is more an invention
than a true statement of facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues
as composing verses in the Quiche" tongue, narrating the principal mysteries
of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to four Indian
merchants, who were in the habit of journeying into Tuzulutlan. The lord
of Zacapulas was a formidable and powerful chief called by Remesal Don
Juan. To him the four merchants were instructed to go and sing their can
ticles, having been provided with various articles from Spain such as would
excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable, and the interest awakened
by their songs, the novel presents which they brought, and their description
of the peace-loving men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited
by the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was planned and
Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the Indian traders. His mis
sion was successful. The cacique was persuaded to embrace Christianity,
destroy his idols, and be baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas
determined still further to extend the work in person, and in December
1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then extended
their journey into the more remote districts of Tuzulutlan and Coban, being
provided with an escort by the cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade
them from their hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was,
however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some opposition
among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord of Coban, they completed
their journey and returned early in 1538. Ifist. Chyapa, 122-4, 135-40.
Consult also Fernandez, Hist. Edes., passim; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas,
174-6; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 793-G. Now this
account savors at least of inaccuracy. The efforts of Las Casas and his com
panions, previous to his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the
frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation. In February
1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor, after mentioning the arrival

N&lt; ik of con ion could n

^htv. Eiccomplished. Though L &lt;

n&gt;nv; C tin- )&gt;: ahility of bifi

small numlxT of friar&gt; in the .

immedii .lion impossible, ? - &gt;j-

IOH v, iiis 1,. , and in,

views, and although the work v qm under 1

far as th ion of

!, lie frit liinix-lf &lt;-&lt;&gt;ni}&gt; T. nd

oprrali. int.il lie liad liad a ]&gt;.-r&gt;on;il in; ith

I inj)rro: Accordingly he left (

]ror- \vay of ^Mexico to S})uin.

me Dominicans who brought with thci:i .l&gt;s erra

these

;i hi i.:;:r ! I ^&gt;
i, ha &lt;1 tra Ki!.

":o and
r., xiii. : I -ogress

ie spir:

J hc in of the two lords of th i

i coin; :

. ! 1J, . that \

i ") the ; ipcror ;

I. 1 t!ia ;

Don

llcl]

Laa

(

352 MAREOQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

On his arrival at court lie advocated his system of
peaceful conquest with his usual vigor, but his action
gave great offence to the cabildo of Guatemala. Two
indignant letters w T ere addressed to the emperor attribu
ting to him the existing troubles and turmoils. 46 The
direct cause of these despatches was the receipt of
two decrees obtained by the representations of Las
Casas, the first of which was addressed to the bishop
and governor of Guatemala and intended to remedy
the prevailing neglect in the religious instruction of
the Indians and negroes. It ordered that at a stated

hour each day, all such as were not already instructed
should be taught their religious duties. 47 The second
guaranteed to Las Casas and his companions, in their
labors in Tuzulutlan, freedom from interference on
the part of the Spaniards. 4 At the same time he
obtained other documents authorizing him or his com
panions to take such Spaniards as they themselves
might select into the converted regions. Letters of
thanks, also, were sent to such caciques as had aided
in the work begun, and lastly as a precaution against
the interference of Alvarado, the assistance of certain
caciques was secured to the Dominicans, and the
adelantado and his lieutenant commanded not to in
terfere with them. 49

able to his design. The undertaking was extremely difficult, but through
the curiosity of roaming natives and the friendly invitations of the original
settlef s, the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500, including neo
phytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted in this work by Fray Luis
Cancer, who availed himself of the opportunity of visiting the interior as far
as the towns of Coban. Hist. Chyapa, 143-4.

46 These were respectively dated November 17, 1539. and April 20, 1540.
In the first of these he is charged with insisting upon the liberation of certain
slaves under penalty of their owners being refused the sacraments. Gavarrete,
Cop. Doc., 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he was travelling about
rather than looking after the Indians que estan tie guerra and nuiica los
vio. Ni creemos que tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos. Arcvalo, Col. Doc.
Antlg., 15-10.

47 Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540, can be found in
Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro EcJes., i. 146-7; and Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 152.

48 This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also provided that in
the event of the collection of tribute being decided upon by Las Casas the
governor or bishop should appoint a proper person. Id., 153, et seq; Recu
Cedvla, in Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-9.

49 This decree, however, was not issued until January 28, 1541. Remesal,
Hist. Chaa 155-G.

sr rm: TKIAI

1 &gt;ut I A \ &lt; aware that th&lt;

and exeention of a &lt;i in tin- \ &lt;&gt;rld w&lt;

two different ID;I . I ! li;i&lt;l learned

that suhteii oimnonh -i !, d to ID rd

pre\mt the enforcemenl ot .r delay it- .|

ation until tli -r- - no lo nd

tills without the rhar-v uf disloyalty h in-mT. d.

r rii aony of kissing tin- riyal &lt;&gt;n! ,d j-1

it upon the head was duly and ! v |-

I ornied, but it it could ! cdleged thai hifi M
liad leen misinformed, Around lr aj&gt;j&gt;eal \\..

established, and it- execution j&gt;o&gt;tj&gt;on.-d until a trutli-

i ul ement of the question could be submitted to

the kii! This delayed the arrival &lt;! the iinal .

ci&gt;ion until it became ino{)ei-ati\e, and th

of ryal orders was at this time .v l&gt;y tin;

L;is Casas consequently repr

abuses to the council and procured a iinal
\vhich entrusted the ciijorcenn-ut of the pi
ones to the audieneia &lt;t .Mexico, authorizing that
court to punish disobedience to preViow

In 1541 iM-ay Luis Cancel- returned to Guatemala,
and continued in \Ym Ta/ the w..rk of converei
inaugurated hy Las Casas. From this time the pa- iii-
tinn proju-r may he considered t&gt; ha\
T\ eitions of Las ( &lt;luri me he

mained in Spain W( aa the reader ua alreadj
mainly diiveted to the promulgation

of la , In I 5 L5 he a --a in arrived in N

take charge of his di. ill he h-i r i-

and in July, being anxious t

that had been made in Vera Pax, he vi&gt;

My.iut in? tins ." ptMig*

Las Casas
.1 fuiiilaiii-n: UCC80 do la ]

con solo dos religioeos.

:-c on his ill-:,

!&lt;,*/, / Jf /* 1 *

Uui. &lt;

354 MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

province. He found the condition of affairs to be so
satisfactory that he caused the depositions of six
Spaniards to be taken for the purpose of reporting to
the emperor the true nature of the conquest of this
formerly warlike region. From the statements of
these deponents it appears that previous to the en
trance of the Dominicans the inhabitants of these
districts opposed all attempts to subdue them, 51 but
that by infinite labor and care the friars had over
come their ferocity and exasperation. In his progress
through the country the bishop everywhere met with
a kind welcome. Escorted by Don Juan, a son of
the lord of Coban,, with many of his subjects, he pro
ceeded from town to town, 5 " receiving offerings and
presents at each place. At Coban he was gratified
to find that a substantial wooden church had been
erected, and that every day many natives eagerly re
ceived religious instruction. Proceeding thence to
the town of Tuzulutlan he there met Bishop Marro-
quin, who was making a similar visit/ 3 and I appre
hend that the two prelates did not entertain such
friendly feelings to each othep as had been displayed
to both of them by the natives.

51 Bishop Marroquin states, that nearly the whole of this region to the
northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado, and that a hundred Span
iards settled therein. They afterward abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the
more important affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was
forgotten. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238.

52 Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula, uno de los
pueblos de paz que sirven a los espanoles en la ciudad de Guatemala, at which
place four caciques of Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to
Fatal and Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. Information, in Pacheco and Carde
nas, CoL Doc., vii. 210. From the same document it may be gathered that at
the time of the visit the friars in the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis
Cancer, Juan de Sant Lucas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de
Azcona, and two others whose names are not mentioned.

53 Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly and ungenerous re
marks against Las Casas: yo ae" que el ha de escribir invenciones 6 imagina-
ciones, que ni dl las entiende ni entendera en mi conciencia: porque todo su
edificio y fundameuto va fabricado sobre hipocresia y avaria, y asi lo mostr6
luego que le fue dada la mitra. But I do not find that the bishop of Guate
mala differs in any material point from the bishop of Chiapas in his account.
He says, y media legua antes que llegase salio todo el pueblo hombres y
mugeres a me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes . . . y alabe" mucho a Dios en
ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principle, and admits fui-ther on that the
friendly reception was due to the method adopted by the friars. He describes
the land as la mas fragosa que hay aca, no es para que pueblen espanoles en

1:1

I !ut La- CasaS li:il still to learn that bow&lt;

-I ul his own -Hurts li;i,l been In- &lt;-ould nut ward ujf

the oppres&gt;ion of liis countrymen. Tin- span;
now began bo enter tin- region, impose trilm;

make slaves Bfl W8B their wo; ml in ()ct&lt;.l..-r fol

lowing K ray Luis Cancer wrote to bii -tin- pr
being then at Gracias 4 l)i&lt; in- - that more than

o o

seven hundred slaves of Loth & had been tal.

1 roni the town of Tuzulutlan aloiir, an&lt;l that the

ti il)iit(! wliicli the natives of Vera I *a/ were cal!
upon t&gt; pay was intolerable. 94 Mot , ,n

tind, greatly to his mortification, that his peaceful

in of convc-rsioii was not necessarily unatt-nle.l

ly Bloodshed, as \\as shown a few years later ly tliu

martyrdom of Luis Cancer and two broth t the

Dominican order.

In lf&gt; 17 Fray Cancer and Las ( returned to
Spain, and ly their representations indue, d the em
peror to consent to an expedition to Florida T
eondneted ly the former on the sy&gt;t&lt; m ly which
the paeiiic.-ttion of Yera ]*a/ was accomplished II
.Majoty rxtended every facility to the friar, supply!
him with funds and issuing an order which would

i-nalile him to ohtain every encouragemeni and ai&lt;l

from the authorities in .Mexico. 66 The friar made i

c-ll;i j-.or scr tan fra.LTosa y jv.l.i-. 19O9, ii.

also M&gt;i,-i-n,jn;n t in Souier * )i also states

tha: asof great ami &lt;l-ns.

truth as large as r i 1 V liiin.

. _ -}. {.
6 * -Kl ti-ilmto &lt;iuc ticiifii air ra et int&lt;&gt;! . catla ocheota cliaacloscientas

fca0, ni. &gt; lo.s /iquipi!

!;i n.iin n -n l.is mi: !, too,

. from Tii/uliitlan a t&gt;\\M il..i;
la With r.-xanl to tin- tnl.utr li-

.,11 si John ;iml thf ot

mas. P ""!."""

M c..iiii.la \\-i\n\.

i f.,r tin- ],ui-i&gt;&lt;.s,- .f K.-
mala wraa

ln.1, . tli&lt;- 01 haviii

an. I in ir.77 ti. metal,

,\\n fumii with M
goods were jiuivha.^ pose ol -, with the Indians, The mar

356 MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA.

preparations with great enthusiasm; yet he met with
considerable delay, caused by the unfavorable light in
which his dangerous enterprise was regarded in Spain.
He had great difficulty in obtaining a pilot, and in
deed, although he had hoped to procure the assistance
of four or six colleagues, two only were found ready
to risk their lives in the cause. "All Seville," he
wrote, "is surprised at this undertaking; those who
most fear God approve of it; others think that we are
going to the slaughter-house."

Writing these prophetic and ill-omened words on the
very day of his departure Fray Luis sailed on his last
voyage from Spain. Few particulars of his expedi
tion are known, except the manner of his death. On
his arrival in Mexico he obtained the assistance which
the king ordered to be extended to him, and about the
middle of 1549 set sail from Vera Cruz, accompanied
by Frailes Gregorio de Beteta, Juan Garcia, Diego
de Tolosa, and a lay brother named Fuentes. Con
trary to his express desire the captain of the vessel
landed him at a part of the Florida coast where
Spaniards had previously committed depredations
and thus exasperated the natives. Unconscious of
this act of carelessness, 57 Fray Cancer, accompanied
by Tolosa and the lay brother, proceeded on his mis
sion, but the ill-fated ecclesiastics had not advanced
far from the shore when they were assailed by Indians,
and immediately beaten to death with clubs. 55

addressed three letters to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being
dated February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give the
year, but there is little doubt that they were written in 1548. Copies of these
letters are to be found in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 184-201.

56 Jbtd. Remesal states that Cancer took no companions with him from
Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican convent in Mexico three
friars and a lay brother. Hist. Chyapa, 515. There can be no doubt, how
ever, that two of these accompanied him from Spain. See Pacheco and Car
denas, Col. Doc., vii. 199.

57 Both Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150-1, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 515-16,
attribute the catastrophe which followed to the action of the captain, who,
they assert, was well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of
Cancer. Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger, but re
fused to land farther off under the pretext that four Spanish armies had dis
embarked at that point without meeting with resistance. Omvres, i. 405.

5a Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that the cacique of the

Tliis d: tX&gt;U8 termination of I
\vhirh i ind Ills advor had

milch V &gt; hitt. r U[&gt; which his opponent- did !

ill 11 t&gt; hold out t&lt; him. Y t this stout comhatan? for
tin ,1 of Moodle-- pacilication yielded not an i

in his principles, and al&gt;ly defended himself

S&lt; jullvrdn ly maintaining that the previous cr

duct of the Spaniards on tin-

tin- t ly in Florida.- The career of I &gt; &lt; B in
( 1. nd tin- appointmenl of Cei nor

of Guatemala ha livady been

lilHii-iiiu r village was &lt;1 that the mnrdi-rod friars had i&lt;

:it liave ronvt rscd \\ith tlu-m, and that i cau?tl

ictimB i itripped off and stretched npoo the wall

while their heads vri Bed with cotton and

vn pr.r .itr, d-

&gt;. ///-/. i ii .. Acoordiog to the a

and HiiM&gt; four i tt-injn . I :. aii,

and FraiK : Jn tlirsr

st thrir livrs. In a si . .,!,. 1 ;r
j_aiiicd a lootliold in the foiintry, and in Itil J a |

founded l&gt;y the chaj.t ral at I;&lt;&gt;ni&gt;. &gt;18 I . . I

I :x nat
m&gt;l l- family, and ]&gt;ro!irinit in \ . !!

la, thence to I ll, rto Etloo, \\
and a ; later j ! to &lt;

liande/, // i-t that on a voyage from v :

was t-aptun-d l&gt;y Turkish j.irates. l.ir jiul^ e

jle-ndiiilfd and ile\out i ary, lil. ;ousai

and saiiiruine of |

M La-
letter to the kiui:, dated January -. l.V.."i. while ui

p. 1 int&gt; Florida. LAsCM**.

&lt;)l. Doc., i. L

CHAPTER XXI.

GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1551-1600.

QTTESADA S ADMINISTRATION THE OIDOR ZORITA GATHERS THE NATIVES
INTO TOWNS EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LACANDONES ITS FAILURE
LANDECHO APPOINTED QUESEDA S SUCCESSOR His RESIDENCIA TAKEN
BY THE LICENTIATE BRIZENO FAMINE, PESTILENCE, AND EARTHQUAKE
IN GUATEMALA THE AUDIENCIA OF THE CONFINES REMOVED TO PAN
AMA AND AGAIN TRANSFERRED TO GUATEMALA GONZALEZ APPOINTED
PRESIDENT HE is SUCCEEDED BY VILLALOBOS CHANGES IN CHURCH
AFFAIRS DEATH OF BISHOP MARROQUIN QUARRELS BETWEEN THE
DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS BISHOPS VILLALPANDO AND C6RDOBA
FRACAS BETWEEN Two ECCLESIASTICS ADMINISTRATION OF PRESI
DENTS VAL VERDE, RUEDA, SANDE, AND CASTILLA INDUSTRIAL CONDI
TION OF THE PROVINCE.

CERRATO S successor was Doctor Antonio Rodri
guez de Quesada, an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico,
and a man of learning and ability. Though appointed
November 17, 1553, he did not assume office until the
beginning of 1555. 1 The residencia of the former pres
ident and oidores was soon begun, and completed some
time in May. 2 Quesada was active in establishing
reforms, and it w^as to the Indian question that his
principal efforts were directed. The president deter
mined to complete the organization of Indian towns,
hoping thus to compel the natives to adopt a civilized
mode of life and establishing in them a municipal gov
ernment similar to that of Spanish settlements, the

1 Jan. 14th, according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 222; evidently before the
beginning of March. See Quesada, Carta, May 25, 1855, in Squier s MSS.,
xxii. 1-3.

2 Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it finished.

(358)

0! IZATIOX OF IM IAX TOWN ;, i

9 bei !)_&lt; confided t tln-h- hereditary chiefs accord-*

in rank

At the reijiieM of the bishop and tin- Domini
&gt;\ incial, tin- audieneiu order- d ( )idor /or , call

a meeting of friar-: and although we have no dir

information as to its object, we may conclude t!

lelated to tin- president s policy, for it v. &gt;ndenii

t In- settlers, 4 and. -hall it f.-r, i

earning into rll -ct of QuesadaV plans was in
part duo to tlir rilorts of Zorita \\lio WAS COmmissiOl
for this j)urpose.

Tlio ^-ork of organizing iln; nati\ as 1

already Ix^n Ix^un in Xirarainia & I 1 - -\&gt;r\i;.

1555, by the licentiate Cavallon, appointed al
vor of that province by the audimci
In the be - inniiiLj of ^larch, Zorita rth on liis

1 O

official tour through the provinc From the 1. -u

of the Dominicans \\&lt;- learn that durin-_r &gt;ix niontlis

vi&gt;ited on foot the most rii-V l p -rti^n- i i
]&gt;i-vince, moderated tribut- nd cori-cct.l abu-
Jn uatherin;4 the natives into towns be found much
diiliciilty, force In-in-- nccessai-y in BOO16 inMain
coni])lisli their removal. This, however, was not

the only opposition encountered, f r as mi-ht be .

d he incurrecl the bitter hostility of th-
Finding him incorru])tible they had recou \B usual
t&lt;&gt; false reports. AVit nesses for any purpo -ulil 1
cheaply bought; and since he would not
Spaniards determined to drive him from the pi-,,\ in.

There is no evident to the re&gt;ult of this hostility,
n&lt;&gt;r ha\-e we anv i urther records of - which

d during Qaesada &gt; 8 administration, s; he

Tliosal - tluMli n wo to hn

inunidad, a s t&gt; -imt.iin tli-ir surplus rarnings, a

nuts of tin- rstati-s of minors ami tin- ileceMetl:
.1 thon; tin- mode of j&gt;;r
Ulul. ;i :i, thc\

.. 17. I

5 ( . 27, 1555, ini mier s M i

7 17, !"

, Dee. , 100:&gt;, iu ^

860 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

mention of a fearful epidemic which swept over the
country in 1558/ and the seizure and pillage of Puerto
de Caballos by four French ships during the same
year. 8

In the letters of the Dominicans already cited, no
special mention is made of Quesada, but in February
1558, the cabildo, in a despatch to the king, urge the
appointment as governor of some person who should be
a gentleman by birth, and have the sole management
of affairs. 9 This would seem to indicate that, what
ever the president s subsequent policy, it was satisfac
tory neither to the ecclesiastics nor to the settlers.

Quesada died in November 1558, and the oidor
and licentiate Pedro Ramirez de Quiiiones took tem
porary charge of the presidency. Ramirez rule was
brief, and the only event of importance of which we
have any record was the expedition in 1559 against
the hostile provinces of Lacandon and Acala. Of
the vast extent of unconquered territory lying beyond
Vera Paz, nothing definite was known at this time
except from the accounts of the march of Cortes to
Honduras, nor had its conquest been attempted.

As early as 1550 attempts at the pacification of the
adjacent province of Acala were begun by the Domini
cans of Vera Paz. For a time their efforts were suc
cessful, but finally, incited by their neighbors and
allies, the majority of the natives refused to receive
the friars, and in 1555 the combined tribes destroyed
the only mission thus far established and murdered
Father Vico, the originator of the attempt, together
with his companion Father Lopez, and a number of
converted Indians from Vera Paz. There is no evi
dence that their pacification was again attempted.

7 Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which no remedy could be
found. The country was almost depopulated. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 157.
Juarros, Gnat. (ed. Lond. 1823), 148.

8 They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted to prevent the
seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks, and made many prisoners.
The viceroy of New Spain was at once notified. Velasco, Carta, Sept. 30, 1558,
in Squier s AISS., x. 1,2.

9 Carta, Feb. 18, 1555, inArevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 25.

THE L S\

Chief anioii _r the wild trihrs of (hi

the Lacandones, who though \ in nun.
ive, hardy, daring, and implaeahl&lt;- in i

nf tin- whit ritor ul -&lt;l from

tern front i r of \ I a/ alon-- t i Ix.nj, r

nt ( hiapas as far as the DFOVinC [ - O .

rliict lo\vn and stronghold w;is &lt;-n a roc] in

Lak- Lacsndon, distanl tw days journey fi
provinc f ( hiajms and Vera I *az. Prom bhia ;
tln-y issued in organized bands, and alon.

raer of these t\v&lt;&gt; provinces 1M1 suddenly &lt;&gt;n tin;
defencelee :tlcnicn(&gt;, leaving a track &lt;&gt;f .

and l&gt;lood. drpi I iniird i ur i:

ITS, nr is there any ivconl of a sin^l- instance of

pursuit or punishment previous to i Emboldei

continued su . tln-y extended tln-ir incui
; flic interior. 1 n 1 552 t ln-y d&lt; in

Chiapas, one of tln-ni witliin lii teen lca;^u-

al. Flic i -k \vas made at niuli 1 . ! Inn of

the terrified inhabitant pc&lt;l. A\ Li! \\^

tlieir captives the natives &gt;l united deri&gt;i : "Cln\

I upon your God to drt eiid you:"
The l.Uliop of Cliia(ias mad

candones, but HJI-Y were t \ d \\ i-

I his in tgers killed. 1 Ic then a;

audieiicia; hut the oidores, lor* ill tin

the i ailure of tlie much-vaunted i wh.

liad in a measure excluded the civil authority tVoia

tin ritory ceded to the Dominicans, coldly n-pl

that the crown liad &gt;trieily jorhidd. -a the makii

r on this jin-yin- IN p^i t- of tl I OOndi-

!i of a: cordingly i. I Al ^

h hy hi-!iop and friars. In COnseqD da

i January 22, 1 i ordered the and.

( miiin. the matter, puni&gt;h the I .

and !t to

\vn. Tin* instruct inn&lt;, lm\\

f"r the audieiicia well knew that nothing &gt;h&lt;&gt;
an arm. ild ,-utlice, and thi did i

362 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

expressly authorize a disregard of the existing in
terdict.

In the mean time the depredations of the Lacan-
dones continued unchecked, and threatened to cause
the abandonment of Vera Paz. Aroused at last to a
full sense of their danger the Dominicans were fain
to acknowledge that the cooperation of the sword was
necessary to the planting of the cross, and so far di
verged from the principles laid down by Las Casas as
to declare in the provincial chapter held at Coban, in
1558, that because of the sacrileges and murders they
had committed, it was not only lawful for the king to
make war on tlie Lacandones, but if need be, in order
to protect his subjects, to exterminate them. 10

In pursuance of this declaration they wrote to the
king and suggested as the only efficient remedy the
removal of the hostile natives to certain unsettled dis
tricts beyond Ciudad Real, thus placing this city be
tween them and the settlements of Chiapas and Vera
Paz. In order to reduce the expense of their removal
it was further suggested that an expedition be author
ized and the Spaniards induced to join it at their own
expense under promise that the Lacandones should
be granted to them in repartimiento. In accordance
with these suggestions a royal cedula dated March
16, 1558, directed the audiencia de los Confines to take
steps for the immediate removal of the Indians. If
practicable it was to be done peaceably, but if force
were necessary all harshness was to be avoided, though
the prisoners taken were to become the lawful slaves
of their captors.

This decree was published in Santiago in the be
ginning of 1559; and attracted by the prospect of
gain thus held out, and the charm of adventure and
mystery which attaches to the invasion of an un
known and hostile province, large numbers of settlers

10 Que no solo le era licito al Hey hazerles guerra, sino q en conciencia
estana a ello obligado, y para a defender a sus subditos totalmete destruy ra
los de Lacandon. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa } 6lG.

Ml IXG OF FORC

in Guatemala and Chiapas offered

expeditioa IV.-id. iit Uamin-/ \\ ppointed co

mander-in-chief, aa In- had alread dn milita!

ijnwii n. .1 altogether merited Early in I

tin- respective forces arrival ;t t ( Ion

inted ivndr/\ous. Th. I I Spanish oo1

&gt;tat-d Imi is &gt;aid t&lt;&gt; have included many perSODS &lt;&gt;t

quality. The troops IVom ( hiapas \vm- command
&lt; ronzalo J )&lt;&gt;\allr, and !. t he colonial n-

LACA WAR.
pn&gt;ed a native contingent of ri--ht hundred warriors.

A thousand Indian- are said to have accompanied the

Spanish i roin Guatemala, Suppli- all kinds w

collected, and t\\o ln--antine- were huilt iii BI as,

1 In-iii-- eapaMe &gt;i holdin-- a hundn-d ni-n.
A &gt;!nall ai in\- of Carriers and attendants \\ M

to transport the \&gt;; and \\ait on th- S rds,

d pivpai-atioiis were on a de Letter befitti

itliet with Kuropeans tlian \\ith Ani -ii At

Coinitlan a i \v was held whieh, ling to,

364 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

Remesal, presented one of the most brilliant specta
cles ever seen in those parts, for no expense had been
spared by the Spaniards in their dress, equipments,
and arms. At last, the flags having been blessed and
mass said, the army set out.

Fifteen days of toilsome march, during which a
path had to be cut through the dense vegetation,
brought them to the shores of Lake Lacandon. At
their approach the natives retreated to the island,
after catching and sacrificing a negro boy who was out
after some corn which grew in the gardens on the
borders of the lake.

From their retreat the Lacandones closely watched
the movements of the Spaniards, who in turn eagerly
scanned the high bare rock with its white houses and
dusky inhabitants, lest any signs of hostile prepara
tion should escape them.

While the work of putting together one of the brigan-
tines was progressing, a few of the natives approached
the shore in canoes and demanded of the Spaniards
their object in thus invading their country. Return
ing they made offers of peace, but as they denied
having more than eleven canoes, the Spaniards sus
pected their design. It was believed that they wished
to induce the Spaniards to accompany them to the
island, a few at a time, where they could easily be de
spatched. The brigantine was soon afterward launched
and as the Lacandones saw it bearing down upon
them they took to flight. 11 Many were captured, in
cluding the principal chief and the high priest. The
houses and other defences of the island having been
destroyed, a force was then despatched to pursue the
savages, and to reduce the stronghold of the Puchut-

*J 7 fj

las, which was also an island fortress, though its exact
position cannot now be ascertained. 12

11 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 621, says many escaped in the direction of Yu
catan through a large rivec connected with the lake which Pelaez, Mem.
Guat., i. 101-2, supposes to have been the Zacapulas.

12 In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether Puchutlas was in
Lake Lacandon or in another lake. Relation, i. Fancourt in his map accom-

ILL AI&gt;\

the town of Topilti

ambuscade, and a f t he Spaniard- \

hut tin- sava iinally put to r.ut, and a la:

supply of p ions was found in the d

A rrivin^ at Puchutla they found the nati 1 . .di-

nessforaefenc Preparations wei-e immediately ;

for the attack, and a raft wafl huilt as 1 1. ond hi

antine had beeil abandoned in the w U, and tli-
rain st the 1 .acandoiies had sunk in
No sooner had the Spaniard- &gt;tarted from ahore than

Indians advanced in their canoes to meel them,

and midway 1.- en the inland and the hank th-
was a -harp encounter which resulted in th- : and

iliidit of the Puchutla The fortre-s was found I

he deserted, the savages having taken the j ution

removing their familie- and property to a |
sal No attempt was made to punish the n.

or to occupy any port ion of their itory, and the

e\l&gt;edition returned to Ci mala ahout Christm
hrin-iii j; with them one hundred and tilty pr

In conjunction with the Spaniards, a large I of
christianized Indians under the native g
Vera Paz invaded the pmvinee of A -ala, admin:

a evere ]&gt;unishmeiit, taking many capti\ :id

lian^in 4* the principal accomplices iu the murd

iatheis Vico and J^oju-/.

Thii^ . uded an edition which had the

&gt;wn nearly lour thousand pesos de oro de min

hut ins to have heeii \\itliollt any ti\el plan,
ductive of no ] i -al result other than

Le.-p t i LVUflres in check tor a time. 14 It - bill

1 O

( S till t

t ..tin i

t tin- i&gt;r"vinces &gt;

[Uciia.

isly obscncs that T
La sml. tliat -
iara Ke

-l&gt;auol atrauoatulo con

366 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

proved most disastrous to the colonists; for, though
some are said to have received a reward for their ser
vices, the majority were left hopelessly involved in
debt for the cost of their outfit, a few miserable
slaves being the only spoils obtained in return for the
expense, hardships, and peril incurred. It was not
long, however, before all the slaves, including their
chief, effected their escape and returned to their
country. Re-occupying their stronghold, it was not
many years before they resumed their depredations,
and, as we shall see, successfully resisted all subse
quent attempts to subdue them.

In 1564 the Puchutlas were induced, through the
efforts of the Dominican Father Laurencio, to submit
to the friars, and settled in Vera Paz. This success
gained for Father Laurencio the title of the Apostle
of Puchutla. 15

In August 1559 the licentiate Juan Martinez de
Landecho, Quesada s successor, arrived in Guate
mala, 16 and entered upon office early in September,
Kamirez being appointed an oidor of the audien-
cia of Lima, and after undergoing the investigation
of his residencia embarking at the port of Acajutla,
whither he was accompanied by the principal author
ities and citizens, who thus showed their recognition
of his worth.

The petition of the cabildo of Santiago that a gen
tleman by birth and education should be sent to
govern them, had at last been answered, and the
members were profuse in their thanks to the crown

saeta le bautizb antes que espirase. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64,
takes the more practical view adopted in the text.

15 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 523-645, forms the chief and original authority
for the foregoing events, and it is much to be regretted that we have no other
account with which to compare his statements. In all subsequent descrip
tions of this expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed
llemesal. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. /tea., 51-80, copies him literally. Pi-
nelo, Relation, 2-4; Juarros, Guat., 258-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-
64, al] follow him. Sqnier, Cent. Amer., 554-61, follows both Villagutierre
and Pinelo.

16 Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 26. Vazquez, Chronica Gvat., 222, says that
he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.

MI-MI. \ A\D Till IMIMP. 367

for this lavor. K\].erience had tan-ht . li&gt; v . .Hint,
in order t&gt; proted and further the ini tin- roj-

Onists, tli^y inu.xf control ; , majority of the nid! ; nd

tliis wi itremely difficult, they had determii

make an effort to have the political admini-t rat :
and distribution of the Indiai 1\- in

the president, Asweha\&lt; the crown had ahv,-id\-

leen petitioned t&lt;&gt; make this change, and it v.

that the new president would COOlfl with the additional
title of governor.

This petition was repeated in the latter ]&gt;;irt
1 .")( (), an&lt;l was successful; for in May of the follwi

ir we find the eabildo attrilmt in;_f tlie in,
prosperity of the country to the granting of th
1 . 17

r J1ie colonists were juhilant that the humane m
Urea &lt;&gt;f Cerrato and of Zorita, which their &lt; &gt;n-tant
eti orts had hitherto failed to accomplish, \ nw

rtam ol deleat. Doctor Mejfa, one of the
was ordTed to make an ollieial tour of the

/orita had leeu tinder the former ndmimV -n.
His measures counteracted the lenetit&gt; of /
lahoi The regulation of trilmte was enti u-ted to

the encotnenderos and caci&lt;jn ua the-e latt.-i-

often hut the creatures of the former, the n Milt
may le readily inferred. 1

The Dominicans were the ol.ject of Mejfa s &gt;ju-rial
dislike, and he siihjerted them to Mich amioya: :!id

cut ion that they \\viv on the point of abandon!

province of ( Guatemala. The alcal md

rs interlei-ed \vith them in their coi
Indian- t ly chai^.l them with usurjiinLC

7 D&lt; -s ni;iili iis had I- Ji i l 1K5COO1* abun-l-

. I ;..ii ana were contented. Carta,-

Mir.;,. , cantiila&lt;l do pescatlo ca*la semana,

: hi mar tlniti leguas. Mai M pen*.

:iiiias por i, un iv;, A doa reale*.

icjcn vcndi-r! ,1. di. . |iie los e.-;

/a. Las 6 a.sfw, I \ichccv Icncu, Col. 1A

368 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

royal authority and receiving money from the natives,
and, though the audiencia, in answer to the complaints
of the friars, promised to protect them, little appears
to have been done. Even the cabildo sought to make
it appear to the crown that the religious exercised an
arbitrary and prejudicial authority in the municipal
council and elections held by the Indians. The de
plorable condition of the natives and the persecution
of the friars were made the subject of numerous let
ters to Las Casas, who represented these abuses to
the crown in strong colors, urging the removal of
Mejia and the adoption of relief measures for the
natives. 19

Some relief was afforded by a royal decree which
declared the natives no longer subject to the Spanish
alcaldes, and which, according to Kemesal, 20 was issued
about 15G3 at the petition of the friars.

Landecho is represented as haughty, capricious,
wedded to his own opinions, and unscrupulous in
money matters. 21 Certain it is that though favoring
the interests of the colonists he did not neglect his
own, and they soon found that he was neither pliant
nor considerate. They never ceased to extol his tact
and vigilance, and declared him fit to govern Peru;
yet within a year of this declaration, and while assur
ing the king that they had no cause to change their
mind, they observed that it would be well for the
crown to instruct the president-governor to have a
special care for the welfare of the people. 22

The continued complaints against Landecho at
last induced the crown to decide on his removal, and

Casas, Representation, loc. cit. ; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 624-6;
bildo, Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Arcvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 36.

20 Hist. Chyapa, 639.

21 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646,

22 Que se le envie a mandar tenga especial cuidado del bien 6 aumento de
Jos que en esta cibdad e provincias viven. Carta, Jan. 26, 15G3, in Arevalo,
Col. Doc. Antic}., 32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the
appointment of governors preference be given those having experience in the
Indies, as with a new governor there always came a number of servants, de
pendants, and relatives who had to be provided for, to the prejudice of the
more meritorious conquerors and settlers. Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Id. , 36.

FAM: a .. ,

GO Bri; nidur of
mmissioned

1 1-- su i h .-(I in San . on the L d of A&gt;.

The residencia &gt;! the president in

1 ; mix r &lt;&gt;r the same yearj and r

pension &lt;&gt;! tin- president and i idor ..*

During Landecho s rale, a drought, whir]

in 1 jr.:;, was i (]!o\\-cd 1\- such g

iniidi sui} ci-in_r ;n tin- n nd

in tlir early part of 1565 t .uniry \. ed

ly pestilence and cai-tli(jual. Tin- -p;

t have IK-CM (-unfilled tu tin- Indian 1,\vn of ( ina-

itlan. in (liia; \vliidi it nearly depopulated, 1

tin- efieol BfofH lie artlicjuakc v, &lt; ! MK

atiago and tin- adjacent country it \
tivc hulk to lii c and jn-uj To i

*lle 1 I r: : ..-sal, //

l i r of tli .ola.

.. M^.. _ .

;&lt;ling to Rotncsjil.
., ii. 4!&gt;. Jh

.-nvaitiii, I ,al. in tin- follou i:i:_ 1

ni ri\ I of tl: illy

P, the ^ .lit.

i"*il. /
Land ho was

Ulld 1,1 til..

i to the roaM.
that all tlic &lt;iil"i--s \v

aipl all lin.-d in nrmfl 4M) ]&gt;cao.

corrti

eecaiM-. and di ,1 th&lt;- lining .

Loai^i, \\h&lt;. he ? [a j

tradition that t

ind !i\vn on! r of tli

^h"iM i. I fptin personal ol&gt;

i proceed

1 to tl. .1 and i

tlu-s&lt;

rwni .&lt;: y Gi

jlUi

ir t os tones a fanepn
of i iBciciit to eoal Io

th-

:r houses, an
tan; cu air, wlulo-

. AM., VOL. II

370 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

wrath of God the terrified inhabitants of the city
chose the martyr Saint Stephen as their advocate,
and erected in his honor a hermitage, to which a yearly
procession was established. 29

A matter of greater moment than the chatige of
governors now occupied the attention of the colon
ists of Guatemala. The transfer of the audiencia de
los Confines to Panamd had been decided on by the
crown, but for what cause is not recorded by the
chroniclers. 30 A decree to this effect was issued early
in 1563, and confirmed by a second one dated the 8th
of September in the same year in which its jurisdic
tion was defined. 51

A line extending from the gulf of Fonseca to the
mouth of the river Ulua formed the northern limit
of the territory made subject to the new audiencia of
Panama. This did not include, however, the cities of
Gracias d Dios and San Gil de Buenavista with their
districts, which together with the provinces of Guate
mala, Chiapas, Soconusco, and Vera Paz were made
subject to the audiencia of New Spain, 32

Doctor Barros de San Millan, oidor of the audiencia
of Panama, was commissioned by the crown to remove

constant prayers were offered to appease the divine wrath. Hemesal, Hist.
Chyapa, 647; Juarros, Guat., i. 88; ii. 333.

29 Minutes of Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580, quoted by Itemesal, Hist. Chyapa,
559-00.

so At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting as procurator at
court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter dated Feb. 20, 1564, ho informed
the cabildo that the transfer of the audiencia had already been determined
upon, and about a month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction
with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the council deemed
it a favorable opportunity to transfer the audiencia. Marroquin, Cartas, cited
in Pdaez, Mem. Hist. Gnat., i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was
established. Decadas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., viii. 35. The fore
going facts would appear to imply that the transfer of the audiencia had some
connection with political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of
the crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected by the power
ful influence brought to bear against this change, which is indicated by the
letters of Marroquin.

31 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646, gives May 17, 1564, as the date of the first
decree, and Juarros, Gnat., ii. 49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted
are those given in Panama, Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., xvii. 531-2.

32 Marroquin, Carta, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and Panama, Eeales Cedulas, loc.

ADMIX i

de 1 &gt;iifin id 1).
])eeenilM&lt;r i 564 was on ]i to ]

1. tin- visitador Brizefio having hi-ou^ht th I&lt;T

and published it soon after his arrr

This change, which scriu&gt;ly ail I tin- ii

Guatemala, waa vigorously opp l.y it- inh.-.

taut Though informed early in l.M ,4. as v,

n, that this measure had l&gt;r-n resolved on, t

cabildo refrained l r&lt;&gt;ni d.-ci-iv,- action till tho

of ]&gt;ri/cho, when the publication of his on!- ;ld

reveal its origin. In this, h
disappointed, lor in their l.-tt. Dcccnih-

1564, they \vrite: u Your ^lajrsty, i-

\vhieh have nnvc&lt;l you, li, .-n ].! dtoor

the andieiieia de ]us C onlines he removed to i ity

of I ) anain;i.

r.y making the audienciaof Nrw in the court

of appeal.- For Guatemala and th&lt;&gt;

under the former jurisdiction of tl.

Confines ^n.-it inconvenience mid inji
owin-- to distanc The-e facts w* red

it ions to the crown, and were sup] v the

reports of the Dominicans, who r ill-

:nent to which the nati c\]

without tln. re-training ]&gt;resence of th
I . we ]ia\

and iniluen. | court to l.&gt;rin
and tlie le-ult was to induce the CTOWn,

. to order it-- r .Mi-lnnent in E 0, 1

AntoniO &lt; lonzalex, oid.r of the alldiei-eia of ( .

ippointed pi-e-ideiit MII riving in Sai/
th tl. .i-ly in 1 ."iTO. 84

Doe. .1

0, say*

.tl.

. 12, 1570, i::
i as aln-;idv //* .

of i this s;.

of. I

372 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

During the absence of the audiencia the country
was governed by the visitador Brizeno, whose admin
istration appears to have been just, and with the ex
ception of church affairs, uneventful. There is no
evidence that Gonzalez was given the extraordinary
powers granted to Landecho, perhaps because the ex
periment had not proven satisfactory, but according
to Pelaez, a fiscal had been added to the officers of the
audiencia during its absence. 35 Brizeno s residencia

was taken sometime in March, and the only charge
brought against him was the granting of certain re-
partimientos at the suggestion of the cabildo of San
tiago. The findings in the case were transmitted to
the crown, and the cabildo immediately wrote defend
ing the measure as necessary, and asking for his ac
quittal. 36

Gonzalez ruled until February 1572, when he was
relieved by Doctor Pedro de Villalobos, who came as
president and governor. We have no record of any
event of importance during Gonzalez administration;
but that it was a just one is proven by his honorable
acquittal in the residencia taken by his successor.

About the middle of the sixteenth century the
affairs of the church underwent several important
changes. Soconusco, which as we have seen was as
signed to the bishopric of Chiapas, was subsequently
included in the see of Bishop Marroquin, though
again affiliated with the bishopric of Chiapas in 1596.
Soon after their arrival the Dominicans sent to Soco
nusco a mission of several friars; but unable to with-

25, 1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the audiencia,
and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez and the arrival of the audien
cia at Santiago follows Ilemesal.

33 Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 109. See also Juarros, Gnat., ii. 50; Remesal, Hist.
Chyapa, 658 bis. The oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiate?!,
Jufre de Loaisa, Vald6s de Carcamo, and Cristobal Asqueta. See last two
authorities cited.

Carta, in Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 44-5. Eemesal, Hist. Chi/apa, 659,
says that he was honorably acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is
followed by Juarros, Guat., i. 260. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., says Brkeflo
went to Santa Fe de Bogota as president of that audiencia.

:l)d U JVC 1 111 f. I 1

the death of one of their mini 1 &lt; dispirited T
remainder as to cause the al&gt;and&lt; n .if t!

The see of ( hiapas remain* d until !

when Father Toms ( lasil] n, n&lt;

doiil.t , of Las ( -, was appoint d t&gt; till II-

vi-iled tin- !_;reater par inch

Uiilt an epix-opal ] alao !-d tin-

provincial councils in Mexico in I -unl !

his &lt;!&lt;&lt; in ir)( 7, tl i r-niaiin-l v.-M-aut

until L574, \vlim Fray Domingo &lt;! Lara

natc&lt;l as his successor. Tlic intrllr

i rll strangely ujx&gt;n the recipient; prayed la-

nii"-lit &lt;li&lt;- In -fore it wa- confirmed: and T,rinuslv

before tin; pope s bull came to hand, and while in tlu-
midst of preparations ibr conscci

The next occupant of tin- . IVdro t|.- 1
called I roin the convent of Salaniai ly in

February 1575 was actively eng 1 in di- ;-k.

At his invitation tlx- Franciscans -nn 1 l i iar^ i:

the pi oxince, and a convent and church \

(1. ( hiapas ha&lt;l tin- rare foi one to ] in

l- -i-ia a l)i&gt;h&lt;]) who was an h&gt;n. ian, and one :

Iv i oi- _T"ld or pow I indin^ himself too feeble

for work he hc^ed the ki &gt; nanx- anotl

.In consequence of an order &lt;! the i.iii^- i !,

pri&gt; not lc displaced l.y I ^inini

wh&gt; held a t injMrary di-] he j

i-ia aj.j.ninted seculars to 1 78 h-

mall chagrin of some of the IVi 1 . n

iy Andres (!&lt; UbiD as ap|ointed BU&lt;
.. and &lt;-&lt;.ntinned in &lt;.llice until L601, when h

Ilioted t&lt; the &gt;, Mi.- :11.

Ai a Dominican provincial chapter held in :

.sal lu- is somcr lo Ara. D;ivila sayt he

/ and Ktmetal, J/iM.

iftt, t;

374 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

Ciudad Real, the convent of Santo Domingo de Chi
apas was accepted as that of the province, and Pedro
de Barrientos chosen as first vicar. At chapters held
in Chiapas and Guatemala prior to 1600, it was for
bidden the friars to sign their family name; to write
to the president of the audiencia or to the oidores
without showing the letters first to the superiors, and
so in regard to writing to Spain under penalty of fif
teen days imprisonment. No moneys were to be sent
to Spain through the hands of the religious.

Ciudad Real, where the last provincial chapter w r as
held, had in 1580 two hundred Spanish vecinos. There
were about ninety Indian towns in the province, with
in a radius of sixty leagues, containing some twenty-
six thousand tributaries. The largest one, Chiapas de
los Indios, had twelve hundred Indian vecinos.

In 1559, through the influence of Las Casas, the
bishopric of Vera Paz was established, and Father
Angulo appointed its first bishop. He accepted the
charge and repaired to his see a year or two later, but
died early in 15G2 before proceeding to consecration. 33
The establishment of this see was unwise in the ex
treme, and must be attributed solely to the represen
tations of Las Casas. As already shown the country
was barely capable of sustaining its inhabitants, and
in 1564 the cabildo declared to the crown that it would
be well to suppress the bishopric as it could not sup
port a prelate; an opinion borne out by subsequent

AC)

experience.

Angulo was succeeded by Father Tomds de Car-

39 According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, the bishopric was established in
155G. Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed
April 21, 1560, and died at Zalamd, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala
to be consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment in Guate
mala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April 21st; went thence to Mexico;
the following year was ordered to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls
for his consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at Zalamd, Vera
Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of September 1560,
the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual 500,000 maravedis, until he
had sufficient tithes for his support. I deem this author more reliable than
the others as he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities for
obtaining information.

*Cabildo, Carta, Jan. 26, 1564, mArtvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 38-9.

II OF MAI: 375

Dominican. Tim date "I" lii- ap]
ording to Gonzalez Davila wae April i, ml

accord in- to LYin-al In.- continued in p&lt; .til

in l

In 1555 ]&gt;ishop Marroquin, now &lt;&gt;ld and
with over twenty-five y &lt;t &lt;-&gt;nstant
pri .IK! hishop, sought to retire, hut tl,

dent Ou&lt; recommended t&lt;&gt; t!

]M -tit im IK- granted it was refused, and L&lt;

&lt;&gt; on holy Friday of 15G3, 4 " and lui.

\\5tli tlic lii^ hust honors in llir ratli.-dral &lt;
]Iis 8U &gt;r was JJrrnardiiin dc Villalpando, lii.-lmj)
of ( ul)a, wlio ai-rivrd in Santiago in I."- I. 44

Tin- FrancifiCana and J))niini&lt;-ans in the inraii ti:
]iad mad.- hut little progress owin-_
and dissensions hetwcni iln-m, and tin.- intn
of the ;lar &lt;-ler-y. Tlioii^h the Doin nl

alwa; en ih,- principal cnnf- and j i in

S atiago, tl ere less popular than the Fr
v/h ) \\ o favored l&gt;y 1 tishop M jiiin.

early as i."&gt;.")0 a strong i-ivalry &gt;f j np i

two orders in regard t&lt; the ri

sit. - churches and convents. T!

determined l*y i -implu a&lt;-t &lt;&gt;f taking ]

many towns and district &gt; d upon hy i

&lt; Pernandec, //

iop in 1570.

, to ! ra Lp

&lt; int. ! in I :. .i."&gt;. !:

-M tli. :ias, in l.&gt;

t v-hi! in Hill, li.- WM fcoM **

\ . -.1 i
ed. 1 i ! of succession as icsal aa fur a I

aiiU a

; n, \\li- -^ i-on t!

April I

See alao Quetada, forto, Mayo

vnzaU* DdvUa, Teatro Lcl&lt;*. ,

r&gt;i&gt;

" ]; . 004; Juarros, Guat., i. 276; \ - /

., UK).

376 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

ecclesiastics which they could not attend to them
selves, and would not permit their rivals to control.
Dissensions and mutual detractions followed, which
the prelates of the respective orders were powerless
to suppress in their subordinates.

This scandalous example estranged both the civil
authorities and the citizens, and Marroquin, finding
his efforts to settle these quarrels fruitless, began to
appoint persons to the vacant and neglected towns,
in some cases depriving the ecclesiastics of those in
their charge. This condition of affairs was duly
reported by the authorities, and as a result the
religious were reproved, and the selection of sites for
convents and the appointment of clergy made subject
to the approval of the audiencia, and the bishop was
instructed to respect the privileges of the friars and
treat them with, due consideration. 45

In 1551 the Dominicans of Guatemala, Honduras,
Nicaragua, and Chiapas were organized into an inde
pendent provincia with the title of San Vicente de
Chiapas. Father Tomds de la Torre was appointed
provincial, and the first provincial chapter was held
at Santiago in January. 46 Several convents were
founded, mostly in Guatemala, churches built among
the Zoques and Quelenes, and with the arrival from
time to time of additional friars the organization of
new districts was begun. In Chiapas the Dominicans
in their labors continued to suffer occasional molesta
tion from the colonists. The provinces of San Sal
vador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica were visited, a
convent was founded in the city of San Salvador, and
two attempts were made to establish the order in
Nicaragua. 47

In 1559 a custodia was formed of the Franciscans

l, Hist. Chyapa, 587-600; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 133-7; Quesada,
Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier s MSS., xxii. 3-4.

^Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 532-7, 560-3; Fernandez, Hist. Eccles., 142;
Ddvila Padida, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 110-11.

*R&lt;-m?sal, Hist. Chyapa, 500, 520-3, 578-84, 596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636-
9, 642-7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 98-9.

! I.LAI X

in (In;. ad Yn \vhieh

virai Iternately &lt;-h(.s-n. This 1.-,

when t of &lt; to

ahlish a be provinria with the tit! 1

ll"ly Name of Jous. Their iii al v.

Father ( rOnzalo blende/. and the first provincial rhap-
ter v. :ied in Santia-o (.11 the l^ili of

to the diss.-ii&gt;ions vitli tlic Domini .l

themselves, many iViur- l-l t tin- province, so

that in 15GG there were hut thirty &lt; ;nl

ivcn: In 1 ."&gt;74 the audi led a d

i-inittin^ tlie Fi-aneiseaiis t i oiin.I convents in
tlie provi of Izalcos, Cu- I[on&lt;hu

.Mout i ame time convents wen 1 in the

villas of San Salvador and San ^li^iie!

One of the iirst acts of JJislio}) A illalpan !

publication of the decrees of the la- uncilof T

Ainoii-- other measures these i &lt;* ju-ivi.

of mendicant friars, and helievin;^ or
li-ve that this extended to a total de;

i-i- lii t administer the sacrament?, the .an

eulai &gt;\vns in i! [n vain w&lt; re

the pr&lt; be Franciscan and .-n }&gt;ro\in-

and the audieneia, and the rej all

that th -ular j&gt;rie&gt;i dian lan-

irdless ,.f tlieir int. id in i;

of di unlit to succeed 1

in tl of a nuni

majority *.f wh&lt;&gt;m were y- \v in \ . ii.

li&gt;hoj. lutely in I on ohe.li

(jii in t

interim the prelate ].rr&gt;i&gt;tently cai

uivs notwithstanding the- ojipo-it iMn &lt;f the fri
[onists,and th-

.qua, Chron. 22S;

, ,

anyelt

I; 1 ?, 147, 5-; Juarro*, OV 99

), 100.

378 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

from abandoning the province only at the entreaties
of the colonists, and the Indians in some instances
refusing to receive them in their towns.

At the solicitation of the king the pope restored
the privileges of the friars, the extreme measures of
the bishop were condemned, and the archbishop of
New Spain ordered to send a visitador to examine
into certain serious charges made against Villalpando. 50
When notified of these decrees, Villalpando is said to
have replied: "I have received my church not from
the king but from God, to whom I am prepared to
render an account." According to Juarros he left
Santiago soon after and died suddenly at Chalchuapa,
four days journey from the capital. 51 Francisco Cam-
branes, dean of the cathedral of Santiago and after
him Father Alonso de Lamilla, a Dominican, appear
to have been appointed to succeed Villalpando. The
former died before his appointment reached him and
the latter declined the mitre. The see remained vacant
until the appointment in 1574 of Bishop Gomez Fer
nandez de Cordoba who was transferred from the
bishopric of Nicaragua. 52

Cordoba was a man simple in habit, humble in
spirit, and pure in life. Foppery troubled some of
the clergy, and the prelate, who could be stern when
needful, took occasion to call up one of the would-be
clerical gallants, and severely admonished him upon
the extravagance of his dress. The mortifying lesson
was not without effect, and he, with not a few others,
carefully avoided such display ever after.

In 1575 Cordoba set out on his official visits, and
everywhere met with complaints from the natives

50 The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the clergy, having in his
household certain women who were neither his sisters nor his cousins; and re
ceiving bribes through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and
of doubtful reputation, appear to have been the principal charges. Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, 656.

51 In Aug. 15G9, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 277; in Santa Ana, San
Salvador, according to Gonzalez Davila, Tcatro Ecles, i. 153. See also Cabildo,
Carta, July 9, 1567, in Artvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 41-2; Remesat, Hist. Chy-
apa, 654-65; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 194-200; Juarros, Guat., i. 276-8.

^ Remesal, Iliat. Chyapa, 706; Juarros, Guat., i. 277-8.

n:rARS. :,; ,

their ] &lt;-5ally among the

u, iked to have the Fi

char Hut t! in ] ion v

Avilliu-- in gracefully yield aa was shown 1
hich occurred in t! ,r. [

. \Mtin^ Guatemala lor tin- purp.. .iiiid

Franciscan convent-, arrived in tin; lin!&lt;- town

and called t&lt;&gt; pay his i-.

J lis advances \ -oily

padn iking to Conciliate him, d his perni:

Bay mass iii tlic town ami rnniuss B t th.-

l- roin indifference tin-
indignant, and ex] jed himsrlf in very m

lai. J lis wort! vinlmt and 1.

l&lt;ud that a number of the Indians \. t-&gt;

the s|&gt;. Thereupon Diaz : hu:

tudc and deferentially withdrew, r in his

. and ivpahvd to t! .l.ildo, \vh poo-

]le flocked to him. Improvising an altar 1 th a

ton he (hen in&gt;i-t-d upon j

service, taking care that the p; &gt;hould ! inform
and hiding him not to interfere. At

ft, th ter, accompanied In

rushe 1 in and ( ^a\-e unbridled 1
calliii-- t he people dog - and the 1
It was a strange ftaele an an-jry ] wildly

ulatin^ in his black robe, .-urrounded

11, who momentarily tin mlt.

calmly reciting his orisons, holding the ho&gt;t in up!

hand- in the midst of the pe.-p! The p

; a ted l&gt;e\-on&lt;l control, ordered 1,

uhich they did, woundin t a few and -

1 stamped
At this point the enootnendero Leon C r-

; i the con and the I

d to assuage the tumult with w&gt;nl
Th- priest would 11. .t !&gt; pacified until the I
tried their skill a1 : rowing, wh-n 1 "ini:

ly turned and ikd to ! , wlu re lie lu.

380 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

undergo a siege until he promised to depart for Gua
temala taking all his paraphernalia with him. 53 The
Franciscan remained master of the field, and was
eventually appointed guardian of Zainayaque, but the
consequences of the unseemly quarrel were far-reach
ing, and the discussions to which it gave rise went far
to reform the character of priests put in charge of the
natives.

Bishop Cordoba labored in Guatemala for twenty-
three years, Fray Antonio de Hinojosa being ap
pointed his colleague two years before the decease of
the former, which occurred in 1598. During his ad
ministration the king gave orders that no expense
should be spared in supporting all the religious who
might be needed for the conversion of the natives,
and that money should be placed at the disposal of
the friars for the purpose of administering the sacra
ment to the Indians in places remote from the set
tlements. The Franciscans especially multiplied in
Guatemala, sixty-six arriving in that province be
tween 1571 and 1573. In 1576 the audiencia was
directed by the crown to make an annual grant of
fifty thousand maravedis for each mission established
by them. In 1578 Garcia de Valverde, who during
that year was appointed president of the audiencia,
undertook the rebuilding or enlargement of several
Franciscan convents 54 and the erection of several
churches. Such was his enthusiasm that he was
often seen carrying stone and mortar for the work
men, and his example spread among the inhabitants
of Santiago, men of noble birth imitating the pre
late s example.

53 At Guatemala he presented himself before the audiencia and demanded
redress. A judge was sent to investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed
by Bishop Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so that
they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the absolute refusal of the
natives to have el seiior cura for their guardian. Vaaquez, Chron. de Gvat.,

243.

54 Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco de Tecpan Guatemala,
La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San Miguel de Totonicapan, and Espiritu
Santo de Quezaltenango. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat. t 2G1.

v. \\i&gt; iv.

Tn i]].- y 1 c.oo wh.-n .!

Inted hi.^hop there v. . in G &gt;iala I

ivents of the Fran I l&lt;urt.-&lt;-u ( ,r

1 &gt;ominican ordei In I 578 a nunm-ry v ,1

and occuj. ied, the funds liavimr been i&gt;r d h\

from r he iir-t bishop of &lt; J-uatemala I n I
ool opened in Santi.

cahildo, encoui its sue I t&lt;&gt; h,,

univer.Mty established tin-re in order tl

nii _dit complete their education without proc

Mexico as was tln-ii tli&lt; iig tin,- \\cailli

class of Spaniards,

Din-ing Valverde 1 [ministration the news
Drat s expedition to the South Sea, of which m&lt;

tinn will ho made in mnnrrtion with the i

famous adventurer, spread -n tl rliout

e jn ovin On thi- o ion tin- j .t !

;atrmala showd himself worthy of tl. I im-

])-. -.1 in ]iim. Ships and cannon were j

small arms and ammunition were ohtaim-d f

. and an rxju-dit i Jy d

&lt;f \ he enemy. X. &gt; encounter

and ihe commander of th

ai-rot f.r non-fulfilment of his onl

pi-ore. -d in &lt;|iic&gt;t .,{ the intrnd ulf &lt; (

:iia wh&lt; hey were &gt;i!]&gt;io^.-d fco b

-(} \\ln-n news arrived d Drake s capture of &gt;
J)oinin;4-i&gt; &gt; review hfll in i\n* pla/a -
and it V &gt;und that the city emiM p;;-
iive hundred i lid one hundred ]i.

le a - 1 in ^

I when on his death-h.-d . d in!

M Tli rcetl order, and

the p:,

* Tl itos, (netos);

cotas); 400 ar&lt;

t tho i

.utofi cental* from ^

382 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

his promotion to the presidency of the audiencia of
Nueva Galicia. His successor was Pedro Mayen de
Rueda, a man of strong but narrow views, and one
who by his injudicious measures soon made enemies
both of the oidores and the ecclesiastics, the members
of the municipality, however, remaining firm in their
allegiance to him. " Rueda," writes the cabildo to
the king in 1592, "has given vacant encomiendas to
the deserving, and strictly carried out royal cedulas.
He has embellished the capital with many a fine build
ing so that it is far other than it was. Nevertheless

his enemies were too strong for him, and in the fol
lowing year he was superseded by Doctor Francisco
Sande, who came to the province vested with the
authority of a visitador, but appears to have found
nothing specially worthy of censure in the former s
administration. 57

The new president incurred the enmity of the
cabildo by abolishing one of its most cherished privi
leges, 58 and by causing the office of alferez, the
holder of which became ex officio the senior member
of the cabildo, to be disposed of for five thousand
ducados to one Francisco de Mesa, whose chief recom
mendation seems to have been that he was a kinsman
of the president s wife. In November 1596 Sande
departed for New Granada, of which province he had

57 The licenciado Rueda, late president of the audiencia, is about to leave
for Spain. He has exercised his office with care and ensured good Christian
government as will be seen by the papers connected with the vista on his
conduct now sent by Doctor SandeV Santiago Cabildo (Feb. 1G, 1595), in
Arcvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 80. Contrast this with Juarros, Guat., 261.
President de la Rueda was punished for having so badly treated the religious
during his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from the
house without clothes into the country, where he ate grass like oxen, and re
mained in that state till he died. During Rueda s administration a bridge
was built across the Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and
had eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river was of
great depth and communication was frequently cut off between the capital
and the eastern provinces by inundation. Juarros, Guat. , 239-41 (ed. Lond. ,
1823). Conder s Mcx. and Guat., 201.

58 That by which the appointment of fiel ejecutor was vested in the
cabildo. The office was one of great profit and its duties were discharged by
each member in rotation. The cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal
license for many years, its concession being granted by cddula of July 9, 1564,
and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. Juarros, Guat., 129. (London ed. 1823.)

MIXIXC AXI) ( E. : &gt;:&gt;,

appointed i Hi- successor

Alonso ( Yiado de ( a-tilla, wh i nncd o!

aber 1598, tin- reins of ]&gt;&lt;&gt; wer L.-iu^- durini: i
interval in the hands of tin :ii&lt;&gt;r oidor, A
. dj Abaun/a.

During the closing yean of the sixteenth r.-ntury
it wa- 1 be policy of the cabildo in their n-poi ts feo t
kin^ to i-rju csent tlio industrial coiniiti":
mala in as unfavorable a li^ht as jo&gt;sillr. \

- tlicrc is sufficient evidence t hat tra i rift-

mining almost lu-^lrctrd. and that a^ri&lt; ultmv recen
]ittl- ai tcntion. ]{it:h mines \\viv discovovd in vari
]il;: hut Indians could not In; procured to \v&lt;

them, and mine-owners becoming every day ]&lt;
threatened altogether to abandon the field, thus causi

the eal)ildo to petition for the impoi -n of &gt;la\
lor the pin-pose of developing them.
the falling-off in receipts ai bne smelting-worka t
the royal oilieials resolved to exaci &lt;&gt;i\\\ I ith

instead of the iil lh of the proceeds which h;id ]&lt;
been collected as the kiii /s du.-s.

Tlic possibility of ;idin^ the COD of the

province liy the opcnin-- of the j

twelve leagues irom Santia;_ id th- poinl it

\vill I .hered Alvarado - I- lill

:ipped lor liis ])romised rxpeditio.-i t . I

&gt; the sul)ji*ct of many p&lt; I he

kii It .led to piv&gt;ent many I aciliti*

ve traffic on the South , and its contigui

tala would nll ord nieivhants and
opportunity of dealing in the product
Ship-building es]eei;dly mi^ht i important

industry. OS of iin&lt; jiiality :i!i&lt;l in limitl

(|iianti uld he had in the district. L

abundant; \\lii! I could be had in in-

iich he U-cuj.. Dato . .

Ind

3S4 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

haustible quantity. The pita, which furnished excel
lent material for ropes and cables, grew profusely all
over the coast. Pitch and tar could also be procured
in the valley of Inmais, only a short distance from the
port. So far, however, little success had attended the
various attempts made to utilize these advantages, but
in after years further efforts were made. In 1591,
measures were also taken for opening another port
named Estero del Salto, seven leagues from Iztapa
and capable of accommodating vessels of a hundred
tons. 60

While thus struggling for new avenues of trade,
the members of the cabildo were tenacious of those
already in their possession. Neither the importation
of slaves nor a reduction of the royal dues would sat
isfy them, while cacao, the only product which really
did pay and thus preserved the balance of trade, was
improperly taxed. Writing in 1575, they alleged that
for two years past this once highly profitable trade
had been nearly destroyed by excessive taxation and
that in consequence the prosperity of Santiago had
been greatly diminished/

But commercial decadence was not the only mis
fortune from which the province suffered. In 1575
and the two subsequent years earthquakes occurred
in Guatemala, 02 attended with great destruction of
property. In December 1581 a violent eruption oc
curred in the volcano west of Santiago. The land for

miles around was covered with scoria; the sun was

60 The king s grant of one half of the first year s tribute from the encomi-
endas becoming vacant during ten years, was of great assistance in opening
these ports. The president sends a map of the port and of the country for
more than 15 leagues about it. Santiago Cabildo, Carta al Rey (April 20,
1591), in Arcvafo, CoL Doc. Antig., 77-8.

61 As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao trade could grow
it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth 500,000 pesos, were raised
within an area of two leagues square in, Salvador. Palacio, Relation in Pa-
checo and Cardenas, CoL Doc., vi. 15.

62 Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576 by which houses
were destroyed and several lives lost. In a letter to the king he relates that
he saw a large fragment of a church facade which had been hurled to a consid
erable distance. Relation in Pacheco and Cdrdencia, Col. Doc. } vi. 23-4, 59.

3S5

:nl tin- lurid il;ii: l;uli;

il triTr tlirou^lim d. iu-

ieving thai t

. maivhrd in penitential j ion 1" Vil-

ing their sins. T

i and On th;

\ were 1" In 158j and 1 .V nii-

arthquakes, the nio&gt;t \ i.L nt

ju&gt;! 1 ( hn&gt;tin;is of tlu.- 1. r. J iil!

nt, M-iJo cha&gt;ins appeared in t .
}&gt;art of the city \
ini ants bcin- luri* d in tl In 1587 \vu

ir &lt;! another s-\ artln|iv \vhich ii.

livrs were lost and fifty buildic

tlu-ni the old Frai.

63 f. de Las Casas in Col. Doc. /m &lt;/., Iviii. 140.

HIST. CENT. AM., VOL. II. 25

CHAPTER XXII.

AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.
1551-1600.

REVOLT OP THE CIMARRONES PEDRO DE URSUA SENT AGAINST THEM A
SECOND REVOLT BAYANA CAUGHT AND SENT TO SPAIN REGULATIONS
CONCERNING NEGROES COMMERCIAL DECADENCE RESTRICTIONS Oy
TRADE HOME INDUSTRIES PEARL FISHERIES MINING DECAY OF
SETTLEMENTS PROPOSED CHANGE IN THE PORT OF ENTRY ITS REMOVAL
FROM NOMBRE DE DlOS TO PORTOBELLO CHANGES IN THE SEAT OF THE
AUUIENCIA TlERRA FlRME MADE SUBJECT TO THE VlCEROY OF PERU-
DEFALCATIONS IN THE ROYAL TREASURY PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE
AGAINST CORSAIRS AND FOREIGN POWERS.

IT has already been stated that Las Casas was the
first to urge the substitution of African for Indian
slavery, and as early as 1517 such a measure was
authorized by the crown. The natives lacked the
physical strength needed to meet the demands of their
taskmasters, and negroes from the Portuguese settle
ments on the coast of Guinea were largely imported
into the Spanish West Indies. Numbers of them
were driven by ill-usage to take refuge in the forests
and mountain fastnesses, where they led a nomadic
life or made common cause with the natives, and when
attacked by the Spaniards neither gave nor accepted
quarter. About the middle of the sixteenth century
the woods in the vicinity of Nombre de Dios swarmed
with these runaways, who attacked the treasure-trains
on their way across the Isthmus, defeated the parties
sent against them by the governor of the province,
and lurked in wait for passengers, assailing them with
poisoned arrows, and cutting into pieces those who
fell alive into their hands. Organized as marauding

(386)

CO!

lied in - ; : Du:

&lt; Juiana. At tin bey would uni :i,l

ra\ it of coin

side. ]1 hurnr 1. plan

seized, mrivhaiidi in.

Surh was the attendant terror that i,

chastise their , nor did r

travel tlic highway KcepJ in companies

or more. 2 In tl ar 1554 many liundr &lt;&gt;t th

were thus handed in T! Pirme al
About this time the new vie* Ajid

Hurtadode Mmdoza, ma rain s deCafiete, .j,j .. .rtun

in-riving at Xoinhi ])i&gt;&gt; iVni Spain, m ru;

liis capital, resolved en t!

lav. Xot loni hd orc hi ival. I . !r. de I". 1

a brave and distinguished soldier, had t
in liis enemies in the pr&lt;
liad founded the of Pamplona .
veri The viceroy, believing Ui tobeunji
persecuted and ^nizin^ J nt litn-

tliMi-ixcd him to raise i irch

rs. Accordingly Ur&gt;n jiupju-d up\\ard
hundred mm, and ut iV Noml I

r rin- cimarrones had mu.-tnvd ir

of tlicir o\vn race, of singular CO1 \vho liad

elected kin.i; hy tl occupy in- the mountains !

t\v&gt; nd .1 \ieura, a: mil

d-d &gt;i\ Imndred.

yd, jiriinarily * * npr&gt;

i untamed a the n;

let. i li i !ii;irroii.

jiH iit trouMrs ..t th,- oountrj , *n

Indians of similar nanir, tin- Miu-
. The 1111
/ Dam . iso s le

I n&gt; &lt; ii^in .
li 1 l.il, itO.

I In-iii himself an ness of

cimarn.n atrocities in I

i. !. .

. Pent, ii. ills him Ikill.

388 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

Bayano retreated slowly and warily, posting am
buscades at every favorable point, and engaging tho
foe in frequent encounters, the negroes fighting with
desperation and the Spaniards advancing with the
coolness of well disciplined soldiers. For two years
Ursua 4 carried on the campaign with unwearied
patience, and at last surrounded the remnant of the
cimarrones and compelled them to sue for peace. Ba
yano was sent a prisoner to Spain. In 1570 his fol
lowers founded the town of Santiago del Principe. A
cedula of June 21, 15 74, declared that on full submission
and on condition of their leading a peaceful life the
negroes should be free men. One of the articles of

a treaty which was concluded at Panama binds the
emancipated slaves to capture runaways and return
them to their masters.

After a short-lived peace the cimarrones again took
the field, reenforced by maltreated or discontented
negro fugitives from the mines, and committed such
depredations that the king resolved on a war of ex
termination against them and their allies. In a cedula
elated 23d of May 1578 he appointed his factor and
veedor Pedro de Ortega Valencia, captain general of
the forces levied for that purpose, with instructions
not to desist until the rebels were vanquished. Funds
were to be drawn freely from the royal treasury.
Panama and the adjoining provinces of Quito and
Cartago were enjoined to provide all necessary sup
plies, and the Casa de la Contratacion de Seville was
to furnish four hundred arquebuses and a supply of
ammunition. The Spaniards were only partially suc
cessful, and in the following year the king found it
necessary to address the president and oidores of the
audiencia, urging them to renewed efforts, but in vaiir.

4 Ursua was a native of a town of the same name in Navarre. He went to
New Granada with his uncle, the licenciado, Michael Diaz tie Armendariz.
Picdrahita, Hist. Gen., 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn
that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was sent in 1561 to
explore some rich Brazilian forests in the neighborhood of the rio Maranon,
where he met his death at the hands of his own countrymen.

SI : . ,

In lain; the cin in coin

;i road iVoiu their o\vn town 1
.K iver only a 1&lt;

las ( Iruces, t! ohjc&lt;-i h,

ii nl nierchan ( ) T h of A

the kin-- peremptorily ordei

d and th stion of tin; riii dead-Ts, I

11 !!

th&lt; the ciinarrones in collusion with Ki

for year- ^paniar

Tl ^uliitions framed during tl.

concerning negroes, \\ hi t h &gt;nd or

scrihed with tlie utm iiinut

their social relations, and the 1 nnd.-r wh

they were to lh It was pro I in th

runaways that pardon should only ! .ded

and never to the leaders of One ii!

cost incurred in their &lt; ire was to ho n.

royal t; and tin; remainder ly tl:

all expeditions v to he eond 1

officers, the pi-op. the n so

hat his reeov Id llo( IM- Jut! 1 to hi-

rior hand

To eng in the impo ion of it v,

in ry lir.-t to ohtain yal lie pri\

doubly guarded, and s-ldoin il 1 to

lent rival-, the !

wed on the Mn-li&gt;h, who gradual!

111. le. So the pi

and Mil-dish alik md continually violal ho

law and &gt;! ting i he king al

5 . \sanillu- . a. law of : with - nnd ; h-

.irtes, -nestat:

r. 1 Jn

a though DO

liand of t is c-Mt

.k nnh-ss i :

.Inly .".I. l.^il. i

!iil .a. ! " t ;

nam .ittiny out a vessel for carrying African *L.

SDO AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

embraced also their intercourse with Indians, so as to
discourage as much as possible their association with
lawless bands, dangerous to Spanish security, and
prejudicial to peaceable natives; for, with the pre
sumption so common among lower races and classes,
the negro failed not to take advantage of any privi
lege he might obtain over his red-skinned neighbor. 7

o o o

Such checks proved of little use, however, since they
also applied in part at least to Spanish task-masters.
Indeed, in a royal cedula issued in 1593, attention is
called to the fact that no one had been brought to

justice for any of the extortions .or cruelties to which
the Indians had been subjected. 8 Other stringent laws
were issued, but they came too late, or were neglected
like the rest. Under the yoke of their various oppres
sors the native population of the Isthmus gradually
disappeared, and toward the close of the century their
numbers had become insignificant.

In the affairs of Panama we enter now an era of
decline. Progress hitherto on the Isthmus has been
on no permanent basis. For a time the gold and
pearls of seaboard and islands kept alive the spirit of
speculation, which was swollen to greater dimensions
by the inflowing treasures from Peru and Chile, and
from scores of other places in South and North
America. When these began to diminish, commerce
fell off, and as it had little else to depend upon there
was necessarily a reaction.

Panama had comparatively but little indigenous
wealth and was largely dependent for prosperity on

to the "West Indies, and ordering his arrest. Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and
Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 540-1.

7 Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among the Indians in 1578.
Peales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 501-2. In 1589
it was ordered that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any
way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes. If the offence
was repeated the culprit s ears were to be cut off. In case of a free negro, the
punishment was 100 lashes and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos
was paid to informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were liable
to a fine of 100 pesos. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 462.

8 Iicaks Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 4-7.

iATIC Tl

nial j-.li 1 "; .: ri Ql
i I by a shew

]&gt;n&gt;\ -I di hoth In- }&gt;rovi&gt; iinl i

]&gt;ire. Tli- ;it i\c&lt; \&gt; \\ liidi arri
in reduced oumbei lm^&lt;.T inten .ml \\itli &lt;

jlcte&lt; I stores. In 15S1), ni ;ir \

tli. ; hmus laden with merchan&lt;
];I(T tin- i! (; mustered only .ips. 9

predationa of buccai which will be h

Drilled tills stale of ail airs may in ] il&gt;-

. but other causes v. &lt;&gt;rk. f j l;

aiii liad ahvady apjH. ai cl \ t &lt;

Panam& in the character of a royal i .t; 1( a:

\\ In- laid rotricti* mfl on their t rad- which could i
iail to prove disastrous to the conn ial in

llie city.

Hitherto there had been a L .-md 1
t.h the Philippine Islands, yielding often -Id

in-- o to the fortunate trader." .1 : ic ciij.idi 1
the monarch }&gt;roni]&gt;ti d mere and more i

measures, until it was a! loH.idd

and indeed to all the AV&lt; s1 Jndies E in,

the kiiiLC beiiiLC determined to 1, wn

the Asiatic trade- monopolized 1 ilian n.

In ir,S5 tlic miml)crof sliipswas 71 : in 1587, S:&gt;: in l v. fM: i:.
in 1 : in 1. : in K IT-

., in l &lt;

and: :its th- tlir ]&gt;r.vinc.

a gift or loon, i ** h

as tlu&gt;u.L. h it cinanutf.l fi
i tli.-it t!. . I sulicit.-il it. Ti.-it.i: vncatn

iiinun: litedeM &lt;

/&gt;,,r., ,|0.

11 A Augu. 1 -

Imi! . sha!: oemn&gt;

ill it 1 -- !

ogoe t
h sea.

. /A,.: . in. "-

392 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

chants. 12 No Chinese goods were to be brought to Pan
ama and the other provinces,, even from New Spain.
None were to be used there, except such as were in
actual use at date of the royal commands, and any
surplus was to be carried to Spain within four years.

Of course the American provinces were gradually
developing home industries, and bringing into the
market home productions that displaced to a certain
extent goods from which Spain had hitherto made
large profits. Thus Peru supplied wine, leather,
and oil; soap was manufactured in Guayaquil and
Nicaragua; Campeche yielded wax, Guayaquil, Kio-
bamba, and Puerto Viejo, cordage for ships, and Nic
aragua a good quality of pitch. Quito and other
places manufactured cloths, and New Spain silken and
woolen goods. Had Philip adopted a generous colo
nial policy he would have fostered and profited by
these new industries, but all fiscal regulations looked
to the advancement of Spanish commerce without re
gard for the development of trade within the colonies.

Two commodities were watched and guarded with
peculiar jealousy- -wine and tobacco. Peru produced
a wine that found favor with many and obtained a
ready sale. In an ordinance of Philip II. dated the
IGth of September 1586, no wine but that imported
from Spain was allowed to be sold on the Isthmus;

12 A royal cedula of November 11, 1578, forbade the carrying of Manila
dry goods. This is confirmed by c&lt;klulas of January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595,
and February 13th and June 13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all
trade between the Philippines and Tierra Firme. Memorial sobre Manila, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vi. 444. The ce"dula of 1593 is full and
explicit: Toleration and abuse have caused an undue increase in the trade
between the West Indies and China, and a consequent decrease in that of the
Castilian kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from
Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall any vessel go to
China or the Philippine Islands to trade. Reales Cedillas, in Pacheco and
Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 420. See also Decadas, Id., viii. 114. Another
ce"dula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the license being still con
tinued to New Spain at the instance of the merchants of Seville whose inter
ests were jeopardized. The Portuguese had established factories in China,
and though selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could under
sell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of Chinese products
themselves, and to sell them in the colonies at their own figures. Gran.
.Manila, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , vi. 405-6.

wix;

with wir
The penalti iniVii

n p Qishl

Tl; ^-iied f&lt;&gt;r these meaMi! inju

rious effect of iVruvian wine upon j.uMir hcahh,

i tin- real motive waa the prejudicial

upon the Spanish wii: ceo f

monopoly of the crown, and one rigidly p
sale. importation, or cultivation 1 n un&lt;

re penalties. 14

Panama imported most of her provisions, and tin;
difficulties in obtaining a. regular and &lt;;
were augmented by the monopolies ar&lt;|uir"d l.v

ilthy merchants \vlio were enaMrd to &lt;
market. Ne\\ -isuivs to correct tl,

itinually adopted, and as oftm c\
lated. 18 The scarcity of provisions sometio

- approach!] &gt; laniii: .in .-

sons lial-i IM&gt; a;_;--Ta\-at&lt; d l.y tlic en-

travellers and adventurers who crossed the Isthim;

Dg hi M liy t!i&lt;- troasury n{ :

KlOO, it v. . .at, a.s the im

!vi;in win- li;nl 1"-, u forltiildm in \

:ii4 tliis n ii, ;iiul aj-pniiiti; s and

I it, or in :ch A\ iin- with tli. it inij

. is the injurious quality of tin- \\ in- . - also t

Trujillo, (Juito, and

., xvii. JHJ-ls. At a sul)s

ivian win aocouii 1

as&lt; 1 trrasury. / /. , -1.

;iiinislinici. ion of I s nn&lt;l \&lt;;n

:md in

:id Jin i :iti ii . thr .

Ajiotl on ha:

J of th: !r and no

)5 T: . council ] an orv :n fiiti: nts sh

ain artidrs in 1 a then-ill :

vidcd. Wine, oil, ham, sii;

S and &lt;T&lt; anioii^ the CO!

.d \vas fully ajij-!
1 1, l.v.rj. /;, . , &lt; . .. ;:. / . ami &lt;

-i a creat want. .

Lima tl

things art-
.d in
. U, 1590. //

394 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

Peru was the great source of supply and the trade
with that country was the subject of frequent cedulas
addressed to the viceroy. 17

Pearls and gold were still among the leading pro
ductions of the Isthmus, and the most valuable fish
eries were at the old Pearl Islands of Vasco Nunez de
Balboa. 1 Diving for pearls was performed by negroes
chosen by their masters on account of their dexterity
as swimmers, and their ability to hold their breath
under water. From twelve to twenty under charge
of an overseer usually formed a gang. Anchoring in
twelve to fifteen fathoms of water, they would dive
in succession, bringing up as many shells as they could
gather or carry. It was a laborious calling, and at
tended with great danger because of the sharks that
swarmed around the islands and with which they had
many a fierce struggle, often losing limb or life in the
encounter. The divers were required to collect a cer
tain quantity of pearls, and any surplus they were at
liberty to sell, but only to their own masters and at a
price fixed by them. 19

Ever since their first discovery these fisheries had
maintained their fame, and there was obtained the
largest pearl then known in the world; one that
became the prgperty of Philip II., and was described
by Sir Richard Hawkins 20 as being the "the size of a
pommel of a ponyard;" its weight being two hundred
and fifty carats, and its value one hundred and fifty
thousand pesos. It was presented by the king to his
daughter Elizabeth, wife of Albertus, duke of Austria.

The number and variety of pearls were such that
this trade became one of the most prolific sources of

17 On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to interfere with the taking
of provisions from the valleys of Trujillo, and Sana to Panairui City, and to
see that Panama was well provisioned. Recop. de Indias, ii. 64. A similar
order was issued Feb. 18, 1597. Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas,
Col Doc.,xvii. 339-60.

18 See Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 377,409-11, this series.

19 II peut le vendre a qui bon lui semble; mais pour 1 ordinaire il le cede a
son maitre pour un prix modique. Raynal, Hist. Phil., iv. 200.

20 He visited the islands in 1594, and found them inhabited by Spaniards
and negro slaves kept only to fish for pearls. Harris Col. Voy., i. 746.

OLD.

, iltli i ville alone in. -87

sonic hundred pound- \

rivallin iind in : nd

Indi 1 ;

fair -ft l)oth in quantity and (jiialifv.
in

the* industry. Notwithstanding tl.

incasuivs the pearl-1 rapidly e\l.

diving provt d a profitless lal&gt; and not until

d decades later was this indu.-

( )oM had hem found and mined in di: nf

the I&gt;tlmius, notahly in ]3arien, tl. of &

of Balboa s brillianl achievments, wb -ni-din^ to

&gt;ort of a later governor, i ;il had

;n!-i! t-&gt; le "weighed ly the Imndr

!Mni .- definite is the information l r tl. &gt;d con-

nin^ the mines of \"- . incc &gt;f ii

sha]e, lyin^ l)ct\vei-n tliu two &lt; d CO1

L-ir-vlv of rilled and inacecs&gt;ihl down 1

i wliieh 1 all mountain ton I hi - i^ht

(jnantities of the previous metal within

Spaniards were not slow to ].
partly from lh,- tj-inkets displayed hy India

the mines were Hooded with lal&gt;o: \Vh

&lt;Ji- nu th of the native ]&gt;roved nix^jual to t

Spaniards enlist ed in their

mon; liai-dy ne^n^, until in the p
d;iy- &gt;f mining, which eiilmina: it th

theiv were t \\ oth Usand of them at N
]*ninor ma^nilied the yield

rordin^ to I )a!np:

tli. bes&lt; u"ld mines ever yet found." "I-

their inexhau&gt;til.K&gt; riclu-s in ^old," ^ r ill

Spaniards th- re kn&lt; w not t .dth/

!1 I

]ll }

3 ^ , i. i;&gt;S; Oyllly s A -

396 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

The yield, if rich, did not prove lasting, however,
and the number of mine-owners dwindled, though
several causes united to this end, such as the attack of
hostile natives or negroes who frequently swooped
down on the Spaniards from their mountain fastnesses
and despoiled their camp. The roads were difficult; the
mining towns were sickly and for the most part aban
doned during the rainy season, their occupants betaking
themselves to Panamd. In 1580 there were but four
of them in the entire province. These were Ciudad
de la Concepcion, the capital, forty leagues west of
Nombre de Dios; Villa de Trinidad, six leagues east
of Concepcion by sea, but inaccessible by land; Ciudad
de Santa Fe, where the smelting-works were estab
lished; and Ciudad de San Carlos built on the South
Sea, some forty or more leagues west of Santa Fe.
These communities contained altogether about a hun
dred and seventy vecinos; all employed in mining or
in matters connected therewith.

Mining towns wefe not, however, the only ones to
retrograde. The town of Acla, which it will be re-

membered was founded by Pedrarias in 1515, and
rebuilt by Vasco Nunez two years later, 24 had in 1580
dropped out of existence. And so it was with several
settlements that at different times had risen with hope
ful prospects. Either the climate killed or drove off the
inhabitants, or rival towns sprang up under the patron
age of some governor, and with real or fancied advan
tages lured away the citizens. Nombre de Dios had
maintained its position as the leading town and port

The city of Panam received annually some thousand pounds of gold...
There is greater Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa Maria not far off than
within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or perhaps in the whole
World. Span. Emp. in Amer., 210-13. We have a glimpse of the working of
the mines in a report of the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them
worked for the king s benefit. At these were employed, in addition to the
overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred negroes, of whom
seventy were freshly imported Africans, and one third of the number were
women. The total expenditure for the year was a little less than $20,000. The
several items of expense are given in Veragua, Eelac. de las Minas, in Col. Doc.
Ined., xxxi. 365-72.

24 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, 441, this series.

;

i ( &gt;i -j- d i&lt; hidi

tills Would have doomed m;m\

climate was j.oti! that |

wa rally (! it the close &lt;&gt;f the !

. and it contained onl;

Boodgj and y

! part of the \car of

din^ly lad, exposed i
rly ^ales, hy which, desp:

01 lar :/ \

and pirates could readily a ail it. T\&gt;
di&gt;advant Ird many iutT&lt;

imvcil of the port &lt;&gt;f entry to &lt;

on tin coast of Honduras. Although the di

from Nombre do Dios to Panamd \\

lea j, while that from Puerto do Caballoa to i
jeca waa fully lii tho

j) hy mule over the former rouU.- was thirty j
id over the latter lnit iiin

Garcia de Hermosillo was conn. hv

kin^ in L554 t&lt;&gt; inquire into the merit

and two ^ r m, lu

minous hut pailial report, &gt;howin

lauifmL? the course of v. s go! T;

to ]&gt;roceed direct to tin- port of T
on m lend in ^ that ships from X i \v
iiz, IViiiuco, and the GrOlfo L)ul .&gt;ulil tu-

]&gt;ort, and tl; How to !.

Hid to If. of 1 :id 1:

I to \\ -ru and elsfwh A cedilla v

Upon addressed, iu ()ctol r 1556, to the and
pai iola and the Confines, i -nor

and the officers of tl i Ho

direct .pinions .f ex] &gt;ld 1"

I inl ormation nh-tained from all famili,

** \trnct will sli.iw th- tliis r-

s :il dicli
! iniiy

im d mosillo, Mem

SwUot,

398 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

coast and its harbors. Testimony concerning the
facts and views advanced in Hermosillo s report was
taken in 1558, and among those who pronounced in
favor of the transfer as recommended were Oviedo
the chronicler, Luis Gutierrez the cosmographer, and
Juan de Barbosa, then governor of Tierra Firme.
The cabildo of Santiago also bestirred themselves in
behalf of the change, as one apt to improve commu
nication with Peru, and, as they temptingly added,
likely to increase largely the royal revenue. 26

Communications between the home government
and its transatlantic subjects involved vexatious de
lays; such negotiations were always slow, and at this
time there was some temporary disorganization of the
council of the Indies to complicate matters. The
subject would seem to have been ignored until quick
ened anew by an address of Felipe de Aninon, who
had. lived many years in the Indies, "on the utility
and advantages which would result from changing the
route of transit between the seas from Nombre de
Dios and Panamd to Puerto de Caballos and Fon-
seca." 27 The memorial, without presenting any new
arguments, recapitulates with considerable force those
which had been previously advanced, urging that im
munity would thus be secured from the raids of cor
sairs, and that even though Panamd and Nombre de
Dios were abandoned, a dozen cities would spring up
to take their place in a region whose mines were so
rich arid whose soil was so fertile. At Nombre de
Dios even Indian women, elsewhere so prolific, be
came barren; fruits refused to grow, children could
not be reared, and men lived not out the usual span
of life. Their gold and silver were as nothing to
the treasures that could be extracted from the mines
of Honduras, for when these latter should be worked

26 Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22, 1559, on May 17,
1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when they denounced Nombre de
Dios as la Sepultura de Espaiioles. Arevalo, Col. Doc. Aniig., 27-33.

27 This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was written in 1565.
Aninon, Discurso, in.Squkr s MSS. t v.

by imported n with th- of quicksilver,

^1 uld have th i kin^ d oi i

Spain. The memorial &gt;nrhi

though ei;_;-ht hundred tl :nd pe&gt;o-
;&lt;!&lt;&lt;! in openii
would In. oil&gt;ei by tli inilliMii

.nnual revenue of the kh Ti
iblishii where tlic port of cut :ly

decided by the report of h-an J)a]
ro\ r, Avliicli sliowud tliat \vliilu a i

- aecessary a desirable sit bed close 1

leagues to tlu 4 west of Noml&gt;r&lt;
village of Portobello, containing, in L585j
re than ten lior, Init possessin comma
harbor, with good anchors sy of aco .ml &lt;

W!KTU laborers could unload v. -wii]
sity of wading up to the arm-pi*

XomhrcdeDios. Timber and pastur :it,

tin- soil was fertile, and fresh water could !&lt; had

throughout the year. ^I&lt;&gt;i r it muld l&gt;o
inrtiiied against attack from C nd pril

men, who, under Drake and others, had ah. m-

mitted depredations on the. I^thn. will he h-

related. "If it mi^ht l i daje

fche surveyor, "it n &gt;od that the ciiy oi Noml

de D\o&gt; be brought and builded in this harbo On

&lt;)tli of ^larcll l.V.7 the chfl was in;

diar-v of 1he factor Franri&gt;eo de Valve]

lenient wa^ ioiinded which soon 6 ono

important eities in Central Ann

In I ."&gt;:_::) Panama bed by I b a

hundred household. In L58I as

vied by IMiilip "inuy noble y mtiy leal.

I by

,1 by the h&lt; r the atmospl humid:

il, and the. .-pivad of infivtioiis di

-//&gt;.. in P IT, KM .-i

tnu*, v. 889, crr in

t l.

400 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

Small-pox, quinsy, dysentery, intermittent fevers, and
other ailments were prevalent among the community,
and at times the city was almost depopulated. 23

In 15G4 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines
was removed, as we have seen, to Panama 39 under the
presidency of Doctor Barros de Millan. Great though
short-lived were the rejoicings throughout Tierra
Firme at this victory. The people of Guatemala
would not consent to become a mere dependency of
the audiencia of Mexico; and as already stated a
decree was issued in 1568 ordering that the audiencia
should again be removed to Guatemala, the change
being made two years later, though, as we shall find,
an audiencia was before long once more established in
Panama.

By a cedula dated February 26, 1571, Tierra Firme
was made subject to the viceroy of Peru in all matters
relating to government, war, and exchequer, but not
in civil matters. 31 Little direct information of the
/vorking of the new regime in the latter part of the

29 Some physicans ascribed these diseases to the use of Peruvian wine, not
withstanding the prohibitions already mentioned. To a statement made by
the councillor of the corporation to the city council of Panama a medical re
port is appended which reads thus: Muchas calenturas ardientes y podridas,
muchos dolores de costado, camaras de sangre, romadizo y otras indisposicioiies
de calor y humedad, por ser esta tierra mui caliente y hiimeda por cuya razon
hierve dentro de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las
dichas eiifermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y viruelas, y sarampion y ron-
chas. Fecho en Panama en onze de Abril de mil y seiscientos. Reales Cedidas,
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 219-22.

^Reales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2; confirmed
by Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222-3, and Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. &gt;oc.,ix.
89-90. Juarros, Gua t., states that it did not receive the royal approbation
until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560 a royal c6dula was issued, vest
ing the government of Tierra Firme in the president of the audiencia residing
in Panamd. The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they
could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to this measure.
See Reales Ced., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xviii. 531-2, and Decadas,
in Id., xiii. 36-38.

31 A special cedula, dated July 30, 1588, on the appointment of Garcia de
Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes him to take part in and preside over the ses
sions of the audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the ad
ministration of justice. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xvii. 467. Other
c^dulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628 confirmed the one issued in 1571. Hie
first of these three orders also made the provinces of Charcas arid Quito sub
ject to the viceroy of Peru. Recop. de I/id., ii. 109-10; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult.,
iii. 357; Montesclaros, Relation, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vi. 191.

401

nt r, r
d in la! p it. t

I ehronie dlSCOnt nt fco tl ;! in all

Anioi:-- them \\ in-

narv r, I ."-^8, forbidding !ent and

idiiiLT ;| t Panamd to vi.-if any j&gt;ri\

t lor any pur] r da;

J )eerml&gt;er .". l , l 590, forbidding offici in th- I

department I of a]

at i time. Some of the Iau&lt; r were

ided lor illegal &gt;]M-riilat ion with go^
which became so common that in !

ill t! i thi- ;nr. d

to ;t one* hundred and fifty thousand ]

79 the corregidor f l &gt; anan. tne j-oini . i

d that he alone ha mi

v thousand two liu; d th

\vliieh ] ,d eollreted and in withheld

the tr&lt; i-y. 33 T! : M _:- of pac jp&lt;

mean^ hv whi&lt;-h m ml i the aiidie

:ing of his ]

iny; that in a Mn-le year &lt; \\
th: i Tierra I irme \\iiljont ]&gt;
lie the ] .inlliiiL^ \

ill-lit . 1" ing the i . and in;.

mercha brin ain,

by |r&lt;
While th- .1 ion at the ]

I roiu T

/ .
ll&gt;.

i bul*H5-

q)oac.
II. 26

402 AFFAIRS IN PANAMA.

thus in an unsatisfactory condition, the authorities
were constantly in dread of invasion from foreign
powers. Early in the year 1561 two caravels arrived
with intelligence that a large fleet had sailed from
. England for America, and with orders that prepara
tions be made for a stout defence. The treasure on
board the ships lying in harbor was quickly removed
and secreted on shore, and no vessels were allowed to
leave port until the arrival of the convoy fleet from
Spain under the adelantado Pedro Menendez. It is
not recorded that on this occasion the English made
any attempt to land on the shores of Tierra Firme,
but four years later, the monarchs of England and
Spain being then on friendly terms, one Captain Par
ker touched at the coast of Darien ostensibly for the
purpose of trading with the natives. An armed
flotilla was despatched against him, but the captain
refused to depart, and when attacked not only repulsed
his assailants, but captured one of the enemy s squad

ron. 36

Although, as will be told in the next chapter, the
Isthmus was several times invaded by English adven
turers between 1572 and 1596, it was not until near
the end of the century that any really effectual meas
ures were completed for its protection. On the 2d of
May 1574 the king wrote to the audiencia of Panamd,
that he had information of many privateering expedi
tions then being fitted out with the intention of pro
ceeding to the Indies. In 1580 three ships of war
were stationed on the coast to guard against corsairs
and it was ordered that criminals be delivered over
to serve as oarsmen on board these vessels. In 1591
a more powerful fleet was sent to the West Indies and
fortifications ordered to be erected at the town of
Cruces and other points on the Isthmus. At this
elate Panamd alone could put into the field eight hun-

36 The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in strong terms against
Parker s conduct, but to no purpose. Queen Elizabeth not only justified his
action but warmly commended him. Darien, Scots Colony, 56 (1699).

AR 01 403

&lt;liv&lt;l S; li infant i Four \

I for a f. rt at tin- moal
( lhagre riv- Finally in I .". . 7, v. hi D

of Drake s last ex] &gt;rditi&lt;m had thorough!]

kii sens.- &lt;&gt;f the di :, ni

cut from Spain to h bion "f tin-

ami it was onli-r. d that thu CO
ilio royal treasur\

was assailable from three difTrn-nt joii
m Nombre de Dios, whi it &lt;-&lt;&gt;ul&lt;I only 1

tlir iiL;li tliu mountain j .all

in. ii could hold an army in
in Acla, fourteen leagues of X)iiilr- d&lt;- I ):

v/1 men of war had fonm-rly and, and by

way of the Rio Chagre, which was navi^d*!-
boats as far as Cm road ;

:iama presenting no serious ol
foi

1 Chinks, in Pacheco and ( is, &lt;?oL Doc., xvii. 395- 3,

p. 4 J thia vol. for map of territory.

CHAPTER XXIII.

DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

1572-1596.

DRAKE S ATTACK ON NOMBRE DE DIGS PANIC AMONG THE INHABITANTS
STORES OF TREASURE EETREAT OF THE ENGLISH THEY SAIL FOR
CARTAGENA AND THENCE FOR THE GULF OF URAB! VISIT TO THE
ISLE OF PINOS THE SHIPS MOVED TO THE CABEZAS ISLANDS SECOND
EXPEDITION TO CARTAGENA MARCH TO THE ISTHMUS DRAKE S FIRST
GLIMPSE OF THE SOUTH SEA AMBUSCADE POSTED NEAR CRUCES
THE BELLS OF APPROACHING TREASURE TRAINS THE PRIZE MISSED
THROUGH THE FOLLY OF A DRUNKEN SOLDIER CAPTURE OF CRUCES
THIRTY TONS OF GOLD AND SILVER TAKEN NEAR NOMBRE DE Dios
VOYAGE ON A RAFT THE EXPEDITION RETURNS TO ENGLAND OXEN-
HAM S RAID DRAKE S CIRCUMNAVIGATON OF THE GLOBE His SECOND
VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES His FINAL EXPEDITION His DEATH
AND BURIAL OFF PORTOBELLO.

the town of Offenburg, in the Grand Duchy of
Baden, is a statue of a man standing on the deck of

a vessel and leaning on an anchor, his right hand
grasping a map of America, his left a cluster of bulb
ous roots, the meaning of which might puzzle the ob
server until he reads on the pedestal the inscription:
"Sir Francis Drake, the introducer of potatoes into
Europe, in the year of our Lord 1586." Thus, in Of
fenburg, is known to fame the great Armada captain
and circumnavigator of the globe. The eldest of the
twelve sons of a Protestant minister in straitened cir
cumstances, he shipped as an apprentice OQ board a
small merchant craft, and on the decease of the cap
tain succeeded to the command of the ship. Tiring
of his trading ventures he sold his vessel, and soon
afterward served under Sir John Hawkins, in an ex-

(401;

AT XOMBRK 1 OS. ; ,

IJiion t&lt;&gt; Mexico, \\] h&lt; ]
and some of his dearesl fi i&lt; n Y&lt;

on the Spaniards, lie returned to 1 :iid. and in

LVed lei of manpie from On.-,

authorizing him to cruise in tin- Spanish A .
After two 18, made rather f plor;

11 profit, he fitted up two priv -3 and sevn-al
pinnaces for an expedition Y&lt;&gt;ml&gt;red&lt; I , and
Whitsunday eve, tin; 24th of May 1572, sail fr&lt;
Plymouth with a force of men.

Drake first shaped his coin or tli- [slad
wh lie left his ships in &lt;-ha ilii

]ia\\&gt;c, and placing most of li in tin- pinL.

arrix cd off the Isthmus at tli i.son &lt;! P \vl.
tin- treasures of the mine d tli

lor shipment to Spain. 1 \\^ tin- prt

X -mbre de Dios by ni^ht li.- ro

Ik by marching* throii-h tin- main to

the sound of drum and trim, A j

spatehed to seize the kind s t rrasuri -li-

s ordered to fa-t.-n to his j&gt;il.

The ailViiditrd inhabitants ii : i tha: town \\

in\ i by a force at t\vic&lt; 1;

N !)], ss they v. SOOn undi-r anus, and

ir the governor s hoii&gt; i &gt;h;i

r on the l^ii^lish, pMiiitin^ their wiap&lt;ns so 1-
that the Imllets oi ten ^ni/ed i round. T

va n disc-liar i heir pi I id tl-

close &lt;|Uai i E th

]ike and sword and hut-end -
m with heavy loss to the mar!
pri&gt;&lt;&gt;i; cap! . wh-

t the sih in Wl

rnor s residence, and that in t

hou&gt;.- i; i- the v, a lar- e q

JCW( Is, and ju-a! i

J); ord .-r&lt;-d hi- men to stand t th- ir UTSIS,

In Old &lt; //"

that iu au apartment uf tlu ^ hou^c was a stack **

406 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

companies of Spaniards were observed mustering for
an attack. A report then spread through the ranks
that the pinnaces were in danger of being captured.
A violent storm of rain came on, and before the Brit
ish could gain shelter their powder was wet and their
bowstrings rendered unserviceable. The men lost
heart and began to think of saving themselves before
their retreat was cut off, many of them being wounded,
and Drake himself shot in the leg. Their captain
rebuked them, exclaiming: " I have brought you to
the very mouth of the treasure of the world, and if
you go away without it you can blame nobody but
yourselves." He then directed a portion of his com
mand to break open the treasure-house, while the
remainder stood ready to repel attack; but, as he
stepped forward, he dropped down in a swoon from
loss of blood and was carried back to his pinnace. 2

At daybreak the entire company embarked, and
after making prize of a vessel of sixty tons laden prin
cipally with wines, landed at the port of Bastimentos. 3

long, 10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave information
that the treasure-house contained more gold, jewels, and pearls than their pin
naces could carry; but one must make due allowance for the vivid imagina
tion of those chroniclers.

2 The account given in HaTduytfs Voy. , iii. 778-9, differs materially from
that of other authorities. The story is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz,
whose narrative the chronicles tells us was intercepted with the author there
of at the riuer of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher
Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erie of Cumberland
for the South sea in the yeere 1586. He states that Drake landed with loO
men, and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios, marched
with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants fled to the mountains,
but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish arquebusiers fired a volley upon the
English, killing their trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon,
he says, the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned; sound
ing the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the signal being unanswered,
the men left in charge retreated to their boats, thinking that their comrades
were either slain or captured. Drake and his followers then threw away
their arms, and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces.
It is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the command
of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a retreat before a handful
of Spaniards.

3 Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan Lopez, son of Tomas
Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish cosmographer, in a map prepared by
the former in 1789, for the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In
the map following the introduction to D ampler s Voy., published in 1699, the
word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of islands off Nombre de
Dios. Bellin, Karte von der JErdenge, Panama, 1754, agrees with Drake, but

M. 407

ting - two days I

ships at the I&gt;1;: Pillos, wh he I Ills

hrother 1 6 the river Cha^re as far

\n of Cruces, where it will 1&lt;

treasure trains ] &lt;l on their way from Panai

the Xorth S&lt; He thru proceeded to Cart,;

where In* captured several Spanish \ . hut ;

the town too strongly defended to ven;
ail forthegulf of Uraba\ Th

at a &gt;pot remote from the line of travel, and hi li:

their vessels in a neighboring creek, i :i-.l th

fifteen days, hoping thus to c: niion^r (h- ,m-

ianls the iinpivssion that they had dej&gt;art.-l from

ast. An dition was then un&lt; iken to i

ri\-er Airatofor the purpose of intercepting the c
which, after the arrival of the f Cari

Wei-e sent up the stream, lad-n with &lt;h rc-han&lt;i

of Sj)ain, to return with the gold, silver, and other
valuahle commodities collected dnrii, r.

On tin &gt;}}({ day of the \- !

that the ilec-t had not yet reached ( an
upon the English a^ain vi-ir.-d the 1 &lt;! I ; 1

irin^ there va&gt;t quantities of ji-ovi- . includ
ing cassava bread, meal, wine, dried le,
plentiful supply of live sto.-k, all intende.l
of the Spanish settlement &lt; and for r&lt; lallin^ t!
ileet. 4 I hese were secured for future u-e in &1
h , huilt many lea Then nnd.-r t

lance of cimarrones, who regarded the English 8

lies against a mutual foe, Drake moved h

eluded hay amid the ( !a up of thickly

islands, near the gulf of S where tl

liko Loj

.mil // . . i. passin .series.

Ti I iii .si

lut :itiallyin B I

;.&lt;M&gt;o .,,. s.u.l it this WM the ca&gt;

uiJ ti. riaoa wa t lal storing placr

408 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

channel was so narrow and difficult that none could
enter by night. 5 Here he was free from all danger of
surprise. The rainy season had now begun, and dur
ing that time the Spaniards did not convey treasure
by land. A delay became necessary before any ex
tensive raid could be undertaken, and the men were
therefore ordered to erect a fort and buildings suitable
for their accommodation and to land their ordnance
and provisions.

The restless spirit of the leader carried him on, and
within fourteen days of his arrival at the islands he
started on a new expedition to Cartagena, casting
anchor in that harbor on the 18th of October 1572.
A party of horsemen came down to the shore dis
playing a flag of truce, and met him with fair promises
of friendship and assistance. Suspecting treachery,
the English put off to sea next morning, but remained
for some days in the neighborhood to the great annoy
ance of the Spaniards, who constantly endeavored,
though without success, to induce them to land and
thus draw them into an ambuscade. At length falling
short of provisions, and seeing no prospect of cap
turing any valuable prize, they set sail for the gulf
of San Bias. On the return voyage, which occupied
twenty-five days, they suffered severely. Baffled by
contrary gales, their small, leaky craft, in imminent
peril from the heavy chopping sea, their provisions
exhausted, many almost perishing from want and ex
posure, they had never lived to rejoin their comrades,
but that in the last extremity they were fortunate
enough to capture a Spanish vessel, "which," as the
chronicler tells us,, "being laden with victuals well
powdered and dried, they received as sent them by
the mercy of heaven."

Drake remained for several weeks in his lurking
place among the islands. At length the welcome

5 In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands are placed a few miles
east of point San Bias and named the Islas Cabezas 6 Cautivas. By Burton
they are also called the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas.

sat 1

mbr- t the ach

march o d Panaii

bllllrts of the Spaniard thii

7\ had :

lit of thrir number had a!
this land of prom: amoi
] )i through di&gt; r uli

h attack on a Spanish \
lay ill cf tlio &lt;

unhealthy climat&lt; id unwh&lt;&gt; ne water.

ndiT -uai d liad l).--ii !;

iii-!i could be inir I iit o.

ciiiiarroiics who accompanied t n &lt;,

tin- provisions, leaving th.- !

by their arms. 7
^NFany days tl,
through i e un h and cane-1 , crc

: reams and toiling up mountain ^"

tiK ivd little har&lt;lshi|&gt;. Hi^h ovi-rh -ad :ii-

of ]&gt; IK -d them iVoni t!

vertical sun. The country abounded in
1V; and ni-lit app

i-ain-proof d with pah

v.-ild j lantain L , under which they ecu

&gt;f wild bar s ilr.-h or otla-r 1 &gt;iiu

during the d;

8 Ii. 8, -J1. it is stated that a poet-; \amin.i-

hi tin; account in 11

!ui&lt;l with him \(

coul.l havt- hat! little cliai.

8 TI &lt; carri kinds of weajx

I \\ith ir- -^ *gn

in \vii ;

: of ga

ur. y; ;. See also /

410 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

On the third day of their march they arrived at a
negro town, distant forty-five leagues from Panama*
and thirty-five from Nombre de Dios, containing
about sixty families, and well supplied with maize,
fruit, and live stock. The town was surrounded with
a mud wall and a ditch for defence against the Span
iards, with whom the cimarrones were still constantly
at war. Only one year before the place had been
attacked by a force of one hundred and fifty men,
whose commander had promised to exterminate the
entire population. The assault was made just before
daybreak, whereupon the males fled to the forest,
leaving their wives and children to be massacred, but
afterward mustering courage fell on their invaders
and drove them in turn to the woods, where, their
guide being slain, all but thirty perished of want.
Here the English were urged to remain and rest for
a few clays. Not far distant, they were told, dwelt
the king of the cimarrones, who could bring into the
field seventeen hundred warriors, and would aid them
with reinforcements on learning their errand. The
commander thanked them, but declared that "he
would use no further strength if he might have
twenty times as much," and after a brief halt contin
ued his journey.

Four days later the expedition arrived at the sum
mit of a mountain, from which they had been promised
a view of the "North Sea whence they came and of
the South Sea whither they were going." Aided by
one of the cimarrones Drake climbed a tall tree, in
whose trunk steps had been cut almost to the top,
and where, supported by the upper limbs, a bower
had been built large enough to contain a dozen men.
From this eyrie he gazed for the first time on the
great southern ocean over whose waters the English
flag had never yet been unfurled. It is said that lie

9 The author of Selection of Curious Voy., iv. 15, states that Drake arrived
at the summit of this mountain ten days after leaving the town of the cimar
rones. According to other authorities the time was seven days.

TIT: rn.\r

re conceived Hi wlii

w; rried t mpletion-
the glohe; and as dreams of i;u :id \

nient \\ mingled with visions of gold -ingl-

and of Spanish Balloons deep laden with \

lie ! 1.1(1 it God "to him 1 ;id

leave to sail an Knglish ship in th The aid

of the Aim: r er inv

furtherance of more iniquitioua i arcs.

For forty-eight hours more the route lay thr
forest land, and heyond this the country \
with a species of grass, so tall that at its full ( th
tin- rattle could not reach the upper M Thr:

ii- it was l)iirnt, and so rich \\as Hi 1 that ;
days afterward it Sprouted like ^reen corn,
lisli \vere now nearin;^ the did of their march, and
they journeyed frequently came in sight of ]
and oi the Spanish vessels riding at anrhor in i
roadstead

Extreme caution became n -nd

pronchin^ Panam;i, Drake, withdrawing his m-

the road, led them to a grove within a i

city, and near the highway to N&gt;i de ]);

Jlis arrival was well timed. A cimarron,

rd to Panama dis ^ui-ed as a slave t" Ttain t

ict night and time of night 11 when the pn

in was to pass hy. returned with i
thrill through every l.reast. at \

nvrof Lima was to start from J anaina en i
Sp.-(in, and with him it mules laden with gold,
live with silver, and one with pearls and jew !
other trains each of titty mules. 1 mainly with

provisions, were to form part of the &lt; dition.

Drake at once put his men in motion toward t
&lt; re River, and when within two 1

O ^

10 Tl. ^ of Panama usr-1 t &gt; iinplny lumtcrs an&lt;l e

. .Is in tluit cuiiiitn-y, 1-v \\h&lt;-m ti. turtoHi

11 Tlu- ti-fas- i f]-\v;inU il fr..i. ; ,inA t&lt;&gt; to av
the heat cucuuutcixd 1 "1-cu country ly.

412 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

town of Graces 12 posted them in two parties, one on
either side of the road, and in such a position that
they might fall simultaneously on the van and rear of
the train. The men were ordered to wear white shirts
outside their uniforms in order to distinguish one
another. After the arrival of the fleet at Nombre de
Dios, trains passed frequently along the road from
Cruces to Panama", and the strictest injunctions were
given that none should stir except at the appointed
signal.

An hour they lay in ambush; the treasurer was
within half a league of the ambuscade, and the bells
of the approaching train were distinctly heard in the
silence of the night. The great prize was close at
hand, and each man as he clutched his firelock and
felt the keen edge of his broadsword held his breath
while he crouched in the grass and listened to the
sounds borne ever clearer on the still air. A train
laden with merchandise was now passing directly in
front of them, but such spoil offered no temptation
when gold and silver by the ton was within reach.
At this moment an untoward incident occurred. " One
Robert Pike," as Burton tells us, " having drunk too
much Aqua-VitcB without Uater, forgetting himself,
perswaded a Symeron to go into the road, and seize on
the foremost Mules,, and a Spanish Horse-man riding by
with his Page running on his side, Pike unadvisedly
started up to see who he was, though the Symeron
discreetly endeavored to pull him down, and lay upon
him to prevent further discovery, yet by this Gentle
man taking notice of one all in white, they having
put their Shirts over their Cloths to prevent mistakes
in the night, he put Spurs to his Horse both to secure
himself, and give notice to others of the danger." .

12 Venta Cruz according to Burton s Life of Drake, 18, Burton s English
JJeroe, 50, and Life and Voy, of Drake, 42, and Venta de Grazes in the map
confronting p. 1 in Dampier s Voy. Probably both are identical with Cruces,
or Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of Esquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers,
in which no such place as Venta Cruz is mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map
before mentioned calls the place San Francisco de Cruces.

RICHE

11 remained in am!

]ia&lt;l hap 1. The cavalier i .11

li;i -ortthe circumstan

it t IK i! i-l it he.-t that

! ire l&gt;r led aside while the remainder be all

! Mat ill case of ; -k tl

ition miii lit l)c engaged until tmoj .uld i
&gt;ned iVoni IV lit. The provision train

quickly captured and a few hundivd poimd&gt;

Imllion 111 di-covcrcd among 1

Xo time \va^ to ! li&gt;{-, for one of the mo

friendly-minded iowunl li:

Hint by &lt;laylreak the iM have tl

neral upon them, at th&lt; d of the entire ]

.1 anaina. The leader of tli tTOnee ]roini-

tliat it tliey would nt onc ii m;n-ch lioldly oil ( i
would conduct tlicin to t sliijs l.y a ;

sliorter route than tliai. by which they had c
To some this ]&gt;laii seemed ha/.urdoi ;n-

iidcM 1 , with his clear judgment, Baw

th miards at once, while h :
condition, was less perilous than to be
whenj .-nled with travel and disj.iritetl by fa:

Al ter giviiiL;- them time to- m
Dra 1 tve the order to advanc Theroaii -but
feet v. id.-, be-in* 1 cut through i

inclosed by a dense wall of un h. A cor

]&gt;any of Sol town as

:ist mai audin-- hand- of cin

t friai-s, C

The Spanish captain bailed t . and
that they \\

^se-loacb of silver, according

to mal.

th- .t.

rones.

KO ;ih
anietfl

as oft 1:

.. ^//iwl

&gt;j. v/ Drake,

4H DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

surrender, promising kind treatment. Drake answered :
"For the honor of the queen of England, my mistress,
I must have passage this way." He then discharged
his pistol, and was answered by a volley which killed
one and wounded several of his band. The English
then attacked briskly, and aided by the cimarrones
drove the Spaniards into the woods and took posses
sion of Cruces.

Much consternation was at first caused among the
townsfolk, especially among some Spanish women of
Nombre de Dios still suffering from child-birth; 15 but
Drake manifested little of that fiendish cruelty dis
played by the buccaneers of later years. Giving orders
that none should lay hands on women or do violence
to unarmed men, 16 he called on the sick women and
assured them that they had nothing to fear. Little
booty of value was found at Cruces, and at daybreak
on the morning after making their entry into the town
the party began their march toward the coast, reach
ing their ships in safety, though hungry, shoeless, and
empty-handed.

After an unsuccessful cruise on the coast of Ver-
agua, Drake returned once more to the Cabezas, and
there fell in with a French vessel, the captain of
which proposed to join him in another attempt, now
being planned, to capture some of the treasure trains
still passing across the Isthmus. After consultation
it was agreed that twenty of the French crew should
go in company with fifteen of the English, and that
the former should receive half the proceeds of the
raid. The expedition sailed for the Rio Francisco,
and after ascending the river a short distance in

15 In Burton s English Heroe&gt; 56, 57, it is stated that at Nombre de Dios
parturition was usually followed in a few days by the death of the infant.- but
that children born at Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then
brought to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also Life and
Voy. of Drake, 47.

16 Lopez Vaz, in HaHuyt, Voy., iii. 779, states that five or seven merchants
were slain, and that the town was set on fire, property being destroyed to the
value of more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless the
work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in other authorities.

ri:i;iLoi&gt;; 81 : rox.

itliout i
in-ar Xomb: Dios, within a short distai]

road. Th from ( | ill 1,-,

.ilihLj 1 thu la&gt;t ship!

])rake liad , i\ to bell liat .- al rich!
trail re thru on the way iVum Panama.

he disappointed On the morning after rrival ;

Us of the approaching train \. binctty ln-ard,

and soon th&lt; I in &gt;i-ht tluv&lt;- compani

u-ith nty and one with fifty mule.-. laden \\

in-arly thirty tons of i^old and silver. J i

i soldiers, numbering forty ii\v mm. \

oil al tcr the exchange of a few shots, one of \

\vouii(k d tliu l^ruich captain E unl the ad\".

tur-i-s \ left in ])&lt;&gt;&gt; n of tin- prL In t

urs they liad seeiired all Hi Id tlu-y could .
away, and buiic-d tli maindcr, wi !&gt;oiH
tns of silvrr, under fallm trees. Meanwhile the alarm
liad been Li iveii at Xoinbre de Dios, and a B
of horse and foot approached them fmni that air
lion. All except the wounded otlicer and two of \
command retired to the woods and made their \\
bade to the river.

Jkit what had become of the pinnaces? They h
: -n ordered to return within four days and w

n in slight. Looking seaward, Drake d&lt;

Sj h vessels erui&gt;iii;j; oil the coast. Si.

boats had been captur. heir crews to

di.- the hiding-place of the ships that \ to ha
Carried tl.M-m back home, wei-hed down with plun&lt;:
Of little use was now their n-,ld, with Mich d:
pr - before them. The eimarrono ad 1 them

to inarch overland to tin- spot where th- IJ,

a diilicult journey of sixteen days at least, tl r
.nd aCT :i&gt; swolh n by winter n

with many a tall mountain Kin-- between th&lt;
th. tshoi- 1 ^rake v ed that lon^ 1&lt;

they reached tin t their ships would be taken
burnt by the Spaniard-. Nevertheless he told

416 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

men to banish fear, and bid them construct a raft from
the trees brought down by the stream during a recent
storm. A large biscuit-sack served for a sail, and for
rudder an oar rudely shaped with axe and knife.

With three companions, all expert swimmers, the
commander put to sea, assuring his followers "that if
by Gods help he once more put aboard his Foot in
his Frigot, he would certainly get them all into her in
spite of all the Spaniards in the Indies." The raft
was so low in the water that each wave broke over
them/ 7 fretting a-nd chafing their lower limbs, while
their bodies from the waist upward were scorched by
the stinging heat of a tropical sun. Six hours passed
by slowly and wearily, and night was now approach
ing, while under a freshening gale the waves dashed
higher and higher, threatening each moment forever

O O O

to engulf the four cowering figures. Little hope or
life was left in them, for none could endure such hard
ship through all the long days that must elapse before
they could expect to reach their ships. At length
when all seemed lost a sail appeared, and then another.
Did they belong to their own missing boats or to the
war vessels of the enemy? Better to brave any danger
than fall alive into the hands of the Spaniards. Drake
at once affirmed them to be the pinnaces expected at
the rio Francisco, and so it proved. Within an hour
he was on board; before daybreak next morning he
had rejoined his command, and by sunrise all had
embarked for the Cabezas, where they found their
vessels lying safely at anchor. 18

17 In Burton s English Heroe, 70, and in Life and Voy. of Drake, 57, it is
stated that they sat up to the waist in water and that each wave drenched
them up to the arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances,
even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a remarkable feat
of navigation.

18 There is some confusion in the narrative of the old chroniclers at this
point. In Clark s Life of Drake, 20, it is related that a frigot which sailed
with the expedition to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of
the river, w T hile on account of shoal water the men ascended the stream in
pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the raft, if this were the case,
and why leave the vessel in so exposed a position? In Burton * English Heroe,
CO, it is stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas, and, page
71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his men say led back to their

Tl. id silver were now divided 1 lit in

.Mil J

dition despa

huri -d :-, and i scue or brin

anded officer and his two companions, i llyl.

t foot on the shore of tin; ri&lt;&gt; Francisco wh

e of in-; Frenchmen c forth t

them, lie declared that within half an hour ,
[Drake had be^un his r t, tin; c id h:

, ininir comrade, the latter half stiq :i wi:

liad been taken l&gt;y the Spaniards; that In- 1m
had -s&lt;-a]&gt;ed only by throw! i &lt;&gt;\VM his plum!
that the hidden treasure had probably b.-&lt;-n r

ground had been thoroughly searched. -

th- ie men were orl -jvd fco pu-h tbrwar.l, and

succeeded in unearthing 8OE -n baisof sih

and dgcs of ,u&lt;&gt;ld, \vh ., ith th

without adventure to tin- c.iast.

r J hc Spanish ileet was nw read; il, hav!

,cn on board the last load of i: nd

3 to br gained h\ aaining lo; on t

coast. Drake parted on Ljoud tTms with his I- i
alli 3, and ai ter eapturin^ a \ i with

visi&lt; &gt;n J, fitted out his &gt;hijs t&lt; r their h&lt;
Th- riniarroiii s 1 with

themselves, and a profu&gt;i&gt;n of silk and li
their wives. Sail was tln-n set: ttnd on a S .th

forenoon, the mli of August i

aiich-.r in Plymouth Sound. It was tin- hour of
divim- service, as the chroniclt-i s t. 11 i \VS

of the arrival spread throu--]i t ad in all t

churches mm and women abaiuloneil thrir

rigotand from thence directly to their Ships; : to thia authority

&gt;th ships aii&lt;l ahvady at ti. &gt;UZM v lay ac

froi .,ish ci

ulemajiy

112 to 7 easels

I at th tagena an Dioe.

. and some or
k. makes ii" inc;

thuji 1UO vessels of all sizes.
lii AM , VOL. II.

418 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

and flocked to the shore to welcome their brave coun
trymen, who thus returned to their native land with
so much gold and glory.

Among those who accompanied Drake in his expe
dition to Tierra Firme in 1572 was one John Oxen-
ham, who, three years later, planned a daring but, as
the event proved, a disastrous raid on the Spanish
mainland and went in search of the treasure-ships
which frequented its southern coast. Landing on the
Isthmus with only seventy men, he beached his ves
sel, covered her with boughs, buried his cannon in the
ground, and guided by friendly cimarrones marched
twelve leagues inland to the banks of a river flowing
tow r ard the south. Here a pinnace was built, large
enough to contain the entire party, and dropping down
unnoticed to the mouth of the stream Oxenham sailed
for the Pearl Islands, which lay in the track of vessels
conveying treasure from Lima to Panama". Prizes
w r ere made of two vessels containing gold and silver to
the value of nearly three hundred thousand pesos, and
the adventurers now began their homeward journey.
But on the very night of their departure information
of the capture was sent to Panamd, and within two
clays a strong force started in pursuit. The treasure
was recovered, the English were defeated, and their
ship being taken, the survivors, some fifty in number,
,fled to the mountains, where they lived for a time
.among the cimarrones. Finally they were betrayed
to the Spaniards and all put to death, with the excep
tion of five boys who were sold into slavery. Thus
ended the first piratical cruise attempted by English
men in the South Sea. 2(

The prayer which Drake uttered when first he
gazed on the Pacific did not remain long unanswered;
for the great captain was one of those self-helpful men
-.which the Almighty seldom fails to assist. On the

-HaJdwjts Voy., iii. 526-28.

COSTLY T: 419

November l ."&gt;77 li.- t. njM.u flu- f ;i

;

rank &lt;f na On

sar, 1." &lt;: :

was ; English

!\- .t r

tiled ar north as tl: iir.1 jiaralk

&gt; find a ]

Tli .riiin^ he ar t at i u.iith !

the Caj&gt;e ofGoo&lt;l I I&lt;

Ji .tli of Se|.- l jSO. 22 His i!

I I \ 1(1 Oil :

iKirk in wliich lio liad coi I th-

iit-lirnrtrd iiinrinrr, \vlio liad IH^UII Hi

ai a small trading \ al

mi nid 1. i tin.* k: tin- g

England 1 jna In-stowc-d &lt;-n him tl

Dra!

On the breakinff-oirl of hostiliti

and Spain in Elizabeth rmin&lt;

in &lt;
^ hile yet JMiilip was hut Co .|&gt;!atin-_r t!.

\vliidi three A i-niin.

that has 110 ]&gt;arailel in l!

\vart-n &lt; On September l -, i of &lt;

!1 Ixiare his name
Tiiul coast of &lt;

I iiati . with [WUOto:

it N--\v All)ion.

ixlay in the iust .nlinary r at

,oa the
t.World 1 &gt;HJI.*&gt;

\-cssi-l \.
tiniLcr, \vas present nl t&lt;&gt; tl.

^ occa

ilie ch..

too narrow are for the*,

).*

can al .r lad taken him at hi* , for the good

ship deserved a L -tte.

420 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

five ships with a number of pinnaces set sail from
Plymouth, having on board two thousand three hun
dred men, among them Frobisher and other captains
of armada fame, and as commander Sir Francis Drake.
The expedition first shaped its course toward Spain,
and after hovering for a while on that coast, capturing
many prizes, but none of value, landed on the first of
January 1586 in Espanola, within a few miles of Santo
Domingo. The city was taken after a feeble resist
ance, but little treasure was found there, for the mines
were now abandoned, the native population well nigh
exterminated, and copper money was in common use
among the Spaniards. A ransom of twenty-five thou
sand ducats was at length paid, and loading their fleet
with a good store of wheat, oil, wine, cloth, and silk,
the English sailed for Cartagena, captured that city
almost without loss, and retired on payment of a sum
equivalent to about one hundred and forty-five thou
sand pesos. By this time sickness had so far reduced
their ranks that they were compelled to abandon the
main object of their enterprise, namely, the occupa
tion of Nonibre de Dios and Panama^ and the seizure
of the treasure stored on either side of the Isthmus.
It was resolved, therefore, to return to England. 24
After touching at Saint Augustine, and securing in
that neighborhood treasure to the amount of ten
thousand pesos, and coasting thence northward to the
Roanoke, where the members of the colony recently
established 25 by Raleigh were taken on board the

24 Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his forces, there was prob
ably some further reason for his abandoning the expedition after such feeble
effort. His conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence which
he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he had received orders to return
to England, for it will be remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was
ready to sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following year by
Drake s bold dash at the harbor of Cadiz, during which he destroyed about
one hundred vessels.

25 In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was left in charge of the
colony, had caused it to be abandoned through faint-heartedness, a vessel de
spatched by .Raleigh, laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement.
Bancroft s United States, i. 102, 103. These men who were thus brought
back, says William Camden, were the first that I know of that brought
into England that Indian plant which they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco,

T1IK GRAXD i

1 )rake 1 r. h on tin- .

July L586. The spoil amount ! fco t lituuli

!ia-ed at tl

dml and iii ly 1! One third mount

was divided among tl r\i\&lt; ivin- lo\\

1 an individual the sum of thirty d!

The motto "Non sufficit oi-l-

chroniclers to the crown of Spain, of

ions of Philip. What matt n-

&lt;jue&lt;t of a. hemisplu ;in was n,

an- ; ^ liile the royal haniier of (

.1 by lie, 1 l&gt;aiio!s of
Commercial marts of the X-\v \Vrli ! ln-1 m-

ttl Such was the it which Imv.l i

Spaniel monarc is io attnnpl ainhi: s-ln-nu-&gt;

4 like that which . 1 in th
reat armada, in which the pii JJrakc p:
allotted part.

After sharing with Sir John B Mic command

of an lition dii-ectcd against Spain in !

Drake was ordered ly hi- &gt;&gt;

]&gt;repai e tinofln-i 1 armament.

"\\Yst indit In this entei-pi 1 with

If Sir John Hawkii -n o!

cnuli it l&gt;y nly

: i-d, it l)f: r au to L s "l l "t

uu 1 in ;i slioi-t til

^ith in

pipe, which
i at their nostril-: Lnsom ; i t .

kins, now \\-c.-ilthy m

nn.l ship

diniral. It d
! in such an
iiR-d tlin.ir_ h ID!
iiiiian-i
y \vitli ! ] ! . 1 \-.

ich lu-

- fool 1 :t a Ol

an 1 ionic a di:

422 DRAKE AND OXENHAM S EXPEDITIONS.

his patron, and among other officers Sir Thomas
Baskerville, 27 as commander of the land forces. On
the 28th of August 1595 a squadron of six men-of-
war equipped at the expense of the queen 23 sailed
from Plymouth, accompanied by twenty-one vessels
fitted out by private subscription. The entire force
of the expedition mustered twenty-five hundred men.
Although every precaution w^as used to mask the
purpose of the armament, it was known to Philip,
long before the departure of the fleet, that Drake
intended to capture Nombre cle Dios and to march
thence to Panama^, touching first at Puerto Rico to
plunder a dismasted treasure-ship which lay in that
harbor. The English soon found to their cost that
every preparation had been made for a resolute
defence. Anchoring near the town of San Juan de
Puerto Rico, their vessels were exposed to a well
directed fire from a battery of thirty guns. Drake s
chair was struck from under him by a round-shot as
he sat at supper in his cabin, and after a loss of at
least fifty killed 29 and as many wounded the expedition
sailed for the mainland. The towns of Rancheria,
Rio cle la Hacha, and Santa Marta were burnt in
default of ransom. Nombre de Dios was captured
almost without resistance and levelled to the ground ;
but Baskerville, despatched with seven hundred and
fifty men to attack Panama, w T as defeated by the
Spaniards when half way across the Isthmus, and
his command returned hungry, sore-footed, 80 and in
sorry plight.

27 Named Baskerfield in Burton s English Tleroe, 199.

28 Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied taxes without much
heed to the voice of her parliament.

29 The shot which carried away Drake s chair wounded three of his officers,
who were seated at his table. Hawkins died of sickness while the fleet lay
oil Puerto Klco.

30 On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men
so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited for want of shoes, and weake
with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes^ service that we should
have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us. Drake s Voy., in
Halduyt, Soc. Col., 16. In this march a pair of shoos were sold for thirty
Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for ten Shillings, so great was their want both of
Clothing and Victuals. Burton s Eiujllsh Ileroe, 205.

ATI!
"Tfc 1 ] ); of

{ rod ba1 h ;

:id 1 k; man

Tii. \.
a Hi

of .1 ;, less than

in breathed his U

harbor of 1 urtul..
Lunl &gt;und ii Bail&lt; -puli-ln

it contained hi low.

,r UK? .spot \\\
&gt;:d &gt;r ani!L ry proclaimed to tli

DC in

whose m&lt; uiu has nuvc-r

lialu and i^i-laiid to 1. . 31

11 In a poem by Lo; * occur these lines:

! 1 en. .
:rc.=! that I

luiJiS h-&gt;.s BO1

in !iis j.rai.so ly his o\vu couu;

ulla

But the sorriest n&lt;l in &lt;? of Drab , 71:

A-oss.Tl. r:

. f".ir:

Tho works pul rnim

1
rk passed

. in th.
. rid.

CHAPTER XXIV.

NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.
1551-1GOO.

REVOLT OF JUAN GAITAN His DEFEAT BY THE LICENTIATE JUAN DE CA-
EALLON EXPEDITION OF CABALLON AND JUAN DE ESTRADA RABAGO TO
COSTA RICA SETTLEMENTS FOUNDED DISTRESS OF THE SPANIARDS
JUAN VAZQUEZ CORONADO COMES TO THEIR RELIEF FURTHER EXPE
DITIONS FLIGHT OF THE NATIVES CAPTURE OF THE STRONGHOLD OF
COTU ADMINISTRATION OF DIEGO DE ARTIEGO CHERINO THE FRAN
CISCANS IN COSTA RICA MARTYRDOM OF JUAN PIZARRO THE ECCLESI
ASTICS IN NICARAGUA FRAY JUAN DE TORRES CONDITION OF THE
SETTLEMENTS SLOW GROWTH OF TRADE.

THE revolt of the Contreras brothers served at
least one good purpose. It rid Nicaragua of swarms
of vagabonds and dissatisfied adventurers, most of
whom found a grave, as we have seen, during their
raid on the Isthmus. Still there remained in the
province a residuum of floating ruffianism, the very
sweepings of all the provinces, and four years after
the events described in a preceding chapter a fresh
disturbance broke out. A band of disaffected soldiers
and runaways from Nicaragua and Honduras, joining
with themselves a number of negroes, rose in rebellion
under the leadership of Juan Gaitan, a criminal ban
ished from Nicaragua by order of the licentiate Juan
de Caballon, then in charge at Leon.

The rebels began by sacking the village of San
Miguel, 1 and thence proceeding to the mines of Chu-
luteca captured them after a stout resistance 2 and
despoiled the adjacent village. They then entered

1 Six miles from the province of Nicaragua.

2 These mines, which belonged to Juan de Avila, were at the village of
Jerez, or Chuluteca. Caballon, Carta, in Squier s MSS. t xxii. 7-8.

I 424 )

\n.\lJ.ox AMD B 0. : |

jua Mud -hed di
itliin five leagues of
iever in astrology, \ Q into

campo, T !;ilili!

the occult art. The latter predicted thai tli- v v. &gt; ;ld
tainlybe han-vd should they then continue th&lt;

rch nn Leon, and advi-ed 1

1 1 ami .-Is lyh But I

ve.-! t the 1)ctter of ( ,d h.:

proceeded on h&waytoth&lt; ital, Ivod

the life of the licentiate.

anwhile news of the outbreak had rea

lion. Assistance had been summoned I .
and Granada; the ships at th port \v-

iered t put out to sea to avoid captur

; Leon on the last day of p-n(-cost 1
found the licentiate s forces drawn up in i !!&lt;

uare well posted for defence. A

&gt;ued; but, the powder of th
damp from the rains, they fought
and were finally routed. G; &gt;ok

convent belonging to the order of I vd, w!. his
lr- of the friars, but th: him

him nothing. The lie-

New Spain, who was also an in 1 him and

delivered him to the author: Nc

it leader was beheaded, and that

maestro &lt;! aipo mi^ht be fulfilled, T
and others were ha I, the

"\Yhile fise.-il of Guatemala, ( on had

d by the aiidiencia to

&gt;f Costa 1 !; oDJointly It hy

1C, n. iMba- D, and

this purpose that he had originally pr- : to I

in 15GO an expedi waa

s ltw.-i ipeatRert pro-

i;.l I rogrammo laid &gt;. the

:itrc ras brothcrb. 11 &gt; ui. lib. x. cap. xx.

426 NICARAGUA AND COSTA EICA.

furnishing tile necessary funds, for Caballon had none.
Each one was to found his own settlements, but to
render aid and advice to the other. The former with
four vessels sailed up the Desaguadero, while Caballon
journeyed by land and explored the southern coast.
Whether they ever met according to their original
plan is doubtful, and their lack of cooperation may
partly explain the failure of the enterprise.

Rabago with a party of sixty Spaniards founded
the " Villa del Castillo de Austria" on the bay of San
Geronimo. 4 He also speaks of three other towns
which he founded, and of churches which he built
and furnished, but fails to name or locate them. Ca
ballon established the Villa cle Laridecho, on the coast
near the southern border of the province, and three
clays journey thence the settlement of Castillo de
Garcia Munoz. The reasons that induced him to select
the former site were known only to himself, and are
not recorded by the chroniclers. There were no
Indians in its neighborhood to be enslaved; most of
the land was marshy, and the high ground sterile and
consisting mainly of bare rock. Caballon was soon
afterward appointed fiscal of the audiencia of Mexico,
and Rabago, being now left in sole charge, was ordered
by the emperor not to abandon the undertaking,
though the Spaniards were in sore distress. "It is
now two years and more," write the members of the
cabildo from Cartago, in December 1562, "since we
entered this province in company with the licentiate
Juan de Caballon, and it is with great difficulty that
we have held out against the rebellious natives, who
could not be converted and brought to obedience by
peaceable means." 5

After the departure of Caballon for Mexico the
audiencia of the Confines perceived that a man of
means and capacity was needed for the occasion, and

4 Molina, Costa Rica, 39-43. He takes his information from three royal
cddulas dated August 1561.

5 Costa Rica, Carta del Cabildo , in Squier s MSS., vi.

their choi 11 &lt;&gt;n Juan /. Coroi

:K! (
i him the t-iii]

1. (

lied a .ship with reenlbrei
for the relief of tl. y col.

i with in;

h blankets, bool . addles, hai hard-,

her stores. At the he, rful

equij force ho soon aft*

Indian town then claimed both by Ni
Costa ]{.ica. 6 Here lie av. I the a:

Tl: iny season had now s&lt;-t in, and it
le to roach l&gt;y land the Villa do Lan

hound; but a \ &gt;on ;

the alcalde mayor reached that sett nt wil
command, and relieving tl
the ship back to Panama for IV- -uppHu.-

(1 to Carta^o whei e the
livt-red to him. Kaba&lt;m meanwhile had .-

Spain and appears no more in eon; ith t

hi-tory of the New World.

Coronado distributed his suj)plies bountifully,
when his own means v .\liai; con:

in order to relieve the i
untrvmeii. JJe then seni

\plo; ritor

ipal cacique, one i :to, wa.s 1

have 1 forces at .-ommand, and a

of oldiers und r l ; ran

him to the province of Los ]

i to be a rich and p-pulous di 1 wh

-upposed that (iarabito had r- 1.

, was found almost &lt; 1, then . but

; until

e \ &gt;, and north of Alajuela.

428 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

two houses, and those inhabited by some ninety half-
starved Indians. To Garabito s own province Cap
tain Juan de Illanes de Castro was despatched, but
the natives had fled; and after a fruitless search he
returned with only a few women and boys, from whom
it was learned that the number of the cacique s fol
lowers had been greatly exaggerated. It was ascer
tained, however, that four of Garabito s chiefs were
at the foot of a mountain many leagues distant, and
Davila, who became the narrator of many of these
expeditions, was ordered to go in search of them and
bring them peaceably to head-quarters. They were
found in company with about twenty men, thirty
women, and a few children, all living in two houses,
and declared that Garabito had gone to Los Botos, 9
and that it w^ould be difficult to find him, for he never
spent two nights in the same place. His subjects, they
said, might number from five hundred to six hundred.
Coronado sent these chiefs to inform the natives of
his arrival, promising them kind treatment; and in a
few days ten or twelve others came to his head
quarters. One of them, the cacique of the province
of Anzarri, 10 promised to guide an expedition to the
most thickly populated part of the country; but when
asked for four hundred carriers, he answered that
even Garabito could not furnish so many. The alcalde
mayor then started with seventy soldiers and abput a
hundred Indians for Anzarri, taking with him the
cacique. Arrived there, the chieftain collected a few
natives, and said they were all that he had, and that
together with himself they were at the service of the
Spaniards. Coronado, much incensed, placed him
under arrest, telling him he must make up the required
number or forfeit his life. To this the cacique only

9 Now written Votos. There is a volcano of that name north of Alajuela
and west of the volcano de Barba. See map in Molina, Boxqucjo de Costa
Jlica.

10 Now probably AserrL There are two villages of that name; one south
of San Jos6 and the other about the same distance south-west of Cartago.
See map in Molina.

: " I &gt;ur plea-r

A d;iy Of bWO Jil i 1 thirty i

procured, ( on. nado i [ved to oontinu

rch, shaping lii- the province of &lt;J

wl !, was tl.

abundance of Indiai,

On entering the territory he &lt;&gt;l&gt;tained th&lt;

of one hundred and tliirty addit i. &gt;nal .

wa&lt; informed that it he was in

find all ho wanted at tli&lt; &gt;n- h&gt;ld ! ( &lt;

d; jouiMK-y tin-in- The ! it w

toil-. &gt;in&lt;&gt; inarch, and ^raniiil.j with thirty 11,

ordcivd to sur[&gt;ris&lt;; it ly ni-Jii and c all t

ciquea th iiciic&lt;l. Tl.

no i-f-i.-tance, incautiously handcil their weapons to

i ti-ndant nati\ and &lt;&gt;n the \

thcinsch-cs surprised, twenty of them ]
l)el.re they could seixe their ai ins.
an-ived i roin Coronado, whereupon the Ii;dia:
doiied the fort and lied, li;
]mu&gt;- -me sixty-five in nunih* M
then sent to the caeiqiK tt to 1 ler tl:

allegiance, nnd promising kind tj-eati.

them returned, bringing &gt;lden p &lt;t

]e ind was followed next day hy the -

who al rought with them some small oiler ii,

ld. u

Coronado then set his i d ( i " :

wl .on al tei-ward or^ani/.ed a BOOOnd

!i, during which, journeying 1 ar inland, h

r which he named the- la.

In that neiu-hhorhnnd h- md ;i ] noir

M lu tiirninLT thence to tl;

Spain. 1 and -hortly after his arrival a royal c
issued, ordering imon;

11 Th.- ciitiiv qnanttty ol.tainr.l ih\\&lt; fa-

at 30, (X

or 1;. ! -00.

430 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

as to whether he had actually effected the pacification
of Costa Kica and was entitled to the governorship of
that province. The evidence was extremely favorable,
and in April 1565 he was appointed governor of Costa
Rica for life, with an annual salary of two thousand
pesos, 13 and also governor of Nicaragua for a term of
three years.

Of the subsequent career of Coronado little is
kno\vn, but he does not appear to have continued
long in office, for in 1573 Diego de Artieda Cherino u
entered into a contract with the crown to pacify and
further colonize the provinces of Costa Rica, Nicar
agua, and Nicoya, and was appointed governor and
captain general of those territories. According to
the terms of his contract the natives were to be
taught the arts of peace, and those who should be
christianized were to be exempt from tribute for ten
years; commerce with the Indians was to be encour
aged; agriculture, mining, and other industries were to
be developed; no hostilities with the natives were to
be permitted until overtures of peace had been thrice
rejected; settlements were not to be founded in dis
tricts reserved for the use of Indians; the principal
towns were to revert to the emperor; four ecclesiastics
must accompany the expedition, two of them at least
to be Jesuits. Finally, full reports of all important
proceedings were to be forwarded from time to time
to the crown. 15

Cherino soon levied a force of two hundred men,
but on account of the difficulty in procuring vessels,
his Majesty having secured every available ship for a
naval expedition to Flanders, it was not until the
15th of April 1575 that he took his departure, setting

13 Oaztela, Peal Titulo, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xi. 124.

14 Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica, does not even mention Coronado, but
passes on from the administration of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino.
Yet Coronado s appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents
of the period, and by the narrative of Ddvila.

15 A detailed account of these instructions is given in Costa Rica, Real In
struction, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xvii. 559-G5.

tile

car . wh&lt; n in- d-

in-j n ol their ] ace 1 i th-

mouth

name of ]l \&lt;&gt; de Xr
.dni. Sai lip tl &gt;r tv

founded on its 1

I which 1: ^e the name of Cii I de Art

del Xuevo LVyno de Navan !

took i
on .Hiding &lt;&gt;ii the si r the :

d with a cutla&gt;s the sign in

the ;ne of th" 1 aMicr, th ,nd the !

he then addr -How

th 11 who .1 i: .vn 1*

all tin 4 privil granted to ^

r. ( a plain 1 Ya

-nior to make further e\|
din- - the river i

v^ *-

red a I e: inding th

tra and well dispo-ed. t&gt;ok ] ith :

:al 1 oi iuali; nnmin^ it A Pu*

1 A ald- rroncal. Chenno d&gt;

succe&gt;&gt;ful in founding any |
in ( \.sta Uiea : lor we learn that in L58l

parza were the only towns in the pr. -\ in hahr

niard ind that they w&lt;

1 ndian

Thus t! of t 1

of ( i Iviea were hut j

hut m&lt; anwliil

Mr l ,,f 1 in A Coda 1

:&lt;X).

1 ( labil

1 ; &gt;OC. /&lt; "0-

432 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

pacification of the province by the efforts of the Fran
ciscan friars. About the year 1555 Fray Pedro
Alonso de Betanzos laid there the foundation of the
province of San Jorge de Nicaragua. 19 Betanzos
came to New Spain in 1542, being one of the two
hundred friars who formed the mission of Jacobo de
Testera, and was assigned to Guatemala. He had
labored there with great zeal and success, translating
the catechism into the Indian vernacular, converting

many, and inducing others to quit their nomadic life
and form regular settlements. Four friars, among:

Cl / O

whom were Juan Pizarro from Guatemala and Lo
renzo de Bienvenida from Guatemala, the latter
having previously labored in . company with Testera
in Yucatan, 20 accompanied Betanzos to Costa Rica. 21
Bienvenida soon afterward departed for Spain, arid
bringing thence thirty ecclesiastics returned to Costa
Rica. The bishop of Nicaragua furnished a like
number, and when all were assembled the province
was founded in 1575, and four years later its estab
lishment was confirmed by a general chapter of the
order held in Paris in 1579, the number of convents
assigned being twelve. 22

Betanzos was a man of ability and tireless industry.
In a short time he had made himself master of twelve
Indian dialects, speaking them as fluently as did the
natives themselves. 23 "When first he went to Costa

l9 Juarros, Guat., i. 326. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4, confirms Juarros
except as to date, which he places in 1550, while Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat.,
252, gives 15GO. Segun. . .el Informe manuscripto de la fundaeion de esta
Provincia.

20 See Hist. Max., ii. 451, this series.

21 Mendieta , Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Vazquez, Chron. de Gfvat., 254, makes the
number six.

22 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Torquemada gives 17 as the number of
convents, and 1565 as the date of the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130.
Vazquez states that several convents were founded before the departure of
Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at Cartago and San
Lorenzo at Esparza. Chron. de Gvat. , 254.

23 His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua was, as given in the
words of the 111. bishop of Mantua: Primus huius Provintise (Sancti Georgij
de Nicaragua) Fundator extitit Keligiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Pe-
trus) Betanzos plurium linguarum, prcesertim vero Indiarum gnarus, qui mo-
lestias sibi, atque vexationes iniustti illatas ad tempus declinaturus, Goacte-

il be Would not alloy,

y. I Ir travel]. -d 1

j.anied only ly a little boy. In r
be returned witli \ all 1

d. lu-in^inu of j the

Spania This lie did many ti:

C (Jod alone lie ]&gt;
During tl en y&lt; \vhieh i

d not a palm of territory in tl;
he did not ; -in -h &lt;&gt;f sou 1 A .

) thirty ;
;r the town of Clionn-x in i

interred in . : which hu himself h.al found

at ( .-*

The year 158G was made ui -inorahle l,y tli- in

tyrdom of Juan I

of ! A lerced order, friend and I
and one who fir&gt;t :hlish&lt; d the M
]iiea. ( )n the day (.{ the iminacul

j.re.ieliin^ in one of the Indian towns. \vh of

rushed Uj)oii him, di&gt; d him. hi

a ] et, and 11- 1 him mini N

I with this, tin ned 1 his

neck, l.eat him . handed i and

Llce(. !y to a t . -md when 1:

th A n a QeighboriB j n.

The di aona whidi the new code &lt;

ied in Xi- :ua \ nd.

. "ho V.-. !! J.lV-idellt Of ti

the Co ha: 1 &lt;&gt;n all &gt;id

cunt 1 thai the nati

from the encomem 1 placed un - H,

mal :ius Aluinnu&lt; liaa partcs, trni. . *&,

lembeml, took the residen-

. AM., VOL. II. 28

434 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

which virtually meant the church, and that their
owners be recompensed directly from the royal treas
ury. The conquerors, however, would listen to no
such proposition, but tenaciously held to their pos
sessions.

The number of Indian towns subject to the crown
in Nicaragua about the year 1555 was tw T enty-seven. 26
Nicoya, the largest, contained five hundred families;
there was no other with more than one hundred, and
most of them had but ten or twenty families. The
extreme poverty of the natives had rendered neces
sary a reduction of their tribute, 27 and hence the
salaries of civil officers and of the clergy were on a
reduced scale. The aggregate tithes of the church
in the province amounted in 1555 but to sixteen hun
dred pesos, and were decreasing from year to year.
The bishop s portion w T as three hundred and eighty
pesos, a sum insufficient for his maintenance, and he
was compelled to petition the king to increase his in
come. Priests laboring in native villages recieved two
hundred pesos, and in one instance the stipend was
only eighty pesos.

After the death of Valdivieso, the friar Alonso de
la Vera Cruz, who had for many years filled the chair
of theology in the university of Mexico, and during
a quarter of a century had preached to the natives in
their own tongue, was nominated as his successor, but
declined the preferment. 23 The see was then offered
to the licentiate Carrasco, who took charge of the
diocese, but never proceeded to consecration. 2 As

26 Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the partition not having
yet taken place.

&lt;2T The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax, honey, poultry, etc. ,
of the annual value of about 3,000 pesos. Squier s MtiS., xxii. 9.

28 Authorities conflict as to the order of succession. In Alcedo the name of
Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers to the fact without giving any date
whatever. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, states that the appointment was made
in 1551.

29 Alcedo, Davila, Juarros, and other writers of the period fail to mention
Carrasco in their enumeration of the bishops of Nicaragua. We find him
named only in Calle, Mem. yNoL, 129, and Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 548. Icaz-
balceta in a note in the Hist. Edes. gives Valdivieso as the first bishop of the
diocese instead of Osorio.

436

hopn he i

of tli provine ^tituied numerous in&lt;|iiiri

Hi- i!i mad- ious ,-i\ 11 autb

iti- 1 1-- declared thai t! in popul

and revenue was caused ly th&lt;

"f whom \ fcher ! T KM

iliin tin - r six had h,

.ua l&gt;y appointment &lt;.f the audiencia, and the \

li;i(l hern CMlnjM lied c;icll tilll.

arches to welcome t]i&lt;-iu.ai)(l to lalt. 11 fowl -Mid j.
]aiv drlic;irirs iortln-ir clit(Tt;iililii-iit. r J l
&lt;! the crown ^-;ivc Currasco hut litij.

11 went BO i ar a&gt; t- deny liis ri^ln, to &lt;1
iount of tithes received for eccl al jturj

although through tlu-ir peculations th-
i ali o ]-&gt;\ to be inadequate i or tin- BUI |

Hie bishopric. Little \\-oin !,-! tliat lie soon had * QOU
of BO uninviting n iield of Jahor.

(/arrasco succeeded 1 Yay (ioni/. ! i liand
( &lt; ( / )rdo]a. This princely ec i ( -\\,

tli y whose- name he horo, and l.eloi
highest, nohility of Spain, hein &gt;n of t h

jttai .i He was c I in Sj-ain and U&gt;

of the bishopric in l .&gt;. D

&lt;-t .nice the cathedral v&gt; . and

&gt;! I Dominicans took ]]

The hmldini;- of thii eat; 1 had

d l&gt;y DQ ;&gt;rojriation of the fund

tli- purpose, t ing ini

it times in - ;lalion&gt; and in the j.
of ; i Peru. The audiei).

iind ordered its completion ; the : in

lal proportion from the tl

&lt; unlolia, -1

31 .1 ! as tho &lt;latc of

i on liis tltr
, but as&gt;:
: in l. .T I

ivicso. arrasco.

appointim-nt i.s na-ntioi.

436 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

the natives. When it was finished there remained a
surplus of more than two thousand pesos, which was
returned to the treasury.

Among the Dominicans discipline was somewhat
lax about this period, and their mode of life such as
to cause scandal throughout the province. In 1554
Fray Juan de Torres, a resident of Guatemala, was
appointed the Dominican vicar provincial of Nicar
agua, with orders to visit the convents in Leon and
Granada and restore the ecclesiastics to becoming
austerity. Failing in this, he was to give them per
mission to leave for Spain or elsewhere as they pleased,
and bring back with him all the jewels and ornaments
belonging to the order. 8 Arriving in Nicaragua, the
vicar provincial at once imposed such severe ordinan
ces that the friars became disgusted and resolved to
return to Spain. Nothing could be more agreeable
to Fray Juan, who thereupon stealthily collected all
the jewels and ornaments according to his instructions
and returned to Guatemala. 33

This proceeding was censured even by the vicar s
superiors. The general of the order, Estefano Usus-
maris, disapproved of it, and instead of lauding him
for his zeal, blamed him for his indiscretion. 3 * From
Peru came a protest; and the president and oidores
of the audiencia of the Confines felt aggrieved that
such an important measure should be taken without
consulting them. A few years later Padre Torres was
ordered to Spain, that the king, council, and the gen
eral of his order might be informed on matters per-

32 The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by Osorio, Las Casas, and
their associates in 1532 (sec p. 169, this vol.), belonged to the provincia of
Peru, and had now become very wealthy. Rcmesal, Hist. Ghyapa, 598.

33 Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes extremos por la
ausencia de los Ileligiosos. Y para sacar el Padre fray luan de Torres la
hazienda y alhajas del Conuento, tuuo necessidad de mucha mafia y secreto.
/rf.,599.

31 Id., 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious effects of this second deser
tion of the province by the Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cexlula
under date of August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to a
place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican orders were stationed
in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua.

ii of r.

A - i,i ( rn/. 1 1 is -hip \\ ptnr

when in &gt;i-lit of ( Ytdi/, ami all on board

; lul BO &lt;la!rd \vas tl,
f thus falling into tli- han&lt;
hi- captoj hi-li and li |

hi in a.-horo v

A I M r his arrival at court, th&lt;- Mihj
dismi mbered the convenl
and it \ eeided that he should i

per.-on. Jn consideration, how&lt; oft!

in this matter lie had merely acted
his superiors, he \\

blame and appointed vicar general lie p;

Ni which was at i

from ti .11 Vicrntr de Chi; 1 .

ord -olK-ct a numhrr -

Leon, the king Ijuai-in-- the expenses ofl

I ]rov:di tiling i,

Veni J Ie was heai tily \\ &lt; I -mncd 1 y t
lids, and natives, and t&lt; ier with his col

I his lahors tlirou^hnu; pi-ovi;

and advancing .u-d ! hi *h, ;, .

I the year I :&gt;( , 2 1 -I ;ian de T

I died at an Indian vill ui t! :
After his &lt;! &gt;e the ])ouiini,-

and all left the pro\in&lt;
111: i r 1 . -ii, and th n.

nents and prop. d ly the kin-^ to I

[uently the Dominicans of San Vicente d (

appropriated them r.

ohli-vd, however, l&gt;y n judicial d

:n. afl r wliieh they \\ d 1

uiior her churches,

At the clo P the si nry tt

in Nicaragua W&lt; P6 I *e6n the caj.ital.

la. Jn 1

438 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

condition, the houses that fell into decay being never
rebuilt. Realejo had but thirty settlers and its chief
industry was the building and repairing of ships.
Granada had two hundred vecinos and at a short dis
tance from it were many tributary Indians. The walls
of the buildings were of mud, buttressed with a few
bricks and stones, the roofs being of tiles. The popu
lation included encomencleros, merchants, traders, and
a few mechanics and stock-raisers. Vessels traded
thence with Nombre de Dios, passing down the Des-
aguadero to the North Sea, though with some diffi
culty during the dry season. 35

Notwithstanding the commercial relations thus
opened with the province of Panama^ no trade of im
portance had yet been developed in Nicaragua. There
was little money in circulation, 33 and the prices of all
imported articles were extremely high. An arroba
of wine w T as worth twelve pesos; cloth could not be
bought for less than ten pesos, nor linen for less than
fifteen reales a yard. Other commodities sold in the
same proportion, and were beyond the means of all
but the wealthiest settlers. This condition of affairs
may be attributed in part to a clique of merchants in
Seville, who had already monopolized the commerce
of the New World, who shipped their goods in such
small quantities as always to keep the market bare
of supplies and insure extravagant prices for their
merchandise, and who by their grasping policy gave
rise, as we shall see later, to contraband trading.

35 Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much gold is said to have
been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence
merchandise from Nombre de Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. Guate
mala, Informs, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xv. 470-2.

S J Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the mark of the leon-
cillo (little lion) which was introduced into Nicaragua with royal consent. In
1551 .it was ordered that the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold.
About the same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to melt
metal, that la funclicion del oro 6 de la plata, seaal diezimo. Carrasco, Carta,
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., v. 526-8.

CHAPTEB XXV.

NICARAGUA AM) Co-TA l:i

i;oi-i7oo.

LEON An-. ..TIIKI: Sm:

CIT-, I in: SACKII.KCIOUS MOUSE-- Ti .M.I: ;:EE-

VGUA ClI M VTTERS TlIE JE&gt; HiTIIK

. THKV AKI: Tm: IKICESE Sr.

BOP oi i.i . OK r

M: M \- LTJ lllCA

I KI.ITI T\I.\M ANCA Vl

111- 1 i Kg -

M 3.

Tin: city &lt;&gt;f Leon \v,-is fmnli-l, as will 1

l)-rrl. l.\- C&lt;5rdoba, in i.vj:;, 1 ,-i i .-w 1 . tin-

slioiv ct tin- South Si 1 ;). Flu- mil)
ValdivieSO, \vliirli )ins .-ih-cady brdi in

:itailftl ;i cur.^- njmn tl.

ai t ) -iil] rm&lt;r a sn-i-s of &lt;li tl in!i:

andoned in I &lt;&gt; 10. l- ir.-t keepii inn

t t hi-y ni,-irrlii &lt;l l&gt;i-th nmlfi- tli- tl:.
Hi:- municipality, ami aln.nt ni nlway 1
and L;ikc M;i:i;!--ua in th- pul inn

district named Sul&gt;tial&gt;, :illi&gt;licd ,

&gt;n became aoted eua one &gt;i the ln-&gt;t imilt in (
America, " Leon/ ; the i Ji&gt;h fcravell&lt; rTl

( - in apoel niMidv who pa

in 1 1 &gt;."&gt;7, "is y cniioii-ly lniilt. tr th cfi

tin- I idiahitants con ih in th&lt; ir h-

the ]l-asurc of the ( uiinti-y adjoyning, aiid in t

8, this scries.

* ^N*V /

440 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

abundance of all things for the life of man, more than
in any extraordinary riches, which there are not so
much enjoyed as in other parts of America. They
are contented with fine gardens, with variety of sing
ing birds, and parrets, with plenty of fish and flesh,
which is cheap, and with gay houses, and so lead a
delicious, lasie and idle life; not aspiring much to
trade and traffique, though they have neer unto them
the Lake, which commonly every year sendeth forth
some Frigats to the Havana by the North Sea, and
Realejo on the South Sea, which to them might be
very commodious for any dealing and rich trading in
Peru or to Mixco, if their spirits would carry them
so far. The Gentlemen of this City are almost as
vain and phantastical as are those of Chiapa. And
especially from the pleasure of this City, is all that
province of Nicaragua, called by the Spaniards Ma-
homets Paradise. From hence the way is plain and
level to Granada, whither I got safely and joyfully." 3
" What in Granada we observed," continues Gage,

3 New Survey W. Indies (3d ed., London, 1G77), 419. The author lived in
the Indies between 1625 and 1C37, and made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos dur
ing these 12 years. He was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal
matters, as the following passage will show: Whilest this traffick was (at
Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have formerly testified in my
Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that means it have not come
unto the knoM* ledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History,
that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying the
Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my
eyes shut at that prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for
their dead, there came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about,
came to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth
ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Mass,
for that the Altar was high, by reason of the steps going up to it, and the peo
ple far beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my Mass, and
perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse
running away with it. . .Whereupon, not knowing what the people had seen, I
turned myself unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly
that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a Mouse had car
ried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to do unless they would
help me to finde it out again. . .After much searching and inquiry for the
sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half
eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if the Ark had been
brought again from the Philistins to the Israelites, so they rejoiced for their
new-found God ... I observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the
Mouse, as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten by it ...
And so Transubstantiatioii here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse.
New Survey, 44G-8.

LKOX, &lt; 0. : 1

" was, two ( ! ad I

;1 one &lt;&gt;i the \nn&gt;, \ n.l .

hmvll, v. liirh v. r tlir

1 tishop &lt;&gt;! Leon did i. iilv reside t

in the ( The In- tin.

1 &lt;eon, 8 Town of more, Jnhal.il

oin B ome few ]U-ivli;

and in:. ionr d. ! to

tde v, iih Carth; ( ruai mala.

and ( in, ta and I nth !

and 1 , n .in;i. . . In one dav ll,

hi.-ii t leafil tlinv Inindri d Mnl-&gt;) I .

and Comayagua &lt;nl\-, I ith i

, .

but Indigo, ( lochinil, and I Ii-
oin Guatema]

ladrn ; silvri-, which was lh&lt;- Kii ;ril&gt;ir
ili,-!i ( ; the oihur \vith S d th

withlndi

In I i- ort San CVu los on tin- I

d l&gt;y i iv( -INK it &lt;T&gt; ander &lt; rallardill d tl

&lt; rl da lay at t h PCJ Ti

&lt;-aj and the in\ hjM.intrd in tl.

I j ]nnd( }-. se1 it &gt;n fire, jni I ut dnri

tln-ir i .t a for.-,- of t!

into nd th-

tli. ;-,- , ;.ivdali&lt;ns to B m (

ca|)turc&lt;l ly Martin ( Virl

iiala, and, in &lt; 1 , t :

in-w B tron^vr w&gt;ils was ni-(l-id by the k:
cd bciU"- in ar the outk-t &gt;! the lai.

,,f tin- province dm

ill (vntm ntain lew inci

21.

with four l;i ;i sni

was ily garriK!H-.l l._.

hat tl. \vasnot l.uilt

u Ju fort Caatill *, .. ! ^u tu

fut tcrniin..- .a lt&gt;,

442 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

record. In 1616 the Jesuits of Guatemala attempted
to establish themselves in Nicaragua, and at the in
stance of the Conde de la Gomera, president of the
audiencia, Pedro de Contrcras was despatched to
Granada in charge of the work. 6 He was welcomed
to the diocese of Nicaragua by the Bishop Don Pedro
Villa Real/ and every assistance was afforded him,
the cathedral being placed at his disposal during the
whole of lent. But when he made known the main
purpose of his mission- -the establishment of a Jesuit
college in Nicaragua the people of Granada, though
they listened to him with delight, refused to respond
to his appeals for aid. Means were supplied, however,
by an ex-captain-general of the province, Vicente
Saldivar y Mendoza, whose deceased wife had left
one fifth of her property for the endowment of a col
lege. The sum thus bequeathed was increased by Sal
divar to twenty-seven thousand pesos and presented to
Contreras. Until 1621 the Jesuits remained in Nic
aragua, Contreras and Padre Bias Hernandez being
the only names recorded in connection with the mis
sion. It was then announced that the superiors of the
order had recalled them, and immediately the wide
spread interest in the labors of the fathers was mani
fested by large public meetings, at which petitions
were adopted against such a measure. 8 But the
orders of the Provincial Nicolas de Armoya were per
emptory, for the location, he alleged, was deemed too
remote to be governed in keeping with the strict rules
of the Jesuits. 9

6 El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes talentos y nacido,
digdmoslo asi, para esta especie de ministerios. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii.
80-1.

7 Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to Gregorio de Montalvo.
He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro JSdes., i.
239.

8 At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez de Castro, pre
sented a petition which was unanimously adopted, setting forth the services
already rendered by the fathers in uehalf of religion and humanity, and pray
ing earnestly against their removal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 130.

9 In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit the place, and
reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector of the college of Guatemala, con-
.curred. When the recall was found to be inevitable, a second public meet-

Meanwhile UP- peopl I ; Jejo 1
uatemala, and

them-elves direct Iv to the Is f,r

iishtnenf &lt;&gt;f a Jesuit college in their mid llv

dim nf tll- town li.-id made dnnati.

would yield a revenue ofsix thon&gt;and |" Tl

licence | .] the foundation of tile CO]

uni|),-uiicd ly a ^i:\\\\ tVmn tin- royal t r

tlllVr tll)lis;il)(l lr . wlnTrll|MHl tlic ].1 &lt;

lentedj and notwithstanding tin- &lt;&gt;{ {&gt;&lt; Fel

low jmdrcs, authorized it- institution. Aln-ii! t
&lt;!&lt; I P )-l tin- I-siiit&gt; returned tor hile

Itllt til* consent of tilt ] I c \ilieial to the

ihlishnieiit of the order in this jirovin- :d in
truth l&gt;eeri gi\-en only with the - ,timi &lt;! multi-

jilyin;^ deju-mlriicics until (iuat. inal.-i could claim th
dignity &lt;t a vice-|-.r&lt;&gt;\-in&lt;-ia. AVln-n t;
]&gt;adivs were not allowed i main in Xie iinl

henceforth the Jesuits disappear for a time iv&gt;m t

liistoiy of the ]&gt;i-o\ ince.

Tl; i of Nicaragua was subjecl t il.i-h

of .Lima, and the remoi s &lt;&gt;f the archie]
court was a frequent soiuve of complaint 5 the

Spaniards, for the e\] of the \

d the monetary \ahie nf tlie iir
1 C. J 1 Heiiito A altonado was ]u-.l &lt;

lie was a man n&lt;td for his kind &gt;f hart. and

mainly from his own &gt; . \\hich \

fmnnlnl the Imsjiital ot Santa Catalina at 1
ter bis dec in I&lt;;-J7 little worthy ial

not -d in connect ion W itli t !: ]

Xi&gt; i until aftei the ap]&gt;ii: r in 1 "f

Andn - de las X - y (hies, . huilt ,

ili;it tlu- .

//.. Kin

The ; D t.. t! .

i accon
in-rd in !

hop Vail &gt;

on. m*r &lt;-&gt;

1 s-j. \ ; s successor WM Hernaiulo Nun-

444 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

copal palace, a church college, and received by royal
order a grant of religious books.

About the middle of the seventeenth century the
income of the diocese amounted to 3,000 pesos, of
which sum the dean received 600 pesos, the arch
deacon 400, and two canons each 300 pesos a year.
At this period the convent of La Merced in Leon
contained twenty ecclesiastics.

If Fray Bias del Castillo could have deferred until
1G70 the journey which he made through Nicaragua
in 1537, discovering, as we have seen, that providence
had reserved for the ecclesiastics the molten treasures
of El Infierno de Masaya, 13 he would have had a better
opportunity to test his belief. "Some assert," relates
Oviedo, who it will be remembered was in that neigh
borhood in 1529, when a violent outburst occurred,
and resided for three years in Nicaragua, 14 "that the
light caused by the eruption is sufficient to read by
at the distance of three leagues." From the northern
slope of the mountain poured in 1G70 a volume of lava
so vast as to extend almost to the lake of Managua,
or as many conjecture, to reach far into the lake. 15

who, says Gonzalez Ddvila, Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de Cuenca, y
del Consejo Supremo. He fulfilled the duties of his office como buen pastor
and died in 1639. Previously to Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan
Baraona Zapata were appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese.
Next appears tlie name of Alfonso Briceno, a zealous and learned man, who
wrote dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica. He took charge of the bishopric
in 1646, and died in 1649. Hist. Eclcs., i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cneras
Diivalos, dean of the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua,
and according to Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de Laguna re
ceived the mitre, though his name is not mentioned by Alcedo or Gonzalez
Davila. In 1655 Fray Tomds Mansa was appointed bishop. Vctancvrt, Mato-
log., 135 (Mexico, 1697), confirmed in Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hivl. Mcx.,
stirie i. torn. i. 323, but finding that Davalos was still in office declined to
take charge of the diocese. Id., 387. Soon after his arrival he died from
eating too much fish. Id. The decease of Davalos occurred in 1659. Medina,
Chron. San Diego Mex., 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed
bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of Granada on the
27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an eloquent preacher and an accom
plished scholar, was elected prelate in 1665. Vctancvrt, Menolog., 136; and
Itoltles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., se rie i. torn. ii. 3.

13 This vol. 172etseq.

^Hist. Cent. Am., i. 310.

35 In olden times it was supposed that the lakes Managua and Nicaragua
were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in
their former unity. Stout s Nic., 101.

445

! tin- close of tl

\vliidi a description will . in

]&gt;!.-: ;pled with tli i on imp

hy the home government, were dllirt

ua and ( Josta Rica, l t!i ..{ whir! I
i-irli in natural n The

pmvinee. writing to the kii tli&gt; niii-

eight h century, report- that (

l&lt;iU_.-]i j or thr support of til. pli&lt; ,Ild t

ar oilirials.

There are DO ivliahl. la of tho condition

ailairs in I^jai-/a until, as we shall sec later, ;
iin-nt \\ ral tiin I ly hue- ,r&lt;l

tin- close of the century, i dian-.-d in

1688. ( )f the capital of

joui-ned 1 bere l ur days during h to E

d, wi ites: ; AVe came at l-i&gt;t tl nd

d;n 3 to the City of Carthago, which we i .&gt;und i

be so ] B8 in rirlx-r pl.-i ( Iu,v ud

Xirai-:: it was rt v ])oi-t.-d t I.. ! r id

5n to inrjuii-e al t.T some Merchanl
of gold and silver, and i -und tl, &gt;me i

rirh, who ti-aili-d by land and with Panani;;

with Portohrll-t. (. ar :id Ha\alia. and

in 1 hence with Spain. The ( ity i
i oiir hundred Families, and is governed h_ ^|ani&gt;h
GrOVernour. It i- a ]&gt;ish j.^ and hath in it tln&lt;

C . two of Fryers, and one of NUE

Calle, whose work wa- published in 1-
that ( , o had sixty V( ind that in theenl

province t here were lut a hundi-ed ami i

and i n thousand p. 1 ndia: Tl

he , h.-id two jud d ai. other offi - a

h ronstahle, with a Balai nd ;

The district of Talainanra, which lay on th

16 i:n. c.:-. pn-Lal- 1 teof p n

la&lt;abl(j linlmus settled in ti

446 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

of the North Sea and within the province of Costa
Rica, was not fully explored until 1601, in which
year the city of Concepcion was founded on the Rio
de la Estrella. The establishment of this colony was
quickly followed by an insurrection of the natives
who, incited by the rapacity and cruelty of the Span
iards, rose en masse on the 10th of August 1610, and
massacred the inhabitants of that settlement and of
Santiago de Talamanca, which had been built on the
left bank of the river, slaughtering indiscriminately
men, women, children, and priests.

Nothing else worthy of record occurred in this dis
trict until the year 1660, when Rodrigo Arias Mal-
donado, being governor and captain-general of Costa
Rica, 17 resolved upon the subjugation of the natives of
Talamanca, then consisting of some twenty-six tribes.
Malclonado proposed to carry the gospel in one hand
and the sword in the other; but his ambition was
rather to represent the church militant than to follow
the example of previous conquerors.

With a corps of one hundred and ten men he
started forth upon his self-imposed mission, expend
ing his own private fortune upon the enterprise, 18
enduring great fatigue and hardship, exploring all the
coast as far as Boca del Drago and Boca del Flor,
and visiting the adjacent islands. His success was
remarkable. He gathered the Indians into villages,
had them instructed in the faith, and erected churches;
but with his retirement from the scene the natives
returned to their nomadic life, the villages were de
serted, and the churches fell into decay. The intelli
gence of his labors, when communicated to the king,
won for him the title of marques de Talamanca, but
before the royal decree reached him he had turned his
back upon the honors of this world, and enrolled him-

17 The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth century was Captain
Alonso Lara de C6rdoba, who was appointed in 1603. Others are given in
the order of their succession in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 170-4.

18 He expended upward of GO.OOO pesos of his own private means. Juarros,
Guat., i. 374. Molina, Costa Rica, 11, makes the same statement.

I l A. 447

self as M humhle hrofher ..( Bethlehem, to be th

;nl known aa I Yay Etodrigo d- ;i/. w

In H ,s t UK- t wo Franciscan \ t Melchnr Loj
tonio Marv.il. resumed tin- wori of cl

and found tin- paths that had led be ii;

n and hidden as if they liad )
and the peo] - fierce and in

Hoiis liad been made to ri\ili/&lt;- them. 5Te1 tli-

&gt; pr . without arms or j ion,

into the interior of tlio count within

liv- irs the l.ajiti&gt;m of forty thousand Indi; :id

tin- establishmeni of innrtcrn villa "Jin- work

- continued with varying B ly a ninuh

. s-v(, r.-d of whom snll ered mart yi dom
. hut the iinal result of all

failure so complete that, to use the v,.&gt;nl&gt; o

"ii - if t he&gt;e mountains 11,

from within which there was no ivdemj

Tn connection with Hie attempted pa&lt;-if
amanca may be mentioned ain miioi
litions to ToloM-aljK), the nai n to a mountain-

s country lyin^ between the 1 &gt; iid t

Xneva Segovia river, and ju-Mjil. d by sambos, bj
Xicaques, the Lem nd other ti- , lmi.\

tril&gt;es, diifei-in^ widely in lan-^ua
d nianne] Tlie Spanish ^overnnient had i
etlly directed iinjuiri-

and the best means of effecting t heir t -ilia:

and in letters add d to the p; f the aii-

dieneia early in the nth &lt;vir

19 He 1)ocniiir sii[

jmni-ys in
:

i 7!. ./

ll .n.lurasu v. 1!.

l. 1560;

nn.l.lu:

448 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

urges that efforts be made for the peaceful conquest
of this province.

Among others who were imbued with a passion for
this particular work was a Franciscan named Estevan
Verdelete, who was appointed local superior in Comay-
agua and to whom the provincial granted a license
authorizing the adoption of any measures that would
be likely to prove successful. Under the guidance of
some Indians, who avowed sympathy with his projects,
he and his friend Juan de Monteagudo, penetrated this
territory, only to be abandoned, however, by the
natives when in the midst of a vast wilderness, with
out food, and apparently cut off from all human aid.
Guided by the stars they succeeded in making their
way through the wilds, and after suffering excessive
hardship arrived in safety at Comayagua, whence
they immediately afterward set forth for Santiago to
assist at the provincial synod held there in 1606.

Not disheartened by this failure, Verdelete asked
permission from the synod to proceed to Spain, for
the purpose of asking the king s assistance in the con
version and pacification of the natives. His request
was granted and eight assistants were appointed, whose
expenses were to be paid out of the royal treasury.*

In October 1609 Verdelete left Santiago in com
pany with his party of ecclesiastics, and in passing
through Comayagua obtained the services of Captain
Daza and three other Spaniards, who were familiar
with, the country. After several days travel they
came in siffht of Indian dwellings and were received

O ^3

with every manifestation of joy. Verdelete in the
enthusiasm of the hour declared that he was prepared
to live and die among them. Converts were numer
ous, 24 and the mission so promising that Verdelete
wrote to the provincial asking for more missionaries.

23 He might establish six convents subject to the provincial of Guatemala.
Juarros, Guat., 349.

21 They began their labors in the latter part of January 1610. On ash
Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and 130 converts were received
during lent. Juarros, Gruat., 351.

WAR OX THE MISSIOXARI;

on a change cainc over t 1

mainly by tin- deep feeling of hostility that Bpl up

among the unconverted nati\ dust their cni

tiani/ed brethren. .V iYni/.y of hatred againsi tl

ry setriblance of religion s.-i/ed upon them, and the\-

olvrd to l)iirn down the I inmt of the mission
aries and to massacre the inmates. On tin- evenin
for the execution of their purpose the ecclesiastii

reived warning through some children, and whil&gt;
Yerdelute was exhorting them to stand in

the hour of trial, hideous yells roused them to an
immediate sense of peril. Issuing forth they found
the village enveloped in flames, and enromp;i&gt;--d b\-

war-painted Indians brandishing lances and torch

Yerdelete at once rushed into their midst, rrurilix in

id, and with words of indignation upbraided tli
for their baseness and treachery, and threatened the
vengeance of offended heaven. His courage insjui-.-d
his associates, and at the spectacle of such b&lt;ldn-
the natives shrank abashed, and OIK; by one slunk
away. At daybreak not an Indian was to b- n,
and the missionaries then returned to Guatemala,
where their story only incited a more detcrmin-d
effort at the reduction of the offending tribes, and
another and larger expedition was &lt;&gt;rgani/t-d a-ain
under the leadership of VenK-lete.

The missionaries were accompanied by an esc
of twenty-three soldiers under Captain J)a. nd
I the confines of Tologalpa in April P .ll.
They ibund some of their old coir. nd by th

a-vncy others were brought into the fold. Thus -n-
COUi aged, they wished t penetrate farther into the
interior, but were dissuaded by ])a/.a. who volun-
d to LTO in advance with some of his men and

ling of the nati After waiting I

time- lor their return," 1 the ecclesiastics were beguil- I

lVlat 7. Mr,n. Hunt., \. 201, nu-ntions a cirri
.ain what f&gt;l] ( .ws. A s.ilditT \\ ho ha-1 previously killf.l two
va^ struck by one of the nativi-s. whcrt-uiKjii he seized Uiiii, ami with the
HIST. CMST. Ax., VOL. II.

450 NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.

into the mountain fastnesses, and found upon turning
the brow of a hill a large hostile band, brandishing
lances and hideous in war-paint. Their first glance
showed them the head of Daza and some of his sol
diers carried on the points of lances, and at once they
saw that their fate was sealed. Nothing daunted,
Verdelete advanced toward them and began to ex
postulate. He was answered by a flight of javelins,
and fell pinned to the earth by a lance. Of the en
tire party but two escaped, 26 and for many years the
inhabitants of Tologalpa saw no more of the Chris
tians.

Toward the close of the century, however, the
rule of the Spaniards had become somewhat milder
throughout the provinces of Central America, and in
1674 two of the Tologalpan tribes sent representa
tives to Guatemala and besought Fernando de Es-
pino, the provincial of the Franciscan order, to send
instructors to their countrymen. Soon afterward the
governor, after consultation with the provincial, re
solved to send another missionary, and out of many
candidates Pedro de Lagares, a young man of culture
and an enthusiast in the cause, was chosen for the
task. At Nueva Segovia Lagares opened a mission-

arv school, to which all were admitted who were will-

ing to work. He made numerous journeys into the
interior, and converts multiplied until in 1678 they
were counted by hundreds. His decease occurred
during the following year, and his successors, though
meeting with some encouragement, finally abandoned
the field, though without any obvious cause.

assistance of a comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right
hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him in that position.
The corpse was found by his tribe, and of course retaliation followed.

26 This incident occurred in January 1612. The narratives of the expedi
tion by Pelaez and Juarros substantially agree.

CHAPTER XXVI.

BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANKKl:! X ; RAIDS.

1. -.18-10.

BUCCANEERS AT SANTO DOMINGO TORTCGA TIIK UK u.-^r AKTJ.RS OF THB

1 jKATi s THKIU M.DES OK Ln i: -- Fu\ l.o ; ,

i:_Hi, \ -,,,, , ,, T ov THK SJIORE OP CAMI
TOToRTUGA A&gt; T DRKAri KAUS IN Till: I -AYd" EOHDOTUfl

SAX PEDRO HK I i.\\y A RAII H is COMRADES DERERT

HIM His YESSKI, WKK. KI:I OFF CAPE (. li hi-.-

TTON ToDESAGfADKKu A\I&gt;T&lt;&lt;V \ Bl HACKZD 1 K*-~

MAN-VI.:.T CAi-Tria.^ TO3

CARTAGO SANTA CATAKINA KI.TAK AI:LS,

ABOUT the year 1518 an English tr;i&lt;lii!u- ship ton&lt;
iiiLT it Santo Domingo was fiivd upon lv j-l-r of tin-

v.-rnor, and thence setting sail t&lt;.r 1 .)!! li ;-- * 1*
I.TIM! wi-ouglit iron for provisions. 1 A t&lt;-\\ ra la
tin- paauv to the Inclirs l)c&lt;-anic known ainon^ tin-
nations of western Europe, and ton-i^n \
often seen in the watt -is of tin- Xrth Sea. In 1
(.YAV/ /X \vn-c procured l&gt;y tin ernor of &gt;^
in^o, and tln-ir cajtains commissioned

all cj-al t which sailed under any Jlair hut that of Spain.
and to enclave tln-ir CT6W8, But in that island a

many excellent harbors, and the Spaniard- I not

-e to obtain at smaller cost iVoiu io; -4 good-

such as those on which the ninvhant&gt; of &gt;, \ ill.- i

enormous profits; and vessels tV"ii. - mtri-

more especially from l- nu-land. I d Holland.

continued to make v to the N-N\ \\""rld, tin -ir

Prlnr ipnJ X negation. . .and Ditcovorift oj
in. 4UO iLoniU.ii, l.VJiJ-1000).

452 BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.

captains combining for mutual protection, and not un-
frequently making raids on the Spanish settlements.

In 1531 French corsairs were seen off the coast of
Tierra Firme; and in 1537 Bishop Marroquin, when
about to depart for Spain, was dissuaded as we have
observed from making the journey by his friends in
Mexico, 2 for even at that date the North Sea was
infested by pirates. Santo Domingo was the favorite
calling-place of foreign marauders; for wild cattle
abounded in every part of the island, and there the
pirates could revictual their ships without expense.

At the close of the sixteenth century the island on
which the great discoverer founded his first settlement
had been thinned of its inhabitants. Moreover the
mines had become exhausted and the vast wealth of
Mexico and Peru had drawn away all the most en
terprising of the Spaniards, and the few that remained
dwelt for the most part in small villages, where they
cured at their boucans, or drying establishments, the
flesh of cattle and hogs, giving to the cured meat the
same name as to the place where it was prepared. 3
Hence also the origin of the word bucaniers, or buc
caneers, the latter term being used by Dampier, 4
whose raids will be described later.

English, French, and Dutch adventurers found in
Santo Domingo places where they could lead an idle
roving life, the monotony of which was relieved by an
occasional fight with the Spaniards, the French be
ing termed jlibustiersf or as we shall call them fili-

2 See p. 138, this volume.

3 The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of their human cap
tives in the same way. Us les mangent apres les avoir bien boucanne"e, c est
a dire, rotis bien sec. Du Tertre, Hist, ties Antilles, i. 415.

4 Voy. round the World, passim. Neither word was used at the time Drake
was making raids on the Isthmus.

5 The word flibustier is merely the French mariner s mode of pronouncing
the English word freebooter, a name which long preceded that of bucca
neer. 5 Journey s Hist, Bucc. t 43. Some authorities derive the term from the
Dutch ~wordjluyts, that is to say fly-boats; bu^;, as Burney remarks, it would
not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft for corsairs. It is curious
to note that the French translator of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispro
nunciation of the word, & prirent le nom de Flibustiers, du mot Anglois
filibuster. Exquemelin, Hist. FJtb., i. 20.

Tin-: PHILOSOPHY 01- PI: 4

busters, though this word \\-a&gt; n&lt;.r used till the -

t&lt; enth century, and tin- J)utd.

In 1 .Tam-s 1. of Kii jland grant . d I &gt;ne

Thomas Warner tin- island of San ( .bal, thou.rh

by what authority is ndt recoraed l.\ !ir&gt;niel.

of the period. Warner associated with him four
others, who were to share the profits of tl p. di-

tion, and sailed in t-liar-v nf a l.aml &lt;! adv -utur-

C tin. 1 Indirs. Hi 1 arrivrd . .11 San &lt;

l&gt;al in lf&gt;25, and dui in^ tliat year a j.a: 1 .-li-

nicii landed on tin.- island, which was th-n inliahit
ly ( aril- The Spaniards had never innin-d a
iiirnt tliere, and tin- English and Fivm-h divided t
t rritory between them. F a ring that the Carih-
might lie incited to ris. inst, tln-m ly tin- :

Spanish \ Ls, which frequently called th !-

tain provisions, these licensed marauders attacked th-
savages by night, massacred the chiel &lt;1 drve tin-

31 from the island. Warner soon afterward
turned to England, and for this gallant exploit
knighted by his learned Majesty, thus justifying t
title which James T. has gained in the j TV

the greatest fool in Christendom. A powerful
armament was despatched t m Cristobal \
&lt;&gt;f the court of Spain, and the intru-,
pTsrd; those \vh escaped tin- SWOrds "ft!
taking r.-i uge in the adjaeeiit islands, and return:

ar &gt;r two later.

Trading companies wei e imv. anized, and lie

in ted to establish col.ni. The islet of Tori

lying to the imrth-west of Santo i^ming", ^ p-

tuivd ahiK.st without r- I

Were built, ami there for a time \\ tin- 1 &lt;jiiar-

f the pi rat Tortuga u. d by the

Spanianls in L 638, and the fivel" I no

few &lt;! them escaped to the Wo
re away OB piratical r tl. \pediti ii :id

ugh some of them fell into the hands, of I

454 BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.

iards and were massacred, the latter soon abandoned
the island, and in the following year the freebooters
at Tortuga mustered three hundred men. For the
first time the pirates now elected a leader, and their
numbers were soon recruited by French, English, and
Dutch volunteers.

Though they were regarded by the Spaniards as
foes, they were esteemed by other European nations
as allies and champions, and so rapid was the growth
of their settlements that in 1641 we find governors
appointed, and at San Cristobal a governor-general
named De Poincy, in charge of the French filibusters,
in the Indies. During that year Tortuga was garri
soned by French troops, and the English were driven
out, both from that islet and from Santo Domingo,
securing harborage elsewhere in the islands. Never
theless, corsairs of both nations often made common
cause; and in 1654 a large party of buccaneers and
filibusters, ascending a river a little to the south of
Cape Gracias a" Dios, plundered the settlement of
Nueva Segovia. In the same year Tortuga was
again recaptured by the Spaniards, but in 1660 fell
once more into the hands of the French; and in their
conquest of Jamaica in 1655 the British troops were
reenforced by a large party of buccaneers.

The monarchs, both of England and France, but
especially the former, connived at, and even encour
aged the freebooters, whose services could be obtained

in time of war, and whose actions could be disavowed
in time of peace. Thus buccaneer, filibuster, and sea-
rover were for the most part at leisure to hunt wild
cattle, and to pillage and massacre the Spaniards
wherever they found an opportunity. When not on
some marauding expedition they followed the chase,
and one day s employment was like that of another.
Setting forth at daybreak, accompanied by their dogs
and servants, they continued their search until as
many head of bullocks were slain as there were mem
bers in the party. Hides were thus provided suffi-

455

ci n1 to fill contracts with II. iptain of ;t trad

1 which usually lay Mat i&lt; HUM! in som
in-- Lay, ami \ rried down t th.- Bea-ahor bv

bondsmen, who under tin- name of appivnt ices 1,
11 inveigled into a contract to serve t-.r a fcerm
yeai Kor them there was n&lt; . -ntli or other d
of rest. One of these unfortunates ventured on a

tain occasion to expostulate with his n
in-; the divine injunction with the preamble; "I
unt&lt;&gt; thee, etc." And "I say unto tnee," returned t
hucraneer, "six days shalt thoii kill hullocks, and strip

th"in of their skins, and on the seventh dav thou &gt;h

heir hides to th- shm

r j ln. dress of tlie buccaneers con&gt;i-t. 1 of a shirt
dipped in the blood of a slaughtered animal, pantal...
of leather, if possible filthier than the shirt, shoefl &lt;t
rawhi&lt;le, and a hat without i-iin. All good&gt;, &gt;ther than
articl.-s &lt;&gt;f virtu, were held in common: and as life
was precarious, half of them at least bein-j &gt; die

in the Indies, each chose a comrade with whom pnp-

ei-t \- nf every description was shan-d. Thn^h without
laws or religion they had few disputes, and those w-
dily adjusted. They were governed by a ron^h

le, established by theinselv.-, and theiv were i
wanting amon^ them tlxe who displayed. th"U^h
u-ually in a brutal fashion, the possibilities of a !&gt;
nat in Of Kavenau de Lu an, who figures in tl.
hi-torv of the buccant" Hid wh - will

mentioned in their place, it i- related that he j..ii
them only because he was in debt, and in &gt;rd-
obtain the means of sati-tyinu his credll &lt; ^

]\I.ntbar. a lMvn&lt;-hman of Lai iron;

relate that 6n reading th- story &lt;&gt;f the atro

nmitted by the Spaniards on the haple&gt;s nat

conceived such a hatred against them that he a.

joinrd the corsairs, and by his deeds of

won the sobri.juet of the K\tTmii! I Pren

captain of filibnst i I .miel. it

lie sho&lt; one ot his own crew in church f ind&lt;

456 BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.

orous act committed during the performance of mass.
Until 1665 there were few women among these rap
scallions. In that year a governor sent out to take
charge of the French settlements in Santo Domingo,
brought with him a few females of lax morality, whom
the buccaneers took to wife in this fashion: "Your
past is nothing to me, for then I did not know, and
you did not then belong to me. I acquit you of all
evil; but you must pledge me your word for the
future." The foul troth was thus plighted, when
striking his hand on the barrel of his gun the hus
band exclaimed: "This will avenge me should you
prove false." 6

The deeds of Pierre Le Grande and Bartolome
Portuguez, who figure in the stories of buccaneering
raids about the time of Montbar s exploits the mid
dle of the seventeenth century require no record in
these pages. The name that stands preeminent among
all the cut-throats, who at this period infested the
North Sea and the shores of the main, is that of a per
sonage called Franfois L Olonnois, a native of France,
but one whose natural ferocity almost forbids us to
class him with the human race. Montbar, though
his hate amounted to frenzy, was impelled only by
indignation against the oppressors and sympathy for
the sufferings of the oppressed, and would accept no
share in the proceeds of his raids. 7 But no such half-
human feeling, no shadow of honest intent, ever
prompted the monster L Olonnois. Montbar was an
undiscerning fiend; L Olonnois an arch-fiend, with no
faculty impaired. Transported in youth to the West
Indies, ere long he exchanged convict life for the more
genial pursuits of a filibuster, and his first position

* Russell s Hist. Amer., i. 528. This author gives a sketch of the origin of
the buccaneers and their customs, showing considerable research, and is en
dorsed in most material points by JBurneifs Hist. Bucc., 38 et seq. Both
authors draw largely from Du Tetre, Hist, des Antilles, and the former from
llaynal, Histoire Phllosophique.

7 While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated over the mangled
bodies of the objects of his hate. Drake, Cavendish, and D ampler s Lives y
179-80; Barney s Hist. Bucc., 55.

GLORIOUS BUT V. 4 .-,7

among tl: roV&CB on sea and land was that of a
mmon mariner. In that rapacity In- mad-

j, and so distinguished himself l&gt;y \\\&gt; 1

strength and fearlesgnesfl that the governor o T

tiiga* supplied him with a ship and armament where
with to reap a harve&gt;t of gold.

The success which lie achieved \v ; , :, and his

operations attracted the attention of - ,al c

tin , who eagerly manned his deck*, and at t

me time stamped his name in crimson It
lieails of the race which IP- r -arded a- hifl l v } .
Kveii the elements attempted to arrest hisd-&gt;tn.y:
liand, and in one of his eruisrs ca&gt;t his reOfle] 01
slnn- of Campecbe, where nearly all h goradofl \v&lt;
killed \)V the S]&gt;aniards.

But the devil did not abandon his hi^h-p
L Olonnois, though severely wounded, and : "dinu r
himself and his party a&gt; Lost, sim -a ret I him&gt;-lf with
Mood without l)ein^ perceivedj and fell app : ly
lifeless ainon^ the slain. 9 Stripping oil the d:
a dead Sjtaniai d \\hen the enemy had departed, he-
crawled over the ghastly forms of his la

and hid in the woods; then he boldly entered a IP i_:h-
horin^ town, and by promise of freedom indu-ed KM

slaves to go with him. Stealing a 1ft] . in d

time they reached the isle &lt;! Tortu- a.

r r rriMe as he was hdure this di&gt;. I future

de. ds of L Olonnois wc-re still more atrocioi " I
shall never lienc.-i orward give (jiiai any Spaniard

wl writes tot! rnor of ( ul ter

having In-headed, with his own hand, all s;i
the survivors on hoard a captured ship which had

:it against him. And he was as good as his word.
Jle 1 -d to pieces captive after captive, quenching

In tho Kn.u lish trnnsl.-itinn of Kyqur-mclin

Minion 1 -of all Bortof ^ :ieM ( aiul the Seminary,

as it T. .f 1 init.s nnd Tliii-vt-s. /

&gt; oock PTII iju.-!)- r lu-iM MY. r WM, alaoo h;.

out k(nilf. ilx-r di -ii 1. tst wan, )H

flic d.. rt*JWcA

1^.

458 BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.

his thirst with the blood that dripped from his heated
cutlass. He tore out men s hearts and chewed them,
and watched prisoners slowly die of hunger and thirst.
If under the most agonizing torture the information
wrung from a Spaniard was not satisfactory, the hap
less wretch s tongue was wrenched out by the roots.
Verily the cruelties of the conquerors were visited
upon their descendants.

The reputation of L Olonnois as a successful leader
became so great that the most reckless and determined
were ever ready to join in any enterprise projected
by him. Between 1660 and 1665 he planned an ex
pedition against the north coast of Central America
and soon was in command of six ships and seven hun
dred men. Directing his course to Cape Gracias d,
Dios, he was driven by stress of weather into the bay
of Honduras, where, distressed for want of provisions,
his party ascended the Jagua River 10 in their canoes,
sacking and destroying the Indian villages on the
banks, and murdering the inhabitants. The pirates
then cruised along the coast committing similar depre
dations. At Puerto de Caballos, after taking a Span
ish ship of twenty-four guns and sixteen swivels, they
landed and sacked two large store-houses. These
with the town they burned, and having captured a
number of the inhabitants inflicted upon them the
most inhuman cruelties. L Olonnois at the head of
three hundred men next proceeded to San Pedro,
about twelve leagues distant, and on his march thither
fell in with three strong bodies of Spaniards who lay
in ambush for him. These he successively routed, but
not without the loss of many of his men. His treat
ment of prisoners and wounded captives was marked
by his customary atrocities.

On arriving at San Pedro he found the town
strongly fortified at the main entrance, the other
parts being surrounded by impenetrable thickets of

10 Or Sars River. Rio de Jagua, a river emptying into the gulf of Hon
duras. 7. de Laet, 1633, R. Xagua; West-Ind. Spieghd places on the north
coast of Yucatan, Xagua. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 308.

A MOST YALTA ; ,

thorny si mil&gt; and eaetus and liis only plan
ault the barricades. Tin- Spaniard-. ]
ded tl; with desperation. an&lt;l tin- pi

w impelled to withdraw from ir fii k.

Their second attempt caused such i

the defenders that they hoi&gt;t-d a tla^ of tn:

a-r- ed to surrender the town on condition that &lt;|i;

r be given the inhabitants tor two hum I

ins were agreed to, and, strange though it in.
appar, were faithfully kept by the pir. The in

habitants leathered up their elf. and tl.-d, but,

ner had the two hours expired than I/&lt;&gt;lonn

orders for pursuit. The freebo Ii&gt;-

appointed, for the men of San Pedro had ted
the greater part of their valuables and men-handi
and the pirates found only some indigo to recom]
them for their toil and danu- r. 11

Tlie star of the irreat Frenchman wa- IP\\- on tl

wane, and with the exception of Capturing a Span:

ship &lt;&gt;f forty-two 1 - ^iins after a desperai nt

his operations off the Central American
unimportant. But even this prize, for which tb

ters had loii ^ waited in Impe of they
found discharged of her valuaMe nd a I

unimportant articles of merchandise was all th
obtained* The companions of L Olonnois ^

mining diseontciited with his want of success, and
though he recklessly prop. .^, d to i ;i raid on t

of Guatemala, to many this seemed too

aterprise, and the UP &lt;n of !

followers deserted him and turned their \. i boB
ward. 13 Mi.xfoi-tuiM now i ollowed him ivl.-nt

11 L Oluu.iis y prtcht . Mviron trcnt.- h..iniiir-

-. / !l tllC i

i. -Jo;, i

.,,; |/i )] ,;. ;. .JOO dW; :

He cln-tvlioit qiif dc 1 ai-^M-nt. / /., -OS.

ys: Leur can&lt;-n
- /,/ _&gt;!;, . i-a the

same iiuinlHT as tliat in t! &

J This Iian.l i \ cragu* which

: an. I I .

4GO BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.

While working his poorly manned ship along the
coast, she struck a sand-bank near the isle of Pearls
off Cape Gracias a" Dios. The crew were already
half famished and there was no hope of saving the
vessel. So they broke the craft in pieces and built a
long-boat, occupying five or six months in this work.
But when finished it would only hold half their num
ber. Then it was decided that the half to go should
be selected by casting lots. They would embark for
the Desaguadero in Nicaragua, 14 in the expectation
of seizing vessels and returning for their comrades.
L Olonnois took command of the expedition, but was
unsuccessful in his attempt on the Desaguadero.
Spaniards and Indians assailed him in such over
whelming numbers that he was compelled to retreat
with heavy loss. But determined riot to return for
his companions on the isle of Pearls without a vessel
in which to take them back to Tortuga, he sailed for
Costa Rica, and being obliged to land for provisions
near the gulf of Darien he and all his men, save one
who escaped by flight, were cut to pieces by the Ind
ians and roasted. 15 Thus with a fitting retribution
ended the career of Frangois L Olonnois, who might
give lessons in greatness to the leaders of armies and
in savagism to the Indians who slew him.

About the year 1664 a noted buccaneer named

14 The French version, contrary to Exquemelin s narrative, says that all
the men left, the greater number in the long-boat and the remainder in canoes.
Id., i. 228.

13 Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-fioovers, 1678, 73, thus describes the
death of L Oloimois: Maer het scheen dat Godt met langerde godtloosheden
van desen mensch konde toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt strafien
wilde voor alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen
hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is hy met sijn
volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, hy de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos
genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael
van een sijner meedemackers, die het selve sonde geleeden hebben, hadde hy
sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert. His English translator says: The
Indians. . .tore him in pieces alive, thrQvdng his Body limb by limb into the
Fire, and his Ashes into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of
such an infamous inhuman Creature. Bucaniers of America, i. 77. The
French edition adds that L Olonnois was eaten by the Indians. Exquemelin,
Hist, des Flib. t i. 230.

MA\&gt;YI:LT AXI v v.

Mansvelt formed tin- dr&gt;i-_r n oi ickin^ th&lt; I

,t;i hy making ;i descent upon it. nd from ?

North Sea. F&lt;&gt;r this purpose he sailed from .Iain;:
with a lleet of fifteen Vessels and five hundred i:
T" obtain guides In- a&gt;-ault-d and -aptur-d th- nd

of Santa ( atarina, or Old Provideiic TI.-

ahlishcd a hnccaneer Bettletncnt, leavii rie hnn-
dri-d mm undrr command &lt;&gt;t a Frenchman nam-d

Simon. I hc-n IIP pro-r-d d a^ain&gt;t N ai/i, hut fnund
sin-h preparations liad hmi inad: hy tin- pr.-id.-nt
P;III;IIII;L that In- was fonvd to ahandon th- nipt.

A Spanisli prisoner, however, otl nvd to lead him

( irtago, thu capital of Costa 11 n-a, which he r-j

;trd as a rich and unfortified city. This proposal
Diet with i^viR-ral ap]&gt;roval, and tin- ll&lt;-. I il-&lt;! !;
aloii^ tliu coast as iar as Tort Matinn, 1 " wlicr- ti.

disembarked.

At iii-st their way was not difficult, and from th&gt;
setllcinc-uts on the road they c.htaincd ahundan
provisiotis; hut in a lew day- t!iey reached the cor-

dillera, where provisions &lt;-&gt;uld no longer !&gt; prOCtU
in .-uilicieiit (juantity. MansveltV crew wa8 COBQ]

Mn^Tishnieii and rYenchmeii, and wh;r ;ty

ini^ht c-xist under iavoral&gt;le circumstances 1- I
them was now destroyed hy hai-d&gt;hip and lnr
No lair distribution was made of such fo, ,d a&gt; conld

obtained^ Fierce hi-awls ensued. Mai, -d

the ai ti-rwai-d famous Morgan, t I in com

mand, in vain attempted Ihiy tlie dix-onl. wh!

violent that the two factions \\ ahne
dy to fall upon each oti &gt;n ti S iniar

Meantime the overnor -f Cartage bad h &lt; l l the

/;,.;,,- - nchtrwuUtor

Of K\.|Ucini-lin, Man&gt;v.-lt lia-l I &gt;&lt;X&gt; ui-n.

land WM wed as a i-n.-il
ployi-.l ti. vicU on tlu- wmks ,,f t n. 1

to tin-i one familiar \\itli the r

ir Mnin. M!H iv tli.-y Laiulc.l l/.HH) nu-n in tlu- year
:Ml..n, r.l. lSn, . W4. mi, to K\. ; &gt;)

:is the river Zuere. // " 1U

e, 11, the corsair Manila* landed bOO nu-u. CoUMl! GBKOff. / a. C */,
MS., i. U-J.

462 BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.

forces he could muster, 19 and had taken up a strong
position on a hill commanding the town of Turialba, 20
which the pirates had entered. At daybreak, before
the invaders were yet under arms, the Spaniards un
expectedly opened fire upon them from the eminence.
In the absence of mutual confidence the pirates were
thrown into confusion, and their leaders deemed it
best to return to the fleet. The Spaniards followed
for a short distance, and having seized a few stragglers
returned triumphant to Cartago.

But to the victors was not all the glory. The pre
cipitate flight of so large a band of desperadoes could
only have been accomplished by divine power; and,
indeed, the Spaniards learned from their captives 21
that when the invaders quarters were broken up
they saw on the height a host of warriors commanded
by a radiant female form, 22 who were none others than
the holy virgin and an army of saints who had come
to the succor of the chosen of God; so the grateful
people of Cartago chose her as their patron, and in-
instituted an annual procession to her shrine at Ujar-
raz, 2y which ceremony continued to the time of
Juarros.

When Mansvelt arrived at the bay" of Matina he
reembarked and set sail for Santa Catarina. There
he found his pirate colony thriving. The fortifica
tions had been put in the best repair, portions of the
island cultivated, and other measures taken for a per
manent residence thereon. He therefore decided to
request aid for carrying out his project from the gov-

19 In Haya, Informe, MS., 11, is found the following strange statement:
The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez de la Flor, the governor, sent Major
Alonso de Bonilla with eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions
for a greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the province.

20 About ten leagues distant from Cartago.

21 Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344-5. Bonilla took two men who
were foot-sore. When asked the reason of their precipitate flight from so
small a number, they stated that they had seen a numerous army marching
against them. Haya, Informe, MS., 11-12.

22 According to Juarros the prisoners made this confession under torture.
Haya does not mention this.

23 Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero en el dia mui desdi-
chado. Juarros, Guat., i. 58-9. It is two leagues distant from Cartago. Id.

Ul OF THE CHI I i.,:i

ior of Jamaica; l&gt;ut that ntlieial, ti. -iclin-

OOnnive at tin- doings oi the lni&lt;-ean did not d.;

pL-tee his position in jeopardy l.y swh an 0]

hostility against Spain, with which nation K -land

was then at ]M-ace. ManSVelt mad.- an !iy unsiic-
-I ul jippi-al to the governor of Torti. ,nd dyinu r
loii^-, the rohln-rs at Santii &lt; 1- ft

tln-ir own resources. Not lon.^ ai t.-rward tin pi -

dent of Panama Benl a l !. top r the i-land,and

Simon, finding that the lu-omiscd nvnt-

did not arrive, and considering it impossible to dft -n&lt;l

tip- place with the company under h; umand, sur
rendered alter a, slight show of r -&gt;i&gt;tai;

cording to an account of tl ; pturc &lt;&gt;f S:mt;i C:it;r

r, it occurred in August l(i&lt;i."). A tr.-ni-! f the 8pai.

;itiair is to )&gt; found in L .n/iri mrliii, I
in the l^n^lish translation of the latter \\urk in j
. In the 1-Yi iu-h -diti&gt;n of K\|UciiK lin th- -h na

.J anroirt ]&gt;u la tra&lt;luire, &lt;t en gaosair ce Volunir. ma. die

t n-mplie &lt;|iie de bagatelles & de rodomoutades Espagnoles, j tuia

pu donne la j&gt;eiiie, ne voulant ricn racunter ici qtic //iW. det
Mb. ii. 10.

CHAPTER XXVII.

PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.
1601-1670.

AUDIENCIA AGAIN ESTABLISHED IN PANAMA ITS PRESIDENTS CAPTAIN
PARKER S RAID ON PORTOBELLO GROWTH OF PORTOBELLO AND DECA
DENCE OF PANAMA MALEFEASANCE OF OFFICIALS INTEROCEANIC COM
MUNICATION CONTRABAND TRADING CHURCH MATTERS IN PANAMA
DISPUTES BETWEEN THE BlSHOPS AND THE OlDORES TlIE ECCLESIASTICS
IN EVIL REPUTE DESTRUCTIVE CONFLAGRATION BAZAN S ADMINISTRA
TIONHIS DOWNFALL AND ITS CAUSE THE ANNUAL FAIR AT PANAMA.

DURING the first half of the seventeenth century
the province of Panamd was under the control of a
governor or president, and an audiencia real, which
was reestablished toward the close of the previous
century. The archives are meagre of information re
garding the governors, some of them being barely
mentioned, and their succession not always agreed
upon by the authorities. In 1601 Alonso de Soto-
mayor was governor; on the 9th of June 1604 the
licentiate Alonso de Coronado, an oidor of the audi
encia of Guatemala, was appointed president; and on
the 18th of September in the same year that office
was filled by Valverde de Mercado, each of the officials
receiving as salary six thousand ducats per annum. 1

We have also the personnel of the ayuntamiento of
Panama, 2 and certain ordinances passed by that body,
one of which relates to the sale of a noxious liquor

1 Panamd, Peaks Ctdulas, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc., xvii. 349-50.

2 In 1604 Andres Cortes was alcalde ordinurio, Francisco Terii alguacil
mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and others regidores. The names of the

members for 1605 are also mentioned. Id., 228-32.

(464)

PARKER S

afi vin&lt; de Aljai and

fliekiu-- in IK .

It was during tin- adminM rat imi of Y\
plain \Yilliani Park . eked and \

&gt;dlo. He Bailed from .Plymouth in

I with two ships, a pinn I t\\&lt; ,nd

-t two huinhvil i Aft*

\- in which In- lo&gt;t his pin:

three. he eapt-mvd tin- town * ,h Y

tin 1 ( Jape Verde l&gt;lainls. and at t r d

fiviiiLC it- up t&lt;( ^ ^ lr ^ am&lt; ^ &gt;&lt;iil -&lt;l l "r
"in; Arriving al the i-land of ( \\\&gt;,

was a pearl-fishery, h- wi tted

of soldi. TS, who i-. &lt;! niani ully, hut l lly

onir; srvi-ral harks and h
several jtrisoncrs lakcii, lor whos&lt;- I .in oin \\

l-arls to tlnj v.-ilur of twenty-five huii ~os.

r i1 -liapcd liis course tor ( aj la V

which h- niet with ;i line ] &gt; ortu. -liip of t

hundred and fifty tons, hound for nd

laden with negroes lor t he min,

s made, and anotlier t v. lniinlrMl ]

I ansoin for the slav. ( allin
inlands of ( a nd ]&gt;a-t inieiit

which he |irocinvd nil negro LTU I

hundred and lift y of his men in th

in t\\ mil pinn;: vrhich he had huilt &lt;!

JK- cnt( red the mouth of the river on which

Mar kin.l of \vi: much in use at

./u.1, iu I achcco a

os for : 1 00 for a sec

and f..r i!f third

rs punishal.Ir

eooncl.

5 In

I with \. t() in owned that he left at lch

in c

Hi.-. II. SO

483 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

Portobello is situated about two o clock in the morn
ing of the 7th of February 1602. 6

The moonlight quickly revealed the boats to the
watch on duty at the fort of San Felipe, command
ing the entrance of the harbor. Being challenged as
to whence they came, they answered from Cartagena,
the reply being given in Spanish by men taken on
board at that town for the purpose. They were then
commanded to anchor, and did so at once, six leagues
from Portobello, "the Place where my Shippes roade,"
says Parker, "beinge the rock where Sir Francis
Drake his Coffin was throwne overboarde."

The captain was well aware that at San Felipe were
always thirty-five great pieces of brass ordnance,
ready mounted, to bid an enemy welcome, and fifty
soldiers to manage them. Nevertheless, as soon as
all was quiet, he proceeded up the river with thirty
men and two cannon in his shallops, ordering the re
mainder of his forces to follow him. Directly oppo
site the castle was. a smaller fort named Santiago,
mounting five pieces of ordnance and manned by
thirty soldiers, some of whom, seeing the boats, cried
out to them to stop, and ran along the shore in pur
suit. Heedless of their noise Parker proceeded to the
suburban town of Triana, landed there with his com
pany, and in a trice, though the alarm was promptly
given, set it on fire. Then, leaving it burning, he
marched on Portobello, capturing on his way a piece
of ordnance with the loss of only one man. The Eng-

6 In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives A Table made in
the manner of an Alphabett, for the easier findinge of the Streates, and chief -
est Places portraited in the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies,
standing in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker, of
Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1001, etc. In Panama
Descrip., Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., x., the year 1602 is given on p.
105, and 1G01 on p. 108. The year 1601 is also given in CasttelVs Am., in Church
ill s Col. Voy,, viii. 762. The town was pillaged by the English under Cap
tain Parker, in the year 1601, says Heylyn, Cosmog., 1086. The date of sailing
from Plymouth, November 1601, is given in Harris* Col. Voy.., i. 747; in
West Indies, Geofj. and Hist., 79; in Purchaa* PH., iv. 1243, and in Holmes?
Annals Aid., i. 117. The landing at Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb.
1602. The author of West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79-80, gives both dates,
but in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as on pp. 67, 78,
and elsewhere.

h made directly kind s i

la! tnspicUOUS huildhi

tli \vu, TVdro V

!i-- fore The il;

i warning of the invad id I

f"imd bef ladron

up ive him, and

civilians with two iield-pi.

lowed was sharp and Moody. ;,h

i- nin- wciv killed &lt;r wounded,

nior hr h-ad of M\IV x.ldi

usli thr ivsnnaiit of ih,-ir li;

" l -r HM- j.i Mis pii-ate, "God did -ur

]*! 3 ini^htt-lic. loi- th-

nt i roiii us shot M-d.-ndns thnm^li h
w-nt throii-l! - In-tli his Ann-
lnnlrd tli- Corporall of tht- Field
all ivlin-d to their Ii which they i 1 un-

till it was almost da;

uiwliilc 11 maindi r ol i hi d

up, and a! ,t of 1 .

WES &lt;!veided in favor &gt;f the 1 . h. Ai;

tin- prisoners taken were t i

ano and manv of the leadiii" ci in

rward re] I, Mel

: 1 thr j], , ;id lihci-alrd \\ ithollt

had been dressed.

Tli ity rapt uivd in the 1 1

i t !ioii&gt;and &lt;lu- li had tin- I

arrived hut seven da; Id h,

]&gt;i-i. hundrrd and I ty thousand dn&lt;

en C d away

or ( ai I la. Isewl

amount f ]&gt;hindi r wa ;nd in i
of plaie, inerchaiK: and in- which v.

in -, viii. 7

468 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIPvACY.

divided among the men, the commander reserving for
himself the sum found in the treasury.

No further injury was done to the town, except
that a few negro huts were burned in order to intimi
date the inhabitants. Seizing two vessels that he
found in the port, and in one of which were three
mounted pieces of cannon, the English, as they
dropped down the river, opened fire on the forts, and
were warmly answered by the Spaniards, who ex
pected to sink their vessels. "But God so wrought
for us," says the captain, "that we safely gott forthe
againe coritrarie to the Expectation of our Enemy es."
Most of the shots fired from shore passed high over
head, though a few of the English were wounded,
among them the commander, who was hit in the
elbow with a musket ball which passed out at his
wrist. Reaching a neighboring island, Parker was
soon rejoined by his ships, and next day, the 9th of
February, put out to sea. 9

It has already been said that in 1585 Portobello
contained not more than ten dwellings, and that in
March 1597 the port of entry was removed there
from Nombre de Dios. During the five years that
elapsed between this change and Parker s raid the
town had developed into a thriving settlement, and
now contained two churches, a treasury, an exchange,
a hospital rich and large, a convent and several streets,
where for six w r eeks in the year, when the galleons
were in port, merchants and artificers congregated.

Upon the arrival of the galleons, the treasurer,
contador, or factor, was ordered by the governor to
proceed there, taking with him the deputies of the
other two officials. 10 When the gold and silver had

9 On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the governor of Cartagena is
said to have sworn to give a Mules lading of Silver to have a fight of Cap
tain Parker and his Company, and as Harris remarks: Had they been sure
he would have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at
Porto Belo did, tis very likely they might have sold him that favour, but his
strength being uncertain as well as his pay, they did not think fit to attempt
him. Col Vmj., i. 747.

10 Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In 1608, the bonds of

]&gt;ul on l.&lt;:ir&lt;l tin- ^;;]; . and

3 on board UK- mercha
Hi thattl

pt for valtiahle con&gt;5d. n. Th

in- of ill- annual ll-
solicit ud vii, to ship;

ooi lanv a treasure-lad

or fell . lur

rival of a a nvoy was h&lt;-rald-d with

&lt; ; { joy, even royalty itsrlf not

to announce such an event.
15, ICO.l, the khiir in a &lt;1-| atdi to the p:
audimeia iniornis them of the arri
Luis de ( onloha in January of that j

After thu de[)ariuiv &lt;! ;], lleons, rortol-.
almost ahaiidoiird hy the S[&gt;aiiiai &lt;,d 1

\ and niulaKoes, the inh;i j livi:

hy renting their dwelliii;. .nt

The town \vas huilt in tin- shape n{
J ; iis harhur \\ as on.- of tin- D in the

]ndi and ship-building and tin- [n

f reduced fi-niii JO, 000 &lt;1 int.

In &gt;t. 1 1, lillo.

:-y during tli-- B6MI
f Tin t!i -ir u.--u;il &lt;luti s and make tli&gt;

dO8 V ji;i-;i ] !&lt;&gt; ipii- l":;rr)ii con li-
i y otl; ..s i&gt;n&gt;!ul&gt;id;is A las.-;

:i cllos y en 1 ls lldian. l;i.s i istan r

! iil&lt;ix, in /

11 \\ lien I , -to-

: to see i

iiat tlic longer 1
\ . who was tho K

v.ith me, ]irmiii-c&lt;l t 1 !

liips e:

\\hich
! ..
. \\ ith :
ml they dt mandrd "f :

.
eh- i; thousaml ( m\s i.

arthat I wa.&lt;

\v-hieh -r a ro

: al I a-&lt;

L 1,600 iaces, ami the average JTfathoiua. L*rg*

470 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

cedar lumber were its leading industries. The d&gt;i~
mate of Portobello, like that of other towns on the
Isthmus, was unhealthy, as I have elsewhere stated,
though less so than that of Nombre de Dios or even
Panama. The hospital was crowded with invalid
soldiers, laborers, and slaves, and in 1608 an annual
grant of two thousand ducats was assigned by the
crown for its support.

In 1610 the city of Panama had not more than one
third of the population which it possessed in 1585, 13
although from the time of its establishment to the
latter date it had grown steadily in wealth and popu
lation. The best indication of its decline as a com
mercial centre is the fact that the revenues of the casa
de Cruces, 14 which at one time were farmed out for
ten thousand pesos a year, were rented in 1610 for
-only two thousand pesos. There were mines, but they
were not worked; 15 pearl-fisheries, but they lay idle; a
measure of trade, but it was in the hands of monopo
lists, who shared their profits with the king. 16

The expenses of the general government of Panama
were met by annual appropriations allowed by the

ships ride at anchor opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer
the mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels within,
while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety without the forts. Pa
nama, Descrip., in .Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 118-19.

13 Panamd contained in 1G10, eleven streets, three squares, a cathedral,
five convents, a hospital, seven royal houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermit
ages, court-house with jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses,
112 Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight of the
houses were made of stone. Panamd, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., ix. 80. The statement that all but eight were of stone seems improb
able. It is certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle of the
IGtli century, and that most of them were of cedar when Panamd vieja was
destroyed during Morgan s raid in 1671.

14 It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at which treasure from
Panama was shipped in barges for the mouth of the Chagre. The casa de
Cruces was established in 1536.

15 In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the 14th of August 1610,
directed Governor Mercedo by all means in his po^er to develop mining
operations in Panamd and Veragua. Para que los que tienen quadrillas do
negros las refuerzen y acrecierten, y los que no las tienen las procuran. Pa
nama, Rcales Ccaulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 211-12.

16 The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for 1,000 pesos, those of cor-
redor devinos and auctioneer for Vo pesos each per annum. Panama, Descrip.,
lu Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited

ml if v

&gt;f lli

of M

informs t t that ): has 1-

while ial i

:m -d ike u illi th- ir ui

alv . ided fur at tin- tov.

him to forhid tin-in tin

ion ami to insist that t

and servants 1&gt;^ redm-ed to tin- small :inm-

!. ( rovernor Yal\ in his r-
lowii ;t many of tin- ii

Tii ;d not .1 l.\

many \ Mid that th

11 vi.Mted dl. To i

m&gt;r orders fche oi it all \

d [!;, ill

qi -n of interoceanic commn

\vhich allusion h ii cadv he. n

:-vals during tin- lalt.-r half of th

lid further &gt;i:r\
: h. "It is 1 ru writ.-s ( ,

that mountain- oltnn-t th if th-

utains then- I hand

I to make tin- | id it can

the :;i&gt;t of 1 &gt;ecemcx r L6H
])i Fernandez &lt;! Vel . who

-nmr of ( lla d-l (

I th inion of t i

tto. On t

iliat a&gt; ll&lt; iir i

..so &gt;vi -
-rwwv

peace c;i

. , iu I . vL D

472 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

world on this .project. They believed that communi
cation might be easily established between the oceans
by constructing a canal connecting the rivers Dacil
and DamaquieT, about thirty leagues from Cartagena,
and that such a work would enable the king to pro
vide better for the defence of the provinces. 18

The governor was directed to report on the feasi
bility of the project, and to despatch a few small ves
sels for the purpose of making a similar investigation
at the gulf of San Miguel and the Rio Darien. The
conclusions arrived at by the officers employed on
these surveys is not recorded in the chronicles of the
age, but we learn that his Majesty was very explicit
in his directions that all such explorations and sur
veys should be made at the expense of those who
were interested, and not charged to the royal treas
ury. 19

When Felipe IV. ascended the throne of Spain he
assured his subjects in the New World that no forced
loans should be required during his reign. He even
reimbursed, with interest, the money seized by his pre
decessor, who a year before his death appropriated to
his own use an eighth of the treasure on board the fleet
from the Isthmus. 20 Nevertheless the fourth Philip
was often in sore need of funds. About this time
Kodrigo de Vivero was governor of Castilla del Oro,
having been appointed the successor of Velasco, 21 and
those in charge of the bullion fleet had made a practice

18 Por este camino se podrd poner freno d la entrada de los enemigos.
Panama, Reahs Ccdulas, inPacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 214.

19 Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que dello se siga ninguna
costa a mi hacienda. Id., xvii. 213-14.

20 Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe III. , and merchants
resorted to all sorts of devices to conceal their specie. Commerce suffered
great depression, and on April 10, 1G43, Felipe IV., in a letter to the gov
ernor, says that under no circumstances would any further exaction be made,
but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated dues. Panama, Reales
Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 249-52.

21 Id., xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means reliable either as to
names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo de \ ivera y Velasco, a native of Lima,
succeeded Don Diego de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco s administra
tion the subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in Vera-

if thej.Mit of Peric

tandise from Spain. Claimin-_

und T the jurisdiction &lt;&gt;f i

:ieia ! I ;i

!;iy in the arrival of t!
! that ;ill (.Hi. ,-md i

H- i Ti rra Firme &gt;h&lt; uld 1..- j l un .

tin- iin ate jurisdiction &lt;&gt;f th&lt;

Til-- king was con- lj defra ! of !

ly contraband trading \vhi&lt;-h prevailed tlu-i &gt;ut

tin- ] ! Vhices, lut llowher, t :t OS 111

I ::.: In t! -in- [&lt;\-2 ( i !n&lt;.ir

&lt;li&gt; ! us j.;issin;_r throuuh the casn .

I . ! i , Wllilr nf

7.. -is wuiv reported bi .ctor

dc ]&gt;n! ) liavi- IM &lt;-n snniu -l. d tli; i. \. pun-

i&gt;lniu-nt was inllictcd for 1 iV;r i his

]\1 y thus suffered a loss &lt;&gt;f 1,370,656 i

tlic matter was compounded l&gt;y tin- payn f -00,000

3 into tin* t . :ry, tlir factor bavin 1 a

bri .000 ]&gt;-(-. Smuggling was pr

an ;it that it tli;

coinnRT. l- ..r tl !nliti&lt;n &lt;&gt;t ; Tin

1m ^-li to Maine. Tin- inrivh;: Sf\il

\vh&lt; &gt;i ill enjoyed a monopoly of the t- \\ith t

]r(vine,-&gt;, despatched on! ,;dl MJI:

11- to sujij.ly the \vai.

d IK less the &gt;uj)|.-ly &lt;f 1 in

i-iea than &lt;&gt;f Ameri

lat hotli should he Chipped in &lt;j ities so
iall ; -ure -n&lt;nnous jn ofit All kim!

1 to hy c&lt; ham! hoth

nd l : the

at hisi ! in K ,-_M. /

ikes no n icr of the

it \v;n ! Jis though li st

several

:ce WM

to s

collu.-iou 1 iiiitl 1 ibaudisU was for au 1

474 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

rich traffic of the Isthmus, and the government find
ing its revenues constantly decreasing, finally declared
smuggling to be a mortal sin, and made those who
engaged in it liable to be tried by the inquisition.

It is now in place to allude briefly to the progress of
ecclesiastical affairs in Panamd, for here, as elsewhere,
they figure largely in the history of the province.
With regard to moral and spiritual matters, the peo
ple of Panama", as we have seen,, were low enough.
Reforms \vere needed, but reformers were few. On
the 26th of November 1572 Pedro Castro de Vedeales,
provoked by the flagrant abuses of the time, addressed
the licenciado Juan de Ovando, his Majesty s coun
sellor of the holy inquisition and visitador of the
council of the Indies, upon reforms needed in church
matters. The communication is elaborate and reviews
the errors and misdoings of the Spaniards, particularly
in their intercourse with the natives. 23

When Francisco de Toledo, the new viceroy, arrived
at Panama" on his way to Peru in 1569, he restored
the royal prerogative of church patronage, which in
this diocese, and throughout his viceroyalty, had fallen
by disuse into the hands of the archbishop and bishops.
In the same year, probably, Francisco Abrego, a secu
lar priest, had been elevated to the bishopric of Pan-
amd, and continued to hold that office till his decease
in 1574. 24 During his administration the chapter

vessel to coast off Portobello until visited from the shore by those prepared
to trade. Having marked selections of goods the latter returned with their
money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of peasants. Umr.
Col. Voy., ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23, 1652, says that frauds were com
mitted in 1651, in deducting from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels,
under pretence that they were for residents of Panama and Portobello; and
that there was a dispensation to the merchants in el mero que hauian de
hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los 600,000 pesos que.se obli-
garon a mi Virrey del Peru. He also demands a report of the reasons why
no hicesters enterar la suma que el cinsutacto, y cornerico de Lima so obligo
a suplir por imaginaria, a lo epetwo del registro que salid de aquella ciudad.
Panama, Real Cedula, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5.

23 Provinda del Sto Evangdio MS., No. 16. See also Torquemada, iii. 280;
and Mendkta, IJit. Ecles., iv. 32.

24 Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, states that he held office for 15
years, and Alcedo, Die., iv. 34, repeats the statement; and yet both are

idered and I -i-mal

roimri] of Tivnt. and i ith [fa I,

or ini . rior

All.-r an int. rval of four , ,1,.

10 Wa8 plarrd ill rl;

in;;

i -an convent, and &lt;.nc l.d :

M io was BUCC( in 158*!

ulin.vv 5 who liad i ormrrl
; of Lima, and

tli of Panamd I I

t&lt;&gt; (In- i pivlary of Granada, but tli-d
;.-

Tlu- &gt;u- T of Martinez was P &gt;,dnq

a, a ]&lt; &gt;inmrnt .Icsuii d in I .V.) J, \\

Bor m reaching ( r n in

3 Antonio ( ald.TMM v,

in ih&lt; l)i^lin])i-ic of 1 \ nd in IfiO. I v,

IT [ to 1 of Sant i ( i nz (] la :

111 1 592 tlir rliaptiT Ivx.K cd oil t !

nunnery at Panama, and an ,- .1 in
t iiM-t with prompt and
n alone providi v luiildii,

and a considerable mdnwn ,^

nt \ d to ( )ur La&lt;ly of tin- ( j&gt;-

\vith an as&gt;uivd revenu ;ir thousand p

.Four nuns and 1 \\ -i.

mis Aiders

.i;i in .
th. 1

of lii .hi.-in \

of ti

i until n]&gt;|

his full

iitniciit th. i l IK :

Io.

tlfv,

a Of

476 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

sent by the archbishop of Lima, whose cooperation
had been heartily given.

Thus the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants of
Panamd \vas fully provided for; but the ecclesiastics
were by no means single-minded in their labors on
behalf of the church. Not content with receiving
maintenance, service, and tithes, as provided by law,
they extorted, with the connivance of their bishops,
salaries of three hundred pesos each from the Indians
under their charge, 29 and justly aroused against them
the indignation of the king, who instructed the audi-
encia forthwith to banish from the province many
irregular friars of whose disgraceful conduct he had
heard.

After the promotion of Bishop Calderon the see
of Panamd, remained vacant until 1605, when Fray
Agustin de Carabajal was appointed prior, and assist
ant-general of the provinces of Spain and America. 30
Meanwhile the long struggle for supremacy between
the authorities of the state and the church, which
had now subsided into an unseemly question of pre
cedence in the various religious ceremonials, was
disposed of by a royal decree assigning the place of
lay and clerical dignitaries in all such pageants. In
all processions the bishop led, followed by the offi
ciating presbyter and the clergy. Behind them came
the president and audiencia. At the sprinkling with
holy water before high mass, the ecclesiastics were
to be first sprinkled, and then the president and the

Panamd offered to erect the buildings if a suitable site were provided, and
expended for that purpose some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual
endowment of 2,000 pesos, reserving founder s rights (patronazgo) for himself.
Panamd, Descrip., Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL Doc., ix. 107; Figueroa, Vin-
dicias, MS., 74.

29 A ceilula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct as an abuse that must
be stopped. Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL Doc., xvii. 488.

30 "While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and became prior of the royal
convent of Valladolid, and during his attendance at court he was chosen assist
ant-general of all the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the
provinces of Bolotiia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement VIII. Dice.
Univ., Mist. Geog., viii. 522. According to this authority he was a native of
the city of Mexico, but Davila, in Teatro Ecles. , ii. 59, says he was a native
of Caceres in Estremadura.

MAT. M.

ia. AVith i

]! it, the kin -| it ,1,1 n ,,t l,

it lM in _r an honor to I
Ti. iin v in ,

iy, even though the i
re j i . l)iit o e servani dd 1

HTY it. When tin- bishop went fcoth .al h&lt;

]\\^ traiD was t&lt;&gt; IM; rani. d as 1
pivsid. room and tlidi (lrojj).-l.

nfs in di&gt;j)iit&lt;- were t he mmm-:
tin- I ishop \ o place hia diaii- &lt;&gt;n I

lii-^li alt;ii- iii HP- cnlh -lral wlirn th.: oid

:in&lt;l wliutlicr tin- ])n-l)cin!
I- side him. r J1io kin-- decided i hese n.
&lt;&gt;t tli- cliurdi, and &lt;&gt;n tlic 4th of Jim..; 1

isultation \vith the hi-hop. i I a decree o
that tin- regulations in fonv in t ! .f&lt; v

ould lu- observed
In K) i I ( larabajal was appointed

ii j o, liavin^ inimdcd &lt;lnri;i-- ]ii- .-id 1

nania the college of San A in and &lt;-nd&lt;\\

^ ith six scholarships, according to tin- dir

council of Tr nt. :; - 1 i

&lt;! la ( ;iniara y 1 Laya, ^ho . I UpOD in

I M 1. During l;is juvl-cy was c

r lidd in the diocese &lt;-f I 1 . Di:

tdministration four mo: ic ord-r "f ^

Juan d(j J.)i&lt; I in that city, j-i

"Panami t, i:&lt;ni * in Pacheco and ias, Col. Doc

1
pes.

!il 11 Mercenaries ha&lt;l 13 and tho

1 1. Tin- nuniK

-ml Sa:

s ami monasteries :

01.

: it-d i: i&lt;l;i in

loll

I in tluir .-i*-

478 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

in the hospitals established there or elsewhere on the
Isthmus. Their admission was bitterly opposed by
the aucliencia, and by the prelate, who was a Domini
can, and it was not until June 26, 1620, and in obe
dience to a provision received, that Captain Ordono
de Salazar, the alguacil mayor, enabled them to take
possession of the hospital of Panama. 34 The order
was permanently established in Panama by Fray
Fabian Diaz, who came from Spain with Fray Fran
cisco Lopez in 1604, became celebrated as a physician, 35
and grew rapidly in importance. 36

In 1625 Fray Cristobal Martinez, formerly abbot
of Segovia, was appointed to the see of Panama. 37
During his administration serious disturbances oc-

curred among the Augustinian Recollets of the con
vent of San Jose, the prime mover, Fray Francisco
de la Resurreccion, and his disorderly followers being
arrested and sent to Spain by Enrique de Sotomayor,
then governor of the province. 35

The reputation of the ecclesiastics in Panama about
this period appears to have been somewhat unsavory.
In 1634 Felipe IV. issued a decree ordering the
members of the aucliencia to see that the reputation
of cloistered nuns be protected. On the 14th of July
1536 the monarch writes to the bishop ordering that
he enforce the provisions of a decree addressed to the
hierarchy of the Indies in the previous February, by
which no mestee, illegitimate son, or person of moral or
physical defect was to be ordained. Immoral or scan-

3i Camara founded scholarships in the college of San Agustin and left an
annuity of three hundred pesos to the Jesuit college, a sum for the mainte
nance of two chaplains in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building
fund. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., ii. 59, and Alcedo, Die., iv. 35.

35 The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649. He was a great
ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral was attended by the audiencia
and all the noble families of the province. Santos, Chron. Hist., i. 303.

36 In 163G they refused to deliver up the bodies of some persons who had
died in the hospital, and prevented their interment in the chapel of La Con-
cepcion. Reales Cedillas, in Parheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 243.

37 On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at Valladolid in the
Dominican convent of San Pablo. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes. , ii. 59-60;
Alcedo, Die., iv. 35-6.

38 In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV. approves of this measure.
Panama, Jleales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Z&gt;oc.,xvii. 241.

e."
1 during t

US, Which l];i,l l,itl).

lnuiM, in

Ii mm! day!

f conversion wenl ! -ur

nmnlxT &lt;{ ,1 in

i thirl, ii I hoiia

111 1644, during th&lt;- ]&gt;r of Fi

the su&lt; Marti &gt;ut

in i anama \vliich miiMiinrd nil

.jiitl all

hedral. Tin- latter &lt; ii;

.&lt;{ dedicated in 1 655 ly his -
;-&lt;l&lt;&gt; (! [zaguii il oi the iii&lt;|ii

Jts mi

1 &gt;y 1 1

itv. Italians writes Juan &lt;lr \
f ilic provinc in ;i i
I V.j "has now h ml

ing more ,-MH! nn.
Is lu-iii iillcil \vith \ Tli

,n unju-f &gt;ii-] i-i(n be I

. ;1 ordered "-

, l I urtuh. llo to a

W 108

11 1 1 \ 1 *

I
111 til.

87 hut \vaa sp*

*8 t ? but i!

480 PANAMA, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.

into the interior, and instructed Bazan to extort from
them as much money as possible before sending them
into banishment; but to the credit of that official it
is related that he gave no heed to the mandate. For
this neglect, and for the nepotism which he displayed
during his administration, he was severely censured
by his sovereign. 42

In 1647 Bazan was again censured by the crown
for a proceeding which, after due investigation by the
fiscal of the audiencia. caused his downfall. Actino*

under the advice of the licentiate Pedro Chacon, he
had caused to be driven from their homes eighteen
friars of the order of San Jose, appointing in their
places others of bad repute. The ecclesiastics took
refuge in the San Cristobal hills, but were soon after
ward reinstated, and at the close of the following
} T ear the governor was superseded by Juan Bitrian
de Biamonte y Navarra. 43 The latter died in 1651
while superintending the despatch of a fleet from
Portobello, and in the parish church of that city a
marble monument was erected to his memory.

Panarnd appears to have recovered quickly from
the prostration caused by the fire of 1644. An
annual fair was held there until the year 1671, at
which date the city was destroyed during the raid of
Morgan and his buccaneers, as will be presently re
lated. In 1655 the value of merchandise that changed
hands during the fair is officially reported at five mill
ions of -pesos, and this sum probably represents but a
small portion of the business actually done, for, as we

Ctdulas (published 14th of May 1645), in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc,,
xvii. 273.

42 On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of royal orders Bazan
had appointed Este"van Gallejos, his wife s nephew, warden of the castle of
San Felipe, Portobello; and on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives
and dependents had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was
alcalde mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one servant
was captain of the companies of the garrison, and another was factor. He
was censured, and again commanded to obey, porqne deinas que bos se ara
la demonstracion que conbeuga, series castigado con toda seberidad. Pana
ma, Beetles Ccdidas, in Pachcto and Cardenas, Col. Doe., xvii. 275-81.

i3 /d, 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de Bitribeante y Navarra,
knight of the order of Calatrava. Die., iv. 42.

UIBLIOi;i:.\riII AL. ; !

lia IK- &lt;|uantity of

into the jiroviur. s thnui^li contr

or lour fold
duty was

and valuaMo manuscript MC indispensable to the In* story of

.riot of Daricn is the report of its j; &gt;r, Don s de An/.

:1 ."&gt;, 1771 1 to the titled

&gt;a de el Darien. The o:
; .injian: &gt;ts in the

py was made for the author. Tim tt
rt; a 1 the generally ru

. and proposed remedies; a detailed description of the towns, military
jid inh -ibitants, and a condensed account of the actual c
ivinoe, ite inhabitants, i *, and .sedoci. .iew

: the history of t vinco for t. is sixty-two yean, de*

illy the latest Indian n iie manu&gt;&gt; ript forina one volume

:ulio of forty closely written \

HIBT. CEKT. AM., VOL. II. 31

CHAPTER XXVIII.

MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.
1664-1671.

MORGAN S EARLY CAREER HE RESOLVES TO ATTACK PORTOBELLO THE
CASTLE OF TRIANA BLOWN INTO THE AIR CAPTURE OF THE CITY-
ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY THE BUCCANEERS THE PRESIDENT OF PA
NAMA MARCHES AGAINST THEM HE is DRIVEN BACK MORGAN SENDS
HIM A SPECIMEN OF HIS WEAPONS RANSOM OF THE CITY AND RETURN
TO JAMAICA THE BUCCANEERS PREPARE ANOTHER ARMAMENT, AND RE
SOLVE TO ATTACK PANAMA CAPTURE OF FORT SAN LORENZO MARCH
ACROSS THE ISTHMUS MORGAN ARRIVES IN SlGHT OF PANAMA CoW-
ARDICE OF THE GOVERNOR BATTLE WITH THE SPANIARDS BURNING OF
THE CITY TORTURE OF PRISONERS BRAVERY OF A CAPTIVE GENTLE
WOMAN THE BUCCANEERS RECROSS THE ISTHMUS DIVISION OF THE
BOOTY.

NONE of the "brethren of the coast," as English buc
caneer, French filibuster, and Dutch sea-rover were
pleased to style each other, are better known to fame
than Henry Morgan, the Welshman, whose deeds
have been heralded in all the principal languages
of Europe. Born of respectable parents in easy cir
cumstances, he left home still a lad, and shipped for
Barbadoes in the service of a master who, on reach
ing port, sold him as a slave. On regaining his liberty
he proceeded to Jamaica, and finding no other em
ployment joined a piratical expedition which was then
on the point of starting for a cruise in the Spanish
West Indies. After storing up his share in the pro
ceeds of three or four profitable raids, he was enabled
to purchase a vessel in partnership with a few of his
more thrifty comrades, and being elected captain
made a successful cruise off the coast of Campeche.

(482)

AT . ox roirro i,

urn he \\
which, undei- &lt; omniand of Ma

&gt;n Ih in. I .
( )n the death of V
ilantry had \vmi the resp(

ointed ] ! 1 liin,s-li

ainand of a dozen : him,

uncil v,
nipt 1 iplure of tl

d^e such a;i !.T

plu;

i i.dand town of (, ul ri-h

a hi ! on

V&gt; a rued ! r wh&gt;

Ml the ileet as it in
! conceal i

f this - !

.sos, a sum insuf.
mud ii their return to .!

undertake

of opinion :i th&lt;

;^lish men, 1 of his eoinn

\vithdra\v iVeni A
rd Bi r tli-

&gt;hij&gt;s, and a ur lnuuln d ;

: u^ men, revealing hi

On the la f June

1 ( )ro. (

irchief di Jlt

Ho. ;

&lt;-h. of 1 anam, wh a ot*

BlaV( me) : ,

. which it will I
irded. ;it c in peri&lt;

j %

r of the Peruvian and M u ni

was th
i R
l.v i hundred t. W

484 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

dred citizens capable of bearing arms, and was guarded
by strongly fortified castles, commanding the ap
proaches by land and sea. Many hesitated to attack
such a stronghold with a mere handful of men, but
their commander spoke words of cheer, 1 and stimulated
by the promise of vast spoils all at last gave their
consent.

In the dusk of a summer evening the fleet anchored
at Porto Ponto, thirty miles west of the town. Leav
ing a few men to guard their ships the buccaneers
ascended a small river in boats or canoes, and landing
about midnight marched at once to the attack. All
the avenues of approach were well known to Morgan,
and among his band was an Englishman, once a pris
oner among the Spaniards, who now acted as guide.
A castle named Triana, situated in the eastern suburb,
was selected as the first point of assault. A sentinel
posted at some distance from the fortress was seized
and bound by a small party sent in advance, before
he had time to fire his musket. Brought into Mor
gan s presence he was closely questioned, and fre
quently menaced with death if his answers should
prove untrue.

Creeping along under the shroud of night and the
cover of a dense thicket, the silence broken now and
then by the watchword of a drowsy sentinel, the free
booters surrounded the castle unperceived, and Mor
gan, coming close under the walls, bid his captive
summon the garrison to capitulate, threatening sure
death in case of resistance. They replied with a ran
dom volley of musketry and cannon shot. Applying
scaling-ladders to the walls, the buccaneers swarmed
over the parapets, and after a stout resistance the
Spaniards surrendered. Morgan fulfilled his threat.
Securing all his prisoners in a large chamber, near the
powder-magazine, he fired it by means of match and

1 Captain Morgan said: If our number is small, our hearts are great; and
the fewer Persons we are, the more Union and better shares we shall have in
the Spoil. Etiquemelin, Hist. Hucaniers, 93.

A V.\ D.

train \vL

bell by t Id

3 im: Mown jr.

! at - on the pani i inli.

ii !i tip ih hid*

II&lt;1 cut il whomever they 111 V

ini;- i
u\\r their m&lt;&gt; ..ml jewelry i;

hidi in underground The e,-,&gt; V eri

u n rallied a small party and retired with t!

mining 1 whei k

lire was e d on the ; . A; a-hin^ with

hundred ie buccanee mut!

cannon, picking off the Sj

reloaded their ] ; but tli.-ir ranks \ \y

ploi: i by well-directed discha ofartillery, A

heavy 1 little pur|&gt;o&lt;e, \\\&gt;
uj) to the and attempted to burn do\\ n

The Spaniard red i with slia

: nir ry, and dropping ban. d

ri[)tion nn the heads of tb
^crs, tl Ve them back beyond t!

is.

Morgan new he^an to despaii 1 , but i % ai er )

maining for a while in h&lt; ion as to hi

nieiit. r Fo (jiiote tbe wni-ds of K \ i [ 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 i n , " many
:nt and calm nied liis mind : tieitht

rmiiie which way to turn hi I hat

t." A part of his forces had h.-rii d.

on- of the minor f- .-I looking i t

direction be saw that his men had ah I

Jish colors &lt;n the battlem."

ippo r rakin-- 1 ; thifl

imnander at once [ved

and 1 a man ready of resource M..&gt;n hit

t. I Ie d a nunil pri I nil

ed and dr. 1 1 rom their cl rs, a

orderii aling-laddera to be made, \\-id r

mount a 1 tt, bid his pri

48G MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

against the castle walls, thinking thus to shield his

O O

men from the weapons of the Spaniards.

Driven forward at the point of sword and pike the
captives came close up to the guns of the fort, and
falling on their knees besought the governor by all
the saints to surrender, and save his own life and
their own; but orders were given to spare none w 7 ho
came near the walls. Priest and nun were crushed
beneath falling rocks or shot down without mercy,
and numbers were killed before the ladders could be
adjusted. When at length the task was accomplished,
the buccaneers swarmed up to the assault ; and though
many were hurled down by the defenders, others held
their footing on the parapet, and after plying the gar
rison with hand-grenades and pots of powder contain
ing lighted fuses, leaped down with sword and pistol
in their midst. The Spaniards then threw down their
arms and craved for mercy; that is, all but the governor,
who, single-handed, maintained for a while a hopeless
struggle, killing several of his assailants, and running
through the body some of his own recreant soldiers.
In vain the buccaneers offered him quarter, unwilling
to put to the sword so gallant an officer; in vain his
wife and daughter knelt and entreated him with tears

to yield. His reply was: "By no means; I had rather
die as a valiant soldier than be hanged as a coward."
After several attempts to overpower or capture him,
he w T as at length despatched.

There still remained several castles in the hands of
the Spaniards, one of which was strongly fortified
and commanded the entrance to the harbor. It \vas
deemed necessary to capture it without delay in order
to allow the fleet to be brought round to Portobello,
for the losses of the freebooters had been so severe
that time must be allowed for the recovery of -the
wounded. Turning against it the cannon of the cap
tured fort, Morgan compelled his captives to work

*Exquemelin, Hist. JBucaniers, 96.

of the f

it 1 . in whi

Span5&gt;h ofli lain.

S&lt;&gt;on aftT n

of 11 iy. Tlu-y ]
in comfortable qua j under

and tin; woundrd Spaniards in nt,

without food, water, or ndance; and aft mr

ir guards frll at once, as was tli ir c
tory, to i ini^, drunkein ;md i .&gt;ul d

Mi. , virgin, lli I the poi

"rd, \ forced to ; Id to the &lt;-mhi,
-t.hr- whose hands AVITO y&lt; i t .staim-d with the

l.lnd of their husbands an&lt;l In- Xt-itl.

r condition was spared. The r&lt; :MI

fmni the shelter of the convent, and girls of ler

;-ed from their mot; arn. ins
alike to the conquerors lust. At length,

with wine, and worn out with t\v&lt; ;ir li of
continuous toil, the maraud. ; i;k t st.

olutc men conld then have delivered ih t; lut

all ni^ ht lon^ n,, sound was hcai d ins &lt;&gt;f

the wounded and the eri a of henrt-hr- :i.

At daylight the buccaneers plundered tin- j&gt;la&lt;

all tin \-alual)l -s they could iind, sackii

the citixi-ns. and stripping t

gold and silver orni .id their services of n.

Those who w

t of thr prisoners were &lt;picMi he

whnv;d&gt;outs ( .f tlu-ir concealed t

to disclose them, \v&lt; d on the i

lied und.-i- tin- tortllJ

r iifteen days Moj-.^an r inaiin-d al T !&lt;),

a\ !

an cxju-ditioii him. .1 1

to the shl I the th?

liim no ui hut mai had di

wounds, of tli- 3 of drum 3, and of an

nn- iied ly half-buried oorj , M&lt;

488 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

provisions began to run short. They were compelled
to live almost entirelv on the flesh of horses and mules.

Many of the captive and most of the wounded Span
iards had perished from privation, having been allowed
no sustenance but a morsel of mule meat and a little
muddy unfiltered water. Preparations were there
fore made for departure. Placing the booty on board
the fleet, Morgan demanded of his prisoners a ransom
of 100,000 pesos, threatening otherwise to burn the
town and blow up the casties. Two of the citizens, de
spatched to Panamd by his orders to raise the amount,
gave information of the true condition of affairs. The
president had a force of fifteen hundred men at his
disposal, and at once marched to relieve his country
men, and, as he hoped, cut off the retreat of the ad
venturers.

Forewarned of his approach Morgan posted a hun
dred picked men in a narrow defile through which
lay the route of. the Spaniards. At the first encoun
ter the main body of the Spanish forces was routed ;
many fled at once to Panamd,, bearing with them
the news of their defeat; and for a time the expedi
tion was crippled. While awaiting reinforcements
the president resolved to try the effect of threats,
though aware that he was in no position to enforce
them. Sending a messenger to Morgan, he bid him
depart at once from Portobello or expect no quarter
for himself or his companions. The commander of
the buccaneers answered by doubling the amount of
the required contribution 3 and stating that he would
hold the place until the ransom was paid, or if it were
not paid, would burn down the houses, demolish the
forts, and put every captive to death.

As further effort appeared to be useless, the presi
dent left the inhabitants of the town to work -out
their own salvation; but surprised that a place de-
iended by strongly fortified castles should fall a

s Exqmmdin t Hist. Flib., ii. 44, and Hist. .Bucaniers, 98.

439

prey t&lt;

req &gt;iil T

w M ,1 liiiu mm ,&lt;l

with e-rim humor handed liiui a mu&gt;ke(
bullets Lidding him tell liis ma that li

much pi 1 to show him ;

arms \\ li itli ho had taken 1 llo, and 1

him to ke,.p them a 1 welv. m&lt; -nth, ; which 1

promised to comu to Tana: nl lak&lt;- tin-in awi
be ]&gt;n si(lcnt soon returncil Hi bher

ith a ] nt of an CM in -raid riii 4 and

"tlial- ]) did not, want for arm sort, but i

I tliat mm of such cur;i _ r W6F6 Dot ciu|il(.y.-d
on some, just war und&lt;-r a ^i-c-at j.i iuce."

Mean while the freebo to deliver up

the town on receiving , .m of a hundred thui-

nd ])rs. The amount was coll 1 ]aid

Tlio best guns of the stronghold were then ]&gt;ut

ird the vessels; the rest w&lt;

-ailed for Cului, where they ].. ; out tl

spoils, which con-i-ted of coin, bull! .nd j
tl due of two hundred MI id

Minting the jewel- at Less than half their n
besides larire &\ a of silk, linen, cloth, and nth-

merchandise. Proceeding then. , Jamaica, th

mdered in riot and e-ross d: lion tl alth

that otl bad accumulated 1 arsof j

If-denial. A lew days &gt;! swinish d ry

r the wii lops and In U of Port I! -yal
lei t the majority of tl: Qg without 1
and elanii ne\\ tt. It \

nothing unusual i f them to a

awa le ni^ht their enti in the pi

-fill raid, and to ivnder
liali].- to be sold :
unpaid tavern EH Son -uld d: lit ii

;: c 1 wi harrel oi % strong a

id preseiiti: : eir ]&gt;i&gt;to! the j
them, whether m&lt; i drink in their com-

490 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

pany, running up and down the streets, when crazed
with liquor, and beating or bespattering whomsoever
they met.

The standard of humanity among the buccaneers
was such as might be expected among men who have
been cut off from honorable intercourse with their kind.
Many of them had been kidnapped in early youth,
and shipped from England to the British West Indies,
and there sold as slaves, and subjected to such treat
ment as often reduced those of weakly constitution
to idiocy. They had been starved and racked and
mutilated. They had been beaten till the blood ran
in streams from their backs, and then rubbed with salt,
pepper, and lemon juice. It is not strange that the
temper of men who had passed through such ordeals
should be permanently warped ; that their hand should
be against every man, and that they should afterward
inflict on the prisoners who fell into their power tor
tures as cruel as they themselves had suffered at the
hands of their masters.

The fame of Morgan s exploits induced numbers of
both French and English to join the standard of the
freebooter. To the veterans who had served under
him during former raids was added a swarm of recruits,
eager to share in the plunder if not in the glory of
his expeditions. He was soon in command of his
squadron of fifteen vessels and a force of nine hun
dred and sixty combatants, and appointing as a ren
dezvous the islet of Saona gave orders to sail along
the southern coast of Espanola. Heavy gales were
encountered during the voyage, and a portion of his
ships being driven from their course he found his di
minished forces inadequate for any great enterprise.
Under the advice of a French captain, who had served
under L Olonnois and Michel Le Basque at the capture
of Maracaibo and Gibraltar in 1666, he determined
to plunder those towns and their surrounding neigh
borhood. The proceeds of this foray amounted, ac-

PAP]

horities, o In; d flf:

jiiadroi; 1 at 1 !i&lt;

&gt;f lii in r- turned

whriv In- found i
n-

;&gt;ain and &lt; in, wlii&lt; ,d

irther rai he 1-: W61 thai

{"dition should 1&gt;&lt;- at
and with in- st than

undertaken. Morgan r. adilv -k- eonnnan

and sending d- to tho an freebool

(juartcrcd in Santo ])mnin^o and r l &lt;&gt;itu;.;a to acjuaint

in witli his purpose, appoin fd i-f-nd-

iN i-t ( "iil]on in tlio island of A ,
i-nd &lt;&gt;f Octolrr 1C.70 his iollo\\ had , led i

! ic first care was io ol)taii MM ly ^ I
and for this purpo&gt;.- limiting part n/s li

daily t .&gt;ur the w hile a s&lt;[iiadron (- ;r

vessels with four hundred in&lt;-n undrr iln d

"f Captain ]&gt;rad] was des] I to the main

land, to oMain su[)plirs of wln-at or mai/
the inouili of the Rio If;. it iifty

t]] . noi-th-\ of th&lt; k lake of M il-o,

:i rd a vessel laden principally with c

iv.-d {our thousand lni&gt;ln Is of in QSOOI i.

a village on tb nkuf th- ri\ Iwithoth

iiuml i }&gt;risn; turn- ;ter an

i lV* Wcrlx

^ Jordan in-xl ( ajir Tihnron.

Lenta from Jamaica joined tii pedition, and

4 / I!.l J

&gt;s, besi &lt; and i

. 1 1!, : r._ h a typogra]

inlise.
5 s en IMI.I. ind of \

. 1 iM .
In &gt; r i^ stated t

:i vrss.

t! tu a n

492 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

he now found at his disposal a fleet of thirty-seven
ships and a force of two thousand fighting men. 7

His largest vessel carried twenty-four heavy guns
and six small brass cannon; 8 many of the others were
armed with sixteen to twenty, and none with less
than four pieces of ordnance. Morgan assumed the
title of admiral; the royal banner of England was
hoisted from the main-mast of his flag-ship; and com
missions 9 were given to the officers, authorizing the
capture of Spanish vessels either at sea or in harbor,
and all manner of hostilities against the Spanish na
tion, as against the declared enemies of the king of
Great Britain.

Articles of agreement were signed stipulating that
those who were maimed or had distinguished them
selves in action should receive compensation or reward
from the first proceeds of the raid, and that the re
mainder should be distributed according to the rank
or office of the members of the expedition. 10

The three most tempting prizes on the Spanish

7 Two thousand two hundred. Exquemelin, Hist. Fllb. , ii. 105. An inter
cepted despatch from the president of Panama, translated in Sharp s Voyages,
145, gives the number of men at 3,000.

3 Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces. Exquemelin, Hist. I lib.,
ii. 105.

9 Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. Exquemelin, Hist. FUb., ii. 110. But
this statement is not confirmed in other places. The Hist. Bucaniers, 126, im
plies that Morgan had no right to grant such commissions. See also Sharp s
Voyages, preface. The governor must have been aware of the treaty pending
between England and Spain.

10 It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the booty should be set
aside for the commander s portion; that each captain should draw, besides
his own, the shares of 8, 10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel,
and that the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100 pesos,
in addition to their regular pay. For those who should be maimed in action
compensation was thus provided: for the loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one
eye, 100; of both arms, 1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500;
and of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves on the basis of one
slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should be the first to force his way
into a Spanish castle, or to haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English
standard on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a prisoner
from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100 pesos; he who should
throw hand-grenades among the enemy, 5 pesos for each one thrown; and he
who in action should capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was
to be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards and extra
allowances were to be paid over before a general division should be made of
the booty. I find nothing set aside for Christ or the church. Exquemelin,
Hist. Flib., ii. 108-110; Hist, Bucaniers, 126.

LORKXZO. 403

,&lt;1 Were J !&lt;1 (

A council i

,&lt;I it \v;is .

I made id I \v L)on Juan

man, ] lenl of 1 anam&, the u

bu ir weapo;

J ;

]vii&lt;&gt;\\ n to any 1 I"

in-- &lt;-n the mainland it was d&lt; I to &lt;

ita ( atarina, which
penal settlement of the Spanish V : d

ntained among its gai In;* out ir

i from .Panama. Among tlicse out
law s sonic would no doubt bo found who were well

jiiainted with thu approaeh- S to that city.

Suiting sail from &lt; Tiburon on the IGth of

I) .ibcr, the lltM t anchored off Santa Catarina the
iifth day, and on th :uo n -n thu freebooi

landed without Opposition Tl orison and inhabi
tants had retired to a small adjacent islet d- 1 by

n castles \vhi-h, with a resolir :ice, would 1

been impregnable; but the governor, when summoned
to capitulate, consented on condition that he should
be allowed to depart iimnd 1 after makin. ] i"\v
&lt; f ;!!&lt;&lt;. A sham light maintained by i.

I oi- urs, and no po\\

luicrnn, liivd with blank d the S[an-

ordered to train tin i &gt; that t;

: whistled harmless overhead, r l l. then

rendered, the pri in\i&gt;

d, and the freetxx

iiour ed war in ear; on the

j.oult; ime whieh l ind in th P-

hood. Three outlav, Panama,

Indians and mulatto, all well acquainted with

the i favorable routes, v. leliv&lt; led up

Indians, aware that tin

11 7. .ml lli-t. Duc i. .I /-.-. 30.

494 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

suffer from the raid in common with the Spaniards,
feigned ignorance, but were betrayed by the mulatto
and put to the torture. One of them died on the
rack, and the survivor then confessed that he knew
the roads, and consented to serve his captors.

Before landing the main body of the buccaneers on
the Isthmus, Morgan determined to capture the castle
of San Lorenzo, which guarded the mouth of the
Chagre River. For this purpose he despatched a
squadron of five vessels with four hundred men 12
under Captain Bradley, remaining himself at Santa
Catarina with the rest of his forces, in order to mask
his main design. The castle was built on a high rock,
steep enough to render it inaccessible on the southern
side, and was protected on the north by the river,
which widens at that point. Four bastions mounted
with artillery guarded the approaches by land, and
two faced seaward. At the foot of the rock were
three batteries which commanded the mouth of the
Chagre. At the outlet of the river is a sunken reef
and a sand-bar, over which the breakers roll for almost
the entire width. Only in the calmest weather can
one detect a narrow passage close under the precipice,
whose height is still crowned by the ruins of the
castle of San Lorenzo. The fortress was surrounded
with palisades, filled in with earth, and its single
entrance could be approached only by a drawbridge
which spanned a crevasse in the rock thirty feet in
depth. The garrison consisted of three hundred and
fourteen well armed and veteran troops, and a party
of expert Indian bowmen under as gallant an officer as
ever drew sword.

Bradley saw that the stronghold could be assailed
only from the land side, and anchored his vessels
in a small bay at a short distance from the outlet
of the river. The freebooters went ashore soon after
midnight, and after cutting their way through woods

12 Three ships and 470 men, according to Sharp s Voyages, 130.

A OAL1

led with undergrowth,

, debouched a in ll

. /it hin gunshot of t

tin 1 attack. The garr: ;i tli

ot ii. :ng out: " Coino on, I 1 j

. and let your COmpanioE arc behind

come on; yon .shall not get to I bia !

r rh d severely and were driv

the shelter of the woods; but ret u ruin" : ii-

fall can up to the edge o;

attempted to burn do\vn the ]&gt;ali

|[)osite v Guided by th lit of 1 li

the Spaniards pli.-d tlicni inc&lt; vith

rtillcry and the Indians di

arrows with hardly less el M- n fell nd

]!radley had both his legs taken off -und shot.

The buccaneers were 11 n!

of success, when a lucky s: turned i
in their lavor. One of
It an arr&lt;&gt;\v, phiekrd it forth and wi
with cotton, shot it back from his musket t
, where it lighted on a house 13 th
tves. The cotton, ignited by the :
, set fire to the roof. The flames w
ticed until beyond control, and s; llysoon

exploded a package of gunpoi* T

at all their efforts to .c conil :i and \

d into th and mount:

i o(L dioulders burnt down the

the 1 -S.

I he ca-f]e \vas all ruin.

th which supported the p.-ili [ ialleii i:

it in plans to a level with i
A mu: us lire was poun-d on :

account given in

1 -house tliat st&lt;x&gt;&lt;l on tlu:
:e cast! . I

\\-et-n t
-i and the castle \val I reach of su.

496 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

fenders till noon, when the assailants advanced to
storm the breach. Many of the Spaniards hurled
themselves down the steep side of the rock, prefer
ring death to surrender. The governor, at the head
of a handful of men, still maintained a hopeless strug
gle, but a musket-ball through the head soon laid him
low, and all resistance was at an end. Only thirty of
the garrison were found alive; among them not a
single officer, and scarcely a dozen unwounded men.
The prisoners gave information that news of the in
tended raid had reached Panama by way of Carta
gena several weeks previously; that a deserter from
the expedition, when at the Rio Hacha, had also re
vealed Morgan s design; that messengers had been
despatched by the governor of the fortress to the
president, with news of the invaders approach; that
ambuscades were already posted at several points on
the banks of the Chagre, and that the president with
the main body of his forces awaited their approach
on the plains surrounding Panama.

The Spaniards were ordered to throw down their
dead to the foot of the castle rock, and there to bury
them. A neighboring church served as a hospital for
the wounded, and a prison-house for the captured
women, who were subjected as usual to foul outrage
and defilement, daughters being violated in presence
of their mothers, and wives before their husbands
pantomimes of hell performed within the walls of a
sanctuary.

On receiving news of the capture of San Lorenzo,
the commander of the buccaneers gave orders that all
the houses on the isle of Santa Catarina should be
burned to the ground, and that the fortifications on the
adjacent islet should be destroyed, with the exception
of one of the strongest castles, which he reserved for
future occupation. Casting the guns of the fortress
into the sea, and placing his prisoners on board the
fleet, he set sail for the mainland, and arrived off the
mouth of the Chagre in January 1G71. Overjoyed at

h colors j!yin-_

through

,ijis on tin 1 sunki-n r&lt;
river, but prizes w&lt; .il la.

. and of a nunilMT of buui

for the navigation of the E in. lain

i t as a garrison lor t! and one huiuh

and fifty ; -^iiard for i ;pti\&lt;

!&lt;Ted to repair the breaches in the I

tin- main body of tin- advciitur- t \\vl\x- hun-

divd strong, started on their expedition again in-
ania. if organ gave orders that no provM uld

n but a slander stock of mai/r, b. nt

Millie day s ratioi, He told bisnx-n that, i
means of conveyance b./m^ liinitud, they must

umber themselves with unn&lt; try i
they would soon replenish Ir supplies ir.m thu
magazines of the Spaniards, who lay in anibu&gt;h .
1 route. Moreover, the detachment left behind
n Lorenzo numbered with the prisoners o 1,000
sons, and tin- entire supply was hardly
th.ii- subsistence until his return.

The journey was be^un in boats and cano
notwithstanding a rapid current and a want of skill
in managing the overloaded vessels, about

Were made- tli t. day. So little did the fr&lt;

know of the impediments they w -omi to eneoiur
in their as&lt;.vnt of the stream, that they took
them five large scows laden with artillery andamii
nit ion. A few of the party went .

irch for food, as their BG allow, !zu

was soon drvourrd, but nothi di&gt;c&lt;

I ;unl mo&gt;t of the buer lay down to r

supper! ,ith nothing but a pi[&gt;e of tobacco to ap-

their

14 In Shnr]) ~ 1:13, it is stated tl; ft only HOO i:

he castle, anil r i anain;i -\vitli 1,400 b;

and 3H honts. 1

i in the s; ; gan i-

2,300 nu-n. In /. !&lt;n, 11

HIST. CENT. \x... VOL. II. 32

498 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

On the se cond evening they arrived at a spot where
the river-bed was shoal from drought, and choked

with fallen trees. The guides assured them that a
few miles beyond they would find no difficulty in
continuing their route, either by land or water, and
next morning, leaving a strong guard over their
vessels, they attempted to make their way through
the forests that skirt the banks of the Chagre. The
trees were matted with vines, and the spaces between
them filled with a dense wall of tropical undergrowth/
in places impenetrable to sight. Most of the men
were ordered to return to the river, and leaving there
the scows with the artillery they managed to drag
their canoes over the shallow places, a portion of them
embarking wherever the water was of sufficient depth.
The remainder cut a passage through the woods with
extreme difficulty, and on the following afternoon all
assembled on the bank of the stream, where they
passed the night without food, benumbed with cold,
and unable to sleep.

Worn out with toil and gaunt with hunger, their
clothing torn to rags, the buccaneers resumed their
journey on the morning of the fourth day, some of
them already staggering from weakness and halting
now and then to gnaw the roots and leaves, or to soak
in water and chew strips cut from the empty leathern
sacks which had contained their dole of maize. About
noon one of the guides called out that he had discov
ered signs of an ambuscade a cry welcome to the
freebooters, who advanced at once to the attack,
hoping at length to obtain a supply of provisions.
Forewarned by their scouts, \vho had given timely
notice of the enemy s approach, the Spaniards had
retired to a safe distance, and none were found to
offer resistance, nor any scrap of food save a few
crumbs scattered round the spot where the fugitives
had made a recent meal. All their bright visions of
wealth now faded before the grim spectre of famine,
and their one thought was to obtain the means of

"icvin- 1 the j-nawin 111 had it

wi : . ho mi _dit then I lien int&gt;

lamished ( for lie would

surely have bet -M carved and n. I !i-

boring huts were found a few bund! t dry Iiid

such as Were u-.-d bv tin- n; makiii"- I for

tlif stora rn. Tl

aked in the river, rut, 5nt&lt;&gt; small pieces, rubl
hand, and after tin- hair had he, n set I nil ,
were cookrd and o-ul[)cd dn\vn nmi-x-1 ly iimi-&gt;,-l \\
draughts &lt;t \va&lt;rr. About sundown -j-ot u

! wln rc wt-ro traces of another amlmsradr. hut
:n-iits of victuals, for orders had l&gt;.M-ngiv.

r remove v-i-ything edible Ix-yond reach

the invaders, in the hope that they would be f. ,iv
by -vation to retrace their ate] l- -rtnnaTe \\
thai ni- lit who had iv&gt;erved some scra}.&lt; of li :
on which to mak e his evening rrj)ast.

At noon on the fifth day of the journey th r-

rived at the village- of Barbacoas, oear wlnVh. after ;i
loii ii-ch, they discovered in a grotto recently hewn
out of the rock, two sacks of meal, a (juaniity of jl
tains, and two jars of wine. This scan! l \*]^y v
tinned out anion^ those who v. in the lasi
mity, many of them s&lt; weak tl I to be

ried nn bnard lb M"-t nl tin* bu

iin lay dnwn suppei l- b, some jestii

their snn-y plight, but the majority thr-

ert, and uttei in^ curses l&gt;ud and le.-p againsl
man who with promise of ]-ieh spoils had Inn-d them
into a wildei-iiess w la-re they s&lt; I soon to

their carcasses a j the vulttir-

Nevertheless all continued their course next morn-
in_n\ and abn;it midday came in si^ht of a plantation
which they approached with slow step and s:
liahinu \ few jiaces to iv-t t liroii.

akne At first i lief wa^ found. Imai
the freebooters were about T .rry out their t!

of i-etui-niii"- to ( ha"Te, when one of them dis&lt;XH

O O

500 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

a barn filled with maize which the Spaniards had
neglected to remove, thinking that the invaders could
not make their way so far across the Isthmus. The
stronger of the party at once beat in the doors with
the but-end of their muskets, and after devouring
their fill of the raw grain made way for their com
rades, and carried a portion down to those who lay in
the canoes so enfeebled with their long fast that they
were unable to crawl further. When all had satisfied
their hunger, enough remained to give each man a
good allowance. Toward nightfall they came in sight
of a body of Indians posted on the opposite side of the
river. Morgan at once ordered a party to give chase,
hoping to capture some; but being more fleet of foot
and in better condition, they easily made their escape,
after discharging a flight of arrows, which laid low
tw r o or three of their pursuers, the natives crying out
as they brandished their weapons: "Ha, perros, d la
savana, d la savana."

At sunrise on the seventh day the freebooters
crossed the river and continued their route on the
other side, arriving in a few hours in sight of the
village of Cruces, about eight leagues from Panama,
and the head of navigation on the Chagre. Smoke
\vas soon observed rising from the chimneys, and
the buccaneers ran forward, exclaiming: "They are
making good fires to roast and boil what we are to
eat." One more disappointment was in store for
them: the place was found to be deserted and the
houses in flames. The only provisions discovered were
a single leathern sack of bread and some jars of wine.
A number of dogs and cats left straying around the
neighborhood were instantly killed and devoured.
The wine, acting on stomachs weak with fasting and
disordered by unwholesome diet, caused a violent
sickness, and for a while they believed themselves
poisoned.

At daybreak next morning two hundred of the best
armed and strongest were sent forward to search for

AT - : l

.-I 1" reconnoitre t!
I foll.)\vh: ,- hours later wit !i the

loin

arrived at . "t then called Qu
ravine em : wren walls of r

Id with difficulty walk al:
A flight of arrows, discha an u.

upon them as from the cloud a i.

must stout-hearted d. Ti ho

11 to .shrink from peril, but th i\v that a hand-
i ul of resolute troops could hold the pass a^ain
my. J) in lay a 1&lt; liillt

1 nr, ry could j) the j ()v&gt;

sheer | i roiu which i\&gt; liurL

ids ; jily have destroyed tli- tire f

The bu rved some Indi ^lidi

in their front, and pu^hi; rward ai

delay to a point \vl, ^s wi

voll-y into tin; woods at random. The- 1;

chieftain , re 1 by his parti-col plumes, I

, l, when the frecboot d him &lt;juar-

l liimself on his elb :id i. at

on them with his javelin. He insta

throii di the head, and his followers took to i!

In tliis skirmish no prisoners \ taken, and the

-f M&lt; ! vanced - Hard was about ten kil

and as many wounded. u

r rhe main b .f the buccaneers soon arri\ nd
aft :ef halt the march was resinned, 1 .rd

-torm of v/ind and rain set in, and con-
It v.

to burn th be line of

-skirmish, i

Aivlu :
: l.ut tin

!1&lt;1 III .

.
;m&gt;l ivii .i- r

h. IM I that

o kilk.l, a -htly NV...U

502 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

route, and the men passed the night without shelter,
sitting huddled on the ground. A few shepherds
huts afforded scant protection for the wounded, and
storage room for the arms and ammunition. The
robbers were on foot at the first gleam of dawn, and
after discharging their fire-locks at once fell into the
ranks. Toward noon on this, the ninth day of the
journey, they ascended a lofty hill which yet bears
the name of El Cerro de los Buccaneros, and from its
summit looked down for the first time on the Pacific.
The storm had broken, and a few white sailing boats
were seen gliding among a group of islands that lay a
few leagues to the south of Panama^ but a far more
interesting sight to these toil-worn and famished
marauders was a neighboring valley, where droves
of oxen and bands of horses were quietly grazing.
No enemy appeared, and somo of the cattle were at
once shot down. Hacking them piecemeal they cast
the flesh into hastily kindled fires, and snatching it
from the flames while still half raw, tore it with their
fingers and devoured it with the greed of starving
wolves, the blood streaming down their beards and
dripping from their garments. Before the meal was
over, Morgan ordered a false alarm to be sounded,
fearing that the Spaniards might take them by sur
prise. It soon became evident that this was no need
less precaution, for an hour or two later a strong de
tachment of Spanish cavalry appeared almost within
musket shot. Finding the enemy prepared to receive
them they quickly withdrew, and the sound of drum
and trumpet soon gave notice to the retreating squad
rons that the buccaneers were in sight of Panamd.

Two or three piers of a shattered bridge, a fragment
of wall, a single tower, and a few remnants of public
buildings, half buried under a dense growth of creep
ers, still mark the spot where, in 1671, stood a city
with fine streets and beautiful edifices, among which

7 O

were stately churches richly adorned with altar-pieces
and rare paintings, with golden censers and goblets,

BBFO \. 503

and tall candelabra of native &gt;il\ er.

iil&gt;&lt; the merchant j)rin&lt;- f tli. \v \Vorld,

of them tli- adanl . who had fought

under Cortes when he added i :npiiv .r the M..U-
to tli of the Spani&gt;h crown.

were vast waivho bored with Hour, wine, oil,

spi ind the merchandise of Spain ; tl

of &lt;v&lt;lar Btirrounded with Ix-.-mtiful pn . \\li

i- wonu ii rnj&lt;&gt;y&lt; &lt;l tli. nin^ Lr.

wnrd on tlir untroubled \\; I \-tci

But what waa J)on Juan Perez de Guzman &lt;!&lt;
while Morgan \vas on his \\ay up tli" Cli,-.
captui in^ tin; high-mounted &lt;-i&gt;tlo of San J.^ivn/
-\1: were l&gt; iu.^ said daily for the success of ;
SjKinish an; The iina-vs of our lady of }i nd

immaculate conception were l&gt;rh ! in ^i-n ral

]&gt;r ion, attended hy all the religious fraternity of

the cathedral. Alv. most holy sacramenl \\.

left uncovered and exposed to public view. ( }

re l)eini- taken with iniicli pi&gt;u&gt; fervor in the pi

ence of the sacred ell: md all th&lt;j ]

3 and jewelry, including a diamond rin^ \.
frty thousand j re laid on the alta

lioly virgin and of the- saints who held in their special
ke&lt; ! iii^ the welfan, 1 of l^uianui. Surely if the f ,
of d powers can be bought with j and

money they have h eceil ieir price, and should

deliver thi&gt; city, especially when the pir..
to Li loriiy (iod with their spoils. 16 with

down look, gathering up these votive oU erin-

and taking in charge 1 old and silver ornan

of the ehurellCS, iliVnk-d id OQ 1

royal banners of Spain, and linrried off beyond i-eaeh
of the coming fray with the treasures thu&gt;
upon them thi ou^h the instrumentality of Satan.
The forces of the Spaniards, consist] 100 lio-i

and _. H&gt;0 j not, with a 1

16 Si t-iiit. r fix in analati

, r&gt;i

504 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

drawn up in the plain without the city. Yet another
mode of warfare, unique in New World adventure,
presents itself, as 2,000 wild oxen, under the guidance
of Indians, were placed on the flanks of the army
ready to break through the enemy s ranks.

The buccaneers pitched their camp near the brow
of a hill in full view of the plain. There were yet two
hours of daylight, and the Spanish artillery at once
opened on them with round shot, but at too long range
to take effect. Morgan posted his sentries without
the least misgiving, and his men, after making their
supper on the remnants of the noonday meal, threw
themselves upon the ground to obtain what rest they
could.

As soon as the first gleam of dawn heralded the
approach of the last day the doomed city was destined
to witness after an existence of one hundred and
fifty years, 17 the morning gun from the president s
camp gave the signal for both armies to fall into the
ranks, and a few minutes later the freebooters were on
the march toward the city. Warned by their scouts
that ambuscades were posted along the line of the
main road, they cut their way with some difficulty
through a neighboring wood, and debouched on the
summit of a small eminence that still bears the name
of El Cerro de Avance. The Spanish battalions, ill
armed with carbines, fowling-pieces, and arquebuses,
but dressed in parti-colored silk uniforms, the horse
men prancing on mettlesome steeds as though attend
ing a bull-fight, lay before them almost within musket
shot. Morgan drew up the main body of his forces
in three columns, and sending in front a strong detach
ment of his best marksmen, descended into the plain
to give battle. The enemy s artillery, posted in a
part of the field where it commanded the main ave
nues of approach to the city, was far out of range, but

17 The old town of Panama was destroyed by Morgan in January 1671.
Exquemdhi s Hist. Bucaniers, 148. In Sharp s Voyages, 142, January 1G70
is given as the date.

VAN AM

ler I-

I d \vith l &gt;;id &gt;f Vi\

enemy in check. Tli u:id .

loot, and un for the ac

not of 11:

d l&gt;y a li::t tie cry and a

&lt;jua&lt;! troo} Forming in

it rank kneel: md i

Sp came iij) almost to tin ir in:

1 in a volley which told with mnnl
Don Fra ! his

lar-^v, l)iit no imp! n could he !id \

sha t l^n^th wh&lt; ! off

tance, leaving their gallant chieftain d&lt; ad on il. Id.

Meanwhile tlic &lt; d, after i-

id repeating his A\

and ] - to th&lt;&gt; saints, had come forth froi;

ho\v the battle \v;:s pro 1 . T!

Spanish foot \\viv tlicii oi-.!cr-d ail t

in Iront, while hands of oxen driven in on

k to l&gt;roak through their 1 Th.. h

had tho wind and sun in their
ul rate on a &lt;|i\en point as :

o]&gt;] - could In-iiiL r in ivarof t

latter 1;, UK which ;

r main hody. Jlie ir
ceived with a hot liru and handled so r ly that

t. ^I left wing t

in in Hank and their

rout. The wild c; . inaddnied 1 .y the Uj&gt;-
:ell of Mood, and hy t! d ilag &gt;!

in th&lt; ii 4 s- any of their drivers 1 lown

H v of mus!. ptirp&lt;

drivm hack on I ilyin !umi.
dent made a i eel.l to lally hi n. until t

\Y which he carried in his hand, t
apparently which he hore that day, wa d w

a &gt; ; ^hen, yieldi: . the in,

li-dii . Li ivin--- than bless

506 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

virgin, "who had brought him off safe from amidst
so many thousand bullets." 18

In two hours the battle was won. Six hundred of
the Spaniards lay dead on the plains; the cavalry
were almost annihilated, and the infantry threw away
their arms and scattered into small parties, many of
them hiding among the bushes by the sea-shore where
they were afterward discovered and butchered. A
party of Franciscan friars, who had remained with
the army to offer the last consolations of religion to
the dying, were captured and shot without mercy.
Orders were at first given that no quarter should be
granted, as the buccaneers were too much crippled to
encumber themselves with prisoners. An exception
was made, however, in the case of a wounded Spanish
officer, who was brought into the commander s pres
ence and gave information that the city contained only
a garrison of one hundred men, but that the streets
were protected by barricades and by twenty-eight
pieces of cannon, and that the president would proba
bly reoccupy the place if he could reorganize his forces.
Morgan at once assembled his troops, and telling them
they must lose no time in seizing the prize, put his col
umns in motion by way of the Portobello road, which
lay beyond reach of the enemy s fire, and within an
hour made his entrance into Panamd without opposi
tion. 19 Warning was given to the men to keep out of
range of the cannon that were posted in the plaza

18 Translation of the president s letter in Sharp s Voyages, 155. There is
considerable discrepancy in the various accounts of the action before Panama;
but there is no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like a
soldier. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 160, and Hist. Buccaniers, 146, Sharp,
Voyayers, 138 (in the author s own account of the battle), and Archenholtz,
Ilixt. Pirates, 140, all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the tight, and
not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of the pusillanimous
captain-general.

19 Here again authors differ essentially in their narrative. Exqmmelin,
Hist. Bucaniers, 147, states that the freebooters suffered severely from the
Spanish artillery as they approached the city. Archenholtz, Hint. Pirates,
141, makes the same statement; but the Hist. Flib., ii. 164, says that they
encountered no opposition; and this version is probably correct, for as remarked
in Burney s Buccaneers of America, 67, Panamd had no regular fortifications,
and in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain fighting.
Sharp, Voyages, 141, indorses the Hist. Flib.

T,l G OF T! Y. 507

T. Ill :f In

in s&lt; arch &lt;&gt;f plunder or in pursuit of i u

tin- Spaniards, pointing tin ir ] ;il tl

ch, of the en ,poui iv&lt; 11 y Fi

t mms loaded t&lt;&gt; the mu/./le with urn-

of iron. This was tin- ], i liivd in &lt;!

I inama: for the cannoniers \\

they Isad time to reload, and tin- IV-

throu-di tin- Mr&gt; liewin&lt;_r down all who off

taller.

pt lar_ &lt;&gt;! silk and cloth little bo&lt;

Va rud in the i:illeii city, fol the j

of tin- inhabitants had tied t&lt;&gt; t Jihorini;- isl;iu

with them tin ir wivefl and children and all

their portable property. Morgan s lir&gt;t j&gt;! ition

u;is to forhid liis Jiien to t ;ne, un&lt;l r tin |

t QC6 that it had all lieen p..; .1. ] !

al tei 1 their ln^- t .-i&gt;t they \\-&lt;ntld a^ ii&gt;ual

their victory with i easting and drunkeiiin nd thus

1 tin- Spans a chance to rally and

tin-in when stupetied with li&lt;ju&lt;&gt;r.

The huccane.-is had har- ly time to p I heir |

and ; up their quarters in the d- d duelli;

v/heii ilaines wei .kinu t "rth froii, of

the 1, 4 hoiis The president having i

iiiforniation that Morgan had anion^ hi&gt; party a you
Engli hinan whom he intend. d to crown 1 "f

r j i. I" irnse. had n on f&lt;&gt;r the i .pnl r

v to he Inn in d if it should fall into tin- hands "f

pirates. 10 The lire spread rapidly, although t

lillicult to.l, . midst a conflict of

.mis .r to Mor-nn .- -. In

I iinj.linl th.

In //
tlui: him 1

1,, n,, s i :; is also :

s (.-hai ..tlit-r liand, in t:

, I

tin- 1!

that tin- :

n, \\li. hail i
&lt;&gt;uM 1.
which

503 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

freebooters did their utmost to check its progress.
Several houses were torn down, and others blown up
with gunpowder, but all efforts were in vain. A fresh
breeze had set in from the Pacific, and the buildings,
almost entirely of wood, many of them well stored
with costly furniture and adorned with pictures and
tapestry, fell an easy prey to the flames. Within an
hour an entire street was consumed, and by midnight
a single convent, one or two public buildings, and the
cabins of a distant quarter, wretchedly built, and occu
pied only by muleteers, were all that remained- of the
seven thousand houses of cedar, the two hundred ware
houses, the monasteries and churches of a city which
but a few days before was peopled by thirty thousand
inhabitants, and famed as the abode of one of the
wealthiest communities in the western world.

Morgan sent a detachment of one hundred and fifty
men to Chagre to carry news of his victory and bring
back word as to the welfare of the garrison, and
ordered the remainder of his command to camp in the
plains, thus keeping them in hand and ready for
action in case the president should rally his forces and
renew the fight. Troops of Spaniards and Indians
were seen flitting to and fro along the edge of the
forest which skirted the savanna, but it was evident
that they had no confidence in their captain-general,
for as he himself naively remarked in his intercepted
despatch: "Although he afterward attempted several
times to form an army, yet he could not do any good
of it, because no man would be persuaded to follow
him." The buccaneers soon returned, therefore, to
take up their quarters in the few buildings that had

mentos para la Historia de Mdjico, se"rie i. torn. ii. 117, it is mentioned that a
letter from the president of Panamd, dated April 3, 1671, nearly six weeks
after Morgan s departure, was received in Mexico in December of that year.
The letter confirms the intercepted despatch in many particulars, and adds
that when the city was burned the buccaneers * found themselves without
provisions and supplies, and on that account did not carry out their main
intention, which was to pass to Portobello by land, besiege it with vessels
by sea, and capture it by blockade, and that they brought with them in
anticipation a boy whom they styled the prince, and intended to crown king
of Tierra Firme.

ped As i

I 11 foil!

hidden in \\ ixl cister lm-i d

iMiins, par ir the i:

A\ and liills in &lt;|ik-&gt;t of fugitives who might

Sul&gt;j.-.-i-d to tortu

A hark ! i wit I ! for tli-

\\ho had ili-d to a n&lt; ] _ ;! J" .rill- uTdip of i&gt;l;m

I- en eapt mvd on tli- evening thai ok p

"ii of Panami, Orders liad been -.

in^ \ -lionld ieir d-]&gt;aM are, ltit i !

:j)tnin liad lin-- tvd I m- tlic turn of tliu tide, n-
deeming it jtossil-lc that so suddm ;i i! ull

1-ci all the cit Tin- vess&lt;-l \v nce shed

a company of t \vrnty-iivr men to search for
which, as tliu buccaneen rn&lt; d iVoin their

had IM-I-H con\ nd tli -ii 1

men landed tin- n \t day at one of tin- small
and having mana^vd to HIIML OD 1-
of v/ine, Avere soon half stupdit-d with li jii rd

evening a Spanish ship, which lay oif tlie
sidr of tlic i&gt;l&lt;-t, put ashon- to obtain w, id th

crew were captured by some of the par! ;i&lt; h.

use enoiiu li left to point a nm- A ]

now within their reach of gr- value than all tl:
ho. &gt;ty that th- adventure]

IVoin thrir raid. A galleon of four hundred t ill

manned, ])ooi-ly armed, and carrying n ( ut

the up| dls of the niaininast, SO deeply lad-n ^ v .

;old an&lt;l silvt-r, with th ]&gt;la

dthirst Dierchl "f Pananni. and with 1

Iden vessels an&lt;l decorationa of chmvh and m

ry that no oth-r lallast was n . d lay al:

\\ithin caniion-&gt;h r fi plain ol t lit- Lark did n

iture to make th&lt; hilall \\ iili

and drunken hand, feelil r, th;

uld have an opportunity of capturiiiL

21 . . ii. 171. :igote :

; *i;ml T r safo

510 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

daybreak ; but alarmed at the non-arrival of the boat,
the commander of the galleon ordered the anchor
slipped long before midnight, arid the ship, favored
with a strong breeze, was out of sight when the sun
appeared above the horizon.

The detachment returned from Chagre with news
that all was going well; so Morgan determined to
prolong his stay at Panama", and wrest from the Span
iards a portion at least of their concealed riches. Par
ties were sent forth to scour the country and bring in
prisoners. The captives were placed in the convent
of Mercedes, San Jose, and there subjected to such
ingenuity of torture as might satisfy even Great Brit
ain that her people were not behind the age in brutal
barbarities. One instance only need be related. A
servant, dressed in his master s garments, from one of
which depended a small silver key, was captured by
the buccaneers. Ordered to reveal the hiding-place
of the cabinet to which the key belonged, he replied
that he knew it not, and merely had the key in his
possession because he had ventured to don his master s
attire. No other answer coming, he was stretched on
the rack and his arms disjointed. A cord was then
twisted round his forehead until, to use the words of
Exquemelin, "his eyes protruding from their sockets
appeared as big as eggs." 22 His ears and nose were
then cut off, and the wounds seared with burning
straw. When beyond power of speech, and insensible
to further suffering, a negro was ordered to end his
life by running him through the body. 23

Women who had the ill-fortune to fall into the
hands of the freebooters could only escape torture
and starvation at the cost of their chastity or by pay-

2 2 In Hist. Bucaniers, 152, it is stated that he was then hung up by the
private parts, and flogged in that position.

23 All the leading authorities agree that the prisoners were subjected to
excruciating torture. The author of Sharp s Voyages makes an attempt to
clear Morgan s character, and to throw ridicule on the story of these atroci
ties. The work was published in London in 1684, a few years after Morgan
was knighted by Charles II. The writer collected his materials in part from
inquiry among the buccaneers themselves, and may therefore be worthy of

"in. A pri-

tin- island- of Taboguilla and T . YOIIII"-

autiful gentlewoman, the wi

merchant of I*.-!!!,-!!!!;!. Like niair her counl

Won* ie had learned to i d tin- Inn-can-
tional beings, but as monsters in lininaii
Tlu. lady was brought : M&lt; r;j an - p:

t t reated with respect, lod-vd in ,

ment, waited on h nale Slaves, and supplied with
d Iroin his own tallc. Suipris.-d at thi

mistaking tlic iVMjii nt. and blasphem j &lt;&gt;[ I

ca| tor ]&gt;ioii- ejaculations, &gt;h&gt;- hlo-.-d ln-r t

tiiat the pirates &lt;&gt;t I ln^land Were such liii n&lt;

of Christian gentlemen. I&gt;ut Mi-i-^ni had hi-lir

^ainc to play. 1 I is amorous propo&gt;aU were in- I a
firm rciusal, but in such mild Ian to .-

i-oiisin^ his an-_;-ei-. l- m- a while 1 oghl 1" u ain her

consent by persuasion, and was lavi-h with 1

&lt;&gt;t rare jewel All failino* she 1 w, aed with

ture. u ]\Iv life is in your hands/ sh- I. "hut

-hall my soul he separated from my hody t!
1 -ulnuit to your eml&gt;ra Bxasi d. M m

ordered his attendant- removed, and Mien at
violence. She tore her-elf from his arms, and warn-
him not to approach her a^aiu. ! out: "im-

a--ine not that, after i-ohhin^- me of my liberty, you c

-ily depi ive me nf my hon- As he &gt;till p

! in following hei\ -h. \\- a da ainl -aid:

"See that I know how to die it I can kill t
She then -pranif at, him and attempted t.&gt; drive the

Made into his heart. The commandor ileds al

. hut tinally succeeded in j-ainin^ p
the weapon. lie then retired from her p: . and

ordered her to 1 &gt;e -tripped of mo t h-r appai
4 half naked into a dark and fetid cell, and ; ily

.tttM-.s &lt;f ill-tail: 1 Ut tin- fa.-t that If. ,igca of

up \\ ith ;i tli&lt;- lf"ii"i;r

. \vln!

it of 170 pages, set-i WM

written.

512 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

with the coarsest food, in quantities. so small as barely
to sustain life.

Morgan had made several prizes of sea-going ves
sels, one of which was well adapted to a piratical
cruise. A plot was concocted by some of the men to
embark on an expedition to the islands of the Pacific,
thence after obtaining sufficient booty to sail for Europe
by way of the East Indies. Cannon, muskets, ammu
nition, and provisions had been secretly obtained in
sufficient quantity not only to equip the vessel but
to fortify and garrison one of the islands as a base of
operations. Warned of the design by a repentant
conspirator, Morgan ordered all the ships in the har
bor to be burned, and at once made preparations to
return to Chagre. Beasts of burden were collected
to convey the plunder to the point where the canoes
had been left on the river; some of the wealthier
Spaniards were despatched under guard to obtain the
amount of their ransom; and a strong detachment
was sent to reconnoitre the line of march by which
the buccaneers were to return.

On the 24th of February, after holding possession
for four weeks of Panama", or rather of the site where
Panama had stood, the marauders took their depart
ure with six hundred prisoners, men, women, arid chil
dren, arid a hundred and seventy-five pack-animals
laden with plunder. When fairly out on the plain
the forces were put in order of march, and the cap
tives placed between the van and rear guard. Many
of them, fresh from the rack, well nigh perishing of
hunger, and scarcely able to drag themselves along,
were goaded and beaten, and with foul oaths made to
quicken their pace until they dropped fainting or
dead. The women, among whom were mothers with
infants at the breast, cast themselves on their knees
and pleaded in vain for leave to return and build for
themselves huts of straw amidst the pile of ashes
which had once been their native city. Dragged
along between two of the buccaneers was the gentle-

1)1

man had

Avl, !, thirty tl, :id j

Learning that it \ his i

Jamaica, she 1). I i ur a ln-i.-f r ;lirm

"that she liad n ordei f tin- i

whom she had rdie &gt; go i ]1. ml

ohtain the sum required; that they had ]inmi-
bhfillly i" do S(, hut having ]&gt;r&gt;cinv&lt;I the 11;

liad employed it to relei f tli.-ir tVi-n.

"Moi-^.-in was conquered at last, !! in jiiiivd int&gt; ^

truth &lt;&gt;! her assertion, and iuiind it iii iucd h;

ter drh\vivd to the lady ly a &gt;! and aft-ruai d

Confession of the pi ; wlici-cujMin h

Hid h-r jiareiits, who \\vru ainon^ tlie j.r

to l&gt;e BCi at hhel t V.

Midway on their march across the Isthmus the

ebooters Were mustered and all ma&lt;!

t they liad con.- I none of the sjiuiU. hut 1

livered all into the conmion k. After t
the commander oi-dei-.-d e.-n-h 01

himself iir&gt;t submitting, ( lotln-s and la
carefully examined, and even tin- uiu

, to see that no juveioii
ded het ween the hanvl an&lt;l bis |

ited much indignation, and ihr&gt; mad-

^1 organ s life, hut th n-ch-ot;
lelude their work as &lt;jui-

divulging the names of the offendej d an ouihr, ;dc

detl. A day or two afterward the r\ju-di-

ii arrived at the castle at San Lor. . win-re it

; oun&lt;l that most of tho-e who had been \voiun
in the Assault on that fort iv-s had perished of t!
. ami that th n was ah

isions, h- inu ivduecd \ -mall allowair

. A \ e-sel having on I M. a i-d the j
the i-le of Santa ( atari na was then d. .-lied

hello to demand a i m for the

( 1 . l&gt;u? i ; uriM-d with th. t n-

",ld be jiaid.

His .. AM., VOL. II. 33

514 MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

A division of the spoils was next in order; and
there were none who expected to receive for their
share less than two or three thousand pesos, for the
entire value of the booty was set down, according to
the highest estimate, at little short of four and a half
millions. 24 Loud were the complaints and fierce the
threats, therefore, when Morgan declared that, after
paying the extra allowances to the captains and offi
cers of the fleet, the compensation to the wounded,
and the rewards to those who had distinguished
themselves in action, each man s share amounted
but to two hundred pesos. He was accused, and no
doubt with justice, of setting apart the most valu
able of the jewelry and precious stones for his own
portion, and of estimating the rest at far less than
their real worth, for the purpose of buying them in
as cheaply as possible. He knew that most of his
men cared for money only to squander it among the
taverns of Port Royal, and turning his opportunity to
good use he managed to store away for himself and a
few of his accomplices the lion s share.

Morgan now began to fear for his personal safety
and for the security of his stolen treasures, and deter
mined to make no longer stay at Chagre. Assuredly
he was the best prize his fellow-pirates could find at
this juncture. He silenced the remonstrances of his
followers, however, as best he could, and set them at
work demolishing the castle of San Lorenzo. The

neighboring edifices were burned; the surrounding
country was laid waste; the guns of the dismantled
fortress were placed on board the fleet, and all were
ordered to hold themselves in readiness to embark.

24 Quatre cent quarante-trois mille deux cens livres, comptant 1 argent
rompu a dix piastres la livre. Exquemdin, in Hist. Flib., ii. 191. In pages
197-8 of the same volume there is an explanation of the manner in which
Morgan contrived to secrete a large quantity of precious stones. The bucca
neers may have believed that such an amount of plunder had been obtained,
though its real value was probably less than one third of what they supposed
it to be. In Sharp s Voyage, 143, the worth of the spoils is stated at 30,-
000, a sum almost insufficient to defray the expenses that Morgan must have
incurred in obtaining his title from Charles II. There are no reliable data ou
this point.

515

Tli- then stole "ii board i ilp bv ni^ht

and jMil to -&lt; ;i. I onlv tl

tli i Kii _di&gt;h in liis

aiiden. The remainder of the band B \t

morning 111 til, h,- t.J)! -li-

luadron disappear bel,,\\ the hri/,

mined to - i\u chase; but they -mid tl

U*ly all I: innunition and j.i LOD8 had

tretly carried oil by tin- fugil i S lit

hundred of tin- buccaneers, including all the IV. n&lt;

men who had joined the (A\j&gt;r&lt;liti&lt;&gt;!i. ind thcin-

IVL-S in a .-trait. They \ coniprllrd :
int.. -mall ]&gt;ai and a I Uainiiiir th in-

subsistence bypilla ;s of Castilladel Oro,

iinicd ahno&gt;t empty-handed to Port JJoyal.

^lor- an landrd in Jamaica Avitliout ini&gt;ha|. and
levy forces lor an bo the i

of Santa ( atarina, intrndm- to niak- it a common

dezvous for thr brethren of th- E but tl

hidroiis atrocitio committed during tin .&gt; ]&gt;irati-al
raids had at Ini^th roused th ish mil

se of shame, and awakened compunction - in

the breasi of the I-ji^lish monarch. A. new - "Vernor

hatched to Jamaica, with orders that the 1 1
ly i at iiied b-t \\xvn Spain and ( i r- at I Britain should
strictly enforced. A general ]&gt; n and indi-mn;
- proclaimed i\&gt;r pa&gt;t oil- iK :iid t :dmi:

of the buccai on afterward d to and,

where, by a judicious usj of hi- wraith, he obtain
from (liarles II. the honor of knight h ..... I, aa 1-
mentioned. The ^ibbrt \\-oiild have. 1" i miv iit-
tiiiX distinct ion.

&gt; s ir Henry Morgan, appointed coon of tl

it of admiralty and aftrrward deputy govern
Jai i, held OmC nut il the , . II.

wlien the court of Spain p I 1

sent a pri.-oiier to hi&gt; nati
into prison, wl will him. H

ruilian, whose hell-horn dupra\ ity of heart wa&gt; i

516 . MORGAN S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.

lieved by no gleam of a better nature, and for whom
one may search in vain for a parallel, even among
those so-called heroes who dragged the banner of
the cross through the blood of myriads of innocent
victims, as they bore westward the glad tidings of
Christ s redemption.

CHAPTER XXIX.

CORSAIIIS T\" Till-: SOUTH SI
1071-1882

Tin CITY OP PANAMA Pour SACKED BY PIRATES- HCA-

i ] ; .. A i . i :L TORO THE CORS.\
ON I ANA.MA THKY CAPT FOB

UN Ni. \M&gt; MASSACRE OF TIIKIKO - DESPERATI

r. | \V\M\ i . \ v Bom OF TSI MAKAI i&gt;ri;s Ki.rri. &gt;&gt;STHI ;

THK KKMAINM-.I: I uoo.i.u TO TII . OP TABOOA I

TIIKKK Cu iiKF, SEVERAL l i;i/ io\v TII

COMMISSIONS THE A- -TIIKY SAIL K.I; -mi: (V\sr &lt;,i

\ Tiii;ni Hi Tm:m On

COAST OP SOUTH AMI.UIOA SOME OF J m.&gt;; J D

THKV ARE TRIED AND ACQUJTTJ

N tidings of the dr&gt;i ruction of l^in,
Spain, the court ordri &lt; &lt;l that a n -\v city )
luiilt on a situ that could IM; so strongly I ni-iififd
i iider it impregnabl Th i one iinally rlmscn \\
small prninsnla a littlt: more than fcwo ! in&gt;m

the old city, at the ba bill of Anoon. r rh- i "im-

&lt;latinn&gt; \\crr laid in 1071. Jin town \\ irrm:

a wall, I mm twenty to forty l .-i-t hi-h and t-n !
\\idc. crowned with h&gt;v\&lt; and \vatdi-i re two or

thn-c hundred feel apai-t. So costly were the \\&lt;ri

tiiat the council in Spain \\hrn auditin-- i ^coui
\\rot&lt; t inquire whether the fortifi&lt; F Panama

were &lt;&gt;f silver 01- ^11. A d p moai divil-l th

1 roin the mainland, the entrances lein^ th h th:

ma a \\ard tl pr&lt;&gt;* 1 1-y

d r. iidin 4 lor more than halt

the h.-iy. M\ 11 at hinh ti 3 of In a\ v d ht

ild harely app within canin.n shoi and an in-

518 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

vacling force would be compelled to land from boats
which would be exposed to the fire of the garrison.
Thus the site, w^hen fortified, though ill chosen in view
of the commercial interests of the city, afforded the
inhabitants, as they supposed, sure protection against
the raids of buccaneers.

The new city of Panama" was laid out almost in
the form of a square; having streets regular but
narrow, and so overhung with projecting balconies
that one might pass through it during a heavy shower
without being drenched. It was especially distin
guished for its church architecture, 1 a large portion of
its area being occupied by the buildings of the eccle
siastics. The church and convent of Santo Domingo
was one of the finest and most important establish
ments, not only in Panamd, the city of churches, but
in the New World. The main building, a hundred
feet in length by fifty in breadth, with massive walls
perforated by numerous arched windows, was separated
from the porch by a strong brick arch about twenty
feet high and with a span of forty feet; the radius
at the key-stone being not more than two feet. The
edifice remains to day apparently as firm as ever, a
monument of the architectural skill of the Spaniards
in the seventeenth centurv.

The cupola and bells for the new cathedral were
fashioned at Madrid. When the bells were ready for
casting, the queen invited the public to be present,
and at the hour appointed the cupola was surrounded
by an assemblage more brilliant than any that had
ever met for such a purpose in Spain. Her Majesty,
with maids bejewelled and all attired in rich silks, and
dignitaries of court and state, with a vast concourse
of the populace, gathered for the ceremony of blessing
the bells. As it progressed, and one after another
advanced with a piece of coin or of plate, enthusiasm

1 It irf beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houses.
Dampiar s Voy. t i. 178-0. So in Drake s Univ. Col. Voy., 63, and
Voy., i. 92.

PO:

.(1 ili;

IIM M) inn V I

on was concluded amidst an outbun

the deity would not at t o sell d li\

from tin- corsairs, who &lt;-..ul-l be as (

f them upon oc n. Iii 1 679 I u Ho Y
plundered hy j I spoil .oiintin hun

dred and sixty p per capita .d duri

ira buccaneer fleel assembled a1 the Boca del T&lt;

lay two English priv; Ki .in them in

3 received that the D.
:d T-d aid io tin; ] ; i &gt; rii-h c.-qitain, J&gt; urnanO, in

k on the town of Chep Repulsed I-

]laci , they had oill-j-t-d to guidt; him to a la! nd

!i city named Toramora, hut as this en 1
called for a stronger armament a he had i

sd, lie went in search of reinforcements, }&gt;r&lt;n

to return in thiTe inontl

Tin. 1 ]&gt;iratrs \\lio had &gt;a&lt;-krd ] ) ortobcllo ,-

.&lt; part in &lt;he contemplated f . and at o

ahoiit carrcniii"- and refitting

o o

fin- necessary preparations were &lt;-&lt;&gt;mj

icil &lt;^a-t\var(l alon^ tlir C to the Samhall,

i&gt;les of San 111 th-y were \ d 1-y t

natives. 3 The Indians dis&gt;nad-d tin- 1
party from making a raid on Tocai

id a docdit on Panama, to \vithin
of which city they could Lpiidc th -m und:
Tliis jrpnsition, 1 d ly th- :it that the

inwninl &lt;*"
8 The ; ,.r.i],i. II tlir i 1 the

ill l&gt;y it \vhil tin Sa

in thai ntive a l;il whu. in

_ r ;iiti in tlit^e parts, convi:

1 W&lt;&gt;1 .11 tl.

\\anl the Imli.T i tlu&gt; kin-1 treatmei \\aA

i. The i: tli. n botfft ! :n"l i

nn ai"
ic South Sea.

520 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

march to Tocamora was difficult and provisions almost
unattainable, while at Panama they could riot fail of
immense booty, inclined the majority to follow the
Indians counsel. 4

The French contingent considered so long a land
journey too hazardous, and parted company, while
the remainder of the fleet, numbering seven vessels,
with thirty-six guns and three hundred and sixty-six
men, sailed under the guidance of the Cacique An
dres to the Golden Island, the most easterly of the
Samballas, where this chief had his head-quarters, 5
arriving there the 3d of April 1680. The Indians
now proposed an attack upon the town of Santa
Maria, situated on a large river of that name, which
flows into the gulf of San Miguel. Here was main
tained a garrison of four hundred men, for it was the
entrepot through which passed the gold on its way
from the neighboring mines to the vaults of Panama.
If Santa Maria failed in booty, they could sail to
Panama", where success was certain. This plan was
generally approved, and on April 5th they landed a
strong force, divided into seven companies, each
marching under its distinctive banner and led by its
own captain, the supreme command being intrusted
to Captain Bartholomew Sharp. The native allies
accompanied the column under Andres who acted as
guide.

However perilous this expedition may appear, there
were those among the rovers whose hopes soared

4 The buccaneers had just captured a packet conveying letters to Porto-
bello, some of which were addressed to Panama merchants from their corre
spondents in Spain. These letters alluded to a prophecy at that time current:
That there would be English Privateers that Year in the West Indies, who
would make such great Discoveries, as to open a Door into the South Seas.
This was interpreted by the captors to mean a passage overland through the
territory of the Indians, and this interpretation coinciding with the invita
tion of the natives prompted them to undertake a march on Panama. Dam-
pier^s Voyage, i. 1SO-1.

5 Andres was styled the emperor of Darien, the magnate to whose ser
vice the freebooters now claimed to belong. These chieftains at one time
ruled a large tract about the gulf of Darien; but had been straitened in their
boundaries by the Spaniards, with whom they waged continual war. Sharp s
Voyage, 2.

TIM: Hi \Mi

.h- r t 1 nuT i 1 V 1 wh

iumphani rel urn t limn^li 1 !

il;in in a lie pri/ &lt; fi with tip

of J anama alone, l&gt;ut with tl alth of i ith

American coast. mimed only with their
it IK I a &gt;lender stock of provisions the buc

their march on 1 anam After ing thmu-Ij i

outskirts oi a wood, they crossed . I mar&gt;h ;

in length, ninl struck into -11 \\-oo,l.-d val
-\vliirh they ascende&lt;l }&gt;\ a good path i or two 1.
more, reaehiii 1 1 the l;mk of a river i^r tin 1 in

]art dry at this time of year. Jl

liuts ;ind encamped. iey were now \ a

cacique who recommended them to cany out

j&gt;ro]Hrd raid on Santa Maria, and vnltnr

d iliem in person, informing them naively thai "

Avoiild have joined them at once, hut liis child v

y ill; liowe\er, he \\ :; I it would die l&gt;y

day," when he- would ike them. The
then departed, cautioning them t lyin^ in t

n account of the SD , v.hich wci-c

ous and of great Ston and in the bed of 1

j iver \\hen hroken showeil t a harl-.

of the yellow harvest towai d Avhich tl.

hut this was not enough t ^en1 four of

ii|)any from returnin the ships, thus early d

d at the prosped of a 1". .id tedious jour-

Tho following morning they cliim-d a steep hill,
tlie other side of whi- i ed a ri\ I ly

Andres to !. that on which Santa M

;1. Tlir line of march then led over 8 hill,

ipitous than the f r, wl.

iul(l admit of hut one man in iile, until with
nil 1-4 they readied the ! .., t and encamped upon ;
sai iver, having marched that - dx 1

* y. /; I .y tin-

. liiham van l&gt;

522 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

Next day they followed the course of the stream ; the
current was extremely strong, and the depth varied
from knee to waist deep. A short though fatiguing
day s march brought the column to a halt at an Indian
village. This was the abode of Andres son, Anto
nio, styled Bonete de Oro, or King Golden-cap, by the
same whimsical buccaneer nomenclature which disfni-

fied his father with the title of emperor. Messengers
had been sent forward to announce their approach
and the presence of Andres with the column. Prepa
rations were made for the reception of the corsairs.
Golden-cap visited them in state, accompanied by his
queen, his children, and his retinue. The monarch
wore a golden circlet round his head, gold rings in his
ears, and a gold crescent depending from his nose.
He was modestly clad in a long cotton robe, which
reached his ankles, and he carried a long lance. His
three sons, each armed with a lance and wearing a
cotton garment, stood uncovered in his presence, as
did his retinue.

The queen was tastefully attired in a pair of red
blankets, one girt about her waist, the other draped
over her shoulders. She carried a young child, and
was accompanied by two daughters, both of marriage
able age, their faces streaked with red paint and their
arms and necks loaded with variously colored beads.
His Majesty did not disdain to barter his stock of
plantains for knives, pins, and needles. He was
generous enough, however, to present three plantains
and some sugar-cane to each man, gratis. 7 The band
halted at this village all the following day, when a
council of war was held to determine how they might
best reach Santa Maria undiscovered. It was resolved
to embark in canoes, but to provide a sufficient quan
tity taxed the resources of the chief, as the number
was now increased by a hundred and fifty Indians, all

7 Rmgrose speaks of this monarch with intense gravity, marred by no trace
of irony. Probably this was the first crowned head with whom he had been
on intimate terms.

&lt;r.

armed with b nd Ian

immed beir &lt;-a&lt;-j&lt;j At thi in-

cil ( aptain Sawkii: ppoi

Imp.-, con&gt;i&gt;tin&lt;_r of . by pi :

7n;nvli next d \pril Dili, they eontinn

the course of tin- river, OO -nally pas-ii.

lio:: itwhich times the owner would |

bis door to watch them pass ly. and give each eit !

]&gt;lantain or 8 That iii-lit th

halted at tli Indian huts, wh (ju;i

of provisions and some canoes had IH-.-U col

Mi n ;i]&gt; s ord- i s. M.-n-ly in-xt uioi i.

l.i-rakiiiLT camp, a &lt;|uanvl a between Coxon

Harris, wln-n tlic iorim-r l-v lied }\\&lt; fusil and lii-.-d.
but without eil eet. Harris was alout to return i
lire, hut \ trained ly Captain Sliarj. \\

&lt;lel in adjusting tin- difficulty, and tli h d;i

travi-1 l&gt;e--an.

Captains Shm-p, ( a, and ( ...&gt;k ? with al
seventy men, wei-e detached from Th&gt;- main l)"d\- and

emliarked in fnurtM-u canoes. Audi
ompanied tlicm, and v.ith two India
h canoe put oil down the Santa Man a l i\

Canoincr, however, wa ;nd no nmre comfortab

than trudging af&gt;ot. tho ci ews v con 7 lly

ol.liM-ed to l ap out and haul tin- !

i- fallen trees, and soinetii kke ]

over the land itself. Th 1 the

for three day-, and \\ :-i-d only l.y

it oj a wild animal to one &lt;,f th-

thev &lt;lared not fire le-t the report should betray tl
present niard AJB they did fall in

with their conn-ad.^ "I" the main 1&gt; &gt;n April I Jth,

Sharp and Coxon s detachment le--an i

bery on the pai-t of tin- India! bo mi-ht
n. -d to divide their f ray i

* Ringrose cnll&gt; tin- bead 5; 1-ut it was ;

but \\h\ i-...uM n-. t the lii lia: killed it \vitli tlii-ir arrows?

524 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

the hands of the Spaniards. Happily these fears
proved groundless, for the next day they reached a
point of land at the confluence of another branch
of the river, a rendezvous of the Indians in their
warfare with the Spaniards, and halting there in
the afternoon were joined by their brethren in arms,
who had been provided with canoes the day be
fore, and were also in a state of anxiety as to the
fate of their comrades. 9 The entire company, thus
reunited, pitched their camp on this spot to get their
arms in order and prepare for action, which was now
believed imminent. Meanwhile the commissariat de
partment was not neglected, for several canoes arrived
with a supply of plantains and peccary pork. 10

Very early the next morning they all embarked, the
flotilla numbering sixty-eight canoes. The " emperor"
and the "king," says Captain Sharp, continued their
voyage, the former "Cloathed with a loose Robe or
Mantle of pure Gold, which was extraordinary Splen
did and Rich. The King was in a White Cotton
Coat fringed round the bottom, about his Neck a
Belt of Tygers Teeth, and a Hat of pure Gold, with
a Ring and a Plate like a Cockle Shell hanging at it
of Gold in his Nose, which is the Fashion in this
Country for the people of Quality."

Hitherto the canoes had either drifted with the
stream, or been propelled with poles; but new oars and
paddles were constructed, and every nerve strained to

9 An anonymous authority states that the smaller party reached the ren
dezvous on April 12th, and seeing their friends had not arrived, held a whis
pered consultation among themselves. Andre s, on observing this, despatched
a canoe up the smaller branch of the river, which soon returned with two
canoes of the larger body, who all arrived next day. Sharp s Voy., 7-8.

10 Sharp speaks of the peccary as the Warre, and describes it as a wild
animal somewhat resembling the hog in appearance and flavor, but the
Navels of these kind of animals grew on their backs. Sharp s Voy., 4, in
Flacke, Coll. There is, however, no doubt that it was the peccary. Pascual
de Andagoya mentions it, falling into the error common to old writer.s as
regards the navel 5 on the back. Andagoya, JVarr., 17. It is also noticed
by Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. iv. cap. xxxviii., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap.
iv. De Rochfort speaks of it under the name of Javaris. Hist. Nat. des
Isles Antilles, 138 (ed. 1665). In Costa Rica the animal is still vulgarly known
as the warre", though the name is not found in print, and I have therefore
adopted phonetic English spelling, which agrees with that of Captain Sharp.

the g&lt;&gt;al as soon MS ]&gt;. [e. It \

dit when M landing- Wfl of

ipy ground in 11. bborhood oi ^

Mud the i idventun dthily B

in the woods, where they proposed to lie until d

break.

At dawn on April lath the corsairs d

a discharge of small arms in the to\vn and t
sounding of the reveille. Quickly seizing their weap
ons they formed in line and Ivan

&lt;)n emerging from the shelter of the woods they w&lt;
in full vic\v of 1! demy, who had been app

their landing and were fully prepared to r&gt; ni,

viug already removed the whole treasui
nama. Instantly betaking theni&gt;el to the &gt;h
of the fort, a kind of tambour-work compe&gt;, d

twelve feet high, the Spaniard- 0] la
random and ill-judged lire upon their lant- 1 fore

the laHer had approached near enough for the fu&gt;ill; ;

to ho effective.

Undismayed at the warmth of th--ir recepti he

advai I uard, led by Sawkins and Sharp, rh;
with a force impossible to withstand, and ng

down a few stockades carried the work 1 &gt;rm, with

no further casualty than two men wound- d.
rapidity of the operation m: convinced IV. -m
t; that the freebooters \ s of th-

fifty of their men v\ brought in; &gt;n.

r ldie Spanish loss was twenty-six killed and

wounded, out of two hundred and sixty d. T ;

i was ordinarily nnn-h stronger, numerically,
but at this time two hundred

ort of tin; treasure on the \vay bo 1 \inan T\

nor, the pr: and ffiOSi of the principal inhab-
itants had also sought safety in ilight.

Tl: of this cheaply bought suce ot

k. ilie foil was doubtless an excellenl

fence in an Indian fight, but waa in no v d

ijD a i, he corsairs, the stocks

526 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

ing neither strengthened by brickwork or masonry
nor protected by a ditch. In all probability there
was no banquette,, so that when once the stakes were
forced the defenders would have no advantage over
their assailants, both being on level ground.

The Spaniards emptied their pieces at random,
instead of reserving their fire till the enemy came to
close quarters, when it could have been employed with
deadly precision. Their foemen, on the other hand,
wasted no time on a useless fusillade. Relying im
plicitly upon their acknowledged superiority in a hand-
to-hand fight, added to the well founded terror of
their name, they may be said, practically speaking, to
have burnt no powder at all, their brilliant coup-de-
main being effected with the cutlass alone. Panic-
stricken at the ease with which their defences were
forced, the Spaniards opposed but a feeble resistance
to the ruthless assailants of Portobello. Hemmed
within their own stronghold, from which there was
no retreat, they flung down their arms and sued for
quarter, and the town of Santa Maria was in the
hands of the dreaded buccaneers.

As regards booty, it was a barren victory. The
gold which came in from the mines was shipped to
Panama two or three times a year, the river at Santa
Maria being nearly six hundred yards wide, and at high
tide fifteen feet deep. The last shipment three hun
dred pounds weigh t--w r as despatched just three days
before the attack. This was a cruel disappointment
to the pirates. Worse almost than that, they found
provisions enough to feed them for only three or four
days, instead of the abundance they anticipated.

In the town was recovered the eldest daughter of
Antonio Golden-cap, who had been abducted by one
of the garrison, by whom she was at that time
pregnant. 11 This had greatly embittered the chief s

11 Exquemelin thus relates the incident referred to: Hier vonden en ver-
losten we d oudste Dogter van de Konink van Darien (van \vien hier hoven
is gewag gemaakt), die zo t scheen door een van de Soldaten van t GuarnizoeB

)R.

]);i!!V(] of I). ;id n, , V . I Ql ho

during tip \- l,u!

ad\ ai &lt;&gt;f a d &gt;ll Ill t :

&lt;if the prisoners, l-d them in- horin-- woo.

and butchered in cold Mood ,

fallen in li- lit. 13 Such deeds l.y J ndiai I Id

med hrtital, though falling t
their o\vu in (liis &lt;|Uarter; ie pi:

put a stop to it a &gt;n as il was d

fined the Spaniards in tin- f" larding them closel

Aa soon as jxissil.lr after the ca] u

&lt; ptain Sawkins with a, party &lt;-f t,-ii emba
canpe and .started down thu river to o\ ml

capture the governor and others ^lio had in

order f&lt;&gt; prevent their carry in-- news &lt;.f th
Panama. Failini; to P6 their pr

determined not to retrace their empty-hand

hut to pusli on to ] &gt; anain;i, where i

a prize worth the risk. It is true th

of the company murmured at this pr and wi&gt;l

return to the ships, more especially Captain (
]n order therefore to are unanimity in

ure ( \.\on was elected commander-in-d Aa

mattei- of pree;uition, a t-w of the prisoners, tog&lt;

with the &gt;mall amount oi plunder taken, .
laek to the ships under a inlaid of twelve men.

The Indians were av&lt; to jn-oeeedin^ fart! nd

ino.-t of them receiving j ,f kni\

met ^cw.-l.l uyt haar Vjidrrs Huys was weg gcnom&gt;

iair is iu&gt;; p. It

lit indiK-r tl.

..iH-.l 1-y Shai-j . I .u
.-I wounded, V

In.lian oil.

u Jt that d

than usual,

1 in tin- a&gt;sa,

C.tll- 6 drill

the In

. 1 1 ; - Coll.; Bmmqft Di-

cor

528 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

and axes, returned home. Nevertheless, Emperor
Andres and King Antonio Golden -cap determined
to go on to Panama and see . the end of this display
of European savagism and be present at the sack of
the city. Andres indeed promised, if necessary, to
raise an army fifty thousand strong to assist in the
work. Additional encouragement was afforded by the
Spaniard who had abducted the chief s daughter, and
who volunteered, in consideration of being protected
from the just revenge of the Indians, to conduct them
not only to Panamd, but to the very chamber-door of
the governor, when they might seize him and make
themselves masters of the city before they could be
discovered.

After holding Santa Maria for two days, the vic
tors took their departure on April 17th, first burning
the fort, church, and town to gratify the rancor of
the Indian chief. They then embarked on board
thirty-five canoes and a piragua, 16 which last was cap
tured while lying at anchor in the river, and dropped
clown toward the gulf of San Miguel, whence they
could gain Panamd Bay. The Spaniards begged hard
to be allowed to go with them, rather than be left to

the mercy of the Indians.

It was with the greatest difficulty that the free
booters had secured canoes enough for themselves,
as their Indian allies had taken so many in their re
treat; yet the terrified Spaniards managed to find a
few old boats and construct a few rafts, and so ven
tured to accompany them.

In the Santa Maria River the ebb and flow of the
tide is remarkable, and at night the navigation is
extremely hazardous, many shoals and channels being
encountered at low water. Still, having good native
pilots on board, the flotilla paddled down on the ebb
until midnight, when a native ernbarcadero was

lu The term piragua is here applied to a large canoe frequently carrying
a mast and sails, and quite different from a common dug-out. The bucca
neers frequently called this boat a bark.

AIV . OF I. :OSR.

lid it was decided to land and ill! tin- v.

the river water 1 ii j . .ml n&lt;&gt;ne Miitahle

drinking likely to l.r im-t with i
At the landiDg-pl Captain Sawkins was foil

awaiting them. He liad iailrd tu overtake the gov*

ernor, who liad l&gt;y that time mad. I hi-

the open hay. The canoes were then hauled ash&lt;
for the ni^ht, as there \va much risk in conti;
the voyage down the estuary at that hour.

they a- ain ^ot under v. tnd pr ie.l
down the i-ivur, finding two nnnitlis l.y \\hieli ti
could i- -arh the sea, one of them l&gt;ein-_r deej&gt; and
ini^ out with a swift current.

About noon th- .-i^ht. d, ; nd shortly r-

ward the pirates landed on a small island, wh the

.eriior in his flight had left two women, in order to
lighten his eanoe. On this island the party remain

waiting for the next ebb, when they cr I toan&lt;

i-le t\\o I.-a^ucs away, making land ju- lit-

i all. Here were found two canoes, with some I

and arrows, which were destroyed; their owners w.

alsu seen, hut managed to elu iprure. Camp was

then pitched, and Captain Sawkins once inre de
spatched in &lt;-]\i\&lt;(&gt;. of th- . with oi ders to

await their arrival at Plantain [sland, \\ h ic-

-t ul or not, The foDowing day, while continui

the voyage, a severe sijuall struck them, the wind
freslieuii^ iVoin the vard and meet in- 1 the eM&gt;.

()ne canoe, manned by seven Frenchmen, cape
the crew was rescued with difficulty, ami alter 1

fall their arms. 17 A heavy rail, -in l ollwd.
aiul compelled them to run for shelter 5 1 i &gt;andy

1-ay, where the eanocs \\ beached, and the ti

r&lt;&gt; book up their (juarters lor the night

Meanwhile, &lt;&gt;n tl. acuatin of Santa M

17 It i 1, that M ith cxti-. aih il.in

1, till- , ,1.1

-hall IP vinx so with

pam

in London. & 11.

. AM., VOL. II.

530 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

canoe was left a long way astern, being heavy and
manned by five men only. It was under the command
of Basil Ringrose, the buccaneer historian, who after
ward gave the world so faithful a narrative of the
exploits in which he took part.

Ringrose had no Indian in his canoe to pilot him;
so as the tide ran out and many shoals were exposed,
he entered the wrong channel, and ran two miles inside
a shoal before discovering the mistake. There he was
obliged to lie until high tide, when he proceeded in
hopes of overtaking the other boats. That night at
low water he moored the canoe to an oar stuck in the
sand, and the men took turns at sleeping; at dawn
they rowed two leagues farther and came up with
the main body as they were just putting off from the
watering-place. As it was absolutely necessary to
water there they went ashore with their calabashes,
and on regaining the river-side found the flotilla was
once more out of sight. They rowed in chase as hard
as they could, but became bewildered among the
numerous islands near the mouth of the river, and so
again lost their way. At length they hit upon the
Boca Chica, but by that time the tide was running in
with great force, and finding that they could make no
way against it, beached the canoe and made it fast to
a tree, awaiting the turn of the tide which rose there
upward of twenty feet,

As soon as practicable they pulled away to an
island outside the mouth of the river,, in the gulf of
San Miguel, narrowly escaping being swamped, and
passed the night in the utmost misery, drenched with
rain, and not daring to light a fire. Next morning at
daybreak, April 19th, they once more launched the
canoe and shaped their course for Point San Lorenzo,
but as the boat neared one of the many islands of
the gulf a heavy sea overturned it and they had to
swim for their lives. Happily all made the shore in
.safety, and immediately afterward the canoe was cast
.up high and dry. Their cartouch-boxes and powder-

A KIXD ACT R: D. : 1

horns 1&gt;em-_f made water-tight, and la-h.-d v.iih th

- to tin- canoe, v, ed, but all tln-ir j PO-

and water ded. It soon app.

that they were not aloii- iii mi&gt;i&lt; rtun- A par

six Spaniards, lately their prisoners, had br,-n

ashore from their hrok-n boat, in worse plight
]{in;_rrose s j.arty. Their e.,mnion fate unit.-d t!i.

a\\ and Spaniard and Englishman air their m&lt;

ill ]K-a( i e over the sani&lt;- caniji-iii

While d. l&gt;atiii-- \vln-tln-r to go forwai d OT I -tiU ii
tlicir ships at the Golden Inland, an Indian \\ ,
and it htM-ann- nianit. -f that v-t another ]
theii- i&gt;le nf ivfugc. A piragua, manned 1 , y eigl
their Dai ien allic-. had iii- some reason put in tin
and I{in^n&gt;- leai iM d ly &gt;i^ns that if the whole C&lt;
]any embarked in the Indian pira^na they rould i

take the Panamd expedition lythe folio wing morni

The natives wished to kill the Spaniard d w&lt;
vrith great difficulty ])revent&lt;-(l i n&gt;ni doin^ &gt;n% l, u t
]vingrose succeeded in saving theii- livrs l.y allow
ing one to be taken as a sla nd plaeiii ^ own
ioe at the disposal of the remaining fi\ lie and
his nien, together with the S] -h si; d tin-

Indians, and making sail on the piragua soon &lt;loiil
Point San Loren; 1 )urin-_r that ni^ht two eanip-

lii-es were sighted on th rhoard how, whereii]
the Indians exhihit. d ^reat delight, and slioutinu r the
names of their rhi-l&gt;. AjltoniO and Ainhvs, lh-ad-d
direct for the land. \" sooner W in

breakers than oul i-u&lt;hed some sixty Spaniards from

the thickets adja&lt;vif zed the vessel, and dr;

liei- up on the strand. 6 Indian- 1 rd

and made ^ood their escaj I ds, hut the

bers \\ ere seized and made pn

None of tl. Spanianls cmld &gt;p-ak French or
Knglish, hut Jiinu i 1 nt.-n-d into CMD | in

tin with their leader, and found that they al&gt;o \\
from Santa ^lai i a, and had been land* d at th,
hy the buccaneers to preclude any po^ibility of ti

532 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

carrying tidings to Panama. While the Spanish
leader was interrogating Ringrose preparatory to
the slaughter of the party, up stepped the Spaniard
whom Ringrose had given the natives as a slave.
He related the whole circumstances of the wreck of
his canoe upon the island, and the preservation of the
lives of his party by Ringrose. This put a new
aspect upon affairs. The Spanish captain embraced
the Englishman, and after giving them supper per
mitted both pirates and Indians to depart. After
this Ringrose and his party held their course all
night, in drenching rain, and next morning observed
a canoe rowing rapidly toward them. Closer inspec
tion revealed one of the buccaneer craft, which was
about to attack the piragua, under the impression that
it was a Spanish vessel. They were mutually de
lighted to meet again, Ringrose and his cre\v having
been given up for lost. Then all joined the flotilla,
which soon continued its way.

After clearing the bay the buccaneers steered for
what appeared a lofty point about seven leagues dis
tant, and there made Plantain Island. Landing in
the afternoon, they climbed a steep ascent and sur
prised the sentinel, an old man who had not seen them
or suspected their approach until they swarmed around
his hut. From him it was ascertained that their ap
proach was unsuspected at Panama"; so they thought
they would surprise the city. Captain Sawkins, who
joined them here in accordance with his instructions,
reported that the governor of Santa Maria had sailed
thence for Panama the previous day. Sawkins was
once more sent in chase, but returned unsuccessful.

Shortly before nightfall a thirty-ton bark anchored
off the island, whereupon two canoes were hastily
manned, and the vessel captured. The crew stated
they were eight days out from Panamd, 18 and had
landed a detachment of troops at a point on the main-

18 Sharp says 14 days. Journal^ 10, in Hackees Coll.

SF.A-A!:; 533

land far distant f 16 pnrp

t is. nieiit on iii 1 ndiai d n&lt;

ift were immediately p ! a hundred and thirtv

men, under command of " that ,,1 \

iant Commander, ( tin Bartholomew Sharp.
Anchoring off the inland tliat ni^ht thepirai

tinued their voyage -n tin- fll..\ ninrnin^. mak

tin- i&gt;le &lt;&gt;f ( hepillo. near the mouth

( hepo. 2 * Sharp, ho^ r, parted cMinpany with t

iltvt, and l)oi-c iij) t&gt; Kinn\ or l rai-1 i&gt;lamU. ii,
of wati-r. and while tln-r*. captured a IP-W IH-JL

t&lt;&gt; wliidi lie transferred hi \v afi&lt;-r &gt;&lt;-uttlin _r his

own vessel Having &lt; l)tain-d water and provif

il for tli&lt; rendezvous ahont i \\r ) -l.M-k iii

the a It &lt; Tin ion, but owini^ to rontrai-y winds fail
make it, and anchored at an i&gt;I- li\- leagues di

On UK- following day at noon he pi led, hut did

not i-c-ach (licpillo Ix-forr ni^litiall. ndin
aslioi-c ho ascertained that his nicn had the i-1,-.

a f W lioin s hcfoi t-. as their tires were &gt;lill hnrn:
that a ii^ht had taken place, as was indicated ],
nnnilx-r of dca&lt;l l&gt;odics. Sliar[&gt; now -d in I id

Aft( I the canoes had separated from the Lark, ( ap-
iain Harris succeeded in capturing another \
which was forthwith manned with thirty hnceai

]ll the- JiUl sllit, however, the 1J.-, t l.ecaln- SO SCattej

that it was not until the following day that tli
joined company at the inland of Chepillo, !

irai-rival a hark had ln-en rlia&lt; -d l.y ( . hnt

aped cajitniv, after iniiictin^ on her ])in--n. r
of one man killed and two wound. d.--

;&gt;ed tlu; pirah- nni&lt;-h annoyance, as the \

19 / of Amrr., ii.: /

7. II;. ., ii. 10, aiitl

cov. SoutJ,
-illnrb * Col. V -&gt;ne

authority th;it t! ami t!

: i uin killed ai.

wounded accor.l; , ii. 10.

534 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

which had eluded their grasp would carry to Panama
the news of their raid.

At Chepillo they took fourteen prisoners and found
a piragua which they manned, and having procured
some plantains and hogs again got under way about
four o clock the same afternoon, expecting to reach
Pananici before daybreak, the distance being only
seven leagues. But before they left the island they
perpetrated one of those ruthless acts so common in
their career of crime. As it was not convenient to take
along the prisoners, and to leave them alive would be
unsafe, it was determined to kill them. The captives
were then handed over to the Indians, who were in
structed, after they should have amused themselves
with a little gladiatorial performance, to slay them.
The sea-shore supplied a fitting arena, and under the
eyes of the whole fleet the murderers opened their
attack. But the victims, though unarmed, made a
rush, and despite spear and arrow some of them
escaped to the neighboring woods. 23

The pirates now departed. They no longer hoped
to surprise Panama", but in the bay were richly
freighted ships which they would like to seize. On
the 23d of April they came in sight of the city before
sunrise, 24 and presently discovered five large men-of-
war and three good-sized barks at anchor near the
island of Perico. Their approach was no sooner
perceived than three of the men-of-war got under
way and bore down upon them. The flag-ship was

23 According to Bucaniers of A mer., ii.; Ringrose s Voy., 22, all the pris
oners escaped except one. But Sharp s statement that his men reported to
him that there were dead People lying on the Ground, which made them
conjectiire our Men had had a Fight with the Spaniards, flaclce s Col. Voy.,
ii. 12; Sharp s Voy., 12, disproves Ringrose s version, which glosses over this
atrocity.

2i The city of Panama was usually garrisoned by 300 regular troops and
1,100 militia, but when the buccaneers arrived in the bay most of- their
soldiers were absent from the city, and the people were in the utmost con
sternation, having only some twelve hours notice of the impending attack.
The best of the soldiers remaining were placed on board the squadron, so it
seems highly probable that if the pirates had landed instead of engaging the
war-ships they might have gained possession of the place. Bucaniers vj
Amer., ii.; Rinyrose s Voy., 28-9.

A NAVAL O T. 535

by-six 1 ti ans under comi: i of
-int" d I tarahona, the 1; Admiral of tli- ith

Tl; oinl ship with a en w -

ominanded l.y Francisco de 1 &lt; rail

AndahiMan. Li the third w- ixty-live mill;

under the command of 1 tiegO &lt;!&lt; ( arahajal.

r riie pi llotilla was much d. ill two

piraguas 1 in-- nnahl keep up with the cai.
wliieh were only tliirty-si\ men. Ti. how&gt; . as
[iiadron Lore down ujion tli ; in Q

tin^ to windward d it and were | ntly johu-d l.y

the smaller jtira^ua, which raised tin f the 1.

caneerp to 8ii : --ht. SawkinsandBin^

til- in front and soon Wei :

l&gt;ajal a ship, which at the first broadside wuimd.-d tour

of Sawkins ei-ew and (no of Kin^n s.

of tln Sjiani^h \ ed, was swept h.

deadly voll r rii(i ila^-ship then came uj-.

(iieoiint( red hy the live canoes. A was

within ra; steersman wa lick, aod the vessel,

lulling. wastakeD al&gt;aek. This mishap the pi

ly took advani i . and r. ru

] % aked ln-i- d.-i-k foi-e and aft, killing every one who

the helm, and eoinniit tin-.: ha\

Avith the ship s taeklii By this time 1 was

Coining to the support of the il; ; ip, whcreU]

Sawkins, wl aoe N 1 inking, went on l&gt;oard

]&gt;ira^ua. i iV i .^ the lla-^-ship to th- -us

of tli-- four c d 1 ralta Binrfe-hand&lt;

!Mi-aniii:ir the iir&gt;t &gt;hip. delayed l&gt;y the lightness of
tin- wind, had slowlj come about, and n bear

ing down rt in th tion. Si h&lt;w-

r, mei by two of tli noes und&gt; nd

Ringrose I- -uld rend

the admiral, and so deadly was tin pira

that ( ar.ihajal \\ ad to &gt;heer oil and :tli

tin :neii he had l.-i t. \ .nd 1

rose n-&gt;w liasten-d to the Mipp.-rt
uho fciill maintained ti -ullict with ti ;p.

536 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

Their return was greeted with a wild cheer of exulta
tion, which was answered by the crew of the piragua.
Drawing so closely under the stern that they "wedged
up the rudder," the pirates, now confident of victory,
again beset the doomed vessel. The admiral and pilot
were shot dead; two thirds of the crew being killed,
and most of the survivors wounded, the flag was
struck, and the triumphant ruffians boarded their
prize. A shocking spectacle met their eyes. Out of
eighty-six men twenty-five only were alive, and but
eight capable of bearing arms. " Their Blood ran
down the Decks in whole streams, and scarce one
place iii the Ship was found that was free from blood."
As soon as they had taken possession of the vessel
the victors despatched two canoes to the assistance of
Sawkins, who meantime had maintained a desperate
fight with Peralta. Three times the buccaneer had
boarded his antagonist, and three times had he been

repulsed by the valiant Andalusian, whose indomita
ble bravery had gained for him the outspoken admira
tion of his foes. As soon as the canoes came up they
saluted Peralta with a volley, which was followed by
a heavy explosion in the stern of the Spanish vessel.
All the men in that part of the ship were blown into
the air; yet Peralta had no thought of yielding, and
with voice and hand encouraged his men. But fate

was against him. Soon there was another explosion
in the forecastle, and in the smoke and confusion
Sawkins once more boarded, and the ship was taken.
As the light wind slowly carried away the smoke a
scene was revealed on board which defies description.
" There was not a Man, but was either killed, desper
ately wounded, or horribly burnt with Powder. In
somuch, that their Black Skins were turned White in
several places, the Powder having torn it from their
Flesh and Bones/ 25

25 Id., 25-6. Another account of this battle differs somewhat from the
above : We boarded one of them, and carried her; so with her we took the
second; and the third had certainly run the same fate, had not she scoured
away iii time. Sharp s Voyage, 13-14.

VXAM

The &lt;1- &gt;f this battle, and Inch:

ith \\ hich it WAS foughl indi

!i 1 i th ! tin- ; time 1

iient l,i&gt;trd. Proi ,i-t ly mnrise until

&gt;!i the fi^lit w I on, ;ni&lt;l &lt;{ t lit

])ir;ites 1-11-; -uly ahont ;i BCOf in-

wounded. Tip- reputation &lt;f the Sj.;mi

bravery was of the hi;_rln md elicited tin- ;i&lt;I:

ration of their foes. The sn - of tip
Undoubtedly owin^ to tin- li-^hi of the wind, which

enaMed them to t rimi n^ainst which t

Spaniards could n&lt;i direct their cannon; nor does it
appear that, with the timi of ti hi-ad-

side lired l&gt;y Curuhnjal, tin; S[anish ^un re u
riiiLr 1 1 inriit.

Elaving attended to the wounded the pin. I beered

the i&gt;land of Perico, where they fuund tin* live

chored there abandoned, the lai-^r.-t .
Trinidad, of four hundred tons, baring b

u tire. The marauders, In . succeeded in

Suppressing the ilann-s and c&lt;n\ d th

a hospital Of the others, two were burned; &lt; t a

liundi e*! ami ei- hty tuns was as d t&lt; ( aptain Cu- .

ami the third of iifty tuns t&gt; ( tin ( uxun. 27
Two d. this action ( aptain Sharp joil

company, and a little la- be hark raptured 03 ( ap-

tain Jlarri The pirates remained tr ahui;

days li Piinania, during which Caj.tain (

withdrew 1 ruin the ^ai: Jlr had hr.-n
with displaying more rantin than r&lt;ir din-in^

the engagement, and iv-. ntinir tin- imputation 1

3 "W. I ri-ht n&lt;l thirty-four i:

, 14. Sliarp al.s&gt;
ii. i In ir loss wa 18 ki

lyin^ I .ml, om- in wa.s &lt; aj*.

and stnut ^ .liiirr. . .born in tin- &lt;

18 were killed, and b wutuuKd, Jiitt. Bu M also

ships re also
18 T. &gt;&gt;&lt;-! 1.

.I putting t! on lx . inasta or sails

tin: . ift. U r.,i. jrote t \ oy. t 30.

538 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

termined to go back to the North Sea. With his
adherents, to the number of fifty, 29 he accordingly
weighed anchor one night, leaving about twenty of
his own wounded, but taking with him the best sur
geon and nearly all the medicines. With him the
Darien chief also went back and the chiefs Antonio
and Andres.

This defection did not discourage the remaining
buccaneers, and weighing anchor on the 2d of May/
they stood off to the island of Taboga two leagues
from Perico. This formed an excellent point of ob
servation, every vessel passing in or oat of the port
of Panama being plainly visible. Several small craft
were captured which supplied the adventurers with
provisions, and on the eighth day they seized a vessel
containing wine, gunpowder, and fifty thousand pesos,
intended for the pay of the Panama garrison. 31 To
the merchants of Panama", who had now opened a
trade with them, they sold the wines, 32 and these same
traders on two occasions conveyed a message from the
governor asking them to explain their presence before
the city, and to state from whom they held their com
missions. 33 Captain Sawkins replied to the first mes
sage that they had come "to assist the King of Darien,
who was the true Lord of Panama"," and demanded five
hundred pesos for each man and one thousand for each
commander as the terms under which they would
peaceably depart. His answer to the second commu-

2 * According to Sharp in Id., 14, and the anonymous narrator in Sharp s
Voy., 15. Ringrose says: He drew off with him, to the number of Three
score and Ten of our Men. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 30.

30 Sharp fixes this date at April 29th. Hacke s Col Voy., 16.

31 She contained 2,000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder, and 51,000 pesos
according to Ringrose. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 31. Sharp, who made the
capture, says the ship was taken on the 26th of April, having 1,400 jars of
wine and brandy, some ammunition, and 50,000 pesos. Hacke s Col. Voy. t

32 For 3, 000 pesos. Id., 16.

33 So close was the blockade of the city, and so great the terror inspired by
the buccaneers, that the first news received at the city of Mexico affirmed
that Panama was captured, many Spaniards slain, and that the nuns and
many other people had fled to the mountains. This intelligence was trans
mitted by the president of Guatemala, and did not reach Mexico until August
8, 1680. fiobles, Diario, ii. 310.

DEATH .\VKT : .

nicuii&gt;n waa w th 11 liis &lt;&lt;&gt;:

but that when they v.
they would \ i&gt;it him at Panama and brin^r their "&lt;

mi- 3 on the Muzzles of their Gun which-

&gt;hould read them plain Fla n-

]H,\\1 r could make them."

n the 15th of M;:\ , contrary to the wish of 9
kins, the lie. he isle of Otoque/ 1 and

of (Juilio, oil t . r V-

its ]..-;rl iislirii AVhi! id Sawki:

^*lio had hccn appointed clii.-f in command, and Sharp,

ived the project of making a doccnt on 1 J ;
Xur\ town situated on tin- mainland ighl I
oil . Taking with tln-m ahout sixty iiic-n/* tlu
rcndi-d the i-ivcr on which the pi v/as situate,!, hut

ii found that rlulV-n.^ivo measures had already 1&gt;.
takni against tlu-m. trt-cs liavin--- hocn fl-llrd across

O &gt;

the river, and thu town pn&gt;i d ly three s1

liva&gt;t\vork&gt;. Undeterred by oh

attempted to tako the jilacv with a rush, as in t

&lt; of Santa Maiia; but they S u:
pulse, and Sawki us was killed while leading &lt;-!i
men, the remainder of the inarai; eatir

their canoes. 33

"While there Ringrose comi.l-*nl ft chart of oamA r-ivl a

portion o{ tlu- O0f -ch was more my in the poftscasion of the

J///t/-., i The autliuritiea again d

35 The islai ! &gt;o or Calnijn, is in hit. 7 tli of t

DOT /., i. LM-J. : illedb;

. ;. 1- :n name is Co&lt;]uinil&gt;o. In crossing thither a storm wa&gt;

I t\M&gt; l-arks fountlcri-tl, i t.her

ii. Tlii.s storni Jiiul \vi

-liarj) himself alluik-s to it in /

r with .1. . .ai

Vessels, whicli th- Coast,

re quitting TalH.-a.

iiinan, :iiraal

;ih l&gt;y tin; s^taniarda on the advice of the run-
/ ln -k C

** \ t\\ o otlu :~ee more^wor

acc , uswn lysthat

ie men bad

.t nuth. tuld t

540 . CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

Sawkina was held in high esteem among his com
rades, 39 and his death was much regretted. It caused,
moreover, a serious dissension. His men mutinied,
and were determined to retrace their steps across the
Isthmus. No inducements held out to the malecon-
tents by Sharp could prevail upon them to remain,
and on the 31st of May more than sixty of them 40
separated company, taking with them all the Indians
who had remained. After the departure of the muti
neers trouble arose between Cook and his men, which
resulted in his resigning the command and going on
board Sharp s vessel, the Trinidad. His own ship 11
was placed under the orders of John Cox, who thus
became second in command. 42

It was now decided to cruise southward, and on the
6th of June the freebooters set sail. After careening
their vessels at the island of Gorgona in latitude 1 N.
they engaged in a series of operations on the South
American coast, plundering towns and capturing many
Spanish vessels. The booty they amassed was im
mense. During this cruise another mutiny occurred, 43

39 As a Man who was as Valiant and Couragious as any could be, and like
wise next to Capt. Sharp, the best beloved of all our Company, or the most
Part thereof. Bucaniers ofAmer., ii. 33-4. Sharp was not a general favorite
among the buccaneers. Burney says that Ringrose was not in England when
his narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence to inter
polate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp s valor. He
goes on to say that in the MS. of Ringrose s Journal, preserved in the Sloane
Collection, British Museum, the passage quoted concerning Sawkins character
runs: Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved
above any other we ever had among us, which he well deserved. Burners
Discov. South Sea, iv. 104-5. The inference suggested by Burney, there
fore, is that Sharp, or somebody in his interest, foisted in the passages char
acterized as impudent.

40 According toRingrose, page 35, who would have joined them but for the
dangers of the journey, 63 men left. loc. cit. Those who departed numbered
about 70, while 146 remained with Capt. Sharp. Hacke s Col. Voy. , ii. 35. In
this mutiny 75 more of our Men left us, and returned over Land as they came,
delivering up their commissions to our Emperour. Sharp s Voy., 17.

41 One John Cox took command of Cook s ship, the Mayfloiver, with a com
pany of 40 men. Sharp s Voy. t 17-18. Sharp does not mention Cox at. this
time.

42 Ringrose s ship had been burned for her iron.

43 The reason of the mutiny was that Captain Sharp had now some 3,000
pesos, and wished to return home immediately. Two thirds of the crew, how
ever, had no money left, having gambled it all away, and they were in no mind
to return; so they supported the claims of Watling against Sharp. Sharp s

\ITITJ-: or :.\.

\vhich reMilied in fche deposition of 5 . 1 th

n of one .John \V,-it ling to tl

Their pr had been ,iil li&lt;&gt;nie\vard throu

tlir Btraitfl "! Magellan, hut they now chan j&gt; d li
intention and a.Lrain dh &gt;rt hward.

At. an imMirce&gt;slul de&gt;r,^it on Arica Watlin^ 1
liis life, and UK; command v. tin conferred

Sharp, u hut not without much di&gt;pu; the

&lt;|U -ily settled, and it \ arm

that the matter should ! put to tl, .and

the minority should taku t In- lon^-l - md can6efl 8

vliere they wislicd. Th&lt;-ir votea were -a-t on

Ajiril tlic 17tli near the island nf La I 1

suited in the defection &lt;! fort ( the ni;drr&lt;n-

ita, among whom was William Dampier, who E

1 or tin- i-thmus with tin.- intention of retui ninu over
land. 48

Sharp, passing l&gt;y the Lay &lt;,} Panama, now paid a

vi-it to the &gt;liore of Costa L ira, and . he

unit ol Xicoya anchored in the hay of Caldera. Hej-v

he was occupied some time in :iid n-fitt;

shij), to aid him in which work he p d into his

vice some carpenter-; employed in ship-l&gt;uildii
the {-link of a !ilnrin^ riv. Th

and hurnin^ the town of K&gt;par/ he again sailed

., 40. Wliilc AVC l.-ivntthe isle of John Ft-rn.i .rp waa

ed from being Commander; t! ;&gt;anyb

ithcr Midi his &lt; mil

:u- mutiny, witlmut an; - lnun.1 in .

-iiarp says the vm\&lt;\ :n \vasmainlv t!.

\, vvlioin [ appoi &gt; a separate conirmi: !.-r hit

naintaii -f s sal^;-. //
41 A:t. T \\ icatli, a gn f the me.inor F

. hut tlie mor-

it..r i i an-l wi.uM i -cnt. Th&gt; oof opinion Ixx-.

so gn-at that it WM determined t&gt;&gt; j.ut

I th- ship, ;r iniii"; , f -boat and canc&gt;-

tlu-y \. Cup:

.Ih-rlx hare of provisions,*

! ^thnius. / .trml.,

us unanii restore. I t

tli of \\ Iocs not ni

^ of both sexes, who v
"&lt;. /
///., .MS., ii. Juarroa, Uut. t i. ZS, us tliat ]

542 CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.

southward, and took, near the line, the treasure-ship
San Pedro with thirty-seven thousand pesos. Still
pursuing a southerly course, these human scourges
made themselves the terror of the coast, plundering,
burning, and destroying on land and sea. 47

In the latter part of the year 1681 Sharp bore away
for the straits of Magellan, but being unsuccessful in
his endeavor to find the passage rounded Cape Horn
and steering northward, well out of sight of land,
reached the Barbadoes on the 28th of January 1682,
but dared not enter port, as a British frigate lay at
anchor at Bridgetown. He therefore steered for
Antigua, where he arrived on the 1st of February.
There this godless crew dispersed, the ship being,
given to those who had gambled away their money,
while the more fortunate took passage for England.

At the instance of the Spanish ambassador in Lon
don Sharp and some of his companions were tried for
piracy. They pleaded in defence that they had acted
under the authority of a commission granted by the
caciques of Darien, who were absolutely independent
princes and in no sense subjects of Spain. 45 The valid
ity of this plea was fully established, 49 and a verdict
of acquittal obtained.

had been previously sacked by a French corsair in 1670. It was again at
tacked by pirates in 1686 or 1688, when it was abandoned by its inhabitants,
who retired to the valleys of Bagaces and Landecho. Hay a and Nueva Esp.,
ut supra.

47 Their name inspired such dread that the new viceroy of Peru dared not
sail from Panama to his government in a ship of 25 guns, but waited for the
arrival of the armada from the south. Bucaniers ofAmer., ii. 136.

48 Las Casas, in his Relation of the Spanish Voyages and Cruelties in the
West Indies, 217, distinctly lays down the principle that the Spaniards had
no Title to the Americans, as their Subjects, by right of Inheritance, Pur
chase, or Conquest. Darien, Defence of the Scots Settlement, 5.

49 Ringrose expressly stated that they acted throughout without any com
mission. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; JRingrose s Voy., 178, and Burney s Discov.
South Sea, iv. 123. Burney says: From the clefectiveness of the evidence
produced, they escaped conviction. Id., iv. 123. Three of Sharp s men were
tried at Jamaica, and one was hanged. The narrator said this man was
wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood it out, and escaped
for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them. Id., iv. 124. See also,
for the execution of this man, Sharp s Voy., ii. One of the principal charges
was the capture of the Rosario, and killing her captain and another man:
but it was proved, says the author of the anonymous narrative, who was
one of the men brought to trial, that the Spaniards fired at us first, and it
was judged that we ought to defend ourselves. Id., iv. 123-124.

CHAPTER XXX.

FUKTHKK I lRATICAL KAIDS.
1G81-1C87.

DAMPIER AND ms COMRAM-.S on THI. \ Tlivrn TIIF.Y Mr.r.r WITH

kNBB \V\i: \ ~ THFII: M.\u-n W ni SEA TIIKY F.u.r,

Sim- AM. SAIL I:OI-.M. CAP1 H.j.

\-Tnr.v ATTACK l!i u. EJO THEYSAIL FORTH LATA

HI.KI. THKY ARE I; h -Tiu.v I l. N&gt; TH&gt; COAJV O1

;CA "\YIIKKK i III.Y &lt; iu\ INTKI.I.I. MKTII;

Tin: PIK \ 1 \i:i. i

OF MA KAIDS ON I.KU\, 1 ,., AM -ADA I IKTY OF TUB

FILIBUSTERS FURI HKU OPERATIONS OF TIIK PIRATES,

DAMPIKII and liis comrades, 1 nttvr tli-y liad parted
company with Sharp, shapnl their CMII)&gt;C for the S;r

^lai-i a Kiver flowing into the gulf of San M .and

on the following day raptmvd ;i -mall hark an&lt;-h&gt;i
to 1 CM- ward of Cape Pa -a do. This \\

^ivat good fortune as tlj-ir boata were too 1 t .-r
tin-in. On the LMth of Aj&gt;ril they tom-ln-d at t
i-land of Gorgona whriv, liavin^ takm sm.- jrisonc
tlu y learned th; piragua crossed over i n mi the
mainland v two or tlnvr days to reconimii ud

that three ships were kept in ivadii: i" in1 pt
tin-in nn thrir ivtnni. \\"ith a tavorahlr hn-r/i? th-
&gt;ailrd from Gorgona tlir sanir evening, and on t

morning of the 28th, on emeiyinir lrin a rain s.juall,
r^pird two large ships t&lt;&gt; windward aln.ut a Ira;_rur
and a half distant. .1 )anipirr s nirii wrrr in a h 1-
oiis jusition, l-t \vrrn the Spanish rri. I and tin-
, which was only two 1 3 oil . Happily

1 They miiiibcivl 44 Kuropeacs, one Spanish Indian, anl Mosquito

Indian

544 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

rain again came on and enabled them to pass the
enemy unseen. The next morning they anchored off
Point Garachina, about seven leagues from the gulf
of San Miguel, where they remained all day drying
their ammunition and preparing their weapons in
anticipation of their landing being opposed. Soon
after daybreak on the 30th they entered the gulf and
came to anchor outside a large island four miles dis
tant from the mouth of the Santa Maria. Though
the tide was favorable for ascending the river they
took the precaution to send a canoe ashore to recon
noitre, and a ship was discovered lying at the mouth
and a large tent pitched on the land adjacent. Though
disheartened at this news the freebooters were, never
theless, bent upon making their return overland. So
the canoe was again sent to the island and succeeded
in capturing one which had put off from the enemy s
ship for the island. From the captives they learned
that for six months the vessel, which had twelve guns,
had been guarding the mouth of the river, and that
the force amounted to one hundred and fifty soldiers
and sailors, the former being quartered on shore.
Three hundred more were expected to arrive from
the mines on the next day. 2 The pirates now deter
mined to land elsewhere at any risk that night, or
early the following morning. 3 With wind and tide
against them they reached Cape San Lorenzo at day
break and sailing about a league farther ran into a
creek sheltered by two small islands. Here they
landed and, putting their effects ashore, sunk their
vessel and made all preparations for a march into the
interior.*

As some of the company did not appear in condi-

2 There were, moreover, two ships, one carrying 20 guns and 200 men, and
the other ten guns and 150 men, cruising in the bay between the gulf and
Gorgona. Dampicr s Voy., i. 6.

3 Dampier strongly urged his comrades to run for the river Congo, three
leagues distant, and ascend it to the limit of tide- water, but could not per
suade them of the existence of a large river so near, but they would land
somewhere, they did not know how, where, nor when. Id., 7.

4 This landing was effected May 1, 1G81. Id.

ii &gt;!! to nil

I to pi han&lt;

Spania; Y

thi- terrible alternative &lt;li&lt;l n&lt;&gt;t, del ,

d in t ftrrnoon oand of :

their march and adva

( )n tii following morale

O O O

they ? native li wh&lt;-i 11

ive 1 thry purchased provisions, :iu&lt;l :
ootained a LMiide t &gt; oth.-r Indian .- N

d;iy 1 hey si nick tin* ( Joi hit I

from th.-ir lasi night s li;d; ;ind ,

til - I I ;:ii &lt;&gt;ld Indian with f, diili.-iilt y in-

diu-t (l him to ur^ th-ir --nidr t mpaiiy \ .

two days longer f T annthur lr

( )n t In- -1th of May tln-y contiini-d tln-ir &lt;
linually wading ihroii^h rivera and
with the heavy rain which whm tiiry halted ]: I

tin-in from ol)tainin-- t U to warm th&lt;

01- c &gt;&lt;&gt;k thrir food. \Vrary and hungry i
w- -ucli as to hani.-di all thoii _rht of thr Spani..
ir only anxirty I&gt;rin_r to ohtain 1 gui

l &lt; : - d day- they j&lt; &gt;U -d on undrr in

liardshi[)s, t rrdin^ on nionkrys and such
- they could ohtain from the native E
tin !i which thry passed.

ll\ this uiiui thev had ohiain.-d a 1 r-

/ .

d tin- ( . had arrived at another i

d j:t!i .vhirh caused them

,i|rllrd to f, ,rd i .d ti: ! -

6 Thoy IP 1 that t hoy were n . tlircc milo.s |

1 I _ .

&lt;&gt;ur nu-ii l" iii 4 tin -1 L .

l.y l i
1 \vitha

&lt;i)nli:r;i. J . /
8 \Vlu-n th.

those

ith th L -I 1

, C JOU; aliilKX), the c:

With wax. /

111 L. II. 35

546 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

liinct on the last occasion two of the party who were
unable to keep up with the main body. Night fell on
them unprovided with shelter, and to add to their
miseries a thunder-storm with heavy rain broke over
them.

Next morning, the 8th of May, the guide informed
them that the river would have to be crossed again,

o *

but it was now so swollen that fording was impossible.
It was decided, therefore, to send a man over with a
line. One of the band, George Gayny, accordingly
made the attempt, but the line which he had fastened
about his neck became entangled, and the man on
shore who was paying it out suddenly stopped it.
This threw Gayny, who was half way across, on his
back. The man in charge of the rope then threw it
into the river, hoping that Gayny might recover him
self, but being weighted with three hundred pesos,
which he carried on his back, the impetuous current
carried him away and he was drowned. 9

After this failure they felled a lofty tree across the
river, and over it all passed in safety. Their guide
now left them, having obtained a substitute. Cross
ing another river their way led through a beautiful
valley adorned with trees. Five miles beyond they
came to a settlement and were somewhat alarmed at
the sight of some wooden crosses on the road-side,
thinking that Spaniards were there. They prepared
for action, but found none but Indians in the town,
where they were kindly received. 10

For the next ten days they struggled on with sev
eral changes of guides, incessantly crossing rivers 11
and forcing their way through the trackless forest,

9 The two men left behind, afferward, when they rejoined their comrades,
stated that they found him lying dead in a creek with the money still on his
back, but they did not take it, being intent on finding their way out of the
country. Id. , 17.

10 Here Doctor Wafer and four others, including the two stragglers, stayed
behind. They rejoined their comrades, however, some months later. Id., 19,
24; Wafer s Voy., 4-43.

11 One day they crossed the same stream 22 times in a march of nine miles,
Dampier s Voy., i. 19.

limhs chafed and raw with wading, i

in evil ]&gt;];

On tli Ma;, worn

]&gt;&lt;&gt; Iliver, whieh tli- IK! on

tt j&lt;&gt;;. !ited the North S-

mountain-ridge. The \\ &lt;T was li- nd idad .

trt tlicy d led the 1

hank &lt;&gt;f the river Concepcion, il.
they f&lt;&gt;un&lt;l flowing north. The following d
-I down 1 he Bi ivam, and err 1"M-- proriin d
to earry tin-in to its month. During th-
many M:i^li&gt;h and French ships had lo-n th n-, hut
all had d.-partrd Avith the e n of a French pri-

v.-i wlTu-h lay at La Sound K&lt;-y. 13 A
ni-ht at the mouth of the river, they &lt; to

the island, and wmt al&gt;&lt;ard the \cssd which v,
commanded hy Captain Tristaiu. I n; -in

the crew l)eads, kui\ rs, and lookii

with which to reward their ^uid-s th-y

in with the additional of half a ].. 90

V/itli this the .Indians Were well n&lt;l i

1 i u [f for the K 1 1 ir 1 i s 1 1 v,
kind treatment &lt;f 1 ] - Waf-r and

iained h.-hiud in th-ir settlenfr
r rii journey across i l-thmns had oc-

three days, during whieh th
ahout thirt\ hrou

, and amon-* "de6p and MS 1.

They had arrived on the smith coast just as tl

an, and the ri\ &gt;on .- . and

O 7

ere cntin

Ifaca* - ; ., : : . - . , : . /, !-..-. I i -

&gt;\a nl&gt;

TtteM

.1 Itfcoinr ;i : tecrs, i

as in the case of Lt

548 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

yet only one man perished. They had chosen a cir
cuitous route, going seventeen leagues farther than
if they had ascended the Chepo or the Santa Maria,
by either of which courses the journey could have
been made from sea to sea in three days, the Indians
frequently accomplishing it in a day and a half.

The hardships which Dampier underwent during
this trip did not deter him from another adventure on
the South Sea. In the latter part of 1683, having
joined a ship commanded by a Captain Cook, he was
again cruising in company with another vessel under
Captain Eaton off the western coast of South Amer
ica. Although they had sailed round Cape Horn,
their operations w r ere unimportant during the whole
of their voyage up that coast. Their intention, in
deed, was to try new ground and make a raid upon
Realejo and Leon in Nicaragua. When they arrived
about the beginning of July at Cape Blanco, on the
Costa Rica seaboard, Captain Cook died, and John
Davis was appointed to his place. 14

While engaged in burying their late captain on
the shore of Calderas Bay they captured three half-
breeds from whom they learned that the Spaniards
had been warned by the people of Panama to beware
of buccaneers. This news did not prevent them,
however, from proceeding on the 20th of July toward
Kealejo where they arrived three days later. Their
operations here were unprofitable, as they found the
Spaniards thoroughly prepared for them. They there
fore sailed to the bay of Fonseca for the purpose of
careening their vessels. Here an attempt to estab-
blish friendly relations with the Indians of one of the
islands was interrupted by the rough action of one

14 Davis, according to Exqiiemelin, was born in Jamaica. Bucaniers of
Amer., 49. Lussan, in Id., 26, states that he was a Fleming. The first
author gives a brief narrative, without date, of a bold raid made by this buc
caneer into Nicaragua from the Atlantic side. In this enterprise he must
have passed up the San Juan River, on the banks of which the pirates,
80 in number, concealed themselves by day, and rowed during the night.
What city it was they attacked is not clear, but the booty obtained was more
than 50,000 pesos.

tin 1 l)i; , whieh cau

nal i . who il

I in inducing tli half ;i ,!

his trihe to vi/it th- ship I having won tl.

Mi-will hy presents, obi

aaiiH-d in tlir 1 , m an inland

which they &lt;li: 1 them. AI I
painn-- their \ band

dejo for tiin d on I 1 of 5
aber ! &gt;a\ 4-ain Bailed tiward, having par;

K;it.,n with whom lie liad liad troul

On the 20tli h&lt;&gt; i ed the i
while lyin- there was joined, &lt; October _d, l.y (
i nt thr Ctj jiH. f and ( laptain Peter 1 1

of the luuvaneei- of that name wh&lt; Iviiled in i

eng meni before Panam^ in 1080. Swan liad
plied ly Lniidt.n merchants with i

ti-ad; in these l&gt;tit 1), i in

Harris and his eomrath s who had Airland.

lllell enipelled llilll to j&lt;&gt;in tl. :

liie.-f iun^ of the rovers was marked l&gt;y
Independently or coll they&lt; --ed in .

of cruises oil th^ coasl "i" South A ica, the i
Plata hein^ the rend A fter

the town of ( ! nil, ih&lt; pa !.

t carrying letters i r&lt;&gt;ni I anainii 1 Lin Tl,
Spaniards t hr-w the 1 : rd \\

bed, the ruse was deteci ed, an&lt;l 1 rom the j

Which the l)tlec;i d tl)

i nl new- that i nnada ir&gt;ni Spain had arri\-d

Portohello and that the president of 1 aniniKi had

15 Davis lift to tlif &lt; . half full of tl&gt;u- . \vanl

.. 1 JO; 1

the s;

n. j)nin} ."&gt; I- s alao * Ulantl.

1 1.

1 liiin

.nl lia-I it t&lt;&gt; : t thus.

:;^ in \\ ith I -in liiii:

an Fuil.an i^u- .1 .

550 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

this boat with instructions to hasten the departure
of the treasure-fleet from Peru. This occurred on
the 1st of January 1685. The wildest excitement
followed as the prows of the vessels were turned
toward the Pearl Islands, the best place from which
to seize the treasure-ships. They arrived there the
25th, having captured on the way a ninety-ton vessel
laden with flour. Then they careened and cleaned
their vessels, and by February 14th all was in readi
ness. The marauders then proceeded to Perico and
engaged in correspondence with the president of Pa
nama for the release of two of their men who had
fallen into the hands of the Spaniards. 18 The result
was an exchange of prisoners, the crew of the vessel
last taken, to the number of about forty, being sur
rendered as ransom for the two freebooters.

Meanwhile the Spaniards continued in their puerile
efforts to rid themselves of the vipers. On one occa
sion a pretended merchant, under pretext of wishing
to traffic, steered a vessel laden with combustibles
close up to them while at anchor. Having ignited
his fire-ship, he and his crew escaped in canoes, \vhile
the buccaneers were forced to cut their cables in all
haste to avoid destruction. 19

Soon afterward they were joined by no less than
two hundred and eighty French and English bucca
neers who had crossed the Isthmus, and who reported
that one hundred and eighty more English were fol
lowing under Captain Townley. 20 This accession was
gratifying; the ninety-ton prize was at once surren
dered to the French, who numbered two hundred
under Captain Grogniet, \vhile the English were re
ceived on board the ships of Swan and Davis. 21

18 One was captured while hunting, and the other was one of Captain
Harris men who had been left on the Santa Maria River the year before.
Sampler s Voy., 177-8, 1SG-7.

19 Dampier states that a Captain Bond planned this stratagem. Bond had
been abandoned by Eaton and his own pilot, Morton, and persuaded his men
to go over to the Spaniards. /(/., 189-90.

" For an account of their journey see Lussan, Journal du Voy., 37 et seq.
21 The French captain, called by Dampier Gronet, offered Davis and Swan

Sf.

AY! {tur&lt;-d two 1

Maria, and a Pew d !

\virl that all r hand, lhiv- hum:

ir way o\ .-1 lainl from i lie NTnri ii

i nioiitl
of Panama. \ i-ilantly watdiii

ji&lt; . Meanwhile they t.

:j&gt;t m ml intercepted 1 i which

ained that the l&gt;i ! Lima had i

sultaf inn i \vhirh could i

i:i ord&lt; r to elude tlu- \t\n\ .ml }. \\-\-\\ .
)!. liu^-ly. Thr\ . l. arm-il
niaiuicil with all tlio a\ ailahl.- &gt;i i ru,

I orders not to rn&lt;. with the hue

a l&gt;attle could possibly \n- ;i\"ided.

On the 28th of .May the pirate il---i lay

l^u-h island and the mainland. ( in &lt;

being a mile to the northwai d. It oonsi
! carry in^ iifiy-two ^uus and nine hun

in Ahor.t eleven o &lt;

Avliich had In-cn rainy, cleared 1 th 1 Spanish ii

in-- fourteen shij.-&gt; beiide |&gt;ira S

? cM.innii.~sic.li, cxtfinlc-1 l.y t!"

;p]ily his t-:i| with Maiik t

ae. I ,.ni|.,

while I

: of tli.

ami Hi, lit. /

i did imt ;i]*]&gt;r;ir, t! \vas 8Ci

in S i, On the l. ith - .I in ^ith .1 I

1 man I by 11.

h;nl ].

i j.tain 1

I tO !:.- Ii: tlK S.

.ah 1 l&lt;&gt; m&lt; Q; h
i.sh. I

Laik into a lirr-

] A.ln.i

i; t idmiral,

552 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

one hundred and sevent} 7 -four guns and manned by
more than three thousand sailors and marines, was
seen approaching. . Disparity of numbers did not,
however, intimidate the buccaneers, and for the great
prize that now lay in sight they would have engaged
with even half their force. 25 Being to windward of
the Spaniards they weighed anchor about three o clock
in the afternoon, but night fell upon them before they
could effect more than the exchange of a few shots.
Although Spanish arms had greatly deteriorated
since the days of the conquerors, there was still some
thing of the Spanish stratagem left which in this
instance proved a match even for pirate cunning.
When the darkness had set in the admiral of the
treasure-fleet hung out a light as a signal for his ves
sels to come to anchor. In half an hour the light was
extinguished, but some time afterward the buccaneers
saw it again, stealing away from Panama. Being
well to the windward they kept under sail all night
in sight of the signal, but when morning dawned they
discovered that they had been decoyed to the leeward
by a solitary vessel sent in that direction and that
the enemy had now the weather-gage, and was bear
ing down upon them with all sail set. Thus were the
tables turned, and their only safety lay in flight.
During the whole day they maintained a running
fight, and having sailed almost round the bay of Pan-
amd, anchored their now battered vessels again off the
isle of Pacheca. 2( In the morning three leagues to lee-

of IS Guns, 250 Men; and one of 8 Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fire-ships, 6
Ships only with small Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; besides 2
or 3 hundred Men in Periagoes. This account was obtained afterward from
Captain Knight, who, when off the coast of Peru, gathered the information from
some captives. Dampier s Voy., 207-8.

25 Grogniet sailed away when the Spaniards came in sight. He afterward
urged as an excuse that his men would not let him join in the fight. He was
cashiered, but was eventually allowed to depart with his ship and men. /&lt;/.,
20S-9. Such is the English account. Lussan, however, states that because
Grogniet s ship had no guns and was intercepted by a vessel carrying 28 can
non lie was unable to join in the engagement. Journal du Voy., 85-6.

20 The loss of Spaniards in this engagement is not known, but Dampier
makes the doubtful statement that the pirates lost only one man. Voy., 209.
The account given by Lussan, who was on Harris ship, differs materially

:-d ili- ane] 1 ;i

&gt;uth ! illy &gt;prh up

I ananiii, withoul
tin- advanl lined

Thus after nearly month- !anm

exj ti"ii their _ pri/e eluded ti ml

th&lt;- disappointed and ! pi

r the i&gt;l&lt;&lt;s ofQuibo. [There a consultation M,

ieh resulted in ;i determination t

Leon in Xiearau ii;i. Th once 1
lion- and huilt a nunil-rr of canoes in wliidi
ihcir landing. 2 r 11n-&lt;- ln-in d 1 1: aled

port of LYal.-jo on tin- 20th of -I
arrived on the CO ihonf ci;^ 1

lh- liarhor on the 9th of A Tln-y no\\ mai

their canoes, to the niunhrr of th th 1

linndrcd and t\v&lt; ii!y men, and made fm- t!
the others taking eh i tin-

there \vrrc f \vo heavy squalls \vhieh pi iem

reme peril, but hy dint of hai d rowin

the port that ni^hi. .t i
the i .lio\vin^ morning- they r. up 1

. n &lt;&lt; -.., . .

i Dan I by tl tho

iad tin-- &gt;". ni:ui : trn days in I

rnment had not done. JJuru&lt;&gt;

f ]&gt;;unpier. He.-issertsthat the trcasin

; unnoticed l.y the hi: 1 that :

n, with i!

i anipier. Harris ship reei-ived I Jo

! ml Swan *uh

Mhieh the En^lLih yoverninenL

Wo were ^la&lt;; 6 them; i .nd owel that to, in a

to to pursue thei :. / ;

While th

M&gt;. The town \\as ea&gt;dy

obtained. &lt;&gt;n the ;.th .

Mad n. -t !". n ;

e of th i of tl..

i thoii

nail nuinl put up \\ ith

curs, i.

tlehari|Ua:

n. .w -

. T.-uiiley. and Ki Harris bad lost

whU-h In-iii, old and rotten iVil in pi. oe* V hlk ho was careening 1

, _

554 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

ing to Leon, at the Lead of which, on the river bank,
they found a breastwork. Their approach was dis
covered by the watchmen who fled to Leon and
reported it. 30

The pirates now quickly effected a landing and four
hundred and seventy men were detailed in four de
tachments under the command of Townley, Swan,
Davis, and Knight, 31 while Darnpier with the remain
der was left in charge of the canoes. 32

Townley with his company entered the town about
two miles in advance of the others, and overthrew a
body of nearly two hundred horsemen who charged
him in the main street. The infantry, to the number
of five hundred, were drawn up in the plaza, but per
ceiving the discomfiture of the cavalry fled without
offering resistance, and Leon, captured by eighty men,
lay at the mercy of the freebooters. 33

At noon on the following day the governor sent in
a flag of truce with offers to ransom the town, 34 but

30 According to one authority only two men were on the lookout. One of
these perceived the buccaneers and hastened to the city to give warning. His
story was not believed; he was arrested and it was the intention to have him
publicly flogged. This occurred August 21, 1G85. Morel, Visita, MS., 47-8.

31 Townley, with 80 of the briskest Men, inarched before, Captain Swan
with 100 Men inarched next, and Captain Davis with 170 Men marched next,
and Captain Knight brought up the Rear. Dampier s Voy., 219.

32 There is a discrepancy in the account of Darnpier, who states that 59
men were left with him, which would raise the number of those who left the
fleet to 530, without counting the four captains.

33 Townley took the town at 3 P. M., Swan arrived at 4 P. M., and Davis at
5 P. M. Knight did not come up till an hour later, leaving many tired out,
who afterward came straggling in. The Spaniards killed a stout old Grey
headed Man aged about 84, who had served under Oliver in the time of the
Irish Rebellion. He had refused to- remain with the canoes, and when sur
rounded by the Spaniards would not accept quarter, but discharged his gun
at them, so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was
a very merry hearty old Man, and always used to declare he would never take
Quarter/ Id., 219-20. According to Morel deSta Cruz, Visita, MS., 48, the
buccaneers entered the town at 11 A. M., opposed by only 50 men, 49 of
whom fled, the remaining one fighting until disabled by many wounds.

31 One Smith who had dropped behind and was captured so exaggerated
the numbers of the freebooters that the governor was afraid to attack them,
though Smith estimated his forces at over 1,000 men. Smith was afterward
exchanged for a lady of high position. Dampitr s Voy., 220. Lussan states
that the French, having arrived at the port of Realejo some months later,
learned that succor had been sent from towns in Nicaragua and Salvador, and
that the English freebooters avoient envoye" plusieurs fois offrir & ces gens
do seconrs, le combat en raze savana, ce qu ils avoient toujours refuse, disant
qu ils u etoient pas encore tous ramassez. Journal du Voy., 112-3.

TO.

11 H domam I ; so

that all In- could &lt;1&lt; &gt;rto]

until li

(\\&gt;l tin; in\adi In a I

tin ml "ii I !

tin- month, lia\ i:

city &gt;n lire and march-
Thu ]irate- n&lt; \! di

which th ad without opp Bui

tin tiiry were balked, lindi lothing 1

S&gt;, for a i;, th

; country, killin

Then they burned t! \\n. and return] to th
canoes iv p.incd tln-ir &gt;\i\\&gt;. Th qr, wh;

b.e L . ith, JJa\ is and &gt;

i orincr l)cinn - anxion- : itirn to the South
i&lt;-an coast, while Swan \vas desirous of trying hi

tuno oil the shoi-fs of M^xi Tliuir ^
liowuVL-r, amicahlr, and tlu- t\\o li
lh Ji-ti-d c:ini|)aiiy en the iTtli, lir.-.l ia]

tla-y turned their proWfl in jj
J Jut tlu; uni ortunate citiea of h

be lefl in ].

l)and. ( rrogniet, with three hundre.l and
iu liis shi[)and li
cruised slowly northward. His th &gt;W-

were &lt;&gt;f liul-- importance. 1 )urin-- th-

alon- coa y land

th. ;md abandoned, and ti

lid DO! ; the town, finding it t

:i.i a .-joo.ooo riccc M

nui. 1,000 Ac&lt;

/., J

I &gt;..!

Mil, lur

!
tin- I lul:

i umr,.

tlu G.

556 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

garrisoned. 37 They then proceeded against Pueblo
Viejo, and having foraged the surrounding country
again directed their course southward and entered the
bay of Calderas with the intention of taking Esparza,
to execute which design fifty men were sent ashore.
They were deterred, however, from making the at
tempt by learning that the Spaniards had gathered in
considerable force to oppose them. Their . sufferings
from hunger became excessive, and they were com
pelled to kill and eat some horses which they cap
tured, after four days starvation. 38

Their ship had been despatched to the island of San
Juan de Pueblo as their general place of rendezvous, 39
and thither the canoes now turned their course. Their
next operations were directed against Chiriquita,
which they succeeded in surprising on the 9th of Jan
uary 1686 with a force of two hundred and thirty
men. Having secured a number of prisoners, for
whom they afterward obtained a ransom, they burned
the town and retired. 4(

On their return to Pueblo a Spanish fleet of seven
ships, twelve piraguas, and three long barks made
its appearance, and was recognized as a squadron
sent against them from Peru. Their ship being no
longer serviceable through want of sails, they ran her
aground, and took up a favorable position on the
banks of a river, where they had already begun build
ing large-sized piraguas. Here the enemy dared not
attack them, and having burned the stranded vessel
bore away.

On the 14th of March, having completed the con
struction of the piraguas, they left Pueblo in two

37 A cause de I excommumcation qu ils avoient eux-rnetnes fulminde con-
ire elle. Lussan, Journal du Voy., 119.

38 Apres quatre jour d une abstinence fort 6troite. Id., 126.

39 About 20 leagues distant from Chiriquita, and about 24 leagues west of
Panama. Id., 88, 131.

40 Lussan nearly lost his life by falling with four others into an ambuscade.
But he escaped unwounded, though two of the party were killed and a third
lay hors de combat. The faith of this freebooter in the protection of provi
dence is refreshing: je ne fus garanti du massacre, he says, sans etre seule-
meut biesse", queparune protection du Ciel toute manifesto. Id., 135.

a f&lt;&gt;

cai and having In-ld a
that their number Ji,-i.l be n n duced i

paratioD from tl. . T

attack &lt; iranada iii N bein

h hunger they attempted i

Niu-v.i, and I :lily liandl.-d

linn-nt of tin 1 Spanish lln-t 1- of

the river. 45 ]Invup.in the pir;,t,-

hay of Calderaa and the town &lt;&gt;f V. . \\-\\\

) inid abandoned, T! Uam&lt;-&lt;l, i

visions iVoiu a ]lai. -n on tin- They DOW

consultfil as to tlicii- inctliod on Granada,

and niadf rcrtain i-t^ula

y tlioiig-ht would uiisuix- the sue
prise. 41

On tlio -i! 1 Grogni II in with Town 1
liundi rd and iifty ineii in live can. ind l&gt;y

aliatioii for (lie treat nn-nt !i liis i

the ]iand&gt; of tin- I
tin-in prisons Ai tT keeping tln-ni in din

:-al lioui s tin- Frenchmen

i that no liarni would 1-

ir c-aiv to thcni. to fr n inlsliip.

\vnl.-y and his in-n ly requ 1 &lt;&gt; !

niiitrd i Bociatea in tin- medil

&lt; anad propo&gt;itn;n which was lifi

; ion.
Tlnj cuinhiind foro J on the 7th of April 168

* l ! the month of IY1&gt;ruary 14 &lt;1:

:-.st in thi-

"According to JU

, 112; and ]
21.

558 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

landed three hundred and forty-five men, 45 who by
forced marches advanced into the interior; but not
withstanding all possible precautions they were dis
covered, and the alarm conveyed to Granada while
they were still at a considerable distance. 46 Perceiving
that a surprise could not be effected, on the 9th they
halted to rest and refresh themselves, enfeebled as
they were with hunger and fatigue. On the following
day they advanced upon the city which they found to
be well fortified and protected by fourteen pieces of
cannon and six swivels, the inhabitants having in
trenched themselves in the great square. 47 Never
theless they at once charged up the leading street
with a recklessness that astonished their foes; 48 and
having put to flight a strong force which they en
countered in the suburbs, were soon actively engaged
with the fort.

The fire of the artillery was heavy and rapid, but
rendered in a great measure ineffective by the pirates
adroitly bending to the ground at every discharge, so
that the balls passed over them; seeing which the
Spaniards ignited false primings, and postponed the
discharge of their guns till the freebooters had as
sumed an upright position. Then the latter ranged
themselves beside the houses, and having gained a
small eminence at a convenient distance, so plied the
defenders with bullets and hand-grenades that after
a brave resistance for an hour and a half they aban
doned the inclosure and sought refuge in the principal
church. They were quickly dislodged, however, and
the city of Granada was in possession of the pirates,

45 Lussan, Journal du Voy., 154. Robles says 900 men entered Leon and
Granada. Diario, ii. 435.

46 Lnssan states that the people of Granada had been warned three weeks
previously by the authorities of Esparza. Journal du Voy., 154-5.

47 Burney states that Granada was not regularly fortified, but had a place
of arms surrounded by a wall. Discov. South Sea, iv. 267. Lussan says this
was capable of holding 6,000 men. Journal du Voy., 160.

48 Ils foncerent dans la ville les yeux fermez, chantans dan cans com me
des gens qui vont & un festin. Lettre du Gouv., in Lussan, Journal du Voy.,
256.

&gt;

who had ir kill. " w ]

tl)&lt; t ill. Spall!

&gt;\v French tilihu

\a: 1 and t.ll,,v

were the Kurdish freebo Th

1 their li\ -id bodi&lt; s it v.
with i-d to tli- k Tl

hurn :is and cut oil the 1: of captiv( - v.

in was not promptly 1 . hut dil

not IK their d.-votioi

chantrd the fee deum in the

then huntud for plunder aii&lt;l women,

. ojx-nrd tiations hy meanfl of a j
r the ]-ansoni of the c-ity i r.ni lire. 61 Tl n-

i;trds, ])o\ r, were indiili-n-nt, j ully
lh ion of had

that Jii Mipanioiis would n

their intention t me monl !

and pass tlirou^h tlie country hy

i-tli S. and that tin :tv

uld 1)0 inconvenient. lintth rs th- dif-

enlly, and perai t their h..otl. -il-

joui-ney, hum- d the C id prir

ildin

pirates no\v deemed it prudenl to i

on the 1 5th he^an their inan-h to tl
their courxj to the town of V

o loss than

! i t stated on

one of tin prin

*ant )

ilixs, &lt;fc &lt;! lour ;

ilto

ri j ilc- -hips and con-

::l ill tlir laK
\.

i ratee* message a mere threat,

i:it tli

I^aguDa^aixl

560 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

lake of that name. Their sufferings were great un
their return march. Parched with thirst, scorched
by the vertical sun, and choked with the stifling
dust, they toiled along discontented and miserable,
incessantly exposed to ambushed foes. 54 For a day
they rested in Masaya, where the Indians received
them kindly and implored them not to burn their
town. On the 17th, as the freebooters were emerg
ing from the forest upon an open plain, they were
opposed by a body of five hundred Spaniards, who
had hoisted a red flag in token that no quarter would
be given. But the pirates, never fearing, attacked
and overthrew the enemy, capturing fifty of their
horses.

After this, feeling more secure, they slowly wended
their way to the ocean, halting at convenient places
and resting from the fatigues of their exhausting
march. By the 26th they reached the sea-shore,
where they again embarked. They now once more
made a raid on Realejo, captured a number of the in
habitants, 55 and then proceeded to Chinandega and
burned the town. During these forays they suffered
greatly from hunger, since the Spaniards systemat
ically destroyed all provisions wherever the freeboot
ers made their appearance, and had also driven their
cattle from the coast.

It was a profitless enterprise that these rovers had
been engaged in, from first to last. Their booty was
insignificant/ 6 many of their wounded had died from
privation and the effect of the climate, and difference
of opinion as to future movements finally displayed
itself. At a consultation held on the 9th of May a
separation was decided upon, and a few days later a
division of barks, canoes, and provisions was made.

54 They had carried off from Granada a cannon, but were obliged to aban-
don it the first day owing to the oxen dying of thirst. Lussan, Journal du

Voy.

55 They came upon Ria Lexa unexpectedly, and made 100 of the inhab
itants prisoners. Burners Discov. South Sea, iv. 269.

56 In all only 7,600 pesos, and this sum was divided among the crippled
and wounded. Lussan, Journal du, Voy., 177.

COSTA UK !

hundr id forl lie I

the 1 ish under TownL
Gro^niet with the remainder of hi

&gt;vard up tin- ooasti
1 &gt;wnley s project \\ : ,-k Villa de 1

en tin IJio Cuhita. I Ic sued i in Mirpi
the tow& and captured men-hand! timat.-d i

w. ii-th a million ami a half of p&lt;
thousand pesos in money and three him
of both s. But disaster was in store for i

marauders on their ivuirn, ami parties of them w.

sui-prisrd l.y ambuscades; many were kill- d and t

l)M.ty iN-takrn ly the S|aniards. Then foil

inutiial retaliation. The lx&gt;dic&gt; of the slain

re mutilated and their In I on poles, while

their romrad&lt; s, out of revenue, deeapitat. d a 1111111
of their capt r .nd treated head- in like man-

r. N et tlu Sf |;;i&gt; f inies did not interrupt i
lions; the remainder of the prisoners \\ . pe i
and tlie. Spaniards pmvlia^-d a l&gt;ark of \\lii.-h tli
amial le vi&gt;itrs had d&lt;-prived th&lt; :.i.

Townley, having thus arran-jvd i: witli T

inhabitants of Los Santos, 1" i

Islands, and for the next two months crui-ed al-ont
the hay of .Panama making descents on the kind
and rapturing prix- f riie slaughter of the Spaniards

in some of thex&gt; en m-nt&lt; was gi i the

21st of August the buccan attacked

and a hark, the former of which vessels had ty

killed and \vounded out of a nvw .f one hund;
and twenty, and of the crew of 1 Ji-

n out of niained un : 1 tai Town-

]e , Eireer now came to a clo^ During I

two days they captured three m&lt;

of tl. incuts the ain of the pirat - was

lnorially wounded, ami died on the sth
During the remainder of t

* 7&lt; i % a sous le vent Je Panama. /

HIST. CENT. AM., VOL. II. 86

562 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

cruised among the islands and in the bays on the coast
of Veragua, frequently landing on the main in order
to procure food, and so dire was their necessity that
on occasions they imperatively demanded provisions
as a ransom for their captives instead of money. 58

At the beginning of 1687 freebooters were again

o o o

off the Costa Rica coast and infesting the gulf of
Nicoya, keeping the Spaniards in a state of constant
alarm, wringing from them ransom for captives, and
torturing prisoners to obtain information. 5 On the
26th of January they were rejoined by Captain Grog-
niet, whose movements had been principally confined
to the bay of Fonseca and the coast of Nicaragua, but
dissension occurring, eighty-five of his men separated
from him, and with the remaining sixty he turned
once more toward Panama^. 60

Again this brood of ocean -banditti directed their
course to the rich coast of South America, where
they and their fraternity had acquired so infamous a
reputation that the women they captured were in
dread of being eaten by them. 61 After amassing im
mense wealth they sailed northward and coasted along
the Central American and Mexican shores as far as
Acapulco, burning, destroying, and murdering as was

58 At San Lorenzo, near Pueblo Nuevo, *le Commandant du lieu vint nous
offrir une somme d argent pour la rancon des prisonniers; ce que nous refu-
sames, parce que nous avions beaucoup plus besoin de vivres: Nous luy dimes
que s il ne nous en apportoit, . . .qu il n avoit qu a envoyer sur 1 Isle y chercher
leurs tetes. Id., 244-5.

59 On one occasion a mounted Spaniard displayed his hatred for the pirates
by reviling them and making grimaces at them from a safe distance. The
intruders placed five men in ambush and continued their march. The unfor
tunate Spaniard fell into the hands of the concealed party. Lussan, with his
usual flippancy when treating of barbarities, thus describes what followed:
& luy fimes faire la grimace tout de bon. On 1 interrogea avec les ceremo
nies ordinaires, c est a dire en luy donnant la gene, pour S9avoir ou nous
e tions. Id., 264-5.

60 Grogniet died on the 2d of May following from the effect of a. wound
which he received at Guayaquil, where the pirates captured a large quantity
of booty in merchandise, pearls, precious stones, and silver-plate. Id., 302,
308.

61 The padres persuaded them that the freebooters were not even of human
form, and that they would eat them and their children. On one occasion a
Spanish lady fell into the hands of Lussan, and with tears in her eyes ex
claimed: Segnor, por 1 amor de Dios no mi como (sic). Id., 304-5.

xn:v.\ .vr.\.

the-ir wont. I Jut in .|l f

In: -nd thir&gt;f, the pi- had ;

. nd they now wished to r tii!-;

e their hanUhips would end. and tin
lander and enjoy their ill gotten ri -h&lt;

consulted as to the h. ., p !;

cide&lt;l to march overland through
\ ia to ( ape ( rracias ;1 I )i&lt; S

unary 1G88, after they "had said their I
tli- I on their perilous journey, two hund;

and eighty in number.

Their overland march through t
Central America wa- BOQQewha!
journeys of the ph across the Isthmus. liL
of the die and conquerors, were full of d.

and suH erin^s; hut the difficult i-

mtless villains in some rep&lt;
on record.

Their route lay from the hay of Fonsc-
River, down which they propn^-d to d nd on i

Marching iirst to Nue\-,-i Segovia, th-y found t
inhabitants ready to oppose them. the \,

their mad was impeded hy iMled tn in tl.-

country the grass \\ i I m- i ( l

ion tli- i compelled to hah until i

iire should spend itself. The cattle^ driv n

and pi-ovisions removed or destroyed, while ambu

aniards assailed them
r rheiv was nothing for them, ho\\
alon--, which they continued tO do until t!

Nueva &gt;via on the i ii r l he town \\,

J-^\. that could maintain life had 1-

iTried with tlum plunder in ^..M. si .lnc&lt;l at

I in little -; wxl

i h:t&lt;l 1 K l!" 1

, man, i

a weal

litinn 12 a c

Archtnho

,. , o

564 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

fully removed. As they continued famished and foot
sore toward the river, now twenty leagues distant,
they were harassed by a force of three hundred Span
ish horse, constantly threatening their annihilation.
The road, which led over a steep mountain, was
found on the second day from Segovia to be in
trenched. Thus beset in front and rear, between two
bodies each largely outnumbering their own, what
were the pirates to do? Blood-besmeared and deter
mined, they were now to the effeminate Spaniards
what the early Spaniards had Leen to the Indians.
It was on a bright moonlit night that the filibusters
encamped before the intrench nient. Nevertheless two
hundred of them managed to steal into the forest
unperceived by their enemies. 6 With incredible labor
they worked their way round rocks and through quag
mires, till, guided by the voices of the Spaniards at
morning prayer, by daylight they found themselves
in the road above, and in the rear of the intrenched
Spaniards. A dense mist which had arisen just before
dawn concealed them from sight, but while it in some
measure aided them, it rendered their operations more
dangerous from the nature of the ground. It appeared
that there were three intrenchments, one behind the
other, and with the reversed position the defenders of
the rear one were not protected. Upon this exposed
detachment, numbering five hundred men, the free
booters fell so suddenly that the Spaniards fled
panic-stricken, and the successful assailants were in
possession of the barricade. It was equivalent to
victory. There was no hope for the Spaniards now.
Guided in their aim by the flashes of the enemy s fire,
the pirates, well protected, poured volley after volley
upon the Spaniards, who did not know where to shoot
or what to do. For an hour they held out; but when,

63 The sick and wounded with the baggage and horses were left with a
guard in camp, with orders to fire their muskets frequently during the night
that the enemy might think them all there. Lussan says there were 80 thus
left in camp, but as there were only 280 in the first place, and some had died,
there must have been a mistake. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., iii. 312-4.

si ill &lt;.-n\ d in tin- mi-t, the ;

m, nut

l)lo\v, they turned and fled. \Yhat i
l.iii r riio Spaniard- l.-d i

their own defences, w&lt; I till t

victors, " wear] of i unni; . ami kill

The cutthroai MOW i

hut natm 11 interj&lt;&lt;ed h.-r ti

lulity. On tli- following &lt;

ari ivrd at another in :it , lnt. t

iiad inspiivd was E I that tlx-v j&gt;a

I, and on tin 1 17tli -ln-il lanl.

longed-for river which -a.*

The rnnvnt was swift, and tr l a--ii
J-U.^IM- 1 &lt;lown rajiids &lt;&gt;r ])lnn--r(l in cata

]-ock and in th--ir

t the iVc liled it with ,t, and wi

wil&lt;l enthusiasm constructed t&gt;rth mall

li capahlo of cai i-x ii)L, r tNVt) ln
these they launched them

their death, ]&gt;e-ides ].ad&lt;l!

loii ^ poles to aid them in avoiding t!

a fearful ]&gt;a- ; the lxlde&gt;t :ul h:

grew giddy as he was swepl ; banoverha

].5i-e or whirled a!. out in th. tlood. \i

the rafts \v- K) "\cr\\

&lt;&gt;ns con KM-

.iiitlmrity, N\li-&gt; Mas -.no of the as*i
i aii l t

Vll 1 V

lic.l la.) ( rrande d I &lt;

. !, J.ut wliicli appears to be th-

ntaius liin.

; . li Anvill.

1 1 A 1

aut, /o *

566 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

up to the waist in water. Among those who had
escaped with their lives were many who had lost all
their gains acquired by years of hardship and of
crime. 67 Numerous portages and the building of new
rafts long delayed them, and it was not until the 20th
of February that they arrived at the broader and less
impetuous part of the river. In the mean time, in
spite of peril and suffering, the evil passions of human
nature were not dormant. As there were no Span
iards present to kill they killed each other as occasion
offered. 68

When the river became navigable for boats the

freebooters built canoes, and on the 1st of March one
hundred and twenty of them, 69 in four boats, started
down the river, and arrived at the mouth the 9th of
March. On the 14th an English vessel arrived from
the isles of Pearls, 70 on board of which about fifty
of them, among whom was Lussan, embarked. This
band of the survivors eventually reached French set
tlements in the West Indies. Of the subsequent fate
of those left behind little is known; 71 but the grati
tude of the devout ruffians whom Lussan accompanied
for their deliverance is thus chronicled: "When we
were got all ash oar to a People that spoke French,
we could not forbear shedding Tears of Joy, that after

67 Lussan saj^s there were at least a hundred waterfalls, the larger ones with
tremendous whirlpools. These cataracts could be passed only by portage.
In short, the whole is so formidable, that there are none but those who have
some Experience, can have right conceptions of it. But for me. . .who, as
long as I live, shall have my Mind filled with those Risques I have run, it s
impossible I should give such an Idea hereof but what will come far short of
what I have really known of them. Bucaniers of America, i. 171.

68 Six Frenchmen concealed themselves behind the rocks and fell upon five
Englishmen who were known to be well supplied with booty and massacred
them. Nous trouvames mon compagnon & moy, leurs corps e"tendus sur le
rivage. Lussan, Journal du Voy., 430-1. The murderers escaped and their
companions never saw them again.

09 Lussan states that they left 140 behind finishing their canoes.

70 Twelve leagues distant, to the east of Cape Gracias a Dios.

71 The English buccaneers remained for a time with the Mosquito Indians
near Cape Gracias d Dios. The greater part of the Frenchmen reached the
settlements, but 75 of them who went to Jamaica were imprisoned by the
duke of Albemarle, the governor. On his death the following year they were
released; but neither their arms nor plunder were returned to them. Barney s
Discov. South Sea, iv. 293-4.

BUCCAS HBLIOGBAFE

li.-id i-un BO iiKinv I [azard

it had pleased til. Almiglitj Me ml

S. as, t grant a I ) liveran&lt; ml l.riu^ IH !

til- ; our &lt;\vn Nai i.n.

an, in - / J //,/,-., iii. 180; anl ./ I oy., 4*VJ.

A peculiar feature in the history, particularly of Spanish Amerie

i&gt;y the lui Woii.i ;kings, whoe ad-

urcs were the absorbii. .0 of the ol&lt;l Norbemcn, a.s preserved in the

sagas, and a count* rpart of their sin cessors, the corsa
equal sway in sunnier eli . preftdifl or over on tin; L

4 tribute to support a reg;. \vn. i

vim un.i.-r ti. of conquerors v

c of extending tlif .n of their diviir .J ina.st-rs &gt;.

.y the from which : the freelw&gt;otT.s, to w)n&gt;in t

a and Latin races gave a desired opportunity to
eitit-s and eon. t to the &lt; are to

i -editions of these wild fellows, culled from all nationalities,
and their narratives inelu only daring raids, bloody and 1

:;d land, l&gt;ut CO^ \ topics of

B. Imleed, their trans : is against so&lt; hile eovcred in most

cases liy ti. I i-i&lt;&gt;ti-i, -jtly

- for the I -ei. and science, ex ten -

do knowi of natural history, ethnology, and other

branches.

ount of tip rs appears to t /ee Hoover,

rdam. ]( &gt;( &gt; .}; hut tl.

rks on them is t! cor

rupted l.y -h into

r n.-h \\ ll India &lt; lie luul in I -iUJgone OUt to

the . :d, but trade failing h my sold its effects and

:ts. K Mjuenielin f -11 into the hamis of tlie lieutenant-
&lt;r, under hoin JicsuH i.-hip till a new and kinder master

him at liberty. Binding nothing tililus--

led with them till U iT J, sharing -.il)lee\

d home to Holland, and employed I are in writing a

:tions in the Antill- . adjoining n gions.

o\\i, 1 as De Atntricaent"

iael van alle de Rovcryt m JJumetuelycU Vrettht
he en " Roovers ^/xai^aenlcn in America

/,/ Hebbc*; Horn, UiTS, sm. 4 , 18&lt;-

i;ave lx?en so &lt; wholly or in part, or as a :

es and s; hut tlie ones used hare generally l&gt;een of merous

mish, published with nion- or leas raria-
:iwith ditto! iriginn.

- Mull U a 1 tter

568 FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

specimen, on coarse paper, illustrated with curious maps and plates, depict
ing battle scenes, burning towns, and portraits of leading captains, as Morgan
and L Olonnois. The title-page is bordered by eight scenes of freebooters war
fare and cruelty. Beginning with his voyage to the West Indies, Exquemelin
proceeds to depict the geography and political and social condition of the
islands, including the rovers retreat, and then relates their doings in general.
In a second and third part he gives special sketches of the different leaders
and their expeditions; and in an appendix are found some valuable statistics
for the Spanish possessions on wealth, revenue, and officials. The informa
tion is not only varied, but has been found most reliable. The English edition
was first published in London by Th. Newborough in 1699, under the title of
The History of the Bucaneers of America. The second and third editions of
this translation appeared in 1704.

Several of the buccaneers have become known to readers in special treatises
by their own hand, or by biographers, as Raveneau de Lussan, Journal d\m
Voyage, Paris, 1689; Dampier s New Voyage, London, 1697, and others, which
have also proved rich sources for compilers. To the edition of Exquemelin,
issued in 1700, Ten Hoorn added two parts, one being an account of English
buccaneer voyages under Sharp, Sawkins, and others, written by Basil Ring-
rose, who had also been a member of the fraternity, and had kept a journal
from which the first edition was prepared and issued in 1684. The second
part gives Lussan s Journal, followed by the Relation de Montauban, captain
of freebooters, on the coast of Guinea in 1695.

Ringrose s account furnishes some particulars not found in other buccaneer
narrators of the same expeditions. Though he disapproved of Sharp as a
leader, his statements may be considered truthful as well as fuller than those
of the other writers, all of whom corroborate Ringrose in the main points.
His narrative is also published in the above mentioned work, The History of
the Buccaneers of America, under the title of The Dangerous Voyage and Bold
Attempts of Capt. Bartolomew Sharp and others in the South Sea. It con
tains numerous rude cuts of islands, points, capes, etc., on the western coast
of America. Ringrose was killed with all his company near a small town 21
leagues from Compostela, in Jalisco, owing to the insubordination of his men.
Dampier, Voy., i. 271-2, says: We had about 50 Men killed, and among the
rest my Ingenious Friend Mr Ringrose was one. . .He was at this time Cape-
Mercharut, or Super-Cargo of Capt. Swan s Ship. He had no mind to this
Voyage, but was necessitated to engage in it or starve. The most important
other authorities for the history of this enterprise are Capt. Sharp s Journal
of his Expedition, Written by Himself, published by William Hacke in A Col
lection of Original Voyages (London, 1699). Sharp omits all mention of the
defection of the men whom Dampier accompanied across the Isthmus.

The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Earth. Sharp. London, 1684. The
author is anonymous, and was a strong partisan of Sharp, omitting much told
against him in other accounts and frequently bestowing upon him fulsome
praise. Many pages of the narrative are taken up by mere log-book entries
of the ship s sailing and contain no other information. Dampier, A Neiu
Voyage round the World. London, 1697-1709, 3 -vols. This writer touches in
his introduction very briefly upon Sharp s expedition because the World has

BUG - ,

and minir&lt;

99,

also only &lt;

hat time. \\ .vho accompanied D;

had been compelled to stay behin iceount of a severe

by ;ui &lt; of pui]&gt;ov.

Indians on the Isthmus. I

ie phy-i -al if ;i tares of the c&gt; r:i ,in&lt;l ceupa-

ti ami customs of the inhabitants. It

illu i of these latter, as wellaa a map of t :s of coast

lines.

A " -on of ( .11 Win. Ha.! (J99,

]_ , \\ itli some rinlf futs and map, contains among other uv

uml the &lt;;iol)c, tuu.-hiiig O-iitral .
As a sequel to these puhlieatii iis may l&gt;e name.l ./
the L lil , v of (he most Notorious 1

vhich was alle.l as a fourth volume to

1711 and later rdi;i"iis. Similar ci&gt;inl&gt;: or le.vs

t in (lillerent laniruair- a the i

. to the Ili.-iorii

The first thorough book on the subjret, 1 one

&gt;vhieh enters into the causes of the filibuster mov.

ill its &lt;sion in the Iv^inning of t

miral l .m-ne\ ! :al issue

of his L /&lt; &gt;ry of Disc

CHAPTER XXXI.

PANAMA.
1672-1800.

THE SCOTS COLONY THEY PROPOSE TO ESTABLISH SETTLEMENTS IN DARIEN
SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THE ENTERPRISE DEPARTURE OP THE EXPEDI
TION ITS ARRIVAL AT ACLA SICKNESS AND FAMINE AMONG THE COLO
NISTS THEY ABANDON THEIR SETTLEMENT A SECOND EXPEDITION
DESPATCHED ITS FAILURE CARTAGENA SACKED BY PRIVATEERS IND
IAN OUTBREAKS CONFLAGRATIONS IN PANAMA PEARL FISHERIES
MINING SPANISH COMMERCE FALLING INTO THE HANDS OF THE BRITISH
SEIZURE OF BRITISH VESSELS AND MALTREATMENT OF THEIR CREWS
JENKINS EARS DECLARATION OF WAR VERNON S OPERATIONS ON THE
ISTHMUS ANSON S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD VERNON S SECOND
EXPEDITION ITS DISASTROUS RESULT.

YET another phase of life and restless human en
deavor on the Panama Isthmus here presents itself.
Great Britain is seized by an idea, born of greed and
nurtured by injustice; and this conception expands
until it covers the earth, and until the good people
of England and Scotland are in imagination masters
of the whole world, which possession is acquired not
through any honest means, but after the too frequent
vile indirections of the day and the nation; in all
which the people of those isles give themselves and
their money over to Satan.

In June 1695 a number of wealthy Scotchmen
under the leadership of William Paterson 1 obtained

1 Paterson, the son of a Dumfriesshire farmer, was born in 1658. There
are no authentic records as to his early career. In Francis Hist. Bank of
En f /land, and Strain s Inter. Com., 15, it is stated that he went out as a mis
sionary to the West Indies and afterward joined the buccaneers. The state
ment is not so improbable as it may seem, for the freebooters while robbing
and murdering the Catholic Spaniard imagined they were serving God, as

(570)

WILLIAM I :;suV.

from the Sc. , p;irli

letters |&gt;;it-nl from William I i 1

plant colonies in A

uninhabited, or else\* hereby permission of ti
provided the territory ! l.\- a

iropean prince 01

\ ears in the Indies and lia&lt;i ,f

J)arien. Near the old s m.-nt of Acla he I
f und a port safe for ^hippiii
thence, on the other side of the Nthm
suitable liarlxtrs. T&gt; Malli&gt;hin _f * I
either shore, In- purposed In x ra-p iln- I \\li&lt;
llui-nj.i.: was supplii-(l with the prodii- lh and

South America, China, Jajian, and tin- J lulr
I .-lands, with Europ.-an g&x Fn.ni tin- 1-ihii
to Japan and pails of China was hut a
sail, and the products of A&gt;ia c-ould tin: land

Knrop&lt;,&gt; in i ai- l-ss time than that occupied l.y tii

of the India coinj ^1 r on tl

&gt;\\ of J)aricn, su^ar, indigo, tobacco, and o1
of value could he raised. "Trad. dd the pi
of the I tank of J lu^laiid, "will I v will

! money; the coinilH n-ial \\orld &gt;hall Iio

want work for their hand-, hut will rather
hands for their work. This door to the -id k-

to the universe will enable its j to !

be legislators of hoih world d the arbitrators .
coniineiv Tl -tilers of Dari-n \\ill aeijuii
iiobler i-nipire than Alexander or ( t

iati- iie, expense, or da; \v. 11 as withoui

rin-- the ,miilt and hloo&lt;lshed of COnqtK

raterson \\

both ]ivacher and ]irat- he may ha\ boil

and knai It was impo^sil. r him to hfl

ploi-e&lt;l the Isthmu- be claimed and n.t know t.

tlu: climate \\ ieadlv. and that to the \\ild hiu li-

&lt;li&lt;l ti lianl \vln-n lir j.lun n&lt;l sla

572 PANAMA.

lander, fresh from the cold north, the harbors of
Darien could prove nothing but pest-holes, breeding
swift destruction. As for the people who blindly
threw themselves into the adventure, they were as
sheep, and differed little from the human sheep of the
present day.

Spain had at least the right of discovery and con
quest to her possessions in the New World, even
though such conquest had been attended with cruelty
almost as great as that of the English in Hindostan.
The natives of Darien were never indeed entirely
subdued. Yet even according to the European code
of robbery it does not appear that Great Britain had
any more right to plant colonies in Tierra Firme than
she now has to establish them in portions of the
United States that may be infested by hostile Ind
ians. Nevertheless in the year 1699 when, as we
shall see, the scheme was on the verge of failure, the
English monarch, in answer to a petition from " The
Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the In
dies and their Colony of Darien," as the association
was styled, asking that "His Royal Wisdom be
pleased to take such Measures as might effectually
vindicate the undoubted Rights and Privileges of the
said Company, and support the Credit and Interest
thereof," replied, " Right Trusty and Well-beloved,
We greet you well : Your Petition has been presented
to us by our Secretaries, and we do very much regret
the Loss which that our antient Kingdom and the
Company has lately sustained." 3

"To prove," says a writer of the period,* "the False
hood of the Allegation, That the Province of Darien
is part of the King of Spain s Domains: It is posi
tively denied by the Scots, who challenge the Span
iards to prove their Right to the said Province, either
by Inheritance, Marriage, Donation, Purchase, Rever-

3 Id. , 53. It will be observed that his Majesty s ministers then as to-day
were not always very proficient in English grammar.

4 The .anonymous author of 1 A Defence of the Scots Settlement at DarienJ
Edinburgh, 1699, 3. His nom de plume is Philo Caledon.

MOM, Surrender, i ^

bheir ( laim l&gt;y th&lt;- Poi I

.
author of the perio thi

more the pleading of it, is a ridiculi
tring of Mankind; seein en on

L oman Pontills should 1,,- .
sors of St P . which as no pj
h.-lievo or COllfi-

i ound. nor do they think the Pontificans able to i

it : Yet this would invest them \\Jth no ri&lt;_dit of &lt;i

po-in-- the Kingdoms of the World as

and unto whom they will. r Peter i loatl

ih no such Power him-* If, nor havin

ided to exert such a .lurisdi-

Popes have had the- Vanity and Pi how could

he convey it unto, and entail it upon &lt;ti

quality and character of b his Sue Th,

and similar excuses, however sorrv, were all tha I
apolo - for the Sc- colony had to thus

ispinu at this territory. It may 1- aarked t!
the claim of Great J&gt;ritain to h .loni-

instances hased on discovery, and that !y all 1.

most valuaMe posseions liave l,e,-n u ;i at t

point of the sword. Might is ri
Six hundred thousand pound
fcerprise and the -mt was qui -1. in

land, England, Hambu nd Ai. iam. T:
set was a hold one, but the promise of -n&lt;

. ast, and as will he r&lt; iiieml
-i --an tic and insan- In Scotland B

the Mihseriptions summed up three hundred th
]&gt;ounds, an amount which ahsorhed aim
circulating capital of th All who poss.

idy money \enttn-ed at pan f it in i

enterpri- Some threw in all they had: others all

th- uld hoi-row. Maidens in -1 their portii i

Widows pledged their dw.

5 The writer of hf Scot*

alMnh Aony at L&gt;

574 PANAMA.

fifty or a hundred fold. In England half the capital
stock was subscribed for in nine days, one fourth being
paid in specie or bank notes, and the rest in bills pay
able on demand. The total of the subscriptions from
all sources was nine hundred thousand pounds, a sum
which at the close of the seventeenth century was
enormous even in the money capital of Great Britain.
Soon the success of the scheme aroused the jealousy
of English merchants, who feared that the commerce
of the world might pass into the hands of the Scotch.
William III. was at heart opposed to the scheme,
although he had granted letters patent to the asso
ciation ; and partly through his influence the contribu
tions in England, Hamburg, and Amsterdam were
withdrawn. Nevertheless, another hundred thousand
pounds was raised in Scotland, thus making up a cap
ital of four hundred thousand pounds sterling.

Permission was given by the crown to Paterson
and his associates to fit out men-of-war, to plant
colonies, build cities and forts, make reprisals for dam
age done by land or sea, and to conclude treaties of
peace or commerce with princes and governors. They
were also allowed to claim the minerals, the valuable
timber, and the fisheries in sea or river, and "in the
name of God and in Honour and for the Memory of
that most Antient and Renowned name of our Mother
Kingdom" the country was to be named New Cale
donia. The enterprise was under the control of a
council of seven, 6 to whom was intrusted all power,
civil and military. Paterson was of course one of
the members, but from all deliberations he was ex
cluded, and in the final arrangements for the fleet he

6 In December 1698 the company granted to a council constituted from its
members certain rights conferred on them by the Scotch parliament and con
firmed by William IV. In An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of
the Scots Colony, Glasgow, 1700, anon., 67, the full text of the declaration of
the council is given. This work was published in answer to a charge that the
failure of the company was wholly due to the Scots themselves, and especially
to the officers of the company. The English commons declared it false, trai
torous, and scandalous, and ordered it to be burned by the common hangman,
and the author imprisoned. The Scots were no less incensed and equally
clamorous for the punishment of the offender.

Hot !i;,],l,

an inventory of Mippli. dven I,

l&gt;ein&lt;_r r-iused.

The expedition had l&gt;een plann iii

keeping with the first sulseri[&gt;t: -id wa&lt; i

];n- and most COetly v th

out f &gt;r schemes of colonization in tin- N.-w \V..rld.
On the L f.tli of July L698 hund

amon.j; them three ImndnMl youths helm t f

&gt;t tiuiiilics of Scotland, and man;
ln--n di.^-har-cd iroin tin- Uritish annv aft. r tin- j
of IJyswirk, a&gt;s-inl&gt;lr&lt;l at tlic jiopt { L.-itli. A wil&lt;l
insanity seized the entire ] pulat ion of Kdinl.
tlicy now cam. forth to wii .n.

(Juai-ds \VCTG kept l)ii&gt;y holding hack tin- ea
]ii ants who, hungry i i- death, ] ;! in

throi stretching out tli-ii- arm- :i.-ir dfpa
countrymen and clamoring to be t i on !
Stowaways when ordei -d on shoiv rhuiu r niadly

rope and mast, pleading in vain t&lt;&gt; be allowed t -

\\-ilhout |&gt;ay on l)oai &lt;l tin, lie. Women sol.!&gt;,-d ;nid
-jed for breath; men stood unco th

ehokeil utterance and down. 1 invk the

blessinsr of the Almighty. r H: StAndr

i~^ C/

3 hoisted ai the admiral s ma and as a 1 wind

i&lt;&gt;-ht the sails, the roar of the v - multitude v.

^j 7

heard liir down the watei-s of the frit!

ahened, and aa ihe vesaela v. :-d.

cheer after cheer followed the highlanders, wh&gt; n-

le faivwell, most of them, a- it pr to

their native land.

riposition and lii^ h prices coin|

ship* only, cn &lt;&gt;f whi-h was soil l* f&gt;r- i

Sea, i Ifiw t

(litii.n. OO1 4 of tli - thn-t; ships, t: . the .S

1,. 1; Lumber of TMtek.

ith. M

i. Wi

i as to date ant I ]^&gt;oint of il&lt; 9.

576 PANAMA.

On tlie 4th of November, having lost fifteen of their
number during the voyage, they landed at Acla;
founded there a settlement to which they gave the
name New St Andrew; cut a canal through the neck
of land which divided one side of the harbor from the
ocean, and on this spot erected a fort whereon they
mounted fifty guns. On a mountain at the opposite
side of the harbor they built a watch-house, from
which the view was so extensive that there was no
danger of surprise. Lands were purchased from the
Indians, and messages of friendship sent to the gov
ernors of several Spanish provinces.

On the week following the departure of the expedi
tion, the Scottish parliament met and unanimously
adopted an address to the king asking his support and
countenance for the Darien colony, but no time was
lost by the India companies in bringing every means
to bear to ensure its ruin; and notwithstanding the
memorial of the parliament, the British monarch or
dered the governors of Jamaica, Barbadoes, and New
York not to furnish the settlers with supplies. 8 To
such length did rancor go, that the Scotch com
manders who should presume to enter English ports,
even for repairs after a storm, were threatened with
arrest. 9

A stock of provision had been placed on board
the fleet sufficient as was supposed to last for eight
months, but the supply gave out in as many weeks,
since those who had been placed in charge of the

8 Sir William Beeston, governor of Jamaica, issued a proclamation in keep
ing with these instructions on the 8th of April 1699, and similar orders were
issued by the governors of Barbadoes and New York. Darien, Orig. Papers,
42-6.

9 Up to this time the king had partly concealed his policy. June 28, 1697,
the council of the company complain to the king of the action of his resident
in Hamburg. Aug. 2d, the secretary of state replies that the resident has
been directed not to obstruct the company s negotiations. On the 28th of
September 1697 the company s directors complain that the resident has re
ceived no such order. July 22, 1698, parliament was besought to assist in
procuring from the king such action as would deter his resident at Hamburg.
An inquiry by the council, Jan. 13, 1699, is answered by the secretary of state
Feb. 7, 1699, requesting information about the settlement. Darien, Orig.
Papers, 10, 20, 34; confirmed in Darien, Enquiry, 26-33; and in pro-t in Mac-
pherson s Annals, ii. 666.

IX 1

Fishi .UK! tli-

th of ianiii suinin

iv became -fiiliii--. HIM! t!

tin .iniii :1, united with oth

ion "I, Hi,, sett! M -n-

tinually passing to the ho

iiid the survivors were only hror,

the fri* ndly services of the Indians. 10

M daily grew w- !th the A

ship despatched from Scotland laden \vith pi ovi
had foundered nil ( . Tin- Spaniai

I -rlinms looked on their &lt;T \vith c.inj.!

No ivli me nor any iidinu s 1 . .tland: and on

the L -Jd of Juno 1G9 ( .. less than . i-ht niontl
their in-rival, the survr . abandon t

btlement. Paterson, the iir.-t to r the -hip
Lei th, was the 1 go on board ai Oari^ ill with
fever and br j)irit, his misfori ,h-d

heavily on him that ho 1 L :l

the rest, lour hundred ju-ii-h

Mi-hr \veeks after Pal dej&gt;artui-e t\v&lt;&gt;

Jii-riveil from Sentland with amp] ! ofprovi

d three hundi\ (l iveruii I indin^th
New Saint Andrew ahaiulon
inaiea. 1 saving six of their numl&gt; !io ]

in on the J.-thnm kindly 1 d b] I

. and r they had lived there I :\i

to e salt ly 1

Not until 1 nionihs ai

t expedition did -urt of Spain ]

the iu\;: don of her temtoiy, Aixl no 1..

ild have been d d than to have th

&lt;!&lt;&gt; th rk; l&gt;r,t &lt;n the :d of M :al

-r full propl

11 I : , anl

i the sum

his losses in i n.

. AM., VOL. 11. 37

578 PANAMA.

was presented 12 to William III. by the Spanish am
bassador stating that his Catholic Majesty looked on
the proceeding as a rupture of the alliance between
the two countries and as a hostile invasion, and would
take such measures as he thought best against the
intruders.

Provoked by this interference, and as yet ignorant
of the fate of their colony, the Scotch soon afterward 13
despatched another expedition of thirteen hundred
men in four vessels. The ships were hastily fitted out,
and during the voyage one was lost and the others
scattered. Many died on the passage, and the rest
arrived at different times broken in health and spirit.
The dwellings of the first settlers had been burned,
the fort dismantled, the tools and agricultural imple
ments abandoned, and the site of the settlement was
overgrown with weeds. Meanwhile two sloops had
arrived in the harbor with a small stock of provisions;
but the supply was inadequate, and five hundred of
the party were at once ordered to embark for Scot
land.

In February 1700 Captain Campbell arrived at
New Saint Andrew with a company of three hundred
men who had served under him during the campaign
in Flanders. Intelligence had now reached the col
ony that sixteen hundred Spaniards lay encamped on
the Rio Santa Maria expecting soon to be joined by
a squadron of nine vessels, when it was proposed to
make a concerted attack on the settlement. Camp
bell resolved to anticipate the enemy, and marching
against them at the head of two hundred veterans,
surprised their camp by night, and dispersed them
with great slaughter. Returning, he found that the
Spanish ships were off the harbor, and that troops
had been landed from them, cutting off all chance of
relief. Nevertheless for six weeks the Scotch sus-

12 Winterbotham, Hist. If. S., 125, gives 1698 as the date of this memorial.
There is a copy of the original in Defence, Scots Settlement, 2, where the date
is given as in the text.

3 In August 1G99.

-A.

tea their \&gt;

ini Is,

.&lt;! In ! Spaniai A ur-

vita!. G

I on 1 ;!! I hi &gt; \

Nc-- York and tli . I.

ulalcd on condition t! irt

with tbeir effec but s-&gt; \\

1 so few in number that to

wri;_di the andior of tln-ir 1;; intil ;

iai OUsty - to thv-ir it

t\\&lt;&gt; of the vessels were lost; on drty 10 n
succeeded in reaching hoc
than two thousand lives and
the Scotch ulKin&lt;lo!K-,l further at: ts at
in Ticrra Firino. i:

While the Spaniard .; wer; 1 Ihn- an 1

encroachments in Darien, th&lt;^

in ^ ])rovince was &lt;-a; d l&gt;v lilihustc Tl

in 1G97. To l ) r(lro ({ 1 1 -ivJi i had be

1 532, as will l&gt;e rcinenil N va

A-idaliK-Ki; and there h: -en 1

of Carl which toward

had Income a iloiiri&gt;hi: :i iii. A 1.

dr- d lafrr ( larfa xt t" ico

anioi: &gt;rld.

hai ltoi-, &lt; in the

Jn it p d la; -cts, each n

&gt; sixth of a :ie in i 11 luilt

Stone, a eatlicdi al. 1 chu I BUI

ts and nunii . Its ] ; ly

lit; ,-t of twenty tho !iom ;t tin

t!i- i Span:

and i.;:il:ittocs. It- was stror, ;ro

signal March ill. IT
A lun i of the

am thaiiiv ; obaerred. tiobtes, Z&gt;iario,

in. :

580 PANAMA.

and art, and had to some extent superseded the cities
of the Isthmus as an entrepot of commerce between
the hemispheres. Here the pearl fleet called once a
year, an entire street being occupied with the shops
of the pearl-dressers, and here was brought, by way
of the Dcsaguadero, the sugar, cochineal, and indigo
sent from Guatemala for shipment to Spain.

Cartagena was therefore a tempting prize for the
banditti who infested the waters of the North Sea.
Drake s operations off that city have already been
related. A few years after the decease of that famous
adventurer it was laid in ashes by French privateers;
and now, in 1697, it was captured by a French fleet
having on board twelve hundred men, of whom seven
hundred were filibusters under command of Le Baron
de Pointis. The spoils of this raid were variously
estimated at from eight to forty millions of livres;
and yet it is said that before the capture of the
city a hundred and ten mule-loads of silver were de
spatched to a place of safety.

In 172G the governor of Panama gave authority to
the mestizo, Luis Garcia, a man whose exploits had
brought him into prominence, to lead the Indians in
a war of extermination against the French filibusters,
who still continued to devastate the Isthmus.

A brief but sharp campaign resulted in the death
of the French leader, the notorious Petitpied, and
Garcia, on his return to Panama, was amply rewarded.
The Cana mines proved too great a temptation to Gar
cia after his return to his home in Darien, and finding
that some of the caciques whose territory extended
to the Balsas Piver were in a state of mutiny on
account of grievances inflicted by the curates in the
name of the church and the king, he made a compact
with them to throw off Spanish allegiance, withdraw
their forces to the mountain fastnesses, and form a
government of their own. A rendezvous was estab
lished in the Cordillera, and Garcia, growing more

f.\.

r upon
1 &gt; !,- ir ! odi

opened in r town on the ri\.

th.-y kill. d tin-
Spaniaj ;m&lt;l all 1 be in&lt;li;i!
them: then they phmd.-ivd th . ) .

ry, &lt; i.iiv; otinued hU m until 1.

Mana, where h 1 th&lt;

" liation and slaughi r. 1 1 ul,

for the inhahitants h;id il,-d v, iih m- lu-

;iM -s. Garci a s men red the 1 u. hum
killed i Spaniard tht-y could raptmv in \

borhood.

news of the revolt li:il
, and seventy ])ickcd nn-n \vdl offl
11 si-nt t BUppr -s it. Ti ad otli
tlnvw tlio people of Dari. n. now num
thousand, into consternation, and

planned with I aiKima. A 1;. I I

lor th-- body of ( rarda, dead or alive: ;

la&gt;t hy the hands of a nc^ro. 18

Alihougli the J.^thiiius \ the
Span! t in Anici-ic :

na of 1 ; .1 i D wer

(llh-d. I he Sj anial d- htlilt
the Indian j into M itlnnrnt-. int

I the coa&gt;t with nx -n ar. hut all in vain.

in 1745 For! San Rafa 1 de ]
jyernor 1 )ioni&gt;i.. de A lc&lt; do -
bordered ly the river and In 1 75 I th

in^ out an oft ivp.-atf&lt;l th: i*

: old, and of th th^

und.-d mm aped.

eh: -idly Indians, v

massacred by the ( huruna&lt;|u A
in 17 r thi&gt; point, ai d

tlu- capital of tne provii.

18 A S., 1S- J1. In thU uuik the career and fate of Garcia

arc told.

582 PANAMA.

dence of the governor. In 17G8 the Chucunaques
slaughtered the garrison at Port Ypclisa, plundered
the place of arms and tools, and in the same year laid
waste the banks of the Congo.

Ten years later another extensive raid occurred;
but in 1774 Andres de Ariza, being appointed gov
ernor, dealt -vigorously and skilfully with the hostile
tribes. He discovered numerous secret passes and
well cut roads from their quarters to various portions
of the province; ho deciphered a system of alarm
signals, and. found a number of caves where the light
boats of the natives were constructed. By his efforts
the Indians were kept at bay or brought under con
trol.

But outbreaks among the natives and the raids of

corsairs were not the only misfortunes to which the
Isthmus was exposed. During the eighteenth century
the city of Panama was thrice devastated by fire.
On the 1st and 2d of February 1737 a conflagration
occurred which destroyed two thirds of the buildings;
March 30, 175G, a second fire destroyed one half of
the city; and on the 2Gth of April 1771 fifty -five
houses were burned. 1

While the people of Ticrra Firme thus suffered
many disasters at this period of their history, and as
we shall see later were frequently subject to attack
from the armaments of hostile powers, they appear to
have been remarkably free from the internal dissen
sions which prevailed at an earlier date. The un
seemly strife between the church and the audiencia
had now entirely ceased, and little worthy of note is
mentioned by the chroniclers. During the latter por
tion of the seventeenth century, and for the first few
years of the eighteenth, records as to the succession
of governors in Panama arc meagre. In 1708 the
marques de Villa Rocha was in power; but incurring
the displeasure of the audiencia, he was deposed in
June of that year, and confined in the castle of Porto-

17 This information -was furnished by the dean of the cathedral of Panama,

POLCT

1 i ] !

th , who I:

(he !

P ahoii; i In- \

]&gt;r f&gt;r a d ou of so

ter that it in ci;

.i Aleedo we learn that J
v h &lt;!&gt; 1 crfmen of 1 \ Lii

sue I to the gubernatorial :id r

J710, v/licn B rerrior of the Kin
arrive,!, and Or I an

In Juno 1711 Villa Elocha, bavins
and an opportunity of seizing tl

]H) ined to tl |ital ami [ir&lt;&gt;r];ti .-If

\-cni:)r. H : er v, , tort, I "! 1 \. iiliin t

lour liours Joso Hurtado tic A:

ainjio of tlio j-oyal forces, compelled him
and ho liimsolt took p- -u of tli-

diaii 1 , o cupyin^ it until 17h , hy wh u-h tit;
rendered hi] f so ol&gt;no\i bo th 4 ; !u that IK-

\vas ]-jino\-c d hy tlio Ivin r l l.

was then placed in the liands of the hi
dioc .nd the authority "( t

pt-ndrd. Following JIaya WO lind that 1)"

JOSd de Llan; Iliva 5, hi&gt;In j. of Tana:

tered tli- ^&gt;\ rinncnt l rm ; i of A ilia

Rocha to January 1719. AutluM- n

oi-dci- of ion of tin 1 dill 1 1

octod 1 ! prohahly tin* in

wi-itrr ini in-ins u- that &lt; rovernor Aldi-i-

:iunistratioii of J anain;! &lt;&gt;n th&lt;- \pril

1725, and that he \vas do] I and in

in 1730.

Tin- 8or &lt; ( f Al N

dia, niar&lt;j i - d&lt;- X illa 1 [ermoea, who \va

from the diip of ( ai !

of Panama. In 17

II,. . Ma In 1. Alctdo, Die., iv. 45; and I/aya, in Data*

para la J, UHX.I.

5S4 PANAMA.

given a generalship in the royal army of Spain, and
returned there with honors.

Dionisio de Alcedo y Herrera was appointed a few
years later with authority over all the fortified cities
which had been the objective point of the English in
the war which they had declared in 1739.

On the day before Christmas 1749 the governor
ship of Panamd was conferred on Jaime Munoz de
Guzman; but on the same day one appointed by the
crown arrived in the person of Manuel de Montiano,
who held the office until the llth of November
1755. Montiano was promoted to this position from
the governorship of Florida, and was a mariscal de
campo.

While engaged in geodetic surveys at the Isthmus
about this time, Ulloa had an opportunity of witness
ing the manner in which justice was bought and sold.
Matters had come to such a pass that the members
of the audiencia chose the most dexterous of their
number and empowered him to negotiate with rival
parties as to what amount of bonus they were respec
tively disposed to pay in consideration of a favorable
verdict.

Panamd, in 1758 had for its governor Antonio Gktill,
an officer of unusual merit, and one whose executive
ability was highly prized by the crown. He was pro
moted to the captain-generalship of Chile in 1761.
In the following year Jose Raon succeeded, and was
promoted to the presidency of Manila two years later.
In 17G4 Jose Vasco y Orosco became governor. He
died in 1767, and was succeeded in January 1769 by
Vicente Olaziregui, others acting provisionally during
the interval. Temporary appointments were made till
1779, when Ramon de Carbajal took charge, return
ing to Suain in 1786.

Until 1718 the three provinces of the Isthmus
were subject to the viceroy of Peru, but after that
they were incorporated with New Granada, the vice-

n OLD.

Jar wred with tli

all

:id t!

1 Tl. [ Hi-

diivrt i .iuni&lt; i \\ith

Hi ;ncil of the ln&lt;li&lt; An;
that institution nfi^ht ha\
lar^ -ly 1 &gt;;.

:it in&lt;

dinal

In 1 77-1 tin-re was* instituted at
uudi.-iieia chancillerfa, liavii;

]&gt;r&lt;&gt;vii!:o of &lt; !a tilla del ( )r&lt;. 1 . :

in-ov: "f \ I I ) TU as i

* __

]i&lt;&gt;. T I luenavisl :ul th i ri\ i.-n, i !.

try UD control 1 ^ bou

south liy that uiulcr the jui : ion of th
ot ( iraiiada and Quito; on tli

:iala ; and on the iiurih an ith ly th&lt;

It lias alr.-ady l&gt;eeu it lle

the sixteenth century the fisl j of the Pearl i

!) exliaustrd, and tl.

p. In ir, J7 the Ital:

ell .,-lli ( II ^anan

liis i- -&gt;ort the lish

tip aear ( leylon. 1 1

i i ^- l Fesuit ]riot that \v. 1 sixfy

for \\ hich the OV/IK r r fu

A.b -ut l! ^old-niin:

: . 1 on the l&gt;thim; \

.M-ially in il:
i I &gt;andon 1 \\

di .1. Th-- operatives w&lt;

mb . . \vho received tor tl.

an inch in y ruiuiU. It woa ob

., i. IX. \

58G PANAMA.

a certain amount of pay-dirt, and often pilfered gold
dust enough to make them as rich as their masters.
It was the delight of the negroes to give fancy balls
to their inamoratas, at which they would appear with
their hair glistening with golden trinkets, sometimes
sprinkling the ball-room floor with gold dust.

A slave -of Antonio de Sosa discovered a pocket of
gold which is said to have yielded sixty thousand cas-

3 i/ &lt;j

tellanos; and making this known to his master, was
rewarded with his freedom and that of his wife, and
presented with a house and lot in Panamd. and a
moderate income wherewith to enjoy his liberty. Of
a vagabond mulatto it is related that ho suddenly
reappeared in the church of Santo Domingo, and
attracted the gaze of all by a remarkably brilliant
rosary formed of large nuggets of purest gold. The
place of discovery was subsequently known as the
Kosario mining district. Among other nuggets un
earthed was one found at the mines of Santa Maria,
weighing, according to Dampier, a hundred and twenty
pounds. Instances like these might be multiplied,
but enough has been said to show the value of the
mines from which at this time more gold was sent to
Panama than from all the others in the Spanish prov
inces. As late as 1720 they yielded a handsome rev
enue to the Spanish crown.

The mines of Cana in the mountains of Espiritu
Santo were especially rich, and in the early part of
the eighteenth centur} 7 were so frequently exposed to
the raids of robbers that for a season they were aban
doned. In 1702 and 1712, at the former of which
dates the town of Cana contained nine hundred houses,
the place was sacked by the English; in 1724 by the
French; and in 1727 by the Indians. During these
and later years other parts of the Isthmus were sev
eral times invaded by corsairs, or by the armaments of
England ostensibly by way of reprisal for injuries in
flicted on British commerce.

In 1713 Great Britain obtained an asiento for sup-

;

i be ])i-ivi! 1) ()

a five-hu]

&lt;

pr c of Hi is 1!

! limit : 1

1 of five li; :

nearly double thai ipani d I

ilii tiler - 1:1; 8, \vhic!

ipplird I iv-li I

on N ; !i- larg r \ T!

in I the iair and i f tin- i

ed; D lually the inn:

the inci-clia! i Sovil! i the

rn $ th !" i he jri&lt;l- &lt;&gt;i

oi the natio: : k to iosigni ;t pr.
tli havin- li

ni IK- inin s and tin- ro^ In 171!)

an ii \vas ooade i r .:iin t hi- 1

in^ interdicted and inc
being --ivou lor doc ;n-

, 21
A.fter the treaty of Seville iidud -1 !

Sj);:iii and i 1, complaint

dcp;

on 1 Jriii di commerce in the \V T:

English of coarse retalial d. \Vh-

iards. i .-itisiicd \vith ]lnndcrinu- 1

.-hips, maltreated tin ir . . A s&lt;pi ur

joy

csr.ni:

peace \

wiiil\\ * *

limit t-

i! in tl
.iscation. i i &lt;-f tl

. : - . . -

588 PANAMA.

twenty-gun ships and two stoops was despatched to
the Indies, and accounts of the atrocities inflicted or
permitted by the captains of Spanish vessels were
continually brought by vessels arriving from the New
World. In 1738 the house of commons determined
to investigate the matter, and to ascertain the number
of ships that had been seized by the Spaniards, the
value of their cargoes, and the nature of the alleged
cruelties. An instance which was related before a
committee of inquiry appointed by the commons
aroused a feeling of resentment throughout Great
Britain. One Captain Jenkins, master of a brig
trading from Glasgow, stated that his craft had been
boarded by a guard a costa, that his crew had been
ill used, and one of his own ears cut off, the captain
of the vessel placing it in his hand and bidding him
carry it home to the king, whom he declared he
would treat in the same manner if he had him in his
power. Discredit was afterward thrown on this story;
but whether it were true or false it was at the time
believed by the commons and the people of England.
On the 14th of January 1739 a convention was
signed between the two countries, wherein Spain
agreed to indemnify British merchants for their
losses, but the Spaniards afterward refused to pay
the stipulated sum. In consequence of which, and of
the maltreatment of British subjects, letters of marque
and reprisal were issued by the admiralty in July of
that year, but not until October following was war
formally declared.

It was now resolved to despatch a strong squadron
to the West Indies 2 - 1 for the protection of British
commerce, and, in retaliation for the injuries inflicted
by the Spaniards, to attack Portobello. So strongly
was this city fortified that during a debate of the
house of commons one of the members stated that it
could not be captured with less than fifty or sixty

22 Letters of- marque were issued on July 21st, and Vernon s squadron
sailed on the 20th, touching, perhaps, at Portsmouth for orders.

, hap

" [ will forfeit my li I

ship Tii&lt; prompfh

Command

|n-&lt;&gt;ii rank of \ i

bh of July 1739. Touching al

in lor more land
i with

j men and : ,7&lt;&gt; guns; &lt;

( artagena, that tin- commander mi-_di
liis promise t&lt; eapt are i he shij ]\-.

( )n Hearing the I three Sj

hied and chased, hut i I tin

:nd B -hrh. heir supp

union of tin- f

At daybreak on tin- 2 &gt;f X- h

squadron entered the har!&gt;"r in line , Ic. \

lire was at 1 iVoni tin- Btroi

&lt;&gt;! the Spaniard-, known a^ tip [rOB ( ml

i iliis point \ . rnon dii 1 hi

// &gt;n Court, a vessel with 7o um 1 oOO i
the way, and. anchoring nlni&gt;t within
h of the fort, IH.K- for some iniinr wli-

int t,f the li- ht. Within half hour two oth

Is came into action, and BOOU

nf tli- 1&lt;- wall was hatld-rd down, win n f tin-

iiards ahand*&gt;ncil their .u lins and ll-l. *
he admiral ordered a liriif il rs

d a parl y of in;irin land aiid
.mil. 1 Ie then anrliored hi- &lt;&gt;v. n ship, I
within half a cable s I -n-M h of the &lt; i. in

erd-T to C tin- stoi-minu r ) u f ^ 1

rin reception, for i ] [ ]

hlank fire on the /

&lt; hie ahoi passed tln-.&gt;u- h t ina.-t. an-

sti-nek within incl f tli i tliinl

trough the bulwai

590 PANAMA.

to the spot where Vernon stood, killing two men and
wounding five others. The stern of the admiral s
barge was shot away, and a largo carronade on the
main-deck was disabled. But soon the flag-ship
brought her starboard broadside to bear on the castle,
and at the first discharge drove the Spaniards from
their lower batteries; then swinging round on her
cable she poured in another volley from her larboard
guns. The lire of her small arms commanded the
lower embrasures; the men meanwhile had made
good their landing from the boats; and soon the
white flag: was hoisted from the Iron Castle. Firing

o o

was continued until dark from two other forts, which
then guarded the harbor of Portobello, but on the
following morning the city, the fortifications, and all
the vessels in port were finally surrendered to the
English. 23

Vernon would not allow his men to pillage the
town 24 or molest the inhabitants; but ten thousand

23 Tho governor of the city, Francisco Martinez do Hctzcz, underwent
bitter humiliation if we may believe Sir Edward .Seaward, \vho was at the
timo a prisoner ia Portobello. Seaward and his friend Captain Knight had
been arrested on account of an altercation with the governor and for refus
ing to apologize to tho king of Spain for having ia the previous year released
certain captives imprisoned in Portobello. Both were ill treated, and when
they reported tho matter to Vernon the admiral ordered tho governor and
themselves to appear before him. I have no quarrel with Don Francisco
Martinez do Rctsca on my own account, said Seaward, but I have, and ever
shall have, a quarrel with him on account of the king my master, whom he
most grossly insulted by disrespectful words, in the presence of Captain
Knight and myself, What did he say ? asked Vernon. He first insulted Sir
Edward Seaward, by the most insolent and contemptuous behavior, replied
the captain, and when I remonstrated, telling him, that he should recollect
that Sir Edward Seaward was equal in rank to himself, holding honourable
commissions under the king of England, he replied, " I do not consider the
king of England himself equal in rank to me; for he io little better than a
Dutchman. You damned poltroon! roared the admiral, with all your
long yarn of hard names, what shall I call you ? Down on your marrow
bones, you scoundrel, and beg pardon cf the king our master, or I ll kick
you from hell to Hackney ! Tho don asked pardon of his late captives, but
would do no more. This would not satisfy Vernon, and throwing down a
guinea he grasped him by the neck and forced him into a stooping position,
shouting, There is the king s picture ! down on your knees, you black
guard, and ask forgiveness. The governor took up the coin and exclaiming
in a low tone, Yo he ofendido, laid it down again. This was considered a
sufficient apology. SeawariVs Narr., edited by Jane Porter, 3d cd., London,
1841, ii. 280-1, 290-2. The work was compiled from the MSS. of Sea-
ward s diary.

ai The crews of the guardas costas and other Spanish vessels in the harbor

The

;-tl l!i.- ilvM-t :
muni ,,1 aflx r l.I-.u \

i oi bo city. \ :i, boin

: I

ait ;

runry L740 :li of i

I liiv-shijis, bODQ

The ! i nvn/.o \vh :&lt;-h. it \. ill 1

1" re I, - bed In- ? m iu 1 (\7 1 ,

luilt l rtii h (l. V(

oy i; an 1 tin:

pa [ ii-jiu-; l;i( i

inlialiii !ii&lt;-h

julnii;-;:!, Don , had smi liiia \vh

a !;; ! of i:

:u&lt;l r&gt; 1 lh;d I

and d

Hi! Th

tlu- Hi 1 d i

shelling the ci dnri: :n-

liousc, the chui ll-

in^s w r l.ii.l in ruin.; ihoii^li 1

\-iia. Th

iill l)Ui

inittii]-- i tin- v

Fira

. ,

1740,

robablj

.^-.lintli

I J. la 1
iss: -Hlato

-t &gt;*

592 PANAMA.

About three weeks after the declaration of war
between England and Spain, Captain George Alison
arrived at Spithead from his cruise off the coast of
Africa and in the West Indies. He was placed in
charge of an armament consisting of six vessels with
1,510 men and 236 guns, and was promised a force of
infantry composed of several hundred choice troops,
the purpose of the expedition being to operate on the
coast of Peru, and thence to proceed northward, attack
Panamd, and capture the treasure-fleet.

In 1741 Vernon, who was now at Jamaica, was
placed in charge of the largest fleet and army that
had ever been despatched to the West Indies.
Twenty-nine ships of the line, with a large number
of frigates, bombketches, and fire-ships, manned by
15,000 seamen and having on board about 12,000

troops, were here collected for a descent on the main
land. Anson was directed to cooperate with Vernon
by way of the Isthmus; and had not these expeditions
suffered a series of reverses, caused in part by the
vacillating policy of -the British ministry, Spain s
dominion in the western w r orld might now have come
to an end.

But in place of choice troops a number of raw re
cruits were placed on board Anson s ships, the only
veterans being invalids; and the departure of his
squadron was delayed until the 18th of September
1740. After clearing the straits of Magellan they
encountered a furious storm which lasted for fifty-eight
days. The vessels were parted, and on the 9th of
June in the following year the admiral s ship, the
Centurion, arrived at the island of Juan Fernandez
with her crew prostrated by scurvy. Here he was
soon rejoined by two others of the squadron, and after
remaining a hundred and four days at the island set
sail for the coast of South America, sacking and
burning the town of Paita and taking several vessels,
by the men on board one of which he was told that
Vernon had been defeated at Cartagena. It was re-

j,t cm ;

furl! \

Manila, ;ni&lt;l c I in tl

Carded him and hi

il -rii This was a Spanish gall on having

l&gt;.&gt;ard nearl million ai d

thru B6t lii- i and an LD I ml

hy way of tin- ( lape of i

June 1 71 i. having &lt;&gt;&lt;-&lt;-uj,i,. ( l 1 ; ,1 ,,;

month- ill liis eirCUinnavii -ation. &lt;;

Aln-r his repulse at Cartagen

Jamaica, w] h- was BOOH reSnf . lv f-iir

war and three thousand t ,1,1

Kivjand. On the Dili of Maivh L742 1

Portobello, intrndin^ to proceed thence t - I

and eaptmv that On arrivin

lie found that Ihe rainy Season had air- in;

liis men sirk.-ned, and a council of war 1 h- -Id it

\v;&gt; i t . D t iii ii once nioi-,- t, . j|

he \\ .nii afterward ordered home, t

his forces n&gt;w in 1 in- hut a tenth |

nuinher that had heeii inti-i;

Thus in disaster ended an expedition

&lt;|u&lt; f an empire.

Notwithstanding th- &lt;1
the settlements on the North
laid waste that after L748 ti

lietwecn [ i and her colonies in T i irnje.-md

&gt;uth America jit l.y ( SoiTL

h of 11 to th 1

s \ver 1, ho\\ caT

liijis, ,-in&lt;l in 1 7*&gt; \ a i My i
tahlisli. r in:

w Soon nff- r Ar:- M l.-ft !
nn.i

loss of 3U&lt; ) man.

II. 88

594 PANAMA.

bello and Cartagena. A few years later restrictions
on trade were removed by international treaty; but
long before the close of the eighteenth century the
commerce of the Isthmus declined, and the road from
Panama to Portobello could no longer be called one
of the chief commercial highways of the world. Agri
culture and manufactures were neglected; the mines
were exhausted; and the trade which had for more
than two hundred years been the life-blood of Panama
existed no more.

CHAPTER XX XII.

MOSQUITIA, X! OUA,

Tin: SAM: MosorrriA TJIF.IR T

C. ; Kr

lli:iTi-H O&lt; vri V M -C.vi.vi./. C

ox TI:

v TO IA ;TIA - OK THE SPA

Oi: TO I. THE COAST- .3 OF N A

I m: KUITI-II \i\.\ I:AT; ; AT Fo

K BUT AKI: O io 1; i MATTKI^

Mi&gt;.-ioNAU- .0 TALAMANCA

Ox fcl &lt; i-H roast of and 1 1

lived in tin- se\ nth

long tliciiisiK

Mosquit UK :itly

pi ^l;al)Iy of c-iniai

were ruled [}y an hereditary k nr^, \\]
tory, ^-liun burr iirst \ in, \

ry limited c-xtrnt, lliiiM-h ill,- M isquito lai
which was identical with th&lt;

similar origin in the We&gt;t In&lt; ad in

j iVom ( a])0 Hondin

inland as JJlark IJi\. Tli. y \\
. and, as we shall lid hold tin

the Spaniard Their rhi,-f weap
and arrow, in the use of which i id that

men \v n.

d. often six feel in

t\\ ! bai-k. The arrow \ rd-

ed in the fire, and tipped \\ ith

596 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA EICA.

teeth, poisoned in the juice of the marizanilla tree.
They fought also with lances of cane, nine feet in
length, and with javelins, clubs, and heavy sharp-
pointed swords made of a poisonous wood. Their de
fensive armor was of plated reeds covered with tiger-
skins and bedecked with feathers. Toward the close
of the century the Mosquitos could put more than
forty thousand warriors into the field; they selected
as leader on each expedition the bravest and most
experienced of their number. 1

"The inner parts of the Mosqueto country are very
barren," states an Englishman who was in those parts
near the close of the seventeenth century and wrote
his description about 1699, "but in the woods near
the river sides, and by the great lagunes, are many
sorts of fruits, wild beasts, and fowls, in plenty . . .
Plantains, and bananas, . .they have plentifully, in
small plantations, in obscure parts of the woods, near
the river sides . . . Pine apples too . . . they have enough
of, and mammo, which last is a very sweet fruit . . .
and grows on middling low trees like apples. Saffa-
dilla trees, which bear berries as big as sloes, of a
yellowish colour, which are very pleasant to the taste
and wholesome, of extraordinary virtue,.. are very
frequent in their woods; as are likewise a sort of a
pleasing plum tree, which grows very large, and is of
a most delicious odour. . . Great Indian wheat, or mais,
they plant a little of to make drink with ; and likewise
some cocoa trees, . . but their laziness will not permit
them to plant much of the last, because they can
steal it ready gathered from the Spaniards, who have
large plantations thereof at Carpenters river, not
many leagues from them. Sugar-canes I have seen
growing in old king Jeremy s plantation, much larger
than I ever saw in Jamaica, but the Indians not know
ing how to make sugar or rum, neglect them . . . Pap-
paw trees which bear a sweet fruit, almost like a

1 For physical, social, and moral description of the Mosquitos, see Native
Races, I 711, this series; and of their language, Id., iii. 571-2, 782-90.

111!! hape- ;il,&lt;|

.oa-!lUt t plllll:

up and down n

\vl !&gt;&gt; i ruit h. down like

rich p Tl ume when dri -d. ;md th - I

gprow very plentiful MM \\\&gt;- 1, . , ;

in count: All UK ilesh

eat. . .the] i ly hunt in- . . .

ot fallow deer, like &lt;&gt;ur I

A\ hich haunt the inm-r &lt;id-s of th

Savanna. . .The mountain cow, whieh

r j"ilhu, is of the l&gt;i _rii&gt; i an I ,

old, having a snout lik- an l.-jhant and :

they hide all day in muddy
ind in the ni Jit swim
tl. . . War and ]&gt;i&lt; ilnnind ii ;

and are two sorts &lt;t Indian wild . havin

ir navels &lt;&gt;n their h;i . . . S-

mti v are pi \vrll &gt;tn-k-d with fowl-. . . A

&gt;H of fowl haunt their plantain v. . wh;

ih call (juawn. mil the 1"

thev are 11 small : t of Indian t

j.i^vons. . .and a BOlH of fat &lt; I i"^

monlv on th und. are p!-ntii ul enough. ..The

wood s are Bi I with a variel

most curiously j.aint.-d. which ar

1 n the fiv.-h water rivers thej I a sc

ailed Clishwaw,, .ami &lt;&gt;n tl mda;

i. . .They hav&lt;

mullets, silver-fish, cat-fish, cavalli
Bnappei w pere, SOUP ^ hij-

and levils. . .Their 1

re sometin .uml

the lagunes. . .bul are n

th Indian, wl

when he hath a prM&gt;j.ect of _ &gt;" J ;

I oaenacitisn: toap.

a shi .^jL7r.

3 -j .bout IM&gt; n *

598 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA EICA.

then, was a territory rich in natural resources, which,
though discovered by Columbus in 1502, was left un
disturbed by the Spaniards for some two centuries, the
reason being chiefly that no gold was discovered there.
The western or North American division of the coast
of Central America, from Cape Gracias a Dios to the
gulf of Uraba", was granted as we have seen to Diego
de Nicuesa, whose disastrous expedition to Veragua
has already been presented. 4 In 1576 the coast of
Mosquitia was conveyed by royal cedula to the licen
tiate Diego Garcia de Palacios, Captain Diego Lopez
being appointed by the licentiate governor and captain-
general of the province, and undertaking to attempt
the conquest of the territory at his own risk. 5 But it
does not appear that the captain took any action in
the matter, and the natives, cimarrones and Mos-
quitos, were left undisturbed until the arrival of the
buccaneers, who found in the intricate bays and wind
ing rivers of Mosquitia, many places well adapted
for the concealment of their liofht swift-sailing craft.

S^4

The head-quarters of the freebooters were at Cape
Gracias a Dios. Here they met to divide their booty
and decide upon new expeditions; and, whenever op
portunity offered, they darted thence like hawks upon
the galleons that were freighted with the riches of
Peru.

English settlements with which it was pretended
that the buccaneers had no connection were estab
lished in this territory before 1670, and by the treaty
of Madrid, signed at that date, the rights of Great
Britain were recognized. The seventh article of this
treaty stipulated that "the King of Great Britain his
heirs and successors shall hold, and possess for ever,
with full right of sovereign dominion, property and

Coll FOT/., yi. 309 ct seq., London, 1757. It is not improbable that M. W. was
a buccaneer, one of those who crossed through Honduras.

4 //i.s . Cent. Am., i. 204 et seq., this series.

5 There is a copy of this c6dula and of another one dated the same year
authorizing the audiencia of Guatemala to allow such a contract. Calvo,
Trades, xi. 19G-203.

1
1(1 ill

made ! &gt;s-

In 1G87 one of the M-&lt;|ui;&lt;&gt; dii

Jan- ill ord

"Bi;

1 from his ] ill d &lt; \es

I put on him, and dii ! to t

of 1 ie itly induced 1

: treatment to des&lt;-&lt; -nd, wl

t and a pi &gt;f writinu f umlt-r I
tlie governor dul&gt;l)iiiLC liim Ivin.LC "f Mosquitia.

tniili tin. 4 action of tin- JJri 1
lliis time admits of littl- excuse BO
1lic Spanish -ions in t!

of Jamaica connived at thr raids ,,f t;
\vo hav --en, Sir Henry M

, In-Ill hi ffice in I: all

\vlicn In* IXM i-irli ly

tin punishrd tli - ho did n&lt;t 1

a Bhl t thrir Bpoil Tli - gO

rhan-vd in oi dn 1 that Great. J&gt;ir

friendly ten ith Spain. lut. this measi

prevent the outivi \vhi&lt;-h i ii

] ! f\ ious cliap

After the coin-lu-i. ii .f tl
L697 We hear DO m-re of ]&gt;: in t:

ir thr 5&gt;laii&lt;l of San (
S] Tr, tt Ql

d Spain in 171: 1 -, 171 L, in t!

v.-hieh it v ^tipniat. d th; and

fcion slmul.l i :t ii S in i

I Jn. and that thr lim r ]

tci

GOO MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

sessions should remain as they were in the days of
Carlos II. of Spain.

In 1720 a treaty was concluded between Sir Nicholas
Lawes, then governor of Jamaica, and Jeremy, then
king of the sambos, whereby the latter agreed to as
sist the English planters in capturing runaway slaves,
the Mosquitos being provided with boats, arms, and
ammunition, and receiving pay for their services. 7
But the natives thus armed and equipped took advan
tage of their opportunity to make raids on the neigh
boring Spanish settlements.

The archives of Guatemala contain the report of an
alcalde mayor of Tegucigalpa, then resident in that
province, and made by order of the president in obe
dience to a royal cedula previously issued. " The
sambos," says the alcalde, " have plenty of vessels,
provisions, arms, and ammunition, for they are sup
plied by the English of Jamaica, who egg them on to
hostilities against the Spaniards. Their country is
also a place of refuge for the mulattoes, negroes, and
other evil-doers who flee from justice in the Spanish
settlements, and who give them information of the
Spanish plans, as well as join them in the execution
of their own. They have had the effrontery to call
their chief Jeremias, Rey del Mosquito. This man
gives letters of marque to his so-called vassals, who
ravage the coast from Belize to Portobello, keeping
the subjects of Spain, who traffic in those seas, in
constant alarm some of whom have lost their lives,
others their liberty, and others their property. These
people inhabit the region from the jurisdiction of
Comayagua to that of Costa Hica, always near the
coast. Between them and the Spanish settlements
is a cordillera, for which reasons they make their in
cursions by ascending the rivers. Their country .has
a width of some six leagues between the mountains
and the sea, the half nearest the sea being where

1 Mosq. Terr., Offic. Corr., in Mosq. Doc., CO-3. This treaty was ratified
by the legislative assembly of Jamaica.

. i

11) ieir culti

ter j

&lt;&gt;r in 4 li,

lit er l h

one house 1. ,1, tli

have tiinr i ,r ili Th -ir ]

tlement i lit t ! of thi

in ;i on, and 1: nd

liis principal men. Th tleni -nt i lv

/all, ;i moat , 1 id deep, and ,-

way that the apparent! irth

th of the unwary st ran-

1o\vn. There are hut two riitr.-in
and th ire known only to t!
iards who have U-.-n pri-on and to th&lt;

In this ivj)ort furthrr drprrdal !&lt;: nati\

arc ni.-ntionrd; and it is recommended th. di-

tions be sent againsl tln-m hv land anl ni-

nato the guilty persoi In L 7 E S iin

l)cin-_;- then at war, t be g&lt; &gt;1 --i-nur of in a 1

duke of Newcastle, es that t !

ahout a liundrcd i-ji-h-h in thu ti-ri- n
that they nii- ht lr us-d to iuri

iicral ii|risiii^ a^ain-t the S;..-iniard&lt;.
llohert. I lod json \v;i to that .

same year on a special mission, and \vinn!

uho kiii 4 and the leading in.-n ohtaine.l i

a cession of their terrifc &gt;ry and h

lla-_c on the slnn-e of Mo^.juitia

Ai .nd Yernon s &lt; -xpedit ions, which 1

been described, and the rei -ry spii

the natives prevented any inva&gt;in of

provin&lt; In 17 14 II M wa- appoint

teiidi-ni

ernor f Jamaica, and ti

w iv el 1 mounted with onh,

thus taking po lion of tl untr; "-

i-me gobre los Mo The r&lt; * copied from the

arclm .mala.

602 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA EICA.

iards never ceased their remonstrances against these

encroachments, and in 1750 threatened to expel the
intruders by force. Hodgson was then instructed to
represent that his presence was merely for the pur
pose of restraining the natives from committing dep
redations on Spanish settlements. This explanation
was accepted at the time, through motives of policy,
but still the depredations continued, and the disputes
arising in connection with England s policy in this
matter helped to bring about the rupture ended by
the treaty of Paris in 1763, wherein it was stipulated
that Great Britain should destroy all forts that she
had caused to be erected in the Spanish provinces,
including the Mosquito Coast.

When England withdrew from the military occupa
tion of Mosquitia most of the settlers still remained;
and believing that Great Britain would ere long
establish a provisional government on the coast, some
of them purchased lands from the natives suitable for
the cultivation of sugar-cane, cotton, and cacao. In
1771 eight persons joined in the purchase of a large
tract on the Policy River, said to contain gold, and
extending thirty miles on either bank. Two years
later a number of miners were set to work, but through
their misconduct, as it is alleged, the venture met with
poor success.

A new system of administration for the British
settlements in Mosquitia was framed by Lord Dart
mouth in 1775, and put in execution by Sir Basil
Keith, then governor of Jamaica. 9 Hodgson was
ordered home, and in 1776 Colonel Lawrie took his
place. The new superintendent found the natives and
settlers greatly agitated on account of the seizure by
Spaniards of an English vessel on the Black River, 10

9 A council was appointed of which the superintendent was president, a
court of common pleas, and justices of the peace. Mosq. Terr., Off. Corr.,
app. iv.

10 In January 1775, an embassy consisting of Young George, son of the
Mosquito king, Isaac his brother, and two Mosquito chiefs, arrived in Eng
land. Their main object was to obtain redress for wrongs inflicted upon
natives in the interior, whence free men were being continually carried oft to

ra TJ

604 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

and the attitude of the latter toward the sambos and
their allies. The colonists were in a dilemma, for the
Spaniards hated them, and the English government
gave them little encouragement. 11

In March 1782 Matias cle Galvez, the captain-
general of Guatemala, left Trinidad with a flotilla
well manned and equipped, for the avowed purpose of
chastising the men of Mosquitia, and driving the Eng
lish from the shore. Galvez had chosen his time well.
After the disaster of 1780, which will be described
later, the English had left Black River in a defence
less condition, and in the April following a detachment
from Trujillo had scattered the few remaining colo
nists, pillaging and destroying their settlements. Soon
afterward Superintendent Lawrie returned to Black
River, with the remnant of the settlers, much reduced
and in precarious health. There were stationed at
that point twenty-one regular soldiers, according to
the English official report, besides settlers, negroes,
and several hundred natives. They were ill prepared
for defence, being short of arms and provisions.

The Spanish forces advanced from the southward,
with 1,350 foot and 100 horse, and from the westward,
with 1,000 men. A line-of-battle ship and a frigate
came to anchor in the river and under a heavy fire
landed 500 men. The day after these vessels arrived
Captain Douglas, who commanded the English militia,
spiked his guns and while in retreat was captured by
the Spaniards. A council of war was held and it was
resolved to retire to Cape Gracias a Dios, which point
the British and their allies reached in safety, though
suffering severely from sickness caused by want of
food and clothing.

the slave markets. On their return voyage they narrowly escaped capture
by Spani&h cruisers. After landing the passengers at Cape Gracias, a Dios
the vessel proceeded to her destination at Black River, and was seized while
at anchor in the roadstead. Id.

11 In 1777 some of the principal settlers sent to England two assorted car
goes of sugar, rum, indigo, bark, sarsaparilla, tortoise-shell, and other
articles. The sugar on board each vessel was refused admission at the cus
toms. Id.

I d 1

Trujitt

tin- riv&lt; Tl ind

-ition on
\vlio roamed the hbori

n&lt;l cut &lt; if i ing ] I

1 currents rendered &gt;upj&gt;!
Moreover, heavy rains had

]aah! At ;i council July I nth it \

solved on abandon! I unl

of t he month. J }

numlu-r of veterans, ui

rea&lt; bing tin- J Jlack IJiver.

ther cncoui jiuv.l by \ he D .lit

\ esa ! \ - lyi: I "I rujillo
]iv&gt;i(luiit to op* in their bcha;

T! &lt;-isivc naval victory of th
J^ivnch in A]&gt;i il cnaMc&lt;l tin- -j .liral

naica to turn their attention tot!
A -!:iall sfjuadnm, with a detacl ir-

iiislicd \vith arn; .unitioii, ]

])! P tlic nati .

the 17tli of An arrived ,-it (

the purpose of the expedi

tiers and natives in

n. ighborbood of the ; k \l\- ?nl

tin- superintendenl at the head

and i.
\v days for an i tin- Sj.;:iiian;

r rhe armament ^ail&lt;-&lt;! from -th

of AUL u -t. C el 1 &gt;e-ianl iii conn
th. ih landed at Plantain

join, d by a nmnhrr of free u

ighborhood, and l.y ( iin Juhn (
uith al.out !.")() volui

comp
fri:

606 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA PJCA.

carried Fort Bailing, which was defended by a like
number of Spaniards.

On the 29th the entire body, mustering about a
thousand men, advanced to the bluff at the mouth of
the Black River, and the next day encamped on the
banks of the lagoon opposite the enemy. The Spanish
commander then opened conference with Colonel
Despard, which resulted in a capitulation, and his
men, though numbering more than seven hundred
regular troops, surrendered as prisoners of war.

In 1783 a treaty was concluded between England
and Spain, in which the former agreed to abandon all
settlements on the Spanish continent; but England
would not concede that the Mosquito Coast was in
cluded in this definition. 13 Hence disputes arose; and
three years later a supplementary treaty was nego
tiated, on the first article of which it was distinctly
stipulated that "His Britannic Majesty s Subjects, and
the other Colonists who have hitherto enjoyed the
Protection of England, shall evacuate the Country of
the Mosquitos, as well as the Continent in general,
and the Islands adjacent, without exception, situated
beyond the line hereinafter described, as what ought
to be the Frontier of the extent of territory granted
by his Catholic Majesty to the English."

In article II. certain territory in Yucatan is ceded
to the British, of which mention will be made in its
place. 14 Positive orders were soon afterward sent to
the settlers to depart from the coast. Most of them
obeyed, 15 though slowly and reluctantly, a few only
remaining at their own risk, and carrying on a trade
with Jamaica, principally in slaves.

After the treaty of 1786 the British government
held no further relations with the natives of the Mos-

13 While the treaty was under discussion it was a vexed question whether
the term Spanish or American continent should be used. It will be remem
bered that the surrender of Cornwallis occurred during the preceding year.
ir The full text of this treaty is given in Castellan, Mosq. Question, 52-6.

35 The number of English settlers, with their slaves, who left the Mosquito
Coast, was 3,550. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol, 2da ep., i. 393-400.

GO A. : ;

&lt;juito ( until Spain had lost 1
( lentral An* . 10 M

attempt.- I

mal. tit establishments in M

without success. . (&gt; tli :r

la :it on ] Jla-k Iu\vr. and d the S]

iards from thuir s!

Of Hiairs in Xirara^ua during the fi^h* li ce;
;ry little need l&gt;e sai The admi: s of

l &gt; al)lo dr L&lt;&gt;yala, the first govc-rnor of \\
any r- I 17 during this period, and of

Camargo, were in itiul. To Ca I

Jose Calvo de Lara, and in 17 Jl appear- name
Sebastian de A y Sasi, \\lio \

in tin- inllov/in^ y^ar l&gt;y Antonio i

]o&gt;in-- liis lii r during an insurrection of tl

In 17 Js r l\&gt;ni;is ])ii(jno dc K

oilicc, and in 17:50 J&gt;aiioloinu Goii.

1 714 Josr A. La&lt; .! J Irion- -in [ and

in 1, MelchorVidal de Lon-a y \Yllriiu \ i\,

adi; Vt.-rnor. 19 In an tl5-5al

apjH name of Colon 1. on J

ruler.

Among the governors of Ki- ua in this pcri&lt;
was Alon.so IV-rna d 1 1&lt; r&lt; dia, ma

of thf royal arm; As to the ] ri-

ti-s diil rr. Juarros n; &gt;ns 17GO ,

1 J that : port of the guardian of i

16 ^ ftf-r the dcj-nrturc of

i lirir i.
1 1 - y t .
also sent to M&lt;

l &gt;\.

becamea
. .

. iu /

. ! / !

i \ ;

.t nan
t, or Lynch was mistaken.

603 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

sionaries alludes to him as acting in 1747. 20 Domingo

Cabello was governor in 1766, as appears from the
audiencia s book of sentences of December in the fol
lowing year, and Manuel de Quiroga in 1780.

About this time was an eruption of the volcano
Nindiri at no great distance from El Infierno de
Masaya. In 1775, when the outburst occurred, a tor
rent of lava rolled into the lake of Masaya, destroy
ing the fish and heating the lands adjacent so that the
cattle perished. A brigadier of the royal army, named
Jose Estacheria, was made governor of Nicaragua
in 1783, and ruled until 1789, when he departed for
Spain. He was afterward appointed governor of
Pamplona, and eventually president of Guatemala.
The last governor to whom reference is made in the
eighteenth century was Juan de Ayza, probably he
who defended San Juan 21 during the attack of the

British under Poison and Nelson, which will be men
tioned later.

The Desaguadero had in 1727 twelve military sta
tions along its winding course of nearly one hundred
and twenty leagues. Among these was the castle of
San Juan and Fort San Carlos, which -had been cap
tured and restored. Fort San Juan was built at a
bend of the river, and could command it from above
and below. The hill upon which it stood was steep
and rocky, and it could be approached only on one
side by a narrow tortuous path. Through this port
flowed the commerce of Nicaragua with Europe and
the West Indies. It was made a port of entry by
royal order of the king in February 1796, and by a
cedula of the month following regulations were issued

O c5

for furthering the settlement of the adjacent country.
In 1769 the English, with an armament of tw 7 o thou-

20 He had previously governed in Comayagua, Florida, and Yucatan, and
V,TIS promoted from the governorship of Nicaragua to the presidency of Gua
temala. Juarros, Comp., 269.

11 His name occurs as the officer in command in Barroeta, Relation sobre
Mosquitos, 5, no. 34.

;TA. coo

id fifty v Dpi c.l tlic capture of

S;in ( Ytrlos, v, hi&lt;-h tl
futnr.- opt-ralio] Pedro &lt;! I I-n

in tlic tin atli, and

S6( vital- But his daught- idrn

i t at once issued orders from
chamber for the defence, and th-n placed ]&gt;. at

tlic head of the Spanish troops. Ins]
^ mien, the garrison fotlgnt with

nong Spaniards oi that day, and ivpul&gt;ed \
ants with loss, the governor s dau
with her own hand the two last cann* tot at 1
discomfited British.

A few years later the English govern
on an expedition inst Nic;, ia, i
sti ilo- a blow at the po\\vr of S}&gt;ain in th- i
]; r possessions, and control the communicatioi

u the two OC The ])lan of &lt;

finally arranged at Jamaica in .January 1780.
was purposed to capture Fort San Juan,
sion of the Desaguadero and Lake X i] &gt;y

ities of Granada and Leon, and thus sunder t
Spanish provinces of Central

nl.j.-i-t in view WBfl 1 he ca[)tui of t

route for an interoceanic canal, a project tlu-n to

the heart of the .Kn lish nation.

The British force consisted c;f at 1
hundred men, 22 including thiv regim of the li

and a party of marines, tin- latter 1- -in-

mand of Horatio Nel . theD a j&gt;" I ol al.out

twenty-three years, hut &lt;&gt;iu; who had already

of of the qualities which ai terward rai&gt;cd him
the fore-most rank among naval COtni Ti

] jiglisli ])roceed d up the 1 :iiad in 1-

ountei ing many diiliculti (hi a small islai
named San Bartolome,- : in a portion . ,m

27 Tho num 1 a diary of 17SO, rcpriiitocl i , Bol. Oj

April 27, 18o7, ] i -&lt;.H).

HIST. CUM. AM., VUL. II. 38

610

MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

where the current was swift and shoal, a small garri
son had been stationed and earthworks erected,
mounted with a few swivel-guns. On approaching
this spot Nelson leaped from his boat, followed by a
few of his men, and though sinking ankle-deep in the
mud and exposed to a hot fire, captured, or, as he ex-

NELSON S AND POLSON S EXPEDITION, SAN JUAN.

presses it, boarded the island. Here the English
remained for a brief rest, and the future hero of Traf
algar narrowly escaped being bitten by a poisonous
snake, and afterward suffered severely from drinking
the water of a spring into which poisonous leaves had
been thrown. The English were now joined by
George King/ a Mosquito chieftain, and a large
number of his subjects, together with several English
smugglers. 24 The Mosquitos proved invaluable allies

24 Four hundred Mosquitos, and the smugglers brought several pieces of
cannon with them. Nic., Bol. Ofic., 29th April, 1857, p. 7.

ILL-SUCCESS OF T! ;i. Gil

id but for their 1 . and ;

prohab! :&gt;h would 1. man.

Two .1; Mln capti; B

expedition arrived b Fort San Juan,

advi-ed an immediate assault lievii could

Tied, hut hi Major .F.,hn I

led oth&lt; &lt;Q. Next day the Engli iiill

in rear of the fort , threw up hat

Nelson was now . 1 with a violent attack

of dysentery, and was compelled t&lt; r turn to Ja-
where he arrived in such weak condition that h&lt;

(1 on shore, life being saved only through skil

Dili

After a siege of ten days tl s surrendei

the garrison being allowed their liberty and permir
to march out with the honors of war, and
being furnished to convey them to any port of Sj

America that might be agreed upon. Tl on

of the .Kn^-lish V io\v very critical, and they found
it impossible to proceed farther. The rainy season
had be^-iin and brought with it malaria and deadly
ie-. Tlu-ir force was soon decimated and tl,

condition was distressing and helpless in the exti
There were not strong men enough left to huild a
hospital. It became impossibL n to hury tl
with decency, and many were drojped in the ri .
and devoured by carrion bird Lon-vr -
impossible, and a i is ordered of all the

-ed in tli \p-di(i(jn. Kxclusive of the M
(jiiito contingent, only three hundred and ar

rived; and of Nelson s crew of two hundred, only
livi-d to return. 26 Thus ended the lir- .ipt of the

i in In - .\cn-aphy thus ni&lt; his sh \&gt;e-

diti i January I7 v &lt;&gt; t " aj

1 Miami tin- sea pa i

will tr!l yi ii &lt;&gt;f jny &lt; its; lm\v I (|U ata

. Avhirh

|&lt; .i. It v. ill ;

allowed t! -t of tl. i the

h.it 1 i &lt;* *

in-i|..-il .
16 In : /. hk-li - navy

612 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

British to gain a foothold in Nicaragua, and to obtain
possession of the route for an interoceanic canal. 27

During the eighteenth century fifteen prelates are
recorded as having occupied the bishopric of Nicara
gua. Diego Morcillo was the first; he took possession
in 1704, and in 1709 was promoted to La Paz. 23
Bishop Benito Garret took charge of the diocese in
1711. He became involved in a turbulent controversy
with the audiencia of Guatemala, and was dismissed
from office on the 4th of July 1716. On his way to
Spain he was ill at Pedro Ursula, and died the 7th
of October. In 1718 Andres Quiles Galindo, a gradu
ate and afterward a professor in the university of
Mexico, was on the eve of departure for Europe, as
pro ministro provincial, when he received his nomina
tion to the bishopric of Nicaragua. He did not live
to reach the diocese. 2 A native of Leon de Nicaragua,
Jose Giron de Alvarado, was consecrated bishop of
this see and assumed the administration of its duties
in 1721, but died within the same year, his successor
being Dionisio de Villavicencio, whose decease oc
curred in 1735. In the following year Domingo
Antonio de Zataram, precentor of Pueblo de los An
geles, was chosen bishop of Nicaragua, and was con
secrated in Guatemala the 5th of October 1738.
Isidro Marin Ballon y Figueroa, an honorary chaplain

attached to that expedition was invariably from thirty to forty days before it
attacked the new comers, and I cannot give a stronger instance than that in
the Hinchinbrook [Nelson s ship], w,ith a complement of 200 men, 87 took to
their beds in one night.

27 Statements differ as to the losses of the British. This expedition cost
the English 5,000 lives and 1,000,000. Ar6valo, Col. Doc. Antig., 174.
Three million dollars and 4,000 men. Nic. Gac. Sup. Gob., 92, Les Anglais
fnrent obliges de se retirer honteusement aprfes avoir perdu 4,000 hommes et
de penBe plus de trois millions de piastres, selon le te"moignage du colonel
Hodgson. Belly, Nic., i. 30.

28 Nic., Cor. 1st., in Cent. Am. Pap., iii. 322. News of his appointment,
was received in Mexico Nov. 2, 1701. JRobles, Diario, iii. 332, 495. It is added
that he resigned the office and no allusion is made to any promotion.

Alcedo, Die., iii. 325. It is simply said: He did not go to his diocese,
in N. Esp., Breve Resumen, ii. 387; but in Nic., He was elected in 1727, and
died in the city of Seville while preparing to embark. Correo del Istmo, in
Cent. Am. Papers, iii. 322.

PACIFICATION OF TIIK

of ctor of tl
AJcdnl

ind died in ] 7-; In !i \\

iin" ! the ;t cathedral &lt;! L-"ii, which had

pi-d thir ven 3 &gt; in its c :id &lt;

live millions of pesos. On Hi I Jallon, IVdro

A in Moivl de Santa Cruz, d-an of Cuk-i. \

I. In 17r&gt;L and l 752, be i
of his dioce.- !i nioiii i ;i;i

of y part of its wide domain, pr

in. d confirming wh ir In He w^

ul tiT promoted to the bishopric of Cuba.

Jose Antonio Florcs de Rivri-a, a nat -f Du-
raB Xuw Spain, veiirrahlo in id distin-

L;-ui&gt;hod in scholarship! was elect &gt; the cpisci
of Nicaragua in 1753. J Ee was consecrated wi
p&lt;&gt;mp May 1, 17."&gt; 1, in the citv

on his du in February 1755, amid&gt;t i

! the people, for his reputation i indli-
id charity had pren-drd him. But
s short-live* I ; lie died in July of the ioll&lt;
year; " he nig succeeded hy ^Tateo d- Navi;i
]ios, a native of Lima, and the latter hy Ju A il-

ehes y Cahrea, dean of the cat! d of Xirar.
\vlio was in charge of the diocese until his d in

1774.

In 177.") Estdban Lorenzo de Tri I

to tli&lt; , and remained in that p -n until 1783.
]Ie lal lously in his can- During ! l-

niinistr;

i pis were made to pacify the (Ju; but N ait

ss.

In 1750 Father 7, ;ir-

pose of exploring thi 11 followed th&lt;

80 . in /

7, !_ I::.

it is &gt;;ii.l: the

bcr 17

614 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

chain of the mountains of Tilaran, " the country of
many watercourses," to say nothing of the many volca
noes, 31 and braved all manner of hardships until he came
to the great plains beyond, where he spent several
months, and reported the existence of more than five
hundred houses and gardens occupied by the natives.
In 1751 the guardian of the Franciscan convent at
Esparza communicated the information received from
the padre to the government of Costa Kica, and being
instructed to follow up the discoveries, accordingly
set forth with several comrades, but the party lost its
way and came near being starved to death. In 1761
were captured in the mountains several natives, whom
the chroniclers describe as of a mixed breed, and who,
when taken to Esparza, revealed some knowledge of
Christian doctrines. The many conjectures to which
the circumstances gave rise were soon to be explained
by the fact that a native of Tenorio, who had qualified
for orders, came under the displeasure of the bishop
and fled to the country of the Guatusos. There he
lived and died, not being permitted to return.

The cura of Esparza and the friar Zamacois then vol
unteered for the work and took the captured natives as
their guides, who led them into the forests and there
deserted them. Father Tomas Lopez in 1778 made
another attempt to penetrate the country. Setting
out by water from the island of Ometepec in Nicara
gua, he proceeded to the Rio Frio, entered it, and
ascended the stream until he reached cultivated gar
dens and plantations. But the moment his attend
ants caught a glimpse of a raft, evidently manned
by the Guatusos, they turned the boat and fled. In
vain did Lopez threaten and implore; he could not
even prevail on them to allow him to land alone.

In 1782 Lopez, accompanied by Friar Alvarado-of
Cartago, entered the country by way of Tenorio ; but

1 Not mentioning the lesser ones, 10 large volcanoes came in the following
order: Portuga, Rincoii de la Vieja, Heridenta, Miravallos, Cuecualapa,
Chenorio, Pelado, Buenavista, Chome, and Aguacate. Nouv., Annalcs de
Voy., cli. 9.

ox Tin; i;i&lt;&gt; FKIO.

tift wanderic md 1

- of Lak

mouth of th . io. President Galvez, co it

IT to make a su&gt; of tl,

:it count r;. plain Brizzio f&gt;r tha

r. I 1 int.il

Lumber of fishing canoes and i :

ids; Ijut it does i r that I m-

ion with the Guatusos tin
Jjishop Tristan, when informed of Brizz:

iied for and was granted two with

which to follow up the latter plorntion. Oi
; li of February 1783 the prel and 1.

I the Frio. On the foil ath day tin
d in a secluded and shaded bower &lt;&gt;n tin- banks of
the river, three iish&lt;. rin-n of good
uho at the sight of them at &lt;nee threw a

ns, and e\ t their bo

arrows, and took to lli^iit. They \\
Lopez \\;ith cries of }&gt; and good-will in tin- 1

^ua- e of the island of Solentenaini, hut h-
heard, or if so v. d.

Th . condudi. ;iat. a t&lt;.\vn culd n

ant, and that a few would be less lil

alarm than if the whole party came in

it a small boat forward contail
!M Alvai-ad ml Corral. Tl; -ooii ]&gt;

e\ i of populous hi iw (i ; the

]-iv c a raft on which u; ilh

plantains and })i t\ a til

The Indian landed in I

1 to extend as fa !i. L&lt;

5 i .ll.)wi-d him, aded I y a m rvani and th:
natives of Solentanami i ad as i N

sooner had tl ore than tl.

apjuared upon tin- lank of the ri\ ud

and peculiar outcri. &lt;. \\hicli &gt;on In- dd

iiiiml nati wrho, witl

to dischai rrows at the padre and h .

616 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

One of the interpreters was wounded, and, overcome
with fear, plunged into the river and swam down the
stream. The missionary lay down in the boat and
made signals of peace, which were unheeded. The
padre then advised his attendants to leap overboard
and escape, which advice, nothing loath, they followed.
Lopez then rose, crucifix in hand, and presented him
self defenceless and alone before the crowd of assail
ants. The attack ceased, and in compliance with his
signs of entreaty a number entered his boat and
escorted him to their village. The companions of
Lopez, who had fled for safety, observed these pro
ceedings from a distance, but as they were soon after
pursued by a party of the natives, they continued
their flight.

The wounded interpreter had in the mean time
reached the boats left by Lopez a little lower on the
river, and reported that the latter and his compan
ions had been attacked and killed by a multitude of
natives; whereupon the party hastened down the
Frio to inform the bishop of the catastrophe. They
accomplished in three hours a distance which had
taken a day and a half when rowing against the stream,
and the bishop and his associates decided to return
immediately to Granada. The morning after their
retreat, the attendants who had left Father Lopez
and witnessed his movements toward the village, hav
ing seized an abandoned canoe, overtook the bishop,
and somewhat calmed the excited party by their dis
closures. It was decided to continue the retreat, how
ever, and Fort San Carlos was soon reached. The
commandant immediately applied to the governor of
the province for aid to attempt the rescue of Lopez;
but it is not known whether the request was granted,
or what became of the padre. No further expeditions
were attempted and the matter remained a mystery.
Who the Guatusos were, and how they lived; what
their religion, language, customs, and whence derived,
none knew, and it seemed as though none were destined

TI! LAMAXr C17

Tli t no o

fc bo?

within their domain. A

&gt;nari ;id ll.
!lt in ; this in.scrutable r

&gt; of &lt;
J n 1 784 Juan Felix do Villeg

ippointcd bish&gt;p of Niear; . hut v

inoi [bishopric of Gu

when Juan Cruz Ruiz do Cabanas y C

pointed his successor, bat while ]

lertrdtoth of Guadalajara. The L
tlio century in this diocese An;

Huerta Caso, who by ; iop

in Guatemala May iM&gt;, 1708. 33

Resuming the narrative of the j .cation of the
Tacamancans in connection with the rXjH dit i&lt; -us whi
I in the subjugatioo of tlu-i.
anciscanfl the Iradin in all that v.

Tin dven, althou &gt; the colle J in (Guate
mala it liad lxv!i iirst , &lt;1. li

had in L502 a civilization of tli- ,, and in

a civilization imj d by tl
1702 revert a. barbarism h la&lt;

f the first and the grace of the s 1, \vit
iy compensating ei it. The close of the n-
ntli century 1 th( it of t

Franciscan missionary college at Gnat
tli-. in 1G94, under the direction of L

82 iut thoOuatusosareof \ tn-k,

Imtiit: know-: iy of their origin than waa tho casi

t&lt;&gt;llo\sr
t hat tho C!

ith tho intention of &lt; . but without. ig a

of tho Roy.i

1 \v;i.- an hoi. -Voc.

y iu Pup. I ar., no. -I,"), p. 1.

618 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

proceeded Francisco de San Jose and Pablo de Re-
bullida to the territory of the Changuenes. Andrade
and Benavides returned to Guatemala from a brief
visit of inspection in 1G05, and through the guardian
of the college made the oft-repeated demand for a
military escort. On the 31st of March a council of
war adopted the system put in force half a century
before in Vera Paz when dealing with the Chols and
Manches. Fifty soldiers, with Captain Noguera as
governor, accompanied the fathers to Talamanca.

Francisco Bruno Serrano de Reina, who was gov
ernor of Costa Rica in 1704, does not appear to have
acted with much alacrity in the matter, and the
guardian Arrivillaga reported complainingly to the
audiencia on the 4th of April 1707. 34

Many of the Talamancans were gathered into set
tlements; 35 but none the less insecure w T as the posi
tion of the missionaries; their danger so increased
that Andrade started for Guatemala to beg more
adequate protection than the remnant of an escort
left with them. It was too late. While the ques
tion was being discussed in Guatemala the Talaman
cans rose in revolt, burned their churches, tore down
their dwellings, and killed the friars and the soldiers,
the latter but ten in number. Rebullida s head they
cut off on the 28th of September 1709.

On the 20th of May preceding this catastrophe a
royal cedula ordered the conquest of Talamanca, with
a view to improve the communication between Guate
mala and Costa Rica with Veragua. 36 Lorenzo An
tonio de Granda y Balbin, the governor of Costa
Rica, reported to the audiencia the massacre in Tala-

34 He was accused Feb. 4, 1704, of carrying on commerce with foreigners.
He was afterward lieutenant of royal officers of the province, and then
maestre de campo by decree of Aug. 31, 1716. Palaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii.
172-3.

35 Father Andrade, in a letter of Nov. 16, 1706, says that they gathered
from Urinama 41, from Cavecar upwards of 700, from San Jos 336, and 150
others. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 30-1.

30 Similar cddulas were issued Sept. 1, 1713; June 16, 1714; Aug. 6, 1717;
Dec. 20, 1737; May 21, 1738, and afterward, showing the importance attached
to the matter. Bejarano, Informe solre la Talamanca.

cia

.-I in ce w!

dlih ! a

nt 01 1 Iy the j

himself rcc of two hun&lt;

mad

:ii J
the enen ry, win-re tiny intiv.

s. T killed many of the Talain,,
1 ot! . l&gt;ri; :i tlieui over

divd prisoners of all ages and Loth T!

utterly roin and tln-ir &lt;
tried, sentenced, and uted n in

It.

In 1719, in a report on the condition of
y to of Spain, Governor dc la II

Costa liira ^ays: "In i the

and maintenai ! missions \vhieh ha
pi-iinaiy ohject in 1 ni(|Uest of T

had Kviidniie &gt;inc; tin; massacre of &gt; c

precautionary measures had be- in L

of n narii

The ]iecllcts did not 3 poli

e and neglect to ] &gt; Hi

. and petitioned the king for the
nt of a snitahl - garrison and the

S] 11 settl- P&gt;y wl

,d par; from the mou of

:ica at sundry times i tt 17 1 1 7 i .

tin- prcs. of inis&gt;iona from
In r -spouse to the petition of th - Eleo II
kin- , k lula dated Septdiihrr 1, 17

eon\ L junta of s

familiar with Talamai:

^ny of them I 10 rest remain e&lt; I in the sn

ned as go

l&gt;OBses&gt; go vet ;

iu 171 v 1-1

G20 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

by majority vote plans for the occupation of that ter
ritory. The junta, which was not held until the 9th
of September, 1716, consisted of the president of
Guatemala, the oidores, royal officials, two Kecollets,
and a representative of the revenue of Cartago. The
Recollets advocated the planting of mission stations
protected by a garrison. The rest of the council
favored the establishment of a military guard of fifty
soldiers, and the removal of fifty families from Car
tago to Boruca; it was a compromise measure, but it
carried the votes.

The fathers were discouraged. The town chosen
was without the missionary field, and the force named
inadequate to effect subjugation, and needlessly strong
for a simple escort. But the arrival of a new presi
dent, Rivas, and the disastrous earthquake of 1 7 1 7 in
Guatemala, crowded such matters from view.

In a report dated the 14th of March 1723 Hay a
tells us how. from the 16th of Februarv till the 14th

March, there had been rumblings beneath the city of
Cartago, as if from the rushing of subterranean rivers,
while the volcano of Irazu kept open jaws, and belched
forth billows of smoke. The sulphurous exhalations
well nigh stifled the people alike on the slopes and
in the valleys. Sheets of flame illumined the sky by
night, until miles of the horizon were brighter than
in the glare of day. Tied -hot cinders and scorise
multiplied in volume until the waters of the neigh
boring stream, river, and lake were turned into seeth
ing mud; the city was strewn with burning dust; and
buildings were loosened from the trembling earth.

Costa Rica, if we can believe Haya, was the poor
est province in all America. The only currency was
cacao; silver was never seen, and the name for aught
its people knew might have been adopted in derision.
Officers were incapable and stupid; the people quar
relsome, chimerical, and unruly. There was not in.
all the province a physician or apothecary; nor even

]! r,

.i 1 arl Oi lly

I &lt; ro the nyuntanr come 1

Ihe &lt;&gt;ii! &lt;-ify of ;

11 ii or thi

had : in M-nd I.) Spain t

: ntment confirmed

&gt;f the settlements in Costa Rica ii
been irremediable but for 1 .rp j

judi-i by Haya. 40 His successor, J

co de VfJaer] , ina report to the &lt;
neral of Guatemala in 1732 containing a
]v\. iation of the condition of affairs. The g&lt;
^crib(s liiinself as fulfilling the functions of
ratln-r than those of a governor, as there wi\
single person in the province capable of writi;
Offices remained vacant, because the ] of t

intry did not allw of chii-f r&lt;

; in the j&gt;laza in a coat. If the erec*
rt Matina, then in progress, was t&lt;&gt; pr

Vv oiild have to be sent out, as the onl\
iamiliar with sucli work was an old Indian wli&lt;
]&gt;roprr business it was to ir roofs, and in-

rtunatdy liad just clk-d of the small-pox. 41 T .
durin-- ih 1710 the province ^s ed

. who cari ird off, as was tin ir custom,
&lt; Tup &lt;f cacao, and such sla\- &gt;uld lay 1

upon.

e military force stationed in Costa L about
tin- middle of the eight-.-nth century was litti

of one thousand : and y&lt;-t the maui-l

t the pn&gt;vin&lt; ire unab!

thori Th- administration of j ha&lt;l .

ni.l hiscncourag &gt;f trade and agri

utry was not po&lt;. eecapt

spoiling \&gt;y sambos and corsair*.

G22 MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

Judges did not dare to impose, nor governors execute
sentence upon criminals. 42 Even the forms of re
straint disappeared. Yet officials were numerous
enough. The governor appointed on the first day of
the year 1740 five lieutenant-generals, one each for
Cartago, Esparza, and Matina, and two for the valley
country, invested with civil and criminal jurisdiction,
besides four alcaldes, an attorney -general, and an ad
ministrator.

After 1746 we have no reliable records as to the
succession of governors in Costa Rica until 1773.
In the former year Francisco Fernandez de la Pastora
was in power; 43 in the latter Joaquin de Nava. To
him succeeded in 1779 Jos6 Perie, and then occur in
the order of their succession the names of Juan Fer
nandez Bobadilla in 1780, Juan Flores in 1782, and
Jose Terci in 1785.

42 During my sojourn, 1752, two notorious prisoners, after sending threats
of punishment to their captors, freed themselves and disappeared. No steps
were taken for their recapture, even the governor expressing relief when no
more mischief was done. Morel de Sta. Cruz. See also Nic. and Costa Rica,
MS., 3-4.

43 He is referred to in the Caaderno Historial de Misiones. Palaez, Mem.
Hist. Guat., ii. 173. According to the same authority Navarro was governor
in 1748, but according to Lynch, Relation Punctual (1757), MS., 3, Pastora
was governor until he lost his life in 1756, being slain by Mosquito Indians at
the mouth of the river Maya. In the reports on missions in Talamanca,
brigadier Luiz Diez Navarro is mentioned as the governor of Costa Rica in
1748 and Manuel Soler in 1759.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

LIZE.
1G50-1800.

Bn IN- YUCATAN- THF. Pnunm

: TINO G&lt; UOA Oi . OF

TIIK WOOD-CUTTXRS &lt;H v-Ti: . BY

TIII: flovF.u.voR THEIR Si
TIIKV I:I:TIM:N iv STRO
TIIF.M Tin-: Woon-crm DZB 1 ; ! ;.&gt; TIIKY ARB

IES OF

TIIK I OF A LATER TREATY

ACHMKNTS 0]

NOT the \-;ilu;il &gt;\]* &lt;

l)iicc;i! during i on 1

uiisli m$in were the quantiti &gt;od wlii&lt;-li

r&lt;&gt;und dc; at c&lt;Ti;mi jniints &lt;ui tl

Yii -.-it.-ui , iii(l I loiidu: I Udii illi 1

&lt;&gt;f tlh ir l;i\vlrss ])ursuits. tlir nnn- indu
i-&lt;-i;dlv tin; Kn- lish, tun: i to I

&lt;-u liijuni-nt of lyr-\\ id inal

and with tliis nl.j. tl-ni-

co; of these two pro vie Tin* ni)&gt;t of

_ thosi in tin- lay "f r l"- : riiiiii

1I&lt; i- they P maincd ior many I yiiiLC tli

industrial pursuits with o- &gt;nal inciir&gt;i

surrounding country, or ati on the Span

M 1 ^ whicli plird 1" i! ( anij id \

X(i--hhors BO dangerous could n&lt;.t 1.

and, as soon as riiviu rinittt &lt;1. i ri-

ties of New Spain took u.

-cutt dully r d the man

lions Bent a- ain&gt;t thuin, not unfrequentlv r-taliati.

624 BELIZE.

by laying waste the Spanish settlements, until about
1717, when they were finally driven from that part
of the coast and their establishments destroyed.

In the latter half of the seventeenth century that
portion of Yucatan bordering on the bay of Honduras
was abandoned by Spaniards, owing to the destruc
tion by pirates and Indians of the town of Bacalar. 1
Its henceforth isolated position, together with the
ruggedness of the surrounding country and the num
berless reefs and shoals on its sea-coast, made it pecu
liarly fitted for the haunts of the buccaneers. One
of these, Peter Wallace, a Scotchman, landed with
some eighty companions at the mouth of the Belize
River, and erected on its banks a few houses, which
he enclosed with a rude palisade. His name was
given both to the river and settlement, and subse
quently to the whole region occupied by the English.
By the Spaniards this territory was variously termed
Walis, Balis, and Walix, and the word became finally
corrupted into the present name of Belice or Belize. 2

The district was rich in dye-woods and mahogany,
and wood-cutting soon became the chief occupation
of the freebooters, whose numbers had gradually in
creased. With the same object, many Mosquito
Indians had also settled in the country. The bucca
neers w r ho were driven from the bay of Terminos also
harbored in Belize, and after attempting in vain to
retake their settlements finally settled there.

The existence of the piratical establishment of
Wallace and his companions was not discovered by
the Spaniards until the beginning of the eighteenth
century. In 1725 Antonio de Figueroa y Silva was
ordered to expel the English from Yucatan, and for

1 An account of the abandonment of this town has been given in Hist. Max. ,
this series.

2 Peniche, Belice, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da e"p., i. 217-9; Pelacz,
Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 136, 140; Stout s Nic., 258. Squier, Stat. Cent. Am.,
575-6, states that the name was also said to be derived from the French
balise, a beacon. This he is disposed to accept as correct, since no doubt
some signal or beacon was raised here to guide the freebooters to the common
rendezvous.

11 i KDITIO

tliis purp appointed

i afl rI, in ob

from ii. In 1 tin- ruin- d town "I" !

it was a! lied, ami

f &lt;&gt;rt which h&lt; risoned with forty-five i T!

iort r .ated on a ! &gt;f t li- nain 1 o&gt;n-

nected with tin- hay of i :,lc

river, was t i utii

To i perinan iiey it was &lt;

tin- town. The want in Yu&lt; . h,,\\

compelled tin- iran-: f a c

nds, tin- iir&gt;t portion &lt;! which did i

mtil scvci-al \ i-. 4

Mwliilc ^-nvrninr I- i^iifi-na ].

tinns for a coinliin.-d d land expedition

Mu;.rl!&gt;h It-iiM-nts, wliich, it was ImjM-d.

-ult in their conijil.ic tlOIL Aj&gt;jri--d

thi !i, the wood-cut 1 Hi/li/.c i! .ly j

]&gt;ar nninrd i

intrepidity i-cs&gt;l\-cd to anticipate the S:
invading their territory. A 1 ton- [ndi

Ava- ob I tVoin ]\Ios(|uit: id an lition de

spatched 1)V to lisioll i

important t &gt;\\;i .,! r l ih&gt;uco. Hie iii nt

encountered, named ( Imliuhu. d.

but &gt;ng 1 arrived with a 1, :id

drove them 1&gt; to tln-ir \ with

Tli it induced Fi _qi. to h; piv

, in S&lt; !., /. ng

t on it i, \vhi \vaa

1 in 17

&gt;na,

.
.i to

oonj

Ilisr. i II. 40

626 BELIZE.

rations, but it was not until about the end of 1732,
or the beginning of the following year, 6 that the ex
pedition set out for Bacalar. The land force it would
appear numbered considerably over seven hundred
men, 7 but of those who went by sea no mention is
made. Arrived at Bacalar the troops embarked, and
the fleet sailed in the direction of Belize.

The wood-cutters in the mean time had strength
ened their fortifications at the mouth of the Belize
River, mustered all their available force, and were
said to have received aid from the governor of Ja
maica. Their number at this time it is difficult to
ascertain. According to the report of a Spanish mis
sionary in 1724, there were at that date about three
hundred English, besides Mosquito Indians and negro
slaves, these latter having been introduced but a short
time before from Jamaica and Bermuda. It is equally
difficult to ascertain the extent of territory occupied
by the wood-cutters at this period, for although pre
vious to 1718 their settlements extended between the
rivers Hondo and Belize, 8 in 1733 they were appa
rently confined to the course of the latter river. 9

Figueroa s plan was to land his troops on the coast
at some distance from the mouth of the Belize, and
while the fleet engaged the attention of the enemy
by a feigned attack in front, to make a detour with a
land force and fall on the rear of the town. This

6 Sierra, Efem&rides, says Belize was attacked February 22, 1733, and in
liis Ojeada sobre Belice the same author states that the expedition was formed
and carried out between 1726 and 1730. Lara, Apuntes Histdricos, gives no
date. Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 223-5, follows Sierra,
but gives a copy of a letter from Governor Salcedo to the king of August 7,
1736, in which 1733 is given as the date of Figueroa s expedition. Ancona,
Hist. Yuc., has accepted the date given by this letter.

7 Sierra, Ojeada Sobre Bdice; Lara, Apuntes Historicos, and Peniche, cited
above, say that on his way to Bacalar Figueroa was joined by the colonists
from the Canary Islands ; in which statement they are followed by Ancona,
Hist. Yuc., ii. 415-17. This is evidently a mistake, as the letter of Salcedo
already cited shows that even in 1736 but a portion of them had arrived.

* Pdaez, Mem. Hi*t. Guat., ii. 140-1.

9 Salcedo, Carta, in Soc. Mex^Gcog., Boletin. 2da e"p., i. 225-G. I repro
duce here A Map of apart of Yucatan, or of that part of the Eastern shore
within the. Bay of Honduras allotted to Great Britain for the CuUiny of Log
wood, iii consequence of the Convention. Signed with Spain on the 14th July
17SQ. By a Bay -Man.

WOOD-CUl

fill. f .r wlii rly

aitiii _r tin- ;ij)j h of i h ; iddei

aj)])c;nvd in tln-ir ) ;m&lt;l ;ii tin -in v. h h

Pl.Pluli|tut

p 1:0 \ i N &lt; or

Mahogany Land

YXm,. ,

y t RlwrY
Xuyuun

inij) inv-ity i hal pite tin ir I ith

irlv nil its &lt;lri cii&lt;l&lt;Ts \v,-i- \\ithin tlnvt- hours in i

hands of the Spaniar&lt; Having destr \\-\\

and i oriiiicati and all o[ \. i the

628 BELIZE.

river, and seized or destroyed the vessels and other
property, the expedition returned. 10

The Spaniards were greatly rejoiced at this success,
but their joy was short-lived. The wood-cutters soon
returned w r ith reinforcements and a strong fleet, reoc-
cupied their former settlements, successfully resisted
all subsequent attempts to expel them, and, as we shall
see, the English government afterward extended over
them its protection. In 1736, after various unsuc
cessful efforts to dispossess them, the governor of
Yucatan proposed to the Spanish crown that a strong
fort be erected at the mouth of the Belize River to
prevent the passage of vessels, but this suggestion
does not appear to have been acted on. 1]

In 1739 war again broke out between Spain and
England, and, compelled to defend their coasts from
a powerful English fleet, the Spaniards desisted for a
time from further operations against Belize, although
the determination to regain their territory thus usurped
had not been abandoned. Peace w 7 as declared in 1748;
but it was not until two years later, in a subsequent
treaty, that the commercial relations between the
two countries were settled. The damage caused by
Figueroa had in the mean time been made the subject
of diplomatic negotiations, and though no definite
understanding was reached, the efforts of England
appear to have been limited to the protection of her
subjects from molestation in the bay of Honduras,
while the Spanish government continued secretly to
adopt measures for their expulsion. 12

In April 1754, a formidable attempt was made to

10 On his way to Mdrida from Bacalar Figueroa was seized with illness and
died. On the 10th of August 1738 Lara, Apunt. Hist., affirms that at the
demands of the English government Figueroa was reprehended by the crown
for this attack, which so mortified him as to cause his death. This version is
accepted by Sierra in his Ojeada sobre Belice, and also by Peniche, in Soc.
Mex. Gr.oy., Boletin, 2da e"p., i. 226-7, but as these statements are mentioned
by no other authority and are discredited by Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 419-21,
I am disposed to reject them.

11 Peniche, in Soc. Max. Geog., Boletin, 2da e"p., i. 222-7; Sakedo, Carta,
in Id., 2-25-6; Ancona, Hist. Y-uc., ii. 413-22.

12 Peniche in Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bolelin, 2da e"p., i. 228-31.

Tin-: woo;.., r; a

expel tin- w&lt; An expedition

(hv&lt;! men Y .j/,.,1 for this purj

( hiatemala, lut np-!i

and difficult march. th-v \\ met l&gt;y 1 . liu:

ul fifty .f tin- Kii .di-hand rni| I. T&lt;

. have been the In
i leli/e fr several

I hiring tl vni \ war in Europe, which b

in I 7.") .. KiiLi land, in her endeavors to indi Spain

join her a^ain-t 1 Yain- Fered am-

feo evacuate th i:il&gt;lishniciits mal- l&gt;y li ;il&gt;-

jects in th- hay of Honduras since October L 748, in
cluding Mosquita, ail of which had Ix-rii inad- th-
suhjrrt of con i] &gt;la i lit. This does nol II- ;ly iinpl

rtain Spanish writers would hav&lt;

.Mii- laii l tlicr&lt; !y acknowledged th- ill-_i ality &lt;&gt;f

w&lt; i-i^ lit to occiijiy tl.

Iinh-cd, it is di-arly cvidrnt that Knidand rui-
sid r- d, &lt;r pretended to consider, that IHT siil)j--ts in
Ui-l:/.- liad acquired tin- ri^ ht to cut and ship &lt;1
woods and mahogany in t\\\&lt; and otln-i- di-tri-

will lout molestation, for in the subsequeni t with

Spain, in 17l&gt;:\, Jiltliou;_i-h a :n_u r to demolish "all

i ifications which IHT snl)ji -t s ma
in the bay of Hondu and other plac

i-itory of Spain in that jiai t of the world." Kmi land

insisted upon the insertion of a &lt;-lau&gt;i- in the t
\vherchy the cutters of log- wood wen tranteedthe

lit to (-.,111511110 unmolested tln&gt; cuttii: d &gt;hip-
pin^ of the same, and the erection of the n. iry
buildings lr this purpose, within those distri&lt;

This weakness on the part of Spain. ihnt. d to

the incapacity &lt;! IHT coniniissi. HH r, the inar|ii-

13 g

11 / !-4.

\" S U M

- s.-un intjuiota.lo-; ,, m .lestados c&lt;

, r .ir y

- ! ti a estc

i!n].c.iiiiii i las casas y alma-

para si y [&gt;ai &gt;, L ccutU TraiU 1.

G30 BELIZE.

Grimaldi, though apparently a simple relaxation in
favor of the English of the law which excluded all
foreigners from the Spanish colonies, was virtually a
recognition of the right of the English to occupy in
definitely a portion of her territory; and though not
explicitly surrendering her sovereignty, no limits
were fixed to the encroachments of the wood-cutters,
nor were they in any way made subject to the Span
ish authorities. Thus the way to future complica
tions was opened. 16

Soon after the ratification of this treaty, the English
government commissioned Sir William Burnaby to
proceed to Belize, establish the limits within which
wood-cutting was to be confined, and draw up a code
of laws for the regulation of the colony. This he
did; and though we have no information as to the
limits fixed, for many years the Burnaby Code, as it
was called, formed the only laws by which Belize
was governed. The establishment of limits, however,
availed but little; for, emboldened by their previous
success in resisting the Spaniards, and encouraged by
the protection of the ^English government, they grad
ually extended their wood-cutting operations beyond
these boundaries, and carried on smuggling to the
great prejudice of Spanish commerce. In consequence,
the governor of Yucatan forbade all communication
between Belize and the Spanish settlements ; required
that all persons settling in Belize should present a
permit to that effect from either the English or Span
ish government; expelled the wood-cutters from the
coast district of the Hondo River, and ordered that
all wood-cutting should be confined to the region lying
between the Belize and New rivers, and not farther
than twenty leagues from the coast.

As a result of these measures the business of the
wood-cutters was injured, as they claimed, to the ex
tent of one hundred and eighty thousand pesos. In
the latter part of 1764 a demand for the satisfaction

16 Peniche, in Soc. Hex. Geoy., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 235-6.

BIVAS i ir.

&lt; r Spa
nor Yucatan !&gt; rep]

that t h permitted i i urn to &gt;

I loud-. River diM ri&lt; Th&gt;- I-!: glish mini
1 that war would l&gt;e tl. nit it I

-I : l iit after ,-i proi raci d &lt; &gt;rr&lt; - j&gt;nd-

ence h&gt; .1 only in ohtaininir permi&gt;Hon for :

return oi tli itter listricts from which

they li.-iil IK spelled; ,-iiul the &lt;-l;iin;
t utui-. tement, to the long list of thoi

]M-ndin;^ be1 n tlir two u-&lt;)\- i-nin&lt;-iits. 17

During tin- iH \t fi\ there i&gt; no cvi&lt;l( :

that the WOOd-CUtterfl were di&gt;turl)rl: 1-ut in 17,
\\ nr lia\ in^ Itrokcn out alr-sli iM-twcm Spain

England, the former determined to profit }&gt;y tin- . .p-

portunity to ;_rivo the final Mow to tlio .

til-- 1-1 !^li&gt;li s&lt; ti Icincnts in II.T tcri-itMi Ju tli

n- J )on Eloberto lii\ .-^ \ icur, 1 1. .tly ap-

inted governor of \ u-atan, in accordance with

(tructi ;m to organize an f\p,-dition agai

1 i&gt; liz . llacalar ;i- before lM coniiii 4 the 1 ..

at ion Tli- od-eutter on intornifd ! i

declaration of war, and made all lia&gt;t- to f.rtil v the

mouth of the Belize 1 1\\ - ad ." K

wliieh lies directly opposite. N"t content with

they (h lcnninrd a- ain to anticipate the Spani.
eapturin-- IJaralar. wlii-h ever since i -li-

, had i-e-. U ded as a Mandin^ inena.-e to i i

\\ In this, however, they v. disappointed;

for 1 ti\ as. infoi ined of th&lt; ir ily

rani/eel a force of some t; hnndivd men. and

procuring canoes and piraguas ha d &lt;&gt;n i ) Bacalar.

r ri. -ti^li his men \\ juip] he p

ded against the 1 ji--li&gt;li ; and having dir.
in the Hondo K di&gt;triet, and captured an&lt;l

he London Gnzfttt of
it luwl received a ih

;ng tli- Yucatan.

C32 BELIZE.

armed three small vessels, he sent a strong force
against St George Key, and captured the fort with
its garrison.

Further operations were prevented by the sudden
appearance of three English vessels of war sent by
the governor of Jamaica. The Spaniards had barely
time to escape with their prisoners and prizes, the
latter including many small craft. Proceeding up
New River they drove the English from this region,
destroying over forty establishments, and inflicting a
loss on the wood-cutters of more than five hundred
thousand pesos. At this juncture reenforcernents ar
rived for the wood-cutters, and Rivas was compelled
to abandon their territory ; but in consideration of the
important results accomplished with so small a force,
his conduct was approved by the Spanish crown. 18

The sixth article of the treaty of Versailles, signed
September 3, 1783, defined the limits of Belize and
the rights of the wood-cutters. The boundaries now
fixed as unalterable w r ere the Belize and Hondo rivers,
the north-western boundary being almost a straight
line between the two rivers so as to pass through the
source of New River, the south-eastern boundary
being the coast. The navigation of these two rivers
was to be open to both nations; certain places, to be
agreed upon by the respective commissioners, were to
be marked out where the wood-cutters might erect
all necessary buildings ; and it was provided that the
foregoing stipulations should not be " considered as
derogating in any wise" to the rights of Spanish sov
ereignty. All. English subjects in the Spanish colo
nies, in whatever part, were to retire within this
district before the expiration of eighteen months,
dating from the ratification of the treaty; and the
right of fishery on the coast and among the adjacent

18 Penichc, in Soc. Hex. Geofj., Boletin, 2da e"p., i. 240-3; Ancona, Hist.
Yuc., ii. 269-73. Squier, States Cent. Am., 577-8, erroneously attributes this
attack to the prevalence of smuggling and other illicit practices among the
wood-cutters, making no mention of the fact that England and Spain were
then at war.

T: v. i.

ranted, l&gt;ut no . M be

made OB Nand

AJthough this In ly d&gt; I :id-

an l&gt;riti&gt;li coloni

tain points which had 1 omit! !. and rdimj lv

an&gt; ml final t n-ai y WBS celebrated 1 1 R

ami Km-dand "to prevent n tin- -hadow of mi&gt;un-

derstanding which mi^lit be o ioned l vd&lt;&gt;ul&gt;-

r r\i\&lt; treaty Wi ! at London .Inly 1 1. 178C.

While confirming tin- lonm-i- one &lt;! 1783, and -

pressly stating that "all the lands in (jn

"indisputably acknowl I to beloo ri^-ht fcol

rrown of Spain," it Contained the ill i \viiiM- additional
])i-ivilc _j-&lt;-s and iv-trictioi r l ln- Sihun, or .Iuhn

liver, \ made the western l.undary &lt;-t U
which included all the tcrrit&gt;iy between it and t
I&gt;-lize as Jar iidand as the source &lt;! the Sihun.
AVithin six months, all ](s&lt;il&gt;l.- facilities being

vided l&gt;y the Spanish ^nvennuein

in any ]&gt;art wl &gt;ever of the Spanish &lt;&lt;&gt;! &gt;ni.

t&gt; ivtire within the hnmidaries of 1 &gt;&lt; lize; in additi. n

the existing ]&gt;ri\ il(-_:v of cutting dyi-\v-
of cut t ; ;11 nt her ffoods, iiial iiiclud-&lt;l. v.

mted : all the natural or cu: - of t

&gt;&gt;il c-.uld he usrd and &lt;-arried away, hut no "]lai.

tiona of sagar, coffee, &lt; &gt;, or other lik . or

any iahric or inanulacture l.y tneana of mills &lt;r oti

\v-mills excepted, could ihlisl.

any ]&gt;r( Oi ount of the insalul

the adjacent COasi St G 8 r the

|)ui-j blement, hut it could imt 1

OOlJd any armed force ! atiom-d t! ( :n

small islands off the coi hout mi&lt;l\ u the

mouths &lt;{ the Sihun and JVli/e ri

together with the intervening w&\ . t&gt;r the pur-

[&gt;urely of relit tin^ shi]&gt;s: no

19 Ca, II&lt;,,,,i.. :&gt;l 2;

, iL
77.

634 BELIZE.

military or civil, could be established except such as
could be agreed upon by the two powers for the
maintenance of peace and order. To preserve entire
the right of Spanish sovereignty over the territory
granted, such settlements only would be permitted as
should be necessary for the trade in wood and fruits.
Finally, two commissioners, one from each govern
ment, were to visit the country twice a year to see
that these stipulations were observed. 2(

By these treaties the respective rights of the two
countries in the territory of Belize were clearly de
fined. Spain held undisputed sovereignty; England s
right was limited to an indefinite occupation for pur
poses of trade. But it is not always sufficient to
declare rights; the powers of Europe keep their
agreements when compelled by force of arms, and
this, Spain, with her declining strength, was eventu
ally unable to do.

Colonel Enrique de Grimarest, the Spanish com
missioner, arrived in Belize early in 1787 and was
soon joined by the English commissioner and super
intendent of the colony, Colonel Edward M. Despard.
Article thirteen of the treaty of 1786 required that
all other portions of the Spanish colonies should be
evacuated by the English before the new grants could
take effect. The Mosquito kingdom appears to have
been the only territory then occupied by the English
besides Belize, and nearly all of its inhabitants having
arrived at this latter colony by the middle of 1787,
the commissioners proceeded to mark the boundaries;
but the formal transfer of the territory between the
Sibun and Belize rivers was not made until the llth
of August. In the course of the survey of the Belize
River it was found that the wood-cutters had antici
pated this new grant of territory by extending their
operations beyond the former boundaries, the country

20 Full text of treaty may be found in Castdlon, Doc. Nic. HoncL, 52-6.
See also Peniche, in oc. Mex. Geog., Bohtin, 2da 6p., i. 251-6; Ancona,
Hist. Yuc., 477-82.

ffAL i I:DS.

me di

ilv 1 ripped of mahogany, bu1 I d&gt;-

lishmenta were found in .- i,,.

boundary apied.

ahandon and retire within tin- limit 3 .f
the colony, bul itwas hardly t&lt;&gt; 1&gt;&lt; 1 that in.

v, !;,iiiicd independent :id denied

f Kn-jland t&lt;&gt; make their laws, would

boundaries after the departure &lt;t t ! hcomn

sioner, Indeed they ly declared th-ir i &gt;n

ahlishii&gt; _r a govermneni and framing la

thi-ir own, The Spanish rmmiii-Moner &lt; iiiplain-&lt;l
&lt;f this condition of all nirs. hut without aii

result,

In ()ciohcr 17 ( .Hl M;i-land dcclaiv&lt;l war agai
Spain, and upon tin- ivr,-ipt o{ thi- new n,

.ilui o ( ) Xcill, the n-nv.-nmr of that pr&lt;\ ; ,\\

immediate preparations tor an attack &lt;&gt;n I&gt;rli/ !
was not until May L O. I7 . S, h&lt;&gt;\\ . fchi

I dition, consisting of between t\ .d tl.

;nd in- n and a lar-v il l small d

i or J&gt;-li;- &gt;cortc&lt;l hy two Spanish t i I"i

iri-atc- accompanied ihrm only part "! the \

tin-nil)^, it &lt;!, &lt;n ac.-oimt ot lack of pr

and the shallou ness of the water "ii th- Ti

remainder of the exjiedition continued th- V(
\\ :ccompli.-hed. however, as th&lt;

fully prepared; and Ix-in^ i I ly man

of the planter.- who had l/eeii &lt;i der.-d to alandin
iosfjuitia, and aided hy the l ji-ii-&gt;h g] Eff

Merlin, they prevented the Spaniard-

a landing. At tei- hovering oil the oo

days tL pedition retui-iiel t-&gt; Yueatan. :; Tlii^ was

the last attempi made hy tin- Spaniard ,p&gt;l

the men of Helix. Thenceforth the stipul

/ . . / ,~ .,. . . ; x

"//.

Koc. Gco&lt;; &gt;1.

636

BELIZE.

treaties were disregarded, and the territory as far
south as the Sarstun was gradually taken possession
of and held by right of conquest, the subsequent rev
olution throughout the colonies rendering the Span
iards powerless to prevent these encroachments. 23

23 Squier s States Cent. Am., 581; London Soc. Geog., xi. 81.

C IIAITK I ! XXXIV.

HONDURAS.

1800.

iTiGAi I; 1 1 i.i.i &gt; AM- r

mi. 8 ( iiruc ii V TO

\ M \ ")M OF TIIK Ml

p Ti.

Dug BOTBJD J;v Till. 1 . D

KK i;v Tin;

::s Til

IN Honduras, and Higuer; bhern :n

&lt;&gt;f this territory w, ted, there were, it will 1

membered, but seven Spanish coloi iboul mid
dle of the sixteenth aild nf thc-r. I l lljill",

the I;ir_LT st, contained only ti It is jri

that, tlic entire nuniher of Spaniards in

;it this time did not d t\v&gt; hundred; and

slightly had the resources nf the eoimti-y
&lt;ped that the t e\v \vlio live&lt;l th&lt; re were 1

alt hy.

Hut poor as tlie eoloni&gt;ts were, tin ir condition did

shield them from the depi&lt; ions nt (Ve, -I....

who din-in^ the 1,-itter jn.rt \\\ of tl. irv i

vei-;d raids on th&lt; fc of H)ndura

Andrew Darker. .-called r of 1

solved i imburse him-elf f. ot j.roj

&lt;1 hy the Sjianiai ds duriu
to th &lt;narv Uland-. and I :i &lt;n a j.irati

pedition, Fitting oui two i ni

JMyinoiith in Jui. At trr touehin- at various \
1 p.

638 HONDURAS.

and capturing a small amount of treasure, he arrived
at the mouth of the Chagre, where men were sent
in search of friendly cimarrones who might act as
guides. As none could be found, the expedition sailed
for Honduras, captured on the \vay a ship contain
ing a little gold and a small quantity of arms, and
anchored off the island of San Francisco. Here, on
account of a quarrel with his chief officer, Barker was
forcibly sent on shore, where, with thirty of his men,
he was surprised by a party of Spaniards, and nine of
the English were slain, himself among the number.

O t O

A detachment from the ships was then sent in a pin
nace to capture the town of Trujillo, where but slight
resistance was encountered, and a good store of wine
and oil was secured, but not an ounce of treasure. A
squadron of Spanish men-of-war now appeared in sight,
and the robbers were glad to regain their pinnace,
leaving on shore eight of their number, of whom no

O &lt;D

tidings were afterward heard. On the homeward voy
age one of the vessels was capsized in a squall, and
fourteen of the men lost with most of the treasure.
The survivors arrived in England without further

adventure, and the proceeds of the expedition yielded
but thirty pesos as the share of a common soldier.
This was vengeance indeed 1

In 1592, when Puerto de Caballos and Trujillo
were attacked by pirates, affairs seem to have been
more prosperous, for considerable booty was found
at the former place. " Wee remained in the towne
all night," says one who took part in the expedi
tion, 2 "and the next day till towards night: where
we found 5 or 6 tuns of quick silver, 16 tuns of old
sacke, sheepe, young kids, great store of poultrie, some
store of money, & good linnen, silkes, cotton-cloth,
and such like ; we also tooke three belles out of their
church, and destroyed their images. The towne is of
200 houses, and wealthy; and that yere there were

2 John Twitt, in HakluyVs Voy., iii. 568-9.

REMARKS OF

rieli shij leu from I

1 n ! 595 . I laid \v; npted on 1 n de (

llns !&gt;y the Fivneh, I. ut OD i irs

re tl- d, man d or iir.-d.

and 111"- remaind* :iipell.-d to put hein-

iiiL:- and averring that neither they nor tin- I isli
had in ilh similar n.

Jndi iii-iii^ tli- ar Trujil: i

de Caballos \v. --am ,led l&gt;y tin- Mi i uii.

Shcriry and l^irkcr, and tin- lati &gt;\vn

in" !; hiii, says tin- rlirmiirl.-r who descril

tin- expedition : " It \ Mu

])lacc of all Judia." 4

Notwithstanding ihu (]c\^r&gt; daiinns of i

thr i-ilonics of J Innduras app I ly

prosperous at the close of the si: y. r l i

lands around Trujillo were then undrr cultivation,

producing lai-^r oro] i niai/.r and IV
nrair . and Inno; d in ahundan&lt; ( hi

t\vn sides of the t-\vn \ indin^ in li&gt;h.

Pasture was abundant, and th btleinl

Spain multiplied BO i-apidly that they were &lt;&gt;f 11;
vain.- &gt; j&gt;t ior their lii&lt;l Th 11s &lt;f t he h
WLTC of hushes inti i-Jaccd, ])la-; ivd within and \vitli-

nut,andco, I with palmejbto-] s. T\. ral

and the convent of San I Yanei the 1,-itt r i

i ounded in L589, \ 6 ino-t prominent huildin

"Thi -dy ami mountainous (. on: \\ r;

Thomas ( i, wh&lt; joun d thi-ou-h thi
|&gt;art &lt;f Honduras, " his wav from Trujillo to San-
tia- o in 1 (i. Jfi: "very had and ineoin
ell j nid hesid ry pooj-; there t h ninodii

an- hides, Cane and Zarzaparili u-h

nt of hread, that about Truxillo they m; of

4 //&lt;///,///

\ ;ui H -rn.

;iil.) u

l&gt;y ;iu acciilciital lii. ,

640 HONDURAS.

what they call Cassave, which is a dry root, that being
eaten dry doth choak, and therefore is soaked in broth,
water, wine, or Chocolatte, that so it may go down.
Within the country, and especially about the city of
Comayagua (which is a Bishop s seat, though a small
place of some five hundred inhabitants at the most),
there is more store of Maiz by reason of some Indians,
which are gathered to Towns, few and small. I found
this Country one of the poorest in all America. The
chief place in it for health and good living is the
valley which is called Gracias a Dios, there are some
rich farms of Cattle arid Wheat; but because it lieth
as near to the Country of Guatemala as to Comayagua,
and on this side the ways are better than on that,
therefore more of that Wheat is transported to Gua
temala and to the Towns about it, than to Comayagua
or Truxillo. From Truxillo to Guatemala (Santiago)
there are between four score and a hundred leagues,
which we travelled by land, not wanting in a barren
Country neither guides nor provision, for the poor
Indians thought neither their personal attendance,
nor any thing that they enjoyed too good for us."

Small as may have been Comayagua or as it was
now termed by the Spaniards Nueva Vallaclolid- -in
comparison with other cities which Gage visited dur
ing his travels in the New World, it was the most
flourishing settlement in the province, and continued
to prosper until 1774, when it was destroyed by earth
quake. Jii 1557 it was declared a city, and in 1561
its church was raised to cathedral rank. The seat of
the bishop s diocese was soon afterward transferred
there from Trujillo, the chapter including a dean,
archdeacon, rector, and doctor of common law. 5 In
1602 there were in Nueva Valladolid convents of the
orders of La Merced, San Francisco, and Juan de

5 The date of this transfer is variously given as 1558, in Pacheco and Cdr*
denas, Col. Doc., xv. 468; 1561, Juarros, Hist. Guat., 333, and Calle, Mem.
y Not., 127; 1562, in Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecks, i. 306; and 15S8 in Oyilby s
Amer., 230.

ECCL; iis.

i- id an

the khiL r .

- ill! dy disputes whi&lt;-h occurr

1 ill tin: li:

] [onduras were n\v ..1. On tli

Bishop IV&lt;1: whose high-handed i d

! liim unpopular with 1 1. I dr

nearly all the r roia tiir province, (

Coivlia, a .1 :imitr, wa I to th

To Corella succeeded Alonso de la Cerda in !
and in January 1588 the mitr

par de Andrad ;n, whu held oilux- until

his d in K&gt;12. 8

The income of the l)ishopric at this date was t
llior ; ar; T d

with::i the dio. liundred and ! ;ii

towns, witli nearly four \ id h nnili

In 1G10 tile nielroj n of the diix

l)ish&lt;i[ of Santo Domingo, &lt;&gt;ftl

rliapt -r in Honduras, to hear and detonnine apj
in order that t id &lt;l

journey to Santo Domingo mi^ht 1.

()ct&lt;lor 1613 Alonso Gal as c&lt; p,

and during this and the t &lt; ;r vi 11

]&gt;;, &lt;( the jirovincc, confirming nioi-r than

thousand perso. of whom

re. During ! lion t\vo

held, the last one in April L631.
Ixioiv that date Luis do (

r in the dioee the re&lt;|:iu&gt;t &lt;

-03 et serj. tlr
7 ( 1 to Los CharcAs in l."77. Gonzalez ro

admin il M-;i^

est liiiu -ini to U

-hii&gt;, \\lnc\\ was !";

.
9 1 i those In. Huns is stated at 8,000

KNT. Asc., VOL. II. 41

642 HONDURAS.

who was now aged and enfeebled by incessant toil.
After the death of Galdo in 1645 10 the see remained
vacant until 1647, when Juan Merle- de la Fuente
accepted the bishopric of Honduras, after having re
fused that of Nueva Segovia,

Between Honduras and Nicaragua lay the district
of Tegucigalpa, of which mention has before been
made in connection with missionary labors. 11 In the
principal Indian town, which was known by the same
name, was founded in 1589 a convent of the Fran
ciscans, and later one of the Merced order. Neverthe
less the greater portion of this territory had never yet
been visited by the ecclesiastics. In 1622 the mis
sionaries Cristobal Martinez de la Puerta and Juan
Vaena, accompanied by five native interpreters, sailed
from Trujillo, and landing at Cape Gracias d Dios
journeyed toward this region. On their way they
several times came in sight of bands of natives, but all
fled at their approach. The interpreters could not.
obtain a hearing, and in vain the missionaries held
forth the cross and beckoned peaceful overtures to
the timid savages. Puerta and his colleague were
becoming discouraged, when one day they beheld a
vast multitude of Indians approaching them, and in
their midst a venerable chieftain with long white
hair, who advanced to welcome the missionaries. He
told them that their coming had been eagerly antici
pated, as it had been foretold in a vision by the
most beautiful child he had ever seen, with melting
tenderness of glance and speech, that he should not
end his days before being a Christian, and that men
would come for the purpose of teaching him. The
natives at once erected a dwelling and church for the
missionaries, and the baptism of the aged leader and
all his family speedily followed.

10 In 1629 Galdo solicited the padre-general of the Jesuits to send a few of
his order to Honduras; but the experience of the Jesuits in Granada and
Kealejo a few years before led to a refusal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 176.

11 See p. 446 et seq., this vol.

then ] (lua-

tidi M

theirservi .-ml tV&gt;m tin-in Benito L
accompanying 1 -n lii urn in .1

Meanwhile seven hundr&gt; I !

l&gt;apii/ed. and ; vil! unded ly tin- di

Iri 1 of the country. The chief ditlicul 1

missionaries v, the noma

UK- natives, who would depart for
mountains when 1 and withoui

J hiring 1! he t 1 ted ?

intry of tin- ( Juahas, where tl, : k-

ahle success, baptizing some &lt;iv- thoi,

AVliile the missionaries were tlm- bherii !di

]iar\ -&gt;t of Souls, tln-y aiul tlieir coir

and overpowered \&gt;y a IK t r51&gt;. nain- d ;

S, and tlie iorin.-r were put to d&lt;-ath \vitli .

tortu A large force wa at to punish the i

and the remains .{ tlir iuis&gt;i.n
l&gt;ut tlieir inurd had tied to tin- mountain

in-ss. The bodies of the martyivd nn-ii w-
Trujillo, wln-i-f t li iiii-d until i

was ea]itui\-d hy }ii wln-n the ^ua^ i tln;

tvenl had them r.-iuovrd t :d they W(

tin-re intei-red with ( uiony in th of

in Francisco.

About the year i .&lt; 1 the Xicaques, wl

d T.-_;-!i.-!-alj)a on the noilh, made fr -[M
j-aids on the Olaneho A all- ( ): principal

MltTe! liy t . ( aptain 1 iart- l iii : d, 1 . -

cota. lvi-d on tin uppr n. and capturing

lar--e nUmber gathered them intoe :n H

dura A -e^iapanied hy th: 1 .- in-as h

de(l to ( ruatemala in search of a priest i
them. The president ur-4 ed the Fran- to un

dertake the ta.-k, as tliev ha&lt;l been the i in

the work, and i, oundant liars- :noj to

644 HONDURAS.

await the gathering. Fernando de Espano, at the
time a member of the convent of Almolonga, was a
native of Nueva Segovia, a town bordering on the
lands of the Xicaques, and was familiar with the
Lenca language and people. Pie undertook the work
and associated with himself Pedro de Ovalle. They
started from Guatemala in May 1667, and met with
moderate success. In 1668 Espino was recalled, and
Ovalle, with additional assistants, carried on the work
despite multiplying difficulties, through many years.
In 1679 seven small villages contained upward of a
thousand christianized natives and the number was
continually increasing. Lopez paid a visit to this
district in 1695, and became so enthusiastic in the
work that he spent the remainder of his life there,
dying in 1698 in the midst of work accomplished or
projected for the good of the people.

The Franciscans were greatly impeded, in their
labors by the opposition of the bishop of Honduras, 12
who caused a portion of their buildings to be de
stroyed, and placed them and their converts under
the ban of excommunication. According to Vasquez
these proceedings caused him to be suspended from
office. 13 The prelate lived to repent of his error, and
during his last sickness was waited upon by mem
bers of the order which he had sought to injure.

12 The name of the prelate who was in charge at the time is a matter of
doubt. In 1651 Doctor Juan cle Merlo was consecrated bishop of Honduras
in Mexico, but did not proceed to his diocese until December of the following
year. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Me.x., seriei. torn. i. 190, 228. How long he
held office is not known. In 1671 the see was offered to Pedro de Angulo,
who declined the mitre. Bobles, Diario, in Id., s6rie i. toni. ii. 114. The next
appointment mentioned is that of Martin de Espinosa, who died suddenly in
1675, while in the act of dispensing alms after mass. He was a centenarian,
but apparently in good health. Id., 210. According to Vasquez, he foretold
his death eight days before; its approach being revealed to him in a vision.
Chron. deGuat., 215-16. No other reference is made to the episcopate of
Honduras until the close of the century, when it is stated that Angel Maldo-
iiaclo, who had received the mitre, was transferred to Oajaca. Itobles, Diario,
in Doc. Hist. Mcx., s&rie i. torn. iii. 256-7.

13 Y auque se libraron despachos, para que remitiesse lo actuado el Senor
Obispo, . . .110 los remitio, porque quizas podian reconocerse falidos. . .y post
tot discrimina rerum, fu6 declarado el Seiior Obispo por estrafio. Chron. de
Guat., 215.

us &lt; min &lt;&gt;f i londuras until i

C]M

]M&gt;: .1 Industrial condition o

icli will 1 (1 il: iltur-

cln eily I-) th raids of .ml 1. ith

j)o\\
Jn I djillo v. nre more caj.fmvd . ]&gt;il-

wi\ U-i

although protected ly a tort mount iu;^
lii-Hvy i^mis and a numl&gt;er of smaller jii

ted v niards i

the ]&gt;laee was al)au&lt;lonrd and ! in ruin ^ u;

17&gt; s( ., Avliun it was rrhuilt ;iud d liy &lt;

tlic kii In 1 7D7 if \\ ain ; an 1

lisli s({Uadi-on: luit al tr-r a ii f [ ti^ht tl,
ivp S.

Jn olx-dicncc d A

17 l . a fort named San Fernando &lt;l i Hm Imilt

on a harbor of th&lt; oame, near Pu&lt; al;di

a i uillicr ]n ! ion tor t I -ndii!

to serve as ;i calling-place tor tli

ployed in those parl Thework ;n in 17

by Va/. jM. /. do Sotomayor, jn-.^idj-nt of GUI da,

id completed tln-ee \ r. Although tli.

was very unhealthy, a town v d)li&gt;ht-&lt;l tl.

Avliieh soon contained a considerable popuL ml

l.ecaine t!te oiltl t for the eomm&lt; !

mala. On tli- ptember 1 779, S[ain

( irt-at Britain being then i ir. the irt \ l

by four English men-* u-. It \\ llantlydefei

l.\ laudant, 1 )rsnaux, witli liundn-d

and tin; J)riti&gt;li, nol b in

t retii

14 Tl:&gt; -^ of the |

]&gt;. (

GIG HONDURAS.

On the 16th of October, the English returned with
twelve line-of-battle ships, a large body of troops, and
a horde of Mosquito Indians. As on the previous
occasion they at once opened fire; but the guns of
the fort replied so vigorously that one of the vessels
was disabled; and another having run aground, the
attack was suspended. By this time, or soon after,
a body of auxiliaries from Puerto de Caballos had
gained the heights opposite the town, after setting fire
to all rancherias which interfered with siege operations.
The besieged, being surrounded, and attacked on all
sides, were soon forced to surrender. A better fate
might have attended them had not some of the negro
artillerymen and a company of regulars, dismayed by
the odds against them, turned recreant and broken
down with their axes the gates of the fortress. 16 Four
hundred prisoners and an immense booty, said to have
exceeded three millions of pesos, w r ere captured, be
sides several vessels ready freighted for Europe. 17 The
conquerors destroyed the tow^n; but no sooner had
they secured their plunder than a violent storm came
on, and the ship on which the treasure w r as placed
foundered, the rest of the fleet having a narrow
escape.

At this time Don Matias de Galvez ruled in
Guatemala, and no sooner did he hear of the disas
ter than he despatched messengers to the governors
of Cuba and Yucatan, and to Viceroy Mayorga, of
Mexico, calling for contributions of men and material.

lG Carta de Galvez, in Soc. Mex. Geog. , Bol., 2da e"p. Very different accounts
of this affair are given by Pelaez and Cavo. The first in Mem. Hist. Gnat.,
iii. 107, says that the commander and the rest of his officers made no resistance,
but left as hostages the second in command and two chaplains; the soldiers
and many of the inhabitants were banished. Cavo, Tres. Siglos, iii. 35-G, says
that on the last day of the defence, when the drums were about to beat to
quarters in the castle, the British scaled the walls, and before the guards had
recovered from their surprise over 100 Englishmen had already mounted the
battlements; at the sight the negroes fled, leaving the English masters of the
fortress. He adds that the castellan forseeing such a disaster had carried off
40,000 pesos and other valuables by a road unknown to the enemy, and would
have saved all else had he been permitted to do so.

17 The three merchant ships taken had on board 3,000,000 pesos, belonging
to merchants of Guatemala. Zamacois, Hist. Mejico, v. G28.

OF Tin G17

The vi
merits lv \\

&lt; i/ -d militia of I

inents, and Collecting Jill tli&gt; ;ld in

iidvanerd .MI San ! ] ;

iber he had &lt;-o ,,f iL

in Frui

i.l, and ou the la.-t day &lt;&gt;f the in inidiii- li!

attack made on the English, who 1 dly

Mirpri&gt;&lt;-d slowly ivtr u th-- 1 ori

the inins, and BUCC I in ^liiiin^ t!i.-ir &gt;hij.

ini; oil the l- adini;- nn-ii am r ii\

thT with considerable h

&lt; )f tho nuiiK -roiis i&gt;IaiK .at studded tl of
]foinlui-a-. more or less thick!, I when di

( oluinhu- at the l""Jnnii:

criitury, but three \. - an\ inlia

liundred years la? Tl. R i, (iuanaja, and

Utila, remained &lt;{uirtly sul rule

until 1/ili , when they w ikm witlidit
iVoni tho nati. uid ^arri- i ,!i&gt;h }&gt;ii

The -it nation became critical IV Spanish in
tin- rs could dart out from tl hav.

and pounce upon the coimn of tl d;c

uiir\j)i main.

A h-w y i- tho j

1 lahana, an&lt;l Santo 1 )oinin-o m.
ior the recovery of th- -lan!

under the connnand of l- iaiici-eo dt- Yilhr

I ^ht to surprise the English, and ai-rivt-il ,
IM .k. They we discos

sentiiK ind the I.

Sjaiiia all their amnninit i. -n.

eniharked and sailed i &lt; Tom

in ii i re&gt;h siipj nd await

. v. i :

atly ezpeoaed 600^000 pent &lt; *-.

648 HONDURAS.

In 1650 a second expedition consisting of 450 men
was despatched for the same purpose, and after a
sharp resistance the English were compelled to betake
themselves to their ships. From that date Roatan
was left undisturbed by the British until 1742, when
they again took possession of the place and fortified it
with materials obtained at Trujillo. There they re
mained until 1780, when they were again driven out
by the governor of Guatemala. In 1796 the English
once more gained possession of the island and sta
tioned there a guard of two thousand negroes; but
in the following year Jose Rossi y Rubia, being or
dered by the governor of Honduras to attempt its
reoon quest, induced the garrison to capitulate without
resistance.

CHAPTER XXXV.

C7ATEMALA IAI-A

1C01-1700.

PRI il.I.A \TO TOMAS 1

I;LIN&lt;; Pu

I TIIK I,DO I IIS

l)i:i i AM\ r. Mr I I

OF THE All

i. IKS- A LINK &lt;ti- BISHOPS \^ "FTiir. . .3

A i :IKI. --Tin

9 THE Nxw CATHXDBAL AHD I ixiEs x

Tin: J KI.CU; AS.

ALTHOUGH tin 1 Guatemalan liistni-ian Juan

an ciicoiniuni upon iVr-idt-nt \vlio it will

remembered was appoint^!

] .VJS, 1 it is much t- In- &lt;l&lt;ml&gt;t-i wlictln-r tl.

S;nii over wliom he ruled, gave unqualified a

t&gt; liis praise. In tin- i

frequent complaints cliar^inu- him with encr

upon llu; pivi of th i municipal .orit.

\vith nr^lrct of his ina-_ ial dul .ml with iut

with the priviL li/t-ns,- ami i; of

1 P:&gt; 1:0 ."S3 1 ! s Gobcrn6cont

They cl;iiin-l .-uhlross atul ]

ti"ii..l

curmlor to irt A\ r I the aiulirncia s

iii ii . .1 that the a ^ orilin

in matters of ju. w * !

or fi itii l of t

of corre^ idor del Yalle &gt;1 beta

- onlinario.s of (itia 1

had ai i in the habit

torch, whether oidorea^ r nut. This:

650 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

precedence on public occasions. But more than this,
the gradually increasing poverty of the nobles was
laid at his cloor by these jealous petitioners, who were
strongly opposed to an equal division of property, as
is evidenced by their representing to the king that
the subdivision of the ericomiendas had rendered such
property almost valueless. In view, also, of exposure
to attack on their frontiers, they besought the king
not to appoint a civilian as their president, but a man
of military training.

It was during the administration of Castilla that

the bay -of Amatique was discovered, and the port of
Santo Toinas founded. The immediate cause of the
establishment of this port w r as a piratical raid in 1G03
on Puerto cle Caballos, which town had for some time
been exposed to attacks from corsairs. In that year
a squadron of eight vessels, under command of Pie de
Palo and a mulatto named Diego, with a force of
more than twelve hundred men entered the harbor,
and notwithstanding the brave resistance of Captain
Juan de Monasterio, who had only two ships, they
defeated him and captured his vessels. 3

This disaster induced the president to order an ex
ploration to be made with the object of discovering a
more secure site; and in March of the following year
Estevan cle Alvarado, assisted by Francisco Navarro,
an experienced pilot, surveyed the coast. Their favor
able report of the bay of Amatique 4 induced the audi-
encia to give orders for the founding of a town which
was called Santo Tomas de Castilla in compliment
to the president. 5 The removal of the population of
Puerto de Caballos was effected as quickly as possible,
arid by the beginning of 1605 the commerce of Guate-

forbidden. Artvalo, Col Doc. Antig., 93. The president was also accused of
having appropriated the principal apartments of the carcel de corte and-en-
tertaining there the oidores by night and day. Id., 95.

3 Iicmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Jtiarros, Guat., 316.

4 So called from an Indian village of that name. The inhabitants were of
the Tcquepa nation. Id. y 314.

& licmcsal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Squier s MSS. t xvii. 1-11; Catte, Mem. y
Not., 119.

G&lt; LLA.

la on tli- A

All !: it h&lt;- adv,

ami tin- kin-- appr v . i

ti: dth

t. 1 11 l iu7 eighi J ):iteh pi
in

Spain, hut on t bis oc i the p
v/ith the loss of one ship Mink, i
von having sustained much damage. So i
the Spanish ^overnnient in :
]&gt;! ion of the town that Mo. -I

fortify it himself, ami in K .OU mount
of artillery &lt;&gt;n a 1-ar^e ro&lt;

Thoii^-li situaic(l on ; of ,

:id \vrll &gt;\K ! -in the win.

1 did not pros; for t ;mlin

il&lt;- as not to yi-l&lt;l pi ider enou
r the mules employed in trai,
It was consequently ^I adually al&gt;an
J)uk-e, lyinu ^ 1 he v .

Iii August 1609 Antoni ! da ( a&gt;iill:i y

] I . conde de la ( i

d P;

liis d\i iii I r. I I , during which his j

died while undergoing hi- Th

dent g hut I i-

] [ [ 1

unlawi ul inean&gt;, :) and three }

7. Do&lt;- 100-1.

7 ); 1, \il.i
til

t!i

in &gt;orthrcf

e artill

tl ssclsot

h artillrry, ami 1,000 i

it-li 1;

.. .In

i vl llX.Jll

: . . -

652 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

violent disturbances broke out. The political condi
tion of the country attracted the attention of the
viceroy of Mexico, and the visitador Juan de Ibarra
was sent, in 1614, to investigate the affairs of the
audiencia. Matters became more complicated. Go-
mera was suspended, and retired to the town of Patu-
lul. The whole province was divided into factions
and the people so incensed that a riot was imminent.
This state of affairs continued until 1617, when
Gomera was reinstated in the presidency, which office
he held until 1626, when he retired to his birthplace
in the Canary Islands. 10 He was succeeded by a man
of very different character, one Juan de Guzman, 11
who, having lost his wife on the voyage to Guatemala,
lost with her all interest in life. After governing for
a term of five years with a mildness and beneficence
which ill suited the grasping disposition of his asso
ciates, he was, as it were, driven from the presidency
by their persistent disagreement with his views.

Alvaro de Quinones y Osorio, marques de Loren-
zana, was the next to fill the presidential chair, 12
being transferred from Panama. His spirit of covet-
ousness was in strong contrast with the unselfish

disposition of his predecessor, and he soon became
extremely unpopular. Gambling was a favorite pas
time in the capital of Guatemala, and while the presi
dent strictly prohibited all gaming in private houses,
his own palace was converted at night into a regular

10 He enlarged and beautified the plaza de la Candelaria so extensively
that it acquired the name of plaza del Conde. This president was the first
to whom was given the title of Muy Ilustre Seiior instead of Magm fico
Seilor. Juarros, Gnat., i. 262-3. According to Escamilla, Not. de Cuat., 3,
he held office till 1627, when he returned to Spain.

11 Gage, who was in Guatemala at the time, in New Survey, 267-8, 2S2-4,
is specific in his statement concerning Guzman as the immediate successor of
Gomera and is minute in other references to his conduct. By Juarros the
name of Guzman is not mentioned, but Diego cle Acuna, formerly president
of San Domingo, is named as succeeding Gomara, Guat., 263; and as also in
Escamilla, Not. Gnat., 3, without any additional particulars however. These
authors evidently refer to the same person.

12 Called by Gage, ubi sup., Gonzalo de Paz y Lorencana. According to
Juan-os, he entered office in 1634, the year after the retirement of Guzman,
whj, Juarros states, was president for seven years, loc. cit.

upon the in ed men \v!
iV , 13 Jn i

1 )i- 50 de A \ Qda LO, and &lt;&gt;n i,;

\ nn \\hirll lit- had :

]) wa t. A

IT ;d di .1 in A

:iry \
y M&lt;

.e coi &gt;n nf the colonists during
ni t! ,ih cfiitury was j l

it &gt;n ,-in appearance of ;lth ;m&lt;l r.

Magnificeni jn-iva* iences, ami lai

]K- filled with valua iirmnndcd t!n- j.ul)-

lic BQl] and stood upnn tin- j&gt;rincipal

sti churcln-s, with rirhly fomisbecl intrri.
\x-nis and nun
institutione d thm* 1.

J)ailv mar! !i all ki;

abundance \v i I nf al !aim

thf absence of p

chains v&gt; trh ; :e ill-

tlni Xr\v World. X&lt;&gt;r \

country Ix-hind thai of tl

and innncii&gt;c trad.- of lai ;i.

But the most ].i-oiiiin-nt iml

ntunri-ous and and B ian !;irh

liad been establi I in tin? pr&lt;&gt; and \vhi.-h fur-

ished i i or i ! iirrounding t\vi I a j i

vithin -t inl

Avas no leBS pi and an &lt;

&lt;n l&gt;y niuL ilh ^

13 Cdije,
fuu;

la was so

in 1 aul, forty thou^

vet/, L

G54 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

ragua, and Costa Rica, and on the oceans with Peru
and Spain.

" This city," says Thomas Gage, who lived for three
years in Santiago, "may consist of about five thousand
families, besides a Suburb of Indians called el Barrio
de Sto Domingo, where may be two hundred families
more. The best part of the City is that which joyneth
to the Suburb of Indians, and is called also el Barrio
cle Santo Domingo, by reason of the Cloister of Saint
Dominick, which standeth in it. Here are the richest
and best shops of the City, with the best buildings,
most of the houses being new and stately. Here is
also a daily Tianguez (as they call it) or petty Market,
where some Indians all the day sit selling Fruits,
Herbs and Cacao, but at four in the afternoon, this
Market is filled for a matter of an hour, where the
Indian women meet to sell their Country slap (which
is dainties to the Crioltans), as Atolle, Pinole, scalde
Plantains, butter of the Cacao, puddings made of
Indian Maiz, with a bit of Fowl, or fresh Pork in
them, seasoned with much red biting Chille, which
they call Anatamales. "

" The climate is very temperate, far exceeding
either Mexico or Guaxaca. Neither are the two
forenamed Cities better stored with fruits, herbs for
sallets, provision of flesh, Beef, Mutton, Veal, Kid,
Fowls, Turkies, Rabbets, Quails, Patridges, Pheas
ants, and of Indian and Spanish Wheat, than is this
City : from the South Sea (which lyeth in some places
not above twelve leagues from it), and from the rivers
of the South Sea Coast, and from the fresh Lake of
Amatitlan and Petapa, and from another Lake lying
three or four leagues from Chimaltenango, it is well
and plentifully provided for of fish. But for Beef
there is such plenty, that it exceeds all parts of
America, without exception, as may be known by the
Aids which are sent yearly to Spain from the Coun
try of Guatemala, where they commonly kill their
Cattel, more for the gain of their Hydes in Spain,

it 1

it \v,-i&lt; commonly &gt;!! at tlii I an

!t l&lt;&gt;r half ;i 1 linl, t!x- l.-a-t OOJO ill- :di

In-n-.* 15
Taxation w;
plaint^ raised 1&gt;\

raiHrd a reduction of an im; whi&lt;-h dm
I . I i to ! iimrtj than doiiM- d itself, 1
donhtlcss offensive. Another cause i&lt;&gt;r&lt;!

11 was tlie ]&gt;atn&gt;na;_;v \\liidi aj]
.- to tli- crown, tin- audi-i ind -,

! &gt; ri-,)\vn l&gt;rl( )!i-V( 1 t], Moilit f tlir ]

id live oid ninety-two judicial i\\\&lt;\ iiilli-

y of M! \vitli 1 inn

of an oidor, a contad&gt;r and t urer, u and

otlirr inin&lt;r otlicia A.1 i ! i" di-p"
it wciv ncai ly one liundr- d &gt;al;iri-d

IH ly, tlinsr of tilt c. 1)1111)1.

al)ou: en, including Hi

and llondur; tliat

T d- ( a-tilla, and ntli.-r ]&gt;atr

The audicnria dispos.-d of the offi
inaynr, tlic i nd t r of

two c sc-i ilianns and cli of tb

ic 5i f

17 In 1604 the city contained 800 1 fami!

ts, ami The

Tho ;nn- ;i l--s stones

. Kil J, in. -hi-; ued t-&gt; .". I . 1

it rcarii. -.1 ]
was so b i n 1 (5

assessors wore so bitt r ti

\va.s thrown i
in a r. -ilula
ars tot .utX)toaUne annually.

The i ts ye-t

oid ,117. \ iage says 12,000 dncats was

the .

The salai iicers was 300,000 niara

y A " .. 1 :

JOO peso* de mina a year. 1

656 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

dieneia, the assessor of taxes and six receivers, the
secretary of the court of estate pertaining to inter-
states, and several other positions. All these offices
were salable. 21 The positions of all officers of the
municipality were also open to purchase. 2 With re
gard to the patronage of the cabildo, it was much
more limited, and naturally confined to appointments
within the city limits. 2 * Under such a system of
patronage and sale of public offices, it was but natural
that important positions were frequently held by in
competent favorites or by exacting officials. Hence
arose repeatedly disputes and discord between the
cabildo and people on the one side, and the audiencia
and royal officers on the other.

Nor were the colonists exempt from calamities
caused by pestilence and natural phenomena. In 1601
an epidemic carried off great numbers with startling
rapidity, and the years 1607, 1621, 1640, and 1651
were signalized by fearful earthquakes which caused
great loss of life. 24 In 1686 a pestilence decimated
the population. The peculiarity of this epidemic was
that the robust and healthy fell victims to it more
readily than the weak and sickly. This calamity was
followed in 1687 by a violent earthquake which caused
great destruction to churches and houses, and a loss
of over three hundred lives. A similar disaster equally
destructive occurred in 1689. 2

21 In 1617 the office of alguacil mayor was sold for 18,000 tostones, and in
1643 for 49,000 reales. In 1645 the receivership of fines and court fees was
sold for 6,000 pesos, while the offices of the escribanos de camara were regu
larly sold for 20,000 pesos each. Other offices commanded corresponding
prices. Id., 119.

22 Selecting a few instances to illustrate these sales, I find that in 1636 the
office of alf6rez real sold for 3,998 ducats; that of escribano publico was sold
in the same year for 11,000 pesos; of the receiver-general of fines and fees in
1616 for 28,500 tostones, and in 1642 for 6,000 pesos. Id.

23 They were the following: Procurador Sindico. . .Mayordomo, Fiel Ex
ecutor, Correduria, Portero, con 30,000 marauedis de salario. Mojoneria,
Pregoneria. Id.

24 Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 136, 448; Juarros, Gnat., 150.

25 The provincial of the Dominicans, writing in 1724, says that to repair
the damage to their convent and church at Guatemala by the late earthquake
cost the order more than 25,000 pesos; that the loss of yearly income has
been at least 9,000 pesos; and that it took a considerable sum to repair the

MY:

In May ! I- . rnandn .Miami) ( Ion

( alima;\ &gt;ok ji

of &lt; ruatemala. 1 1 is rule wa& mad.- no1

quinary &lt;{ua be Medeni] 1 Cai

in \vliich iinplacaMf family 1 . t of

of G -mala became involve -id the pi un-

: tunati ly took part 1 I.- died in 1 ,1 di;

tin- adminiM ration ! lii&gt; BUC

ounander of

\ d in i t di-put. &gt; ivlati\

privilt nid jmi-dirtion.

The ayuntamiento \v.- i his tin: h m-

powerful corporation than formerly, mvin^ t-&gt; tl

itly increased numlx-r &lt;! it- iiirnihn-s, and
marked favors l&gt;. ed upon it. 1&gt;

ri of Spain during tli dry. In t

&lt; - Iia1 mala it ha&lt;l civil and criminal
no los than B&lt; n vil.

jicat.-illy confirmed l&gt;y royal C^dul ( J

]&gt;n.M t (l.-n-c, ho\vc\ cr. had tor tin- ti
to that of &gt;-lf-(lcfcnc&lt;- o\vin
hooters n tin- nrthcrn "I"

San l-Mijic mi the ( rolfo i &gt;ulce had been i i in

1651, and although in

I /opez &lt;! Solis nlij furt; ditui

direct pci-inis&gt;imi own. t

Mogrobejo, the fiscal M-&lt;|iii\vl, ainl the d

igingtotli

. .
in :irs; li&gt;

JIi*l.

261, 274,

I i , , ariegoe," says Juarrus, Guai

ii;ilily

28 Tli. to I t., * belonged

s of tlu caliililo, but th

id l.

I . I ; ,

: \n\\t\\

. AM., YUL. II.

658 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

officers Santiago and ^otomayor proved their right
to use certain sums originally assigned for the defence
of Trujillo and Santo Torrids, and the fortifications of
San Felipe were completed in 1663.

In 1667., Mencos term of office having expired, he
returned to Spain, and in the same year the new presi
dent, Sebastian Alvarez Alfonso Rosica de Caldas,
arrived. 30 Caldas advocated with enthusiasm the al
ready projected conquest of the Lacandon country,
which will be described later, and in a letter to the
king offered to effect its subjugation at his own ex
pense, on condition that it be called after his own
name. 31 This proposal led to no result so far as the
president was concerned, but its publication 32 stimu
lated inquiry and ultimately caused the opening of a
road between Yucatan and Guatemala.

The administration of Caldas was warmly approved
by the cabildo, and in an important question regard
ing authority the members espoused his cause. The
fiscal, Pedro de Miranda Santillan, being accused of
barratry, the president not only suspended him, but
caused him to be imprisoned in San Felipe. 33 The
king disapproved of this high-handed measure touching
one of the officers of the crown, and to make matters
worse the fiscal died in prison on the 9th of October
1669. Before hearing of the decease of Santillan his

30 In a letter dated Jan. 30, 1667, from Guatemala, it is said that Caldas
arrived and took possession of the office Jan. 18th in that year. Caldas, Carta,
sobre el Lacandon, 1. In Escamilla, Noticia* Curlosas de Guat., 4, 1668 is
given as the year in which he became president.

31 Caldas in his letter to the king suggests that his Majesty should order the
viceroy of Mexico and the governor of Campeche to gather together all vaga
bonds and evil-doers, and send them to Caldas, as also the lesser criminals, that
they might serve in the conquest; moreover, negro slaves and mulattoes, whose
owners desired it, would be enrolled. He also states that Guatemala and
Campeche are the most directly interested, as their commerce could be con
ducted by a direct road of 80 leagues instead of 600, the length of the existing
route. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 5-6. Briefly confirmed by Pelaez,
Mem. Guat., i. 297; Ximenes, lib. v. cap. xx.

32 It was the first official document printed in Guatemala. Pelaez, Mem.
Guat., ii. 261.

33 The cabildo in a letter to the king dated April 1, 1669, speak of Caldas
as gobernador tan atento y cristiano. About Santillan they remark, seme-
jante Ministro como el suspense, nunca ser& conveniencia, Senor, lo sea en
estaCiudad. Arevalo^ Col. Doc. Antig. t 128.

M;ije&gt;fy had, 1 ila dated M

him . in oi . and I. i] ;l

of date i tishop Juan &lt;l

Mai ppointeo nd presid \

lioua inv ition followed. hut !
eluded ( aldas died

The ii -w president was noted For iil-

3 in qu ( ) 1 1

l&lt;-i MI;- MN } .,{ an nid.ij- drov&lt; ;i iit

Jiis carriauv as a mark of 1 ! \\ li n-li

11 the president fined him t\v hundivd j,

another time an oidr iirt-in-- hy maLii,

disj.lay with Iiis carriage ;md lnr h-

l.y two outriders. A d&gt; !i juihli

prohibiting n ivj.ctition n-h osten :i 1 % \
OIK- excepi i he l)i&gt;lmj&gt;.

J&gt;ya I oyal &lt;vdida ISSUed OD the iStliot May 1 ( . -0,
the Constitution of (In- aiidieix-ia \ 1.

-ition of ^resident and captain-general
similar to that of the viceroy of Me rule 1

independent of tin- oidor s. wliil.

justice rould in no way he inter!- red \\ith hy 1 his

eial signature only K-in-- re.|uiivd to anthem
their de&gt;j.atehes and atlii in their senl

On January26, 168 8, President l&gt;ni alto

the oilicc. 36 His ari ival was unatteiidd hy th- ;;il

" ; !! tlinl in ]i &lt;i:\ ;n!.l waa bnri&lt; 1 in tli

*Thi

r, :ind nth- * ami

:i thr O

utli, (!
86 1 Miring t!

1 ly t

it v

r &lt;&gt;f tin- coiuu-il 1 a su

1 ! /. , .

mulctc.l in th

660 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

display. He had experienced on his way from Golfo
Dulce such hardships that he requested the cabildo to
omit the ceremony of welcome and devote the funds
appropriated for the purpose to improving the defences
at Golfo Dulce. 37 His rule was no less troublesome
to him than his journey had been. Differences had
ao-ain arisen between the regular and the secular

?"5 O

clergy. 3 * Bishop Navas, then in charge of the dio
cese, was greatly excited, and addressed a memorial to
the cabildo, soon after the arrival of Barrios, upon
what he considered flagrant abuses, stating that in
view of the many disasters which the country had
experienced during the last six years from various
causes, taxation was taking the life-blood of an already
impoverished people. The bishop was one quick to
discern evils which he was powerless to remove; apt at
the formation of plans he lacked the perseverance to
execute; and assumed the attitude of a partisan, where
it especially behooved a prelate to be unbiassed. Thus
he was incessantly interfering in political matters, and
personal relations between him and the president
were soon exceedingly unpleasant, 39 finally becoming
a matter of inquiry at the Spanish court. On the 13th
of March 1690 a royal ceclula was issued severely rep
rimanding the bishop 40 for his conduct toward the
president.

On January 25, 1691, Fernando Ursino y Orbaneja,

37 Gavarette, Cop. Doc., MS., 40; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 259.

38 Especially as to the performance of rites in the new districts of Ocote-
nango and Chimaltenango. Several parishes were taken from the Mercenaries
and Dominicans, it being alleged that there were none among them acquainted
with the native speech. Ayetta, Iitforme, in Prov. del Sto Emits/., MS.

39 May 28, 1688, a shot was fired at the oidor Pedro de Selva, and while
the audiencia was in session discussing the matter, the bishop called on the
president and informed him that under the seal of confession it had been
revealed to him that the carabine had been loaded with blank cartridge only.
The shot was meant as a warning to the oidor to amend his views regarding
a case then pending, wherein many innocent persons were interested. When
the president endeavored to show that the oidor had acted throughout with
fairness, the bishop gave way to anger and left the palace, exclaiming with a
loud voice: The country is being ruined by the iniquity of its rulers ! Gava
rette, Cop. Doc., 5f&gt;.

40 In GavarcUe, loc. cit., it is said that the bishop was removed, but all
other authorities describe his proceedings as bishop of Guatemala until his
death in 1701, or 1702.

an oidor of M&lt; \i,-, .

in;il;i. ;unl he pn\ }- \i\u\\\ &gt;\ 1 Y---id- hi 1

I n l 69 1 1 Kin a reu d ii:

cipal . Ill \\hich had

- the coiHjH :

illto \vhirll lir had |&gt; ally It ll an expedition Ji

rated 1. r. 1 i&lt;- now 1.. ;ara;

for , ond campaign. \Vhii-- tlm
health biled, and In.- &lt;li-&lt;l &lt;&gt;n tin- rjth :
1695.

UK- d.-iith of 1 ),-irri&lt;- followed 1,\

nu&lt;li-iici;i relative to his i

1 &gt;y law tin ri-lit of 3UC il on tie

Francisco Valenzuela \ i, l&gt;ut ti.

lc S ;ir in balled in th&lt;

(l. ix-v. Urn.-,- aro \ io],-nt j.Mi-t y feu nl \

;!&gt;ri-l Sanchez dc Berrospe ai-i-ivrl in Mar.-h
as i he ;ij j&gt;ointc&lt;l president, tin-
Matt- of confusion which no of hiscou

.In fact a political storm dosi-l the 1.
mala lor thf century, Tin- oj.p&gt;itin:
and his ally, the oidor Aihr/jii.

empts .-it 1. gislation, ly ei hat -

delaj

( )n the 1 7th of .Inn . 1 tfegp Ani

( )\ iedo y 1 : an oidor of Santo 1 )oini

rio ( arrillo y E/SCudero, and two &lt;t
pointt-d nidmv&gt; of ( Jnat.-niala pciidin;_r ai
coi .ino- tin- aiididicia, with i
the close of th dor s t.Tm. ( )\ it-do \

named as senior oidor, bui being detained in S

dr ( ula. ( ai-rillo QSUTp d the p. n and i

41 - tli.-it ; tli&gt; &lt; :&gt;egM

.
that

. Thi

cf ii

6G2 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

give place to the former on his arrival. 43 Contro
versies continued until the coming of the licentiate
Madriz as visitador in 1699, when affairs became still
more serious, and acts of violence were resorted to by
the two bitter factions which were immediately formed
under the denominations of Berropistas and Tequelies.
The first act of Madriz was to depose Berrospe and
appoint Amezqueta as provisional president. The
oidores Carrillo and Duardo were then deprived of
office, but they promptly affirmed that their removal
was illegal, and resuming their seats ordered the

O O

arrest of the visitador, which they endeavored to effect
on Palm Sunday, 1700. Madriz took refuge in the
college of the Jesuits, which on the following day
was surrounded by the friends of Carrillo and Duardo.
The bishop came to his relief, and he made good his
retreat to Soconusco where he incited the people to
rise in arms against the Berropistas. Berrospe sent
the oidor Pedro de Ezguaras with an armed force to
suppress the tumult, and if possible effect the capture
of Madriz. Ezguaras was at first repulsed, but in a
subsequent encounter Madriz and his followers were
put to flight and peace w T as restored. Berrospe had
no easy time. Madriz had a powerful ally in the
bishop, who issued manifestoes exhorting all persons
to obey the visitador and not the pseudo audiencia.
Against those who attempted to lay violent hands
on Madriz he threatened excommunication. In Feb
ruary 1701 the visitador returned with an armed force
from Oajaca whither he had fled, and in an encounter
between the rival parties lost sixty of his men, while
the loss of the audiencia was only ten.* 4

Berrospe now retires from the scene, having either
returned to Spain or died while the political struggle

43 Oviedo brought his claims before the council, but notwithstanding his
appointment was dated first in order of time, they decided against him.
Diego Oviedo y Banos, sobre Presidentia. This pamphlet, the date of which
is not given, was probably published in or about 1705, and seems to be part
of a larger work containing the full case of Oviedo, edited by the licentiate
Baltasar de Aseredo.

s, Diario, iii. 252.

. .

u till un.l. Tl. -her !i-

iimied the con

Osorio, oidor of M. ; ,j,j.

Madri/. Bfl \ I in Sep-

year the latter w i in ( !ampech&lt;

prisoner of the i iturb-

ances in &lt; ktatemala Hi-hop S I mi

identified himself wit 1, tl: pi.-li. ,d v. 1 ,|

ly hi&gt; metropolitan, the archbishop of "

\\ithdraw his ban oi Minnui, in

Berrospeistfl li.- ivi u-iMl to do s II.- di.-d in tl
mi&lt;lsi of these dissensions, nt \\ithoul -i-

cions ni Jiiivin;^ 1 lir n j&gt;. d.

C rning the ecclesiastical history

\vc l.-.-ini that jit tT tin- dec&lt; i&lt;j&gt; (

If) . - ( niiliv WS& bestowed n Juan Iia:n
Arellano, a man said to In- &lt;.t n&gt;val lim
lionoi* \vas lx-&gt;t..\vi d in i ;iiitin of h 1 in tl

conversion of tin- natives ! Mi. pan. 11 id
]&gt;ivvi &gt;u-]y made a {.il^rimau-tj IroiD Spain I I
i foot, in as huinlde guise B JOU1

apostle- nf old. and waa I .-ceived with peculiar h.n
l.y tin- pop \Vln-n lie arrived in Guatemala io 1 .&lt;&gt; i ,

lie ch; d in nothing the ao mode of !

Avhi&lt;-h he was n(ted ini]&gt;le i riar.

and determination in the &lt;-huivh l&gt;; it

on liim the enmity of the eal.ildo, 47 wh-
]&gt;rayel the kin- that the lii&gt;lnp mi-ht he i
some other di and their own all

of traiujtiillity. Jiis death, which OCCUrr.
afterward, i el&lt; citi :n

**Ac

to ain in 17&lt;I.

.in tea que BC .-

-1.
47 1 1 -.sion of the c

ll.l.S for 8f)IIK tilllr p:i&gt;
ii aixl

j., 11 ire Ju

M,,n. ;, .\ .. h

664 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS. .

further anxiety. During the administration of Ra
mirez it is commonly supposed that the bishopric of
Vera Paz was abolished and its territory annexed to
that of Guatemala. 48 Bishop Juan Cabezas Altami-
rano of Cuba was transferred to Guatemala in 1610,
and took possession of the episcopal chair the fol
lowing year. In 1613 he consecrated with imposing
ceremonies Alonso Galdo, bishop-elect of Honduras,
this being the first ceremony of the kind performed
in Guatemala. Two years later Altamirano was
seized with apoplexy and died, when the mitre was
offered to Pedro de Valencia, who before his arrival
in Guatemala was promoted to the bishopric of La
Paz. The bishopric remained vacant till 1621, Fran
cisco de la Vega Sarmiento, dean of Mexico, having
declined to accept it, and Pedro de Villa Real, bishop
of Nicaragua, the next one appointed, dying before
he reached the diocese. It was then bestowed on
Juan Zapata y Sandoval, bishop of Chiapas, who was
born of one of the noblest families in Mexico. He
was noted for his charitable disposition and was the
first bishop who conferred degrees in the college of
Santo Tomds of Guatemala, After occupying the
episcopal chair for nine years he died in January
1630, and was buried in the cathedral of Guatemala. 49

The next occupant, Bishop Agustin de Ugarte y
Saravia, came also by promotion from Chiapas, and
presided over the diocese for nine years. He made
valuable presents to the monastery of La Concepcion ;
laid the foundation stone of the convent of Santa
Catarina Martyr, and founded the convent of Nuestra
Seiiora del Carmen. He was promoted to Arequipa
in Peru in 1641, and afterward to Quito, where he
died in 1650.

His successor, Bartolome Gonzalez Soltero, had

48 The date given by Pelaez is 1607. Mem., i. 295; Morclli, Fast. Nov.
Orb., 348; and Calle, Mem. y Not., 116. InPachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc.,
viii. 46, the year 1608 is named; and Squier in Cent. Am., 561, states 1609.
.Remesal suggests a later date.

49 Gonzalez Ddvela, Hist. Ecles., 164.

: 1 a variety of imj. ?)n

r of tin- nnivei-Mty in Mexico,

ries, li-eal, an&lt;l a

How ii after Sai !

entered Upon his ,|in 168 18 l:

ahly not lor BOme fcil 11 id

liis devotion to tin- sick, dm-i-

\\-on til-- reaped of tl, :i&gt;ild&gt; 1 !&lt; di-d nn t

January 1 (JjO, and \va- hnned in t

dral mtia

Tlic income of the di - in 1648, BS !lv

vpnrtrd, was -i ^lit tlioiisand ] JMT annum, and

iliat time tlit-rc were in tin- &lt;-it y of San
belongfinc to the Dominicans, l-Y;m&lt; An in-

ians, Jesuits, Mercenarios, and tin- oi-d,-r of San ,
(K- 1 )ios. [n charge of the Dominicans was the h&lt;

]&gt;ital of San Alrjo, and in 1 (if 1 tli

to thv care &gt;l t In- friars ot San .In I &gt;i.

tin- niana-rnirni ot tl. llso th&lt;-

hospital of San Lazaro. r rii-rr \\ in

tlir city four nmmrri; 3, two in dia
&lt;-an order, one of tin- order of La ( ion, and one

of tli ler of Santa Catariha Maitj con

taining four hundred inm nnml

of pupils.

In wealth and luxui orders lia.l I d a

cond only to that attaiii -d 1

and arrivrd in ( ;uat-in:il;i

the !;, 11 t r tin- kin/-; :&gt;}&lt;]

!&gt;.i\ i ;

Mil t Ee 4 with l.ivil: -

an iiitfi-val 1 D the juln,. ro of some

tlmv t- four

that ilurii. :it |i-stili i.

r tin- |

lllg ot i ,, on.l \vo| 1

IM 1608 tin .!! t;

aich hud bcc-n 1

666 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

Mexico and Peru. The cloister of the Dominicans,
for instance, had large revenues flowing in from its
Indian dependencies, water-mill privileges, and farms,
sugar plantations, and a silver mine. 53 Within the
ample grounds of their convent were artificial lakes,
fish-ponds, and fruit and flower gardens, and their
church was rich with costly ornaments and jewelry.
The Dominicans may have fared better than the other
orders, but to none was lacking either comfort or
affluence. Hardly less wealthy than the Dominicans
was the cloister of the nuns of La Concepcion, the
inmates of which were very numerous. It is narrated
by Gage that one fair sister of this society, Dona
Juana de Maldonado, daughter of the judge, so be
witched the bishop with her youth and charms, that
to gratify her he strove to install her as lady supe
rior and abbess, despite her youth and inexperience.
In fact the prelate s conduct was such as to create
scandal, and many noted citizens, whose relatives were
inmates, entered the convent prepared to effect a
change by compulsion. The intervention of President
Guzman and the young lady s father resulted in a
relinquishment of her ambitious designs.

The Bethlehemites appeared in Guatemala about
the middle of the seventeenth century, the founder of
their order being Fray Padre de San Jose Vetancur.
Their first habitation was a small house which was
purchased for forty pesos obtained by contribution.
The order did not, however, long remain in poverty,
and in a few years large gifts of money were annually
presented to the society. In 1667 Vetancur was
succeeded by Fray Rodrigo as the leader of the
brotherhood, and soon afterward a church was erected
by the Bethlehemites in Santiago at an expense of
seventy thousand pesos, 54 as well as other costly edi-

53 A mine of silver was made over to it in 1633; its income was at that time
at least 30,000 ducats a year. Gage, New Survey, 283.

54 Obtained entirely from contribution. President Escobeclo was especially
liberal and donated more than 55,000 pesos toward the expense of the new
buildings. He also secured to the order a revenue of 300 dollars: pues dex6

ri; , 7

lie 7 tip ,1,-; hut the !

ciflCan provincial ol&gt;j

led i he same hal.i M \\ &lt;&gt;m l.y hi- &gt;\\ M oro

This difficulty obviated, t be rulee ai

approved hy the l.ishopnn tip- C.tli of 1

Tl; -iety \\, :ii/ed in 1 CM . liidi

U illcliMlied h\ . hut ll"t li!;:

l- ray liodi i^-o li.-id spent til tr. -n \
itfi -in- in Madrid and Ii&gt;n,

Bishop Soltero 1 !i the rji&gt;c.j.;ji

was not occupied by a prelate until L659, Jua r-

cila- &gt; dt- la A appointed i i him,

but died at TVlman 1 c on the 5tli t May. !

while on his way 1" Santiago. li

conveyed thither and interred in thecathedj

1 ayo Enrique &lt;! 1 Jihn-a \
vacant see, and took ji- .11 in I- . .ry J

In ICdn a royal order arrived i

obligatory r&lt;&gt;nn-r instructioc th&lt; .t and

&gt;ii]H inls oi cin^H-i (

ciilar assistants, to \vh

or rntirdy ccninnittrd th-.-ir sjiiiitiial dnti T\
n \ rtlu. l-&gt;&lt; coll (t all id d

permitted lor a curate to have charge of i n

Pour hundred natives, and when the :

arrivi-d Bishop Hibera undci-tool, rv-

ance. The liscal, Pedro I ; r..

that ri- ht and also all suqlu- m

curate-. \vho had more than the le- al nunihei- uiid-

their chai - e. The controversy waxed warm and

id. d to g: i

.sitnados d ra mn^ s pesos. Garcia, lli*t. I,

10 M"i

\ i -id to P nilai

lining

o in Si^iin, MU^
ceeded, nooonli:

with th succeeded, nooonli:

.
M l

Jla&tro,
in, 1

668 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

Ribera traversed the length and breadth of his
diocese in his zeal for the church, and the establish
ment of the hospital of San Pedro in Santiago was
due to his labors. He was transferred to the bishopric
of Michoacan and left Guatemala in February 1668.

His successor, Juan de Santo Matias Saenz Ma
nosca y Murillo, arrived in the following June, having
previously occupied the see of Habana. The most
important ecclesiastical event during his rule was the
founding of a new cathedral, the corner-stone of which
he laid with imposing ceremonies on the 30th of Octo
ber 1669. The edifice was completed in 1680, and its
dedication marked by brilliant ceremonies and festiv
ities which lasted for eight days. The mornings were
devoted to religious services and the evenings to ban-

&lt;r? o

quets and balls. Two bands of dancers had been
trained with great care and performed on alternate
days; the one, composed of twelve young men, chosen
from the noblest families, and arrayed in splendid
costumes, exhibited the ancient dances of the New
World ; the other, formed of the same number of
young women of great accomplishments, richly dressed
in Spanish style, represented sibyls. Midnight was
made radiant by spectacular fireworks provided by
the different orders and congregations. When the
programme of the clergy had been exhausted, three
additional days were given to unreserved enjoyment.
Theatrical performances, bull-fights, horse-races, and
other amusements were provided, and attended by
throngs of people.

After the close of his duties as president of the
audiencia, Manosca remained in office until his decease
in the year 1675, having just before received notifica
tion of his appointment as bishop of La Puebla de los
Angeles. 57

57 In Medina, Chron. S. Diego Mex., 241, it is said he died in Guatemala
on the date given in the text, and Juarros, Guat. , i. 285, adds that he was
buried in the cathedral there. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat. , 4, states that
he had left for La Puebla before his decease. The author last cited gives his
name as Mallorca y Murillo, and Juarros as Manosca y Murillo.

Iii 1 Yliruary I 676 tin- IM-W 1, ; . ; Q ,],. ( )

y Mom ;ni&lt;l held office until l-

he was promoted t- M Ichoacan, 1

A! 3 de las X;r (Ju.-vi.-dn, wh-

siaMical \ and mode of ,-idinin

i nr him an unenviahle prominence amon._r the

inalan pi &lt; &gt;f th i enteenl h

During tin s period the ],i-&lt;&gt;\ incc ,,i ( Ihi
its highest degree of prosperit; l- i-nm the 1

it&gt; BUDJUgation ly Ma/nr lie n

n&lt; attempl t&gt; recover tlu-ir jMliti&lt;-,-d iV- d un-

interrupted tranquillity had d in tin- : r Yi

nati\ iihmittcd (juirtly to tln-ir lot, and tli
iai-&lt;ls enjoyed the fruit of tin 5r lalmrs. It 18 1
the t i-j-itniy possessed no mine&lt;. l.nt the J&gt;I-.M!II

nt tlie snil was such that abundance prevail

cochineal, and cotton were produced in 1,-n

({Uantity and \\ci-o of j^Teat &lt;-omn.

ieiiltui-e and cattle-raising ]&gt;i &lt;\

the country. Populous t&gt;\vn&gt;

fertile vallej the rivers "i \\-hi&lt;-h &gt;upplied I
habitants with abundance of ti&gt;h. and t!
abounded with game. l&gt;ut during thi&gt; perind
change was gradually taking ]&gt;laee in t!
and constitution of the t \ he Sp ini

came enervated and eli eininate from in nd

inactivity, while the .Indian re ae.juir; knowl

edge &lt;&gt;f manl\ and spoi hich

slothful coiHjUerors no longer jra-

])erfonned \\ith &gt;ki: With i
of the province ( i il&gt; it. " one of I

68 I 1 I .: : th lim

it 1)0 t

e, at

lances, and nr liett

670 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

Cities in all America," 61 nor is he more complimentary
to the Spaniards inhabiting it. These he describes
as being grossly ignorant, pompous, arrogant, and
cowardly, while the female portion of the community,
with no high reputation for virtue, had gained a ter
rible notoriety as poisoners when their jealousy was
aroused or their anger excited by slight or indiffer
ence; but we must not forget that Gage was a for
eigner and a fanatic. 62

The government of the province was as heretofore
vested in an alcalde mayor, 63 whose power was almost
despotic, though subject to a certain extent to the
president and audiencia of Guatemala. 64 With occa
sional exceptions the political and ecclesiastical au
thorities seem to have worked more in harmony than
those of other provinces, and the episcopal seat was
successively occupied by prelates who yearly made
the circuit of their diocese to administer confirmation. 65
Churches were built and convents founded, and the
Christian faith so successfully inculcated that it was
professed throughout the length and breadth of the
land. But as will be seen later, this tranquillity was
pregnant with the elements of revolt. The contri
butions collected by the ecclesiastics for the perform-

61 Consisting of not more than 400 Spanish householders and about 100
Indian houses. Id., 221.

62 The poison was administered in a cup of chocolate or some sweetmeat;
hence arose the proverb, Beware of Chocolatte of Chiapa. While Gage was
in Ciudad Real called by him Chiapa Real the bishop Bernardino cle Sala-
zar died with every symptom of having been poisoned. The ladies of the
capital were accustomed to have chocolate served to them in the cathedral
during mass. This habit the bishop attempted to suppress, and even pro
ceeded to excommunication, but without effect. Then a disgraceful tumult
occurred in the cathedral, and shortly afterward the bishop was taken ill,
and the physicians agreed that he had been poisoned, which opinion he
fully believed in at his death. Gage calls Ciudad Real that poisoning and
wicked city. Id., 229-33.

63 For a list of the governors of Chiapas who ruled from 1590 to 1713, see
Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 183.

64 He, the governor, tradeth much in Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers
over both Spaniards and Indians at his will and pleasure. Gage s New Sur-
vey, 228.

65 Gage estimated the bishop s stipend, derived chiefly from offerings re
ceived from the great Indian towns, at 8,000 ducats a year. The account of
one month s offerings was kept by Gage; they amounted to 1,600 ducats,
besides fees due from sodalities and confraternities. Id., 229.

, llicr of til- }&lt;}]_

tin- natives, ami t h LOD ami

ITIUM 1IHMV o|.Ji|

that the har-h 1 real i I lii-]i In.,

l&gt;y thr .-ai-li.-r n nt,

ID i ed I V thrir i-s.

CHAPTEE XXXVI.

THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

1G01-1700.

EARLY EFFORTS AT PACIFICATION PRIESTS AND SOLDIERS SACRIFICED MAS
SACRE OF MlRONES AND HIS PARTY EL PROSPERO EXPEDITION INDIF
FERENCE OF THE ORDERS BISHOP NAVAS IN THE FIELD A TRIPARTITE
CAMPAIGN DETERMINED UPON EXPEDITION OF PRESIDENT BARRIOS
MEETING WITH MAZARIEGOS VELASCO S OPERATIONS THE EXPEDI
TIONS RETURN FURTHER EXPEDITIONS FATE OF VELASCO AND HIS COM
MAND FAILURE URSUA S ENTERPRISE PROGRESS OF PAREDES NEGO
TIATIONS WITH THE CANEK OPPOSITION OF SOBERANIS URSUA TAKES
COMMAND TREACHEROUS ALLUREMENTS THE ITZAS CONQUERED -
PETEN GARRISONED JEALOUSY OF SOBERANIS UNSATISFACTORY OPERA
TIONS QUESTIONABLE POSSESSION.

THE region which lay between Yucatan and the
pacified portions of Guatemala was inhabited by va
rious unsubdued nations, conspicuous among which
were the Lacandones, Itzas, Manches, and Choles.
In 1603 certain members of the Dominican order, led
by Juan de Esguerra, succeeded in penetrating a con-
derable portion of the Manche territory, and induced
many of the natives to accept Christianity. In 1608
no less than eight villages 1 were regulated by Christian
custom and teaching, and the aspect of affairs was
encouraging until 1626, when the Lacandones made
a sudden and fierce assault upon the christianized na
tives and Spaniards of that district, advancing as
far as within six leagues of Copan. Many native
Christians were slain, and a still greater number car
ried off prisoners. This onslaught was followed the

1 San Miguel Manche contained about 100 houses; Asuncion Chocahaoc
the same number; the other villages less. Juarros, Guat. , 270.

l&gt;y ;in i I of 1

lliMii t hundi d of

I, inelud: he principal rlii &lt;

I ll I a l.;nl

finding thai the Spani .t pi

t In . and it th&lt; ir j !m

of ( In ! \-.

M inwhile ( iloris to C tin- I

made from Yuratan hy tin- Francis* all ti

nat inhabiting this wild country tin- I

tin- nio 1 powerful and The dilliru ,

pene(rat in-- their fcerril nl their &gt;

on tin- inlands of the great lake of 1

them apparent ly BeCUTG and independent. nipt

i lil intdvoin-sc . indr.-d. a l.ld ]i

and yrt in Ml Is friar.- Bartolom^ I- ; d Jr

dc Orl)itM. Imth con . iih tin- Ma\ a t ...

Mdrida on sudi a mi Q. i ij ti,

after delays and dillicuiiics. tli- -Mriiju,

1 tli&lt; i in hospitably, and d- spatcb &gt;sy

to Tayasril, tin- capital of the It/.; TL

olitaincd iVoin tin- canek, or Ii/.-i kii n in
1or ill- missionaries to \ i&gt;it hi- ci ( n i

lakr ly ni-^lit, they I with \v-

tlotilla of canoes v. -nt i

p; tin- town was illumi ! wii md ;i

vast crowd i mbled to greel thnn. 11,-ivii:

the canek, or kin^-. they were conducted through the

whirh l^uen-alida. ly the canek fl ] -n.

addressed t he people in jns pn .md . splain

t he doct rines of ( Jhrisi ianity touched upon

of their visit. Tin- i riar was listened t with digni6&lt;

attention, l&gt;ut tin- answer, tlion-h JH.U;

\vas not enroi; The lath, i - \\ IDO, hut

Certain proph. nt in thi ion \\hieh

-Tli ; of P&lt; q&lt;* r m

Io|ul hese islands waa estimated

.
3 JSi

Uir. CufT. AM., VOL. II. 43

C74 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

declared that in time the Itzas would become Chris
tians. That time, however, had not yet arrived, and
the strangers, when their visit was terminated, could
go back to their people and return at a more con
venient season.

Hospitable as was the reception of the missionaries,
an act of folly on the part of Orbita changed friendly
feeling into indignation, and placed the visitors lives
in jeopardy. Entering one of the cues, the great
idol, Tzimcnchac, 4 an image of a horse sejant, excited
the wrath of the friar, who, seizing a stone, battered it
to pieces, and scattered the fragments on the temple
floor. The outcry was vehement, and it was only
through the intervention of the friendly cacique of
Tipu that the friars were allowed to depart unharmed. 5

The persistent friars, nevertheless, again attempted
to introduce the faith amono* the islanders of Lake

Paten, and a few months later, accompanied by a
large escort of Tipus, paid them a second visit. The
canek received them with kindness as before, but the
priests of Itza were on their guard, jealous for their
religion. If they could induce the canek to view the
matter as they did, all would be well. To this end
the king s wife was importuned by the Itza priests,
and through her the fears of the king were aroused.

o o

It was then arranged that the mitote should be cele
brated with unusual grandeur; and at this feast the
canek should learn that the gods of Itza did not
wish the missionaries to remain. The preparations
for this ceremony excited the alarm of the Tipus, who

4 Tziminchac, q quiere dezir. CavaUo del Trueno, o Rayo. Villayvtierre,
Hist. Conq. Itza, 100. For an account of the origin of this idol see Hist. Cent.
Am., i. 5(31, this series.

5 The canek does not seem to have regarded the action of Orbita with
anger, having merely told them that the time for their work had not yet come,
permitting them meanwhile to depart in peace. An Itza chieftain, however,
pursued them, and they would have been slain but for the intercession of the
Tipu cacique, to whom the Itza leader replied con grande enojo: Pucs no
tray gas mas ac& otra vez & estos Xolopes, que assi Hainan ti los Espailoles,
desclc que vieron a los primeros comer Anonas. Villayvticrre, Hist. Conq.
Itza, 107.

6 Mitotes, 6 bailes, y borracheras. Id., 121. Consult also my Native
Races, ii. 28Q.

&gt;LT OF 1

N~or v ieir i

I. &lt; )n (In- morning ,,f |
limit ml. ,! tin- duellh.

1, hurried oil th

viol-nee 7 t tli- u he; |

cai ami 1 In in to make
they could. FamUied and dispirited
Tipn. and thei, rth ahandoi,

the 1

N et in the propagation of the faiih. 11 kn&lt;&gt;\

failure usually -livit : L

one I- nni. i ihtln-r, J ), ;,,, I.-,: 1 in t

&gt;vince of Bacalar, eetablishii n&lt;-\v to\vi . -lun,

in tin- iii nintain- &lt;! .Pimi.-nta.

Captain J ^rancix-o Miroiic- to enter i: -ontr

with (lovrnior (Virddias i.r tin- suhj- !!! of 1

It/;. Wliilc v, ait in-- at Xa&lt;-luu I

whirh \ .vld\v in coniin--, the dealings oi Mi:

with tlio natives were so unjust aa to excite ti.
.tiiM-nt. Delgado remonstrated in vain: Mimn-

more and nion- ai hit rary in I. iill

tin- town ripe I or an outhreak.

Meanwhile the friar nhtaim-d permission of hi
vineial to depart i or the capital of the if and in

23, accompanied hy ral S[)ani/n-d&gt; I ah-
lour BC friendly 1 ipiH, h- |roe

ten, \vhei-c lie \\ . ived I y the 1 1 ,vith

cnstnniary kindi, Allured 1\ j&gt;r..

ill-fated party passed and, \\ -in

landed they \\ iverwhelmed hy nun.
and hound, pn seutly to he immolated on the beat)
altar-si on Delgado \\ rved as tl T:

i tile Vielilll^ Weiv tllell placeil . ll

on the hill-ide in full view of the city. &gt;h&gt;rtly aft

ban :undolc en 14 Canoa

mucr;

8 Vill. ^ Hc s le

Itut In.- l"i-- mish soldiers

would go nnannedi / /. . mpare Cogollvdo, Iliat.

C76 THE ITZAS AND LACANDOKES.

ward Mirones sent two Spaniards to inquire how
Delgado and his party had fared, but their heads
were soon added to the ghastly collection; A native
guide who accompanied them managed to escape to
tell the tale, 9 but not believing it Mirones put him to
torture.

The patience of the Zaclunes was now exhausted,
and they determined to throw off the yoke. On the

y **

2d of February 1624, while Mirones and his party
were attending mass, and unarmed, they were assailed
in the church and taken alive. The vengeance of the

Indians was satisfying and complete. The hearts of
Mirones and the officiating priest were torn from
their breasts in the sacred building, and their bodies
thrown into a hole, while the remaining captives,
having suffered a similar death, were placed on stakes
fixed in the road, by which Spanish reinforcements
were expected. Then church and town were burned,
and the natives betook themselves to the mountains. 10

This uprising was followed by that of the Tipus;
and though some of those who had massacred Mirones
and his party were captured and put to death, the
country was no longer under subjection. And it fur
ther pleased the aboriginals to manifest their scorn
and insult by erecting ludicrous figures of Spaniards in
the mountain passes, which were guarded by images
of hideous idols. 11

Royal cedulas were so frequently issued to the rulers
of New Spain, Guatemala, and Yucatan, enjoining the
conquest of the country which lay between the two
latter territories, that from time to time individuals

9 Squier s account of this expedition is quite at variance with that of Vil-
lagutierre. He says that the priests, who accompanied it, alone crossed over
to the island. Mirones then retreated; and being pursued, the whole Spanish
force was destroyed. He, moreover, gives the date as 1GG2. Cent. Am., 548.
Consult Cofjollvdo&gt; JJist. Yuc., 544.

10 Cogollvdo, II 1st. Yuc., 547.

11 Cerrando los Caminos, poniendo en ellos Estatuas, a traza do Espafioles
ridiculos, y delante de cllas otras de Idolos formidables, diziendo, cran los
Dioses de los Caminos, y que so los estorvavan a los Espanoles, para quo no
passassen & sus Ticrras. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 144-5. Pinelo, ReL,
4-5, gives a brief though incorrect account of Mirones expedition.

Lad tin; crown to Ui;

pi 11 00

ly 1 ) &lt; /nloftea 1 VillaquL

officer Mi! li

1 l&gt;y i he council of th [ndiea i
til-- till of adelantado of tin- province, whi

named Jluilio d&lt; 1 IV

ward for liis ;iiii icipated I n 1 Villa-

quiran arrived in Yucatan to make pr his

dit iun, and In-in^ without tin- n

[stance from t ! rnor and :

provincial. I L&lt;j HR-II juil.i la-

linn v.itli the crown, distributed oi .nd inadu

preparations i&lt;&gt;i- taking pus- -n of his pr&lt;

Tlh 8561 1 of iniionary l ri;ii&gt;, hu\\ -

anxious that the cross should preca :l in

the work of pacification; hmcc in February I-

- i-ai, us, Hermenegildo Jnl anh- and Siin-.n dc

is. pr- ! iVoni ( amp I 1

in&lt; Ivanccd ( hriM i;in sett! !;u-nt of &gt; i

They A sliorily altrrxvard j.iin-l by A illa&lt;|iiiran,
v.lio, iindin^ the friars still ivsulutr in

ad 1 U tin- coinnia

ptain Juan do A ilvao, a n ,ue

.P.Mh-o X IX., instructing them to r r the in

itance, Au nip; mad l&gt;v i

iVuin Xohhaa to dissuaae them 1 roin vi
.vn, hut they were unavailii nd on th-

1 place Vilvao wnrned them of da: . and
i to them a churlish ho&gt;piiality. Il vi-

dent thai they \ nut welcome, ai. aient

\vhieh d BOOD alarm. 1

add to tin - ditlieuh &gt;" il^ ir lil ^ ^

\ ; : lUiran, who had returned

!. liv. and it w, th d hat tl

onseguida la po&lt;

na!

.ni cl ;:;. , -^ ^

that i^ th

678 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

at last succeeded in sending a messenger to him. 14
The continued absence of tidings from Villaquiran
caused Fray Simon to return to Merida, but having
suffered from severe illness and hardship on the road,
his health no longer permitted him to take part in
the mission. Fray Bartolome de Gabalda was now
sent to assist Infante in his dangerous position, but
well nigh perished on the road before he reached his
destination.

The adelantado again arrived at Usumasinta about
the beginning of 1647 at the head of his forces. But
he was a man utterly unfit for command. Instead of
proceeding to Nohhaa, the true centre of action, as
Infante, who had joined him, urged him to do, he tar
ried day after day at Usumasinta, till his inactivity
disgusted his followers, who, seeing no hope of success
under such a leader, gradually abandoned him. At
last with a remnant of his former force 15 he moved on
to Nohhaa, where he arrived on the last day of July,
1G47. 16 The Indians, having previously ill-treated
the friars, had fled to the mountains, but their cacique
had already made his peace with Villaquiran, and
Father Infante was now despatched to Guatemala to
obtain pecuniary assistance, as the adelantado was
destitute of fund s. At Palenque, however, he received
letters from Villaquiran informing him of his illness.
Infante hastened to return, but found that in his
absence threats of coercion on the part of the adelan
tado, for the purpose of obtaining provisions from the
cacique, had so enraged the Indians that they had set
fire to the town, and the adelantado with his followers

14 i

This messenger was a Spaniard, whom Vilvao almost succeeded in
poisoning: teniendo modo como echar veneno en el pinole, que atiia dc beber
por el cainino, con que despues estuuo muy cercano a morir. Id., G89.

]5 &lt; Y viedo los Soldados que tenia, quan remiso estaba, se le huyeron en
aquel tiempo, que solos cinco quedaron en su compailia. /(/. , COG.

1(3 Infante and Gabalda had some time previously been submitted to much
ill-treatment by the Indians of Nohhaa, who after an idolatrous debauch
compelled them to leave the town and betake themselves to the woods,
whither the natives presently brought them their robes and the church orna
ments. Id. Fan court, Hist. Yuc., 232, erroneously states that the father
was despoiled of his effects.,

had 1 !i tlieir ! I :

In t! !ian \illa i

Vera y Yilla&lt;j

lin- in . ion till April i . win n d&lt;

rele him iVoin aiixi. 1 1

luiried in I and v. ii h him \ all ; ipt

t ihl l.-dl the provil f Ml I &gt;;

sj ily appropriate to th&lt; of so ill

nd unfortunate an undertaking.

Tills exp&lt; not f&lt;

a nuiaher of 5. S.)iin- lil tie worl d hy

the 1 )ominicans in tin- country of
1(17.") and L677, and the miionari d in

t:ihlixhin;j Tal tOWl Tin

jx-nnaiieiK-y, and though many n d

t he ( holes ivl;. idolat rv and th

doned the Held. 1 Complaints were i

Dominicans hy the alcalde mayor ,! \
io\-al ccdnla, date&lt;l \o\cmher 30. 1G80, m

they resume t !n-ir \v&lt;rk and h" jio I with all

All a bance from tin tiviisui Hie l)oi:::i

were D !&lt;-r-nd themselves; 1-ut 1!

donht i];at theii- disser b civilians caused &gt;

indiij ejv; on their part, while tl

oppre-&gt;jon of the lat; J tin- &lt; :i

hatred of ( hrUlianiiy v.hich th oiild not con

trol.

( Ydula followe&lt;l e. dula. issued I

arch, ini])-itient over the delay in the pa

th. ( : ! 5, Lacand -ml i : hut no p.

" N,i; !r ! de IA Imperial &lt; .niulli-ro k- hi

Is * Vilhirutirr:- iariooi!

th W;IH th-
:ital&gt;l.
inst t! th. it :

( hire .-of til-

tin- lo

680 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

measures were taken until 1684 when Bishop Navas
of Guatemala announced his intention of visiting Vera
Paz with the object of insisting that the royal wishes
should be carried out. This had some effect. Presi
dent Guzman convened a council, and promised to
extend all possible assistance to the undertaking. He
also addressed the governor of Yucatan, asking for
his cooperation. The zeal of the ecclesiastics was
again awakened, and both the Dominican and Merced
orders offered their aid. It was finally agreed that
in the ensuing spring attempts should be made simul
taneously by way of Vera Paz and Huehuetenango.
Accordingly in the beginning of 1G85 the bishop,
accompanied by Agustin Cano the Dominican pro
vincial and other friars, proceeded to Vera Paz, while
Diego de Rivas, the provincial of La Merced, went to
Huehuetenango. Neither attempt met with success.
From Cajabon, 20 under the instructions of the bishop,
the parish priest sent an embassy of five Indians with
a friendly invitation to the Choles. The messengers
were assailed while asleep at night in the house of a
cacique, and only one returned to tell the tale. 21 This
failure so cooled the zeal of the bishop that he re
turned to Santiago. Cano was a man of more mettle,
and with his brother friars, penetrating some distance
into the mountains, reached San Lucas, one of the
villages formerly established in the country of the
Choles, and induced a number of them to settle there.
It was but labor in vain. In 1688 the fickle neo
phytes apostatized, set fire to the town and church,
and again returned to their nomad life.

Nor was the undertaking conducted by the Pro
vincial Rivas, at the head of the Merced friars, at
tended with batter result. He fearlessly pushed his
way into the Lacandon country accompanied by Mel-

20 The most outlying town of Vera Paz.

21 Y cstando dormidos, bolvieron los Choles, y les dieron de palos, y auii
debieron de matar al Indio Christoval. su Aniigo, que nunca mas parccib; y
entonces, solo vnobolvio. Id., 171. Juarros states that the messengers were
severely beaten with clubs and dismissed without reply. Guat., 278.

USUA C81

(1 ncos. [or &lt;&gt;! Ilu.-lni- itli

F tli.- 1

lli 1 ! Al&gt;and

de -1 dwellings disc I im-

init oi a liill \ onnd an mpl.

dniied, l&gt; : .;ib .id lime, in whieh \

in th" form &lt;&gt;f a lin sejant.

trod underfoot. erecting in its pla&lt; A

1)1. J then pi c nomie.-d upon th ;di

iiied \vitli tin- name of Xi;

Helen. JJut llu: few Laeandones, who OCc .allv
nj)je;!i-fd in si^ht, al\va\- lied at th.-ir MJ-JI!

Considering it dancreroi ice farther al.

route which was n&lt;-\\- becoming almost imj !:
tli- d tln-ir ste]

( )lire 1 nil lll 2 [ill of X&lt;)\-. -Inl T 1692 tile

council of the "Indies transmitted a j.ei

of tin- Lin-- that t h i ofthe ( In . m-

dniies be underl iinultaneousl^ irom \ ;

( hia and I IIK Inieten.-

ri&lt;&gt;s had heen temporarily suspended, dd

not l&gt;e opened immediately. Upon 1 in

K , ( j4 the n. - pressed upon hi i l.y

l r;;i: lelchor I K ftd A :.: , :il,

who liad already a vari iperi

natives, having, at the request ofthe alralde n
&lt;f ( - penetrated into the I jacand &gt;n c onl

at 1 1 k of their liv I n .lime 1 . .) 1 th- y \

(in iala, and in forming the plan of the fal m-

p-ii _j-n t heir \\ fully considered.

M antime W . l r&gt;ua. the j

of Yucatan, had in 1 &lt; . .-J jro;

nndert; bion of the It /as and tl. - L i Mii-

doned, and that tin

through ! heir counti n N 1

mala \vould coiiirihiii ;lv t&lt;&gt; th- ! tlio

22 I urcri t!i::t it v:is -

co. L

682 THE ITZAS AND LACANDOKES.

undertaking. This road lie offered to construct at his
own cost. His proposal was accepted; various cedulas
were issued containing 1 instructions relative to the

method of conducting the campaign, 2 " and directing
Ursua to act in unison with three expeditions which
had been already ordered to advance into the country.

Early in 1695 preparations were completed, and a
general enthusiasm prevailed, for predatory inroads
had been made in different parts by the Itzas during
the previous year. President Barrios himself took
the command, 24 and arranged that with his division
lie should enter the hostile territory from Chiapas,
while Melchor Ilodriguez Mazaricgos and Juan Diaz
de Velasco, at the head of the two other divisions,
should march from Cajabon and Huehuetenango re
spectively.^ Several ecclesiastics accompanied each
command, among whom may be mentioned fathers
Rivas, Cano, Margil, and Pedro de la Concepcion.

Proceeding to Huehuetenango, the president sent
Guzman in advance, with a detachment of his troops,
to Comitan, in Chiapas, and followed in person a few

days afterward. Here he decided to make the inva-

sion by way of Ococingo, and having appointed the
28th of February for a concerted movement, arrived
on the following day at what was supposed to be the
intended site of the city of El Prospero, selected by
the unfortunate Villaquiran. The ruined dwellings
were repaired, a hermitage erected, and the place
named Santa Cruz del Prospero. 26 From this point
Barrios advanced into the interior, encountering in
numerable difficulties and dangers in the wild track-

23 For copies of these orders and particulars, see Id., 192-9. Consult also
Elorza y Ilcula, NobiL, 216.

24 The entire force was divided into 9 companies 5 Spanish and 4 Indian;
3 Spanish and 2 Indian companies made up the command of the president,
and one of each, those of the other divisions. Juarrox, Gnat., 280.

25 According to Villagutierre the command of the Huehuetenango division
was first given to Captain Tomas de Mendoza y Guzman, but later Guzman
was put in command of one of the president s companies, and Mazariegos,
who had volunteered to serve without pay, was placed in charge of the above
named force. Hi-xt. Conq. Itza, 229, 234, 245.

26 /( ., 2GS. Fancourt states that there was nothing to fix its identity,
not even a hut. Hist. Yuc., 253.

: ,

n. D

and mephitio
after

vil ( in the r.

reunited in

S;in J i;;in de ! in on&lt; I dii

. I i .hau&gt;ted t

da; for ];

Ocorin; 1 Karri then p;

same difficulties in a; ml

of Man- 1 hen d dtiri

week at the loot of a mountain
of Mont- Santo v. iveii. !

days t! ^pedition slowly and labori ivan&lt;

till further pn i ! d b^ &lt; ] \i

margin, while j for n rout , a

soldi ajdured ,-sn .Imli,n, v. ho was ]

/vice Tide. Under his diiv&lt;-ti&lt;;!

on tin- iDtli of Aj&gt;ril a i-apid stream whir!..

lied a solitary heam of \\ .

iratioDS to cr&lt; it Max nd 1

n Hi- t. T

\\ l&gt;ol!i &gt;!(! ^Maxari in fart had 1"

; nioi
appointed day lie had left v n M.

lie had been ioned, and ;

I &lt;! ancient huild . I the vii

L: QOpJ

thence under diilirult

enrountei ed ly I Jar. he an on t loth

]\Iaivh at the river railed San K

f which he hld 1, . though 1 t ly

;npel!&gt; d tO forl ih in. It W!

27 ]

Jll;

*3 ., .

,1 ill

tlioM- y a mi.

Tmsvilli

684 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

until the 6th of April that any success rewarded the
toils of the invaders. On that day footprints were
discovered by Fray Pedro de la Concepeion, who with
four Indians was in advance of the army. These
eventually led them into a path which brought them
in sight of an Indian town. Sending back the natives
the friar entered it alone; but though he plainly per
ceived that he was no welcome visitor, he was not
molested. Meanwhile Mazariegos rapidly advanced on
the town; and meeting Fray Pedro on the way, was
informed by him that the inhabitants were preparing
to depart, and when the Spaniards entered not a per
son was to be seen. The Spanish leader tried to
persuade the people to return; he also instituted a
search for the president, his meeting with whom has
already been narrated.

Meanwhile Velasco and Father Cano had induced
five hundred families of the Choles to settle in vil
lages, and explored the country as far as the River
Mopan. Meeting everywhere with a friendly recep
tion, Velasco recommended that in this neighborhood

* o

a Spanish settlement be established as a base, having
to the south the Choles, to the east and north the
Itzas, and on the west the Lacandones, which was
done. A wooden fort was erected, and to the settle
ment here founded was given the name of Los Dolores.
A fence of palisades was built, and thirty Spanish
soldiers with a force of natives were left to garrison
the fort under Captain Solis, Father Kivas with his
companions remaining with them. Meanwhile the
rainy season had set in, and Mazariegos and Barrios
with the main body returned to Guatemala. Vdasco
continued his progress toward Lake Peten, and on
the 1st of April was within a few leagues of the
place, when the expedition was met by a hunting
party of Itzas, who rushed upon them with loud out
cries. The Mopanes attempted to parley, but the
answer was a flight of arrows. Exasperated, though
unhurt, the Spaniards discharged their arquebuses at

(X-,

Hie naiiv I. T! n-

noitrin^ | ;ut

nd i

which hud been 1 on

ahont ten leagues from I . i n,

oum proved the 1 : j&gt;til

;unl aa nothing was h- :n-d from t!

rie Velasco led h mmand 1

( )it hi&gt; return, whil ! tan

for another expedition, In- fell sick and died.

ii[)(&gt;n whom tin- rinnciit devolved,

ilv int.. hi&gt; predec desi A ix-il &lt;f w,

approved th&lt; i outline &lt;&gt;! tin- campai
tin- genera] i -.-ii u "f wliidi wciv t !.

of the OIK- juvtvdii; J;. d A

dor of Guatemala, WMS to L-ad th- j ill

huetenaDgO to !, ])lurrs. and deal elii. l y v. ith the

Lacandooes; while the o5d&lt;&gt;r, \&gt; Am-

&lt;ju- ( condu throuu i V . and

march against the I 1 hy w;iy of M n.

Ahout the middle of Januai-y L6! 1- ft

&lt; inateni;da : Al/aya-vi. on ,-irrivin^ with his di\ :
!,( ] )o]ure&lt;. I ound the villai^ thri\ in--, i: I an

five hundred native converts 1 settled t! II

then pr.xvrdrd in search of I .nln t&lt;&gt;\. ,ml

eventually discovered two. 1*. ad M &gt;n-

tainiii 4 more than a hundred faniili Tl.

i . adily received the faith. And \\7

that he had found all the Lacandon vi! in

(|u. M &lt;.t the 1 by way of the Lacandon IJi\

A fiber d ndin;_r some thirty-t wo
dition came to another and 1 hirli t!

cended for many lea-ai tnaki iKjuir h- wli.

ever possibl f r a rad to the ]t I; hut all

in vain; and linal! r lift -en . of Search

*Thc appointnu-iit &lt; r t.i was stron: ut

rati ir.l l.yth :i full cr, M- -Ol, appar

ent: HI. 1\ -

Vill 1, says 140 league*

686 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

they returned to Los Dolores, 32 where they arrived
the 29th of April 1696. A report was sent to the
president, Berrospe, and from him orders were received
to leave a company of soldiers with some priests at
Los Dolores and return to Guatemala, as no further
expeditions would be undertaken in that direction,
unless so ordered by the king.

The expedition under Amezqueta encountered a
more tragic fate. Reaching Mopan about the last
clay of February, and taking Velasco into his confi
dence, Amezqueta intrusted him with the command
of a company of twenty-five Spanish soldiers, which
was increased at San Pedro by a similar number sent
in advance, together with thirty-six Zalama archers.
Velasco was to proceed to his former camping-ground
on the Chajal, and there, or in that neighborhood, to
open communication with the Itzas by means of the
cacique Quijan, who had been detained as a prisoner
since the occupation of Los Dolores. Disregarding
these instructions Velasco, without waiting for the
main body, pushed on. The subsequent fate of his
command and of the priests was never ascertained with
certainty, as none of them w r erc ever seen afterward.

The general made every effort to discover the lost
detachment, and following their footprints arrived with
a small escort at Lake Peten. Although he entered
into communication with the Itzas he could obtain no
information of Velasco. The Itzas made every effort
to induce him and his company to pass over to their
city. This he was too cautious to do; and ordering a
final blast of bugles, retreated. The hostility of the
natives now became evident, and a swarm of canoes,
with warlike demonstrations, put off from the island.
Amezqueta, however, successfully effected his retreat,
and rejoined the main body, which was encamped at the
Chajal, where he awaited orders from the president . 33

32 The men began to sicken and provisions to fall short, and the rainy
weather having begun they returned. Pdaez, Mem. Gnat., ii. 301.

33 Velasco and his company are supposed to have been induced by proffers of
friendship to cross over to the island in small canoes. They were then either

H:: eg;

Th&lt;&gt; I;

dit, and in !i in- _r nmnl&gt;

A therefore w\

t&lt;&gt; ll. i Pedro Man

li- d liin; At tliis jiin-

in A .-1111101111- lailm

ordered t Ii.

lln- troops, not on! &gt;ni San P- Nut

Mopan.

Meanwhile t!

north v. ;llv. \Vh

h&lt;\-ird tit t I i

h" lia -; ii &gt; participate in 1 1.

adva;. nnd T tin- j

ins; a d" 1

in connnaiid of the company, wliidi c

Spanish soldi and a

! . ,r. ( lampeche IM- advanced to the

n, l)tii \vliilc recoD d

a larg force oi ( );, a ii

cn-&gt;llrd. r rih 4 (}iK-l];i-

tli-v ilcd, aiul i - &gt;i !! dm

i ined that til-- m

ni!)l i d in X t d ;ii

iih liis del land h

l"r-ua no\v lii-d i or iijijili

A ohi numerous, and ly .1 un .

a innch 1 his C iand.

litiOl tll !&gt;Mtll:

and iVont in thai direction" n i

I itli of Ji

I&gt;y lli mi ol .Inl

and !;

i the !

unt st.-itos tl;

ned. 1

. . . ;:

l o.

688 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

the friars entered vigorously upon their missionary
work. Here also reinforcements arrived from Ursua,
and despatches ordering Paredes to march on Los
Dolores and there establish a fort.

The expedition left Zucthock on the 10th of Au
gust, and passing through several abandoned villages,
crossed the Ucun or Concepcion Kiver, and arrived
at the plains of Chuntuqui, where they found another
deserted village. 34 Eighty-six leagues of road had
now been cut through the forest, and the path lay
open almost to Lake Peten; but in the beginning of
September the rains set in and further progress was
impossible. Paredes, therefore, withdrew to the north
of Zucthock, and there awaited the return of the dry
season.

Thus far all was well; but the work was now
threatened with interruption from political causes.
Ursua was only acting governor. A suit had for
some time been pending with regard to the respective
claims of Ursua and Roquc dc Soberanis to the
governorship of Yucatan. This was decided in favor
of the latter, Ursua being appointed his successor.
The law required that in future one holding the title
of governor could not reside in the province; but
Ursua contended that the new road had been advanced
so far beyond the settled limits of Yucatan as to exempt
him from the rule, and considered that the future
control of it belonged to him. As Soberanis was
still detained in Mexico, he continued his preparations
for the campaign of the ensuing year.

At this time news was brought by the Tipus, who
had returned to their allegiance, that the Itzas were
anxious to be reconciled with the Spaniards, and a
Tipu messenger, Mateo Bichab, was sent with pres
ents to the canek.

Although Bichab found the Itzas mustering for

o o

war, the canek expressed his wish to enter into peace

34 Y a aqncl Parage de Chunttiqui, se lo puso por Nombre, y por Patrona
a Santa Clara. Id., 319.

C89

with the governor of YU.
iilment of fche prophecies had no 1. Ur&gt;u-i

consequently Beni present and a suitable i
the Maya language, l.y the hand of tl

rio. Andres de A.vend; who w, d l.y

two In-other friars. ]\ M, n . r had A.vendafio

parted than n&lt;-\\ me that an -ml&gt;

approaching from the [tzas, headed l.y ( an.

of the canek. Its reception was made as imp

ible, and tin- governor and his chief,,]
( an outside UK- city and conducted him and his col
leagues with a military escort to the c dral
Mcrida, where mass was perf &gt;rmed. At the oflicial
interview which followed, ( an j.r, d t&gt; Ci-.-ua, in

behalf of the eanek, a crown of leathers of div&lt;
colors, in token of Mihmis^ioii, and iv&lt;jn.-&gt;ted fchai he
and his companions mi^ht be haptixed. II.
was granted, and the name of Mai-tin Fraii

was e/iven to the ambassador, Martin de I

ing as godfather. The eml&gt;a&gt;-y was di 1 with

presents for the canek, and an OSCOri of thirty men
at arms, under Captain Ilarixa. \\ith n pi

was assigned to accompany them horn-

Pared* iow dii I to take pi. .

It/.a country in the name &lt;.f the khr_r of Spain, and
the like instructions were given to Ilai dn.uld he

ai-rive iirst at tin- capital of the Mean

while Aveiidaho and his companions had met with an

unfriendly reception from the [tzas, who on their arri

val at the island conducted them int&lt; a hall wh&gt;
Were exposed the sacrificial tahle and tl f the

twelve otlieiatin _r pri r l lu- &gt;i _rht was not ur-

a"iii"-, hut the calm hearing of the father coini

ured him a hearing, and he was p- rmitted to

Crsua s address to the BXClted multitude which
thron-vd around "the huildii Th&lt; u-iliat.ry to

M Y no? my linl&lt;&gt;. con ro Bayna, y gu (

y su ( i , ! a&gt; *! i .icamado, para quo te pOgas ei.

i. CEST. AM., VOL. II. 44

590 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

of the message made a favorable impression, and the
friars now received better treatment. There was,
however, a faction, headed by the cacique Coboxh,
averse to any dealings with the Spaniards, and sev
eral days were consumed in considering the answer to
be sent to Yucatan, during which time the lives of
the priests were more than once in peril. They were
finally suffered to depart with a peaceful reply in
which the canek promised to surrender the islands of
the lake to the Spaniards. 3 * 5 No allusion was made to
Martin Can s mission, nor did the friars know anv-

thing of the matter until their arrival in Yucatan.
On their return homeward the fathers lost their way,
and for several weeks strayed amidst the mountains.
When almost at the point of death from starvation,
two natives of Yucatan who had accompanied them
discovered the road which was being opened by Ursua.
Help was obtained from a passing mule-train, and
the exhausted friars were conveyed to. the camp of
Paredes, whence they proceeded to Mreida.

Soon after the departure of Avendano from Merida,
Paredes was ordered to proceed to Lake Peten, but
falling ill transferred his command to Pedro de Zu-
biaur, who with sixty troops, and accompanied by
father Juan de San Buenaventura, started forth about
the time Avendano was lost in the mountains. On
arriving at the lake the hostile intent of the Itzas
was speedily disclosed. Buenaventura, accompanied
by Agustin de Sosa and a lay brother, endeavored
to pacify them. All were seized and carried off to
the canoes so swiftly that recapture was impossible.
The Spaniards charged and killed about forty of the
Itzas; but numbers were against Zubiaur, 37 who after
maintaining the fight for some time retreated in good
order. Francisco de Hariza heard at Tipu of this
change of affairs at Peten, and Martin Can and his

36 En cuya sefial di6 el Rey Canek dos Coronas, y vn Abanico. Id. , 394.

3T Se hallaron con mas diez mil Indies Inlieles, quo salia-ii flcchandolos;
de las Canoas que estavan escondidas en los Manglarcs de la Laguna. Id.;
405.

under .
It

I in good 1 1.

i:&lt;&gt;\\- lint
country 1 D tli- nn in f th

coi iction from Yu :i and LosDolore ; l&gt;u-

i-tion ] .1 the

not l.c finished until the I
act ivr coi imw ^"in^ OH bei ;

tin- ;

lly the viceroy Ort Mon- li-

chonc;m, decided that to I r^ OB ] rly 1

completion of the 1 work, and
to ren dl possihlr aid. L

ar: *\\ tliu kin^ commending I

and assuring liiin of pro? n. A c

&gt; Governor , K
I ciidcr all possible a The j

nala uctcd to aid the nit.

: a l&gt;ody of soldi I Vt -n

while (he viceroy of Ne\v Spain \\

the pro and ammunition i

und .iiiLC.

ndin^- his infantry and artillery in advancr. I r
on the of J.-iini.-ii-y ! - . 7 ith t

cavalry. The forces reached I. &lt;&gt;ut

encountering any n&lt;l the o

tion of a u-alh at once 1 in, Th

ro har, ! 1 .y the Indians, who pli&lt; !
mi -, hut Ursn add not allow liis in. ii r

tal and ti 1 kindly th I - whom 1 : p-

iur. d. o ba1 in time their countrymen

the encampment. Ainon ! P

was M.-.ilin ( ;in. who explain d that th
\\\&gt; j.i- i\ i a ! ll unju.-t pus

38 A ]". &lt;f Connt \ pros .

ulaa are given in Yiltayvfar,
438

692 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

his countrymen s assault on Zubiaur s command. He,
moreover, informed Ursua that the Itzas were pre
paring for war. Not long afterward a flotilla of canoes
approached, the largest of which bore a white flag
which betokened the presence of the high priest,
Quincanek, cousin-german and next in authority to
the canek. A guard of honor was drawn up for his
reception, and the chieftains were escorted to the
general s tent with due formality. Mutual assurances
of friendship were exchanged, and Quincanek declared
that the Itzas were willing to open a road from the
lake to that which led to Guatemala.

A day was named on which the canek himself
would visit the encampment, but the promise was not
kept. In his place a tempting bevy of attractive
women was sent, evidently meant to captivate and
beguile; but their deportment betrayed the purpose
for which they were sent, and strict discipline was
maintained. An almost unanimous feeling prevailed
that kindness would not pacify the Itzas. This was
evident from the opinions of the captains expressed
at a council of war; but the general was firmly de
termined to abide by the spirit of the king s cedulas,
to employ only peaceful measures until all resources
in that direction were exhausted; and being ready to
sail to the island of Peten, he proclaimed that the
penalty of death would be inflicted upon any one
who should enter upon hostilities under any provoca
tion without his express order. 39

On the 13th of March 1697, affcer confessing their
sins and celebrating the solemn rites of the church, 40
one hundred and eight men set out for the island on
board the galliot, every soul on board being stirred
by religious enthusiasm. On their approach to Peten

89 Que ningvm Cabo. . .ni otra Persona alguna, de qualquiera Calidad qne
fuesse, peria de la Vida, . . . fuesse ossado a romper la Guerra contra Indio
alguno, annque le diesse motivo para ello, hasta tener nueva orden de su Gen
eral. Id., 473.

40 A picture of Saint Paul also miraculously floated on the waves down
upon the galliot. Y por este Prodigio, se le puso a la Galeota el Nombre de
San Pablo. Id., 474.

RSUA IN C

they were surroun&lt;lc&lt;l l,y rountl . whose

OCCUpai ly pli.-d i &lt;s \\ i:

until a soldier, named Bartoloml Duran, b in-

f ully wounded, diseh 1 bis arquebuse. T

followed l.y . Ui who had hith

to endeavored to convince tin- lt/.as of his j. t ul
intentions and liad restrained his men 1-v nd

example, could no longer control them. T
was Hearing the inland, and tin- Spaniard- in th
impatience to get at close &lt;|uart&lt;-rs leaped into the
water and fought their way U) land. Then formi
in close order they charged th- It/as with
that they, already panie-strielvn, hrok- and jiln
ly thousands into the lake. 41 &lt; i n at numhers
drowned, or shot from the pursuin Iliot, on wh;
liad reinain- d t\venty men 1.. the KM So

great was the terror inspired that those in the &lt;-an
lost their presence of mind, and easting away v.
and paddles jumped overboard, the &lt;.f th- la

from the island to the shore, he mg thiekly &lt;
with the heads of the swimm

Ursua now planted the standard of &lt; -ilciip-m :

summit of the temple, which ai ter due thanksgiv:
was eon\ ei-te(l in((. a rhuivli, and OODSecrated ly the
^icar-ffeneral in full canonicals. The chi&lt; f i ! md i

LVed the name of Nuestra vSenora de lofi 1 .
y San Pahlo. Hie natives were gradually indu&lt;

urn to their hal&gt;itati&lt;&gt; On the \;i^\ of Mareh
Chamajcuca, chief of the Alain nation. . in.hrii

ing the iugitiv iifk with all \\\^ family, and an

of good-will was inaugurated The unfinished r&lt;&gt;ad

(luatemala was meantime pushed forward, and Cap
tain .IV: i 1 -nt v, ith d-&gt;|&gt;atelr I I audi
cia. The tidings wei ivecl !;-. &lt;id- \vith

rejoicing, and appropriations \ . made for th m-

&lt; l . liasta la mas p ra, quo era capaz do cxecn-

no BC \ ra cosa ]w la

:uudu, coino i IKJI!J.I. i

C04 THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.

tenance of a garrison of fifty soldiers at Los Remedios,
as Ursua s means were nearly exhausted.

On hearing of this friendly assistance, Ursua caused
a redoubt to be erected and mounted v/ith artillery.
Then leaving on the island a garrison of seventy-five
men under Captain Estenoz, he returned with the
remainder of his force to Campechc. The enthusi
asm caused by his success was shared by all save his
rival Soberanis, who, straining his prerogatives as gov
ernor, subjected Ursua to vexatious insults, and even
temporary arrest. While in Campeche Ursua re
ceived letters from Peten, showing the necessity of
finishing the work of subjugation. The larger isle
was bein; deserted, and the smaller ones were under

o *

no control, while the tribes beyond the lake were hos
tile. Ursua was in a strait. He felt the necessity of
immediate action, but the unfriendly feelings of Sobe
ranis and his own reduced means delayed him until
1698, when cedulas were again addressed to the vice
roy of Mexico and the governor of Guatemala and
Yucatan, 43 ordering them not to throw impediments
in the way of Ursua; while a complimentary despatch
was addressed to the latter/ 4 appointing him governor
and captain-general of the whole country through
which he had opened a highway, and making him
answerable only to the viceroy of Mexico.

Ursua was now enabled once more to take the field,
and having obtained assistance from the military com
mander of Campeche, began his march for Pcten in
January 1G99. A simultaneous movement was also

made from Guatemala by Melchor Mencos, with a
force of two hundred men.

On Ursua s arrival at Los Remedies on the llth of
February following, he found the garrison almost out
of ammunition, and in want of provisions. Accord
ingly he despatched messengers to hasten forward the

43 Copies can be found in Villagvticrre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 532-03.
41 The king says: He resuelto daros muy particulars gracias, por el
desvclo, aplicaciou, y cuidiulo con que vuestro valor, y constancia se dcdica a
seguir Obra tan del servicio de i)ios. VillayvLierre, 55G.

conseguir

r.\ i: , -

MI Guatemala, which it},

-t. of all kinds. Meanwhi
the campaign in two dr.

the command of M.-l&lt;-li&lt;.i- M , anil ith

I Frsua al i \- of Vera i

commanded l.v GsteVan M di
proceed through Loa I &gt;&lt;
tion. I -.1 ,-it 1 ;

hut Medrano (lid not appear until ;

Tli ult of these &lt;-.inl)inrd exp Ii1
unsatisfactory, The com: which follow, -d in

tin- r f tin- Guatemalan dr. did \ ij..

and Ursua could not undn-taki- tin- cam] ith anv

liopc of success. Tlx* l ..i\-i^iii

and sickpeSS can 1 !l.-d a council .

\vliicli the M-ciK-ral opinion \-

In- loft at LOS II in and th f tin-

-hoiild ivtnrn. TL ^lin i out

"ii the llth \vln-n Tr

tln-ir marcli lor Yucatan and ( \y,

ch equally disappointed. Frai &lt;

in :-oinin;md of tin- i ort with nii-n and o|]

and willi him remained h iv.

other i uiaries and some prl\
immediate r I rsua nd

the former assumed th. omenl of th

Of the fut Ul e ojtel at lol

known; 41 of the Lacandonfce it may 1 mai-kel t

to thi- day ih-y have ninintain-il their indepmd

Imlian famili
Avitli UK-!-. mil horses. accompani&lt;-l the

ced, aii .i pay rs, WM

also sent.
4C y-/..:: l

1
II wa.sk;

of i: 11

the ooiH|

.If a milit.

1
soni &lt;~ . t J!

s- in IT" 1 . i illagcs, besides the

principal ^

CHAPTER XXXVII.

GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1701-1800.

THE TZENDAL REBELLION A NEW MIRACLE ATROCITIES A NOVEL
HIERARCHY THE TZENDALES REPULSED SEGOVIA S OPERATIONS
PRESIDENT Cosio ASSUMES COMMAND FALL OF CANCUC SPREAD OP
THE REBELLION ITS SUPPRESSION DECADENCE OF CHIAPAS EARTH
QUAKES RIOTS VENALITY OF THE CLERGY ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
ARCHBISHOPRIC HERESY BOUNDARIES OF PROVINCES ABOLITION OF
CORREGIMIENTOS ANOTHER GREAT EARTHQUAKE QUARRELS OVER
REMOVAL EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS.

WHEN the storm raised by the Berropistas and Te-
quelies had subsided, a political calm appears to have
prevailed for a period in Guatemala. Unfortunately, in
other respects the colonists were far from enjoying
repose, and the eighteenth century was the most ca
lamitous epoch in the history of the country. Nor
was the freedom from strife between church and state
permanent, since humiliating contests for authority in
time sprang up afresh.

The first important event which disturbed the quiet
order of affairs, was the rising of the Tzendales 1 in
Chiapas during the presidency of Toribio Jose de
Cosio y Campa. 2 In 1712 the Tzendales formed an
alliance with numerous kindred nations, and grafting
some Christian rites upon their paganism, followed the
lead of an Indian girl, who claimed inspiration from
the virgin Mary.

1 See Native Races, i. 645; v. 603-4.

2 Cosio entered \\pon the presidency in 1706, having been preceded by
Aloiiso de Ceballos y Villagutierre, who was president after Berrospe from
1702 to 1703, and by Jose" Osorio Espinosa de los Monteros. Juarros, Guat.,

i. 268.

(69G)

Th- first outhreak occtim 1 .-it I)i;i
Pedro Villena ^ bh in 1

church while

\\hieh were to 1 I to i

.vn l&gt;y thf hi&gt;lmp. Tl: 1 l.y

th&lt; sure of tli- \vlm

were, 1 !.

what later the bishop vi I the disaffected toi :i&lt;l

was openly informed 1 &gt; y the Indians that it WEfl th
intention to rise in am

About the middle of th mondeLara, ]

of ( ancuc, was inform i the miraculous i

sit ion, which w, n UK- \vrm. of his &lt;&gt;rli

doxy, a miracle of Sata and that tin- nati\

.iv, -ted a chapel near that twu in CO1

rv.-iit. He iinnic&lt;liatr ! n\-n&lt;Ml tin- inliahitan

who promptly , :ill-d, hrin^in^ with them tin-

Indian e-irl to whom tin- divine r t ion had

mad Standing in their midst si. hnly told

the \ i had appeared to In-r, and commanded t;

a cha] el to h loriii. .mll he l.n: "he

spot where she had made her j nee vi&gt;il.l II

this divine display been free fn&gt;m the taint of a 1
7 i-inal faith, much e-ij-ital mi^lit have In-i-n made

it l.y the fathers, Padre I. iddressed the h.

on the matter and wi.-hed tod. the chaju 1. 1

the Tzendales induced him t&lt;&gt; all\v it to remain, ti

it mi^ht S.TV a ]&gt;! 11 which to make h:

in s] bisk pn.hihiti-n, re]

continued to le &lt; -el. -1 ;ra t . .[ the]-.-, and OW11

inert of the author) al ( iudad II. -al I !ra

of llion The neiLrhhoi

tered into a compa.-t v.ith the |,,-,,pl n&lt;l

the ! jtl far and wide in th

district

Thus p 1 tin- month of July. In tl.

of August t!: men. nt n

al. 8, in the nai the virgin, and with 1.

8 Garcia, Sublevac. Zend., 47-8.

698 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

signed in her name, commanding thorn to brins: to

o . *-^

her chapel at Cancuc all the silver and ornaments of
the churches, and all the money and books, for there
was now neither God nor king- of the Spaniards.
On receiving this summons the leaders of the rebellion
in each town artfully evoked the fanaticism of the
low orders by calling upon them to hasten to the
assistance of the virgin, who they asserted was going
to be put to death. 4 A multitude was gathered, and
on the 10th a great feast was celebrated at the chapel
of Cancuc, where a council of war was held in order
to complete their plans for the extermination of the
Spaniards. The towns of Tenango and Cliilun were
soon afterward attacked by a body of Tzendales, two
thousand strong, who were called the "soldiers of the
virgin." Tenango fell an easy prey; the fiscal Ni
colas Perez was flogged till he died, and many others
were put to death with every ingenuity of torture. 5 At
Cliilun the feeble garrison defended itself for some
time; but when their ammunition was exhausted and
they had no hope of escape or further defence, they
gave up their arms under assurances that their lives
would be spared. Most of them were immediately
clubbed or stoned to death; and the remainder died
under the scourge.

In obedience to the commands of their prophetess
the Tzendales then proceeded against Ococingo, but
the Spaniards retreated in time to Cornitan. Aware
that neither woman nor child had been harmed at
Chilun, they unfortunately left their families behind.

4 Que f ueron al pueblo de Cancuc d remover d la Virgen Sma en la cruz
en quo habia muerto su hijo Jesus porquc ya Io3 Indies calian do Ciudad Real
d matarla, y que fuesen a tlefcnderla, y quo supiesen quo ya no habia tributo
in Icy, ni Padres ni Obispo que alia los tomara d cargo para defenderlos. Id.,
61-3.

5 At Cancuc they had erected 34 whipping-posts, and the Spaniards were
given 50 blows at each post, provided they held out so long against death.
Some of the captives with their hands tied behind them were suspended with
the neck in the fork of a whipping-post and scourged to death. Others again
were simply hanged. Such as had been friendly to Spaniards were suspended
over a slow fire until their feet were roasted. The fiscal of Oxchuc and
friars Jorge and Marcos, together with other Spaniards, were thrown by the
Indians into pits and stoned to death. Id., C5"-7.

c; ;i.

hen the

dr.

l&gt;a: ! ba I t Joan, On disc

&gt; enra-jvd, and ivturnin Ococ
tore the children from the n

(1. ivd tlicni before thuir r; then aft _; the

worn

A hi i T lival h Id to c&lt; heir

and over it ] I their ; bose

Li\v. In the chapel at ( , n-

dates. 11 the spurious altar of th
a screen of Indian Dialling, b. -hind which i oss

would retire; llience issui.
conn t holy Mai-y.

The inventor of this imposture Tzcn

henceforth assumed the name of S .11 (Join

la ( Jl-.iria. lie asserted that S:iint :
him up to heaven and ap; -d him 1 icar

earth, with ]&gt;o\ver to elect bisho] And

it on to the full comp a of his ]. .n.

All the fiscals of the towns were
and the elect ordained. The only &lt;j
ipiir-.l were ability to read, a
of kneeling for t\v- i nr hours, &lt;

in h ind, reciting the rosary r which La Gloria

sprinkled the priest-elect wit
lion ended.

The hybrid faith spread -o. S&lt;

bra ted i:; | and on th

was h. Id, bull-fights and ing c

in honor of the event, while th

into a dancin- 11. Th 1

inn laily juvached to the : m

Bac tal i : in the surr&gt;ui; . too.

v.-lv consecrated pi icsts

disc- ing from the pulpit
sacram-

lint ere lon-- mnrmnrin^s b I 1.

o had been led t in L

700 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

oracularly announced that there should be no more
tribute and no more priests.

By dint of flogging the new hierarchy maintained
order for a time, but as the discontent increased
Nicolas Vasquez, styling himself captain-general, in
the name of Gomez de la Gloria, envoy of Saint Peter,
fulminated a proclamation against the malecontents. 6

The next action of the Cancuc ecclesiastics was the
appointment of a bishop, and the individual selected
was offered the pleasant alternative of accepting the
bishopric or being hanged. The test of his ability to
fill the office is curious. For three days and nights
he was kept fasting in the chapel at Cancuc under
threat of instant death at the first display of weak
ness. Having passed this ordeal he was consecrated
by Gomez de la Gloria with appropriate solemnity and
mummery. 7

A government was also formed, the head of which
was Dona Maria Angel the priestess. She was as
sisted by twelve of the principal Tzendales, styled
majordomos. 8 Sessions were held in the chapel where
contributions were received with which to defray the
expenses of government, and to propitiate the virgin.
Thither also were conveyed the gold and silver taken
from the different churches. 9

6 The proclamation said: God was angry with the world because he was
not venerated and feared as he ought to be, old customs being abandoned and
new ones introduced. As murmurs had been heard because tribute, the order
of Sto Domingo, the king, and the dominion of the Jews had not been done
away with, San Pedro had ordered priests to be ordained for all the pueblos
who should be responsible to God for their parishes. But for the masses cele
brated by these priests the world would come to an end, and through them
only would God s anger be removed. Children must be sent to the church
to be instructed in God s law. The vicar-general would presently visi t each
pueblo in order to see if this order were obeyed. He who refused obedience
should be brought to Cancuc and given 200 blows, after which he should be
hanged. Garcia, Sub. Zend., 74-5.

7 Secular distinctions were also conferred. Titles of Don were given, the
patents being signed by the priestess thus: Dona Maria Angel, Procuradora
de la Virgen Santisima. Id., 77.

8 At a later date the rebel Tzendales considered that it was necessary to
form their government on the plan of that of the Spaniards. They deter
mined to found an audiencia with president and oidores at a place called
Hueiteupan, to which they gave the name of Guatemala. Id. , 82-3.

9 The Tzendales buried the silver belonging to the churches, and it has never
been found. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geoy., l&gt;oL, iii. 350.

The new regime did
])iscontent show.-d ;

and dissension among th&lt;- members of tli&lt;- govern
ment. The T/rndal angel took &lt;

chief support. d hi be fl 1 all,

other offending ollirials were puMirlv BC
Mil I ndian named Juan Lop havi

in the division of ] lund-r i L at 1

town appropriated i he vii Di&gt;\

and it only by dividing among the c

towns tlie money in tin? chapel treasury that 1
inhabitants of Cancuc avoided war with their neigh
bors.

At this juncture an opposition miracle was an
nounced at Yajalon by Magdalena Hi

I)on;i Maria Ali _H. Ma- da!

had not received the attention to which she u
tied, and denouncing the ( aneue mira.-l.-
claimed herself a divinely inspired a
This aposta :idcomr it imitation of tli

miracle was too criminal to go unpin 1. Tl

Cancuc priestess therefon oft

soldiers of the virgin to Yajalon to !

to her. Wit blood&gt;hed this v,

accomplished. Magdalena Dia I lian^ -d. and with

lier an Indian of Tila who ].ro.-laim-l th
Cliri-t. perish all wh&lt;&gt; oppose tin- true faith!
Meanwhile the Spaniards w taking jm -para

to suppress the rebellion. When it iir-t br-.ke o
there were not more than thirteen hundr
mm in the province, and th
different garrisons. 1 1 chanced at thi- time that th&lt;

was no on

eutive, and the alcalde s ordii \ of &lt; liudad I.
did not consider that th.-y 1 be |&gt;\\ in

such an emergency. One of i. h , de

spatched . igeto !Ndro( ;

in officer in Tabasco, informing him of T

and .sulicitinu r aid. -it once hast

702 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

to Ciudad Real, and having presently received from
the president and audiencia of Guatemala his appoint
ment as lieutenant-general and chief-justice of Chiapas,
called the panic-stricken inhabitants to arms.

While Gutierrez was on his way to Ciudad Heal
the alcalde Fernando del Monje had marched with
one hundred and fifty raw recruits to Huistlan--the
nearest town in the direction of the revolted districts.
Here he had fortified himself, but was besieged by the
Tzendalcs in great force, 10 under the leadership of
Nicolas Vazquez, 11 who made several fierce assaults
upon the place but was repulsed with severe loss.

Gutierrez hastened to the relief of Huistlan with
one hundred and forty Chiapanecs and two hundred
men of Ciudad Real. Forcing his way through the
Tzendales he united his troops with the besieged Span
iards, and a sortie being made the besiegers were
thrown into confusion and many slain. The Tzendales
abandoned the siege, 12 and Gutierrez at once prepared
to pursue them, but the timidity of the people of
Ciudad Real fettered his movements. News had
reached the capital that Sinacantlan had revolted and
that an immediate attack upon Ciudad Real was de
termined upon by the Tzendales. This intelligence
struck terror into the pusillanimous inhabitants and
Gutierrez was implored to return.

Meanwhile the parish priest of Sinacantlan, Padre
Jose Monroy, who was at Ciudad Real when these
events occurred, went to his disaffected flock and urged
their return to allegiance. The news of the disas
ter before Huistlan had so discouraged the Sinacan-

10 The Tzendales, 15,000 strong, encamped at Huistla,n with the further
intention of marching on Ciudad Real. Pineda, in Soc. Mzx. Geog., Bol.,\\i. 349.
This estimate probably includes the other force which was to have started
simultaneously against Ciudad Real, as mentioned later.

11 They had about 30 escopetas taken at Chilun. Their other weapons
were long spears, the heads of which were made of tools taken at Ococingo,
and other arms of ancient usage. Each Tzendale, moreover, carried a basket
of stones. Garcia, Sullevac, Zend., MS., 85-6.

12 The Spaniards lost nine killed and about the same number wounded.
Id., 91-3.

ASSAr: I OCCIIUC.

his

Tl:

Ix-iii hie to op_r :m i

sj in the people IK- mint" :

in; !o of t!

dent Co I in October he a; 1 N

8 in, an office] 1 in Indian

man. ;n&gt;t tli

dal&lt; :id despatched hi: 1th tn&gt;Mj to ( ii

Real. Tl i officer on |

ctive campai A ahout the 20th nth

took the iield nt the 1; r lin

iard &gt;tir i:

Chiapanec \v; .panied l\- a nun of

Dominicans, \vliosc order had r- ad

anre in n; men, Ii md i

I to ( )( hilo &lt; ill roliiliKilld Of

(trong foive. 11 proe. ! to San !* dro Cliin
A scri f nts 1olio\vc(l.

liad divided bis foi --in!in;: I of

one Ijundred nn-n each to OCCU] in the vi-ih.

oi ( !ancuc, d in t ).-,-inir l-\

&lt;&gt;f the ( l^ut ov ry ult up n

was ivp! ith ! y loss to th .o

ai la book bo Bi lit and \\ 1 v.ith &lt;t

slan- litcr. Tl. on bl 22d ! (

sip 1 a r- enforcement "f tln-&gt;- i

i-ivcd UIK! nd of the i

d- 1 i On thr L Cth tli -. h j to

cil : c urprisCj

13 Four of I !. lore were afterward hangc

" \\ it consist

of \vh" 1 tho rest

Ian . . 1 *

a small .is

trooj i;i l -:ill--i

it \

16 Tii I :.:: : .,:i [
atCiudad Kuijduri:.

704 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

beaten off with heavy loss. They then sought for a
parley, and endeavored to induce the Spaniards to
surrender their arms by the same specious promises
that had been so fatally alluring at Chilun. But the
two positions were not similar, and it was only through
the efforts of the fathers that the indignant Segovia
was restrained from firing upon the treacherous truce-
seekers. The Tzendales were summoned to return to
their allegiance, and one hour s cessation of hostilities
was granted. The time of the armistice was occupied
in burying their dead. They then retreated in the
direction of Cancuc.

President Cosio, deeming it necessary to march
against the rebels in person, on the 10th of November
left Ciudad Heal, 17 in company with the auditor-general,

Die^o de Oviedo, in charge of a strong detachment

. .

destined for Occhuc. Though formidable intrench-
rnents had been thrown up by the enemy on the line
of march, the Spaniards by a skilful movement com
pelled the Tzendales to abandon them, and a juncture
was effected with Segovia. The combined forces then
advanced against Cancuc and encamped in front of
the town. The enemy was strongly intrenched and
several assaults directed against the fortifications were

&lt;^

repulsed by the Tzendales, the officers being ill sup
ported by their men. In one of these Segovia was
wounded; many of the soldiers were also severely
injured by the stones hurled against them with re
markable skill and force. 18 Success eventually crowned
the Spanish arms, and Cancuc fell into their hands.

Owing to the hiatus in Garcia s manuscript, it is
impossible to say what were the military movements

seen artillery other than that which was on the ship that brought him from
Spain, but he offered to construct either a mortar or a camion. He made a
mortar which was of much service, chiefly because of the horror it caused
among the Indians, who called it the madre de escopetas. Id., 99.

17 The president, who with the auditor de guerra, Diego de Oviedo, had
arrived at Ciudad Real, sent to thank Segovia and his force at Occhuc and
the Dominican padres with him for their success there. He also requested
that Segovia and the padres would come to Ciudad Real as he wished to con
sult them.

18 This portion of Garcia s manuscript here ends abruptly.

705

&lt;&gt;ii !&lt;&gt;(! durhxj- i maind hut

it is certain that the reb&lt; !li.n i \\ id

even tin- native population , &lt; udad 1 1 j h

revolt, "NYitli tl ption of Chamolla. in i ti, c .

\\ hole pn.\ Lnce appears bo ba \\ in an

At tin- l)(--iniiin-- of L713 tl. - h army i

itioned .-it ( Ihamolla, and tin- hiMi
of defeats had become dispirited. S I

de la (Gloria had lied: dissension \\;i&gt; ri! .- in th- r.i:
of the Indi.-ins: and tln-md &lt; ! th.- &gt;tru di au-

iii^- near. Marchuig iVnin Chamolla at i the

presideni \viili his forces adv.-mn-d udad

lu-al. 1 I is ajipi oach \\ ; ndiK t. d \vith th-

precaution and in silcii i- &gt;tiMn._r t .rt iii.-at i.ns had
been erected 1\ tin- enemy aln.ut three |uart-

lea- Uc iVoni tlx- caj)ital. These he I 1 uni.

and ahoiit an liotir af trr midnight ( iudad L .-al \

surrounded. Tin- alcalde, who n-ided in the outs

&lt;1" the city, \vas &gt;iir|&gt;i i&gt;ed and 1, and forthwith

despatched to warn tin- people t&lt; make n attempt at

resistanc Ihi-l.-s wei &gt;nu\d .n all
intimate t,&lt;&gt; the inhabitants how &lt;-lo^&lt; ]\- the city \

invested, ;md the army nio\vd -ilciitly n , 8
Pablo, where the GrUatinpan female l-ader was cap-
tun-cl. Henceforth the Spaniard^ v.

triumphant : tin- Indiai d to their allegian&lt;

and ahoiit the month of Mareh the IV.eiidal I-C!M 11:
\vas ai an end. All attempts to -;]&gt;tmv &lt; Jni. l-i

(loriaand I )&lt;fia Maria An-vl pi-, ived un8UC :il:

th reaped inio Ihi- wood- 1 nuthin^ i

known of them."

the T/rnl:iV la wa" the mart loyal

:i in t!i

M- Cli;uii l!t*-c8 had Ix-i i

tioi! tit, :iM l t : HI.

1 Miring tin innii l r&lt;

tin- i UC in inl uvii.

//., I-

80 Th from \vhi. li I liav.- rhi

quofc

r. Get.
OL. II. 45

706 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

The effect of the Tzenclal rebellion was disastrous
in the extreme; and later in the century other causes
tended to hasten the decline of the Spanish settle
ments in Chiapas. In August 1785 Ciudad Real
with the surrounding country was flooded; numbers
perished; houses were swept away; the churches and
convents were injured, and the growing crops de
stroyed. The report of Intendcnte Sayas in 1800
represents a lamentable condition of affairs. Roads
were almost impassable, bridges dilapidated, and
churches falling in ruins; the country towns possessed
no decent municipal buildings, and even the jails were
so dilapidated that prisoners could not be securely
confined. Sayas in fact describes the province as in a
state of decay. 21

By a royal cedula of November 6, 1714, the term
of Cosio s presidency w r as extended for a period of
two years in acknowledgment of his able management
during the Tzendal insurrection. He then meditated
an expedition against the Mosquito Indians, but while
engaged in preparations for the campaign was pro
moted to the presidency of the Philippine Islands, and
was succeeded by Francisco Rodriguez de Rivas in
1716. This president continued in office until 1724.

Oficio y Vicario Provincial de San Vicente de Chiapa, dirigida al Ilmo. Senor
Obispo dexta diocesis yfcclio en 5 de Junio de!716, MS., 1 vol. in imperial Svo,
pp. 154. It contains a copy of testimony taken by PP. Frs Maxelina, Garcia,
and Diego de Cuenca, by direction of the bishop, concerning the death of the
several Dominican friars at the hands of the revolted Tzendales; the details of
these murders are given. The manuscript also contains copies of letters and
journals of Padre Garcia written at the time, which contain a very full account
of the origin of the Tzendal rebellion, the singular religious schism which
they sought to establish, and the various proceedings, civil, military, and
ecclesiastical, which led to the final suppression of the rebellion. The con
tinuity of the events related is not easily followed, since the manuscript was
carelessly arranged for binding. In places, moreover, it is wanting, and is
somewhat worm-eaten. It is therefore difficult at all times to decipher the
facts, which are moreover hidden in the verbosity common to an ecclesiastical
writer of that time.

21 Chiapas, Informe del Intend ente, in Soc. Mex. Geoy., BoL, 3d dp., ii. 326-7.
In 1800 the office of alcalde mayor at Ciudad Heal was sold for 4,687 pesos,
those of eight regidores for 400 pesos each. The position of notary public
and secretary of the cabildo sold for 627 pesos and at a later date for 1,110
pesos. Pineda, Descrip. Geoy., 45.

1 &gt;Mrin^ 1: i occurred a

Th-re were t, cm

1 71 ) whieh o ned much alarm and .

damage to l.uil.li and in L717
-; almost totally hy &gt;li&lt;

tinned for many da;. i , I ic

ar are preserved in t

of the lie, ! Toi I io d Ara:. a. &lt;.id.

lieneia, and an witness of in of t

sc -ne.; described From A t, 18th to
j 7th, the Vol. -an de Fuego vomii and

intermittent shocks of

in constant alarm. On tin; ni^ht of th-
date a shock more violent than any that had
shaken the city occunvd. and i. huildi:

importance was k-i t uninjnr&lt;-d. A. seen- oi

confusion ensued Men, wono iildr.-n n:

from the doors, or threw tl - iVom wimlo

the street in the wildest consternation. Ev&lt; D

of relationship \\ &gt;tten in tin- awi nl iat

divine judgment was at hand, Tli

tinned, as the people, crucifixes and i

the virgin, tlir)n-vd the churcln-&gt; and puhlie s |iiar-&gt;.
r J1ie hishop, lioldin^- aloft the 1 . solemnly
the evil spirits of the human i

The following day v. lie feast of S
and hoth -ivil and ecclesiastical author

the peo[ilc to pra\ nd con; -n; ht:t ulii!&lt;- T!
en L aboul -nn- t an rnipti&gt;n t&gt;,,k j

from Bides f th(i mountain- sprang rivul.-t-j

1ii Again tin- people i 1 to tli-

d an image of the Chri&gt;t \ borne in -5s-

hnreli of Nn 5 ]

which thron-rd \vitli an

&gt; he near t ! T&lt; d sliri: Th li ill

! robes impl the divine :

thf Ham.-- died out there the u&gt;nal m. ib-

Ut the hi-liop and tin 1 sanvd in.

Next -I;-;. -unr d

708 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

fresh flames, vomited from the mountain s crater,
again struck terror to the inhabitants; 22 and on the
30th a tremendous convulsion shook the earth, 23 the
sky being hidden by a dense black cloud, which hung
over the city like a funeral pall. The instinct of pres
ervation prompted flight, and the roads were covered
with fugitives, even modest nuns mingling with the
frightened throng and hurrying away on foot from the
crumbling city. 24

The loss of life had been great; and when the con
vulsions had ceased the apppearance which Santiago
presented was that of a city crushed by the hand of
omnipotence. The cathedral was in ruins, and the
churches and convents more or less shattered. The
wrecks of demolished houses were seen in every direc
tion, and the few persons who remained were painfully
impressed by the silence which had now succeeded to
the busy hum of a populous community. Through
out all these distressing circumstances the president
and the bishop displayed unflinching courage, and
strove to alleviate distress and assuage alarm. 20

Many meetings of the audiencia were held to
discuss the question of again locating the city. It
was finally left to the decision of the king; but when

22 &lt; j^ o se descubria otra cosa que pesadas Crazes, agudas espinas, abroxos,
crueles imbenziones de diziplinas, arrastrados por los suelos los Hombres,
lagrimas, y liumilidad. Arana, lidacion Estragos Gnat., 383.

23 The missions were now closed with a prosesion de sangre. Most of
the shocks lasted for the space of an Ave Maria. Arana, Rel. Estrayos Guat.,
380-98. The volcano threw up stones, ashes, and other matter. Letters
could be read distinctly in the dead of the night, although the volcano was at
least two leagues distant from the city. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 179.

24 Out of the 40,000 inhabitants who resided in the city before these earth
quakes, scarcely 1,500 could be counted when they had ceased. On the plaza
mayor on the 5th of Oct. were the president and five or six families. On the
plazuela de San Pedro were Diego de Oviedo and Tomds de Arana, the oidores,
the nuns of Santa Clara, and two other families. In the Jesuit square re
mained the members of that order and some other persons. Under the porch
of Santo Domingo were some monks and a few seculars. In the potrerq of
the apostolic missionaries were six religious and a few others. There were a
few more at Jocotenango. Arana, Relation Esiragos Guat., 380-98.

25 The bishop, on one occasion of unusual alarm, being sick in bed, was
brought to the centre of the plaza mayor by the hands of the president him
self, who remained steadfastly in the city, and, with others, rendered what
ever assistance was in his power. Id., 398.

I OF 7,

license for t], , V al a1 lengi !i an in-

li:i&lt;l ii tli

their dilapidated dwellim I

pai t of tin- city.

On tli&lt;- L2th of April 17 ,1.11.1.. .

addressed a memorial bo I

pitiable condition t. which i

and tlif impoverishment of its cite 1 IU M

was petitioned i r.-d m

lirf, and that the church edilic &lt;,d puhlic huildii

nii^lit !) restored &lt;&gt;r huilt i 1 *edro Am

Echever y SuvUa succeeded lliva- in the pres *

During his administration is riots occurred!

tused J&gt;y the assassination &lt;&gt;! tin- j : . .

! ( )r&lt; )/(), and the hai-har u&lt; niurd.-r .f all his 1,
liold for purposes of roljl-ry. Th- uvi..
widespread cnnspinu-y was broughi to li-j-li? d

tlioiiM-h no nr e made, many persons \ im-

plicated during the progre. { th&lt;- in-juii

dispute, aU&gt; arose betWe&lt; n and I

members &lt;&gt;t tin- ,-iudiencia; and when the Inrm.
tempted t-&gt; lanish them, they \\e ; i m,,!)

and took rel u^e in tin- cathedral.

A more serious matter, involving the ri-dit of

saiK-tuaiy and leadlQ a civil and ; c.n-

ilict, arose from the conduct oi J

Hal! "os, who had iatally .I.e. 1 ;i man. Tl

murderer sought \-&lt; &gt; convent chun-h, wl

he waa &lt;! d l.\ em l.y the al&lt;

20 - or. An -.!., 1 J --8, con

tliro cons-

is hr. //

[ii i; ; Aba

. J "

tluit I -oworic

iii li-..

- I:. .

J|. ; i&lt;l vra a knight uf ( ulatr:i\-m.

Mludinj to lli

.ait linn measures of tlio iiiani Can .

710 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

de Hijas. He sought refuge behind the grand altar;
but the sanctity of. the place was not regarded, and
despite his struggles he was arrested. The prisoner
was immediately put to the torture, and died under
its effect. The alcalde was promptly excommunicated,
and the ecclesiastics appealed to the king, petitioning
for a royal declaration of their rights in such cases.
The monarch, by a decree of the 18th of June 1720,
decided that in this case the prelate was justified in
proceeding against the alcalde, but that all doubtful
cases, as a rule, must be decided by the king himself
in council. 30

During the next twenty years no political event
occurred that is worthy of record. Several able prel
ates occupied the episcopal chair, 31 but their adminis
tration was greatly interfered with by the improper
action of the secular and regular clergy. So flagrant
were the abuses committed by the priests in the exer
cise of their duties, that the bishops were embarrassed
in their visits, and the natives oppressed by the venal
conduct of their pastors. The abuse of this mock
religion w r as carried to such an extreme that the sale
of the sacraments, the failure to visit the dying sick,
and the charges for the performance of funeral cere
monies 32 brought on the ecclesiastics the censure of
the crown.

In 1729 Juan Gomez de Parada succeeded to the
bishopric, and the reforms which he effected were so

30 In this instance the alcaldes were deprived of their offices by the king,
and made to pay a fine of a thousand reales de ocho. Providenclas Iteales,
MS., 300-9.

31 In 1723 Bishop Juan Bautista Alvarez de Toledo was succeeded by Nico
las Carlos Gomez de Cervantes. During the administration of the former
the king had found it necessary to issue a ce"dula, dated November 15, 1717,
ordering that no new churches, convents, or hospitals should be founded with
out his permission, since they were already so numerous as to interfere with
eacli other s usefulness. Provirfencias Reales, MS., 207-8.

32 Among other charges made against the clergy of this period may be
mentioned the following: sick persons were compelled to go to the church to
receive extreme unction, many dying on the road thither; Indians were com
pelled to marry at a tender age in order to increase their contributions; fra
ternities were organized, to the members of which great pecuniary loss was
occasioned; curates absented themselves without permission, and the priestly
office was sold to the highest bidder. Ordenes de, la Corona, MS., iv. 155-7.

;i M

ial thai tl d.ildo ord, red 1. bfe

painted and preserved, \\ith ip-

tion an honor which had been paid to IT- ]&lt;:

pt Mano,piiii. Iii L736 !
to Hi- of | ruadalajara^and th hop of &gt; -

oala, Pedro Pardo de 1 i

tin- episeop.-il chail

The occasion of Figuer bion \

memorable through the action i 1,,,

the members of \\-hieh demn-d t! i im _

nicijal claim to scats of lionoi- \va- n..t &lt;luK ,\ l-

edged. The audimcia, tin- ivli^imis ord
the- principal persona- .f the city had OO1 d in

the cathedral at nine o eloek in tin- iiiorninr a n&lt;l i

time awaited tin- arrival of the municipal a

thoriti. These, In- r, aft i- an iui-_ r riiM

it a 1 :lgC t() tllC eil eet that tli da QOl

on which they could he called up.n for the t

tion of husiness. The audicn -luptt-il to i
te, and alter a fruitless tiim-, \vit

in- to their hall of scs&gt;i pointed it I

cathedral other alcaldes and &lt;nd nol

the contumacious cabildo that i

consider tliemx-lvi-s under an Oxvin-- to tl

jealous claim for p lei ice on the pan of the muni
cipality the enthronemenl of the his|j ; p did

place till t\\o o clock in the aftenioo,

33 Up to 1730 the tithes col 1 ,000

pes&lt; i 17-"&gt;&lt;ei

u 00,000 pesos

I dro i .i: d

arcntage.

i h.-iliit

&lt;&gt;i" I. M! ;ind t:

and Etoi -upyii. i of sc

Anti&gt;n:-&gt; d n- &gt;n &gt; these tluti s I _ .

j ; oo was conae-

th.

17 uhlio entry into the cat;

. .17. r;; ( i, th all receptions of bitbopi

712 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

Figueroa decorated the cathedral with sumptuous
altars, rare paintings, and exquisite works of art; re
stored the convent of the Carmelite friars; enlarged
the episcopal palace, and rebuilt the church of Esqui-
pulas, in which a so-called miraculous image of the
crucifixion was preserved.

During the seventeenth century the elevation of
the see of Guatemala to an archbishopric had been
frequently brought before the notice of the kings
of Spain; and not without reason; the bishopric of
Honduras was a suffragan of Santo Domingo, while
the far distant archbishopric of Peru was the metro
politan of Nicaragua. In 1742 Pope Benedict XIV.
at the request of Felipe V. issued a bull conferring
the pallium upon the bishop 30 of Guatemala.

The suffragan bishoprics were those of Chiapas, Nic
aragua, and Comayagua. The pallium was brought
to Vera Cruz by Isidro Marin, bishop of Nicara
gua, and thence to Guatemala by Francisco Molina,
bishop of Comayagua, who arrived at the capital
October 28, 1745. On the 14th of November the arch
bishop was installed and formally invested with the
insignia of office by Jose Cabero, bishop of Chiapas.
The event was celebrated with great rejoicings. The
archbishop died on the 2d of February 1751, at Esqui-
pulas, and was interred at the foot of the grand altar of
the cathedral, beside the remains of Alvarado and other
celebrities distinguished in the history of the country.

The suffragan sees of Honduras and Chiapas present
little additional material for history during this half
century, the proceedings of the church and regular
orders being one uninterrupted continuance of labors
which year by year became less arduous and were less
carefully attended to. 36 In the latter province the

alcaldes should occupy the chairs of the dean and archdeacon in the choir.
Arevalo, Col. Doc. Antiy., 9-13.

85 Condi. Prov., 1-2, 297-8. Juarros, Guat., i. 292, states that the bull
was issued in December 1743. A copy of it is given in Nueva Espa/la, Breve
fiesumen, 370-5.

36 Two prominent bishops of Honduras maybe mentioned: Antonio Guada-
lupe Lopez Portillo, a native of Guadalajara and delegate to the general coun-

:ular Qj had 1 ecom&lt; &lt;-h imp.

deva d by t) I l,-il in

the 1 &gt; &gt;mini&lt; in } (ulai min-Ii n du&lt;

lv the i;i Mimuitt, d upon tip .| cacao

plantations t h; t t i he pr&lt; ftho

with ilic yifl.l .! ih nill, did i I

means wherewith I or tfu-ir elm

\\ lletller owil: ilHT, ;I&gt; HIM- &lt;;. j ;g,d

indolence &lt;&gt;f the eccl to th

ildlirlVIK-f OH til* jKll t ll.lti . tin- C

ihrir lui-t-tatlu-rs, heresy became &gt;&lt; j

this cpo.-li that tin- injiii&gt;itin of M . in 17

fulminated a t.-n-ililr anath-nia t nlil nd TS in

Cc-iiti al Anu-rif In this edict . pi;.

&lt;T misfortune that could fall upon th&gt; in-

nerfl nf mankind was invoked up.u tin- head of apos-
tai

1 n the middle of th ; i century tl in-

aeralcy f Guat&lt; inala included the i

n 7 54 and 17 49 r north laiiti;

at IN.iiir in 17 J."-. / in*

.11 i,i. ftho . iatrations DO rooords

&gt;n.jn en i.

38 Th- 1"&lt;&gt;11"\\- of thi ngn obrc ellos.

le la&lt;
\i\- delosB i-&gt;8 Apo*tolea San

s todas las

inaldi. &gt;n sobre cl R u

:i las Mandamientoc

|Ul ll;i- (

-.
)) i( , \ nj y scan iuallitos en su

i-. y (luriiiir, t 11 u \i\ .

ii c adun id&lt; i": ! u n^ 1

fun [no scan con &gt;s; BUS dins ean pocos, y ma.

l)iru&lt;-s. \ ii,./: ml. i." aaeon hucrfanoa,

y sirinj.i-.

i iic northern limit ..f : .;!;i wa wt,

as early afl I this tl.

- sul-
of t ;| 1&lt;;

jjn.l n:: " cn l ^

th,. hiinal..

nitini;

iaaiiita), K

714 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

six hundred leagues in length from north-west to
south-east, and varying in width from sixty to one
hundred and fifty leagues, making an approximate
area of sixty-four thousand square leagues. 40

At this time the ruler of Guatemala held control
over the provinces of Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicara
gua, Soconusco, San Antonio, San Salvador, Chiapas,
Sonsonate, and Vera Paz; and the districts of Plue-
huetenango, Atitlan, and Tecpanatitlan, Quesalte-
nango, Chiquimula de la Sierra, Escuintla and Gua-
zacapan, Tegucigalpa, Sutiaba, Realejo, Sebaco, and
Nicoya. 41 In 1787 the territory subject to the cap
tain-general included thirteen provinces- -those of
Soconusco, Chiapas, Suchitepec, Vera Paz, Honduras,
Izalcos, San Salvador, San Miguel, Nicaragua, Jerez
de la Choluteca, Tegucigalpa, Costa Rica, and Gua
temala. 42

By ro^yal cedulas of the llth of March and 20th of
June 1776, the office of regent of the audiencias was

atcd on the river of the same name; thence following up this river to a point
opposite Huehuetlan, in 15 30 of the same latitude, and thence to Cape
Three Points in the Gulf of Honduras. In 1599 the line was again changed,
leaving to Guatemala the territory lying between 8 and 18, more or less,
north latitude. In 1678 another change was made by the viceroy of New
Spain, which took from the captain-generalcy of Guatemala many towns on
the coast, as far as the river Huehuetlan, and also extended the boundary of
Yucatan. Finally, upon the establishment of the intendencias in 1787, the
boundary line was again fixed, and the captain-generalcy of Guatemala made
to include the territory within 7 54 and 17 49 north latitude. These limits
were confirmed by subsequent commissions in 1792, 1794, and 1797, and
adopted by the Spanish government in its map of 1802. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boh-
tin, 3da 4p., iii. 78-9. Although these boundaries were approved by the crown,
the exact location of the dividing line between Chiapas and New Spain ap
pears to be a matter of dispute among many authorities. Pineda, Description
Geog., 17; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 1-2.

i0 Guat. Apunt., 8. The Nueva Espana, Breve Restimen, MS., ii. 349, says,
* it extends for more than 300 leagues along the coast of the South Sea,
but in a straight line from east to west it is but 240, its greatest width
being 180; and again, from the limits of Tehuantepec, the last of the prov
inces of New Spain, to the Escudo de Veraguas, the limits of the kingdom of
Tierra Firme (via the cities of Santiago, Leon, Nicoya, Cartago, Boruca), it
is 650 leagues.

41 N ueva Espana, Breve Restimen, MS., ii. 349.

42 Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 3da dp., iii. 78-9. In the enumeration of
provinces but twelve are mentioned, that of Guatemala being omitted also.
Eco de Espana, Aug. 27, 1853; Garcia, Resefia Geog., 7.

C OS ABOI D.

&lt;] .tlmu j-li litil.- i&gt; said

ill ( iu;i* In. 1 1 ,1 \vi t ],

and their ;mth&gt;rh\ ,- t J, ;m I the :

dent. 1 ;i Jan 1 77s \ i

pointed i -I I., t \\. en tli ml 1800 t

Bee was held \&gt;y t his successors. 44

In no otlicr rcsp
have IxM-n mad*- in tin- &lt;i;
eminent. 4 Important &lt;] hov

introduced in II. m oi

4-anization the jx.lit i&lt;-;d divi

to many variations. During the ntli ;rv

tlid-r wer many as thirty-two. &lt;f wliirh

!-niii nine alcaldias mayori-s, and i.

corregimiento

About KJOO &lt; i-jlit of tlio corregimientoe A alx-l-

islu/d and united to the ^ovi-rni .id iV&lt;m i

\ junta of ministers was a] he kins, whose duty it woa to

riit. ( &lt; ihilnri",

timis cf t! nts ;u- 1 in /,

t&lt;&gt; arrivin.u :it. tlu-ir ] f duly i\i-

:id thi V v.

..!. I
Tin- ( inline! ;iti"n of their dut 3.

41 Af:.T JicrriT.-i c::] ,!..,!.

tn.j Juan .1 Villain.

cil of tho Indies; Axnbroeio Cerd4n, b -ica-

; M;ilii;t 1 ( ;^tiil I Jo6 1 - !lia!&lt;! A

ilin^ ;

..s Orilnifla, actual oitlor of the aiuliciu-ia of ) whca

appoini

i 17(57 the sahi; &lt; wcrt -, captain-

L r rii. of the (V 8 *nd

0,000 inai royal accountant

300,C(;
I n titnlo dc no, qu &gt;mayL

.1 Soconusco;

linuila.

(luatciiKila.
in;
niak
that oi the \ :ila, \\ !

cc alt i

, d of ( x .n-iiw, Vjarraz, u

716 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

beginning of. the eighteenth century until about 1790
the corregimientos were further reduced, new alcaldias
mayores being formed and others abolished. 45

At about this latter date the intendencias 40 were
established, reducing the number of provinces to fif
teen, which embraced four intendencias, thirty-nine
subdelegaciones, four politico-military districts, three
corregimientos, and seven alcaldias rnayores. 5(

Between 1752 and 1773 eight governors ruled in
Guatemala; but their administrations were marked
by no event worthy of special notice. With the ac-

the decreasing population of Costa Rica, were incorporated into that govern
ment; the corregimiento of Tencoa was absorbed by the government of
Comayagua; and to the government of Nicaragua were united the corregi
mientos of Moninbo, Chontales, and Quesalguaque. Juarros, Guat. , ii. 38.

48 In the beginning of the century the alcaldias mayores of Amatique and
San Andre s de la Nueva Zaragoza were suppressed; a few years later the
corregimientos of Escuintla and Guazacapan were consolidated to form the
alcaldia mayor of Escuintla; and that of Solola was formed of the corregi
mientos of Atitlan and Tecpanatitlan ; in 1753 the alcaldias mayores of Chimal-
tenango and Sacatepeques were formed of the corregimiento of the valley of
Mexico; in 17GO the corregimiento of A,casaguastlan was annexed to that of
Chiquirnula; and in 17G4 the pro\ 7 inces of Chiapa and Zoques was separated
from the alcaldia mayor of Ciudad Real and formed into that of Tuxtla.
Juarros, Guat., ii. 38. About the middle of the century, according to Nueva,
Espaila, Bre.ve. JResumen, MS., ii. 349, there were nineteen governments in
nine provinces and ten districts; and Cadena, Breve Descrip. , 9, writing in
1774, says there were twenty-four governments and alcaldias mayores.

49 As intendencias were first established in Mexico their functions are de
scribed in the history of that country.

M Guat., Apunt., 106. According to Juarros, Guat., ii. 38-9, the districts
of Realejo, Matagalpa, and Nicoya were united to the government of Nicara
gua to form the intendencia of that name; the alcaldia mayor of Tegucigalpa
was united to the government of Comayagua to form the intendencia of Hon
duras; and to the government of Soconusco were united the alcaldias mayores
of Ciudad Real and Tuxtla to form the intendencia of Chiapas. The fourth
intendencia was San Salvador. Forty subdelagaciones are by this author as
signed to the four intendencias, as follows: To the intendencia of Nicaragua
six, Granada, Realejo, Subtiava, Segovia, Matagalpa, Nicaragua; to the in
tendencia of Chiapas eleven: Ocozingo, Simojovel, Palenquc, Tonala, Soconusco,
Tila, Istacomitaii, Tuxtla, Guista, Comitan, and San Andre s; to the inteu-
dencia of Honduras nine: Gracias a Dios, Olancho, Olanchito, San Pedro
Sula, Yoro, Santa Barbara, Trujillo, Tegucigalpa, Choluteca; and to the
intendencia of San Salvador fourteen: San Miguel, San Vicente, Santa Ana
Grande, Chalatenango, Olocuilta, Cojutepeque, Texutla, Opico, Metapas,
Usulutan, Gotera, San Alexo, Sacatecoluca, Sensuntepeque. Under this for
mer system in later times all appointments were made by the crown, the
president of the audiencia having the power to make temporary appointments
only. Usually, however, the presidents were authorized to fill all the offices
under the government and in the city, some ad interim, others permanently.
After the establishment of the intendencias the president had the privilege
of appointing as subdelegado, one of three persons proposed to him by the
iiitendente, whenever a subdelegacion became vacant.

MAONIPICl ; V.

cession of Martin de M

however, began 01 in

the history of tin- count]

\ot\\ i mding th rs wlnVh t!

ii;la li;id j, it had in-

&lt;! ill wealth and i m j, lO8j , ln -

- noted i or tin- 1111111!.. r and .
and ]. ul. lie Luildin- s and \]
QUmer&lt; hlircl j till inainl

it&gt; rank as the second city in
inferior only to ]\I \ie,&gt; i: kani of ].

Scenery, eliniaie, and varied ? On

side of its well \\. d and fertile vail

villa: nd farms, u h. ultivat- d ji. ld.&gt; and [
piistuivs ailorded a j)lca&gt;in^ jn while hi-h 8

tlio liills and niountaii iiieh il, d it on eiti
side, towered in inajr-tie -Tandeiir th- ti.

itiago,
lieutenant- 1 f tl; s, nnl

&lt; :il i-;iltar. ;is&gt;ui:
June L l, 17-^ . !, fi-Din

Oiiioa, wli&lt; i In- had onlcr.-d luiilt. 1 roni :

sfiiior oidor, .luau !.- Veknl.

tli&lt;- foUowiog jrear, ^1, . rcos y Moreno, arrived.

ll&lt; was a kni.L lit of ti seal de caiii{x&gt;, and itubee*

i|Urntly li.
li \\ until after lii

i"i- Vdan,
be f&gt;lii,\vi

.da, ai, .tuall\

hid;. i in tin- 14th of .Juin 17

df &lt; k pOBSeSgi

I fiior in tin- |&gt;n.\ in,

Jllin d y ()&lt;jin-iidi. \vas a; 1 t&gt; ^ -ut the latter
dyin

lit i :und in riiaiyr tdl I

/. and Ik-nicit
s of ti al Spa i

or ti Like Pre- rieoe&lt;l the fatal

, -Innate ! - I 10, 1771. !: iMe

i whilr

the MI :ill&gt; y Villaseflor. &gt;

Plllisriji

the .-

., i. -70 1: Artoa* . Doc. AKI&lt; : ;.. l.~. . . / . -

. ttrcvc Dtscr

718 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

In the centre of this beautiful valley, and nearly
opposite the Volcan de Agua, stood the city. Over a
mile in width at its narrowest part, its numerous
streets were broad, well paved, and, excepting in the
suburbs, laid out at right angles. Every portion of
the city was abundantly supplied with water, and in the
principal square there was a large and handsome stone
reservoir, fed by two streams. Facing on this square
were the governor s and archbishop s palaces, the city
hall,, mint, and cathedral. The government buildings
were remarkable for their solidity; and within their
spacious corridors, formed of columns and arches, was
displayed every variety of merchandise. The churches
of Guatemala, of which there were nineteen, were
famed for their architectural beauty, their size, and
the richness of their ornaments. Besides the cathe
dral and the churches, there were eighteen convents
and eleven chapels. The cathedral was over three
hundred feet in length, one hundred and twenty in
width, and sixty-six feet high. It had three naves with
eight chapels on each side. Its interior was richly
carved and gilded, and decorated with rare and costly
statues, paintings, and tablets, while it possessed many
precious relics, and numerous utensils of gold and sil
ver. The high-altar was of exquisite design. 52

The private dwellings were many of them of great
beauty, solidly and commodiously built, richly fur
nished, and with spacious gardens and courts. The
number of inhabitants at this time was little short of
twenty-five thousand, 53 and from the neighboring
pueblos, the chief occupation of whose inhabitants
was agriculture and various industrial arts, Guate
mala was supplied with all the necessaries and many
of the luxuries of life. 5 *

52 It stood under a cupola, supported by 16 columns, faced with tortoise-
shell, and adorned with medallions in bronze of exquisite workmanship; on
the cornices were statues of the virgin and the 12 apostles. Juarros, Guat.,
i. 86.

53 In 1795 it was 23,434. Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 497.

, Breve. Descrip., 4-9; Juarros, Guat., i. 85-7.

177

i&lt;l til laid ].-.

oils ] ])i

tropolishad exp -ed frequenl di&gt;tm

of in tl

familiar and dr. rthmia TV.

vere shocks, occurri i -1, i . did &lt;

da; barcb

f.-lt to \vhich tin- nat ; tli" i iii-

&lt;-o. T\vo more \\ in 1 ,

holy trinity, was disastrou the j ( hi.,

Hilda, niid the !! ll.iia.-l, d

province of Suchiltepeque, l&gt;ut lu-ith.-r did any daiu-

age in tli .7 of ( i nala. 58

Ahout 17j(l a riot occurr&lt;-d in tlic city on int

of the prohibition of the sale of in li--;

was soon sii[i})i on.-d nd

]&gt;roinpt i. ;i\-s of 1 !mt . \rcos. 57 a

us outbreak was threatened be &gt;ftn il&gt;-

li^linn-nt of the ((/liacco nionopolv, and \\
\ ntcd l&gt;y reducing the ]r n-t- f tha* TJ

alann and excitemenl caused l&gt;y this dai is in-

; l&gt;y the atrocious murder &lt;&gt;f two l ,
minds of th )jl" were f
their local n-oiihles 1\ fun.-i-.-d of

the queen of Spain. The oi

65 The Jesuit church suffered most. A[cjr&lt;-, It
Sec i . JL.ml., 1 323 ,1

(/ / , /. /- 7. II.

60,

! I. tl.c t\ in 17" i on Jt: l and Oclobcr I -ith,

ly,
" A
58 Duri:

confessing.

tlnrcui. :i th

anus ami ha. iie pri:

with

720 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

death was received in Guatemala March 25, 1759, and
on the 29th of the following June pompous funeral
ceremonies were celebrated. 53

Two years later the oath of allegiance to Carlos
III. was taken. 6( In October 1762 the valley was
flooded, and the town of Petapa, and the portion of
the city known as the Barrio de los Remedios was
inundated. 61 But the crowning disaster w r as yet to
come. A few slight shocks of earthquake in the latter
part of May 1773 gave no cause for apprehension
and were almost forgotten, when on the llth of June
they returned with such violence as to damage sev
eral houses and churches^ notably the Carmelite and
Dominican convents, and the hospital of San Juan de
Dios. The shocks continued for several days with
diminishing force and frequency until they had nearly
ceased. On the 25th of July they were again renewed,
but although frequent and violent there was no serious
damage until the 29th, when the people had partially
recovered from their alarm. Then they were startled
by a sudden shock, coming on about four o clock in
the afternoon, which, though comparatively slight,
seemed portentous of evil. So great was the appre
hension felt by the inhabitants that many instantly
abandoned the city, and those who remained were
ready at the first indication of its return to flee from
their dwellings. Scarcely ten minutes had elapsed
since the first shock when there was a second, and
of such violence that with the first vibration the work
of destruction began. The motions were as varied as
they were sudden and destructive; now horizontal,
now vertical, the latter uplifting the earth with ex
plosions, and compelling man and beast to remain
prostrate. On every side were heard the crash of
falling walls, the doleful clangor of the church bells as
their towers rocked under the impulse of unseen pow-

59 Iturriaga, El Dolor del Rey.
^Batres, Relation de las Fiestas.
6l Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 153-4.

. vainly inijloivd , ;

Throughoul
int and

rain-storm,

liidifni; i \vliidi the tliinl; 1 in!

i nlly darn

IV n W&lt;

day ln-o k" 1 I;-;, 1,.,! 1

&gt;f t li&lt;- calamity. Of 1 -nt c

was Id t. I. ul a Ji . X

had ; ruction ,

many c where tin- i

foundations h led or :

or i \vi The ruin. I

in tii ion rall.-d 1 in- iJai-i-io di-1 (

y liousc, including thr churel
convent, icvcll--.! to t h md.

&lt;( the ci vcn tin- pavements of ml

tli" t ilrd .f ]ri

sli; -d. Tin- d .-al i

ivc ly , iK.t exceedin e lmn&lt;l thi.

YS itliin ; md j&gt;rol)aM mailer miml iT in l

surround!: unti

c - From

clttd

gro.^

in ir.7 i

that jq[ic:i:-.i in &lt;
\\orthy j

1 im;&gt;
i :cl as

:C8S Of ^t

M hirli i

a small

J77

II. 46

722 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

On the "following clay the duty of interment was
begun under the direction of the civil and ecclesiastical
authorities. Fearful of pestilence the dead were
buried wherever found, the grounds having first been
consecrated. Hunger and thirst next stalked about
the ruins. Most of the supplies within the city had
been destroyed or buried beneath the fallen houses,
and none dared venture in those yet standing, as the

- O

shocks still continued. The aqueducts had been
destroyed, and but a scanty supply of muddy water
could be obtained. This distress, however, was soon
relieved by the prompt measures of the president,
who caused to be distributed a quantity of stores des
tined for the fortress of Omoa. Vigorous measures
were also taken to suppress the pillage of the ruined
houses, already begun. Thefts to the value of ten
pesos or more were made punishable by death, and
for lesser amounts, the breaking-open of any trunk,
or the approach after evening prayers to the tem
porary quarters of the nuns, two hundred lashes
and ten years penal servitude was the penalty fixed.
As proof of their determination to carry out these
measures the authorities caused a gallows to be at
.once erected in the principal square. The presence of
the militia, who had been summoned from the neigh
boring town, also helped to keep the criminal classes
in check. 63

mala, its destruction, and the measures for its removal up to the last date,
It is written in the usual inflated religious style. The author, Fray Felipe
Cadcna, was a Dominican, professor of theology in the university of San
Carlos, synodal examiner of the archbishopric, and secretary of his order in
Guatemala. There are other accounts, however, whose exaggerations are
gross, and whose narrative could not have been obtained from any reliable
source. According to RussdVs Hist. Amer., i. 390, the city of Guatemala,
with 40, 000 to 50,000 inhabitants, and nearly 15,000,000 pesos in treasure and
merchandise, was so completely swallowed up in April 1773 that not even a
trace was left of it. flint s Hist, and Geog. gives the date of the earthquake
as 1779, and says that it was accompanied by terrific and destructive phe
nomena; the sea rose from its bed; one volcano poured out boiling water,
another waves of blazing lava; and 8,000 families were swallowed up in a
moment.

63 According to Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 25-7, the soldiery were guilty
of pillaging the convents, ^uccecion chronologic a da los Presidentes que kan
governado este Rcyno de Goath a - Obispos de Goalhcmala y Notkias Curiosa*
JCronoloyicas destas Indlas is the title of a manuscript volume in folio of 78

d &gt;!,,.];

more lii ir h&lt;.;

. \Vr

liad .limii

&lt;p; bethi should I

.v site, til-- pr- Mt co
&lt;-ivil and church autborii

. and it was linali 1 to ;

yal!&lt;-y de la Knnita, tlir j

In ; .1 the choi

!, 1771. Bui

"i* tlir autii -iH-ia, t! to

thu [.lain &lt;&gt;{ tlir \ir-in

i- advaiit.;
AJthoUgh a i-rinoval \v 1 l.y a i:

ilic j.i-oini

it \ not tli

.Man in a oond

inly. Tlu- appr

kfpt ly ili .tinu . whi n th

of S and 1 :;t li of ! ilv

r r!i(&gt;sc of tip- la 1 1 l&gt;v

t have equalled in viuh-ncc t! lv,

and -d furtluT dam, ; l&gt;u

in_ As tiiii. \vc-ni on, lm\ of :

s, usually attril)nti -1 wa bcgnn in 1

- of tli-

:
of t ami the

.nd tli

inii.
may 1

] : . .. .

724 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

people disappeared, and the c pposition to a removal
grew stronger among all classes; but still the audi-
encia objected. This body, together with the royal
officials and the troops, had been established in the
Hermita since September; but few if any of the
citizens appear to have joined them, and not even a
petechial fever, which appeared and raged until May

1774 could induce them to abandon the ruined citv. 0i

The president would fain have compelled the re
moval, but the royal decree which arrived in the
latter part of 1774, made the selection of the site
subject to the approval of the viceroy of Mexico, and
ordered that until such approval was obtained the
erection of permanent buildings should not be made.
The viceroy was duly informed of the choice of site,
but instead of approving it he reported the matter to
the crown.

The removal of the city to the plain of the virgin
was confirmed by royal decree of November 1775,
and immediately following its receipt President Ma-
yorga issued decrees inviting the .citizens to select
their lots in the new locality. But few responded to
this invitation, and -none began the construction of
houses, believing that this site would be ultimately
abandoned.

Toward the end of December a second royal decree
arrived with instructions as to the manner of removal,
but forbidding the total abandonment of the old city.
Suppressing such portions of these instructions as
suited his design, the president continued his meas
ures of coercion, but apparently with little success,
for on the 29th of July, 1777, he found it necessary
to decree that within a year the old city must be
abandoned and all buildings pulled down. The ayun-
tamiento had been ordered to take up their permanent
residence in La Hermita at the end of 1775, and their
protests, first to the president and subsequently to

, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 157.

ruined
The archbishop had i

le ,iid in his IT

ompl

One..!

LIU d -n i
and stringent 01

doiinieiit &lt;&gt;f the mined eil

hhishop, made in I 7 nd i

\vn, :i&gt;idered and

lied 1&gt;Y tile president 1 .. e;;i; i,,-

ilt, 1

irchbishop the 1 . paid n- \\.

f rim .. e,,:itinucd until A

Don (ial\

rived in Gual !;i with I

nd aeiiii- j

Of 1 I 11 t ;

. the cut ruined cit;

merchand -rli&lt;l.

d: urn- &gt;ull-fightii

all other puhlif diversion-

in the

d, and all a . milit i

cla&gt;&gt; \\

in- . , it hin a limited period.

On the 5th of April &lt; ial\

the pr leir

the \ I N h jlace h

lid of the ] !i. Tile ;ip;

(Jalvcx arrived l-lth when h

:iial !

din

i:l;i iiiiiiiedi. liaiidoniii

Ui!

no1 be iVillv

Doe. A*tiff. t 100-

726 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

caused among the poorer classes that many were
allowed to remain among the ruins. The principal
cause of all these troubles, however, was the arch
bishop. The civil authorities could not compel him
to leave the old city, and it was hoped that a system
atic course of annoyance would induce him to repair
to Spain, and that during his absence the new arch
bishop who had already been appointed would quietly
take possession. Having set out on a pastoral visit,
August 21, 1778, it was supposed that he had departed
for Spain; but in September 1779 he was again in
Guatemala City, whence he issued an edict disputing
the validity of his successor s claims, this latter, Cay-
etayno Francos y Monroy, having arrived in Guate
mala during the preceding month. From the 9th to

C3 i. &lt;-5

the 30th the struggle between the archbishop and
the audicncia continued. To the former s threats of
excommunication the latter replied with demands
for the recognition of the new archbishop, and this
proving in effectual he was ordered to depart for Spain,
and the recognition of Monroy by the people enjoined
under heavy penalties. It is uncertain to what ex
tremes the president might have proceeded had not
Archbishop Cortes secretly left for Spain at the end
of the month. Monroy at once took possession, and
thus ended this scandalous affair. 63

Notwith standing its want of resources the new
city, aided by the cession of the revenues for ten years
made by the royal decree of 1774, was soon rebuilt,
and in 1800 bad its paved streets, fine squares, public
buildings, and churches. The cathedral, of smaller
proportions than that of the old city, and the Jesuit
college, were still unfinished.

(^) *

Alarms and disaster still followed the people of
Guatemala, On the llth of July 1775 a violent
though harmless eruption of the volcano of Pacaya
occurred; in 1776 the eruption of the volcano De

Escannlla, Not,. Cur., MS., 24-C5; Juarros, Gutt., i. 85-0; ii. 200-72;
Cadena, Breve. Descrip., 10-53.

tin- ri\ in whi&lt;

hi! . I y \

\vliidi

nil 1, Tl,

til- t til I iii &lt;

any &lt;&gt;! tl. I.

I) i-ly ]

tion of ii England

the; i hi

led the ] military

l.i t the kingdoi \\V have n

tip

tlii . hut it is hanlly p;

ehaiiuv in their condition had 1

n tin CO ; in

The whole mini! in tin- K

: of two romj.a!

.ty men, and \vho v.

The iniiiiia inehid- d ;.!!

the kingdom, t ! h&lt;&gt;m

hut in the r;ire &lt; &gt;! i

Ben i .in proportion :il\ -li

ider 1" hi-

tion of i , -il.
j)ooi-ly d\ iciplined, and

in the priiieipal to\\ i

of ill

pair for Y.;Hi1 of an ;irni r. r. A iiilat

toes had ni arm

w,-, to lind one who had acquin -I any skill ii

r n. M-.jii. itly

in&lt;-i-&lt; hundred,

dred Si an; in i\ i

/ &lt;CctU. Am., 403-

-8.

728 GUATEMALA AKD CHIAPAS.

this same time infantry and cavalry officers, artillery
men and engineers were asked for by President
Salazar to reorganize and instruct the militia and
take charge of the artillery and fortifications. The
various fortresses and principal cities were well pro
vided with artillery and small arms, but many of
them in an apparently unserviceable condition. 70 At
the first note of alarm President Galvez applied him
self to the organization of an army, and such was the
energy and ability displayed in his conduct of the
subsequent campaign, that he earned merited fame
and promotion for himself, and, as we have seen, led
his troops to victory. 71

The rule of President Galvez ended on March 10,
1783, when he was transferred to the viceroyalty of
New Spain. His administration was an exceedingly
prosperous one for Guatemala, and his departure was
greatly regretted by all classes. 72 His successor was
Jose Estacheria, who assumed office the 3d of April
the same year. He was brigadier-general and ex-
governor of Nicaragua. His term of office expired
December 29, 1789. To him succeeded Bernardo
Troncoso Martinez del Rincon, lieutenant-general,
formerly king s lieutenant of Habana and ex-gov
ernor of Vera Cruz, who was in power until 1794,
and Jose Domas y Valle, a knight of Santiago, gefe
de escuadra, who held office from the latter date until
the 28th of July 1801. 73

From May 13, 1753, until June 24, 1765, the archi-
episcopal chair of Guatemala was filled by Doctor
Francisco Jose de Figueredo y Victoria, who had been
promoted from the see of Popiyan. 74

Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Gnat., iii. 86-94.

n Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Gnat. , iii. 100-29.

Arpvalo, Col. Doc. Antic/., 171-6.

n Juarro*, Guat., i. 272-3.

74 He was a native of Granada, precentor, and bishop of Popayan, to
which he was raised in 174Q. His appointment to the archbishopric of Gua
temala was dated 1751; his bulls issued January 23, 1752. On the 10th of
May 1753 Doctor Agustin de la Caxiga, chancellor of the cathedral, took

ORK.

Hie I

; M

made jU

the mi aii QS in i be \
began,

( &gt;FI ;

. \vli

tin- crown ,
lay, un

. T:

I M tiloU-.dl the ])1 \ j

lll \ivl,l

ried t!
whereupon 11:

I. The 1 bmii
their

i-iiiLT thai (In-

missions should !. i

i i iai s i Lii
Y&lt;&gt;k&lt;-&lt;l l,y t

At i be lime tin mi !&lt;1 in t

( in,. proper i tli-

the | idou

sions in Vei i. 1 1&gt;n

quitia, bu niiMn of anj in (

1 n I 790 of ] &gt; alen&lt;jiie n:,

elMpl to I edllCC (h 1 !.

possess! n in

,
i

730 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

founded a town, baptized several natives, and won
their good-will by numerous presents; but the ad
vantage thus gained does not appear to have been
improved. 73

Some excitement was caused in Guatemala City
in July 1772 by a disturbance in the convent of the
Kecollets. Owing to violent dissension among the
inmates, the audiencia, at the request of the friar,
caused the arrest and remittance to Spain of two of
the ringleaders. The populace, ignorant of the cause
of this interference, were with difficulty quieted. This
action of the audiencia was approved by the crown, and
the remainder of the turbulent friars were suspended.

Having become blind from old age, being now in his
eightieth year, Archbishop Figueredo petitioned the
crown to appoint a coadjutor. Accordingly, Doctor
Miguel de Cilieza y Velasco, a native of Guatemala
and chancellor of the cathedral, was selected; but the
archbishop died before he was consecrated, and he
was nominated for the see of Chiapas, whence he
departed in October 1767. The archbishop s death
occurred June 24, 1765. In accordance with his re
quest his remains were deposited in the church of the
Jesuit college, to whose members he had been warmly
attached. 70 The archiepiscopal chair remained vacant
after Figueredo s death until 1768, when it was occu
pied by Doctor Don Pedro Cortes y Larraz. ( Pre
ceding his arrival in 1767 the famous decree of
expulsion against the Jesuits was carried into effect
in Guatemala, but was unattended with any of the
serious disturbances which marked its enforcement
in New Spain. 81 The utmost secrecy and despatch

78 Pineda, in Soc. Max. Geog., Boletln, iii. S4S-9.

Jitarros, Gnat., i. 292-3; 177G is given as the date of his death by Con-
cilios Prov., 1555, 1565, 298; and Alceclo, Die.., ii. 315.

80 A native of Belchite in the kingdom cf Aragon, professor of sciences in
the university, and subsequently canon in the cathedral of the city of Sara-
gossa. He was appointed to the archbishopric of Guatemala in 1707. Juarros,
Gnat., i. 294.

81 The motives and nature of this measure are fully treated in my History
of Mexico, this series.

points, t
ofd]

th
1&gt;.
nt r

in I
Si :

The COl
of mill !imu; ion \viih

. &lt; :ii Jr.ly 1

Dulce an. I eiiiharked on .
nth huer the m- of t:

The t
rector . , Lro

I ].!

llu-y were le to

1 : 8. r i lh- chi

}.; the ;

(he removal of the

ion \vith
i
C( . . lit) had l&gt;een up;

in ( i mala,

I
Li: him

;iid t ion \vas .

die i 1 of tl.

lilt oil the imlllrl.

;n-

a son

732 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

cil; and however justifiable in the beginning this
opposition may have been it was unwisely prolonged.
Minister Galvez succeeded in having the resignation
of Cortes reconsidered, notwithstanding the protests
of that prelate. He caused his brother to be ap
pointed Mayorga s successor, had Cortes transferred
to the bishopric of Tortosa, and, as we have seen, a
new archbishop nominated to Guatemala. The re
fusal of Cortes to surrender his chair, it is claimed, was
because he had not received his bulls confirming his
appointment to the bishopric of Tortosa. After leav
ing Guatemala, as previously narrated, he proceeded
to his new bishopric, where he continued until his
death, which occurred in 1786. His interest in the
welfare of Guatemala did not end with his departure,
for he subsequently donated sixty thousand dollars
with which to found a college for the education of
the young. 83

Doctor Cayetano Francos y Monroy, his successor,
was installed and duly recognized after Cortes de
parture; 84 but not satisfied with the manner in which
he had been appointed he procured a confirmatory

la, Not. Cur., MS., 05-74; Juarros, GuaL, i. 204-5; Id., Com-
pend. , 292-4.

84 Francos was a native of the Villa of Villavicencio de los Caballeros, and
was canon of the cathedral of Plasencia when appointed to the archbishopric
of Guatemala. He died on the 17th of July 1702. His successors were Don
Juan Felix do Viilegas, who ruled from May 8, 1704, to February 3, 1800;
and Don Luis Penal vcr y Cardenas who entered office on June 3, 1802. Ju trros,
Gnat., i. 295-7. Although Juarros is justly regarded as the chief historian of
the Central American provinces for the conquest and colonial period, he has
failed to describe in a connected form the political, social, and moral develop-
inent of those countries during that period. This omission has, in part, been
filled by the assiduous labors of the presbyter Francisco de Paula Garcia
Pelaez. Residing for many years, as parish priest, at the old city of Guate
mala, known as the Antigua, he devoted his leisure time, from 1833 to 1841,
in examining as opportunity permitted the public and private archives of the
province, and in studying the principal ancient and modern writers on that
territory. The result of this research was a work of three volumes in small
quarto, entitled Memorias para la Hlstoria del Antigua Reyno de Guatemala,
which was published in Guatemala in 1851. It is divided into the aboriginal.
and the colonial epochs. The former treats of the origin of the natives and
the degree of civilization they had attained at the time of the conquest, and
consists of a brief and systematically arranged compilation of facts, with the
corresponding references to the authorities from which they were obtained,
each chapter being devoted to a separate topic. This occupies but 32 pages
of the first volume, the remainder of the work being taken up with the

li:ll Prom To] ! [.in ;

shown 1)V 1

lilies &lt;! ill.- archl.Mmj.rir OJ

! 77 ( .) belonged

Tim-; we have i
(pi nd colonization

time \\lifi! Hod

Firm cl nth &lt; V\

ha 1 * sen the nl tli-

-had
take ] -road

Snaiii: then Bitting l\\n ko n&lt;l

During tin- |ir-

nut in oc n;il rt-lM llion-; 1m
i. tln-y wc-rc docile, ,-iinl &gt;ul)iniu d \vitli philosopl
oi- ( Ini-uau i inevi : -h v.

tOO of tfli iliiai): -Mi the JMl i

( Ihri ji ianity.

It ^ j)ci i&lt;&gt; 1 cf r

turi&lt; ( cnlral Am-

aii&lt;lini-ia- and moi !l

,^natin as iar as intell* nd i

coiicdMicil. is i here nm-h

AVJIV of mau-rial iinj&gt;r

inaimiion could trutlii iilly claim much 1
ix.Mcr results I rnm t ntry

domination than undrr Am

!it-y &lt;&gt;i i .-ivil and ^l

ory of th-

; nniltit ^ not

subee-,

734 GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

the duties of subjects was determined. Although the
people did not know it, the grasp of the mother gov
ernment upon the country, however nervous and
jealous it might be, was in reality weak, for the parent
herself was rapidly declining.

There was nothing to fight for, and nothing to
work for. If we except an occasional attempted sub
jugation of unpacified peoples, and the descent of
pirates, the greatest issues of the time were those
affecting precedence and place. It was easier to evade
obnoxious laws than to quarrel with them. The na
tives found it less burdensome to perform the little
labor necessary to the support of themselves and
their masters than to endure the penalties of opposi
tion. Between the poor kings of Spain and the
pirates of England, France, and Holland, the wealth
of the people was far from secure; there was no
great incentive to enterprise in any direction, and
had there been it is not certain that men would
have exerted themselves. Simple existence satisfied
them; high development and limitless wealth could
do no more.

The appearance on their shores of legalized robbery
and murder, in the form of freebooters, was not gen
erally regarded as retribution, though their infamies
w r ere scarcely greater than those which had been per
petrated by the Spaniards in this quarter a century
or two before. The buccaneers and Scotch settlers
were right enough in looking upon the Spaniards as
intruders, having no more ownership in the country
than they, except such as priority in wrongs com
mitted gave them; which wrongs by no means made
right the cruelties and injustice of the English and
French inflicted upon the Spaniards.

In the third and concluding volume of the History
of Central America will be more fully presented the
social, industrial, and political condition of the coun
try in the nineteeth century, particularly at the
transitional epoch following the achieving of incle-

Twie

bellion*
arma

lS .lll. And 1;

\&gt;y heavy and u

on tl.

; imulat !, in I
ivpuh!:

land, and hy the hrilliant &gt;h 1

puhlic &lt;&gt;! 1.

leadership

iwnhiii -n. SjM-iiu ineamvhil. i

reward &lt;&gt;f aeary

lu-r indi

s|)li ad IOIILT -in i-

i . &gt;

era; and her colonies no 1"! u

th-ir connection v I he i.

they had nothing to ^ain, and \viih \ .

they lia-d little i n.

ory of the colonial peri :i provinces,

*t, when, a secure

I jiold 1:. ..ntliic:

: t.s arc ant; 1 :ico fn

ees is, in some i and o i a only

it. in in the s: ociaioa

of the s ^M,

;t little iiifor nccrnin;j; &lt;Vntrnl Atix rica af; ); and

; coonts of Individ Oago, Bcnzoni. and

t to in-

ci;il&lt;-li&lt; Ma, a:. on,

uto, assurao paramount
iin]&gt; : sources of liisto:

y aro

i montl oaalanU Vo2iui

T3G BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

tively of the Dominican and Franciscan orders in Central America, profiting
by the labors of the former, and adding some original research, bring the
history of the church down to the end of the seventeenth century. Some
attempt is also made by the last two writers to follow the political history,
but only in a desultory way.

The first special history to be written was that of Fuentes y Guzman,
containing much original matter, but not generally reliable. The manuscript
was never published, but was used by Juarros. Later appeared the pam
phlet of Cadena, devoted entirely to a description of the destruction of
Guatemala City, and about the same time Escamilla compiled from official
sources a list of governqrs and bishops and of the more important historical
events, and gave a special account of the destruction of Guatemala City.

Without the valuable collections of Squier, Pacheco and Cardenas, Cartas
de Indias, Ternaux-Compans, Ar6valo, Icazbalceta, and Coleccion do Docu-
mentos Ineditos, the result of modern research, the history of this territory
from 1531 to 1800 would be meagre indeed. These collections, special
notices of nearly all of which I have already given, contain almost number
less official letters and reports, which were either unknown or inaccessible to
early writers. Prominent among them all is what has been called the Squier
collection, consisting mostly of manuscripts, and which foil to my collection
by purchase after the death of Mr Squier. It consists of extracts and copies
of letters and reports of audiencias, governors, bishops, and various govern
ment officials, taken from the Spanish archives at Madrid and from the
library of the Spanish Royal Academy of History, mostly under the direction
of the indefatigable collector Mr Buckingham Smith. Many rare and valua
ble documents relating to Central America, including numerous letters and re
ports of Las Casas, are also to be found in the voluminous collection of Pacheco
and Cardenas, and, though fewer in number, in that of Tcrnaux-Compans.

In the absence of any early local chronicler, and by reason of the neglect
of those who came later, many of the records have been lost. The only por
tions of those published are to be found in the collections of Ar6valo, which
are indispensable to the local history of Guatemala, though evidently not
complete, and containing some omissions owing to the apparent illegibility of
the originals. The second of these collections, Coleccion de Documentos An-
tiguos de Guatemala, published in Guatemala in 1857, contains, besides the
grants of the coat of arms and privileges to the city of Guatemala, and me
morials and reports of the city council from 1537 to 1782, a few letters of
Alvarado and Bishop Marroquin, some without date, not found elsewhere.

The work of Ptemesal, though published in Madrid, was the first one written
in Guatemala. In connection with the special history of the Dominican order
and a general account of the church, considerable political history is given,
though in a desultory manner. This author was the first to make use of the
archives of Guatemala, but in the presentation of this original matter much
carelessness is shown. Las Casas, the Dominican order, and the natives are
his favorite topics, and events are colored accordingly. A century later,
deeming his order neglected by Remesal, the Franciscan chronicler Vazquez
issued his work. Borrowing much from Remesal and other writers for
the earlier epoch, he continued the history of the church down to the end of

, l&gt;iit (.11 : iiiwiioiiary labor

.es gooil h: ] : nsions.
. r \vas
was the first j .j called a

s to &lt;
&gt;rs which -we:

reseat \vcver, tlicac crrora nre

lily (1

govcrunu iit, tin

story i

possession of a 1

: of their coi
^ourccs, ruid list&gt;

of ]&lt;: c of tbo roost

l, \vasoneofiU

mil.
fail-

: tin- co : ring

I v -

in a inc-a
i, mill &lt;-orrcspooding

&lt;- present
&lt;liir&lt;Tfiit sul)j 1 "f the c^

ma! is COnr .at of the

.: .! ..: : a meagre

it for u occa.-

i, ami (Irmi
f this re con. -\ from

oea.

si xt i he total absence of any Sp

. the Spaoiah main arc

II. i7

738 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

Preceding this class of literature and closely allied to it, owing to the
spirit of adventure and the geographical knowledge which it diffused, arc the
numerous accounts of voyages made for the purposes of trade, exploration, or
discovery in this part of the world. Some of these I will here notice; though
in truth many of them relate as much to other sections of my work as to
Central America, or even more.

Complete as is the Itaccolta of Ramusio and like collections, in reproduc
ing the leading voyages up to its time, a large number of minor narratives
remained unnoticed, while others stood briefly recorded upon mere hearsay
in the writing of others. This deficiency had been observed by Antonio
Galvano in earlier collections, and his effort to repair it gave rise to the first
comprehensive history of voyages. Born at Lisbon in 1503, Galvano left at
the age of twenty-four for the Indies, where he was intrusted with the con
quest and government of the Moluccas. Of this he remained in charge for
six or seven years, distinguishing himself both as a just and benevolent ruler,
and as a zealous proselytizer. His unselfish conduct served only to attract
calumny and to reduce him to poverty, so much so that ho had to seek refuge
in the royal hospital at Lisbon, where he died in 1557. His undoubted talent
had been fostered by extensive reading, particularly of narratives of voy
ages. While so employed he kept notes with a view to form an outline of
the progress of navigation and discovery, which should serve as introductory
to a collection. During the latter part of his life, while suffering under the
ban of royal displeasure, he found ample time to perfect these researches,
and at his death a friend, Francisco de Sonsa Tavares, was intrusted with the
papers. Among these appears to have been a history of the discovery and
resources of the Moluccas, a manuscript in ten books, according to Faria, of
which Pinelo says: "Por no haverle visto, duda, si permanece." Epitome,
ii. C3G. De Sousa caused the treatise under consideration to be published
at Lisbon in 1563, under the title of Tratado que compos o nob re e notauel
capitao Antonio Galudo de todos os descobrimentos antiyos e modernos que sdo
feitos a, era de mil e quinhentos e dncoenta, with a dedication to the duke of
Aveiro, wherein he records Galvano s many services, and comments on their
poor recognition. Mention has been made of a duodecimo edition of 1555,
but this must be a mistake, to judge by Sousa s preface to the edition of 1563.
Of this only three copies are known to exist, one owned by Mr John Carter
Brown, of Providence, from whom the Hakluyt Society obtained a copy,
printed as a running foot-note to their reissue of Hakluyt s version, under
the editorship of Admiral Bethune. The latter is called The Discoveries of
the World from their first oriyinall vnto the yeere 1555, by Antonie Galvano,
Londini, 1G01, to be found also in the reprint of Ifaklvyt s Voyages, and in
Churchill s Collection, while Purchas gives it in reduced form. The Portu
guese copy was reprinted at Lisbon in 1731. Hakluyt explains in the dedi
cation to Sir Robert Cecil that his publication thereof was intended as an
introductory to his own work, and was made from an old manuscript trans
lated by an English merchant. In order to modify the "manifold errours"
therein, Hakluyt took pains to consult Spanish works for the corrections and
additions which are to be noticed in this version. The treatise goes back to

oek, and Latin writer*,

Hakluyt, i .ges are "scare. mi

tiin "

lily impi.! age*.

Avlms&lt;&gt; work v iark d.1 nly as st Tali:

b for t: .lity anl : &lt;Me

".MM !

tl
f i ,wn

V.M! him, li&lt;&gt;\\cvr. that th-
nlrtl. .-mil h" \\.i

\vhi- nturics hrl-1 a Irading position in

through \Vr&lt;tinir .s a quern s scholar, IH- \va ig

&gt;f 17. !&lt; &lt; &lt;1 t" &lt; Ihi

f M. o years i

:y. \Vhi! l)&gt;y 1

and 11
1 did In- usr his uppuriuii a also roa&gt;- -tcreral

cars to have be&lt;
by. I n tl

s was

n-mc*l

-.vi-cii i ; I. ^M

his rwr-
oyages

Ik County, on 1 :rrid

, lu&gt; n !*ter as j

of t son a fair OK- .is aoon aqnanderrd.

Alt h. n .vcriea, ni

: the i-oinj^iir.

s was so great that h ones rode two

740 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

hundred miles to meet the only survivor of Hare s disastrous voyage. He
corresponded with Ortelius and Mercator, and received the friendly encour
agement of Walsingham, Cecil, Admiral Howard, Drake, and others. His
first publication was Divers Voyages touching the Discover ie of America and
HIP. Islands adiacent, London, 1582, dedicated to Philip Sydney. Of the
original only five copies are supposed to exist, from one of which the Hakluyt
Society issued a reprint in 1850, iinder the editorship of John Winter Jones,
of the British Museum, who prefaces it with a valuable review of Hakluyt s
life and writings. The several narratives refer to the north-east and north
west passages,, the East Indies, and the east coast of North America. A
curious map herein of conic projection shows the North American continent
extending to about latitude 46, where the California peninsula connects with
a range called Sierra Neuada, running latitudinally. Above 40 all is open
ocean, bordered on the east, however, by a strip of land connected with
Florida by a narrow isthmus, and extending to Cape Labrador. The north
ern part of California bears the name Quiviri, the southern (Cape) California,
and the central part S. Croce (Santa Cruz). On the mappemondo the Tierra
del Fuego forms part of a great antarctic continent. While at Paris, Hak
luyt caused to be published in French an account of Florida, from a manuscript
found by him, and this was issued the following year, 1587, in English, as
A notable historic containing foure voyages unto Florida, both versions dedicated
to Raleigh, with an exhortation to prosecute the colonization of Virginia.
The same year he published at Paris an improved edition of Martyr s De
orbe novo which some years later was translated into English by M. Lock.
In 1589 appeared the first instalment of the great work The principal}
navigations, voiages and discoveries of the English nation made by sea or
over land, a folio, dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham. It is divided
into three parts, relating respectively to Asia and Africa, to the n6rth and
north-east of Europe and Asia, and to America, including Drake s voyage.
Nine years later he published the first volume of a new edition of his collec
tion, followed in 1599 and 1GOO by two more volumes, in none of which refer
ence is made to the first issue. They are fine specimens of black-letter type,
with marginals and headpieces, but with the prefaced Latin text, headings,
and names in roman type and italics. The first volume is dedicated to Lord
Howard as a tribute to the patriotic services of the family, and in recogni
tion of the favors received by Hakluyt and his brother; the others to Sir
Robert Cecil, secretary of state. They are properly a rearranged enlarge
ment of the first issue, volume i. containing voyages toward the north and
north-east of England; volume ii. to the Mediterranean and Africa; and
volume iii. to America, including several voyages by foreigners to parts not
visited by the English. The narratives are generally in the language of the
narrator, and in the first two volumes their order is chronologic; but in the
American section they are grouped under different geographic headings. This
opens with the dubious voyage of Madoc in 1170, ami continues with expedi
tions to the extreme northern parts of the continent, chiefly with reference to
the north-west passage. The region between Canada and Florida comes
next, followed by explorations toward New Mexico and California, and in
Mexico; then the Antilles and Central America, succeeded by a series of groups

Cocmogr

.
among

enoogh

toned a trmnsla

.a.- in: ,onul i:

". A ;/". "&lt;

.lly a supplcmci

as, oil : parta

/* the I

earned

spirit,

I to asst:

&gt;ors that have Uuuc .-

-rs inf. II iM ! . t s exhortation ami cxa:

tho cngrii

collect
;!se to

i re-

tlie larger tun c&gt;
.

woa c

742 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

and sets during this interval, with more or less changes, have given no little
trouble to collectors in search of the complete issue. Formed without critique,
it is remarkable rather as a convenient set and as a bibliographic curiosity,
wherein the engravings constitute the main attraction, then for geographic
value, since most of the narratives had already been published in better form,
and have been reproduced in later works.

De Bry s set proved a fertile source in text and engravings for compilers,
and among them Gaspar L. Ens, the author of several individual European
travels, and one cf the editors employed by De Bry, who issued the Indies
Ocddentalis Ilistoria, Colonue, 1612. On the same plan as Ens , but on a
larger scale, and partly based upon it, is the NewR Welt Vnd Americanifscke
Historian, Franckfurt, 1G31, reprinted 1C55, folio. The author, Johann Lud-
wig Gottfriedt, whose proper name appears to be Jean Philippe Abclin, was
also an editor of Do Bry, and wrote several works, one of them being the
"Archontologia Cosmica, quo es Farrago de diversos Autores, sin distinguirlo
cierto de lo dudoso." Pindo, Epitome, torn. iii. pp. 1288. It is also called a
translation of D Avity s Les etats. Gottfriedt naturally sets up a claim for his
Newe Welt to be compiled from leading writers, without referring to DC Bry,
who no doubt supplied the material for the text as well as the plates.
De Bry, says Brunct, Manuel, torn. ii. p. 1G74, "a abrdge" des douzc premieres
parties de la collection." The plates, which arc perhaps the most interest
ing part of the volume, have been selected chiefly from the nude and the
curious, such as Indians driving whales, playing with mermaids, or hunting
semi-human beasts. The arrangement of the text shows no improvement
upon Ens, but the third section differs in being more of a supplement to both
the preceding parts.

Hakluyt s unpublished papers, failing to attain their destined object,
accomplished a wider result by giving rise to the larger collection of Samuel
Purchas; for it was their possession that gave impulse to a work so much
needed, both to fill the gaps of the former and to narrate the numerous expe
ditions which had taken place since its, date. The precursor of the work was
Pvrchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations o/ the World and the Religions observed
in all Ages and Places, London, 1G13, dedicated to the archbishop of Canter
bury. It was reprinted in 1G14, and soon reached several editions, the fourth,
162G, being dedicated to King Charles, who had deigned to inquire for it,
and whose royal father had read it seven times, as the author proudly an
nounces. This object of kingly delight claims to be a compilation from over
thirteen hundred authors, which are decidedly well represented in the numer
ous marginals, and gives a review in nine books of the social condition and
the institutions of the nations in Asia, Africa, and America, particularly the
religious feature, with some reference to political history. Beginning with the
Mosaic creation it takes up the nations of south-east Asia, of the East Indiea
and China, and reaches Africa in the sixth book. The last two are devoted
to the New World, whose physical and natural features receive two chapters,
followed by the general description of the region above Florida in five chapters,
while the eighth is given to the country west of this, and the next six to New
Spain. The fifteen chapters of book nine cover South America and the An
tilles, the last being an attack on Spanish cruelty and maleconversion. Three

ail l \\ In iri;,

la - --I. to ii T t aa .

;

tin- rival iin.
in t

nl in IM. i. In JiHit I., a

age in lii waa soon calK.l L. 1 . .

res&gt; .-ounk-

urii 4 came to his a ana to

l&gt;ulili rectory

luldn-s . to volume i., \\ IHT-

sickly lial&gt;itati&lt;&gt;n, ami (!,-.-. |ii- nrly las also a London

us of J

If hi.s . may lx-

, a

slec r, with a full tl large beard; and

litions f th- *pered

up to tha; -maeal

lli J

ach

on-

},1, , among them

run-! 1. 1 . .- .H anagram c

4 to one

ill th.

tlx :ira

with r 10 * &gt;

ral, r

, ; f tii

,TC88 of dUcovcry, i.
: icsc a i : ag nd oontinnea m j

744 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

navigations, after which come the regular narratives of voyages, chiefly by
Englishmen, interspersed with extracts from notable journals and histories,
with a view to cover subjects and periods not otherwise disposed of. Vol
umes i. and ii. relate almost wholly to Asia, Africa, and the Levant, and also
the next two books, while books iii. and iv., following, deal partly with
north-west voyages, beginning with Zeno. Book v. gives extracts from
Herrera, Oviedo, Acosta, and Cortes, which chiefly concerns Mexico, and a
part of vi. touches the Isthmus, but the main portion of this and the next
book are occupied with South America. Book viii. is divided between Mex
ico and the country northward to Virginia, which latter takes up the whole
of ix. The last book is shared among New England, Newfoundland, and
the English expeditions against Spain. Altogether the arrangement is as
confusing as the text, andiii both respects far inferior to Hakluyt s; nor is the
work as complete as might have been expected. In the attempt to introduce
foreign narratives the limits of space were overstepped, to the prejudice of
other accounts, which were often injudiciously condensed. Pinkcrton re
marks, somewhat too severely, I think, that Purchas directed his utmost
attention to "selecting the most useless parts of the unhappy authors." Col.
Voy., vol. i. p. iv.

Purchas labors found recognition abroad in the well known Relation de
divers voyages, Paris, 1G63-OG, 5 parts, by Melchisedech The"vcnot, formed
mainly with a view to reproduce the best portions of Hakluyt and his suc
cessor, while adding some unpublished narratives. The"venot appears to have
been particularly well fitted for such undertakings. A savant, and somewhat
of a diplomatist, he was for eight years in charge of the Royal Library at
Paris, dying at his post in 1G92, at the age of 71. The selection of his mate
rial gives evidence of good judgment; yet the arrangement and other points
may be questioned.

Another reproduction, and a continuation of the two great English collec
tions, was offered some years later by John Harris, Naviganiium atque Itin-
erantium Bibliotheca: or, a Compleat Collection of Voyages and Travels; London,
1705, 2 vols, folio, with copper-plates and maps. One of its chief aims being
to repair the many omissions that had become apparent in the original works,
the first volume is devoted to the same period as Purchas collection, while
introducing a number of additional voyages. Its five books refer respect
ively to circumnavigation, to Asia, to Africa, to the north and north-east
parts of the globe, and to America, the latter embracing one third more nar
ratives than Purchas. The mappemonde places the strait of Anian above
the island of California, but on the American map this is not marked. The
second volume, relating to voyages and travels after this time, chiefly by
Englishmen, is less distinct and careful in its arrangement. Books i. and ii.
cover Russia, Asia, and the Levant; book iii., Europe; and book iv:, America.
The latter includes only the buccaneer expeditions, Dampier s voyage, and ex
plorations in the Mississippi and Canada regions. A varied appendix con
cludes the volume. According to Green, of the Astley collection, John
Harris, who is styled an A. M., and Fellow of the Royal Society, had little
or nothing to do with the work besides writing the introductory on the
origin and emigration of races, and on the progress of navigation. Four

: been

Boa or Boec

Ireaeil.

assag&lt; avo

r th

ilO Soli

of per. i tho subject was ilue the

incl:

!ly stout 1.

r book of 30 volume

3 to all parts of tho glolxj l

1-1G to 1 :

ami acnres rather
iitor in not consul;

ness moat bo DC
:u &lt;Uv (liBooonecteJ nar*

neg-

t tho
i l&gt;arti

-efly

a few voyage*

from 1

vo feature
gcly l&gt;

; so far as to say xagger-

rk was

inde Zee en 1.
HIM- &gt;"P Wl

74G BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

Portuguese voyages toward the East India region; the next two to Spanish
voyages up to 1540, to both hemispheres though chiefly to America;
the two following to similar English voyages, till 1G9G; and the last two
volumes to those of other nations, and to narratives supplementary to the
preceding. The Portuguese division is chiefly made up. from De Barros
and De Con to, and the following Spanish from Pierre ra. Volume iii., bear
ing on the title-page the portraits of Columbus, Vespucci, Magellan, and
Ponce de Leon, opens with the voyages of the great admiral, and con
tinues with expeditions and events in Tierra Firmc, the Antilles, Nica
ragua, and Florida, concluding with Grijalva s discovery of New Spain.
The next volume is almost wholly devoted to Cortes, and events in con
nection with his conquest and rule, alternating with sections 011 contempo
rary expeditions under Magellan, Narvaez, Godoy, Loaisa, and Cabot. In
the following set, obtained chiefly from Hakluyt, Frobisher s voyages are the
first to touch America, followed by Drake s and other circumnavigations and
the settlement of the English American colonies. In volumes vii. and viii. we
find Verrazano, Pizarro, and Soto, Dutch and French expeditions to South
and North America, including P. Marquette, and extracts from Benzoni and
Acosta. On the title-page Vander Aa chooses to announce that the collection
is based on the German works of I. L. Gottfried, but largely augmented with
material from his originals and from later authorities. This affectation can
be regarded only as an advertisement.

A Collection of Voyages and Travels, Some now First Printed from Origi-
nalManuscripts, others Now First Published in English, is generally known by
the name of Churchill, the publisher, who, in connection with Awnsham,
issued the first edition in 1704, in four volumes. In 1733 it was increased by
two volumes, and the reprint of 1744-7 by two more of the so-called Harleian
Collection, culled from the Oxford Library, and printed by Thomas Osborne.
The whole eight were reissued in 17o2, and also used by foreign publishers,
the introductory discourse by Caleb Locke, on the progress of navigation,
being translated into French to form, with additions, two duodecimo volumes
known as Ilistoire de la Navigation, Paris, 1722. Although neither so uni
versal in its scope as Hakluyt s or Harris , nor so well translated and ar
ranged, yet it stands as one of the most valuable of collections from its many
rare narratives, such as the life of Columbus by his son, in vol. ii. ; Gemelli
Carreri s much questioned yet interesting voyage, vol. iv. ; an account of the
Mosquito kingdom, vol. vi. , and Castell s description of America, in the Har
leian Collection. A number of other pieces refer to America, as Monson s
tracts, and Ovalle s history of Chile, but they do not touch my field.

The most famous collection of voyages published in the eighteenth century
is the Histolre Generate des Voyages, Paris, 1746, etc., 20 vols, 4to, edited by
Abbe" Antoine Franfois Provost d Exiles. Prdvost was one of those bright
bubbling geniuses whose life and writings have assisted in making the capi
tal of La Belle France also the capital of the literary and fashionable world.
In the role of a dashing young officer, he had at an early age sipped of all
frivolities in that gay city, till a misdirected Cupidian barb caused him in
1719, at the age of twenty-two, to exchange the glittering uniform for the
simple garb of a Benedictine. His success as a preacher again drew him into

cast

i o i.

In-

was seize apopl&lt;

lit. and, i
was ju ruin;. .

ley, ti. :
numli&lt;

i. &lt; Plum . supersede a

&lt; a standard was to bo repre

was to
To av-ijd ; : ,1 un: .".ml :

\V( 1

"posed to i compiled tlcsc: th

Jlakluyt and \ to Ix 1 their

mutil.v r narratives would bo tu)

im-nted \\-uh : i botoi

to &lt;: i;l ta .^o vain;. anl llu- cost ]
too gP

u-ly half of t narratives.

Thr o-ily

I. AtU:ii&gt;, in fTJl. :iunla ; il.

I
Didot, resob **&gt; great a

ost s skill as
it M :t ho should ho i

i edition iinplii-itly. lr.it nad- .-

greeted in a

supj.K 1 [ also j .

uritin-4 so in

pendently. in &lt; and fun-i-n

HUM i had 1

redtfa by allowing to succeed

so f.. i w th

s as ad&lt;

Hi;,- . tlK- I&gt; Ml.

lies ah-
, begins w

Lsthin
piled ! oooditioii

748 BIBLIOGRAPHY OE VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

Spanish rule. After this comes Charlevoix history of New France at dispro
portionate length, succeeded by narratives on the conquest and condition of
the South American countries. The region from Florida northward is treated
in a similar series, followed by north-west voyages, including those made by
Spaniards on the Pacific side, particularly under Aguilar and Fontc. A de
scription of the Antilles concludes the division, though several additional
pieces are given in the supplementary volume on Vespucci, Pizarro, and
Spanish South Sea voyages. This partial review shows that faults have been
committed both in the arrangement and in the selection of material, due
partly to haste, with a consequent confusion and repetition, and a carelessness
of facts, which greatly impair the value of the work. The uniformity of
style for the varying subjects and the dissertations on trifles arc also to be
objected to. After Didot s death the collection passed into the hands of
Rozet, who caused three volumes to be added by Querlon and do Leyre.
They arc the best edited part of the set, according to La Harpe, and form a
continuation of the voyages to the north begun in vol. xv. , with a full descrip
tion of the northern regions in the three parts of the world. The fine engrav
ings, after Cochin, have aided greatly to make the first edition in quarto
esteemed above others, and to make the fortune of the publishers. Two re
prints, one of eighty volumes duodecimo, were issued while the publication
was still progressing. The Dutch version of Hague, 1747-80, in 25 vols, 4to,
begun from the English, but continued from Prdvost, contains the portions
omitted by Pr6vost in his early volumes, and several additional narratives,
chiefly on the Dutch Asiatic possessions. A German translation in 21 vols
4to was issued at Leipzig in 1747-74 by Arkstee and Merkus. The editors,
Kastncr and Schwaben, begin with a round of abuse on PrevoiVs faulty pro
duction, and announce that they will follow the English original, while copy
ing the superior French engravings. With the stoppage of Green s labors,
they suddenly discover Prevost s superiority, but in adopting him as their
guide for the remainder, they maintain their former division of chapters and
sub-headings. The last three volumes cover Rozet s additions.

The plan of a general history of voyages outlined by Green had been pro
jected already by the academician Du Pericr cle Montfraisicr in his Illstolre
Universdle, des Voyages faits par Mer & par Terre dans Vancien &lt; dans le
nouveau Monde, Paris, 1707, wrongly ascribed to Abb6 Bellegardc. Although
dedicated to the duke of Burgundy, the king s father, the patronage failed
to give it popularity, and the first duodecimo volume proved also the last.
Beginning with an introductory on the development of navigation, ho opens
the narrative with Columbus and closes it with Cortes, giving in addition to
the intermediate voyages, a general description of resources and nations of
tropic America. The whole is brief and superficial, with particular attention
to the marvellous, as indicated also by the engravings. The English hastened
to give their approval by issuing a translation, but only to be superseded like
Prevost s collection. If this work had anything to do with promoting Green s
plan, it may be said not altogether to have failed in its aim.

The size and cost of Prevost s popular work induced the well known litte
rateur and academician La Harpe to issue unAbrfye de VHisloire Generate dcs
Voyarjcs, Paris, 1780-1801, 32 vols, Svo, the last eleven by Comcyras. La Harpe

Icar, a* yn~ri

.1 work of greater

8 Of K -8, full

of t

i of a //iftoii

rliti ii , one of 1 mod

umca.

vo.

.\1 &gt;ut this t

"s an
it so U

inana. . o I: * lal

and the pub-

q**

vfcwr %sucbM

totns and

tilles, best

. collcc-

:igC8t&lt;&gt;

o r^ioiw, v
I
,1, , booke. -r

lomcvoont
4 as far sotiUi aa Loauiai the

imcsare &gt;

this was i oroow

llcra for uct&gt;

750 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

vellons, and against the prevalent bigotry and prejudice. Some able observ
ations arc also made on the character of the narrative to follow, which are
quite refreshing in face of the inane remarks to be found in the introductions
of this period.

Within the brief compass of three duodecimo volumes entitled A New
Universal Collection of Voyages and Travel*, London, 1755, an effort is made
to present a synopsis of all celebrated voyages to different parts of the world;,
but the result is a rather unequal medley of individual narratives and com
piled reviews, chiefly relating to Englishmen. America is more or less re
ferred to in the series of circumnavigations covered by the first volume. In
the second is given the history of trade with the East India region, followed
by the discovery and settlement of American countries, New Spain being
described in chapter vii. The last volume relates almost wholly to Europe.
The mappemonde outlines California as an island.

Of wider scope is The World Displayed; or, A Curious Collection of Voyages
and Travels, London, 17CO-1, 20 vols, lOmo, which devotes the first seven
volumes to America and to circumnavigation, leaving the remainder to the
other three continents. The material has been selected apparently from one
of the larger collections, with no attempt at critical investigation or com
pleteness, but mainly for its interesting features. In the first volume are
given the voyages of Columbus and contemporary events, and in the second,
the expeditions of Corte"s. In the appended map of North America "the
supposed Str. of Annian " is still retained in about 42 lat. Volume iii. opens
with the conquest of Panamd and passes into South America, while iv. and v.
relate to English and French discoveries, including Drake s voyage. Dam-
pier and Ilogers share volume vi., leaving the whole of volume vii. to Anson s
circumnavigation.

A Curious Collection of Travels, London, 17G1, 8 vols, IGmo, maps and
illustrations, treats of the different parts of the world, partly in the form of
voyages, partly in historical reviews of countries, including discovery, ex
plorations, and settlement. Of the three volumes devoted to America, iv.
and v. relate to English, Dutch, and French colonies, and vi. to the Spanish
and Portuguese.

Disgusted with bulky collections and their profuse rubbish on winds,
currents, and log-book records, the editor of A Compendium of Authentic and
Entertaining Voyages, London, 17GG, 7 vol. 12mo, resolves to present only the
useful and attractive, and further to carry on the narratives, beginning with
Columbus, in a chronologic order, so as to giv e his readers the annals of navi
gation. The authorities consulted are probably one of the larger collections,
from which are culled the interesting voyages. Thus volume i., the only one
referring to my field, presents simply those of Columbus, Corte"s, Gama, and
Cabral.

Another refuge from verbose and credulous collections is thrust before the
public in A New Collection of Voyages, Discoveries, and Travels, London, 1767,
7 vols, Svo, with maps and engravings, wherein the editor promises to show
none of the bad judgment and neglect to be found in other compilations des
tined only for the vulgar. Whatever improvements may have been intro
duced they are more than counterbalanced by incompleteness, and want of

tn^^w* tx-fcra

vii.

ami bo I

771, ;

ion L.
v. i: .ngerm

.M; the ordinary reader
* of at-: mu bcoflU, aa

.
full .

I \\ith &lt; Jivi-iK tlio o:

.4 witli C
i tho c

iguesc co:
.

icnts.

iitlatiomt, and
y correctly, And

.i a sopor ..

i relating

only 01 i my f.

Th &lt;*+

aofls, 1

st recent narra-
r a

relation of
i a tour

the ci:

.1 j)litical gcogr.i
ica a ; leading voyages not already

-/ by
3, 8vo, map* and engraving*. Volun .in*

: . i .

.lunio added
&gt;U4 lea Voyage* j ait* autourd* Mi-nJf, Paru, I

752 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

9 vols, embraces circumnavigations by all nations, but shows itself even more
disproportionate in its arrangement than Henry s. Magellan s all-important
voyage is so hastily disposed of as to create a belief that the work was never
based upon a plan ; nor have any prefatory remarks been given to assist the
wondering reader. Drake and Cavendish are not shown much more favor,
while the doubtful voyage of Carreri occupies the whole of ii. , and Cook s three
voyages fill the last three volumes.

An Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the Globe, and of the
Progress of Discovery in the Pacific Ocean, from Magellan to Cook, Edinburgh,
1837, 12mo, has for its chief aim the relation of Cook s voyages, to which half
the volume is devoted. It is claimed that several original papers and points
were obtained from the family of the great navigator for the perfection of the
narrative. The book opens with a brief review of the progress of navigation
till the discovery of the South Sea by Balboa, and then begins the narrative
proper with Magellan s voyage, and with voyages that have assisted in open
ing the Pacific Ocean. The freely sprinkled foot-notes indicate that, although
the work is small, considerable care has been bestowed upon it. A continua
tion was issued under the title of Voyages round the World from- the Death of
Captain Cook to the Present Time, Edinburgh, 1843, which gives even greater
attention to scientific features and to generalizations, than to details of voy
ages; yet a sufficient number of curious and exciting incidents are introduced
to attract the ordinary reader.

The preceding work on circumnavigations shows the value of a subdivision
of the collections and histories of voyages, wherein the attempt to embrace
too much naturally leads to superficiality, to a neglect of important points, and
wherein the arrangement forbids a comprehensive view of particular sections.
A subdivision affords better opportunity for the proper study of special sub
jects and regions in connection with history and sciences. Such works as
Recueil de Voiagcs au Nord are convenient for this purpose, to be used by
scholars for the preparation of more complete and critical works, as Forster,
Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiffahrten im Norden, Francfurt, 1785,
translated into English in 1786, and into -French in 1789. The latter opens
with a review in books i. and ii. of the beginning of discovery voyages
among the ancients, and their progress during the middle ages, particularly
under the Italians, among them the brothers Zeno. In book iii. follows at
greater length the history of voyages to northern regions in modern times,
each nation engaged receiving a chronologically arranged chapter. Most of
the voyages are of course directed to the search for a north-cast or north
west passage, but they also include those that have merely been directed
northward, as Ulloa s and Alarcon s in 1539 and 1540, which did not pass be
yond Lower California. The latter occur in the Spanish chapter, embracing
the several American voyages from Gomez in 1524 to Bodega in 1775, and in
cluding Fuca s and Fuente s. The voyages close with the Russian entry into
Alaska. Like most German works of research it has received careful study,
and forms an authority for its field. John Reinhold Forster was one whose
talents and investigations had met with the recognition of membership in
several learned societies. He had made the geography of the north his par
ticular study, and had accompanied Cook round the world, in 1772-75, as

FOJ

ai1 story- voyage.

1 yal to geog-

to t ! tent ami to societies, was cUhor.

ago c&lt;&gt;
wlii !iilii&gt;ltlt : ully ascriljc-8

issued I jaziu ron

.HM&i repan

- . ! , by Janes Bar*

cxistet. inter s

. to companii.; tcr Admiral i

lieutenant with the gn tges, and having

nia&lt;le g(-(&gt; waa natural !y

/stcr s
\vritc ;i liistory of voyages to cover ti

!i"l h lent hU iuflu-

turu the gn&gt; After aomo

iniina! 1 a passage to

tlio South Sea, t iogic account - :i is began Ma-

. Am i;::.st tlio carlii-.st cruises are those in search of a route to the

I hilippinrs, an&lt;l h bearing

good fruit i;i th- resumed

lengthy aeries of oil luraei.^

i-spersed \ ows of

iluiihtful ; .o iii. gives consi-

abl ition to the . o* unfolding Australian

group, and the following is swtlK-l ^ -itory of the

as chief

with lumpier, Slirlvc non, a: local

unt t ITil" . reasing nunilxT call a different treat-

,n,l th losan able

: only of mantis gress and condition

of sett .ng the coast. is so consistent *

: tlior" -s ami cot: . ness as the very sensible preface

o relevant

. so inn

lalauc &gt;y an * reeea.-

ami astiuly of t! I comments and coti

8 i on8&lt; bo regarded A Chronological /

/ of Dlscovertj ; L Vemoir o* lA-

llawkc.^ rK)ugaii ysge, and lat&lt;

It v. ill be scon that a ] n&gt;olo Ty bad air

.o the southern region had

ills. AM., V i.. II. 4d

754 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

found an exponent in De Brasses, Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Aus~
trales, translated into English with additions. This work was rather a
iiasty preparation, having for its object chiefly to demonstrate the advantages
of the South Pacific for colonies; so that there was ,ample room for An His
torical Collection of the several Voyages o.nd Discoveries in the South Paci/ic
Ocean, by Alexander Dalrymple, London, 1770-1, 2 vols, 4to, which treats
of Spanish and Dutch voyages between South America and Papua. A French
translation appeared at Paris in 1774 by Frdville, who the same year issued
in his ITydrographique what may be regarded as a continuation.

Le Voyageur Franqois, on la Connoissance de VAncien et du Nouveau Monde,
Mis au jour par M. VA bbe Delaporte, Paris, 1767-72, 42 vols, 12mo, presents an
historical and descriptive account of the world by a fictitious French traveller
who addresses himself to a lady in the form of letters, dated at leading towns
in different countries. While describing the actual condition of the country
in a politic, economic, and social sense, he also gives lengthy reviews of the
past history and of the ancient customs of the people, as if related by a na
tive or culled from memory. The narrative is by this means rendered most
interesting, and assumes a freshness and a sprightliness of style which con
done greatly for its superficiality, incompleteness, and want of critical dis
cernment in adopting statements. The epistolary form, while intended to
court the public, doubtless adds to the flippancy, in which respect La Harpe,
among others, expresses himself rather like a jealous rival. Beginning his
tour in the Mediterranean, the author passes through Asia Minor to India and
China, and in volume ix. turns up in the British American colonies. In the
three volumes following he enters the Pacific States, devoting to Mexico the
greater part of x., describing chiefly the conquest and the ancient customs of
the Aztecs, and leaving almost untouched the later history and condition;
but then the object is to inte rest the ordinary reader. Only the first 28 vols.
are from the pen of the abbe" ; the rest show the inferior style of De Tontenai
and Domairon. The success was such as to warrant a new edition in 1792-95.
A German duodecimo edition was issued at Leipzig immediately upon the
completion of the original, under the title of Reisen eines Franzosen. A
Spanish translation was begun as El Viacjero Universal 6 Noticia del Mundo,
Madrid, 1795-1801, 43 vols, including four supplementary. By D. P. E. P.
The editor soon tired of the faults of the original, and with the 6th vol. began
an independent work, in which much new information is given, so that the
book greatly surpasses the French in the value of its material, while it falls
behind in style and treatment. Volumes xii. xxvi. and xxvii. relate to
Mexico, Central America, and California, and several adjoining volumes treat
of other parts of America, including searches for the north-west passage. So
conscientious is the editor that he devotes the supplementary volumes to
complete and correct the first five wherein he had followed Delaporte.

Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde, Paris, 1834-5, 2 vols, 4to, under the
direction of Dumont d Urville, is also a voyage round the world by an im
aginary person, who starting from Toulon proceeds by way of Rio de Janeiro
to South Africa, coasts along the East Indies to China, visits the Pacific
groups and Australia, whence he returns to France with barely a reference to
America. The object is to fasten the attention with a pleasing narrative,

ilg Ofl )

ta,

namegr 1 aotnewhu

1 ; t ,/ti,jc* autottr

1844, 8

of wl

with a voyage j

d. i &lt;

iition, the oMi&lt;[uest, the Spai .} insurrectionary wa

ii. to v. the autl tes st- &gt;yages al&lt; South American coaat

to Chi: . idies, and tl. roaps, % are made the

I""!- -i ::.:!.-, ;.iin_ ogea and the coi

and th &gt; south !u&gt;t thiv, .- 8 relate to notable voyage*

thers, an I ,tures&lt; I crew?-

gro incs to the romantic style, an i

ti :. -3 or co neaa. Still, theaccoun*

bat Lafond waa an a&lt; int.

]Ie ,-d-M wrot. 1848, and aomeo

1700, 4to, oooaiata of a Forte-

gucse and o to 13t20, givei;

flu in later narrative* of matter nl-

iy n-lated: luit there is 1: .:...;., and i.

sh&lt;&gt;\vi; u the . in called to

coinjuest of W CM the four looks :

ageaand txpcditiona, from
Columbus to Cortes and M

J li^fff* 0*1 1

all
iniioiii

ost. . ccta !.:

f itsprot than La

th.- 1 1 ::. ;&gt;oaea not only to a-&gt;

their dryness, i:

d narrativea.

icnU, he devotea Tolome

i. t th and iiorth-i-as- Tee ao the

ilMwiii.LT t . to other parta ol

ii. to irtralaaia; xil a

v. to &gt;

rroap* rogreaa

o f KX&gt;ks on each* region, and a detailed

&gt;e groups he it order, a maaa of narrat

ten cow but a portion of the :
a i r , ka by several or more thorough nar

1 al)S4.rbini:

,n of that on.
an d taut traveb of de Mcnon

736 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

north -west coast, with California, is only slightly referred to under Drake s
visits. In other instances, several voyages to the same region are given with
valueless repetitions, as Frobisher s three searches for a north-west passage
and the five voyages to Persia. A mass of uninteresting extracts from log
books are also presented, besides other verbose trivialities. Altogether the
collection fails to realize its promises, and is decidedly inferior in selection,
arrangement, treatment, and above all in completeness, to many less preten
tious sets.

A much more thorough, though less known work, is A General History
and Collection of Voyages and Travels, from the earliest a&lt;jes, by Robert Kerr,
Edinburgh, 1811-24, 18 vols, Svo. It is the first work of the kind issued in
Scotland, and claims to be the first systematically arranged history of voyages
in English. Purchas is admitted to possess system, but is incomplete and .
merges the traveller s individuality too often, faults which Kerr promises to
avoid. He divides the work into five parts; first, voyages and travels from
King Alfred s time to the fifteenth century, nearly all directed to Asia, yet
including in volume i. Zeno s voyages, and in ii. the discoveries of Galvaiio:
second, voyages between 1492 and 17GO, constituting volumes iii. to xi.
These open with two accounts of Columbus discovery and contemporary
events, by his son and by Herjera. The same volume has the beginning of
CorteV conquest, which is continued in iv. together with Pizarro s. From
the conquest of South America, concluded in v. , the chronologic order takes
the reader to the north-east coast of America, from Florida northward ; and
in vi. the voyages change to the East Indies, to return in x. and xi. to Amer
ica, with the circumnavigators, who occupy both volumes. The third part
relates to particular voyages in each of the five parts of the globe, arranged
under each country and section, and begins in xii. with Byron, Wallis, Car-
teret, and Cook. The several voyages of the latter occupy the remainder of
the work, xiii. to xvii., with the exception of a brief space to Bougainville,
and to circumnavigations. This by no means completes the part, as promised,
nor the fourth part on general voyages during the reign of George III.
Whether this is owing to the early abandonment of the plan announced, or to
Kerr s death, is not clear, but the work certainly leaves gaps by concluding,
in volume xviii. with the fifth part, a historical deduction of the progress of
navigation, discovery, and commerce, which was written several years after
volume xvii. by W. Stevenson. This well prepared treatise is followed by a
list of books on voyages and geographic descriptions. The method, so far as
carried out, has been to give in chronologic order, at considerable length, and
chiefly in the original form, the most valuable voyages and travels, particu
larly such as have extended geographic knowledge; and further, to review at
the beginning or end of such narratives all minor accounts, so as to furnish a
history of voyages. Objections may be raised in many instances, such as
giving Columbus two versions where one might have sufficed if notes had been,
added from the other or from others. Cook s voyages, so well known by this
time, are out of proportion to the rest, particularly when narratives were so
greatly needed to cover the progress of discovery and settlement in different
regions, as the Northwest Coast, Mexico, and other Spanish colonies.

A method similar to Kerr s is more consistently adhered to, on a smaller

&lt;!Cn, a;

KM,

. treat

pijoco on

: tlic ight&gt;

sun-s the

!1 it .

pope- &lt;A

waul tcuur, bean the Damn -

rpiom

ion* o

.vagnj in th

758 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAOE COLLECTIONS.

era, carrying it to the present time in as chronologic an order as the narrative
will allow. Section iii. covers the period from Columbus to Magellan, and
the next two sections are devoted to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
with the northern voyages and the circumnavigations, while vi. is chiefly
occupied with the Arctic voyages and the laying of the Atlantic cable. An
abridgment of the book appeared as The Sea and her Famous Sailors, London,
1859, 12mo.

Nuevo Viajero Universal, Encyclopedia de Viajcs Modernos, Madrid, 1859,
f&gt; vols, 4to, edited by N. Fernandez Cuesta, and forming a part of the Hiblioteca
Ilustrada of C4aspar and Roig, is a collection of the latest voyages, profusely
illustrated, and so selected and arranged as to give a description of all paints
of the world, with more or less completeness. The volumes are equally
distributed among the five continents in the order of Africa, Asia, America,
Europe, and Oceania. North America is covered by six narratives referring
respectively to the western United States, Canada, California, Mexico, and
Central America, while five others describe South America. The account of
California is extracted from Bryant; that of Guatemala and adjoining regions
from Morelet ; and of Mexico from Basil Hall and Zamacois. Each narrative
lias its own division and chapters.

Perhaps no individual navigators have done so much for the extension of
coast geography in America in early times as the buccaneers, who, ever
flitting about in quest of Spanish gold, and ever in need of a refuge from stern
pursuers, left no available harbor or point on the main unnoticed. Nor were
they chary of imparting the information, but published it freely in their nar
ratives for the benefit alike of friend and foe. Among the special works com
piled from these as well as the more secret Spanish documents was that of Sharp,
which was specially devoted to the Pacific coast. A valuable supplement to
this is An Appendix to Sharp s South Sea Wa jyoner, translated out off the
orii/hml Spanish, a MS. folio of 145 pages, giving sailing directions from Chile
to California, with a minute description of the coast, reefs, and harbors, ex
plained by the seventy-two rude charts of the appendix. These are particu
larly interesting, from the fact that they are relics of a collection of two to
three hundred original charts, collected by the traveller Nic Witsen, and
valued by him at over twenty thousand gulden, partly perhaps because they
indicated the localities where Spanish vessels had sunk with their treasures.
He had sold them to the king of Spain, but they perished in a shipwreck while
on the way to Madrid. So runs the story told in the autographic preface in
Dutch, signed by Witsen at Amsterdam, 1692.

The first important work of this class, issued in the United States, was the
American Coast Pilot of Blunt, which has grown in size and importance with
every succeeding edition since 1796, when it appeared at Newburyport as a
small Svo of 122 pages, prepared by Captain Furlong. Since 1815 the Blunts,
father and son, have had control of it, improving and adding until the
twenty-first edition came out as a closely printed royal Svo of 926 pages. This
volume,, after an introduction on winds, currents, and other general matter,
begins its description of coast line and harbors at Newfoundland, and carries it
to the north-east coast of South America, giving also a full account of the
Antilles. The part relating to the United States occupies about half the

: .

! .iniah gov

.1 in na\

. j

is a h to ace

rut de*

;ml Sau 1 :
well

1"! Asa .

coast i

equally tli i and tli many st;.

&gt;Ji liarlx.rs.

pa,

:U18, Pa ! 1 . - 1 &gt; \

no of the- valuaUi- &lt;

is and

l&gt;ulili&gt;lu-(l at \vu 00l

of i Of t! &gt;lumcc are

1 ]&gt;ul.] j;ueac, .

ily of t

iv. , uhi. li ;.

:., whirh runs tl.

i inorr as all

from tin in, :
ami jiai tl,

. ( &gt;nl\ a Umiti d i.

7, a

.01 WOl

. i ^;n. 8vo, !

argect

j. j.a.-r \\ith grwa, .

l.y in nu:

i were for

pMMd in :; ..stance.-

i- inst.

(l.n, 1789 !e *-

7GO BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

eighteenth century, and Stuck s, published at Halle, 1784-7. But these
were mere catalogues with few or no notes to indicate contents or character
of books; and this regardless of the admirable example and aid given by
Guill. Fr. de Bure, to whom is due the credit of issuing the first descriptive
bibliography, the Biblioyraphique Instructive, Paris, 1763-8, 7 vols, 8vo, the
germ of which lies in his imperfect Musceum Typographicam, Paris, 1755. The
work is perhaps needlessly profuse in its notes, but nevertheless of some value,
even now, beside the many modern works of this class to which it may be
said to have given rise. It devotes considerable space to voyages, and among
other collections it treats pretty fully of De Bry s. The interest manifested
in this set, however, and the confusion which its numerous partial editions
had created, warranted the special Memoire sur la Collection des Grand et
Petits Voyages, et sur la Collection de Thevenot, Paris, 1802, prepared by A. G.
Camus. This gives not only a satisfactory amount of De Bry for the collector,
but a review of its composition for the benefit of students. It does not excel
De Bure s in details of contents, but surpasses it in scientific treatment and in
critique, presenting quite a model analysis. Camus had at first prepared a
briefer memoir which 1 Institut National induced him to elaborate and publish
at its expense, with a similar notice of The venot s collection. Camus was
the author of a voyage narrative, and a noted work in connection with his
profession of the law.

While Camus was yet occupied with his memoir, a more extensive work of
the same class had been undertaken by G. Boucher de la Richarderie, who
after ten years of research among the various literary deposits in Paris, aided
by translators and others, issued the Blbliothcque Universelle des Voyages,
Paris, 1808, 6 vols, Svo. Despite the labor bestowed the work is far from
perfect, either in its titles or notes, and the number of omissions becomes more
and more apparent when later catalogues are brought into comparison. The
arrangement, however, displays considerable judgment, beginning with a
review of voyage narratives and travelling guides in general, and proceeding
with accounts of voyages during the classic and middle ages. After this
come collections and general histories of voyages and circumnavigations,
followed by the main subject, an account of individual voyages, arranged
chronologically under the part of the world, the region, or the country to
which they are directed. Works on geography, natural history, antiquities,
and conquests are excluded, but not purely descriptive accounts of a country.
In most cases only the title of the work is given, in French and in the original,
with a sprinkling of notices on various editions, their rarity and character, but
at times a more or less lengthy review of the contents is presented in order to
furnish from the best works a concise account of the different countries. The
book is accordingly a combination of bibliography and historic-geographic
description of the world. The value of descriptive extracts in such a work
is questionable, and a more satisfactory treatment, in consonance M ith its
mission, would have been to present a larger proportion of bibliographic notes,
thus increasing its value.

The field covered by De Natiira found a modern and more profound ex
ponent in Antonio de Ulloa, one of the most enlightened Spaniards of the last
century. His Noticias Americanas, Madrid, 1772, presents a philosophic

tr fa f iri

i the work .ri becomes a

:i. It must not be con;
. by .1 . I Ullua, ^

o causes

1 not s&lt;

4 it in London,

dlK tllC 1

171^-9, so widely , He abo i some valuable reports on the

ifaetur in.

/. s y / /". i reason de la de el rid. 17

p. To this author \\ :-a-

tions condr. :i.st the It

]

or ; of the country iuh ribes, ;

tl. oclesiastics to effect a ] :1 entry into it tlui ; rst

ers of the century. \ \ full details of ampaigna

..irrid.-siind iinul conquest of the Itzas 1 :a.

Tin authorities from \vh-.m Vill. I for this \-

re such as to render it t

.irt in ; &gt;i-

-ua. Ac to / , ;th

the cat;

which he took part. His narrative, contained in 40- i of in

divii]. ;ipters. r publis!. rsua s-

tic i re M ith i &gt; continue the history. Cogolludo, //- . )" ., M

1 \ il with somt-

a ml documents, since passages almost word for wor

occur in 1 utierr. Ihisbookt

1 nine contains M on which are

pillars of Hercules, t
ile busts and cl &lt;&gt;f fruit, with a

p. It was th

in- ry "si tl .uo

8t B lo di ; )(), but ir. d.

;hat the voli.-

&gt;f t!

took to . Stlbji; of the I^l

i a road

762 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

tion to the great commercial advantage which both provinces would gain by
such a consummation, and among other stipulations requests that the king
will be pleased to give to the territory iu the event of its conquest the name
of " Provincia de Caldas, para que aya memoria de quien la reduxo, pacifico,
convirti6, y poblo" ! p. 5. Though the president was in no way benefited by
this address to the crown, being shortly deposed from office, his having
caused it to be printed in Guatemala excited interest in such an undertaking
and stimulated future enterprise. The printed copies of this letter are rare,
since nearly every one of them was lost in the earthquake which destroyed
the city in 1773. Pinelo, Antonio de Leon, Relation qve en el Conseio de Indias
liho, Sobre la Pacijlcacio?i, y pobladon del Manchd i Lacandon, que pretende
hazer Don Diego de Vera Ordonez de Villaquiran, Cavallero de la Orden de
Calatrava, etc., aiio 1638, folio 11, is a report of Antonio de Leon Pinelo,
the celebrated historical secretary of the council of the Indies, on the dis
trict occupied by the Lacandones, Manches, and other unconquered native
nations. The book is extremely rare, and probably not more than two or
three copies are in existence, since only a limited number were printed
for the individual use of the members of the council. The one in my pos
session was the property of the late E. G. Squier. It contains a brief descrip
tion of the Manch6 and Lacandon country, which is followed by a concise
sketch of the various attempts to pacify and people those districts, from
the time of the conquest down to the date of the report. The greater
part of the treatise consists of a careful consideration of the proposition made
by Diego de Vera Ordonez de Villaquiran for the pacification of the Lacandon
territory. Attached to the document is a copy of the royal patent extended
to Villaquiran approving his proposition and appointing him governor and
captain-general of the "Provincia de el Prospero (alias el Lacandon)," drawn
up in 1638, and issued by the king on the 29th of March 1639. Mention has
already been made of Pinelo s labors in vol. i. p. 287, Hist. Cent. Am. In-
forme del Rev. P. Prior del Convento de Coban al Ilimo y Rlmo Sr D. Fray
Andres de Navas y Quevedo, Arzobispo de Guatemala, sobre las Misiones de
Verapaz y Ahitzaes, escrita en Coban d 8 de Febrero de 1685, MS., 27, is an
interesting report, formerly belonging to the Abb6 Brasseur de Bourbourg,
and containing an account of the Dominican missions in the Choi country
from 1673 to the date of the document. It constitutes a spirited refutation
of the charge of abandonment thereof brought against the order by Sebastian
de Olivera y Angulo, the alcalde mayor of Vera Paz. The letter is ably and
courteously written, and, as the production of a Spanish friar, not very ver
bose.

Herewith I give further references to some authorities consulted for the
preceding chapters: Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 1-771; Escamilla, Not. Cur.,
1-78; Oviedo, i. 115, 157-8, 599-602; iii. 123, 131-2, 189-208, 211-20, 222-3,
255, 488-94, 540; iv. 8-10, 19-32, 239-42; Concilia* Prov. , MS., i. 160, passim;
Id., 1555 y 1565, pp. vi.-vii., 283-89, 293-8; Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap.
xii. ; lib. x. cap. xi. ; dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv. ; lib. ix. cap. vii. x. ; lib. x.
cap. ix. xi. ; dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. vii. xi.; lib. ii. cap. i. iii. vi. ; lib. iii. cap.
ii. ; lib. iv. cap. vii.; lib. vi. cap. iii.; lib. vii. cap. v. ; lib. x. cap. v. xv. ;
dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix. ; lib. iii. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. i.; lib. ix. cap. viii. ix.;

doc. \i. lib. i.

745-6, ,

.17,1: / . !. i:.o 5, 1

. i.

MI; iii. :; (i, 18-30, 48 80, 17- , 17

111: ;/ acllCCO

J ..-.. i. .M I. :i; ii. : ^; iv. l: I 5j v.

i; vi (i 17 1-115;

.111; xiv. 47 et I

\\ii. 489 iiL 17M:&gt;; l

tz, MS., J i- pp.

; ii. ]-p. xxv. . ~. 600j

7; :;;:. 17:!: iii. l7--"&gt;; Ca

&lt; ,, ii. 181; ^ : ii. 1-

17:.; I&, M

., iii. ."J.VG; /

Ji . /&gt; ., 1:1 - - .s / /

i. 53 UJ1 i. J; ii. . i. *. ! 7. i ii.

i 10-11; / /., / 171; Realea&lt; J; ii. 1

] . : 7. I. ;

Curon- . iv. i:;0-l, I- .:) 7:

Jl, 77: / : / .

j ;

., 11 !_, ;!i-41; 7 7,

_M! ; /. AmOTt

/ . if- (!"t.,
Ji ohg. t MS 1,1., Ii ., i. 406, p. vii.; 7./.. /

v. l. )-ir,. i i;:&gt;, I7s--j;is, -jji 70-

30S-1

J , MS., % J 11; Artvalo, . &gt;/&gt;n/f. (, &gt;"i ., 1.V17:. 1 ; 1

.11: l-l."&gt;7. J-7 -33, 588-9, G03-."

Doe. 1. I _ _ \, 140-1; Ivii. 3J8, 3

. s, or

-M/fw, MS., 1-130; /&lt;/., /S/o 7
7/.- : / , / al R

Doc. ///-/. M i. tm. i. 1 . :. :n. iii.

11. iv. Hi; -j: . v. loll, 14-J: i. iv. -Jl _ , 212

; torn. \ i. 41 s; t&lt;&gt;m. vii. , , i. 1 1,

ii. 17. a; iii. . ill, passim;

1823), I I

: iii. IM--JJ:.. :5"^ L2j riil I---
1 I .VI -ini; ii. 1 311, in;

. 1-291; C

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1,424; /x, y//s /;///

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1-17.

704 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

Hist. Conq. 7feer,4-17, 76-314, 341-401, 504-11, 542-659; Figueroa, Vindicias,
MS., 70-104; Ramon, El In forme, MS., 20-89; Zurita, Relation, MS., 05;
Aninon, Discurso, MS., 1-3; Niebla, Memorial, MS., 1-20; Alvarado, Cartas,
MS., 1-42; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 107-15, 140, 181-3, 206, 348, 361-5,
480-9; Pinelo, Relation, 2-11; Velasco, Carta, MS., 1 etseq. ; Miranda, Me-
moria, MS., 1-20; Piedrahiia, Hist. Gen., 529-30; Morel, StaCruz Visita, MS.,
1-104; Izaguirre, Relation, MS., 1 et seq.; Costa Rica, Cabtldo de Relation,
MS V 1-18; Haklvyt, Voy., iii. 567-9, 590-7; Ariza, Darien, MS., 2-38; Pan
ama, Col. Doc., passim; Gnat. Const, del. Colegio, MS., 1 et seq.; Verapaz y
Ahitzaes, Misiones, MS., 1-27; Andagoya, Carta al Rey, MS., 9-10; Acostn,
Comp. Hist. N. Granada, 324; San Salv., Tratado de la Fundacion, MS.,
1-27; Darien, Defence of Scots Settlement, 1 etseq.; Id., Enquiry, 1 et seq.;
Id., Humble Address; Id., Letter Relating; Id., Original Papers, 1 etseq.;
Id., Vindication, 1 et seq.; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., v. 193-214, 249-97; vi.
74-124, 307-48; vii. 69-163, 233-48, 269-78; Santos, Chron. Hisp., ii. 479-85;
Garcia, Hist. Beth., i. 25-7; ii. 3-12, 28-203; iii. 1-173; iv. 1-39; Id., Resena
Geog., 7; Coreal, Voy., i. 94-5, 101-12; Id. (ed. Amsterdam), 73-112, 125-47;
Id. (ed. Paris), 65-100, 251-2; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 11-14, 45, 85-8, 129-33;
Cadena, Breve Descrip., 5-56; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 60-3; Ordenangas para
remedio de Navios, 1-24; Lynch, Rd. Puntual, MS., 1-19; Gottfried, Newe
Welt, 82-3, 282-6; Oexmelin, Hist, de Ffib., i. 162-5, 197-228; i i. 3-11, 31-
193, 207-46; iii. 30-202, 301-47; Ramirez, Proceso, pp. xi.-xxiii., 6-82, 102-3,
124-30, 277-90; Feuillee, Journal, 65-86, 146-60, 311-23; Larrainzar, Soco-
nusco, 1-3, 17-25; Squier s Notes, 121 et seq.; Id., States, 44, passim; Id.,
Travels, 82 ct seq.; Laet, Novi Orbis, 325, 333-46; Exquemelin, Am. Zee-
Roovers, 59 et seq.; Id., Buccaneers of Am., 29 et seq.; Id. (ed. Boston,
1857), 76 et seq.; Id., Hist, de Boecaniers (ed. Amst. 1700), 12 set seq.; Ucy-
lyn, Cosmog., 1080-9; Dampicr, Voy., i. 3 et seq.; Ulloa, Noticias, 34-5;
Cleveland, Nic. Transit, MS., 52-66; Larenaudicre, Hex. ct Gnat., 268, 287-
90; Prescott s Mex., i. 377-86; Id. (ed. Madrid), iv. 228; Id., Hist. Peru, ii.
561-72; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 268-81; Soc. Hex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 87,
passim; v. 326-32; Id., 2da &lt;Sp., i. 222-50, 293, 456, 565-73; iii. 77-80; iv.
(599-712; Id., 3da e"p. ii. 304-26; Archenholtz 1 Hist. Pirates, 93, passim; South
F.ca Co., View of, 1 et seq.; Sharp, Voy. and Adv., 2, passim; Lussan, Journal
de Voy., 30-110, 129-43, 152-274, 384-436; Fancourfs Hist. Yuc., 147, passim;
Calvo, Traites, ii. 205-9, 359-81; iii. 249-55; xi. 196-203; Ayon, Conoid.
L unites, 9-19; Luyts, Introduc. Geog., 727-9; Aa, Naaukeurige Versamdinij,
x. 19-25; Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 467-73; Bustamante, Medidas, MS., ii.
11-12; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., i. 715-18; ii. 375; iii. 144; iv. 485-6, 632-84;
v. 187, 422-8, 617-34; x. 1123-5; Montemayor, Svmarios, 11, 163-6, 189,
203-4; Pap. Var., xliv. pt. i.-x.; cxlix. pt. x. 403-14; Id., clxvii. pt. i. 1
et seq.; Id., ccxv. pt. xvii. passim; Reichardt, Nic., 31-2, 71-80, 110-13,
136-8, 140-4, 205-7; Davity, Descrip. Gen., 91-4; Bras*eur de Uourbourg,
Bib. Mex. Gnat., 36; Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 574-633, 781-98; Morelet,Voy.,
ii. 291, 303; Helps Cortes, ii. 162-3; Id., Life of Las Casas, 182, passim; Id.,
Span. Conq., iii. 275, passim; iv. 9-14; Quintana,Vida, 129 etseq.; Rivera,
Gob., de Mex., i. 31, 248, 254, 258-9; Burners Discov. South Sea, iv. 59,
passim; Nouvelles An. de Voy., xxi. 244, 261-2; xxvi. 405-6; xxxv. 127-8;
Ixxx. 129-69; xcii. 58; xciii. 25-6; xcix. 192; c. 51-4; cli. 1-15; clviii. 200;
Guat., Ajnint.Agric., 42, passim; West Indies, Descrip. of Span. Settl., 1-106;
Lerdo de Tcjada, Apunt. Hist., 261-2, 299; Antunez, Mem. Hist., pp. Iviii.-
Ixiii. Ixxxiii. -xciii. ; Buccaneers of Am., ii. 1 etseq.; La Harpe, Abrege, x.
116-20, 257-314; xi. 237, passim; Russell s Hist. Am., i. 388-93, 416-19, 517-
4-8; Jesuits. Col. Gen., i. 1 et seq.; ii. 1 et seq.; Clement, Tobias Chron., 170-
C7, 205; Kerr s Col.Voy., v. 175-80; x. 214, passim; Id., Travels, 229; Costa
Rica, Boundaries, 10-50; Palacio, S. Salv., 1-70; lylesiasyConventos de Mex.,
277-81; Cortes, Diario, v. 220; xix. 390-1; West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 60,
passim; Molina, Bo squc jo Cost. R., 67 etseq.; Id., Coup d Gell, 6 et seq.; See-
;-:a;, ?i s Isth. of Panama, 7-53; Id., in Panama Star and Herald, March-May,
18G8; Gage s New Survey, 180-265, 308-9; Id., Voy. (ed. Paris, 1676), ii. pt.

x&gt;re,

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ii. :

I -Jx // .

i. 6, 181 j

J]&lt;, iii. Is

xxiii. iMt 1;

766 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOYAGE COLLECTIONS.

in Min., ii. 23; Imray s Sailing Direct., 12; Ilolinski, LaCaL, 66-8; Crosby s
Statement, MS., 116-18; Findlay s Direct., i. 213, 242, 258; Arana, Relation,
380-98; Guerra, Hist. Revol., ii. 616-17; Mexico, Notes on in 1822, 239-44;
Frost s Pict. Hist. Hex., 129; Shelvocke s Voy., 292-3; Noticia Individual de
los Derechos, 1-143; Ponton s Earthquakes, 36, 46; Nicaragua y Hond. Doc.,
1-56; Paredes Coast of Mosq., 1-62; Linage, Spanish Rule of Trade, 207-8,
227; Conder s Mex. and Guat., ii. 153, passim; Hassel, Mex. und Guat., 406;
Wilson s Mex., 257; Lardner s Hist. Marit., ii. 302-4; Panama, The Isthmus,
8-9; Anderson s Commerce, iii. 165; iv. 47, 449; Roberts Nar., Voy., 37-42;
Harris" 1 Col. Voy., i. 748, 754; Wells Honduras, 415,457-9, 530-1; Goodrich s
Man on Sea, 34, 337-8; Correo Merc. Esp., iv. 270; Tomes, Panama, 162-3,
208-12; Oviedo y Banos, Por el Licenciado, 1-9; Guat., Instruc. Arreglo, 1-24;
Otis Isthmus of Panama, 127; Payne s Univ. Geog., iv. 461-3; Silicio, Mem.
Foment. Col. Ind., 74-8; Suarez, Informe, 33; Voyages, Hist. Voy. round the
World, i. 302-9, 325-9, 443-4; Cullen s Darien, 147-93; Winterbotham s Hist.
ofU.S.,iv. 120-8; Puydt et Binckum, Colonisation, 72; Flint s Geog., ii.
145; Alzate, Gacetas, iii. 326, 442; Castellon, Doc. Nic. y Hond., 51-6; Mos~
quitolandes, 23, passim; Moro, Informe, 1-127; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 104; ii.
67-8, 147; iii. 35-43; Bvla, Conjlrmationis, 1-16; Nicaragua, Nueva Disen-
sion, 6-7, 20-5; Die. Univ. Hist., i., passim; Arancel, Derechos, 2-6; La-
cunza, Discursos Hist., 461; Mosquito- Kuste und Ter., 14-18; Fonsecay Urru-
tia, Real Hacienda, i. 519-20; Guat., Arancelas, 1-100; Belly, Nic., i. 28-30,
192, 226, 349-50; ii. 38, 261; Raynal, Hist. Phil., iv. 74-5, 200, 205, 221-50;
Leon s Travels, 15-19, 35-40; Pinelo, Relation, 1-11; Mosquito, Correspond
ence, 27, passim; Relation Historica de lance, 1-8; Muro, Utilidades, 1-73;
Fabrica y Estampa de Naypes, 1-16; Llorente, (Euvres, 1-409; Fernando, vii. ;
Doc., 314-27; Margil de Jesus, Noticie de,a Vita, 1-216; Id., NiLevas Em-
pressas, 1-46; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 109; Moreno, Reglas Cientas, 1-136;
Nicaragua, Mem., 8-28; Cent. Amer. Pamphlets, passim; Mosquito Doc.,
passim; Museo Mex.,i. 193-5,229, 261; Iturriaga, El Dolor Rey, 1-27; Ilust.
Mex., iv. 414-16; Iglesia de Guat., El Dean, 1-4; Linage, Norte de la Con-
tratacion, 1-264; Navarrete, Col. Viages Descub., iii. 452-3; Guatemala t
Autos de Parte, MS., 1-41.

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